Delhi can never be improved — until the rest of India improves!
February 13, 2015 — drsubrotoroyThe fascist solution that was, as I recall, suggested momentarily by a former Congress CM of Delhi, would be to forcibly prevent people from coming in from the outside. Apparently the PRC as a totalitarian regime has some kind of system of internal passports which restricts citizens from travelling into metros on their own free will. That cannot work in free India, where the Constitution would
“Haksar, Manmohan and Sonia” (2014)
August 7, 2014 — drsubrotoroyMy article “Haksar, Manmohan and Sonia” appeared today as an op-ed with the New Indian Express http://t.co/bRnQI1hrwy
In the summer of 1973, my father, then with India’s embassy in Paris, brought home two visiting colleagues separately, to advise me before I headed to undergraduate studies at the LSE. One was G Parthasarathi, India’s envoy in Karachi during the 1965 war [CORRECTION Nov 2015: Parthasarathi had left shortly before the war; Kewal Singh arrived as the war started] when my father had been acting head in Dhaka; G P was marvelous, strictly advising I do the hardest things I could find at LSE, namely mathematical economics. The other visitor was Manmohan Singh.
Manmohan, then in his early 40s, asked to meet me alone, and we plunged quickly into a heated debate about the demerits (as I saw them) and merits (as he saw them) of the USSR and its “planning”. He was taken aback by the lad, and at the end of his 40-minute visit said he would write to his friend Amartya Sen at LSE about me. An ambiguous, hardly laudatory letter of introduction to Amartya arrived, which I duly but reluctantly carried; I wish I had kept a copy but xeroxing was not yet a word back then.
When I told my father about the debate, he to my surprise said Manmohan was extremely highly thought of in government circles, had degrees from both Cambridge and Oxford, and was expected to become prime minister of India some day!
That prediction, more than 30 years before Manmohan did become India’s PM, was almost certainly a reflection of the opinion of P N Haksar, still at the height of his power as Indira Gandhi’s right-hand man. In a 2005 interview with Mark Tully, Manmohan acknowledged Haksar being his mentor in politics who brought him into government in early 1971. My father himself was sent by Haksar to the Paris embassy in anticipation of Indira’s November 1971 visit on her diplomatic tour before the Bangladesh War.
Fast forward to the afternoon of March 22, 1991, at Delhi’s Andhra Bhavan. I had met Rajiv Gandhi through S S Ray on September 18, 1990, and given him results of a perestroika-for-India project I had led at the University of Hawaii since 1986.On September 25, 1990, Rajiv formed a group consisting of Gen K V Krishna Rao, M K Rasgotra, V Krishnamurthy, S Pitroda and myself to write a modern agenda and manifesto for elections Rajiv said he expected by April 1991. Krishnamurthy later brought in A M Khusro to the group, and all these persons were present at the March 22 meeting—when I was unexpectedly challenged by Rasgotra demanding to know what Manmohan Singh would say about all this liberalisation and efficiency (and public goods, etc.) I had proposed.
That was the first mention of Manmohan in post-Indira politics. I replied I did not know what he would say but knew he had been on a project for Julius Nyerere, that the main thing was to get the world to see the Congress at least knew its economics and wanted to improve India’s woeful credit-standing.
The next day, on the lawns of 10 Jan Path, Rajiv launched Krishna Rao’s book titled Prepare or Perish. Rajiv was introduced on the occasion by none other than P N Haksar. I talked to Haksar briefly, mentioning his sending my father to Paris in 1971 and my father’s old friends the Kaul brothers, the elder being Haksar’s brother-in-law and the younger being Manmohan’s first boss in government. Haksar seemed unwell but was clearly delighted to have returned to favour after falling out with Indira during Sanjay’s regime.
The March 22, 1991, meeting was also one of several occasions when I, a complete layman on security issues and new to Delhi and in my 30s, warned as vehemently as I could that Rajiv seemed to my layman’s eyes extremely vulnerable to assassination. Absolutely nothing was done in response by anyone, other than saying I should probably speak to “Madame”!
One man’s response, in 2007 and 2014 publications, has been to deny he knew me at all and claim the group came to exist without me—when in fact it was created by Rajiv as a sounding board one week after I gave him the academic project results I had led since 1986. This same man had excitedly revealed to me on September 25, 1990, that his claim to a doctoral degree originated in the USSR in the 1970s; he has always concealed his experiences in that country. After Rajiv’s assassination, he rose to much background influence with Sonia, and one of his protégés is now apparently influential with Mr Modi too.
Sonia Gandhi I met only once to convey my condolences in December 1991, and give her a copy of a tape of conversations between Rajiv and myself during the Gulf war in January that year. She seemed a taciturn figure in deep grief, and apparently continued with the seven-year period of mourning traditional in her culture of origin.
Natwar Singh and Sanjaya Baru, in their recent publications, may have allowed basic misinterpretations of events to distract from what may be informative in their experience.
Natwar has said Haksar was central in May 1991 in the move (purportedly on behalf of Rajiv’s newly bereaved widow) to first ask S D Sharma to take the PM’s job, which Sharma declined. If so, this was a failed attempt by the “Haksar axis” of unelected non-politicians to maintain control of events. Natwar claims it was only then Sonia chose P V N Rao. In reality, P V N R was a highly respected leader who, though due to retire, was the acknowledged senior member in a group of regional leaders including S S Ray, Sharad Pawar and others. The Haksar axis failed to stop P V N R’s rise to the top job, though it managed to get Haksar’s protégé to become finance minister. Sonia was hardly involved.
As for Manmohan becoming Sonia’s PM, a senior Lok Sabha Congress leader with PM ambitions himself told me of his own accord in December 2001 that it was certain she would not take the top job herself and it was generally presumed Manmohan would get one term—the denouement of the Haksarian prediction my father made to me in 1973 in Paris. Contrary to Baru’s claim or even Manmohan’s own self-knowledge, it was never any “accident” that he became PM of India.
Finally on the issue of files being shown, the man named as the conduit is someone I became related to in law back in 1981. He and Manmohan, too, would have been sticklers for the rules. The real issue is this: given the 1970s brand of Soviet influence on the Congress, would anyone have said it was Kosygin as PM who did or could ever wield more power than Brezhnev the party boss? Of course not. The same with Manmohan and Sonia in India.
One of the men Rajiv introduced me to on 25-9-1990 at 10 JanPath (No, Rajiv did not realize who he was…) 2023
July 3, 2014 — drsubrotoroyMuch as I might love Russia, England, France, America, I despise their spies & local agents affecting poor India’s policies: Memo to PM Modi, Mr Jaitley, Mr Doval & the new Govt. of India: Beware of Delhi’s sleeper agents, lobbyists & other dalals (2014)
1 July 2014
Dear Bibek,
The very elderly man I refer to as “Sonia’s Lying Courtier” herein
https://independentindian.com/2007/11/25/sonias-lying-courtier/
is someone who has known you, leading up to your appointment as Director at Sonia’s “Rajiv Gandhi Institute” and later. He has now published a purported memoir whose main aim is to conceal his Soviet connections during the Brezhnev era 1960s-1970s, besides trying to rub my name out from my role with Rajiv in 1990-1991. The woman journalist in Delhi who is named as having ghost-written his new book is someone you know quite well too.
The man was someone whom I worked with and who was introduced to me by Rajiv Gandhi on 25/9/1990, a Soviet trained “technocrat” who had inveigled himself into Rajiv’s circle as he had been a favoured one of Indira (presumably via PN Haksar) when he returned from the USSR. He was also the link explaining, again via PN Haksar, how Manmohan first became FM in 1991 after Rajiv’s assassination, then how Manmohan came to Sonia’s notice and attention, and was later crucial in the so-called Rajiv Gandhi Foundation and in the formation of Sonia’s so-called National Advisory Council.
His mandate was to keep INC policies predictable and agreeable in the areas of Soviet/Russian interest, in which he seems to have succeeded during the Sonia-Manmohan regime.
He found me an unknown force, and worked to edge me out, despite the fact the 25/9/90 group was formed by Rajiv as a sounding-board for the perestroika-for-India project I led in America since 1986 and which I brought to Rajiv the week before on 18/9/90…
I send this to you as a word of caution as you are clearly close to Mr Modi and Mr Doval, yet none of you may know the man’s background and intent, even in his dotage. Certainly the purported memoir written by the woman journalist is something whose main aim is to conceal the man’s Soviet/Russian background. Had it been an honest intent, he would have had no need to conceal any of this but would have addressed his own Russian experience openly and squarely. He may have had his impact already with the new Government, I do not know.
For myself, I have been openly rather pro-Russia on the merits of the current Ukraine issue, but, as you will appreciate, I despise any kind of deep foreign agent seeking to control Indian policy in long-term concealment.
Cordially
Suby Roy
Sonia’s Lying Courtier with Postscript 25 Nov 2007, & Addendum 30 June 2014
30th June 2014
“Sonia’s Lying Courtier” (see below) has now lied again! In a ghost-written 2014 book published by a prominent publisher in Delhi!
He has so skilfully lied about himself the ghost writer was probably left in the dark too about the truth.
**The largest concealment has to do with his Soviet connection: he is fluent in Russian, lived as a privileged guest of the state there, and before returning to the Indian public sector was awarded in the early 1970s a Soviet degree, supposedly an earned doctorate in Soviet style management!**
How do I know? He told me so personally! His Soviet degree is what allowed himself to pass off as a “Dr” in Delhi power-circles for decades, as did many others who were planted in that era. He has also lied about himself and Rajiv Gandhi in 1990-1991, and hence he has lied about me indirectly.
In 2007 I was gentle in my exposure of his mendacity because of his advanced age. Now it is more and more clear to me that exposing this directly may be the one way for Sonia and her son to realise how they, and hence the Congress party, were themselves influenced without knowing it for years…
25 November 2007
Two Sundays ago in an English-language Indian newspaper, an elderly man in his 80s, advertised as being “the Gandhi family’s favourite technocrat” published some deliberate falsehoods about events in Delhi 17 years ago surrounding Rajiv Gandhi’s last months. I wrote at once to the man, let me call him Mr C, asking him to correct the falsehoods since, after all, it was possible he had stated them inadvertently or thoughtlessly or through faulty memory. He did not do so. I then wrote to a friend of his, a Congress Party MP from his State, who should be expected to know the truth, and I suggested to him that he intercede with his friend to make the corrections, since I did not wish, if at all possible, to be compelled to call an elderly man a liar in public.
That did not happen either and hence I am, with sadness and regret, compelled to call Mr C a liar.
The newspaper article reported that Mr C’s “relationship with Rajiv (Gandhi) would become closer when (Rajiv) was out of power” and that Mr C “was part of a group that brainstormed with Rajiv every day on a different subject”. Mr C has reportedly said Rajiv’s “learning period came after he left his job” as PM, and “the others (in the group)” were Mr A, Mr B, Mr D, Mr E “and Manmohan Singh” (italics added).
In reality, Mr C was a retired pro-USSR bureaucrat aged in his late 60s in September 1990 when Rajiv Gandhi was Leader of the Opposition and Congress President. Manmohan Singh was an about-to-retire bureaucrat who in September 1990 was not physically present in India, having been working for Julius Nyerere of Tanzania for several years.
On 18 September 1990, upon recommendation of Siddhartha Shankar Ray, Rajiv Gandhi met me at 10 Janpath, where I handed him a copy of the unpublished results of an academic “perestroika-for-India” project I had led at the University of Hawaii since 1986. The story of that encounter has been told first on July 31-August 2 1991 in The Statesman, then in the October 2001 issue of Freedom First, then in January 6-8 2006, September 23-24 2007 in The Statesman, and most recently in The Statesman Festival Volume 2007. The last of these speaks most fully yet of my warnings against Rajiv’s vulnerability to assassination; this document in unpublished form was sent by me to Rajiv’s friend, Mr Suman Dubey in July 2005, who forwarded it with my permission to the family of Rajiv Gandhi.
It was at the 18 September 1990 meeting that I suggested to Rajiv that he should plan to have a modern election manifesto written. The next day, 19 September, I was asked by Rajiv’s assistant V George to stay in Delhi for a few days as Mr Gandhi wished me to meet some people. I was not told whom I was to meet but that there would be a meeting on Monday, 24th September. On Saturday, the Monday meeting was postponed to Tuesday 25th September because one of the persons had not been able to get a flight into Delhi. I pressed to know what was going on, and was told I would meet Mr A, Mr B, Mr C and Mr D. It turned out later Mr A was the person who could not fly in from Hyderabad.
The group (excluding Mr B who failed to turn up because his servant had failed to give him the right message) met Rajiv at 10 Janpath in the afternoon of 25th September. We were asked by Rajiv to draft technical aspects of a modern manifesto for an election that was to be expected in April 1991. The documents I had given Rajiv a week earlier were distributed to the group. The full story of what transpired has been told in my previous publications.
Mr C was ingratiating towards me after that first meeting with Rajiv and insisted on giving me a ride in his car which he told me was the very first Maruti ever manufactured. He flattered me needlessly by saying that my PhD (in economics from Cambridge University) was real whereas his own doctoral degree had been from a dubious management institute of the USSR. (Handling out such doctoral degrees was apparently a standard Soviet way of gaining influence.) Mr C has not stated in public how his claim to the title of “Dr” arises.
Following that 25 September 1990 meeting, Mr C did absolutely nothing for several months towards the purpose Rajiv had set us, stating he was very busy with private business in his home-state where he flew to immediately. Mr D went abroad and was later hit by severe illness. Mr B, Mr A and I met for luncheon at New Delhi’s Andhra Bhavan where the former explained how he had missed the initial meeting. Then Mr B said he was very busy with his house-construction, and Mr A said he was very busy with finishing a book for his publishers on Indian defence, and both begged off, like Mr C and Mr D, from any of the work that Rajiv had explicitly set our group. My work and meeting with Rajiv in October 1990 has been reported previously.
Mr C has not merely suppressed my name from the group in what he has published in the newspaper article two Sundays ago, he has stated he met Rajiv as part of such a group “every day on a different subject”, another falsehood. The next meeting of the group with Rajiv was in fact only in December 1990, when the Chandrashekhar Government was discussed. I was called by telephone in the USA by Rajiv’s assistant V George but I was unable to attend, and was briefed later about it by Mr A.
When new elections were finally announced in March 1991, Mr C brought in Mr E into the group in my absence (so he told me), perhaps in the hope I would remain absent. But I returned to Delhi and between March 18 1991 and March 22 1991, our group, including Mr E (who did have a genuine PhD), produced an agreed-upon document. That document was handed over by us together in a group to Rajiv Gandhi at 10 Janpath the next day, and also went to the official political manifesto committee of Narasimha Rao, Pranab Mukherjee and M. Solanki.
Our group, as appointed by Rajiv on 25 September 1990, came to an end with the submission of the desired document to Rajiv on 23 March 1991.
As for Manmohan Singh, contrary to Mr C’s falsehood, Manmohan Singh has himself truthfully said he was with the Nyerere project until November 1990, then joined Chandrashekhar’s PMO in December 1990 which he left in March 1991, that he had no meeting with Rajiv Gandhi prior to Rajiv’s assassination but rather did not in fact enter Indian politics at all until invited by Narasimha Rao several weeks later to be Finance Minister. In other words, Manmohan Singh himself is on record stating facts that demonstrate Mr C’s falsehood.
The economic policy sections of the document submitted to Rajiv on 23 March 1991 had been drafted largely by myself with support of Mr E and Mr D and Mr C as well. It was done over the objections of Mr B, who had challenged me by asking what Manmohan Singh would think of it. I had replied I had no idea what Manmohan Singh would think of it, saying I knew he had been out of the country on the Nyerere project for some years.
Mr C has deliberately excluded my name from the group and deliberately added Manmohan Singh’s instead. What explains this attempted falsification of facts – reminiscent of totalitarian practices in communist countries? Manmohan Singh was not involved by his own admission, and as Finance Minister told me so directly when he and I were introduced in Washington DC in September 1993 by Siddhartha Shankar Ray, then Indian Ambassador to the USA.
A possible explanation for Mr C’s mendacity is as follows: I have been recently publishing the fact that I repeatedly pleaded warnings that I (even as a layman on security issues) perceived Rajiv Gandhi to have been insecure and vulnerable to assassination. Mr C, Mr B and Mr A were among the main recipients of my warnings and my advice as to what we as a group, appointed by Rajiv, should have done towards protecting Rajiv better. They did nothing — though each of them was a senior man then aged in his late 60s at the time and fully familiar with Delhi’s workings while I was a 35 year old newcomer. After Rajiv was assassinated, I was disgusted with what I had seen of the Congress Party and Delhi, and did not return except to meet Rajiv’s widow once in December 1991 to give her a copy of a tape in which her late husband’s voice was recorded in conversations with me during the Gulf War.
Mr C has inveigled himself into Sonia Gandhi’s coterie – while Manmohan Singh went from being mentioned in our group by Mr B to becoming Narasimha Rao’s Finance Minister and Sonia Gandhi’s Prime Minister. If Rajiv had not been assassinated, Sonia Gandhi would have been merely a happy grandmother today and not India’s purported ruler. India would also have likely not have been the macroeconomic and political mess that the mendacious people around Sonia Gandhi like Mr C have now led it towards.
POSTSCRIPT: The Congress MP was kind enough to write in shortly afterwards; he confirmed he “recognize(d) that Rajivji did indeed consult you in 1990-1991 about the future direction of economic policy.” A truth is told and, furthermore, the set of genuine Rajivists in the present Congress Party is identified as non-null.
(1) My 13 Sep 2019 Advice to PM Modi’s Adviser: Let PM address each State Legislature, get all India Govt Accounting & Public Decision Making to have integrity (2) 16 May 2014 Advice from Rajiv Gandhi’s Adviser to Narendra Modi: Do not populate the “Planning Commission” with worthies, scrap it, integrate its assets with the Treasury. And get the nationalised banks & RBI out of the Treasury. Tell them to read my 3 Dec 2012 Delhi lecture with care. Clean Government Accounting & Audit is the Key to Clean Public Finances & a Proper Indian Currency for the First Time Ever
May 16, 2014 — drsubrotoroy13 September 2019
My 13 Sep 2019 Advice to PM Modi’s Adviser: Let PM address each State Legislature, get all India Govt Accounting & Public Decision-Making to have integrity
I recently had a nice chat by email with one of Mr Modi’s economic advisers who knew me from years past. No I do not mean Bibek Debroy who was my stable-mate under Hahn at Cambridge in 1976. This adviser knew me as a colleague briefly in Washington during my American years 1980:1996.
My advice has been as follows:
In 2001 2000 I gave a talk at the RBI on invitation of Bimal Jalan and YV Reddy on the importance of maximum transparency in India’s Union and State Budgets. A Premchand’s *Effective Government Accounting* is really the best book the IMF ever produced, and my aim has been to see it applied to all public budgeting in India, especially in the information age… so any failed BCom or village accountant besides our 4125+ State legislators and all Union legislators and GoI officials can have at hand on demand for free all information about public resources, activities, expenditures, financing thereof etc. Mr Premchand and I met in his offices about 1998 when I last visited America and he thought my work was “light years ahead” of where the Government would reach.
The future PM Narendra Modi came from India to DC in October 1984 where I had been asked by Shekhar Tiwari whom you may know to give a Deendayal lecture, which I did. I recall Modiji well from that time. We have not met since. I should like him to be writing to each State Legislature Speaker seeking to address each State Assembly if they wish to extend an invitation, one by one. The aim of his addressing each State Assembly one by one that wishes to hear him (all will) would be to establish a Union-State link of fiscal cooperation, getting all State Government accounting cleaned up to the Premchand standard, so everyone in the country knows easily or can find out easily what is the state of finance in each State (as well as the Union of course).
It would take a few months plus two dozen rooms and a team of about 40 people to modernize all India Government accounts to the best world standards or even surpass them.
Obviously Planning had to go and I said so publicly in May 2014 as soon as Modiji was elected. At the same time, I said Finance had to be bifurcated, creating a new Ministry of Money and Banking where RBI and all PSU banks could be hived off. Then Finance would be left with doing Budgets, both Union and helping with States, all year round, getting them to the Premchand standard which is, basically, the world standard. Now I see “Corporate Affairs” has been a systemic problem too, because it allows Big Business to have too easy access to the Minister and his/her agenda and the latter never even gets to start normal public finance. Finance without Money and Banking and without Corporate Affairs can and should be handling all Budgets, year round, no lobbying.
You can see in this thread https://twitter.com/subyroy/status/1119845358572646400?s=20 up and down what happens as a prototype if the Premchand template gets applied in India.
In the meantime, a monetary disaster is unfolding on the RBI “surplus” issue… there is no surplus… it is a mirage… #RBIMirage. You may see it herein:
https://independentindian.com/2019/08/04/critique-of-monetary-ideas-of-manmohan-modi-the-roy-model-explaining-to-bimal-jalan-nirmala-sitharaman-rbi-etc-what-it-is-they-are-doing-draft-4-august-2019/
I had denounced in 2007 what Manmohan, Montek, Chidambaram had tried which was very similar, and they stopped. Now Modiji, the FM, Bimal Jalan et al have followed suit, even worse. Do tell them.
I completely agree the West, the Russians, etc each have their own agenda (and local agents in Delhi).
The IT revolution has reached everyone in India, working classes especially. Yet worldwide and with us especially public finance and public decision making remain untouched and backward.
It would take 6 months and a small team to apply Premchand to each State’s finances and the Union too. That is not about markets but about govt activities (in the public finance sense) and expenditures, hence political discussion about priorities. All State legislators plus aam janta should become empowered with public finance data. All India is in the States. Hence I would like to see PM address each State legislature one by one… build the fiscal cooperation framework as described. More later…
The root problem is something I started working on in 1993… Hubert Neiss at the IMF asked me “Do you understand the States’ budgets?” because nobody at the Fund or Bank did! I fibbed and said yes, knowing I knew more than they did. 🙂 But seriously
India’s States, the 18 larger of which are as populous as countries,
https://twitter.com/subyroy/status/1029412133665169409?s=20
have no control over direct or indirect taxes… hence there is no incentive to either limit expenditure or control incurrence of public debt…
https://twitter.com/subyroy/status/1076703533137711104?s=20
Where does all that public debt go? Into banks’ asset sides! Ie all the bad spending decisions of both GoI and States end up as bank assets! So the banks keep sinking!
Where and how PM and this govt must act is to make it the next step that Sardar Patel would have demanded: namely, Sardar gave us the federal democratic set up, he *created* the States, 18 of which are as big as countries (see Table)… Now Sardar would have demanded proper budgeting and spending… *not* garbage “austerity”… but decisions under control and public discussion… civil strife itself will reduce eg in NE… !
Everyone needs to carry forward to the next stage #SardarVallabhaiPatel #StatueOfUnity nation-building: modernization of all gov’t accounts & audit. Everyone in India can & shd know how public resources are being spent & how raised.. exactly..
https://twitter.com/subyroy/status/1130661889921433600?s=20
My idea has been #twodozenrooms… in Delhi… joint GoI and State teams… one room each for the 18 larger States https://twitter.com/subyroy/status/1029412133665169409 maybe two for UP plus J&K Goa Him Uttarakhand, 7 remaining NE Sisters.. Combined Union & State Finance teams then get all their budgets exactly right.. inc military & railways
getting all govt accounting to the best available world standards… Union, all States, all PSUs, military, railways, everyone
https://twitter.com/subyroy/status/1135197723156656128?s=20
a clear head, CAG data, Premchand’s book, 40 desktops and Excel… will take two months 24/7 work… 40 people in each of three shifts…
0700:1500
1500:2300
2300:0700 (graveyard)…
the data are all there with CAG… every activity, every expenditure… every anomaly… gets revealed… who is supposed to discuss spending priorities then? aam janta of course through their 4125+ State level + 800 Union legislators… let there be proper discussion in Assemblies… the State legislatures are dysfunctional, so is Parliament almost! Not because they want to be but because they are uninformed about problems and data!
So a massive change in our public discourse if aam janta and any legislator can access and discuss top quality public finance data… let them decide and talk about what priorities should be… the mind focuses then on **numbers**… which are hard data… It will be top of the world incidentally… no large country has done this, certainly not the USA etc… corruption also crashes as everyone can see everything…
PM starts the process by writing to the State Speakers… yes seeking an invitation… to address State legislators… **nothing partisan** no political meetings…. just PM and State as Constitutional entities… each State taken seriously one by one… Not three four the same day as he does with tours to NE. The process can take a year or more. The Speakers respond with an invitation or not… a scheduling is done… one by one… no political party favouritism… he speaks addressing serious problems… about concrete decision making and processes… no rhetoric is needed… He gives them a template of their Budget/accounts in the best possible world format… they have to then use all that data, decide what they want to do, how much help do they want in making better decisions… Ie it is a change in process….
As for the private sector, first thing is to get “Corporate Affairs” out of the Finance Ministry! That has become the vehicle of entrenched lobbying! It explains Chidambaram and Jaitley and all of them! Yes I have blasted Big Business for (a) their frauds; (b) their attempts to push risk onto the Government whenever possible… there has been systematic elite capital flight and international arbitrage allowed by both Manmohan and the present Govt!
The Government says to the private sector: we are cleaning up all our accounts, Union States Military Railways etc… all… you had better do the same and fast…!
see too https://twitter.com/subyroy/status/1197137821523480576?s=20
16 May 2014
Mr Modi’s victory is more amazing and bigger than Reagan’s in 1980 or 1984, or Thatcher’s in 1979 or 1984…One hopes one does not have to make comparisons with any earlier times… The interviews he gave in recent days were excellent in their sobriety, quite unlike his sneering rabble-rousing mass speeches… I have said I do not doubt his commitment to India’s national interest, and I add I do not doubt his managerial competence. What does concern me is the vacuum of commonsense as well as expert reasoning around him although that around Sonia-Manmohan was as bad as well as being more pretentious. If Mr Modi can do anything like what I said in Delhi on 3 December 2012, which Manmohan was too incompetent and bureaucratic to even try, he has my applause. The first task is to ****not**** fill up the so-called Planning Commission with BJP worthies and cronies, and instead ***to declare he is closing it down and integrating its assets with the Finance Ministry***… The second is to remove control of the banks and the RBI from the Finance Ministry and create a different agency or department or even Ministry for Money & Banking. Finance (with Planning under it) does the fiscal budgets and government accounting, for Union and States. Money & Banking seeks to bring some slight semblance of integrity to the currency for the first time ever, both at home and abroad. Don’t ask Montek Ahluwalia, don’t ask Rangarajan, for heavens’ sake don’t ask Manmohan Singh or even his young man Raghuram Rajan… Just do it…
18 May 2014
Mr Modi has a unique chance to change the face of Indian governance for the better — and the chance is now, **before** he announces a Cabinet. Essentially, he is beholden to no one in making his choices, he can bring in the maximum amount of commonsense and expert reasoning right at the start.
My first recommendation has been to *scrap the so-called Planning Commission* rather than populate it with BJP cronies and worthies where it was populated by Congress worthies and cronies before. If you start populating it with your cronies then you have lost the plot immediately, as you are needlessly creating vested interests once more, impossible to get rid of later. Vajpayee-Advani lacked the guts and vision to do this. Modi can do it easily. Montek Ahluwalia and Manmohan Singh got the so-called Deputy Chairman to have a higher rank in the Order of Precedence than elected Chief Ministers of States! Ahluwalia attended Union Cabinet meetings and “GOM” meetings as a member without being elected to anything at all. The Planning Commission’s physical assets should be merged under the Finance Ministry immediately with a one-line Executive Order. At the same time, the RBI and the nationalised banks should be removed from the Finance Ministry’s control completely, if necessary into a new Ministry of Money & Banking.
Finance (& Accounts and Planning) are then tasked to get the budgets right, both Union *and* States — *and including the military and the railways*! That is all they do, that should be their full-time year long occupation, nothing more, not listening to or yielding to lobby groups, not allowing anyone to get even faintly close to them, just getting all the Budgets right. Money & Banking would run the nationalised banks on commercial lines (and that means being ready to battle their fat cat unions), plus there is the RBI with its usual banking supervisory and money creation and balance of payments management roles.
Secondly, change the name of the Defence Ministry to the War Ministry or Forces Ministry, Raksha Mantralaya to Yudh Mantralaya or Fauj Mantralaya. India has never fought an aggressive war and is not going to do so now. Every war it has fought has been defensive, so calling it the Defence Ministry is superfluous and even perverse. Calling it the War Ministry tells it what to do, namely, win any war that is thrust on you, any which way you can and at least cost all around. Simple as that. Why it is perverse to talk of a Defence Ministry is because of its fiscal implications. Fat cat peacetime generals, air marshalls and admirals are prevailed upon by foreign weapons’ salesmen acting through ex-servicemen Noida brokers to waste public moneys endlessly on innumerable things which are utterly unrelated to war-fighting capabilities. And there can be no fiscal responsibility ever in India until the military budgets are brought under control. I have called the military budget the Black Hole of Indian public finance, no one knows what goes in or what comes out. And the preparedness for war itself is unknown as well — as the Mumbai massacres showed. Mr Modi and his putative War Minister should simply get the generals, air marshalls and admirals to tell them what plans they have to win different wars thrust upon them in different scenarios; what are their strategies to win those wars, and what resources do they need for those strategies to prevail; that is how you figure out the military budget. All the rest is fat, which only causes corruption and inflation too.
Thirdly, design a better cabinet on the lines, for example, I would have given to Rajiv Gandhi if he had not been assassinated. Manmohan Singh had 79 Ministers! You only need a dozen senior ones and a dozen junior ones, really…
Don’t set up a committee of worthies to examine all this… Just do it… I will applaud and so will everyone else…
See especially this…
Did Jagdish Bhagwati “originate”, “pioneer”, “intellectually father” India’s 1991 economic reform? Did Manmohan Singh? Or did I, through my encounter with Rajiv Gandhi, just as Siddhartha Shankar Ray told Manmohan & his aides in Sep 1993 in Washington? Judge the evidence for yourself. And why has Amartya Sen misdescribed his work? India’s right path forward today remains what I said in my 3 Dec 2012 Delhi lecture!
August 23, 2013 — drsubrotoroyDid Jagdish Bhagwati “originate”, “pioneer”, “intellectually father” India’s 1991 economic reform? Did Manmohan Singh? Or did I, through my encounter with Rajiv Gandhi, just as Siddhartha Shankar Ray told Manmohan & his aides in Sep 1993 in Washington? Judge the evidence for yourself. And why has Amartya Sen misdescribed his work? India’s right path forward today remains what I said in my 3 Dec 2012 Delhi lecture!
[See also “I’m on my way out”: Siddhartha Shankar Ray (1920-2010)…An Economist’s Tribute”; “Rajiv Gandhi and the Origins of India’s 1991 Economic Reform”; “Three Memoranda to Rajiv Gandhi 1990-1991″
Foundations of India’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s edited by Subroto Roy & William E James, 1986-1992… pdf copy uploaded 2021
Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s, edited by William E James & Subroto Roy, 1986-1993… pdf copy uploaded 2021
Critique of Amartya Sen: A Tragedy of Plagiarism, Fake News, Dissimulation
Contents
Part I: Facts vs Fiction, Flattery, Falsification, etc
1. Problem
2. Rajiv Gandhi, Siddhartha Shankar Ray, Milton Friedman & Myself
3. Jagdish Bhagwati & Manmohan Singh? That just don’t fly!
4. Amartya Sen’s Half-Baked Communism: “To each according to his need”?
Part II: India’s Right Road Forward Now: Some Thoughtful Analysis for Grown Ups
5. Transcending a Left-Right/Congress-BJP Divide in Indian Politics
6. Budgeting Military & Foreign Policy
7. Solving the Kashmir Problem & Relations with Pakistan
8. Dealing with Communist China
9. Towards Coherence in Public Accounting, Public Finance & Public Decision-Making
10. India’s Money: Towards Currency Integrity at Home & Abroad
Part I: Facts vs Fiction, Flattery, Falsification, etc
1. Problem
Arvind Panagariya says in the Times of India of 27 July 2013
“…if in 1991 India embraced many of the Track-I reforms, writings by Sen played no role in it… The intellectual origins of the reforms are to be found instead in the writings of Bhagwati, both solely and jointly with Padma Desai and T N Srinivasan….”
Now Amartya Sen has not claimed involvement in the 1991 economic reforms so we are left with Panagariya claiming
“The intellectual origins of the reforms are to be found instead in the writings of Bhagwati…”
Should we suppose Professor Panagariya’s master and co-author Jagdish Bhagwati himself substantially believes and claims the same? Three recent statements from Professor Bhagwati suffice by way of evidence:
(A) Bhagwati said to parliamentarians in the Lok Sabha on 2 December 2010 about the pre-1991 situation:
“This policy framework had been questioned, and its total overhaul advocated, by me and Padma Desai in writings through the late 1960s which culminated in our book, India: Planning for Industrialization (Oxford University Press: 1970) with a huge blowback at the time from virtually all the other leading economists and policymakers who were unable to think outside the box. In the end, our views prevailed and the changes which would transform the economy began, after an external payments crisis in 1991, under the forceful leadership of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh who was the Finance Minister at the time….”
(B) Bhagwati said to Economic Times on 28 July 2013:
“When finance minister Manmohan Singh was in New York in 1992, he had a lunch for many big CEOs whom he was trying to seduce to come to India. He also invited me and my wife, Padma Desai, to the lunch. As we came in, the FM introduced us to the invitees and said: ‘These friends of mine wrote almost a quarter century ago [India: Planning for Industrialisation was published in 1970 by Oxford] recommending all the reforms we are now undertaking. If we had accepted the advice then, we would not be having this lunch as you would already be in India’.”
(C) And Bhagwati said in Business Standard of 9 August 2013:
“… I was among the intellectual pioneers of the Track I reforms that transformed our economy and reduced poverty, and witness to that is provided by the Prime Minister’s many pronouncements and by noted economists like Deena Khatkhate.. I believe no one has accused Mr. Sen of being the intellectual father of these reforms. So, the fact is that this huge event in the economic life of India passed him by…”
From these pronouncements it seems fair to conclude Professors Bhagwati and Panagariya are claiming Bhagwati has been the principal author of “the intellectual origins” of India’s 1991 reforms, has been their “intellectual father” or at the very least has been “among the intellectual pioneers” of the reform (“among” his own collaborators and friends, since none else is mentioned). Bhagwati has said too his friend Manmohan Singh as Finance Minister participated in the process while quoting Manmohan as having said Bhagwati was the principal author.
Bhagwati’s opponent in current debate, Amartya Sen, has been in agreement with him that Manmohan, their common friend during college days at Cambridge in the 1950s, was a principal originating the 1991 reforms, saying to Forbes in 2006:
“When Manmohan Singh came to office in the early 1990s as the newly appointed finance minister, in a government led by the Congress Party, he knew these problems well enough, as someone who had been strongly involved in government administration for a long time.”
In my experience, such sorts of claims, even in their weakest form, have been, at best, scientifically sloppy and unscholarly, at worst mendacious suppressio veri/suggestio falsi, and in between these best and worst interpretations, examples of academic self-delusion and mutual flattery. We shall see Bhagwati’s opponent, Amartya Sen, has denied academic paternity of recent policies he has spawned while appearing to claim academic paternity of things he has not! Everyone may have reasonably expected greater self-knowledge, wisdom and scholarly values of such eminent academics. Their current spat has instead seemed to reveal something rather dismal and self-serving.
You can decide for yourself where the truth, ever such an elusive and fragile thing, happens to be and what is best done about it. Here is some evidence.
2. Rajiv Gandhi, Siddhartha Shankar Ray, Milton Friedman & Myself
Professor Arvind Panagariya is evidently an American economics professor of Indian national origin who holds the Jagdish Bhagwati Chair of Indian Political Economy at Columbia University. I am afraid I had not known his name until he mentioned my name in Economic Times of 24 October 2001. He said
In mentioning the volume “edited by Subroto Roy and William E James”, Professor Panagariya did not appear to find the normal scientific civility to identify our work by name, date or publisher. So here that is now:
This was a book published in 1992 by the late Tejeshwar Singh for Sage. It resulted from the University of Hawaii Manoa perestroika-for-India project, that I and Ted James created and led between 1986 and 1992/93. (Yes, Hawaii — not Stanford, Harvard, Yale, Columbia or even Penn, whose India-policy programs were Johnny-come-latelies a decade or more later…) There is a sister-volume too on Pakistan, created by a parallel project Ted and I had led at the same time (both now in pdf):
In 2004 from Britain, I wrote to the 9/11 Commission saying if our plan to study Afghanistan after India and Pakistan had not been thwarted by malign local forces among our sponsors themselves, we, a decade before the September 11 2001 attacks on the USA, may just have come up with a pre-emptive academic analysis. It was not to be.
Milton Friedman’s chapter that we published for the first time was a memorandum he wrote in November 1955 for the Government of India which the GoI had effectively suppressed. I came to know of it while a doctoral student at Cambridge under Frank Hahn, when at a conference at Oxford about 1979-1980, Peter Tamas Bauer sat me down beside him and told me the story. Later in Blacksburg about 1981, N. Georgescu-Roegen on a visit from Vanderbilt University told me the same thing. Specifically, Georgescu-Roegen told me that leading Indian academics had almost insulted Milton in public which Milton had borne gamely; that after Milton had given a talk in Delhi to VKRV Rao’s graduate-students, a talk Georgescu-Roegen had been present at, VKRV Rao had addressed the students and told them in all seriousness “You have heard what Professor Friedman has to say, if you repeat what he has said in your exams, you will fail”.
In 1981-1982 my doctoral thesis emerged, titled “On liberty & economic growth: preface to a philosophy for India”,
My late great master in economic theory, Frank Hahn (1925-2013), found what I had written to be a “good thesis” bringing “a good knowledge of economics and of philosophy to bear on the literature on economic planning”, saying I had shown “a good knowledge of economic theory” and my “critique of Development Economics was powerful not only on methodological but also on economic theory grounds”.
I myself said about it decades later “My original doctoral topic in 1976 ‘A monetary theory for India’ had to be altered not only due to paucity of monetary data at the time but because the problems of India’s political economy and allocation of resources in the real economy were far more pressing. The thesis that emerged in 1982 … was a full frontal assault from the point of view of microeconomic theory on the “development planning” to which everyone routinely declared their fidelity, from New Delhi’s bureaucrats and Oxford’s “development” school to McNamara’s World Bank with its Indian staffers. Frank Hahn protected my inchoate liberal arguments for India; and when no internal examiner could be found, Cambridge showed its greatness by appointing two externals, Bliss at Oxford and Hutchison at Birmingham, both Cambridge men. “Economic Theory and Development Economics” was presented to the American Economic Association in December 1982 in company of Solow, Chenery, Streeten, and other eminences…” How I landed on that eminent AEA panel in December 1982 was because its convener Professor George Rosen of the University of Illinois recruited me overnight — as a replacement for Jagdish Bhagwati, who had had to return to India suddenly because of a parental death. The results were published in 1983 in World Development.
Soon afterwards, London’s Institute of Economic Affairs published Pricing, Planning and Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India. This slim work (now in pdf) was the first classical liberal critique of post-Mahalonobis Indian economic thought since BR Shenoy’s original criticism decades earlier. It became the subject of The Times’ lead editorial on its day of publication 29 May 1984 — provoking the Indian High Commission in London to send copies to the Finance Ministry in Delhi where it apparently caused a stir, or so I was told years later by Amaresh Bagchi who was a recipient of it at the Ministry.
The Times had said
“When Mr. Dennis Healey in the Commons recently stated that Hongkong, with one per cent of the population of India has twice India’s trade, he was making an important point about Hongkong but an equally important point about India. If Hongkong with one per cent of its population and less than 0.03 per cert of India’s land area (without even water as a natural resource) can so outpace India, there must be something terribly wrong with the way Indian governments have managed their affairs, and there is. A paper by an Indian economist published today (Pricing, Planning and Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India by Subroto Roy, IEA £1.80) shows how Asia’s largest democracy is gradually being stifled by the imposition of economic policies whose woeful effect and rhetorical unreality find their echo all over the Third World. As with many of Britain’s former imperial possessions, the rot set in long before independence. But as with most of the other former dependencies, the instrument of economic regulation and bureaucratic control set up by the British has been used decisively and expansively to consolidate a statist regime which inhibits free enterprise, minimizes economic success and consolidates the power of government in all spheres of the economy. We hear little of this side of things when India rattles the borrowing bowl or denigrates her creditors for want of further munificence. How could Indian officials explain their poor performance relative to Hongkong? Dr Roy has the answers for them. He lists the causes as a large and heavily subsidized public sector, labyrinthine control over private enterprise, forcibly depressed agricultural prices, massive import substitution, government monopoly of foreign exchange transactions, artificially overvalued currency and the extensive politicization of the labour market, not to mention the corruption which is an inevitable side effect of an economy which depends on the arbitrament of bureaucrats. The first Indian government under Nehru took its cue from Nehru’s admiration of the Soviet economy, which led him to believe that the only policy for India was socialism in which there would be “no private property except in a restricted sense and the replacement of the private profit system by a higher ideal of cooperative service.” Consequently, the Indian government has now either a full monopoly or is one of a few oligipolists in banking, insurance, railways, airlines, cement, steel, chemicals, fertilizers, ship-building, breweries, telephones and wrist-watches. No businessman can expand his operation while there is any surplus capacity anywhere in that sector. He needs government approval to modernize, alter his price-structure, or change his labour shift. It is not surprising that a recent study of those developing countries which account for most manufactured exports from the Third World shows that India’s share fell from 65 percent in 1953 to 10 per cent in 1973; nor, with the numerous restrictions on inter-state movement of grains, that India has over the years suffered more from an inability to cope with famine than during the Raj when famine drill was centrally organized and skillfully executed without restriction. Nehru’s attraction for the Soviet model has been inherited by his daughter, Mrs. Gandhi. Her policies have clearly positioned India more towards the Soviet Union than the West. The consequences of this, as Dr Roy states, is that a bias can be seen in “the antipathy and pessimism towards market institutions found among the urban public, and sympathy and optimism to be found for collectivist or statist ones.” All that India has to show for it is the delivery of thousands of tanks in exchange for bartered goods, and the erection of steel mills and other heavy industry which help to perpetuate the unfortunate obsession with industrial performance at the expense of agricultural growth and the relief of rural poverty.”…..
I felt there were inaccuracies in this and so replied dated 4 June which The Times published on 16 June 1984:
Milton and I met for the first time in the Fall of 1984 at the Mont Pelerin Society meetings at Cambridge when I gave him a copy of the IEA monograph, which he came to think extremely well of. I told him I had heard of his 1955 document and asked him for it; he sent me the original blue/purple version of this soon thereafter.
[That original document was, incidentally, in my professorial office among all my books, papers, theses and other academic items including my gown when I was attacked in 2003 by a corrupt gang at IIT Kharagpur — all yet to be returned to me by IIT despite a High Court order during my present ongoing battle against corruption there over a USD 1.9 million scam !… Without having ever wished to, I have had to battle India’s notorious corruption first hand for a decade!]
I published Milton’s document for the first time on 21 May 1989 at the conference of the Hawaii project over the loud objection of assorted leftists…
Amartya Sen, Jagdish Bhagwati, Manmohan Singh or any of their acolytes will not be seen in this group photograph dated 21 May 1989 at the UH President’s House, because they were not there. The Government of India was represented by the Ambassador to Washington, PK Kaul, as well as the Consul General in San Francisco, KS Rana (later Ambassador to Germany), besides the founding head of ICRIER who had invited himself.
Manmohan Singh was not there as he precisely represented the Indian economic policy establishment I had been determined to reform! In any case, he had left India about 1987 on his last assignment before retirement, with Julius Nyerere of Tanzania relating to the “South-South Commission”.
I have said over more than a half dozen years now that there is no evidence whatsoever of Manmohan Singh having been a liberal economist in any sense of that word at any time before 1991, and scant evidence that he originated any liberal economic ideas since. The widespread worldwide notion that he is to be credited for originating a sudden transformation of India from a path of pseudo-socialism to one of pseudo-liberalism has been without basis in evidence — almost entirely a political fiction, though an explicable one and one which has served, as such political fictions do, the purposes of those who invent them.
Jagdish Bhagwati and Amartya Sen were in their mid 50s and were two of the three senior-most Indians in US academic economics at the time. I and Ted James, both in our 30s, decided to invite both Bhagwati and Sen to the Hawaii project-conference as distinguished guests but to do so somewhat insincerely late in the day, predicting they would decline, which is what they did, yet they had come to be formally informed of what we were doing. We had a very serious attitude that was inspired a bit, I might say, by Oppenheimer’s secret “Manhattan project” and we wanted neither press-publicity nor anyone to become the star who ended up hogging the microphone or the limelight.
Besides, and most important of all, neither Bhagwati nor Sen had done work in the areas we were centrally interested in, namely, India’s macroeconomic and foreign trade framework and fiscal and monetary policies.
Bhagwati, after his excellent 1970 work with Padma Desai for the OECD on Indian industry and trade, also co-authored with TN Srinivasan a fine 1975 volume for the NBER Foreign Trade Regimes and Economic Development: India.
TN Srinivasan was the third of the three senior-most Indian economists at the time in US academia; his work made us want to invite him as one of our main economic authors, and we charged him with writing the excellent chapter in Foundations that he came to do titled “Planning and Foreign Trade Reconsidered”.
The other main economist author we had hoped for was Sukhamoy Chakravarty from Delhi University and the Government of India’s Planning Commission, whom I had known since 1977 when I had been given his office at the Delhi School of Economics as a Visiting Assistant Professor while he was on sabbatical; despite my pleading he would not come due to ill health; he strongly recommended C Rangarajan, telling me Rangarajan had been the main author with him of the crucial 1985 RBI report on monetary policy; and he signed and gave me his last personal copy of that report dating it 14 July 1987. Rangarajan said he could not come and recommended the head of the NIPFP, Amaresh Bagchi, promising to write jointly with him the chapter on monetary policy and public finance.
Along with Milton Friedman’s suppressed 1955 memorandum which I was publishing for the first time in 1989, TN Srinivasan and Amaresh Bagchi authored the three main economic policy chapters that we felt we wanted.
Other chapters we commissioned had to do with the state of governance (James Manor), federalism (Bhagwan Dua), Punjab and similar problems (PR Brass), agriculture (K Subbarao, as proposed by CH Hanumantha Rao), health (Anil Deolalikar, through open advertisement), and a historical assessment of the roots of economic policy (BR Tomlinson, as proposed by Anil Seal). On the vital subject of education we failed to agree with the expert we wanted very much (JBG Tilak, as proposed by George Psacharopolous) and so we had to cover the subject cursorily in our introduction mentioning his work. And decades later, I apologised to Professor Dietmar Rothermund of Heidelberg University for having been so blinkered in the Anglo-American tradition at the time as to not having obtained his participation in the project.
[The sister-volume we commissioned in parallel on Pakistan’s political economy had among its authors Francis Robinson, Akbar Ahmed, Shirin Tahir-Kehli, Robert La Porte, Shahid Javed Burki, Mohsin Khan, Mahmood Hasan Khan, Naved Hamid, John Adams and Shahrukh Khan; this book came to be published in Pakistan in 1993 to good reviews but apparently was then lost by its publisher and is yet to be found; the military and religious clergy had been deliberately not invited by us though the name of Pervez Musharraf had I think arisen, and the military and religious clergy in fact came to rule the roost through the 1990s in Pakistan; the volume, two decades old, takes on fresh relevance with the new civilian governments of recent years.] [Postscript 27 November 2015: See my strident critique at Twitter of KM Kasuri, P Musharraf et al e.g. at https://independentindian.com/2011/11/22/pakistans-point-of-view-or-points-of-view-on-kashmir-my-as-yet-undelivered-lahore-lecture-part-i/ passing off ideas they have taken from this volume without acknowledgement, ideas which have in any case become defunct to their author, myself.]
Milton himself said this about his experience with me in his memoirs:
And Milton wrote on my behalf when I came to be attacked, being Indian, at the very University that had sponsored us:
My obituary notice at his passing in 2006 said: “My association with Milton has been the zenith of my engagement with academic economics…. I was a doctoral student of his bitter enemy yet for over two decades he not only treated me with unfailing courtesy and affection, he supported me in lonely righteous battles: doing for me what he said he had never done before, which was to stand as an expert witness in a United States Federal Court. I will miss him much though I know that he, as a man of reason, would not have wished me to….”
In August 1990 in Delhi I came to tell Siddhartha Shankar Ray about the unpublished India-manuscript resulting from the Hawaii project that was in my possession as it headed to its publisher.
Ray was a family-friend whose maternal grandfather CR Das led the Congress Party before MK Gandhi and had been a friend and colleague of my great grandfather SN Roy in Bengal’s politics in the 1920s; Ray had also consented to stand on my behalf as Senior Counsel in a matter in the Supreme Court of India.
Ray was involved in daily political parlays at his Delhi home with other Congress Party personages led by PV Narasimha Rao. These senior regional figures seemed to me to be keeping their national leader, Rajiv Gandhi, aloof in splendid isolation at 10 Jan Path.
Ray told me he and his wife had been in London in May 1984 on the day The Times had written its lead editorial on my work and they had seen it with excitement. Upon hearing of the Hawaii project and the manuscript I had with me, Ray immediately insisted of his own accord that I must meet Rajiv Gandhi, and that he would be arranging a meeting.
Hence it came to be a month later that a copy of the manuscript of the completed Hawaii project was be given by my hand on 18 September 1990 to Rajiv Gandhi, then Leader of the Opposition and Congress President, an encounter I have quite fully described elsewhere. I offered to get a copy to the PM, VP Singh, too but a key aide of his showed no interest in receiving it.
Rajiv made me a senior adviser, and I have claimed principal authorship of the 22 March 1991 draft of the Congress manifesto that actually shook and changed the political thinking of the Congress on economic matters in the direction Rajiv had desired and as I had advised him at our initial 18 September 1990 meeting.
“… He began by talking about how important he felt panchayati raj was, and said he had been on the verge of passing major legislation on it but then lost the election. He asked me if I could spend some time thinking about it, and that he would get the papers sent to me. I said I would and remarked panchayati raj might be seen as decentralized provision of public goods, and gave the economist’s definition of public goods as those essential for the functioning of the market economy, like the Rule of Law, roads, fresh water, and sanitation, but which were unlikely to appear through competitive forces.
I distinguished between federal, state and local levels and said many of the most significant public goods were best provided locally. Rajiv had not heard the term “public goods” before, and he beamed a smile and his eyes lit up as he voiced the words slowly, seeming to like the concept immensely. It occurred to me he had been by choice a pilot of commercial aircraft. Now he seemed intrigued to find there could be systematic ways of thinking about navigating a country’s governance by common pursuit of reasonable judgement. I said the public sector’s wastefulness had drained scarce resources that should have gone instead to provide public goods. Since the public sector was owned by the public, it could be privatised by giving away its shares to the public, preferably to panchayats of the poorest villages. The shares would become tradable, drawing out black money, and inducing a historic redistribution of wealth while at the same time achieving greater efficiency by transferring the public sector to private hands. Rajiv seemed to like that idea too, and said he tried to follow a maxim of Indira Gandhi’s that every policy should be seen in terms of how it affected the common man. I wryly said the common man often spent away his money on alcohol, to which he said at once it might be better to think of the common woman instead. (This remark of Rajiv’s may have influenced the “aam admi” slogan of the 2004 election, as all Congress Lok Sabha MPs of the previous Parliament came to receive a previous version of the present narrative.)
Our project had identified the Congress’s lack of internal elections as a problem; when I raised it, Rajiv spoke of how he, as Congress President, had been trying to tackle the issue of bogus electoral rolls. I said the judiciary seemed to be in a mess due to the backlog of cases; many of which seemed related to land or rent control, and it may be risky to move towards a free economy without a properly functioning judicial system or at least a viable system of contractual enforcement. I said a lot of problems which should be handled by the law in the courts in India were instead getting politicised and decided on the streets. Rajiv had seen the problems of the judiciary and said he had good relations with the Chief Justice’s office, which could be put to use to improve the working of the judiciary.
The project had worked on Pakistan as well, and I went on to say we should solve the problem with Pakistan in a definitive manner. Rajiv spoke of how close his government had been in 1988 to a mutual withdrawal from Siachen. But Zia-ul-Haq was then killed and it became more difficult to implement the same thing with Benazir Bhutto, because, he said, as a democrat, she was playing to anti-Indian sentiments while he had found it somewhat easier to deal with the military. I pressed him on the long-term future relationship between the countries and he agreed a common market was the only real long-term solution. I wondered if he could find himself in a position to make a bold move like offering to go to Pakistan and addressing their Parliament to break the impasse. He did not say anything but seemed to think about the idea. Rajiv mentioned a recent Time magazine cover of Indian naval potential, which had caused an excessive stir in Delhi. He then talked about his visit to China, which seemed to him an important step towards normalization. He said he had not seen (or been shown) any absolute poverty in China of the sort we have in India. He talked about the Gulf situation, saying he did not disagree with the embargo of Iraq except he wished the ships enforcing the embargo had been under the U.N. flag. The meeting seemed to go on and on, and I was embarrassed at perhaps having taken too much time and that he was being too polite to get me to go. V. George had interrupted with news that Sheila Dixit (as I recall) had just been arrested by the U. P. Government, and there were evidently people waiting. Just before we finally stood up I expressed a hope that he was looking to the future of India with an eye to a modern political and economic agenda for the next election, rather than getting bogged down with domestic political events of the moment. That was the kind of hopefulness that had attracted many of my generation in 1985. I said I would happily work in any way to help define a long-term agenda. His eyes lit up and as we shook hands to say goodbye, he said he would be in touch with me again…. The next day I was called and asked to stay in Delhi for a few days, as Mr. Gandhi wanted me to meet some people…..
… That night Krishna Rao dropped me at Tughlak Road where I used to stay with friends. In the car I told him, as he was a military man with heavy security cover for himself as a former Governor of J&K, that it seemed to me Rajiv’s security was being unprofessionally handled, that he was vulnerable to a professional assassin. Krishna Rao asked me if I had seen anything specific by way of vulnerability. With John Kennedy and De Gaulle in mind, I said I feared Rajiv was open to a long-distance sniper, especially when he was on his campaign trips around the country. This was one of several attempts I made since October 1990 to convey my clear impression to whomever I thought might have an effect that Rajiv seemed to me extremely vulnerable. Rajiv had been on sadhbhavana journeys, back and forth into and out of Delhi. I had heard he was fed up with his security apparatus, and I was not surprised given it seemed at the time rather bureaucratized. It would not have been appropriate for me to tell him directly that he seemed to me to be vulnerable, since I was a newcomer and a complete amateur about security issues, and besides if he agreed he might seem to himself to be cowardly or have to get even closer to his security apparatus. Instead I pressed the subject relentlessly with whomever I could. I suggested specifically two things: (a) that the system in place at Rajiv’s residence and on his itineraries be tested, preferably by some internationally recognized specialists in counter-terrorism; (b) that Rajiv be encouraged to announce a shadow-cabinet. The first would increase the cost of terrorism, the second would reduce the potential political benefit expected by terrorists out to kill him. On the former, it was pleaded that security was a matter being run by the V. P. Singh and then Chandrashekhar Governments at the time. On the latter, it was said that appointing a shadow cabinet might give the appointees the wrong idea, and lead to a challenge to Rajiv’s leadership. This seemed to me wrong, as there was nothing to fear from healthy internal contests for power so long as they were conducted in a structured democratic framework. I pressed to know how public Rajiv’s itinerary was when he travelled. I was told it was known to everyone and that was the only way it could be since Rajiv wanted to be close to the people waiting to see him and had been criticized for being too aloof. This seemed to me totally wrong and I suggested that if Rajiv wanted to be seen as meeting the crowds waiting for him then that should be done by planning to make random stops on the road that his entourage would take. This would at least add some confusion to the planning of potential terrorists out to kill him. When I pressed relentlessly, it was said I should probably speak to “Madame”, i.e. to Mrs. Rajiv Gandhi. That seemed to me highly inappropriate, as I could not be said to be known to her and I should not want to unduly concern her in the event it was I who was completely wrong in my assessment of the danger. The response that it was not in Congress’s hands, that it was the responsibility of the VP Singh and later the Chandrashekhar Governments, seemed to me completely irrelevant since Congress in its own interests had a grave responsibility to protect Rajiv Gandhi irrespective of what the Government’s security people were doing or not doing. Rajiv was at the apex of the power structure of the party, and a key symbol of secularism and progress for the entire country. Losing him would be quite irreparable to the party and the country. It shocked me that the assumption was not being made that there were almost certainly professional killers actively out to kill Rajiv Gandhi — this loving family man and hapless pilot of India’s ship of state who did not seem to have wished to make enemies among India’s terrorists but whom the fates had conspired to make a target. The most bizarre and frustrating response I got from several respondents was that I should not mention the matter at all as otherwise the threat would become enlarged and the prospect made more likely! This I later realized was a primitive superstitious response of the same sort as wearing amulets and believing in Ptolemaic astrological charts that assume the Sun goes around the Earth — centuries after Kepler and Copernicus. Perhaps the entry of scientific causality and rationality is where we must begin in the reform of India’s governance and economy. What was especially repugnant after Rajiv’s assassination was to hear it said by his enemies that it marked an end to “dynastic” politics in India. This struck me as being devoid of all sense because the unanswerable reason for protecting Rajiv Gandhi was that we in India, if we are to have any pretensions at all to being a civilized and open democratic society, cannot tolerate terrorism and assassination as means of political change. Either we are constitutional democrats willing to fight for the privileges of a liberal social order, or ours is truly a primitive and savage anarchy concealed beneath a veneer of fake Westernization….. Proceedings began when Rajiv arrived. This elite audience mobbed him just as the farmers had mobbed him earlier. He saw me and beamed a smile in recognition, and I smiled back but made no attempt to draw near him in the crush. He gave a short very apt speech on the role the United Nations might have in the new post-Gulf War world. Then he launched the book, and left for an investiture at Rashtrapati Bhavan. We waited for our meeting with him, which finally happened in the afternoon. Rajiv was plainly at the point of exhaustion and still hard-pressed for time. He seemed pleased to see me and apologized for not talking in the morning. Regarding the March 22 draft, he said he had not read it but that he would be doing so. He said he expected the central focus of the manifesto to be on economic reform, and an economic point of view in foreign policy, and in addition an emphasis on justice and the law courts. I remembered our September 18 conversation and had tried to put in justice and the courts into our draft but had been over-ruled by others. I now said the social returns of investment in the judiciary were high but was drowned out again. Rajiv was clearly agitated that day by the BJP and blurted out he did not really feel he understood what on earth they were on about. He said about his own family, “We’re not religious or anything like that, we don’t pray every day.” I felt again what I had felt before, that here was a tragic hero of India who had not really wished to be more than a happy family man until he reluctantly was made into a national leader against his will. We were with him for an hour or so. As we were leaving, he said quickly at the end of the meeting he wished to see me on my own and would be arranging a meeting. One of our group was staying back to ask him a favour. Just before we left, I managed to say to him what I felt was imperative: “The Iraq situation isn’t as it seems, it’s a lot deeper than it’s been made out to be.” He looked at me with a serious look and said “Yes I know, I know.” It was decided Pitroda would be in touch with each of us in the next 24 hours. During this time Narasimha Rao’s manifesto committee would read the draft and any questions they had would be sent to us. We were supposed to be on call for 24 hours. The call never came. Given the near total lack of system and organization I had seen over the months, I was not surprised. Krishna Rao and I waited another 48 hours, and then each of us left Delhi. Before going I dropped by to see Krishnamurty, and we talked at length. He talked especially about the lack of the idea of teamwork in India. Krishnamurty said he had read everything I had written for the group and learned a lot. I said that managing the economic reform would be a critical job and the difference between success and failure was thin….”
“… I got the afternoon train to Calcutta and before long left for America to bring my son home for his summer holidays with me. In Singapore, the news suddenly said Rajiv Gandhi had been killed. All India wept. What killed him was not merely a singular act of criminal terrorism, but the system of humbug, incompetence and sycophancy that surrounds politics in India and elsewhere. I was numbed by rage and sorrow, and did not return to Delhi….”
In December 1991, I visited Rajiv’s widow at 10 Jan Path to express my condolences, the only time I have met her, and I gave her for her records a taped copy of Rajiv’s long-distance telephone conversations with me during the Gulf War earlier that year. She seemed an extremely shy taciturn figure in deep mourning, and I do not think the little I said to her about her late husband’s relationship with me was comprehended. Nor was it the time or place for more to be said.
In September 1993, at a special luncheon at the Indian Ambassador’s Residence in Washington, Siddhartha Shankar Ray, then the Ambassador to Washington, pointed at me and declared to Manmohan Singh, then Finance Minister, in presence of Manmohan’s key aides accompanying him including MS Ahluwalia, NK Singh, C Rangarajan and others,
“Congress manifesto was written on his computer”.
This was accurate enough to the extent that the 22 March 1991 draft as asked for by Rajiv and that came to explicitly affect policy had been and remains on my then-new NEC laptop.
At the Ambassador’s luncheon, I gave Manmohan Singh a copy of the Foundations book as a gift. My father who knew him in the early 1970s through MG Kaul, ICS, had sent him a copy of my 1984 IEA monograph which Manmohan had acknowledged. And back in 1973, he had visited our then-home at 14 Rue Eugene Manuel in Paris to advise me about economics at my father’s request, and he and I had ended up in a fierce private debate for about forty minutes over the demerits (as I saw them) and merits (as he saw them) of the Soviet influence on Indian economic policy-making. But in 1993 we had both forgotten the 1973 meeting.
In May 2002, the Congress passed an official party resolution moved by Digvijay Singh in presence of PV Narasimha Rao and Manmohan Singh that the 1991 reforms had originated with Rajiv Gandhi and not with either Narasimha Rao or Manmohan; no one dissented. It was intended to flatter Sonia Gandhi as the Congress President, but there was truth in it too which all Congress MPs of the 13th Lok Sabha had come to know in a publication of mine they had received from me at IIT Kharagpur where since 1996 I had become Professor.
Manmohan Singh himself, to his credit, has not at any point, except once during his failed Lok Sabha bid, claimed the reforms as his own invention and has said always he had followed what his Prime Minister had told him. However, he has not been averse to being attributed with all the credit by his flatterers, by the media, by businessmen and many many others around the world, and certainly he did not respond to Ambassador Siddhartha Shankar Ray telling him and his key aides how the Congress-led reform had come about through my work except to tell me at the 1993 luncheon that when Arjun Singh criticised the reforms in Cabinet, he, Manmohan, would mention the manifesto.
On 28 December 2009, Rajiv’s widow in an official Congress Party statement finally declared her late husband
“left his personal imprint on the (Congress) party’s manifesto of 1991.″
How Sonia Gandhi, who has never had pretensions to knowledge of economics or political economy or political science or governance or history, came to place Manmohan Singh as her prime ministerial candidate and the font of economic and political wisdom along with Pranab Mukherjee, when both men hardly had been favourites of her late husband, would be a story in its own right. And how Amartya Sen’s European-origin naturalised Indian co-author Jean Drèze later came to have policy influence from a different direction upon Sonia Gandhi, also a naturalised Indian of European origin, may be yet another story in its own right, perhaps best told by themselves.
I would surmise the same elderly behind-the-scenes figure, now in his late 80s, had a hand in setting up both sets of influences — directly in the first case (from back in 1990-1991), and indirectly in the second case (starting in 2004) . This was a man who in a November 2007 newspaper article literally erased my name and inserted that of Manmohan Singh as part of the group that Rajiv created on 25 September following his 18 September meeting with me! Reluctantly, I had to call this very elderly man a liar; he has not denied it and knows he has not been libeled.
One should never forget the two traditional powers interested in the subcontinent, Russia and Britain, have been never far from influence in Delhi. In 1990-1991 what worried vested bureaucratic and business interests and foreign powers through their friends and agents was that they could see change was coming to India but they wanted to be able to control it themselves to their advantage, which they then broadly proceeded to do over the next two decades. The foreign weapons’ contracts had to be preserved, as did other big-ticket imports that India ends up buying needlessly on credit it hardly has in world markets. There are similarities to what happened in Russia and Eastern Europe where many apparatchiks and fellow-travellers became freedom-loving liberals overnight; in the Indian case more than one badly compromised pro-USSR senior bureaucrat promptly exported his children and savings to America and wrapped themselves in the American flag.
The stubborn unalterable fact remains that Manmohan Singh was not physically present in India and was still with the Nyerere project on 18 September 1990 when I met Rajiv for the first time and gave him the unpublished results of the UH-Manoa project. This simple straightforward fact is something the Congress Party, given its own myths and self-deception and disinformation, has not been able to cope with in its recently published history. For myself, I have remained loyal to my memory of my encounter with Rajiv Gandhi, and my understanding of him. The Rajiv Gandhi I knew had been enthused by me in 1990-1991 carrying the UH-Manoa perestroika-for-India project that I had led since 1986, and he had loved my advice to him on 18 September 1990 that he needed to modernise the party by preparing a coherent agenda (as other successful reformers had done) while still in Opposition waiting for elections, and to base that agenda on commitments to improving the judiciary and rule of law, stopping the debauching of money, and focusing on the provision of public goods instead. Rajiv I am sure wanted a modern and modern-minded Congress — not one which depended on him let aside his family, but one which reduced that dependence and let him and his family alone.
As for Manmohan Singh being a liberal or liberalising economist, there is no evidence publicly available of that being so from his years before or during the Nyerere project, or after he returned and joined the Chandrashekhar PMO and the UGC until becoming, to his own surprise as he told Mark Tully, PV Narasimha Rao’s Finance Minister. Some of his actions qua Finance Minister were liberalising in nature but he did not originate any basic idea of a change in a liberal direction of economic policy, and he has, with utmost honesty honestly, not claimed otherwise. Innumerable flatterers and other self-interested parties have made out differently, creating what they have found to be a politically useful fiction; he has yet to deny them.
Siddhartha Shankar Ray and I met last in July 2009, when I gave him a copy of this 2005 volume I had created, which pleased him much.
I said to him Bengal’s public finances were in abysmal condition, calling for emergency measures financially, and that Mamata Banerjee seemed to me to be someone who knew how to and would dislodge the Communists from their entrenched misgovernance of decades but she did not seem quite aware that dislodging a bad government politically was not the same thing as knowing how to govern properly oneself. He, again of his own accord, said immediately,
“I will call her and her people to a meeting here so you can meet them and tell them that directly”.
It never transpired. In our last phone conversation I mentioned to him my plans of creating a Public Policy Institute — an idea he immediately and fully endorsed as being essential though adding “I can’t be part of it, I’m on my way out”.
“I’m on my way out”. That was Siddhartha Shankar Ray — always intelligent, always good-humoured, always public-spirited, always a great Indian, my only friend among politicians other than the late Rajiv Gandhi himself.
In March February 2010, my father and I called upon the new Bengal Governor, MK Narayanan and gave him a copy of the Thatcher volume for the Raj Bhavan Library; I told him the story about my encounter with Rajiv Gandhi thanks to Siddhartha Shankar Ray and its result; Narayanan within a few days made a visit to Ray’s hospital-bed, and when he emerged after several hours he made a statement, which in substance he repeated again when Ray died in November 2010:
“There are few people in post-Independence India who could equal his magnificent contribution to India’s growth and progress”.
To what facts did MK Narayanan, a former Intelligence Bureau chief, mean to refer with this extravagant praise of Ray? Was Narayanan referring to Ray’s politics for Indira Gandhi? To Ray’s Chief Ministership of Bengal? To Ray’s Governorship of Punjab? You will have to ask him but I doubt that was what he meant: I surmise Narayanan’s eulogy could only have resulted after he confirmed with Ray on his hospital-bed the story I had told him, and that he was referring to the economic and political results that followed for the country once Ray had introduced me in September 1990 to Rajiv Gandhi. But I say again, you will have to ask MK Narayanan himself what he and Ray talked about in hospital and what was the factual basis of Narayanan’s precise words of praise. To what facts exactly was MK Narayanan, former intelligence chief, meaning to refer when he stated Siddhartha Shankar Ray had made a “magnificent contribution to India’s growth and progress”?
3. Jagdish Bhagwati & Manmohan Singh? That just don’t fly!
Now returning to the apparent desire of Professor Panagariya, the Jagdish Bhagwati Professor of Indian Political Economy at Columbia, to attribute to Jagdish Bhagwati momentous change for the better in India as of 1991, even if Panagariya had not the scientific curiosity to look into our 1992 book titled Foundations of India’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s or into Milton Friedman’s own 1998 memoirs, we may have expected him to at least turn to his co-author and Columbia colleague, Jagdish Bhagwati himself, and ask, “Master, have you heard of this fellow Subroto Roy by any chance?”
Jagdish would have had to say yes, since not only had he received a copy of the proofs of my 1984 IEA work Pricing, Planning and Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India, he was kind enough to write in a letter dated 15 May 1984 that I had
“done an excellent job of setting out the problems afflicting our economic policies, unfortunately government-made problems!”
Also Jagdish may or may not have remembered our only meeting, when he and I had had a long conversation on the sofas in the foyer of the IMF in Washington when I was a consultant there in 1993 and he had come to meet someone; he was surprisingly knowledgeable about my personal 1990 matter in the Supreme Court of India which astonished me until he told me his brother the Supreme Court judge had mentioned the case to him!
Now my 1984 work was amply scientific and scholarly in fully crediting a large number of works in the necessary bibliography, including Bhagwati’s important work with his co-authors. Specifically, Footnote 1 listed the literature saying:
“The early studies notably include: B. R. Shenoy, `A note of dissent’, Papers relating to the formulation of the Second Five-Year Plan, Government of India Planning Commission, Delhi, 1955; Indian Planning and Economic Development, Asia Publishing, Bombay, 1963, especially pp. 17-53; P. T. Bauer, Indian Economic Policy and Development, George Allen & Unwin, London, 1961; M. Friedman, unpublished memorandum to the Government of India, November 1955 (referred to in Bauer, op. cit., p. 59 ff.); and, some years later, Sudha Shenoy, India : Progress or Poverty?, Research Monograph 27, Institute of Economic Affairs, London, 1971. Some of the most relevant contemporary studies are: B. Balassa, `Reforming the system of incentives in World Development, 3 (1975), pp. 365-82; `Export incentives and export performance in developing countries: a comparative analysis’, Weltwirtschaftliches Archiv, 114 (1978), pp. 24-61; The process of industrial development and alternative development strategies, Essays in International Finance No. 141, Princeton University, 1980; J. N. Bhagwati & P. Desai, India: Planning for Industrialisation, OECD, Paris : Oxford University Press, 1970; `Socialism and Indian Economic Policy’, World Development, 3 (1975), pp. 213-21; J. N. Bhagwati & T. N. Srinivasan, Foreign-trade Regimes and Economic Development: India, National Bureau of Economic Research, New York, 1975; Anne O. Krueger, `Indian planning experience’, in T. Morgan et al. (eds.), Readings in Economic Development, Wadsworth, California, 1963, pp. 403-20; `The political economy of the rent-seeking society, American Economic Review, 64 (June 1974); The Benefits and Costs of Import-Substitution in India: a Microeconomic Study, University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, 1975; Growth, distortions and patterns of trade among many countries, Studies in International Finance, Princeton University, 1977; Uma Lele, Food grain marketing in India : private performance and public policy, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, 1971; T. W. Schultz (ed.), Distortions in agricultural incentives, Indiana University Press, Bloomington, 1978; V. Sukhatme, “The utilization of high-yielding rice and wheat varieties in India: an economic assessment”, University of Chicago PhD thesis, 1977….”
There were two specific references to Bhagwati’s work with Srinivasan:
“Jagdish Bhagwati and T. N. Srinivasan put it as follows : `The allocation of foreign exchange among alternative claimants and users in a direct control system . . .would presumably be with reference to a well-defined set of principles and criteria based on a system of priorities. In point of fact, however, there seem to have been few such criteria, if any, followed in practice.’”
and
“But as Bhagwati and Srinivasan report, `. . . the sheer weight of numbers made any meaningful listing of priorities extremely difficult. The problem was Orwellian: all industries had priority and how was each sponsoring authority to argue that some industries had more priority than others? It is not surprising, therefore, that the agencies involved in determining allocations by industry fell back on vague notions of “fairness”, implying pro rata allocations with reference to capacity installed or employment, or shares defined by past import allocations or similar rules of thumb’”
and one to Bhagwati and Desai:
“The best descriptions of Indian industrial policy are still to be found in Bhagwati and Desai (1970)…”
Professors Bhagwati and Panagriya have not apparently referred to anything beyond these joint works of Bhagwati’s dated 1970 with Padma Desai and 1975 with TN Srinivasan. They have not claimed Bhagwati did anything by way of either publication or political activity in relation to India’s economic policy between May 1984, when he read my soon-to-be-published-work and found I had
“done an excellent job of setting out the problems afflicting our economic policies, unfortunately government-made problems”,
and September 1990 when I gave Rajiv the University of Hawaii perestroika-for-India project results developed since 1986, which came to politically spark the 1991 reform in the Congress’s highest echelons from months before Rajiv’s assassination.
There may have been no such claim made by Bhagwati and Panagariya because there may be no such evidence. Between 1984 and 1990, Professor Bhagwati’s research interests were away from Indian economic policy while his work on India through 1970 and 1975 had been fully and reasonably accounted for as of 1984 by myself.
What is left remaining is Bhagwati’s statement :
“When finance minister Manmohan Singh was in New York in 1992, he had a lunch for many big CEOs whom he was trying to seduce to come to India. He also invited me and my wife, Padma Desai, to the lunch. As we came in, the FM introduced us to the invitees and said: ‘These friends of mine wrote almost a quarter century ago [India: Planning for Industrialisation was published in 1970 by Oxford] recommending all the reforms we are now undertaking. If we had accepted the advice then, we would not be having this lunch as you would already be in India’
Now this light self-deprecating reference by Manmohan at an investors’ lunch in New York “for many big CEOs” was an evident attempt at political humour written by his speech-writer. It was clearly, on its face, not serious history. If we test it as serious history, it falls flat so we may only hope Manmohan Singh, unlike Jagdish Bhagwati, has not himself come to believe his own reported joke as anything more than that.
The Bhagwati-Desai volume being referred to was developed from 1966-1970. India saw critical economic and political events in 1969, in 1970, in 1971, in 1972, in 1975, in 1977, etc.
Those were precisely years during which Manmohan Singh himself moved from being an academic to becoming a Government of India official, working first for MG Kaul, ICS, and then in 1971 coming to the attention of PN Haksar, Indira Gandhi’s most powerful bureaucrat between 1967 and 1974: Haksar himself was Manmohan Singh’s acknowledged mentor in the Government, as Manmohan told Mark Tully in an interview.
After Manmohan visited our Paris home in 1973 to talk to me about economics, my father — who had been himself sent to the Paris Embassy by Haksar in preparation for Indira Gandhi’s visit in November 1971 before the Bangladesh war —
had told me Manmohan was very highly regarded in government circles with economics degrees from both Cambridge and Oxford, and my father had added, to my surprise, what was probably a Haksarian governmental view that Manmohan was expected to be India’s Prime Minister some day. That was 1973.
PN Haksar had been the archetypal Nehruvian Delhi intellectual of a certain era, being both a fierce nationalist and a fierce pro-USSR leftist from long before Independence. I met him once on 23 March 1991, on the lawns of 10 Jan Path at the launch of General V Krishna Rao’s book on Indian defence which Rajiv was releasing, and Haksar gave a speech to introduce Rajiv (as if Rajiv needed introduction on the lawns of his own residence); Haksar was in poor health but he seemed completely delighted to be back in favour with Rajiv, after years of having been treated badly by Indira and her younger son.
Had Manmohan Singh in the early 1970s gone to Haksar — the architect of the nationalisation of India’s banking going on right then — and said “Sir, this OECD study by my friend Bhagwati and his wife says we should be liberalising foreign trade and domestic industry”, Haksar would have been astonished and sent him packing.
There was a war on, plus a massive problem of 10 million refugees, a new country to support called Bangladesh, a railway strike, a bad crop, repressed inflation, shortages, and heaven knows what more, besides Nixon having backed Yahya Khan, Tikka Khan et al.
Then after Bangladesh and the railway strike etc, came the rise of the politically odious younger son of Indira Gandhi and his friends (at least one of whom is today Sonia Gandhi’s gatekeeper) followed by the internal political Emergency, the grave foreign-fueled problem of Sikh separatism and its control, the assassination of Indira Gandhi by her own Sikh bodyguards, and the Rajiv Gandhi years as Prime Minister.
Certainly it was Rajiv’s arrival in office and Benazir’s initial return to Pakistan, along with the rise of Michael Gorbachev in the changing USSR, that inspired me in far away Hawaii in 1986 to design with Ted James the perestroika-projects for India and Pakistan which led to our two volumes, and which, thanks to Siddhartha Shankar Ray, came to reach Rajiv Gandhi in Opposition in September 1990 as he sat somewhat forlornly at 10 Jan Path after losing office. “There is a tide in the affairs of men, Which taken at the flood, leads on to fortune….
My friend and collaborator Ted James died of cancer in Manila in May 2010; earlier that year he came to say publicly
“Seldom are significant reforms imposed successfully by international bureaucracies. Most often they are the result of indigenous actors motivated by domestic imperatives. I believe this was the case in India in 1991. It may have been fortuitous that Dr. Roy gained an audience with a receptive Rajiv Gandhi in 1990 but it was not luck that he was prepared with a well-thought out program; this arose from years of careful thought and debate on the matter.”
Changing the direction of a ship of state is very hard, knowing in which direction it should change and to what degree is even harder; it has rarely been something that can be done without random shocks arising let aside the power of vested interests. Had Rajiv Gandhi lived to form a new Government, I have little doubt I would have led the reform that I had chalked out for him and that he had approved of; Sonia Gandhi would have remained the housewife, mother and grandmother that she had preferred to be and not been made into the Queen of India by the Congress Party; Manmohan Singh had left India in 1987 for the Nyerere project and it had been rumoured at the time that had been slightly to do with him protesting, to the extent that he ever has protested anything, the anti-Sikh pogrom that some of Rajiv’s friends had apparently unleashed after Indira’s killing; he returned in November 1990, joined Chandrashekhar in December 1990, left Chandrashekhar in March 1991 when elections were announced and was biding his time as head of the UGC; had Rajiv Gandhi lived, Manmohan Singh would have had a governor’s career path, becoming the governor of one state after another; he would not have been brought into the economic reform process which he had had nothing to do with originating; and finally Pranab Mukherjee, who left the Congress Party and formed his own when Rajiv took over, would have been likely rehabilitated slowly but would not have come to control the working of the party as he did. I said in my Lok Sabha TV interview on 5 9 December 2012 that there have been many microeconomic improvements arising from technological progress in the last 22 years but the macroeconomic and monetary situation is grim, because at root the fiscal situation remains incoherent and confused. I do not see anyone in Manmohan Singh’s entourage among all his many acolytes and flatterers and apologists who is able to get to these root problems. We shall address these issues in Part II.
What Manmohan Singh said in self-deprecating humour at an investors’ lunch in New York in 1992 is hardly serious history as Jagdish Bhagwati has seemed to wish it to be. Besides, it would have been unlike Manmohan, being the devoted student of Joan Robinson and Nicholas Kaldor as he told Mark Tully, to have taken such a liberalising initiative at all. Furthermore, the 1969 American Economic Review published asurvey of Indian economic policy authored by his Delhi University colleagues Jagdish Bhagwati and Sukhamoy Chakravarty which made little mention of his work, and it would have been unreasonable to expect him to have been won over greatly by theirs. Perhaps there is a generous review from the 1970s by Manmohan Singh of the Bhagwati-Desai volume hidden somewhere but if so we should be told where it is. A list of Manmohan Singh’s publications as an economist do not seem easily available anywhere.
Lastly and perhaps most decisively, the 1970 Bhagwati-Desai volume, excellent study that it was, was hardly the first of its genre by way of liberal criticism of modern Indian economic policy! Bhagwati declared in his 2010 speech to the Lok Sabha
“This policy framework had been questioned, and its total overhaul advocated, by me and Padma Desai in writings through the late 1960s…”
But why has Bhagwati been forever silent about the equally if not more forceful and fundamental criticism of “the policy framework”, and advocacy of its “total overhaul”, by scholars in the 1950s, a decade and more earlier than him, when he and Manmohan and Amartya were still students? Specifically, by BR Shenoy, Milton Friedman, and Peter Bauer? The relevant bibliography from the mid 1950s is given in Footnote 1 of my 1984 work.
Peter Tamas Bauer (1915-2002) played a vital role in all this as had he himself not brought the Friedman 1955 document to my attention I would not have known of it.
As undergraduates at the LSE, we had been petrified of him and I never spoke to him while there, having believed the propaganda that floated around about him; then while a Research Student at Cambridge, I happened to be a speaker with him at a conference at Oxford; he made me sit next to him at a meal and told me for the first time about Milton Friedman’s 1955 memorandum to the Government of India which had been suppressed. I am privileged to say Peter from then on became a friend, and wrote, at my request, what became I am sure the kiss of death for me at the World Bank of 1982:
Later he may have been responsible for the London Times writing its lead editorial of 29 May 1984 on my work.
Now Milton had sent me in 1984, besides the original of his November 1955 memorandum to the Government of India, a confidential 1956 document also which seemed to have been written for US Government consumption. I did not publish this in Hawaii in 1989 as I was having difficulty enough publishing the 1955 memorandum. I gave it to be published on the Internet some years ago, and after Milton’s passing, I had it published in The Statesman on the same day as my obituary of him.
It makes fascinating reading, especially about Mahalanobis and Shenoy, of how what Bhagwati wishes to call “the policy framework” that, he claims, he and Desai called for a “total overhaul” of, came to be what it was in the decade earlier when he and Amartya and Manmohan were still students.
Friedman’s 1956 document said
“I met PC Mahalanobis in 1946 and again at a meeting of the International Statistical Institute in September 1947, and I know him well by reputation. He was absent during most of my stay in New Delhi, but I met him at a meeting of the Indian Planning Commission, of which he is one of the strongest and most able members. Mahalanobis began as a mathematician and is a very able one. Able mathematicians are usually recognized for their ability at a relatively early age. Realizing their own ability as they do and working in a field of absolutes, tends, in my opinion, to make them dangerous when they apply themselves to economic planning. They produce specific and detailed plans in which they have confidence, without perhaps realizing that economic planning is not the absolute science that mathematics is. This general characteristic of mathematicians is true of Mahalanobis but in spite of the tendency he is willing to discuss a problem and listen to a different point of view. Once his decision is reached, however, he has great confidence in it. Mahalanobis was unquestionably extremely influential in drafting the Indian five-year plan. There were four key steps in the plan. The first was the so-called “Plan Frame” drafted by Mahalanobis himself. The second was a tentative plan based on the “Plan Frame”. The third step was a report by a committee of economists on the first two steps, and the fourth was a minority report by BR Shenoy on the economists’ report. The economists had no intention of drafting a definitive proposal but merely meant to comment on certain aspects of the first two steps. Shenoy’s minority report, however, had the effect of making the economists’ report official. The scheme of the Five Year Plan attributed to Mahalanobis faces two problems; one, that India needs heavy industry for economic development; and two, that development of heavy industry uses up large amounts of capital while providing only small employment. Based on these facts, Mahalanobis proposed to concentrate on heavy industry development on the one hand and to subsidize the hand production cottage industries on the other. The latter course would discriminate against the smaller manufacturers. In my opinion, the plan wastes both capital and labour and the Indians get only the worst of both efforts. If left to their own devices under a free enterprise system I believe the Indians would gravitate naturally towards the production of such items as bicycles, sewing machines, and radios. This trend is already apparent without any subsidy. The Indian cottage industry is already cloaked in the same popular sort of mist as is rural life in the US. There is an idea in both places that this life is typical and the backbone of their respective countries. Politically, the Indian cottage industry problem is akin to the American farm problem. Mohandas Gandhi was a proponent of strengthening the cottage industry as a weapon against the British. This reason is now gone but the emotions engendered by Gandhi remain. Any move to strengthen the cottage industry has great political appeal and thus, Mahalanobis’ plan and its pseudo-scientific support for the industry also has great political appeal. I found many supporters for the heavy industry phase of the Plan but almost no one (among the technical Civil Servants) who really believes in the cottage industry aspects, aside from their political appeal. In its initial form, the plan was very large and ambitious with optimistic estimates. My impression is that there is a substantial trend away from this approach, however, and an attempt to cut down. The development of heavy industry has slowed except for steel and iron. I believe that the proposed development of a synthetic petroleum plant has been dropped and probably wisely so. In addition, I believe that the proposed five year plan may be extended to six years. Other than his work on the plan, I am uncertain of Mahalanobis’ influence. The gossip is that he has Nehru’s ear and potentially he could be very influential, simply because of his intellectual ability and powers of persuasion. The question that occurs to me is how much difference Mahalanobis’ plan makes. The plan does not seem the important thing to me. I believe that the new drive and enthusiasm of the Indian nation will surmount any plan, good or bad. Then too, I feel a wide diversity in what is said and what is done. I believe that much of Nehru’s socialistic talk is simply that, just talk. Nehru has been trying to undermine the Socialist Party by this means and apparently the Congress Party’s adoption of a socialistic idea for industry has been successful in this respect. One gets the impression, depending on whom one talks with, either that the Government runs business, or that two or three large businesses run the government. All that appears publicly indicates that the first is true, but a case can also be made for the latter interpretation. Favour and harassment are counterparts in the Indian economic scheme. There is no significant impairment of the willingness of Indian capitalists to invest in their industries, except in the specific industries where nationalization has been announced, but they are not always willing to invest and take the risks inherent in the free enterprise system. They want the Government to support their investment and when it refuses they back out and cry “Socialism”..”
I look forward to seeing a fundamental classical liberal critique from India’s distinguished American friends at Columbia University, Professors Jagdish Bhagwati and Padma Desai and Arvind Panagariya, if and when such a critique arises, of the “policy framework” in India as that evolved from the mid 1950s to become what exists across India in 2013 today. Specifically: Where is the criticism from Bhagwati of Mahalanobis and friends? And where is Bhagwati’s defence of Shenoy, leave aside of Milton Friedman or Peter Bauer? They seem not to exist. The most we get is a footnote again without the civility of any references, in the otherwise cogent 1975 Desai-Bhagwati paper “Socialism and Indian Economic Policy” alleging
” Of these three types of impact of the Soviet example, the Plan-formulation approach was to be enthusiastically received by most commentators and, indeed, to lead to demands on the part of aid agencies for similar efforts by other developing countries. However, the shift to heavy industry was seen as a definite mistake by economic opinion of the Chicago school variety, reflecting their basic unfamiliarity with the structural models of growth and development planning of the Feldman-Mahalanobis variety-an ignorance which probably still persists. The detailed regulation was not quite noticed at the time, except by conservative commentators whose position however was extreme and precluded governmental planning of industrial investments on any scale.”
Desai and Bhagwati naturally found no apparent desire to locate any possible scientific truth or reasonableness among
“conservative commentators”
nor among the unnamed and undescribed
“economic opinion of the Chicago school variety”.
Could Desai and Bhagwati have done anything different after all, even when talking about India to an American audience, without being at risk of losing their East Coast Limousine Liberal credentials? Bhagwati used to routinely declare his “socialist” credentials, and even the other day on Indian TV emphatically declared he was not a “conservative” and scornfully dismissed “Thatcher and Reagan” for their “trickle down economics”…
Jagdish Bhagwati has evidently wanted to have his cake and eat it too…
4. Amartya Sen’s Half-Baked Communism: “To each according to his need”?
If I have been candid or harsh in my assessments of Jagdish Bhagwati and Manmohan Singh as they relate to my personal experience with the change of direction in Indian economic policy originating in 1990-1991, I am afraid I must be equally so with Bhagwati’s current opponent in debate, Amartya Sen. Certainly I have found the current spat between Bhagwati and Sen over India’s political economy to be dismal, unscholarly, unscientific and misleading (or off-base) except for it having allowed a burst of domestic policy-discussion in circumstances when India needs it especially much.
None of this criticism is personal but based on objective experience and the record. My criticism of Professor Bhagwati and Dr Manmohan Singh does not diminish in the slightest my high personal regard for both of them.
Similarly, Amartya Sen and I go back, momentarily, to Hindustan Park in 1964 when there was a faint connection as family friends from World War II (as Naren Deb and Manindranath Roy were friends and neighbours, and we still have the signed copy of a book gifted by the former to the latter), and then he later knew me cursorily when I was an undergraduate at LSE and he was already a famous professor, and I greatly enjoyed his excellent lectures at the LSE on his fine book On Economic Inequality, and a few years later he wrote in tangential support of me at Cambridge for which he was thanked in the preface to my 1989 Philosophy of Economics — even though that book of mine also contained in its Chapter 10 the decisive criticism of his main contribution until that time to what used to be called “social choice theory”. Amartya Sen had also written some splendid handwritten letters, a few pages of which remain with me, which puzzled me at the time due to his expressing his aversion to what is normally called ‘price theory’, namely the Marshallian and/or Walrasian theory of value.
Professor Sen and I met briefly in 1978, and then again in 2006 when I was asked to talk to him in our philosophical conversation which came to be published nicely. In 2006 I told him of my experience with Rajiv Gandhi in initiating what became the 1991 reform on the basis of my giving Rajiv the results of the Hawaii project, and Amartya was kind enough to say that he knew I had been arguing all this “very early on”, referring presumably to the 1984 London Times editorial which he would have seen in his Oxford days before coming to Harvard.
This personal regard on my part or personal affection on his part aside, I have been appalled to find Professor Sen not taking moral and intellectual responsibility for and instead disclaiming paternity of the whole so-called “Food Security” policy which Sonia Gandhi has been prevailed upon over the years by him and his acolytes and friends and admirers to adopt, and she in her ignorance of all political economy and governance has now wished to impose upon the Congress Party and India as a whole:
“Questioner: You are being called the creator of the Food Security Bill.
Amartya Sen: Yes, I don’t know why. That is indeed a paternity suit I’m currently fighting. People are accusing me of being the father”.
Amartya Sen has repeatedly over the years gone on Indian prime-time television and declared things like
“If you don’t agree there’s hunger in the world, there’s something morally wrong with you”
besides over the decades publishing titles like Poverty and Famines: An Essay on Entitlement and Deprivation, Hunger and Public Action, The Political Economy of Hunger etc and ceaselessly using his immense power with the media, with book publishing houses, with US academic departments and the world development economics business, to promote his own and his acolytes’ opinions around the world, no matter how ill-considered or incoherent these may be. A passage from his latest book with Jean Drèze reportedly reads
“If development is about the expansion of freedom, it has to embrace the removal of poverty as well as paying attention to ecology as integral parts of a unified concern, aimed ultimately at the security and advancement of human freedom. Indeed, important components of human freedoms — and crucial ingredients of our quality of life — are thoroughly dependent on the integrity of the environment, involving the air we breathe, the water we drink, and the epidemiological surroundings in which we live….”
Had such a passage reached me in an undergraduate essay, I would have considered it incoherent waffle, and I am afraid I cannot see why merely because it is authored by an eminence at Harvard and his co-author, the evaluation should be any different. I am reminded of my encounter in 1976 with Joan Robinson, the great tutor in 1950s Cambridge of Amartya and Manmohan: “Joan Robinson cornered me once and took me into the office she shared with EAG… She came at me for an hour or so wishing to supervise me, I kept declining politely… saying I was with Frank Hahn and wished to work on money… “What does Frankie know about India?” she said… I said I did not know but he did know about monetary theory and that was what I needed for India; I also said I did not think much about the Indian Marxists she had supervised… and mentioned a prominent name… she said about him, “Yes most of what he does can go straight into the dustbin”…” The Indian Marxist whom I had referred to in this conversation with Joan was not Amartya but someone else much younger, yet her candid “can go straight into the dustbin” still applies to all incoherent waffle, whomsoever may produce it.
Indeed, Amartya Sen, if anyone, really should get down to writing his memoirs, and candidly so in order to explain his own thinking and deeds over the decades to himself and to the world in order that needless confusions do not arise.
Else it becomes impossible to explain how someone who was said to be proud to have been a Communist student on the run from the police in West Bengal, who was Joan Robinson’s star pupil at a time she was extolling Maoist China and who has seemingly nurtured a deep lifelong fascination and affection for Communist China despite all its misdeeds, who was feted by the Communist regime of West Bengal after winning the Bank of Sweden Prize (on the same day that same regime had tossed into jail one unfortunate young Mr Khemkha merely for having been rude to its leaders on the Internet), and who seemed to share some of those winnings on social causes like primary education at the behest of the Communist regime’s ministers, etc, how someone with that noble comradely leftist personal history as an economist allows a flattering interviewer with a Harvard connection to describe him in Business Standard of 25 July 2013 as having been all along really a
“neoclassical economist”
who also happens to be
“the greatest living scholar of the original philosopher of the free market, Adam Smith”!
Amartya Sen a neoclassical economist and a great scholar of Adam Smith? It is hilarious to suppose so. The question arises, Does Sen, having published about Adam Smith recently in a few newspapers and leftist periodicals, agree with such a description by his flattering admirer from Harvard at Business Standard? “Neoclassical” economics originated with men like Jevons, Menger, Walras, Pareto, Marshall, Wicksell, and was marked by the theory of value being explained by a demand-side too, and not, like classical economics, merely by the cost of production alone on the supply side. Indeed a striking thing about the list below published by the Scandinavian Journal of Economics of Amartya’s books following his 1998 Bank of Sweden Prize
is how consistently these works display his avoidance of all neoclassical economics, and the absence of all of what is normally called ‘price theory’, namely the Marshallian and/or Walrasian theory of value. No “neoclassical economics” anywhere here for sure!
It would be fair enough if Professor Sen says he is hardly responsible for an admirer’s ignorant misdescription of his work — except the question still arises why he has himself also evidently misdescribed his own work! For example, in his 13 July 2013 letter to The Economist in response to the criticism of Jagdish Bhagwati and Arvind Panagariya, he says he had always been keenly interested in
“the importance of economic growth as a means— not an end”
and that this
“has been one of the themes even in my earliest writings (including “Choice of Techniques” in 1960 and “Growth Economics” in 1970)”.
This is a very peculiar opinion indeed to have been expressed by Professor Sen about his own work because the 1970 volume Growth Economics listed above among his books hardly can be said at all to be one of his own “earliest writings” as he now describes it to have been!
What had happened back then was that Sen, as someone considered a brilliant or promising young Indian economist at the time, had been asked by the editors of the famous Penguin Modern Economics Readings series to edit the specific issue devoted to growth-theory — a compendium of classic already-published essays including those of Roy Harrod, Evsey Domar, Robert Solow and many others, to which young Amartya was given a chance to write an editorial Introduction. Every economist familiar with that literature knows too that the growth-theory contained in that volume and others was considered highly abstract and notoriously divorced from actual historical processes of economic growth in different countries. Everyone also knew that the individual editors in that famous Penguin Modern Economics Series were of relative unimportance as they did not commission new papers but merely collected classics already published and wrote an introduction.
This is significant presently because neither Professor Sen nor Professor Bhagwati may be objectively considered on the evidence of his life’s work as an economist to have been a major scholar of economic growth, either in theory or in historical practice. As of December 1989, Amartya Sen himself described his own interests to the American Economic Association as
“social choice theory, welfare economics, economic development”
and Jagdish Bhagwati described his interests as
“theory of international trade and policy, economic development”.
Neither Sen nor Bhagwati mentioned growth economics or economic history or even general economic theory, microeconomics, macroeconomics, monetary economics, public finance, etc. Furthermore, Sen saying in his letter to The Economist that he has been always interested in economic growth seems to be baseless in light of the list of his books above, other than the Penguin compendium already discussed.
Incidentally in the same American Economic Association volume of 1989, Padma Desai had described her interests as
“Soviet economy and comparative economic systems”;
Arvind Panagariya had described his interests as
“economies of scale and trade; smuggling; parallel markets in planned economies”;
and one Suby Roy described his interests as
“foundations of monetary economics”.
Reflecting on Amartya Sen’s works over the 40 year period that I have known them
[and again, my personal copies of his books and those of Bhagwati and Desai, were all in my professorial office at IIT Kharagpur when I was attacked by a corrupt gang there in 2003; and IIT have been under a High Court order to return them but have not done so],
I wonder in fact if it might be fairly said that Sen has been on his own subjective journey over the decades around the world seeking to reinvent economics and political economy from scratch, and inventing his own terminology like “capabilities”, “functionings” and yes “entitlements” etc. to help him do so, while trying to assiduously avoid mention of canonical works of modern world economics like Marshall’s Principles, Hicks’s Value and Capital, Debreu’s Theory of Value, or Arrow and Hahn’s General Competitive Analysis, all defining the central neoclassical tradition of the modern theory of value.
But no contemporary science, economics and political economy included, is open to be re-invented from scratch, and what Amartya Sen has ended up doing instead is seeming to be continually trying to reinvent the wheel, possibly without having had the self-knowledge to realise this. Wittgenstein once made a paradoxical statement that one may know another’s mind better than one knows one’s own…
Here is a current example. Professor Sen says
“First, unlike the process of development in Japan, China, Korea and other countries, which pursued what Jean Drèze and I have called “Asian economic development” in our book, India has not had enough focus on public spending on school education and basic healthcare, which these other countries have had….”
Does Sen really believes believe he and Drèze have now in 2013 discovered and christened an economic phenomenon named “Asian economic development”? Everyone, from Japan and Bangkok and Manila, to Hawaii and Stanford to the World Bank’s East Asia department, including especially my Hawaii colleague Ted James, and many many others including especially Gerald M Meier at Stanford, were was publishing about all that every month — in the mid 1980s! In fact, our project on India and Pakistan arose in the 1980s from precisely such a Hawaiian wave! Everyone knows all that from back then or even earlier when the Japanese were talking about the “flying geese” model. (And, incidentally, Communist China did not at the time belong in the list.) Where was Amartya Sen in the mid 1980s when all that was happening? Jean Drèze was still a student perhaps. Is Professor Sen seeking to reinvent the wheel again with “Asian Economic Development” being claimed to be invented in 2013 by him and Drèze now? Oh please! That just won’t fly either!
A second example may be taken from the year before Professor Sen was awarded the Bank of Sweden Prize when he gave a lecture on “human capital” theory which was published as a survey titled “Human Capital and Human Capability” in World Development 1997 Vol. 25, No. 12,
Can you see any reference in this 1997 survey to TW Schultz’s 1960 American Economic Association Presidential Address or to Schultz’s classic 1964 book Transforming Traditional Agriculture or to his 1979 Bank of Sweden Prize address? I could not. If one did not know better, one might have thought from Professor Sen’s 1997 survey that there was nothing done worth talking about on the subject of “human capital” from the time of Adam Smith and David Hume until Amartya Sen finally came to the subject himself.
Thirdly, one is told by Sen’s admirer and collaborator, Professor James Foster of George Washington University, that what Sen means by his notion of
“effective freedom”
is that this is something
“enhanced when a marginally nourished family now has the capability to be sufficiently nourished due to public action”…
Are Amartya and his acolytes claiming he has invented or reinvented welfare economics ab initio? That before Amartya Sen, we did not know the importance of the able-bodied members of a community assisting those who are not able-bodied?
Where have they been? Amartya needed merely to have read Marshall’s Principles evenslightly to find Marshall himself, the master of Maynard Keynes and all of Cambridge and modern world economics, declaring without any equivocation at the very start
“….the study of the causes of poverty is the study of the causes of the degradation of a large part of mankind…”
But Marshall was interested in study, serious study, of poverty and its causes and amelioration, which is not something as easy or trivial as pontification on modern television. My 1984 article “Considerations on Utility, Benevolence and Taxation” which also became a chapter of my 1989 Philosophy of Economics surveyed some of Marshall’s opinion.
“From each according to his ability, to each according to his need” was a utopian slogan around 1875 from Karl Marx, which generations of passionate undergraduates have found impressive. Amartya Sen deserves to tell us squarely about his engagement with Marx or Marxist thought from his earliest days until now. His commitment in recent decades to democracy and the open and free society is clear; but has he also at the same time all along been committed to a kind of half-baked communist utopia as represented by Marx’s 1875 slogan?
“To each according to his need” sounds to be the underlying premise that is seeing practical manifestation in the Sonia Congress’s imposition of a so-called “right to food”; “from each according to his ability” is its flip side in the so-called “rural employment guarantee”. Leave aside the limitless resource-allocation and incentive and public finance problems created by such naive ideas being made into government policy, there is a grave and fundamental issue that Amartya and other leftists have been too blinkered to see:
Do they suppose the organised business classes have been weakly cooperative and will just allow such massive redistribution to occur without getting the Indian political system to pay them off as well? And how do the organised business classes get paid off? By their getting to take the land of the inhabitants of rural India. And land in an environment of a debauching of money and other paper assets is as good as gold.
So the peasants will lose their land to the government’s businessman friends on the one hand while purportedly getting “guaranteed” employment and food from the government’s bureaucrats on the other! A landless, asset-less slave population, free to join the industrial proletariat! Is that what Amartya wants to see in India? It may become what results within a few decades from his and his acolytes’ words and deeds.
Rajiv Gandhi once gave me his private phone numbers at 10 Jan Path. I used them back in January 1991 during the Gulf war. But I cannot do so now as Rajiv is gone. Amartya can. Let him phone Sonia and prevail upon her to put the brakes on the wild food and employment schemes he and his friends have persuaded her about until he reads and reflects upon what I said in January 2007 in “On Land-Grabbing” and in my July 2007 open letter to him, reproduced below:
“At a business meet on 12 January 2005, Dr Manmohan Singh showered fulsome praise on Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee as “dynamic”, “the Nation’s Best Chief Minister”, whose “wit and wisdom”, “qualities of head and heart”, “courage of conviction and passionate commitment to the cause of the working people of India” he admired, saying “with Buddhadeb Babu at the helm of affairs it appears Bengal is once again forging ahead… If today there is a meeting of minds between Delhi and Kolkata, it is because the ideas that I and Buddhadebji represent have captured the minds of the people of India. This is the idea of growth with equity and social justice, the idea that economic liberalization and modernization have to be mindful of the needs of the poor and the marginalized.”…. Dr Singh returned to the “needs of the poor and the marginalized” at another business meet on 8 January 2007 promising to “unveil a new Rehabilitation Policy in three months to increase the pace of industrialisation” which would be “more progressive, humane and conducive to the long-term welfare of all stakeholders”, while his businessman host pointedly stated about Singur “land for industry must be made available to move the Indian manufacturing sector ahead”. The “meeting of minds between Delhi and Kolkata” seems to be that agriculture allegedly has become a relatively backward slow-growing sector deserving to yield in the purported larger national interest to industry and services: what the PM means by “long-term welfare of all stakeholders” is the same as the new CPI-M party-line that the sons of farmers should not remain farmers (but become automobile technicians or IT workers or restaurant waiters instead). It is a political viewpoint coinciding with interests of organised capital and industrial labour in India today, as represented by business lobbies like CII, FICCI and Assocham on one hand, and unions like CITU and INTUC on the other. Business Standard succinctly (and ominously) advocated this point of view in its lead editorial of 9 January as follows: “it has to be recognised that the world over capitalism has progressed only with the landed becoming landless and getting absorbed in the industrial/service sector labour force ~ indeed it is obvious that if people don’t get off the land, their incomes will rise only slowly”. Land is the first and ultimate means of production, and the attack of the powerful on land-holdings or land-rights of the unorganised or powerless has been a worldwide phenomenon ~ across both capitalism and communism. In the mid-19th Century, white North America decimated hundreds of thousands of natives in the most gargantuan land-grab of history. Defeated, Chief Red Cloud of the Sioux spoke in 1868 for the Apache, Navajo, Comanche, Cheyenne, Iroquois and hundreds of other tribes: “They made us many promises, more than I can remember, but they never kept any except one: they promised to take our land, and they took it.” Half a century later, while the collapse of grain prices contributed to the Great Depression and pauperisation of thousands of small farmers in capitalist America in the same lands that had been taken from the native tribes, Stalin’s Russia embarked on the most infamous state-sponsored land-grab in modern history: “The mass collectivisation of Soviet agriculture (was) probably the most warlike operation ever conducted by a state against its own citizens…. Hundreds of thousands and finally millions of peasants… were deported… desperate revolts in the villages were bloodily suppressed by the army and police, and the country sank into chaos, starvation and misery… The object of destroying the peasants’ independence…was to create a population of slaves, the benefit of whose labour would accrue to industry. The immediate effect was to reduce Soviet agriculture to a state of decline from which it has not yet recovered… The destruction of the Soviet peasantry, who formed three quarters of the population, was not only an economic but a moral disaster for the entire country. Tens of millions were driven into semi-servitude, and millions more were employed as executants…” (Kolakowski, Main Currents of Marxism). Why did Stalin destroy the peasants? Lenin’s wishful “alliance between the proletariat and the peasantry” in reality could lead only to the peasants being pauperised into proletarians. At least five million peasants died and (Stalin told Churchill at Yalta) another ten million in the resultant famine of 1932-1933. “Certainly it involved a struggle ~ but chiefly one between urban Communists and villagers… it enabled the regime to obtain much of the capital desired for industrialization from the defeated village… it was the decisive step in the building of Soviet totalitarianism, for it imposed on the majority of the people a subjection which only force could maintain” (Treadgold, 20th Century Russia). Mr Bhattacharjee’s CPI-M is fond of extolling Chinese communism, and the current New Delhi establishment have made Beijing and Shanghai holiday destinations of choice. Dr Singh’s Government has been eager to create hundreds of “Special Economic Zones” run by organised capital and unionised labour, and economically privileged by the State. In fact, the Singur and Nandigram experiences of police sealing off villages where protests occur are modelled on creation of “Special Economic Zones” in China in recent years. For example, Chinese police on 6 December 2005 cracked down on farmers and fishermen in the seaside village of Dongzhou, 125 miles North East of Hong Kong. Thousands of Dongzhou villagers clashed with troops and armed police protesting confiscation of their lands and corruption among officials. The police immediately sealed off the village and arrested protesters. China’s Public Security Ministry admitted the number of riots over land had risen sharply, reaching more than seventy thousand across China in 2004; police usually suppressed peasant riots without resort to firing but in Dongzhou, police firing killed 20 protesters. Such is the reality of the “emergence” of China, a totalitarian police-state since the Communist takeover in 1949, from its period of mad tyranny until Mao’s death in 1976, followed by its ideological confusion ever since. Modern India’s political economy today remains in the tight grip of metropolitan “Big Business” and “Big Labour”. Ordinary anonymous individual citizens ~ whether housewife, consumer, student, peasant, non-union worker or small businessman ~ have no real voice or representation in Indian politics. We have no normal conservative, liberal or social democratic party in this country, as found in West European democracies where the era of land-grabbing has long-ceased. If our polity had been normal, it would have known that economic development does not require business or government to pauperise the peasantry but instead to define and secure individual property rights and the Rule of Law, and establish proper conditions for the market economy. The Congress and BJP in Delhi and CPI-M in Kolkata would not have been able to distract attention from their macroeconomic misdeeds over the decades ~ indicated, for example, by increasing interest-expenditure paid annually on Government debt as a fraction of tax revenues… This macroeconomic rot originated with the Indira Gandhi-PN Haksar capriciousness and mismanagement, which coincided with the start of Dr Singh’s career as India’s best known economic bureaucrat….”
“Professor Amartya Sen, Harvard University, Dear Professor Sen, Everyone will be delighted that someone of your worldwide stature has joined the debate on Singur and Nandigram; The Telegraph deserves congratulations for having made it possible on July 23. I was sorry to find though that you may have missed the wood for the trees and also some of the trees themselves. Perhaps you have relied on Government statements for the facts. But the Government party in West Bengal represents official Indian communism and has been in power for 30 years at a stretch. It may be unwise to take at face-value what they say about their own deeds on this very grave issue! Power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely, and there are many candid communists who privately recognise this dismal truth about themselves. To say this is not to be praising those whom you call the “Opposition” ~ after all, Bengal’s politics has seen emasculation of the Congress as an opposition because the Congress and communists are allies in Delhi. It is the Government party that must reform itself from within sua sponte for the good of everyone in the State. The comparisons and mentions of history you have made seem to me surprising. Bengal’s economy now or in the past has little or nothing similar to the economy of Northern England or the whole of England or Britain itself, and certainly Indian agriculture has little to do with agriculture in the new lands of Australia or North America. British economic history was marked by rapid technological innovations in manufacturing and rapid development of social and political institutions in context of being a major naval, maritime and mercantile power for centuries. Britain’s geography and history hardly ever permitted it to be an agricultural country of any importance whereas Bengal, to the contrary, has been among the most agriculturally fertile and hence densely populated regions of the world for millennia. Om Prakash’s brilliant pioneering book The Dutch East India Company and the Economy of Bengal 1630-1720 (Princeton 1985) records all this clearly. He reports the French traveller François Bernier saying in the 1660s “Bengal abounds with every necessary of life”, and a century before him the Italian traveller Verthema saying Bengal “abounds more in grain, flesh of every kind, in great quantity of sugar, also of ginger, and of great abundance of cotton, than any country in the world”. Om Prakash says “The premier industry in the region was the textile industry comprising manufacture from cotton, silk and mixed yarns”. Bengal’s major exports were foodstuffs, textiles, raw silk, opium, sugar and saltpetre; imports notably included metals (as Montesquieu had said would always be the case). Bengal did, as you say, have industries at the time the Europeans came but you have failed to mention these were mostly “agro-based” and, if anything, a clear indicator of our agricultural fecundity and comparative advantage. If “deindustrialization” occurred in 19th Century India, that had nothing to do with the “deindustrialization” in West Bengal from the 1960s onwards due to the influence of official communism. You remind us Fa Hiaen left from Tamralipta which is modern day Tamluk, though he went not to China but to Ceylon. You suggest that because he did so Tamluk effectively “was greater Calcutta”. I cannot see how this can be said of the 5th Century AD when no notion of Calcutta existed. Besides, modern Tamluk at 22º18’N, 87º56’E is more than 50 miles inland from the ancient port due to land-making that has occurred at the mouth of the Hooghly. I am afraid the relevance of the mention of Fa Hiaen to today’s Singur and Nandigram has thus escaped me. You say “In countries like Australia, the US or Canada where agriculture has prospered, only a very tiny population is involved in agriculture. Most people move out to industry. Industry has to be convenient, has to be absorbing”. Last January, a national daily published a similar view: “For India to become a developed country, the area under agriculture has to shrink, urban and industrial land development has to take place, and about 100 million workers have to move out from agriculture into industry and services. This is the only way forward for bringing prosperity to the rural population”. Rice is indeed grown in Arkansas or Texas as it is in Bengal but there is a world of difference between the technological and geographical situation here and that in the vast, sparsely populated New World areas with mechanized farming! Like shoe-making or a hundred other crafts, agriculture can be capital-intensive or labour-intensive ~ ours is relatively labour-intensive, theirs is relatively capital-intensive. Our economy is relatively labour-abundant and capital-scarce; their economies are relatively labour-scarce and capital-abundant (and also land-abundant). Indeed, if anything, the apt comparison is with China, and you doubtless know of the horror stories and civil war conditions erupting across China in recent years as the Communist Party and their businessman friends forcibly take over the land of peasants and agricultural workers, e.g. in Dongzhou. All plans of long-distance social engineering to “move out” 40 per cent of India’s population (at 4 persons per “worker”) from the rural hinterlands must also face FA Hayek’s fundamental question in The Road to Serfdom: “Who plans whom, who directs whom, who assigns to other people their station in life, and who is to have his due allotted by others?” Your late Harvard colleague, Robert Nozick, opened his brilliant 1974 book Anarchy, State and Utopia saying: “Individuals have rights, and there are things no person or group may do to them (without violating their rights)”. You have rightly deplored the violence seen at Singur and Nandigram. But you will agree it is a gross error to equate violence perpetrated by the Government which is supposed to be protecting all people regardless of political affiliation, and the self-defence of poor unorganised peasants seeking to protect their meagre lands and livelihoods from state-sponsored pogroms. Kitchen utensils, pitchforks or rural implements and flintlock guns can hardly match the organised firepower controlled by a modern Government. Fortunately, India is not China and the press, media and civil institutions are not totally in the hands of the ruling party alone. In China, no amount of hue and cry among the peasants could save them from the power of organised big business and the Communist Party. In India, a handful of brave women have managed to single-handedly organise mass movements of protest which the press and media have then broadcast that has shocked the whole nation to its senses. You rightly say the land pricing process has been faulty. Irrelevant historical prices have been averaged when the sum of discounted expected future values in an inflationary economy should have been used. Matters are even worse. “The fear of famine can itself cause famine. The people of Bengal are afraid of a famine. It was repeatedly charged that the famine (of 1943) was man-made.” That is what T. W. Schultz said in 1946 in the India Famine Emergency Committee led by Pearl Buck, concerned that the 1943 Bengal famine should not be repeated following dislocations after World War II. Of course since that time our agriculture has undergone a Green Revolution, at least in wheat if not in rice, and a White Revolution in milk and many other agricultural products. But catastrophic collapses in agricultural incentives may still occur as functioning farmland comes to be taken by government and industry from India’s peasantry using force, fraud or even means nominally sanctioned by law. If new famines come to be provoked because farmers’ incentives collapse, let future historians know where responsibility lay. West Bengal’s real economic problems have to do with its dismal macroeconomic and fiscal position which is what Government economists should be addressing candidly. As for land, the Government’s first task remains improving grossly inadequate systems of land-description and definition, as well as the implementation and recording of property rights. With my most respectful personal regards, I remain, Yours ever, Suby”
How does India, as a state, treat its weakest and most vulnerable citizens? Not very well at all. It is often only because families and society have not collapsed completely, as they have elsewhere, that the weakest survive. Can we solve in the 21st Century, in a practical manner appropriate to our times, the problem Buddha raised before he became the Buddha some twenty six centuries ago? Says Eliot,
“The legend represents him as carefully secluded from all disquieting sights and as learning the existence of old age, sickness and death only by chance encounters which left a profound impression”
It is to this list we add “the poor” too, especially if we want to include a slightly later and equally great reformer some miles west of the Terai in the Levant. I said some years ago “As we as infants and children need to be helped to find courage to face the start of life, we when very elderly can need to be helped to find courage to face life’s end”. Old age carries with it the fear of death, fear of the end of life and what that means, which raises the meaning of life itself, or at least of the individual life, because we can hardly grasp what the end of life is if we haven’t what it is supposed to be the end of in the first place. What the very elderly need, as do the dying and terminally ill, is to find courage within themselves to comprehend all this with as much equanimity as possible. Companionship and camaraderie — or perhaps let us call it love — go towards that courage coming to be found; something similar goes for the sick, whether a sick child missing school or the elderly infirm, courage that they are not alone and that they can and will recover and not have to face death quite yet, that life will indeed resume.
As for the poor, I said in 2009 about the bizarre Indian scheme of “interrogating, measuring, photographing and fingerprinting them against their will” that “the poor have their privacy and their dignity. They are going to refuse to waste their valuable time at the margins of survival volunteering for such gimmickry.”
“What New Delhi’s governing class fails to see is that the masses of India’s poor are not themselves a mass waiting for New Delhi’s handouts: they are individuals, free, rational, thinking individuals who know their own lives and resources and capacities and opportunities, and how to go about living their lives best. What they need is security, absence of state or other tyranny, roads, fresh water, electricity, functioning schools for their children, market opportunities for work, etc, not handouts from a monarch or aristocrats or businessmen….” Or, to put it differently in Kant’s terms, the poor need to be treated as ends in themselves, and not as the means towards the ends of others…
Part II India’s Right Road Forward Now: Some Thoughtful Analysis for Grown Ups
5. Transcending a Left-Right/Congress-BJP Divide in Indian Politics
6. Budgeting Military & Foreign Policy
7. Solving the Kashmir Problem & Relations with Pakistan
8. Dealing with Communist China
9. Towards Coherence in Public Accounting, Public Finance & Public Decision-Making
10. India’s Money: Towards Currency Integrity at Home & Abroad
No magic wand, Professor Rajan? Oh but there is…2013 (Plus: 7 Jan 2016 “Professor Rajan stays or goes? My answer to a query”)
August 18, 2013 — drsubrotoroy7 January 2016
3 June 2014
from World Economy & Central Banking Seminar at Facebook
Professor Rajan’s statement “I determine the monetary policy. I say what it is….ultimately the interest rate that is set is set by me” equates Indian monetary policy with the money interest rate; but monetary policy in India has always involved far more than that, namely, the bulk of Indian banking and insurance has been in government hands for decades, all these institutions have been willy-nilly compelled to hold vast stocks of government debt, both Union and State, on their asset-sides…and unlimited unending deficit finance has led to vast expansion of money supply, making it all rather fragile. My “India’s Money” in 2012 might be found useful. http://tinyurl.com/o9dhe8d
11 April 2014
from World Economy & Central Banking Seminar at Facebook
I have to wonder, What is Professor Rajan on about? Growth in an individual country is affected by the world monetary system? Everyone for almost a century has seen it being a real phenomenon affected by other real factors like savings propensities, capital accumulation, learning and productivity changes, innovation, and, broadly, technological progress… A “source country” needs to consult “recipient” countries before it starts or stops Quantitative Easing? Since when? The latter can always match policy such as to be more or less unaffected… unless of course it wants to ride along for free when the going is good and complain loudly when it is not…. Monetary policy may affect the real economy but as a general rule we may expect growth (a real phenomenon) to be affected by other real factors like savings propensities, capital accumulation, learning and productivity changes, innovation, and, broadly, technological progress..
22 September 2013
“Let us remember that the postponement of tapering is only that, a postponement. We must use this time to create a bullet proof national balance sheet and growth agenda, which creates confidence in citizens and investors alike…”
I will say the statement above is the first sensible thing I have heard Dr Rajan utter anywhere, cutting through all the hype…I should also think he may be underestimating the task at hand, so here’s some help as to what needs to be done from my 19 Aug 2013 Mint article “A wand for Raghuram Rajan” and my 3 Dec 2012 Delhi lecture:
“Rajan has apparently said, “We do not have a magic wand to make the problems disappear instantaneously, but I have absolutely no doubt we will deal with them.” Of course there are no magic wands but there is a scientific path forward. It involves system-wide improvements in public finance and accounting using modern information technology to comprehend government liabilities and expenditures and raise their productivity. It also involves institutional changes in public decision-making like separating banking and central banking from the treasury while making the planning function serve the treasury function rather than pretend to be above it. It is a road long and arduous but at its end both corruption and inflation will have been reduced to minimal levels. The rupee will have acquired sufficient integrity to become a hard currency of the world in the sense the average resident of, say, rural Madhya Pradesh or Mizoram may freely convert rupees and hold or trade foreign currencies or precious metals as he/she pleases. India signed the treaty of Versailles as a victor and was an original member of the League of Nations, the United Nations and the IMF. Yet sovereign India has failed to develop a currency universally acceptable as freely convertible world money. It is necessary and possible for India to aim to do so because without such a national aim, the integrity of the currency continues to be damaged regularly by governmental abuse. An RBI governor’s single overriding goal should be to try to bring a semblance of integrity to India’s money both domestically and worldwide.”
19 August 2013
A wand for Raghuram Rajan
9 August 2013
No magic wand, Professor Rajan? Oh but there is… read up all this over some hours and you will find it… (Of course it’s not from magic really, just hard economic science & politics)
Professor Raghuram Govind Rajan of the University of Chicago Business School deserves everyone’s congratulations on his elevation to the Reserve Bank of India’s Governorship. But I am afraid I cannot share the wild optimism in India’s business media over this. Of course there are several positives to the appointment. First, having a genuine PhD and that too from a top school is a rarity among India’s policy-makers; Rajan earned a 1991 PhD in finance at MIT’s management school for a thesis titled “Essays on banking” (having to do we are told “with the downside to cozy bank-firm relationships”). Secondly, and related, he has not been a career bureaucrat as almost all RBI Governors have been in recent decades. Thirdly, he has been President of the American Finance Association, he won the first Fischer Black prize in finance of that Association, and during Anne Krueger’s 2001-2006 reign as First Deputy MD at the IMF, he was given the research role made well-known by the late Michael Mussa, that of “Economic Counselor” of the IMF.
Hence, altogether, Professor Rajan has come to be well-known over the last decade in the West’s financial media. Given the dismal state of India’s credit in world capital markets, that is an asset for a new RBI Governor to have.
On the negatives, first and foremost, if Professor Rajan has renounced at any time his Indian nationality, surrendered his Indian passport and sworn the naturalization oath of the USA, then he is a US citizen with a US passport and loyalty owed to that country, and by US law he will have to enter the USA using that and no other nationality. If that happens to be the factual case, it will be something that comes out in India’s political cauldron for sure, and there will arise legal issues and court orders barring him from heading the RBI or representing India officially, e.g. when standing in for India’s Finance Minister at the IMF in Washington or the BIS in Basle etc. Was he an Indian national as Economic Counselor at the IMF? The IMF has a tradition of only European MDs and at least one American First Deputy MD. The Economic Counselor was always American too; did Rajan break that by having remained Indian, or conform to it by having become American? It is a simple question of fact which needs to come out clearly. Even if Rajan is an American, he and the Government of India could perhaps try to cite to the Indian courts the new precedent set by the venerable Bank of England which recently appointed a Canadian as Governor.
Secondly, does Professor Rajan know enough (or “have enough domain knowledge” in the modern term) to comprehend let aside confront India’s myriad monetary and public finance problems? Much of his academic experience in the USA and his approach to Western financial markets may be quite simply divorced from the reality of Indian credit markets and India’s peculiar monetary and banking system as these have evolved over decades and centuries. Mathematical finance is a relatively new, small specialised American sub-field of economic theory, and not a part of general economics. Rajan’s academic path of engineering and management in India followed by a finance thesis in the management department of a US engineering school may have exposed him to relatively little formal textbook micro- and macroeconomics, monetary economics, public finance, international economics, economic development etc, especially as these relate to Indian circumstances “Growing up in India, I had seen poverty all around me. I had read about John Maynard Keynes and thought, wow, here’s a guy who managed to have an enormous influence on the world. Economics must be very important.”… He ran across Robert Merton’s paper on rational option pricing, and something clicked that set him on his own intellectual path. “It all came together. You didn’t have these touchy-feely ways of describing human behavior; there were neat arbitrage ways of pricing things. It just seemed so clever and sophisticated,” he said. “And I could use the math skills that I fancied I had, so I decided to get my PhD.”
Let me take two examples. Does Rajan realise how the important Bottomley-Chandavarkar debates of the 1960s about India’s rural credit markets influenced George Akerlof’s “Market for Lemons” theory and prompted much work on “asymmetric information”, 
signalling etc in credit-markets, insurance-markets, labour-markets and markets in general, as acknowledged in the awards of several Bank of Sweden prizes? Or will he need a tutorial on the facts of rural India’s financial and credit markets, and their relationship with the formal sector? What the Bottomley-Chandavarkar debate referred to half a century ago still continues in rural India insofar as large arbitrage profits are still made by trading across the artificially low rates of money interest caused by financial repression of India’s “formal” monetised sector with its soft inconvertible currency against the very high real rates of return on capital in the “informal” sector. It is obvious to the naked eye that India is a relatively labour-abundant country. It follows the relative price of labour will be low and relative price of capital high compared to, e.g. the Western or Middle Eastern economies, with mobile factors of production like labour and capital expected to flow accordingly across national boundaries. Indian nominal interest-rates in organized credit markets have been for decades tightly controlled, making it necessary to go back to Irving Fisher’s data to obtain benchmark interest-rates, which, as expected, are at least 2%-3% higher in India than in Western capital markets. Joan Robinson once explained “the difference between 30% in an Indian village and 3% in London” saying “side by side with the industrial revolution went great technical progress in the provision of credit and the reduction of lender’s risk.”
What is logically certain is no country can have both relatively low world prices for labour and relatively low world prices for capital! Yet that impossibility seems to have been what India’s purported economic “planners” have planned to engineer! The effect of financial repression over decades may have been to artificially “reverse” or “switch” the risk-premium — making it lucrative for there to be capital flight out of India, with real rates of return on capital within India being made artificially lower than those in world markets! Just as enough export subsidies and tariffs can make a country artificially “reverse” its comparative advantage with its structure of exports and imports becoming inverted, so a labour-rich capital-scarce country may, with enough financial repression, end up causing a capital flight. The Indian elite’s capital flight out of India exporting their adult children and savings overseas may be explained as having been induced by government policy itself.
Secondly, Professor Rajan as a finance and banking specialist, will see at once the import of this graph above that has never been produced let aside comprehended by the RBI, yet which uses the purest RBI data. It shows India’s mostly nationalised banks have decade after decade gotten weaker and weaker financially, being kept afloat by continually pumping in of new “capital” via “recapitalisation” from the government that owns them, using more and more of the soft inconvertible currency that has been debauched merrily by government planners. The nationalised banks with their powerful pampered employee unions, like other powerful pampered employee unions in the government sector, have been the bane of India, where a mere 30 million privileged people in a vast population work with either the government or the organised private sector. The RBI’s own workforce at last count was perhaps 75,000… the largest central bank staff in the world by far!
Will Rajan know how to bring some system out of the institutional chaos that prevails in Indian banking and central banking? If not, he should start with the work of James Hanson “Indian Banking: Market Liberalization and the Pressures for Institutional and Market Framework Reform”, contained in the book created by Anne Krueger who brought him into the IMF, and mentioned in my 2012 article “India’s Money” linked below.
The central question for any 21st century RBI Governor worth the name really becomes whether he or she can stand up to the Finance Ministry and insist that the RBI stop being a mere department of it — even perhaps insisting on constitutional status for its head to fulfill the one over-riding aim of trying to bring a semblance of integrity to India’s currency both domestically and worldwide. Instead it is the so-called “Planning Commission” which has been dominating the Treasury that needs to be made a mere department of the Finance Ministry, while the RBI comes to be hived off to independence!
Professor Rajan has apparently said “We do not have a magic wand to make the problems disappear instantaneously, but I have absolutely no doubt we will deal with them.” Of course there are no magic wands but my 3 December 2012 talk in Delhi has described the right path forward, complex and difficult as this may be.
The path forward involves system-wide improvements in public finance and accounting using modern information technology to comprehend government liabilities and expenditures and raise their productivity, plus institutional changes in public decision-making like separating banking and central banking from the Treasury while making the planning function serve the Treasury function rather than pretend to be above it. The road described is long and arduous but at its end both corruption and inflation will have been reduced to minimal levels, and the rupee would have acquired integrity enough to become a hard currency of the world in the sense the average resident of, say, rural Madhya Pradesh or Mizoram may freely convert rupees and hold or trade foreign currencies or precious metals as he/she pleases.
India signed the Treaty of Versailles as a victor and was an original member of the League of Nations, UN and IMF. Yet sovereign India has failed to develop a currency universally acceptable as a freely convertible world money. It is necessary and possible for India to do so. Without such a national aim, the integrity of the currency continues to be damaged regularly by governmental abuse.
Professor Rajan will not want to be merely an adornment for the GoI in world capital markets for a few years, waiting to get back to his American career and life and perhaps to the IMF again. As RBI Governor, he can find his magic wand if he reads and reflects hard enough using his undoubted academic acumen, and then acts to lead India accordingly. Here is the basic reading list:
“India’s Money” (2012)
“Monetary Integrity and the Rupee” (2008)
“India’s Macroeconomics” (2007)
“Fiscal Instability” (2007)
“Fallacious Finance” (2007)
“Growth and Government Delusion” (2008)
“India in World Trade & Payments” (2007)
“Path of the Indian Rupee 1947-1993” (1993)
“Our Policy Process” (2007)
“Indian Money and Credit” (2006)
“Indian Money and Banking” (2006)
“Growth of Real Income, Money & Prices in India 1869-2004” (2005)
“How to Budget” (2008)
“Waffle but No Models of Monetary Policy: The RBI and Financial Repression (2005)”
“The Dream Team: A Critique” (2006)
“Against Quackery” (2007)
“Mistaken Macroeconomics” (2009)
“The Indian Revolution (2008)”
Some of My Works, Interviews etc on India’s Money, Public Finance, Banking, Trade, BoP, Land, etc (an incomplete list)
Enjoy!
Conversations with Kashmiris: An Ongoing Facebook Note
January 24, 2011 — drsubrotoroyFrom Facebook:
Subroto Roy regrets getting the sisters’ names wrong earlier; they were not Kulsooma and Yasmin but Akhtara, 19, and Arifa, 17. Their killings by terrorists in Sopore, and that of young Manzoor Ahmad Magray, 22, by the Army in Handwara within the week, mark a tipping point, for myself at least.
Subroto Roy reflecting on the Lashkar-e-Toiba killing of the teenage Sopore sisters and the Indian Army killing of Manzoor Ahmad Magray in Handwara, all in one week, is reminded only of: *Where be these enemies?… See, what a scourge is laid upon your hate,…all are punish’d.*
From Facebook:
Subroto Roy says at Seema Mustafa’s Wall “Some of these comments seem to be addressed to me in a somewhat ill-mannered way. I am due to speak in Lahore next month on Kashmir and Pakistan, and have published quite extensively over 20 years perhaps on the subject, apropos the University of Hawaii volume *Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s* etc.
http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=247284116125&id=632437284
http://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=171926377284&set=a.136688412284.112038.632437284
I am quite happy to engage in any conversation with any shade of opinion from the leader of the United Jehad Council onwards. But discussion needs to be in English not pidgin English or slang, it needs to be polite and well-mannered, and it needs to be as well thought out and well-informed as possible. I may be addressed as Dr Roy or Mr Roy by people I do not know.
Subroto Roy says to Mr Changal, Apropos your “@mr roy…. i hope u carry a message that KASHMIRIS WIL NEVER LIKE TO B A PART OF INDIA”, I am given to understand that you as an individual have no wish to be an Indian national, which to me is fair enough. A lot of Indian nationals have travelled after all to the USA, Britain etc and there have gone about freely renouncing their Indian nationality and accepting that of another country. May I assume that if you, as an individual, were given such a choice by the Govt of India to formally renounce, on paper, in a private decision with full security and no fear of repercussions, your Indian nationality, you would do so? You may then become stateless in international law, following which the Govt of India could assist you as an individual to accept the nationality of some other country for which you were eligible, e.g. the Islamic Republic of Iran or the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan or the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. If that went through properly, the Govt of India could also give you full “Green Card” or PIO status vis a vis the Indian territory you may wish to live or work etc in.
Ajmal Nazir @ subroto sir…..I personally appreciate the kind of efforts you are putting to highlight the meseries that kashmiris are going through. May God succeed you in your efforts . However there are lot of realities that one need to understand before talking about Kashmir.This issue is not a demographical or political issue. This is an human issue where kashmiris suffer. Before going into any discussion , both Pakistan and India should understand that this problems is taking its toll on common kashmiri who is getting killed everyday. Kashmir is like a beautiful prison where one can survive but cannot live freely. It looks completely normal from outside. But unfortunately you cannot see the fear that is inside the hearts of common people. You cannot see the uncertainty in the minds of those people.I wish you could have feel the fear in the mind of mothers when their kids are outside. I wish you could have feel the fear in the eyes of kids, when they see these indian forces roaming in their fields. There is a check post in every corner of the street, where it is obligatory for us to go through checking. We have to prove our identity in our own homes. It is not happening only on 26th Jan (like it happens in your states ]. It happening everyday, every-hour and every-time.I wish you could feel the fear when we have to go through these checking. Everyday, we have to make sure that we come home before 6:00 pm otherwise you will be picked up and your name will get added into hundrends and thousands of disappeared people. There are so many fake encounters happening in valley that nobody from outside world knows. Try to listen to local news here and there is a separate sections which tells you about the number of people that got killed every 24 hours. In 90’s that list was always above 20 and there was no such news outside kashmir. There is no such family in kashmir that hasn’t suffer I am not talking about mental suffering, I am talking about where somebody got killed.I wish you could have seen the pain of those mothers who lost their innocent sons, I wish you could seen the hopelessness in the minds of those fathers, who lost their only sons. There are so many half widows in kashmir, whose husbands were picked by forces and they never came back. they are still waiting for their husbands to return. In every community , there is an orphanage, where you will find the so many orphan kids. i believe you will find the most numbers orphans in kashmir than in any other state. These suffering are not visible from outside.We need to feel like kashmiris to understand these problems You need to take little pain to find the actual realities in kashmir. Every kashmir including our pandiths brothers suffer. KAshmir issue is not the political issue, neither is it regional issue. This is a human issue . This issue is not related to the geographical demographies, it is related with the people who live there.These boundaries are of no meaning for those mothers and fathers, who suffer everyday. If Indian wants kashmir, you have to win the hearts of kashmiris, Treat us like humans, Give us basic human rights . Release kashmiris from this militarized prison. Let us decide what is good for us.. Give us the freedom to express our problems. Let us bring kashmiris youth in your national media and let them discuss this issue. India is a democratic country so i believe everybody has a right to express their feelings.Highlight our miseries and punish the culprits who have killed innocent kashmiris. How can you justify the killing of those small kids who pelt stones on the streets. Does indian constitution allow killings of kids if they pelt stones. If they damage property, arrest them but how can we kill those small kids.Even some where beaten to death.What about Tufail Matoo who got killed when he was going to tuition classes. He didn;t damage any property. There are so many untold stories in kashmir that nobody knows.
Subroto Roy says to Mr Nazir, Thank you for the lengthy and pertinent statement which clearly reflects your experience as well as your hopes and fears. I have no hesitation in accepting your saying the situation in recent times has become intolerable for ordinary people. I believe it is the outcome of a process which has evolved over decades in which the peoples and Governments of India, the peoples and Governments of Pakistan, and the peoples and Governments of J&K too, have all contributed. It is something for which *everyone* is responsible, no single person or country or community can be said to be exempt (other than perhaps the gentle people of Laddakh). And all the facts of history and the present have to be understood, and yes felt as well — each and every clear fact. I hope to show how this may be done during my Lahore lectures next month. Cordial regards and thanking you once more.
Subroto Roy says to Mr Changal, Thank you for the reply though you may have made a mistake with my identity: I am not Mr Subroto who has been a senior minister in Indonesia, but rather Dr Roy or Mr Roy as you please. No I do not think I am or would want to be blind to any atrocities by armed forces on civilians in any country, my own included. Apropos your statement “we reject the illegal n forceful occupation of kashmir by the cruel hindu india”, I shall be glad to hear the basis of your opinion. Re Hindus and Muslims and my opinion thereof, there is a lot of material to be found at my site and among my Notes. Cordially, SR
Sajad Malik I just wud humbly like to ask you a question sir, Do you deny the disputed nature of kashmir?
Subroto Roy Mr Malik, Thank you for the question. I think it was I who said *twenty years ago*, when I was almost as young as some of you are now “The core of the continuing dispute between Pakistan and India has been Kashmir, where vast resources have been drained from the budgets of both countries by two large armies facing one another for decades over a disputed boundary”. I do not think the Govt of Pakistan had used the word “core” until that time. Please see p 15 of the book
http://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=171926377284&set=a.136688412284.112038.632437284
Subroto Roy says to Mr Changal, I cannot know but perhaps you speak from terrible personal experiences as an individual at the hands of governmental machinery; I know what that can be like.
I would agree it is important in this grave and mortal matter to go into the whole history piece by piece, frankly and candidly, with scientific honesty and freedom of inquiry and thought. That is the only real way to aim for complete agreement across the political spectrum in the subcontinent. Such an agreement is possible too, and the only real way forward for all, especially the people of J&K, your generation and the future. I am sure my Lahore lectures will be public immediately after they are delivered next month, which you may find of interest.
Clearly we have a number of factual questions for one another whose answers may emerge in time. Rape is an evil thing, and I find what you mention is discussed here. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kunan_Poshpora_incident
Thank you for your comment and suggestion. The solution I have proposed since 2005 is far better than the plebiscite idea you mention. But I am afraid you will have to make a study of my publications here at FB or at my site or in my books, or wait until the Lahore lectures. I also wonder if you are aware that Sheikh Abdullah and Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad *offered a plebiscite* when it was first mentioned in 1948 during the Pashtun tribal invasion from Pakistan but Pakistan balked.
Subroto Roy says the solution he has proposed since 2005 is far better than the plebiscite idea often mentioned. Many are also unaware that Sheikh Abdullah and Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad *offered a plebiscite* when it was first mentioned in 1948 during the Pashtun tribal invasion from Pakistan but Pakistan balked.
Ganai Danish: It was pandit nehru,who in 1952 addressed the public gathering in lal chowk sgr,promised that the people of jk will be given a chance to decide their future whether they want to be part of india or accede with pakistan.It is worth mentioning that it was india itself who took the case of disputed nature of kashmir to UN by passing a resolution in 1948.But 63 years passed, india is yet to fulfull its promise and has mulishly held on to the uncompromising stance that jk is an integral part of india.
Subroto Roy: Mr Danish, Thank you for the comment. Pandit Nehru’s Lal Chowk speech may have been 1947/48 during the Pashtun invasion. There is a small pic at my site here https://independentindian.com/2009/03/28/india-is-not-a-monarchy-and-urgently-needs-to-universalize-the-french-concept-of-citoyen-some-personal-thoughts/
By 1952, Sheikh Abdullah had pioneered the J&K Constitution
http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=244956301112
Ganai Danish Respected Dr Roy,1952 or 1948,that isn’t the question.The question is why india uses its military might to crush our movement.By calling itself the world’s largest democrac<z>y,its democracy is buried in kashmir.Our movement is indegenious,peaceful,genuine,and non violent and we will take it to its conclusion
Subroto Roy Mr Danish, Thank you for the comment. The difference between 1948 and 1952 is vital because that is the time Kashmir *made its decision*, and it was a *democratic* decision led by Sheikh-Sahib who had — practically single-handedly — awoken the Muslim masses from their slumber and oppression under the Dogras. Sheikh Abdullah paid the penalty for that most heavily– being jailed by the Dogras numerous times because of it. But even so I think you have raised a critically important question — which is how it is that your generation has become so utterly alienated and disaffected with their political experience of repression, war, terrorism etc that they want to free themselves of it.
Ganai Danish It is very true that late sheikh abdullah traitor fought against dogra rule but he did such a blunder that whatever happened in kashmir since 1989 to 2010,sheikh is responsible for this.He sold kashmir to india and sold the blood of martyrs that were in favour of accession to pakistan.It was the same traitor’s son farooq abdullah who signed noozle to Shaheed Maqbool bhat,the first martyr of kashmir.It was the same farooq abdullah’s leadership in 1989 who killed 1 lac kashmiris and brought POTA,AFSPA,PSA and so on in kashmir.It was the same traitors son omer abdullah who killed 112 innocents in kashmir in just 4 months.So far as the imprisonment is concerned.,It is Syed Ali shah geelani,a vetern leader of kashmir,who spent more than 22 years in jail and is still under house arrest.
Subroto Roy says to Mr Danish, Thanks for this point of view of which I know less than I should. I am glad we have reached a stage so quickly where we may discuss different interpretations of factual events. I reaoet what I have said to Mr Nazir, that I have no hesitation in accepting your saying the situation in recent times has become intolerable for ordinary people. I believe it is the outcome of a process which has evolved over decades in which the peoples and Governments of India, the peoples and Governments of Pakistan, and the peoples and Governments of J&K too, have all contributed. It is something for which *everyone* is responsible, no single person or country or community can be said to be exempt (other than perhaps the gentle people of Laddakh). And all the facts of history and the present have to be understood, and yes felt as well — each and every clear fact. I hope to show how this may be done during my Lahore lectures next month. Cordial regards and thanking you once more.
Sajad Malik @ Mr. Roy, you mean Sheikh Abdullah “offered” Plebiscite? well this is a news to me; as i am wondering on what authority wud they do that? All i have been knowing till now is, Plebiscite was in the offing, had Nehru not insisted that the tribes men from NWFP leave Kashmir and at the same time Jinnah insisting that for the plebiscite to happen, Indian forces need to be out of kashmir first.
Subroto Roy says to Mr Malik, Yes, Sheikh Abdullah and Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad *offered* a plebiscite when it was first mentioned and it was the Pakistanis who balked.
Re. “disputed territory” and “core issue”, as I said yesterday, I do not have to *admit* it because I may have been the first to say so *twenty years ago* when I was almost as young as some of you are now “The core of the continuing dispute between Pakistan and India has been Kashmir, where vast resources have been drained from the budgets of both countries by two large armies facing one another for decades over a disputed boundary”. I do not think the Govt of Pakistan had used the word “core” until that time. Please see p 15 of the book
http://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=171926377284&set=a.136688412284.112038.632437284
You may perhaps see that it is a leap of logic from saying Pakistan and India have a disputed boundary to saying as you suggest “So what is the problem if a Kashmiri asks Azadi sir?”. 🙂
Subroto Roy says to Mr Malik: Mr Malik, Indeed as I have said Sheikh-Sahib and Bakshi did so; you would have to know how ghastly and vicious the tribal invasion from Pakistan was starting on October 22 1947, and how the Rape of Baramulla had proceeded (with Kashmiri women of all communities, Muslim, Sikh and Hindu, being abducted by lorry en masse to be sold in markets in Peshawar etc), to know that Sheikh Abdullah and Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad could confidently predict the outcome at the time of any such plebiscite, which would explain why Liaquat Ali Khan (who had condemned Sheikh as a “Quisling of India”) would have ignored it. I say this having read reports from the original newspapers at the time, and have today asked the editor of that national newspaper to produce a set of reprints of all articles published from, say, the 1946 Cabinet Mission to the Jan-Feb 1949 ceasefire, since all this material is unknown by all the parties, and making it known would contribute to resolving this grave and mortal problem. Do please explain what you mean or Sheikh meant by “Siyasi Awaragardi”; also I would certainly be grateful to learn of your view and that of your friends on the history of J&K between, say, 1952 and the 1965 War.
Sajad Malik: Mr Roy, I have been lately reading a piece done by Haroon Rashid. He pens down all that Kashmiri’s suffered at the hands of tribesmen..looting and arson, even killing of a lady running a convent. He outrightly rejects rape, (anyway thats altogether a diffrent debate). Sheikh Abdullah, wen released from the prison (Imprisoned by Nehru,for taking the plebscite front) scorned his ownself for taking up Plebscite front and termed it as “Siyasi-Awaragardi” (Political Intrigue). For your further enlightment here Mr. Roy;- 1951: Indian holds elections and tries to impose its democratic institution in Kashmir. It is opposed by the United Nations. They pass a resolution to declare elections void and stress on plebiscite. India ignores the opposition blatantly. Sheikh Abdullah wins unopposed and rumors of election rigging plague Kashmiri politics. 1952: Sheikh Abdullah signs the Delhi Agreement on July, 1952. It chalks out state-centre sharing of power and gives abidance to Kashmir to have its own flag. Sheikh Abdullah creates Kashmir centric land reforms which create resentment among the people of Jammu and Ladakh. Delhi Agreement provides the first genuine erosion in international resolution of Kashmir. Nehru’s Speech: ”On August1952, Jawahar Lal Nehru gives a negating speech contradicting the settlement provided in the Delhi Agreement: “Ultimately – I say this with all deference to this Parliament – the decision will be made in the hearts and minds of the men and women of Kashmir; neither in this Parliament, nor in the United Nations nor by anybody else” 1953-1954: Sheikh Abdullah takes U turns and procrastinates in conforming the accession of Kashmir to India. Sheikh Abdullah is jailed. In August, Bakhshi Ghulam Muhammad is installed in place of Sheikh Abdullah. He officially ratifies Kashmir’s accession with India. On April, 1954, India & Pakistan both agree in appointment of a Plebiscite Administrator. 1956-1957: On 30th October, 1956, J&K Constituent Assembly adopts a fresh constitution, and dissolves the Constituent Assembly, which further defines the relationship of Kashmir with the Indian Dominion. UN strongly condemns the developments and passes a resolution stating such attempts will not result in any final resolution. On 26th January, 1957, the new constitution is made enforceable. Kashmir is now a Republican-Democratic state under Indian Union. 1964: Sheikh Abdullah is released from jail. Jawahar Lal Nehru sends Sheikh Abdullah with a delegation to Pakistan in an effort to find a resolution discourse for Kashmir. In the meantime, masses in Kashmir protest against the implementation of Article 356 & 357, which allows Indian central authority over constituting legislative powers in Kashmir. The special status of Kashmir continues to get eroded. 1965-1971: The nomenclature is changed from ‘Sadr-e-Riyasat’ to Governor and from Prime Minister to Chief Minister. The Governor is now no longer elected locally, and is installed as per the orders of the President of India. This amendment lightens off Kashmir from its special titles. Free & fair elections in the guise of democracy are championed as just causes, and Indian mainstream parties are allowed to contest in the elections. However, these elections aren’t well received by the public. In many cases, international watchdogs accuse India of rigging elections. In 1967, Jammu Autonomy Forum is constituted with the aim of institutionalizing regional autonomy. Excerpts, “chronology of Kashmir conflict” by Naveed Qazi”
Subroto Roy says to Mr Sajad Malik: thank you for this brief chronology which I shall certainly study more carefully. Am I to understand that you and perhaps others with you deny the Rape of Baramullah? Perhaps you mean that the thousands, but thousands, of Kashmiri women of all three communities who were abducted against their will by the tribesmen in lorries and later sold in Peshawar and other markets were not raped but taken in matrimony at their new destinations?
Sajad Malik: Mr Roy, I am not denying anything. All I am saying is that Haroon Rashid (BBC) is rejecting it and that I maintain, its a separate debate. The thing which we are discussing here is that India has no legitimate authority over Kashmir. It’s military might, deciept, savagery has not been able to turn a leaf in Kashmir, despite tens of thousands been killed, despite all the laws it sought from the “once wicked” Britian. I am not a political analyst nor a strategist but with full conviction Mr. Roy, m telling you Kashmir can never be India. Smell our land it smells saffron, m not sure what it smells in India. Comment not intended to hurt your or any Indian’s emotions Mr. Roy. If it inadvertently does, I apologise.
Subroto Roy: Mr Malik, Thank you; no not at all, there is *absolutely* no need for you to apologise in this discussion for anything. Clearly there are many factual disagreements here, as to what happened precisely, who said and did what precisely, and so on, and an exchange of views and references is always constructive. From what you say, you may find of interest these two articles of mine from 2006; the former is “History of J&K” and the latter contains a Brief History of Gilgit too:
http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=152343836125
http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=152345826125
You may also like to see my FB Note giving Sheikh Abdullah in his own words for you and others to judge, here
http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=244956301125
and also Sheikh-Sahib, and Dr Zakir Hussain and Maulana Azad and others here:
http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=153977181125
Your statement “Kashmir can never be India” is perhaps intended to be controversial as it appears to beg the question, though of course you may agree *some* Kashmiris are Indians and wish to be Indians, and I may agree *some* Kashmiris are not Indians and do not wish to be Indians and also *some* Kashmiris are Indians and do not wish to be Indians; there may also be *some* Kashmiris who are not Indians but who wish to be Indians. Cordially.
Subroto Roy
Mr Malik, you are quoting from perhaps Dr Zakir Hussain or Sheikh Abdullah, not from my words. Secondly, are you saying Pakistan did not invade J&K in 1947? Britain did? I would agree there was a British-induced coup d’etat in Gilgit, but I trust you do not deny the whole history of the (then new) Pakistan’s military and political forces causing the vicious and ghastly Pashtun invasion along the Nowshera Road commencing October 22 1947. Modern Pakistan’s most eminent historians may agree with me I am afraid as to what happened as a matter of fact! You and I may not be able to progress much with conversation at this rate if our factual histories are so far apart as at present.. 🙂 But rest assured, all may become clear after my Lahore lectures next month, or at least all of my analysis and assessment of what happened and prescription of what may be best done now for everyone. I shall try to comment further on your statement later in the day.
Sajad Malik Sir, I am not saying Britian carried out the invasion *laughs*. All, m saying is, General Gracey was heading the Pak army at the time of invasion and there has been no evidence so far, to establish a link b/n Pak army and the tribes men. I can furnish to you the reference of what I assert. shall inshallah pray for your lahore lecture, and hope our thinking and understanding converge as per the aspirations of me, the prime stake holder..and a kashmiri. (smiles)
Subroto Roy Mr Malik, I am grateful for the clarification 🙂 — though as I have said, there *was* a British-induced coup in Gilgit, and you may also find my article “Pakistan’s Allies” of interest about the US and UK seeing themselves in battle against the old USSR etc.
Suppose I said to you and your friends that in fact Sheikh-Sahib (and his mentor at the time Jawaharlal Nehru) were influenced by socialism and, at one remove perhaps by Soviet communism — and *that* is why they were against the Dogra regime? While the Hurriyat’s predecessor, Muslim Conference, were *opposed* to Sheikh Abdullah, and because the Dogras were also opposed to Sheikh-Sahib, the Muslim Conference’s Hamidullah Khan as of May 22-24 1947 said they wanted to not only preserve the Dogra regime but make him an international sovereign so he could be called “Your Majesty” instead of merely “Your Highness”? :)! And in that they were, oddly enough, joined by many in the Hindu and Sikh minorities who saw the Dogras as protecting them from Sheikh Sahib’s secular majoritarianism, as well as by perhaps British Conservatives like Churchill as well as Mr Jinnah…. History yields some unusual and paradoxical things…. 🙂 Re your offer to furnish a reference that “there has been no evidence so far, to establish a link b/n Pak army and the tribesmen” I would be most grateful for this. The classic work on it has been by the late General Akbar Khan of the Pakistan Army who was an author of the invasion, http://openlibrary.org/books/OL15997912M/Raiders_in_Kashmir.
I have yet to own a copy of this book though am aware of its contents. I am most grateful for your good wishes for Lahore! I certainly need them, and I assure you, if you send me an email at my site, I shall send you a copy of what I say there as soon as possible after it is said. And indeed, I *completely* agree with you that the ordinary people of J&K of all communities have suffered most from this terrible and awful state of affairs, and their material and moral wellbeing needs most important and urgent relief. Cordially.
I wrote & publicized a document “An Economic Solution to Kashmir” in Washington back in 1993, which referred for the first time to ideas of a condominium, an Andorra solution etc….This seemed at the time a logical result of the UH Manoa Pakistan project. But in retrospect it has seemed naive and uninformed. I’m afraid I think Mr Kasuri has been overoptimistic about the robustness of the near-agreement he suggests was reached some years ago. .
“I’m on my way out”: Siddhartha Shankar Ray (1920-2010)…
November 7, 2010 — drsubrotoroy
November 7, 2010
I am grieved to hear of the death of Siddhartha Shankar Ray last night.
I was introduced to him by an uncle who had been his college-buddy, and he took up a grave personal matter of mine in the Supreme Court of India in 1990 with great kindness, charging me not a penny, being impressed by a little explicit “civil disobedience” I had had to show at the time towards Judge Evelyn Lance.
He also told me he and his wife had been in London on May 29 1984 and had seen *The Times*’s leader that day about my critique of Indian economic policy. He invited me to his Delhi home where I told him about the perestroika-for-India project I had led at the University of Hawaii since 1986, at which he, of his own accord, declared
“You must meet Rajiv Gandhi. I will arrange a meeting”.
That led to my meeting with Rajiv Gandhi, then Congress President & Leader of the Opposition, on September 18 1990, which contributed to the origins of India’s 1991 economic reform as has been told elsewhere. https://independentindian.com/thoughts-words-deeds-my-work-1973-2010/rajiv-gandhi-and-the-origins-of-indias-1991-economic-reform/
Rajiv’s assistant George told me Rajiv had said he had not heard more fulsome praise.
In Bengal, he took me as a guest to visit the Legislative Assembly in session when he was Leader of the Opposition; it was the legislature of which my great grandfather, Surendranath Roy, had been a founder, being the first Deputy President and acting President too; Surendranath had been friends with his maternal grandfather, CR Das, leader of the Congress Party before MK Gandhi, and he said to me in the car heading to the legislature about that relationship in Bengal’s politics some seven decades earlier “They were friends”.
He introduced me to all the main leaders of the Bengal Congress at the time (except Mamata Banerjee who could not come) and I was tasked by him to write the manifesto for the State elections that year, which I did (in English, translated into Bangla by Professor Manjula Bose); the Communists won handily again but one of their leaders (Sailen Dasgupta) declared there had never been a State Congress manifesto of the sort before, being as it was an Orwell-like critique of Bengal’s Stalinism.
In a later conversation, I said to him I wished he be appointed envoy to Britain, he instead came to be appointed envoy to the USA.
In Washington in September 1993, he said “You must meet Manmohan Singh”, and invited me to a luncheon at the Ambassador’s Residence where, to Manmohan Singh and all his aides, he declared pointing at me
“The Congress manifesto (of 1991) was written on his (laptop) computer”.
In later years I kept him informed of developments and gave him my publications. We last met in July last year where I gave him a copy, much to his delight, of *Margaret Thatcher’s Revolution: How it Happened and What it Meant*.
I said to him Bengal’s public finances were in abysmal condition, calling for emergency measures financially, and that Mamata Banerjee seemed to me to be someone who knew how to and would dislodge the Communists from their entrenched misgovernance of decades but not quite aware that dislodging a bad government politically was not the same thing as knowing how to govern properly oneself.
He, again of his own accord, said immediately,
“I will call her and her main people to a meeting here so you can meet them and tell them that directly”.
It never transpired.
He and I were supposed to meet a few months ago but could not due to his poor health; on the phone in our last conversation I mentioned to him my plans of creating a Public Policy Institute — an idea he immediately and fully endorsed as being essential though adding
“I can’t be part of it, I’m on my way out”.
“I’m on my way out”. 🙂
That was Siddhartha Shankar Ray — always intelligent, always good-humoured, always public-spirited, always a great Indian.
I shall miss a good friend, indeed my only friend among politicians other than the late Rajiv Gandhi himself.
On Applying Disraeli’s “Two Nations” of Victorian England to Modern India: Roy & James, Rajiv, Rahul & Manmohan (now in pdf 2022)
September 7, 2010 — drsubrotoroyFrom Subroto Roy & WE James’s Introduction 1989-1990 to Foundations of India’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s now in pdf, published by Sage 1992, received by Rajiv Gandhi on September 1990 in manuscript form.
“Finally, no discussion of the subcontinent’s political economy can ignore the fact of the monumental poverty of external goods on the part of a vast population, in contrast with a fairly large class of people with adequate livelihoods, in turn contrasting with small islands of indolence and conspicuous consumption. Benjamin Disraeli said of Victorian England that it consisted of two nations. The Indian subcontinent today consists in many respects of two nations living side by side, the real division being much less longitudinal on religious or communal lines (as intended by Muslim separatists at the time of Partition and Hindu imperialists today) as it is latitudinal on class lines between “bhadralok” and “janata”, middle class and working classes, bourgeoisie and masses, “nomenclatura” and proletariat. The sheer numbers can justify speaking of whole nations, the janata in India alone consisting of something like seven hundred million people, the bhadralok of one hundred and fifty million. The Indian bhadralok on their own constitute one of the largest nations on earth.
The bhadralok are not to be distinguished from the janata by any self-styled civility, nor is there any inevitable conflict which will lead to the victory of one and decimation of the other, nor is it that one derives its income from productive effort or enterprise and the other does not. A more effective criterion by which to distinguish the two nations of India may have to do not with work but with leisure, as well as with the kind of capital that comes to be inherited over time. The janata are the unleisured nation of India, people who mostly due to the meagreness of their initial resources come to possess little or no leisure in the course of their lifetimes. They are scattered and illiterate, without connections in high places, often too involved with the hardships of daily life to care for much else. They eat and sleep to maintain the minimum energy needed to survive, reproduce and send their children to school or work, travelling through life day by day and week by week. They may have some short time devoted to religion or entertainment, but life is too often too hard, not so much without happiness or culture as without much time for either. Expectations of what life has to offer may be unambitious and yet successful.
Inequality from an economic point of view may consist of the fact that the poor do not inherit any leisure from the past. They do not inherit the savings of their parents and ancestors because most did not have parents and ancestors who had any savings to leave behind. Capital and the income it generates, and the consumption which such income makes possible, are among the most subtle notions of political economy. As a rough approximation, if we distinguish between human capital, physical and financial capital, and social and political capital, it may be said that the inheritance of economic inequality in India may consist of the inheritance of economic inequality in India may consist of the inheritance by the janata of no form of capital except their own stock of human capital. There is little or no inheritance from parents of savings or any other form of capital. Hence the janata are also the “garib lok”, the masses are also the poor folk.
By contrast the bhadralok are also the leisured nation of the subcontinent, with the time and inclination to praise or decry the state of the culture or the economy or the prime minister, to visit or return from the outside world (“baahar”) to the subcontinent or vice versa, to take a walk in the morning or a nap in the afternoon, to express compassion for or embarrassment about the existence of the janata (especially in relation to the foreigner since the bhadralok have to explain both their privileged position relative to the janata and their often underprivileged position relative to the foreigner with whom they desire to consort), to study the janata or lead them in revolution or take measurements of them, and to read, write, edit or publish books such as this one. The bhadralok are the “respectable people” of the subcontinent, with names, family histories and reputations, literate and often highly educated, bilingual at least, with an inheritance of or illusions about acknowledged places in society. They inherit from their parents and save for their children physical and financial capital, invest in their human capital, and bestow to them as much social and political capital as they can. The mercantile and industrial bhadralok own and transfer to their children relatively more physical and financial capital, while the managerial, administrative and professional bhadralok may transfer relatively more social and political capital. At the apex of both groups is an elite amounting to a few million people, united perhaps by their membership or attempted membership of the post-British social clubs and centres of intellectualism, or foreign universities and the lower middle classes of Britain and North America.
What may be expected in the long run is mobility between the two nations and in both directions. Through indolence or bad luck, families can fall by a half or a third of a social class each generation, or move in the opposite direction through chance or cunning or enterprise and effort. It is an essential feature of mass economic development that there will be net mobility upwards in the long run, and an attendant breakdown of social barriers and the gradual assimilation of classes and castes into one another. Contrary to an assumption of the working classes being united in their despair and contempt for the middle class, and motivated in their desire to bloodily dispose of them, it may be more accurate to say that what unleisured people want most (after employment, food, shelter and clothing) is what they value most at the margin, namely, leisure. What the working classes desire most may be something like the kind of life as the bourgeoisie. Let aside there being a potential or open conflict arising from the janata against the bhadralok, the truth of the matter could be there is a desire of the janata to have at least some leisure like the bhadralok.
If this is an accurate assumption, the main source of conflict between the two nations of India or the subcontinent could be different from what is often supposed by many people. Instead of being revolutionary in nature and deriving from below, the source may be reactionary in nature and amount to resistance from the top. Like all cartels, the bhadralok may want to preserve their numbers and not look with favour at the prospect of large-scale mass economic development, entailing as this will greater competition on all fronts, the erosion of privilege, the breakdown of social barriers and the assimilation of classes into one another.
The Jacobin/Bolshevik/Maoist method of reducing inequalities was to expropriate physical and financial capital, and decimate social and political capital and all that stands in the way of such destruction. The upheaval and chaos of such blood-letting leaves a new order which is, or seems, for a moment, more egalitarian than the regime it replaces. But it also leaves a society without knowledge of its past, alternately enervated by its present and terrified of its future. Recovery from such a state of near social death has been long and hard and painful, where it has happened at all. Despite the wishes of a few, India does not seem likely to experience such social death on a national scale, although the temporary effects of terrorism and civil chaos in pockets of the country would seem to be similar.
A more far-sighted method would be by the creation of capital for the janata to increase their sources of income and consumption and thereby reduce the inequality of wealth and political power. It would mean investment in the only form of capital that the janata have: their own human capital. It would mean fundamentally a change of focus away from the theoretical and grandiose in the drawing-rooms and corridors of New Delhi (and Washington), and towards the simple and commonsensical: stopping the wastage of the tax-resources; making the currency sound at home and abroad; redirecting public investment towards public goods such as civil justice, roads, fresh water and sanitation; and fostering a civilized rural life, built around village schools with blackboards and chalk, with playgrounds and libraries and hot meals, with all-weather buildings and all-weather roads to their doors.
India today resembles a kind of gigantic closed city with high walls and few gates. Within the walls are concurrently represented many different ages in the history of man, from pre-historic and early Aryan, to medieval and Moghul, to Dickensian and American, the members of each age having some common and some individual sets of life-expectations, yet all being due to enter the next century together. Outside is the rest of human civilization, as well as the free circulation of gold and foreign exchange. Nearabouts the gates of the city, and with ability to travel in and out, are the few million of the elite. If the walls of the city are to be knocked down or at least if the gates opened and kept wide open, it will have to be the elite who do this or consent to have it done.
If it is done properly, after adequate preparation of the economic and political expectations of citizens, there may be many positive results, not only for the economy but also for the culture and civilization of the subcontinent as a whole. The free flow of ideas and opportunities across national borders; the freedom to travel in the world; the free movement of goods and capital; the freedom to save one’s tangible wealth, small as this may be, in whatever form or currency one considers best — these are fundamentally important freedoms which have been denied to most of the people of the subcontinent thus far and yet are taken for granted elsewhere in the world. There seems little reason to doubt that if such freedoms come to be gradually exercised by the janata there would be a permanent trend of increase in mass income and consumption.
Yet there are genuine questions of sovereignty which have to be anticipated as well. The consequences of a true opening are not fully or easily foreseeable. The prompt arrival of new East India Companies may be expected. Will there be enough competition between them? Or will the elite come to be further subverted, taking the first Indian Republic with it? After the long experience of foreign rule and nationalism and independent democracy, is the Indian polity mature enough to survive and gain from such an opening, or will it collapse once again as it did in the eighteenth century? The spectres of Plassey and Avadh must haunt every Indian nationalist, even as the hopes of a free economy and a progressive culture and an open civilization, beckon from the future. Is it a silent and implicit fear of this sort which constitutes the only possible rational barrier to greater freedom? Has the continued poverty been, in effect, the cost of nationalism? These are hard questions to which answers may not be found easily. It is hoped by the editors that the present volume may engage the citizens and friends of India to reflect upon them….”
From Facebook 7 Sep 2010:
Rajiv Gandhi received this book in manuscript form in hand from me on Sep 18 1990, and it contributed to the origins of India’s 1991 economic reform as has been described elsewhere. I am delighted to hear his son Rahul has in the last few days also been referring to India as “Two Nations”, rich and poor. Dr Manmohan Singh received the book itself in hand from me at the Indian Ambassador’s Residence in Washington in Sepember 1993; I am glad to see he too has yesterday mentioned the same “Two Nations” theory that I had applied from Disraeli’s book about Victorian England.
Will the Telangana flare-up awaken New Delhi from its dream-world and into India’s political reality?
December 13, 2009 — drsubrotoroySubroto Roy thinks the flare-up of the Telangana issue has one and only one positive consequence: it brings home to New Delhi’s ruling elite that there are real political questions in India, and not everything can be left to spin-doctors and lobbyists to handle.
Do diplomatic parties help the common man?
November 25, 2009 — drsubrotoroyFrom Facebook
Subroto Roy is afraid he does not think the interests of the common man and woman of India come to be served in the slightest by a fancy dinner-party whether given by the Queen of England at Buckingham Palace for the President of India or by the President of the United States at the White House for the Prime Minister of India….(…though some businessmen and bureaucrats become happy…)
Is Dr Manmohan Singh the “aam admi” that the Congress Party means?
November 14, 2009 — drsubrotoroyDr Manmohan Singh has in a televised meeting with children said about himself:
“I am an aam admi“.
I am afraid this caused me to say at Facebook today:
Subroto Roy finds disconcerting Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s claim of being himself “a common man”.
In “Rajiv Gandhi and the Origins of India’s 1991 Economic Reform”, I wrote about my encounter with Rajiv:
“I said the public sector’s wastefulness had drained scarce resources that should have gone instead to provide public goods. Since the public sector was owned by the public, it could be privatised by giving away its shares to the public, preferably to panchayats of the poorest villages. The shares would become tradable, drawing out black money, and inducing a historic redistribution of wealth while at the same time achieving greater efficiency by transferring the public sector to private hands. Rajiv seemed to like that idea too, and said he tried to follow a maxim of Indira Gandhi’s that every policy should be seen in terms of how it affected the common man. I wryly said the common man often spent away his money on alcohol, to which he said at once it might be better to think of the common woman instead. (This remark of Rajiv’s may have influenced the “aam admi” slogan of the 2004 election, as all Congress Lok Sabha MPs of the previous Parliament came to receive a previous version of the present narrative.)”
I am afraid I do not think Dr Singh was whom Rajiv or Indira had in mind in speaking of the common man.
Subroto Roy
Kolkata
Revisiting “On Hindus and Muslims”
November 3, 2009 — drsubrotoroyOn the Existence of a Unique and Stable Solution to the Jammu & Kashmir Problem that is Lawful, Just and Economically Efficient
October 15, 2009 — drsubrotoroyP Chidambaram may recall our brief interaction at the residence of the late Shri Rajiv Gandhi in September-October 1990, and also my visit in July 1995 when he was a member of Narasimha Rao’s Government.
I am delighted to read in today’s paper that he believes a “unique solution” exists to the grave mortal problem of Jammu & Kashmir. Almost four years ago, I published in The Statesman my discovery of the existence of precisely such a unique solution in the three-part article “Solving Kashmir”.
This came to be followed by “Law, Justice and J&K”, “History of Jammu & Kashmir”, “Pakistan’s Allies”, “What to tell Musharraf” and a few others. The purpose of this open letter is to describe that solution which provides, I believe, the only just and lawful path available to the resolution of what has been known universally as the Kashmir problem.
Very briefly, it involves recognizing that the question of lawful territorial sovereignty in J&K is logically distinct from the question of the choice of nationality by individual inhabitants. The solution requires
(a) acknowledging that the original legal entity in the world system of nations known as Jammu & Kashmir arose on March 16 1846 and ceased to exist on or about October 22 1947; that the military contest that commenced on the latter date has in fact resulted, given all particular circumstances of history, in the lawful and just outcome in international law;
(b) offering all who may be Indian nationals or stateless and who presently live under Article 370, a formal choice of nationality between the Republics of India, Iran, Afghanistan and Pakistan: citizen-by-citizen, without fear or favour, under conditions of full information, individual privacy and security; any persons who voluntarily choose to renounce Indian nationality in such private individual decisions would be nevertheless granted lawful permanent residence in the Indian Republic and J&K in particular.
In other words, the dismemberment of the original J&K State and annexation of its territories by the entities known today as the Republic of Pakistan and Republic of India that occurred since October 22 1947, as represented first by the 1949 Ceasefire Line and then by the 1972 Line of Control, is indeed the just and lawful outcome prevailing in respect of the question of territorial sovereignty and jurisdiction. The remaining democratic question has to do with free individual choice of nationality by inhabitants, under conditions of full information and privacy, citizen-by-citizen, with the grant of permanent residency rights by the Indian Republic to persons under its jurisdiction in J&K who might wish to choose, for deeply personal individual reasons, not to remain Indian nationals but become Afghan, Iranian or Pakistani nationals instead (or remain stateless). Pakistan has said frequently its sole concern has been the freedom of Muslims of J&K under Indian rule, and any such genuine concern shall have been thereby fully met by India. Indeed if Pakistan agreed to act similarly this entire complex mortal problem of decades shall have begun to be resolved most appropriately. Pakistan and India are both wracked by corruption, poverty and bad governance, and would be able to mutually draw down military forces pit against one another everywhere, so as to begin to repair the grave damage to their fiscal health caused over decades by the deleterious draining away of vast public resources.
The full reasoning underlying this, which I believe to be the only lawful, just, efficient and stable solution that exists, is thoroughly explained in the following six articles. The first five, “Solving Kashmir”, “Law, Justice & J&K”, “History of J&K”, and “Pakistan’s Allies”, “What to Tell Musharraf” were published in The Statesman in 2005-2006 and are marked ONE, TWO, THREE, FOUR and FIVE below, and are also available elsewhere here. The sixth “An Indian Reply to President Zardari”, marked SIX, was published for the first time here following the Mumbai massacres.
I believe careful reflection upon this entire body of reasoning may lead all reasonable men and women to a practically unanimous consensus about this as the appropriate course of action; if such a consensus happened to arise, the implementation of the solution shall only be a matter of (relatively) uncomplicated procedural detail.
Subroto Roy
October 15 2009
“ONE
SOLVING KASHMIR: ON AN APPLICATION OF REASON by Subroto Roy First published in three parts in The Statesman, Editorial Page Special Article, December 1,2,3 2005, http://www.thestatesman.net
(This article has its origins in a paper “Towards an Economic Solution for Kashmir” which circulated in Washington DC in 1992-1995, including at the Indian and Pakistani embassies and the Carnegie Endowment, and was given as an invited lecture at the Heritage Foundation on June 23 1998. It should be read along with other articles also republished here, especially “History of J&K”, “Law, Justice and J&K” , “Understanding Pakistan”, “Pakistan’s Allies” and “What to Tell Musharraf”. The Washington paper and lecture itself originated from my ideas in the Introduction to Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy, edited by WE James and myself in the University of Hawaii project on Pakistan 1986-1992.)
I. Give Indian `Green Cards’ to the Hurriyat et al
India, being a liberal democracy in its constitutional law, cannot do in Jammu & Kashmir what Czechoslovakia did to the “Sudeten Germans” after World War II. On June 18 1945 the new Czechoslovakia announced those Germans and Magyars within their borders who could not prove they had been actively anti-fascist before or during the War would be expelled — the burden of proof was placed on the individual, not the State. Czechoslovakia “transferring” this population was approved by the Heads of the USA, UK and USSR Governments at Potsdam on August 2 1945. By the end of 1946, upto two million Sudeten Germans were forced to flee their homes; thousands may have died by massacre or otherwise; 165,000 remained who were absorbed as Czechoslovak citizens. Among those expelled were doubtless many who had supported Germany and many others who had not — the latter to this day seek justice or even an apology in vain. Czechoslovakia punished none of its nationals for atrocities, saying it had been revenge for Hitler’s evil (”badla” in Bollywood terms) and the post Cold War Czech Government too has declined to render an apology. Revenge is a wild kind of justice (while justice may be a civilised kind of revenge).
India cannot follow this savage precedent in international law. Yet we must recognise there are several hundred and up to several hundred thousand persons on our side of the boundary in the State of Jammu & Kashmir who do not wish to be Indian nationals. These people are presently our nationals ius soli, having been born in territory of the Indian Republic, and/or ius sanguinis, having been born of parents who are Indian nationals; or they may be “stateless” whom we must treat in accordance with the 1954 Convention on Stateless Persons. The fact is they may not wish to carry Indian passports or be Indian nationals.
In this respect their juridical persons resemble the few million “elite” Indians who have in the last few decades freely placed their hands on their hearts and solemnly renounced their Indian nationality, declaring instead their individual fidelity to other nation-states — becoming American, Canadian or Australian citizens, or British subjects or nationals of other countries. Such people include tens of thousands of the adult children of India’s metropolitan “elite”, who are annually visited abroad in the hot summer months by their Indian parents and relatives. They are daughters and sons of New Delhi’s Government and Opposition, of retired generals, air marshals, admirals, ambassadors, cabinet secretaries, public sector bureaucrats, private sector businessmen, university professors, journalists, doctors and many others. India’s most popular film-actress exemplified this “elite” capital-flight when, after a tireless search, she chose a foreign husband and moved to California.
The difference in Jammu & Kashmir would be that those wishing to renounce Indian nationality do not wish to move to any other place but to stay as and where they are, which is in Kashmir Valley or Jammu. Furthermore, they may wish, for whatever reason, to adopt, if they are eligible to do so, the nationality of e.g. the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan or the Islamic Republic of Iran or the Islamic Republic of Pakistan.
They may believe themselves descended from Ahmad Shah Abdali whose Afghans ruled or mis-ruled Kashmir Valley before being defeated by Ranjit Singh’s Sikhs in 1819. Or they may believe themselves of Iranian descent as, for example, are the Kashmiri cousins of the late Ayatollah Khomeini. Or they may simply have wished to be, or are descended from persons who had wished to be on October 26 1947, citizens of the then-new British Dominion of Pakistan — but who came to be prevented from properly expressing such a desire because of the war-like conditions that have prevailed ever since between India and Pakistan. There may be even a few persons in Laddakh who are today Indian nationals but who wish to be considered Tibetans instead; there is, however, no Tibetan Republic and it does not appear there is going to be one.
India, being a free and self-confident country, should allow, in a systematic lawful manner, all such persons to fulfil their desires, and furthermore, should ensure they are not penalised for having expressed such “anti-national” desires or for having acted upon them. Sir Mark Tully, the British journalist, is an example of someone who has been a foreign national who has chosen to reside permanently in the Republic of India — indeed he has been an exemplary permanent resident of our country. There are many others like him. There is no logical reason why all those persons in Jammu & Kashmir who do wish not to be Indians by nationality cannot receive the same legal status from the Indian Republic as has been granted to Sir Mark Tully. There are already thousands of Sri Lankan, Bangladeshi and Nepalese nationals who are lawful permanent residents in the Indian Republic, and who travel back and forth between India and their home countries. There is no logical reason why the same could not be extended to several hundred or numerous thousand people in Jammu & Kashmir who may wish to not accept or to renounce their Indian nationality (for whatever personal reason) and instead become nationals, if they are so eligible, of the Islamic Republics of Afghanistan, Iran or Pakistan, or, for that matter, to remain stateless. On the one hand, their renunciation of Indian nationality is logically equivalent to the renunciation of Indian nationality by the adult children of India’s “elite” settled in North America and Western Europe. On the other hand, their wish to adopt, if they are eligible, a foreign nationality, such as that of Afghanistan, Iran or Pakistan, and yet remain domiciled in Indian territory is logically equivalent to that of many foreign nationals domiciled in India already like Sir Mark Tully.
Now if you are a permanent resident of some country, you may legally have many, perhaps most, but certainly not all the rights and duties of nationals of that country. e.g., though you will have to pay all the same taxes, you may not be allowed to (or be required to) vote in national or provincial elections but you may in local municipal elections. At the same time, permanently residing foreign nationals are supposed to be equal under the law and have equal access to all processes of civil and criminal justice. (As may be expected though from human frailty, even the federal courts of the USA can be notorious in their injustice and racism towards “Green Card” holders relative to “full” American citizens.) Then again, as a permanently resident foreigner, while you will be free to work in any lawful trade or profession, you may not be allowed to work in some or perhaps any Government agencies, certainly not the armed forces or the police. Many Indians in the USA were engineering graduates, and because many engineering jobs or contracts in the USA are related to the US armed forces and require US citizens only, it is commonplace for Indian engineers to renounce their Indian nationality and become Americans because of this. Many Indian-American families have one member who is American, another Indian, a third maybe Canadian, a fourth Fijian or British etc.
The same can happen in the Indian State of Jammu & Kashmir if it evolves peacefully and correctly in the future. It is quite possible to imagine a productive family in a peaceful Kashmir Valley of the future where one brother is an officer in the Indian Armed Forces, another brother a civil servant and a sister a police officer of the J&K State Government, another sister being a Pakistani doctor, while cousins are Afghan or Iranian or “stateless” businessmen. Each family-member would have made his/her choice of nationality as an individual given the circumstances of his/her life, his/her personal comprehension of the facts of history, his/her personal political and/or religious persuasions, and similar deeply private considerations. All would have their children going to Indian schools and being Indian citizens ius soli and/or ius sanguinis. When the children grow up, they would be free to join, if they wished, the existing capital flight of other Indian adult children abroad and there renounce their Indian nationality as many have come to do.
II Revealing Choices Privately with Full Information
For India to implement such a proposal would be to provide an opportunity for all those domiciled in Kashmir Valley, Jammu and Laddakh to express freely and privately as individuals their deepest wishes about their own identities, in a confidential manner, citizen by citizen, case by case. This would thereby solve the fundamental democratic problem that has been faced ever since the Pakistani attack on the original State of Jammu & Kashmir commenced on October 22 1947, which came to be followed by the Rape of Baramulla — causing the formal accession of the State to the then-new Dominion of India on October 26 1947.
A period of, say, 30 months may be announced by the Government of India during which full information would be provided to all citizens affected by this change, i.e. all those presently governed by Article 370 of the Indian Constitution. The condition of full information may include, for example, easy access to Afghan, Iranian and Pakistani newspapers in addition to access to Indian media. Each such person wishing to either remain with Indian nationality (by explicitly requesting an Indian passport if he/she does not have one already — and such passports can be printed in Kashmiri and Urdu too), or to renounce Indian nationality and either remain stateless or adopt, if he/she is so eligible, the nationality of e.g. Afghanistan, Iran, or Pakistan, should be administratively assisted by the Government of India to make that choice.
In particular, he/she should be individually, confidentially, and without fear or favour assured and informed of his/her new rights and responsibilities. For example, a resident of Kashmir Valley who chooses to become a Pakistani citizen, such as Mr Geelani, would now enjoy the same rights and responsibilities in the Indian Republic that Mr Tully enjoys, and at the same time no longer require a visa to visit Pakistan just as Mr Tully needs no visa to enter Britain. In case individual participants in the Hurriyat choose to renounce Indian nationality and adopt some other, they would no longer be able to legally participate in Indian national elections or J&K’s State elections. That is something which they say they do not wish to do in any case. Those members of the Hurriyat who chose e.g. Pakistani nationality while still residing in Jammu & Kashmir, would be free to send postal ballots or cross the border and vote in Pakistan’s elections if and when these occur. There are many Canadians who live permanently in the USA who cross home to Canada in order to cast a ballot.
After the period of 30 months, every person presently under Article 370 of the Indian Constitution would have received a full and fair opportunity to privately and confidentially reveal his/her preference or choice under conditions of full information. “Partition”, “Plebiscite”, and “Military Decision” have been the three alternatives under discussion ever since the National Conference of Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah and his then-loyal Deputy, Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad, helped the Indian Army and Air Force in 1947-1948 fight off the savage attack against Jammu & Kashmir State that had commenced from Pakistan on October 22 1947. When, during the Pakistani attack, the Sheikh and Bakshi agreed to the Muslim Conference’s demand for a plebiscite among the people, the Pakistanis balked — the Sheikh and Bakshi then withdrew their offer and decisively and irrevocably chose to accede to the Indian Union. The people of Jammu & Kashmir, like any other, are now bound by the sovereign political commitments made by their forebears. Even so, given the painful mortal facts of the several decades since, the solution here proposed if properly implemented would be an incomparably more thorough democratic exercise than any conceivable plebiscite could ever have been.
Furthermore, regardless of the outcome, it would not entail any further “Partition” or population “transfer” which inevitably would degenerate into a savage balkanization, and has been ruled out as an unacceptable “deal-breaker” by the Indian Republic. Instead, every individual person would have been required, in a private and confidential decision-making process, to have chosen a nationality or to remain stateless — resulting in a multitude of cosmopolitan families in Jammu & Kashmir. But that is something commonplace in the modern world. Properly understood and properly implemented, we shall have resolved the great mortal problem we have faced for more than half a century, and Jammu & Kashmir can finally settle into a period of peace and prosperity. The boundary between India and Pakistan would have been settled by the third alternative mentioned at the time, namely, “Military Decision”.
III. Of Flags and Consulates in Srinagar and Gilgit
Pakistan has demanded its flag fly in Srinagar. This too can happen though not in the way Pakistan has been wishing to see it happen. A Pakistan flag might fly in the Valley just as might an Afghan and Iranian flag as well. Pakistan has wished its flag to fly as the sovereign over Jammu & Kashmir. That is not possible. The best and most just outcome is for the Pakistani flag to fly over a recognised Pakistani consular or visa office in Srinagar, Jammu and Leh. In diplomatic exchange, the Indian tricolour would have to fly over a recognised Indian consular or visa office in Muzaffarabad, Gilgit and Skardu.
Pakistan also may have to act equivalently with respect to the original inhabitants of the territory of Jammu & Kashmir that it has been controlling — allowing those people to become Indian nationals if they so chose to do in free private decisions under conditions of full information. In other words, the “Military Decision” that defines the present boundary between sovereign states must be recognised by Pakistan sincerely and permanently in a Treaty relationship with India — and all of Pakistan’s official and unofficial protégés like the Hurriyat and the “United Jehad Council” would have to do the same. Without such a sovereign commitment from the Government of Pakistan, as shown by decisive actions of lack of aggressive intent (e.g. as came to be implemented between the USA and USSR), the Government of India has no need to involve the Government of Pakistan in implementing the solution of enhancing free individual choice of nationality with regard to all persons on our side of the boundary.
The “Military Decision” regarding the sovereign boundary in Jammu & Kashmir will be so recognised by all only if it is the universally just outcome in international law. And that in fact is what it is.
The original Jammu & Kashmir State began its existence as an entity in international law long before the present Republics of India and Pakistan ever did. Pakistan commences as an entity on August 14 1947; India commences as an entity of international law with its signing of the Treaty of Versailles on June 20 1918. Jammu & Kashmir began as an entity on March 16 1846 — when the Treaty of Amritsar was signed between Gulab Singh Dogra and the British, one week after the Treaty of Lahore between the British and the defeated Sikh regency of the child Daleep Singh.
Liaquat Ali Khan and Zafrullah Khan both formally challenged on Pakistan’s behalf the legitimacy of Dogra rule in Jammu & Kashmir since the Treaty of Amritsar. The Pakistani Mission to the UN does so even today. The Pakistanis were following Sheikh Abdullah and Jawaharlal Nehru himself, who too had at one point challenged Dogra legitimacy in the past. But though the form of words of the Pakistan Government and the Nehru-Abdullah position were similar in their attacks on the Treaty of Amritsar, their underlying substantive reasons were as different as chalk from cheese. The Pakistanis attacked the Dogra dynasty for being Dogra — i.e. because they were Hindus and not Muslims governing a Muslim majority. Nehru and Abdullah denounced monarchic autocracy in favour of mass democracy, and so attacked the Dogra dynasty for being a dynasty. All were wrong to think the Treaty of Amritsar anything but a lawful treaty in international law.
Furthermore, in this sombre political game of great mortal consequence, there were also two other parties who were, or appeared to be, in favour of the dynasty: one because the dynasty was non-Muslim, the other, despite it being so. Non-Muslim minorities like many Hindus and Sikhs in the business and governmental classes, saw the Dogra dynasty as their protector against a feared communalist tyranny arising from the Sunni Muslim masses of Srinagar Valley, whom Abdullah’s rhetoric at Friday prayer-meetings had been inciting or at least awakening from slumber. At the same time, the communalists of the Muslim Conference who had broken away from Abdullah’s secular National Conference, sought political advantage over Abdullah by declaring themselves in favour of keeping the dynasty — even elevating it to become an international sovereign, thus flattering the already pretentious potentate that he would be called “His Majesty” instead of merely “His Highness”. The ancestry of today’s Hurriyat’s demands for an independent Jammu & Kashmir may be traced precisely to those May 21-22 1947 declarations of the Muslim Conference leader, Hamidullah Khan.
Into this game stumbled the British with all the mix of cunning, indifference, good will, impatience, arrogance and pomposity that marked their rule in India. At the behest of the so-called “Native Princes”, the 1929 Butler Commission had hinted that the relationship of “Indian India” to the British sovereign was conceptually different from that of “British India” to the British sovereign. This view was adopted in the Cabinet Mission’s 12 May 1946 Memorandum which in turn came to be applied by Attlee and Mountbatten in their unseemly rush to “Divide and Quit” India in the summer of 1947.
It created the pure legal illusion that there was such a thing as “Lapse of Paramountcy” at which Jammu & Kashmir or any other “Native State” of “Indian India” could conceivably, even for a moment, become a sovereign enjoying the comity of nations — contradicting Britain’s own position that only two Dominions, India and Pakistan, could ever be members of the British Commonwealth and hence members of the newly created UN. British pusillanimity towards Jammu & Kashmir’s Ruler had even extended to making him a nominal member of Churchill’s War Cabinet because he had sent troops to fight in Burma. But the legal illusion had come about because of a catastrophic misunderstanding on the part of the British of their own constitutional law.
The only legal scholar who saw this was B R Ambedkar in a lonely and brilliant technical analysis released to the press on June 17 1947. No “Lapse of Paramountcy” over the “Native Princes” of Indian India could occur in constitutional law. Paramountcy over Indian India would be automatically inherited by the successor state of British India at the Transfer of Power. That successor state was the new British Dominion of India as well as (when it came to be finalised by Partition from India) the new British Dominion of Pakistan (Postscript: the deleted words represent a mistake made in the original paper, corrected in “Law, Justice & J&K” in view of the fact the UN in 1947 deemed India alone the successor state of British India and Pakistan a new state in the world system). A former “Native Prince” could only choose to which Dominion he would go. No other alternative existed even for a single logical moment. Because the British had catastrophically failed to comprehend this aspect of their own constitutional law, they created a legal vacuum whereby between August 15 and October 22-26 1947, Jammu & Kashmir became a local and temporary sovereign recognised only by the Dominion of Pakistan (until October 22) and the Dominion of India (until October 26). But it was not a globally recognised sovereign and was never going to be such in international law. This was further proved by Attlee refusing to answer the J&K Prime Minister’s October 18 1947 telegram.
All ambiguity came to end with the Pakistani attack of October 22 1947, the Rape of Baramulla, the secession of an “Azad Kashmir”declared by Sardar Ibrahim, and the Pakistani coup détat in Gilgit on October 31 1947 followed by the massacre of Sikh soldiers of the J&K Army at Bunji. With those Pakistani actions, Gulab Singh’s Jammu & Kashmir State, founded on March 16 1846 by the Treaty of Amritsar, ceased to logically exist as an entity in international law and fell into a state of ownerless anarchy. The conflict between Ibrahim’s Muslim communalists backed by the new Dominion of Pakistan and Abdullah’s secularists backed by the new Dominion of India had become a civil war within a larger intra-Commonwealth war that itself was almost a civil war between forces of the same military.
Jammu & Kashmir territory had become ownerless. The Roman Law which is at the root of all municipal and international law in the world today would declare that in the ownership of such an ownerless entity, a “Military Decision” was indeed the just outcome. Sovereignty over the land, waters, forests and other actual and potential resources of the erstwhile State of Jammu & Kashmir has become divided by “Military Decision” between the modern Republics of India and Pakistan. By the proposal made herein, the people and their descendants shall have chosen their nationality and their domicile freely across the sovereign boundary that has come to result.
TWO
LAW, JUSTICE AND J&K by Subroto Roy First published in two parts in The Sunday Statesman, July 2 2006 and The Statesman July 3 2006 http://www.thestatesman.net Editorial Page Special Article
I.
For a solution to J&K to be universally acceptable it must be seen by all as being lawful and just. Political opinion in Pakistan and India as well as all people and parties in J&K ~ those loyal to India, those loyal to Pakistan, and any others ~ will have to agree that, all things considered, such is the right course of action for everyone today in the 21st Century, which means too that the solution must be consistent with the facts of history as well as account reasonably for all moral considerations.
On August 14, 1947, the legal entity known as “British India”, as one of its final acts, and based on a sovereign British decision made only two months earlier, created out of some of its territory a new State defined in international law as the “Dominion of Pakistan”. British India extinguished itself the very next day, and the newly independent “Dominion of India” succeeded to all its rights and obligations in international law. As the legal successor of the “India” which had signed the Treaty of Versailles in 1919 and the San Francisco Declaration of 1945, the Dominion of India was already a member of the new UN as well as a signatory to many international treaties. By contrast, the Dominion of Pakistan had to apply afresh to sign treaties and become a member of international organisations. The theory put forward by Argentina that two new States, India and Pakistan, had been created ab initio, came to be rejected and was withdrawn by Argentina. Instead, Pakistan with the wholehearted backing of India was made a member of the UN, with all except Afghanistan voting in favour. (Afghanistan’s exceptional vote signalled presence of conflict over the Durand Line and idea of a Pashtunistan; Dr Khan Sahib and Abdul Ghaffar Khan were imprisoned by the Muslim League regime of NWFP which later supported the tribesmen who attacked J&K starting October 22, 1947; that conflict remains unresolved to this day, even after the American attack on the Taliban, the restart of a constitutional process in Afghanistan, and the purported mediation of US Secretary of State Condoleeza Rice.)
Zafrullah Khan, Pakistan’s distinguished first ambassador to the UN, claimed in September 1947: “Pakistan is not a new member of UNO but a successor to a member State which was one of the founders of the Organisation.” He noted that he himself had led India to the final session of the League of Nations in Geneva in 1939, and he wished to say that Pakistan had been present “as part of India… under the latter name” as a signatory to the Treaty of Versailles. This was, however, logically impossible. The Treaty of Versailles long predated (1) Mohammad Iqbal’s Allahabad Address which conceptualised for the first time in the 20th Century a Muslim State in Northwest India; (2) Rahmat Ali’s invention of the word “PAKSTAN” on the top floor of a London omnibus; (3) M. A. Jinnah and Fazlul Haq’s Lahore Resolution; and (4) the final British decision of June 3, 1947 to create by Partition out of “British India” a Dominion named Pakistan. Pakistan could not have acted in international law prior to having come into being or been created or even conceived itself. Zafrullah Khan would have been more accurate to say that the history of Pakistanis until August 14, 1947 had been one in common with that of their Indian cousins ~ or indeed their Indian brothers, since innumerable North Indian Muslim families came to be literally partitioned, with some brothers remaining Indians while other brothers became Pakistanis.
Pakistan was created at the behest of Jinnah’s Muslim League though with eventual agreement of the Indian National Congress (a distant ancestor of the political party going by the same name today). Pakistan arose not because Jinnah said Hindus and Muslims were “two nations” but because he and his League wished for a State where Muslims would find themselves ruled by fellow-Muslims and feel themselves part of a pan-Islamic culture. Yet Pakistan was intended to be a secular polity with Muslim-majority governance, not an Islamic theocracy. That Pakistan failed to become secular was exemplified most poignantly in the persecution Zafrullah himself later faced in his personal life as an Ahmadiya, even while he was Pakistan’s Foreign Minister. (The same happened later to Pakistan’s Nobel-winning physicist Abdus Salaam.) Pakistan was supposed to allow the genius of Indo-Muslim culture to flourish, transplanted from places like Lucknow and Aligarh which would never be part of it. In fact, the areas that are Pakistan today had in the 1937 provincial elections shown scant popular Muslim support for Jinnah’s League. The NWFP had a Congress Government in the 1946 elections, and its supporters boycotted the pro-Pakistan referendum in 1947. The imposition of Urdu culture as Pakistan’s dominant ethos might have come to be accepted later in West Punjab, Sindh and NWFP but it was not acceptable in East Bengal, and led inevitably to the Pakistani civil war and creation of Bangladesh by Sheikh Mujib in 1971.
In August 1947, the new Dominions of India and Pakistan were each supposed to protect their respective minority populations as their first political duty. Yet both palpably failed in this, and were reduced to making joint declarations pleading for peace and an end to communal killings and the abduction of women. The Karachi Government, lacking the wherewithal and administrative machinery of being a nation-state at all, and with only Liaquat and an ailing Jinnah as noted leaders, may have failed more conspicuously, and West Punjab, the Frontier and Sindh were soon emptied of almost all their many Sikhs and Hindus. Instead, the first act of the new Pakistan Government in the weeks after August 14, 1947 was to arrange for the speedy and safe transfer of the North Indian Muslim elite by air from Delhi using chartered British aeroplanes. The ordinary Muslim masses of UP, Delhi and East Punjab were left in danger from or were subjected to Sikh and Hindu mob attacks, especially as news and rumours spread of similar outrages against Pakistan’s departing minorities.
In this spiral of revenge attacks and counter-attacks, bloodshed inevitably spilled over from West and East Punjab into the northern Punjabi plains of Jammu, though Kashmir Valley remained conspicuously peaceful. Zafrullah and Liaquat would later claim it was this communal civil war which had caused thousands of newly decommissioned Mirpuri soldiers of the British Army, and thousands of Afridi and other Frontier tribesmen, to spontaneously act to “liberate” J&K’s Muslims from alleged tyranny under the Hindu Ruler or an allegedly illegal Indian occupation.
But the main attack on J&K State that began from Pakistan along the Manshera-Muzaffarabad road on October 22, 1947 was admittedly far too well-organised, well-armed, well-planned and well-executed to have been merely a spontaneous uprising of tribesmen and former soldiers. In all but name, it was an act of undeclared war of the new Dominion of Pakistan first upon the State of J&K and then upon the Indian Dominion. This became obvious to Field Marshall Auchinlek, who, as Supreme Commander of the armed forces of both India and Pakistan, promptly resigned and abolished the Supreme Command in face of the fact that two parts of his own forces were now at war with one another.
The invaders failed to take Srinagar solely because they lost their military purpose while indulging in the Rape of Baramula. Thousands of Kashmiri women of all communities ~ Muslim, Sikh and Hindu ~ were violated and transported back to be sold in markets in Peshawar and elsewhere. Such was standard practice in Central Asian tribal wars from long before the advent of Islam, and the invading tribesmen shared that culture. India’s Army and Air Force along with the militias of the secular democratic movement led by Sheikh Abdullah and those remaining loyal units of J&K forces, fought off the invasion, and liberated Baramula, Naushera, Uri, Poonch etc. Gilgit had a British-led coup détat against it bringing it under Pakistan’s control. Kargil was initially taken by the Pakistanis and then lost by them. Leh could have been but was not taken by Pakistani forces. But in seeking to protect Leh and to retake Kargil, the Indian Army lost the siege of Skardu ~ which ended reputedly with the infamous communication from the Pakistani commander to his HQ: “All Sikhs killed; all women raped.”
Legal theory
Now, in this grave mortal conflict, the legal theory to which both the Indian and Pakistani Governments have been wedded for sixty years is one that had been endorsed by the British Cabinet Mission in 1946 and originated with the Butler Commission of 1929. Namely, that “Lapse of Paramountcy” over the “Indian India” of the “Native States” could and did occur with the extinction of British India on August 15, 1947. By this theory, Hyderabad, J&K, Junagadh and the several other States which had not acceded to either Dominion were no longer subject to the Crown’s suzerainty as of that date. Both Dominions drew up “Instruments of Accession” for Rulers to sign upon the supposed “Lapse” of Paramountcy that was to occur with the end of British India.
Ever since, the Pakistan Government has argued that Junagadh’s Ruler acceded to Pakistan and Hyderabad’s had wished to do so but both were forcibly prevented by India. Pakistan has also argued the accession to India by J&K’s Ruler was “fraudulent” and unacceptable, and Sheikh Abdullah was a “Quisling” of India and it was not his National Conference but the Muslim Conference of Ibrahim, Abbas and the Mirwaiz (precursor of the Hurriyat) which represented J&K’s Muslims.
India argued that Junagadh’s accession to Pakistan or Hyderabad’s independence were legal and practical impossibilities contradicting the wills of their peoples, and that their integration into the Indian Dominion was carried out in an entirely legitimate manner in the circumstances prevailing.
On J&K, India has argued that not only had the Ruler requested Indian forces to fight off the Pakistani attack, and he acceded formally before Indian forces were sent, but also that democratic principles were fully adhered to in the unequivocal endorsement of the accession by Sheikh Abdullah and the National Conference and further by a duly called and elected J&K Constituent Assembly, as well as generations of Kashmiris since. In the Indian view, it is Pakistan which has been in illegal occupation of Indian territory from Mirpur, Muzaffarabad and Gilgit to Skardu all the way to the Khunjerab Pass, Siachen Glacier and K2, some of which it illegally ceded to its Communist Chinese ally, and furthermore that it has denied the peoples of these areas any democratic voice.
Roman law
In June 1947, it was uniquely and brilliantly argued by BR Ambedkar in a statement to the Press that the British had made a catastrophic error in comprehending their own constitutional law, that no such thing as “Lapse” of Paramountcy existed, and that suzerainty over the “Native States” of “Indian India” would be automatically transferred in international law to the successor State of British India. It was a legal illusion to think any Native State could be sovereign even for a single logical moment. On this theory, if the Dominion of India was the sole successor State in international law while Pakistan was a new legal entity, then a Native State which acceded to Pakistan after August 15, 1947 would have had to do so with the consent of the suzerain power, namely, India, as may be said to have happened implicitly in case of Chitral and a few others. Equally, India’s behaviour in integrating (or annexing) Junagadh and Hyderabad, would become fully explicable ~ as would the statements of Mountbatten, Nehru and Patel before October 1947 that they would accept J&K going to Pakistan if that was what the Ruler and his people desired. Pakistan unilaterally and by surprise went to war against J&K on October 22, declared the accession to India “fraudulent”, and to this day has claimed the territory of the original State of J&K is “disputed”. Certainly, even if the Ambedkar doctrine is applied that no “Lapse” was possible under British law, Pakistan did not recognise India’s jurisdiction there as the suzerain power as of August 15, 1947. Altogether, Pakistan’s sovereign actions from October 22 onwards amounted to acting to annex J&K to itself by military force ~ acts which came to be militarily resisted (with partial success) by India allied with Sheikh Abdullah’s National Conference and the remaining forces of J&K. By these military actions, Pakistan revealed that it considered J&K territory to have descended into a legal state of anarchy as of October 22, 1947, and hence open to resolution by “Military Decision” ~ as is indeed the just outcome under Roman Law, the root of all municipal and international law today, when there is a contest between claimants over an ownerless entity.
Choice of nationality
Hence, the present author concluded (“Solving Kashmir”, The Statesman December 1-3, 2005) that the dismemberment of the original J&K State and annexation of its territories by India and Pakistan that has occurred since 1947, as represented first by the 1949 Ceasefire Line and then by the 1972 Line of Control, is indeed the just and lawful outcome prevailing in respect of the question of territorial sovereignty and jurisdiction. The remaining “democratic” question described has to do with free individual choice of nationality by the inhabitants, under conditions of full information and privacy, citizen-by-citizen, with the grant of permanent residency rights by the Indian Republic to persons under its jurisdiction in J&K who may choose not to remain Indian nationals but become Afghan, Iranian or Pakistani nationals instead. Pakistan has said frequently its sole concern has been the freedom of the Muslims of J&K under Indian rule, and any such genuine concern shall have been thereby fully met by India. Indeed, if Pakistan agreed to act similarly, this entire complex mortal problem of decades shall have begun to be peacefully resolved. Both countries are wracked by corruption, poverty and bad governance, and would be able to mutually draw down military forces pit against one another everywhere, so as to begin to repair the grave damage to their fiscal health caused by the deleterious draining away of vast public resources.
THREE
HISTORY OF JAMMU & KASHMIR by Subroto Roy First published in two parts in The Sunday Statesman, Oct 29 2006 and The Statesman Oct 30 2006, Editorial Page Special Article, http://www.thestatesman.net
At the advent of Islam in distant Arabia, India and Kashmir in particular were being visited by Chinese Buddhist pilgrims during Harsha’s reign. The great “Master of Law” Hiuen Tsiang visited between 629-645 and spent 631-633 in Kashmir (”Kia-chi-mi-lo”), describing it to include Punjab, Kabul and Kandahar. Over the next dozen centuries, Buddhist, Hindu, Muslim, Sikh and again Hindu monarchs came to rule the 85 mile long 40 mile wide territory on the River Jhelum’s upper course known as Srinagar Valley, as well as its adjoining Jammu in the upper plains of the Punjab and “Little Tibet” consisting of Laddakh, Baltistan and Gilgit.
In 1344, a Persian adventurer from Swat or Khorasan by name of Amir or Mirza, who had “found his way into the Valley and in time gained great influence at the Raja’s court”, proclaimed himself Sultan Shamsuddin after the death of the last Hindu monarchs of medieval Kashmir. Twelve of his descendants formed the Shamiri dynasty including the notorious Sikander and the just and tolerant Zainulabidin. Sikander who ruled 1386-1410 “submitted himself” to the Uzbek Taimur the Lame when he approached Kashmir in 1398 “and thus saved the country from invasion”. Otherwise, “Sikander was a gloomy ferocious bigot, and his zeal in destroying temples and idols was so intense that he is remembered as the Idol-Breaker. He freely used the sword to propagate Islam and succeeded in forcing the bulk of the population to conform outwardly to the Muslim religion. Most of the Brahmins refused to apostatise, and many of them paid with their lives the penalty for their steadfastness. Many others were exiled, and only a few conformed.”
Zainulabidin who ruled 1417-1467 “was a man of very different type”. “He adopted the policy of universal toleration, recalled the exiled Brahmins, repealed the jizya or poll-tax on Hindus, and even permitted new temples to be built. He abstained from eating flesh, prohibited the slaughter of kine, and was justly venerated as a saint. He encouraged literature, painting and music, and caused many translations to be made of works composed in Sanskrit, Arabic and other languages.” During his “long and prosperous reign”, he “constructed canals and built many mosques; he was just and tolerant”.
The Shamiri dynasty ended in 1541 when “some fugitive chiefs of the two local factions of the Makri and the Chakk invited Mirza Haidar Dughlat, a relation of Babar, to invade Kashmir. The country was conquered and the Mirza held it (nominally in name of Humayan) till 1551, when he was killed in a skirmish. The line… was restored for a few years, until in 1559 a Chakk leader, Ghazi Shah, usurped the throne; and in the possession of his descendants it remained for nearly thirty years.” This dynasty marks the origins of Shia Islam in Srinagar though Shia influence in Gilgit, Baltistan and Laddakh was of longer standing. Constant dissensions weakened the Chakks, and in 1586, Akbar, then at Attock on the Indus, sent an army under Raja Bhagwan Das into Srinagar Valley and easily made it part of his Empire.
Shivaism and Islam both flourished, and Hindu ascetics and Sufi saints were revered by all. Far from Muslims and Hindus forming distinct nations, here they were genetically related kinsmen living in proximity in a small isolated area for centuries. Indeed Zainulabidin may have had a vast unspoken influence on the history of all India insofar as Akbar sought to attempt in his empire what Zainulabidin achieved in the Valley. Like Zainulabidin, Akbar’s governance of India had as its “constant aim” “to conciliate the Hindus and to repress Muslim bigotry” which in modern political parlance may be seen as the principle of secular governance ~ of conciliating the powerless (whether majority or minority) and repressing the bigotry of the powerful (whether minority or majority). Akbar had made the Valley the summer residence of the Mughals, and it was Jahangir, seeing the Valley for the first time, who apparently said the words agar behest baushad, hamee in hast, hamee in hast, hamee in hast: “if Heaven exists, it is here, it is here, it is here”. Yet like other isolated paradises (such as the idyllic islands of the Pacific Ocean) an accursed mental ether can accompany the magnificent beauty of people’s surroundings. As the historian put it: “The Kashmiris remained secure in their inaccessible Valley; but they were given up to internal weakness and discord, their political importance was gone…”
After the Mughals collapsed, Iran’s Turkish ruler Nadir Shah sacked Delhi in 1739 but the Iranian court fell in disarray upon his death. In 1747 a jirga of Pashtun tribes at Kandahar “broke normal tradition” and asked an old Punjabi holy man and shrine-keeper to choose between two leaders; this man placed young wheat in the hand of the 25 year old Ahmed Shah Saddozai of the Abdali tribe, and titled him “Durrani”. Five years later, Durrani took Kashmir and for the next 67 years the Valley was under Pashtun rule, a time of “unmitigated brutality and widespread distress”. Durrani himself “was wise, prudent and simple”, never declared himself king and wore no crown, instead keeping a stick of young wheat in his turban. Leaving India, he famously recited: “The Delhi throne is beautiful indeed, but does it compare with the mountains of Kandahar?”
Kashmir’s modern history begins with Ranjit Singh of the Sikhs who became a soldier at 12, and in 1799 at age 19 was made Lahore’s Governor by Kabul’s Zaman Shah. Three years later “he made himself master of Amritsar”, and in 1806 crossed the River Sutlej and took Ludhiana. He created a fine Sikh infantry and cavalry under former officers of Napoleon, and with 80,000 trained men and 500 guns took Multan and Peshawar, defeated the Pashtuns and overran Kashmir in 1819. The “cruel rule” of the Pashtuns ended “to the great relief of Kashmir’s inhabitants”.
The British Governor-General Minto (ancestor of the later Viceroy), seeing advantage in the Sikhs staying north of the Sutlej, sent Charles Metcalfe, “a clever young civilian”, to persuade the Khalsa; in 1809, Ranjit Singh and the British in the first Treaty of Amritsar agreed to establish “perpetual amity”: the British would “have no concern” north of the Sutlej and Ranjit Singh would keep only minor personnel south of it. In 1834 and 1838 Ranjit Singh was struck by paralysis and died in 1839, leaving no competent heir. The Sikh polity collapsed, “their power exploded, disappearing in fierce but fast flames”. It was “a period of storm and anarchy in which assassination was the rule” and the legitimate line of his son and grandson, Kharak Singh and Nao Nihal Singh was quickly extinguished. In 1845 the Queen Regent, mother of the five-year old Dalip Singh, agreed to the Khalsa ending the 1809 Treaty. After bitter battles that might have gone either way, the Khalsa lost at Sobraon on 10 February 1846, and accepted terms of surrender in the 9 March 1846 Treaty of Lahore. The kingdom had not long survived its founder: “created by the military and administrative genius of one man, it crumbled into powder when the spirit which gave it life was withdrawn; and the inheritance of the Khalsa passed into the hands of the English.”
Ranjit Singh’s influence on modern J&K was even greater through his having mentored the Rajput Gulab Singh Dogra (1792-1857) and his brothers Dhyan Singh and Suchet Singh. Jammu had been ruled by Ranjit Deo until 1780 when the Sikhs made it tributary to the Lahore Court. Gulab Singh, a great grand nephew of Ranjit Deo, had left home at age 17 in search of a soldierly fortune, and ended up in 1809 in Ranjit Singh’s army, just when Ranjit Singh had acquired for himself a free hand to expand his domains north of the River Sutlej.
Gulab Singh, an intrepid soldier, by 1820 had Jammu conferred upon him by Ranjit Singh with the title of Raja, while Bhimber, Chibal, Poonch and Ramnagar went to his brothers. Gulab Singh, “often unscrupulous and cruel, was a man of considerable ability and efficiency”; he “found his small kingdom a troublesome charge but after ten years of constant struggles he and his two brothers became masters of most of the country between Kashmir and the Punjab”, though Srinagar Valley itself remained under a separate Governor appointed by the Lahore Court. Gulab Singh extended Jammu’s rule from Rawalpindi, Bhimber, Rajouri, Bhadarwah and Kishtwar, across Laddakh and into Tibet. His General Zorawar Singh led six expeditions into Laddakh between 1834 and 1841 through Kishtwar, Padar and Zanskar. In May 1841, Zorawar left Leh with an army of 5000 Dogras and Laddakhis and advanced on Tibet. Defeating the Tibetans at Rudok and Tashigong, he reached Minsar near Lake Mansarovar from where he advanced to Taklakot (Purang), 15 miles from the borders of Nepal and Kumaon, and built a fort stopping for the winter. Lhasa sent large re-inforcements to meet him. Zorawar, deciding to take the offensive, was killed in the Battle of Toyu, on 11-12 December 1841 at 16,000 feet.
A Laddakhi rebellion resulted against Jammu, aided now by the advancing Tibetans. A new army was sent under Hari Chand suppressing the rebellion and throwing back the Tibetans, leading to a peace treaty between Lhasa and Jammu signed on 17 September 1842: “We have agreed that we have no ill-feelings because of the past war. The two kings will henceforth remain friends forever. The relationship between Maharajah Gulab Singh of Kashmir and the Lama Guru of Lhasa (Dalai Lama) is now established. The Maharajah Sahib, with God (Kunchok) as his witness, promises to recognise ancient boundaries, which should be looked after by each side without resorting to warfare. When the descendants of the early kings, who fled from Laddakh to Tibet, now return they will not be stopped by Shri Maharajah. Trade between Laddakh and Tibet will continue as usual. Tibetan government traders coming into Laddakh will receive free transport and accommodations as before, and the Laddakhi envoy will, in turn, receive the same facilities in Lhasa. The Laddakhis take an oath before God (Kunchok) that they will not intrigue or create new troubles in Tibetan territory. We have agreed, with God as witness, that Shri Maharajah Sahib and the Lama Guru of Lhasa will live together as members of the same household.” The traditional boundary between Laddakh and Tibet “as recognised by both sides since olden times” was accepted by the envoys of Gulab Singh and the Dalai Lama.
An earlier 1684 treaty between Laddakh and Lhasa had said that while Laddakh would send tribute to Lhasa every three years, “the king of Laddakh reserves to himself the village of Minsar in Ngarees-khor-sum, that he may be independent there; and he sets aside its revenue for the purpose of meeting the expense involved in keeping up the sacrificial lights at Kangree (Kailas), and the Holy Lakes of Mansarovar and Rakas Tal”. The area around Minsar village near Lake Mansarovar, held by the rulers of Laddakh since 1583, was retained by Jammu in the 1842 peace-treaty, and its revenue was received by J&K State until 1948.
After Ranjit Singh’s death in 1839, Gulab Singh was alienated from the Lahore Court where the rise of his brothers and a nephew aroused enough Khalsa jealousy to see them assassinated in palace intrigues. While the Sikhs imploded, Gulab Singh had expanded his own dominion from Rawalpindi to Minsar ~ everywhere except Srinagar Valley itself. He had apparently advised the Sikhs not to attack the British in breach of the 1809 Treaty, and when they did so he had not joined them, though had he done so British power in North India might have been broken. The British were grateful for his neutrality and also his help in their first misbegotten adventure in Afghanistan. It was Gulab Singh who was now encouraged by both the British and the Sikhs to mediate between them, indeed “to take a leading part in arranging conditions of peace”, and he formally represented the Sikh regency in the negotiations. The 9 March 1846 Treaty of Lahore “set forth that the British Government having demanded in addition to a certain assignment of territory, a payment of a crore and a half of rupees, and the Sikh Government being unable to pay the whole”, Dalip Singh “should cede as equivalent to one crore the hill country belonging to the Punjab between the Beas and the Indus including Kashmir and the Hazara”.
For the British to occupy the whole of this mountainous territory was judged unwise on economic and military grounds; it was not feasible to occupy from a military standpoint and the area “with the exception of the small Valley of Kashmir” was “for the most part unproductive”. “On the other hand, the ceded tracts comprised the whole of the hereditary possessions of Gulab Singh, who, being eager to obtain an indefeasible title to them, came forward and offered to pay the war indemnity on condition that he was made the independent ruler of Jammu & Kashmir.
A separate treaty embodying this arrangement was thus concluded between the British and Gulab Singh at Amritsar on 16 March 1846.” Gulab Singh acknowledged the British Government’s supremacy, and in token of it agreed to present annually to the British Government “one horse, twelve shawl goats of approved breed and three pairs of Kashmir shawls. This arrangement was later altered; the annual presentation made by the Kashmir State was confined to two Kashmir shawls and three romals (handkerchiefs).” The Treaty of Amritsar “put Gulab Singh, as Maharaja, in possession of all the hill country between the Indus and the Ravi, including Kashmir, Jammu, Laddakh and Gilgit; but excluding Lahoul, Kulu and some areas including Chamba which for strategic purposes, it was considered advisable (by the British) to retain and for which a remission of Rs 25 lakhs was made from the crore demanded, leaving Rs 75 lakhs as the final amount to be paid by Gulab Singh.” The British retained Hazara which in 1918 was included into NWFP. Through an intrigue emanating from Prime Minister Lal Singh in Lahore, Imamuddin, the last Sikh-appointed Governor of Kashmir, sought to prevent Gulab Singh taking possession of the Valley in accordance with the Treaty’s terms. By December 1846 Gulab Singh had done so, though only with help of a British force which included 17,000 Sikh troops “who had been fighting in the campaign just concluded”. (Contemporary British opinion even predicted Sikhism like Buddhism “would become extinct in a short time if it were not kept alive by the esprit de corps of the Sikh regiments”.)
The British in 1846 may have been glad enough to allow Gulab Singh take independent charge of the new entity that came to be now known as the “State of Jammu & Kashmir”. Later, however. they and their American allies would grow keen to control or influence the region vis-à-vis their new interests against the Russian and Soviet Empires.
FOUR
PAKISTAN’S ALLIES by Subroto Roy First published in two parts in The Sunday Statesman, June 4 2006, The Statesman June 5 2006, Editorial Page Special Article, http://www.thestatesman.net
From the 1846 Treaty of Amritsar creating the State of Jammu & Kashmir until the collapse of the USSR in 1991, Britain and later the USA became increasingly interested in the subcontinent’s Northwest. The British came to India by sea to trade. Barren, splendid, landlocked Afghanistan held no interest except as a home of fierce tribes; but it was the source of invasions into the Indian plains and prompted a British misadventure to install Shah Shuja in place of Dost Mohammad Khan leading to ignominious defeat. Later, Afghanistan was seen as the underbelly of the Russian and Soviet empires, and hence a location of interest to British and American strategic causes.
In November 1954, US President Dwight Eisenhower authorized 30 U-2 spy aircraft to be produced for deployment against America’s perceived enemies, especially to investigate Soviet nuclear missiles which could reach the USA. Reconnaissance balloons had been unsuccessful, and numerous Western pilots had been shot down taking photographs from ordinary military aircraft. By June 1956, U-2 were making clandestine flights over the USSR and China. But on May 1 1960, one was shot or forced down over Sverdlovsk, 1,000 miles within Soviet territory. The Americans prevaricated that it had taken off from Turkey on a weather-mission, and been lost due to oxygen problems. Nikita Kruschev then produced the pilot, Francis Gary Powers, who was convicted of spying, though was exchanged later for a Soviet spy. Powers had been headed towards Norway, his task to photograph Soviet missiles from 70,000 ft, his point of origin had been an American base 20 miles from Peshawar.
America needed clandestine “forward bases” from which to fly U-2 aircraft, and Pakistan’s ingratiating military and diplomatic establishment was more than willing to offer such cooperation, fervently wishing to be seen as a “frontline state” against the USSR. “We will help you defeat the USSR and we are hopeful you will help us defeat India” became their constant refrain. By 1986, the Americans had been permitted to build air-bases in Balochistan and also use Mauripur air-base near Karachi.
Jammu & Kashmir and especially Gilgit-Baltistan adjoins the Pashtun regions whose capital has been Peshawar. In August-November 1947, a British coup d’etat against J&K State secured Gilgit-Baltistan for the new British Dominion of Pakistan.
The Treaty of Amritsar had nowhere required Gulab Singh’s dynasty to accept British political control in J&K as came to be exercised by British “Residents” in all other Indian “Native States”. Despite this, Delhi throughout the late 19th Century relentlessly pressed Gulab Singh’s successors Ranbir Singh and Partab Singh to accept political control. The Dogras acquiesced eventually. Delhi’s desire for control had less to do with the welfare of J&K’s people than with protection of increasing British interests in the area, like European migration to Srinagar Valley and guarding against Russian or German moves in Afghanistan. “Sargin” or “Sargin Gilit”, later corrupted by the Sikhs and Dogras into “Gilgit”, had an ancient people who spoke an archaic Dardic language “intermediate between the Iranian and the Sanskritic”. “The Dards were located by Ptolemy with surprising accuracy on the West of the Upper Indus, beyond the headwaters of the Swat River (Greek: Soastus) and north of the Gandarae (i.e. Kandahar), who occupied Peshawar and the country north of it. This region was traversed by two Chinese pilgrims, Fa-Hsien, coming from the north about AD 400 and Hsuan Tsiang, ascending from Swat in AD 629, and both left records of their journeys.”
Gilgit had been historically ruled by a Hindu dynasty called Trakane; when they became extinct, Gilgit Valley “was desolated by successive invasions of neighbouring rulers, and in the 20 or 30 years ending with 1842 there had been five dynastic revolutions. The Sikhs entered Gilgit about 1842 and kept a garrison there.” When J&K came under Gulab Singh, “the Gilgit claims were transferred with it, and a boundary commission was sent” by the British. In 1852 the Dogras were driven out with 2,000 dead. In 1860 under Ranbir Singh, the Dogras “returned to Gilgit and took Yasin twice, but did not hold it. They also in 1866 invaded Darel, one of the most secluded Dard states, to the south of the Gilgit basin but withdrew again.”
The British appointed a Political Agent in Gilgit in 1877 but he was withdrawn in 1881. “In 1889, in order to guard against the advance of Russia, the British Government, acting as the suzerain power of Kashmir, established the Gilgit Agency”. The Agency was re-established under control of the British Resident in Jammu & Kashmir. “It comprised the Gilgit Wazarat; the State of Hunza and Nagar; the Punial Jagir; the Governorships of Yasin, Kuh-Ghizr and Ishkoman, and Chilas”. In 1935, the British demanded J&K lease to them for 60 years Gilgit town plus most of the Gilgit Agency and the hill-states Hunza, Nagar, Yasin and Ishkuman. Hari Singh had no choice but to acquiesce. The leased region was then treated as part of British India, administered by a Political Agent at Gilgit responsible to Delhi, first through the Resident in J& K and later a British Agent in Peshawar. J& K State no longer kept troops in Gilgit and a mercenary force, the Gilgit Scouts, was recruited with British officers and paid for by Delhi. In April 1947, Delhi decided to formally retrocede the leased areas to Hari Singh’s J& K State as of 15 August 1947. The transfer was to formally take place on 1 August.
On 31 July, Hari Singh’s Governor arrived to find “all the officers of the British Government had opted for service in Pakistan”. The Gilgit Scouts’ commander, a Major William Brown aged 25, and his adjutant, a Captain Mathieson, planned openly to engineer a coup détat against Hari Singh’s Government. Between August and October, Gilgit was in uneasy calm. At midnight on 31 October 1947, the Governor was surrounded by the Scouts and the next day he was “arrested” and a provisional government declared.
Hari Singh’s nearest forces were at Bunji, 34 miles from Gilgit, a few miles downstream from where the Indus is joined by Gilgit River. The 6th J& K Infantry Battalion there was a mixed Sikh-Muslim unit, typical of the State’s Army, commanded by a Lt Col. Majid Khan. Bunji controlled the road to Srinagar. Further upstream was Skardu, capital of Baltistan, part of Laddakh District where there was a small garrison. Following Brown’s coup in Gilgit, Muslim soldiers of the 6th Infantry massacred their Sikh brothers-at-arms at Bunji. The few Sikhs who survived escaped to the hills and from there found their way to the garrison at Skardu.
On 4 November 1947, Brown raised the new Pakistani flag in the Scouts’ lines, and by the third week of November a Political Agent from Pakistan had established himself at Gilgit. Brown had engineered Gilgit and its adjoining states to first secede from J&K, and, after some talk of being independent, had promptly acceded to Pakistan. His commander in Peshawar, a Col. Bacon, as well as Col. Iskander Mirza, Defence Secretary in the new Pakistan and later to lead the first military coup détat and become President of Pakistan, were pleased enough. In July 1948, Brown was awarded an MBE (Military) and the British Governor of the NWFP got him a civilian job with ICI~ which however sent him to Calcutta, where he came to be attacked and left for dead on the streets by Sikhs avenging the Bunji massacre. Brown survived, returned to England, started a riding school, and died in 1984. In March 1994, Pakistan awarded his widow the Sitara-I-Pakistan in recognition of his coup détat.
Gilgit’s ordinary people had not participated in Brown’s coup which carried their fortunes into the new Pakistan, and to this day appear to remain without legislative representation. It was merely assumed that since they were mostly Muslim in number they would wish to be part of Pakistan ~ which also became Liaquat Ali Khan’s assumption about J&K State as a whole in his 1950 statements in North America. What the Gilgit case demonstrates is that J&K State’s descent into a legal condition of ownerless anarchy open to “Military Decision” had begun even before the Pakistani invasion of 22 October 1947 (viz. “Solving Kashmir”, The Statesman, 1-3 December 2005). Also, whatever else the British said or did with respect to J & K, they were closely allied to the new Pakistan on the matter of Gilgit.
The peak of Pakistan’s Anglo-American alliance came with the enormous support in the 1980s to guerrilla forces created and headquartered in Peshawar, to battle the USSR and Afghan communists directly across the Durand Line. It was this guerrilla war which became a proximate cause of the collapse of the USSR as a political entity in 1991. President Ronald Reagan’s CIA chief William J. Casey sent vast sums in 1985-1988 to supply and train these guerrillas. The Washington Post and New Yorker reported the CIA training guerrillas “in the use of mortars, rocket grenades, ground-to-air missiles”. 200 hand-held Stinger missiles were supplied for the first time in 1986 and the New Yorker reported Gulbudin Hikmatyar’s “Hizbe Islami” guerrillas being trained to bring down Soviet aircraft. “Mujahideen had been promised two Stingers for every Soviet aircraft brought down. Operators who failed to aim correctly were given additional training… By 1986, the United States was so deeply involved in the Afghan war that Soviet aircraft were being brought down under the supervision of American experts”. (Raja Anwar, The Tragedy of Afghanistan, 1988, p. 234).
The budding US-China détente brokered by Pakistan came into full bloom here. NBC News on 7 January 1980 said “for the first time in history (a senior State Department official) publicly admitted the possibility of concluding a military alliance between the United States and China”. London’s Daily Telegraph reported on 5 January 1980 “China is flying large supplies of arms and ammunition to the insurgents in Afghanistan. According to diplomatic reports, supplies have arrived in Pakistan from China via the Karakoram Highway…. A major build-up of Chinese involvement is underway ~ in the past few days. Scores of Chinese instructors have arrived at the Shola-e-Javed camps.”
Afghan reports in 1983-1985 said “there were eight training camps near the Afghan border operated by the Chinese in Sinkiang province” and that China had supplied the guerrillas “with a variety of weapons including 40,000 RPG-7 and 20,000 RPG-II anti tank rocket launchers.” Like Pakistan, “China did not publicly admit its involvement in the Afghan conflict: in 1985 the Chinese Mission at the UN distributed a letter denying that China was extending any kind of help to the Afghan rebels” (Anwar, ibid. p. 234). Support extended deep and wide across the Arab world. “The Saudi and Gulf rulers … became the financial patrons of the Afghan rebels from the very start of the conflict”. Anwar Sadat, having won the Nobel Peace Prize, was “keen to claim credit for his role in Afghanistan…. by joining the Afghanistan jihad, Sadat could re-establish his Islamic credentials, or so he believed. He could thus not only please the Muslim nations but also place the USA and Israel in his debt.” Sadat’s Defence Minister said in January 1980: “Army camps have been opened for the training of Afghan rebels; they are being supplied with weapons from Egypt” and Sadat told NBC News on 22 September 1981 “that for the last twenty-one months, the USA had been buying arms from Egypt for the Afghan rebels. He said he had been approached by the USA in December 1979 and he had decided to `open my stores’. He further disclosed that these arms were being flown to Pakistan from Egypt by American aircraft. Egypt had vast supplies of SAM-7 and RPG-7 anti-aircraft and anti-tank weapons which Sadat agreed to supply to Afghanistan in exchange for new American arms. The Soviet weapons, being light, were ideally suited to guerrilla warfare. … the Mujahideen could easily claim to have captured them from Soviet and Afghan troops in battle.… Khomeini’s Iran got embroiled in war (against Iraq) otherwise Kabul would also have had to contend with the full might of the Islamic revolutionaries.” (Anwar ibid. p. 235).
Afghanistan had been occupied on 26-27 December 1979 by Soviet forces sent by the decrepit Leonid Brezhnev and Yuri Andropov to carry out a putsch replacing one communist, Hafizullah Amin, with a rival communist and Soviet protégé, Babrak Karmal. By 1985 Brezhnev and Andropov were dead and Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev had begun his attempts to reform the Soviet system, usher in openness, end the Cold War and in particular withdraw from Afghanistan, which by 1986 he had termed “a bleeding wound”. Gorbachev replaced Karmal with a new protégé Najibullah Khan, who was assigned the impossible task of bringing about national reconciliation with the Pakistan-based guerrillas and form a national government. Soviet forces withdrew from Afghanistan in February 1989 having lost 14,500 dead, while more than a million Afghans had been killed since the invasion a decade earlier.
Not long after Russia’s Bolshevik Revolution, Gregory Zinoviev had said that international communism “turns today to the peoples of the East and says to them, `Brothers, we summon you to a Holy War first of all against British imperialism!’ At this there were cries of Jehad! Jehad! And much brandishing of picturesque Oriental weapons.” (Treadgold, Twentieth Century Russia, 1990, p. 213). Now instead, the Afghan misadventure had contributed to the collapse of the Soviet Empire itself, the USSR ceasing to be a political entity by 1991, and even Gorbachev being displaced by Boris Yeltsin and later Vladimir Putin in a new Russia.
What resulted for the people of the USA and Britain and the West in general was that they no longer had to live under threat of hostile Soviet tanks and missiles, while the people of Russia, Ukraine and the other erstwhile Soviet republics as well as Eastern Europe were able to throw off the yoke of communism that had oppressed them since the Bolshevik Revolution and instead to breathe the air of freedom.
What happened to the people of Afghanistan, however, was that they were plunged into further ghastly civil war for more than ten years. And what happened to the people of Pakistan was that their country was left resembling a gigantic Islamist military camp, awash with airfields, arms, ammunition and trained guerrillas, as well as a military establishment enlivened as always by perpetual hope that these supplies, provisions and personnel of war might find alternative use in attacks against India over J& K. “We helped you when you wished to see the Soviet Union defeated and withdrawing in Afghanistan”, Pakistan’s generals and diplomats pleaded with the Americans and British, “now you must help us in our wish to see India defeated and withdrawing in Kashmir”. Pakistan’s leaders even believed that just as the Soviet Union had disintegrated afterwards, the Indian Union perhaps might be made to do the same. Not only were the two cases as different as chalk from cheese, Palmerstone’s dictum there are no permanent allies in the politics of nations could not have found more apt use than in what actually came to take place next.
Pakistan’s generals and diplomats felt betrayed by the loss of Anglo-American paternalism towards them after 1989.
Modern Pakistanis had never felt they subscribed to the Indian nationalist movement culminating in independence in August 1947. The Pakistani state now finally declared its independence in the world by exploding bombs in a nuclear arsenal secretly created with help purchased from China and North Korea. Pakistan’s leaders thus came to feel in some control of Pakistan’s destiny as a nation-state for the first time, more than fifty years after Pakistan’s formal creation in 1947. If nothing else, at least they had the Bomb.
Secondly, America and its allies would not be safe for long since the civil war they had left behind in Afghanistan while trying to defeat the USSR now became a brew from which arose a new threat of violent Islamism. Osama bin Laden and the Taliban, whom Pakistan’s military and the USA had promoted, now encouraged unprecedented attacks on the American mainland on September 11 2001 ~ causing physical and psychological damage which no Soviet, Chinese or Cuban missiles ever had been allowed to do. In response, America attacked and removed the Taliban regime in Afghanistan, once again receiving the cooperative use of Pakistani manpower and real estate ~ except now there was no longer any truck with the Pakistani establishment’s wish for a quid pro quo of Anglo-American support against India on J&K. Pakistan’s generals and diplomats soon realised their Anglo-American alliance of more than a half-century ended on September 11 2001. Their new cooperation was in killing or arresting and handing over fellow-Muslims and necessarily lacked their earlier feelings of subservience and ingratiation towards the Americans and British, and came to be done instead under at least some duress. No benefit could be reaped any more in the fight against India over Jammu & Kashmir. An era had ended in the subcontinent.
FIVE
WHAT TO TELL MUSHARRAF: PEACE IS IMPOSSIBLE WITHOUT NON-AGGRESSIVE PAKISTANI INTENTIONS by Subroto Roy, First published in The Statesman December 15 2006 Editorial Page Special Article, www.thestatesman.net
In June 1989 a project at an American university involving Pakistani and other scholars, including one Indian, led to the book Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s published in Karachi, New Delhi and elsewhere. The book reached Nawaz Sharif and the Islamabad elite, and General Musharraf’s current proposal on J&K, endorsed warmly by the US State Department last week, derives from the last paragraph of its editorial introduction: “Kashmir… must be demilitarised and unified by both countries sooner or later, and it must be done without force. There has been enough needless bloodshed on the subcontinent… Modern Pakistanis and Indians are free peoples who can voluntarily agree in their own interests to alter the terms set hurriedly by Attlee or Mountbatten in the Indian Independence Act 1947. Nobody but we ourselves keeps us prisoners of superficial definitions of who we are or might be. The subcontinent could evolve its political identity over a period of time on the pattern of Western Europe, with open borders and (common) tariffs to the outside world, with the free movement of people, capital, ideas and culture. Large armed forces could be reduced and transformed in a manner that would enhance the security of each nation. The real and peaceful economic revolution of the masses of the subcontinent would then be able to begin.”
The editors as economists decried the waste of resources involved in the Pakistan-India confrontation, saying it had “greatly impoverished the general budgets of both Pakistan and India. If it has benefited important sections of the political and military elites of both countries, it has done so only at the expense of the general welfare of the masses.”
International law
Such words may have been bold in the early 1990s but today, a decade and a half later, they seem incomplete and rather naïve even to their author, who was myself, the only Indian in that project. Most significantly, the position in international law in the context of historical facts had been wholly neglected. So had been the manifest nature of the contemporary Pakistani state.
Jammu & Kashmir became an entity in international law when the Treaty of Amritsar was signed between Gulab Singh and the British on March 16 1846. British India itself became an entity in international law much later, possibly as late as June 1919 when it signed the Treaty of Versailles. As for Pakistan, it had no existence in world history or international law until August 14 1947, when the British created it as a new entity out of certain demarcated areas of British India and gave it the status of a Dominion. British India dissolved itself on August 15 1947 and the Dominion of India became its successor-state in international law on that date. As BR Ambedkar pointed out at the time, the new India automatically inherited British India’s suzerainty over any and all remaining “princely” states of so-called “Indian India”. In case of J&K in particular, there never was any question of it being recognised as an independent entity in global international law.
The new Pakistan, by entering a Standstill Agreement with J&K as of August 15 1947, did locally recognise J&K’s sovereignty over its decision whether to join Pakistan or India. But this Pakistani recognition lasted only until the attack on J&K that commenced from Pakistani territory as of October 22 1947, an attack in which Pakistani forces were complicit (something which, in different and mutating senses, has continued ever since). The Dominion of India had indicated it might have consented if J&K’s Ruler had decided to accede to Pakistan in the weeks following the dissolution of British India. But no such thing happened: what did happen was the descent of J&K into a condition of legal anarchy.
Beginning with the Pakistani attack on J&K as of October 22 upto and including the Rape of Baramulla and the British-led Pakistani coup détat in Gilgit on one side, and the arrival of Indian forces as well as mobilization by Sheikh Abdullah and Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad of J&K’s civilians to repel the Pakistani invaders on the other side, the State of Jammu & Kashmir became an ownerless entity in international law. In Roman Law, from which all modern international and municipal law ultimately derives, the ownership of an ownerless entity is open to be determined by “military decision”. The January 1949 Ceasefire Line that came to be renamed the Line of Control after the 1971 Bangladesh War, demarcates the respective territories that the then-Dominions and later Republics of India and Pakistan acquired by “military decision” of the erstwhile State of J&K which had come to cease to exist.
What the Republic of India means by saying today that boundaries cannot be redrawn nor any populations forcibly transferred is quite simply that the division of erstwhile J&K territory is permanent, and that sovereignty over it is indivisible. It is only sheer ignorance on the part of General Musharraf’s Indian interviewer the other day which caused it to be said that Pakistan was willing to “give up” its claim on erstwhile J&K State territory which India has held: Pakistan has never had nor even made such a claim in international law. What Pakistan has claimed is that India has been an occupier and that there are many people inhabiting the Indian area who may not wish to be Indian nationals and who are being compelled against their will to remain so ~ forgetting to add that precisely the same could be said likewise of the Pakistani-held area.
Accordingly, the lawful solution proposed in these pages a year ago to resolve that matter, serious as it is, has been that the Republic of India invite every person covered under Article 370, citizen-by- citizen, under a condition of full information, to privately and without fear decide, if he/she has not done so already, between possible Indian, Iranian, Afghan or Pakistani nationalities ~ granting rights and obligations of permanent residents to any of those persons who may choose for whatever private reason not to remain Indian nationals. If Pakistan acted likewise, the problem of J&K would indeed come to be resolved. The Americans, as self- appointed mediators, have said they wish “the people of the region to have a voice” in a solution: there can be no better expression of such voice than allowing individuals to privately choose their own nationalities and their rights and responsibilities accordingly. The issue of territorial sovereignty is logically distinct from that of the choice of nationality by individual inhabitants.
Military de-escalation
Equally significant though in assessing whether General Musharraf’s proposal is an anachronism, is Pakistan’s history since 1947: through Ayub’s 1965 attack, the civil war and secession of Bangladesh, the Afghan war and growth of the ISI, the Kargil incursion, the 1999 coup détat, and, once or twice removed, the 9/11 attacks against America. It is not a history that allows any confidence to arise in Indians that we are not dealing with a country misgoverned by a tiny arrogant exploitative military elite who remain hell-bent on aggression against us. Like the USA and USSR twenty years ago, what we need to negotiate about, and negotiate hard about, is an overall mutual military drawdown and de-escalation appropriate to lack of aggressive intent on both sides. Is General Musharraf willing to discuss that? It would involve reciprocal verifiable assessment of one another’s reasonable military requirements on the assumption that each was not a threatening enemy of the other. That was how the USA-USSR drawdown and de-escalation occurred successfully. If General Musharraf is unwilling to enter such a discussion, there is hardly anything to talk about with him. We should wait for democracy to return.
SIX
“AN INDIAN REPLY TO PRESIDENT ZARDARI: REWARDING PAKISTAN FOR BAD BEHAVIOUR LEADS TO SCHIZOPHRENIC RELATIONSHIPS”
by Subroto Roy, December 17 2008
Pakistan President Asif Ali Zardari’s recent argument in the New York Times resembles closely the well-known publications of his ambassador to the United States, Mr Husain Haqqani. Unfortunately, this Zardari-Haqqani thesis about Pakistan’s current predicament in the world and the world’s predicament with Pakistan is shot through with clear factual and logical errors. These need to be aired because true or useful conclusions cannot be reached from mistaken premises or faulty reasoning.
1. Origins of Pakistan, India, J&K, and their mutual problems
Mr Zardari makes the following seemingly innocuous statement:
“…. the two great nations of Pakistan and India, born together from the same revolution and mandate in 1947, must continue to move forward with the peace process.”
Now as a matter of simple historical fact, the current entities in the world system known as India and Pakistan were not “born together from the same revolution and mandate in 1947”. It is palpably false to suppose they were and Pakistanis indulge in wishful thinking and self-deception about their own political history if they suppose this.
India’s Republic arose out of the British Dominion known as “India” which was the legal successor of the entity known previously in international law as “British India”. British India had had secular governance and so has had the Indian Republic.
By contrast, the Islamic Republic of Pakistan arose out of a newly created state in international law known as the British Dominion of Pakistan, consisting of designated territory carved out of British India by a British decision and coming into existence one day before British India extinguished itself. (Another new state, Bangladesh, later seceded from Pakistan.)
The British decision to create territory designated “Pakistan” had nothing to do with any anti-British “revolution” or “mandate” supported by any Pakistani nationalism because there was none. (Rahmat Ali’s anti-Hindu pamphleteering in London could be hardly considered Pakistani nationalism against British rule. Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan’s Pashtun patriots saw themselves as Indian, not Pakistani.)
To the contrary, the British decision had to do with a small number of elite Pakistanis — MA Jinnah foremost among them — demanding not to be part of the general Indian nationalist movement that had been demanding a British departure from power in the subcontinent. Jinnah’s separatist party, the Muslim League, was trounced in the 1937 provincial elections in all the Muslim-majority areas of British India that would eventually become Pakistan. Despite this, in September 1939, Britain, at war with Nazi Germany, chose to elevate the political power of Jinnah and his League to parity with the general Indian nationalist movement led by MK Gandhi. (See, Francis Robinson, in William James and Subroto Roy (eds), Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s.) Britain needed India’s mostly Muslim infantry-divisions — the progenitors of the present-day Pakistan Army — and if that meant tilting towards a risky political idea of “Pakistan” in due course, so it would be. The thesis that Pakistan arose from any kind of “revolution” or “mandate” in 1947 is fantasy — the Muslim super-elite that invented and endorsed the Pakistan idea flew from Delhi to Karachi in chartered BOAC Dakotas, caring not a hoot about the vulnerability of ordinary Muslim masses to Sikh and Hindu majority wrath and retaliation on the ground.
Modern India succeeded to the rights and obligations of British India in international law, and has had a recognized existence as a state since at least the signing of the Armistice and Treaty of Versailles in 1918-1919. India was a founding member of the United Nations, being a signatory of the 1945 San Francisco Declaration, and an original member of the Bretton Woods institutions. An idea put forward by Argentina that as of 1947 India and Pakistan were both successor states of British India was rejected by the UN (Argentina withdrew its own suggestion), and it was universally acknowledged India was already a member of the UN while Pakistan would have to (and did) apply afresh for membership as a newly created state in the UN. Pakistan’s entry into the UN had the enthusiastic backing of India and was opposed by only one existing UN member, Afghanistan, due to a conflict that continues to this day over the legitimacy of the Durand Line that bifurcated the Pashtun areas.
Such a review of elementary historical facts and the position in law of Pakistan and India is far from being of merely pedantic interest today. Rather, it goes directly to the logical roots of the conflict over the erstwhile State of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) — a state that itself originated as an entity in the world system a full century before Pakistan was to do so and more than half a century before British India did, but which would collapse into anarchy and civil war in 1947-1949.
Britain (or England) had been a major nation-state in the world system recognized since Grotius first outlined modern international law. On March 16 1846, Britain entered into a treaty, the Treaty of Amritsar, with one Gulab Singh, and the “State of Jammu & Kashmir” came to arise as a recognizable entity in international law for the first time. (See my “History of Jammu and Kashmir” published in The Statesman, Oct 29-30 2006, available elsewhere here.)
Jammu & Kashmir continued in orderly existence as a state until it crashed into legal and political anarchy and civil war a century later. The new Pakistan had entered into a “Standstill Agreement” with the State of Jammu & Kashmir as of August 15 1947. On or about October 22 1947, Pakistan unilaterally ended that Standstill Agreement and instead caused military forces from its territory to attack the State of Jammu & Kashmir along the Mansehra Road towards Baramula and Srinagar, coinciding too with an Anglo-Pakistani coup d’etat in Gilgit and Baltistan (see my “Solving Kashmir”; “Law, Justice & J&K”; “Pakistan’s Allies”, all published in The Statesman in 2005-2006 and available elsewhere here).
The new Pakistan had chosen, in all deliberation, to forswear law, politics and diplomacy and to resort to force of arms instead in trying to acquire J&K for itself via a military decision. It succeeded only partially. Its forces took and then lost both Baramula and Kargil; they may have threatened Leh but did not attempt to take it; they did take and retain Muzaffarabad and Skardu; they were never near taking the summer capital, Srinagar, though might have threatened the winter capital, Jammu.
All in all, a Ceasefire Line came to be demarcated on the military positions as of February 1 1949. After a war in 1971 that accompanied the secession of Bangladesh from Pakistan, that Ceasefire Line came to be renamed the “Line of Control” between Pakistan and India. An ownerless entity may be acquired by force of arms — the erstwhile State of Jammu & Kashmir in 1947-1949 had become an ownerless entity that had been dismembered and divided according to military decision following an armed conflict between Pakistan and India. The entity in the world system known as the “State of Jammu & Kashmir” created on March 16 1846 by Gulab Singh’s treaty with the British ceased to exist as of October 22 1947. Pakistan had started the fight over J&K but there is a general rule of conflicts that he who starts a fight does not get to finish it.
Such is the simplest and most practical statement of the history of the current problem. The British, through their own compulsions and imperial pretensions, raised all the talk about a “Lapse of Paramountcy” of the British Crown over the “Native Princes” of “Indian India”, and of how, the “Native Princes” were required to “accede” to either India or Pakistan. This ignored Britain’s own constitutional law. BR Ambedkar pointed out with unsurpassed clarity that no “Lapse of Paramountcy” was possible even for a single logical moment since “Paramountcy” over any “Native Princes” who had not joined India or Pakistan as of August 15 1947, automatically passed from British India to its legal successor, namely, the Dominion of India. It followed that India’s acquiescence was required for any subsequent accession to Pakistan – an acquiescence granted in case of Chitral and denied in case of Junagadh.
What the Republic of India means by saying today that boundaries cannot be redrawn nor any populations forcibly transferred is quite simply that the division of erstwhile J&K territory is permanent, and that sovereignty over it is indivisible. What Pakistan has claimed is that India has been an occupier and that there are many people inhabiting the Indian area who may not wish to be Indian nationals and who are being compelled against their will to remain so ~ forgetting to add that precisely the same could be said likewise of the Pakistani-held area. The lawful solution I proposed in “Solving Kashmir, “Law, Justice and J&K” and other works has been that the Republic of India invite every person covered under its Article 370, citizen-by-citizen, under a condition of full information, to privately and without fear decide, if he/she has not done so already, between possible Indian, Iranian, Afghan or Pakistani nationalities ~ granting rights and obligations of permanent residents to any of those persons who may choose for whatever private reason not to remain Indian nationals. If Pakistan acted likewise, the problem of J&K would indeed come to be resolved. The Americans, as self-appointed mediators, have said they wish “the people of the region to have a voice” in a solution: there can be no better expression of such voice than allowing individuals to privately choose their own nationalities and their rights and responsibilities accordingly. The issue of territorial sovereignty is logically distinct from that of the choice of nationality by individual inhabitants.
2. Benazir’s assassination falsely compared to the Mumbai massacres
Secondly, President Zardari draws a mistaken comparison between the assassination last year of his wife, Benazir Bhutto, and the Mumbai massacres a few weeks ago. Ms Bhutto’s assassination may resemble more closely the assassinations in India of Indira Gandhi in 1984 and Rajiv Gandhi in 1991.
Indira Gandhi died in “blowback” from the unrest she and her younger son and others in their party had opportunistically fomented among Sikh fundamentalists and sectarians since the late 1970s. Rajiv Gandhi died in “blowback” from an erroneous imperialistic foreign policy that he, as Prime Minister, had been induced to make by jingoistic Indian diplomats, a move that got India’s military needlessly involved in the then-nascent Sri Lankan civil war. Benazir Bhutto similarly may be seen to have died in “blowback” from her own political activity as prime minister and opposition leader since the late 1980s, including her own encouragement of Muslim fundamentalist forces. Certainly in all three cases, as in all assassinations, there were lapses of security too and imprudent political judgments made that contributed to the tragic outcomes.
Ms Bhutto’s assassination has next to nothing to do with the Mumbai massacres, besides the fact the perpetrators in both cases were Pakistani terrorists. President Zardari saying he himself has lost his wife to terrorism is true but not relevant to the proper diagnosis of the Mumbai massacres or to Pakistan-India relations in general. Rather, it serves to deflect criticism and condemnation of the Pakistani state’s pampered handing of Pakistan’s terrorist masterminds, as well as the gross irresponsibility of Pakistan’s military scientists (not AQ Khan) who have been recently advocating a nuclear first strike against India in the event of war.
3. Can any religious nation-state be viable in the modern world?
President Zardari’s article says:
“The world worked to exploit religion against the Soviet Union in Afghanistan by empowering the most fanatic extremists as an instrument of destruction of a superpower. The strategy worked, but its legacy was the creation of an extremist militia with its own dynamic.”
This may be overly simplistic. As pointed out in my article “Pakistan’s Allies”, Gregory Zinoviev himself after the Bolshevik Revolution had declared that international communism “turns today to the peoples of the East and says to them, ‘Brothers, we summon you to a Holy War first of all against British imperialism!’ At this there were cries of Jehad! Jehad! And much brandishing of picturesque Oriental weapons.” (Treadgold, Twentieth Century Russia, 1990, p. 213). For more than half of the 20th century, orthodox Muslims had been used by Soviet communists against British imperialism, then by the British and Americans (through Pakistan) against Soviet communism. Touché! Blowback and counter-blowback! The real question that arises from this today may be why orthodox Muslims have allowed themselves to be used either way by outside forces and have failed in developing a modern nation-state and political culture of their own. Europe and America only settled down politically after their religious wars were over. Perhaps no religious nation-state is viable in the modern world.
4. Pakistan’s behaviour leads to schizophrenia in international relations
President Zardari pleads for, or perhaps demands, resources from the world:
“the best response to the Mumbai carnage is to coordinate in counteracting the scourge of terrorism. The world must act to strengthen Pakistan’s economy and democracy, help us build civil society and provide us with the law enforcement and counterterrorism capacities that will enable us to fight the terrorists effectively.”
Six million pounds from Mr Gordon Brown, so much from here or there etc – President Zardari has apparently demanded 100 billion dollars from America and that is the price being talked about for Pakistan to dismantle its nuclear weapons and be brought under an American “nuclear umbrella” instead.
I have pointed out elsewhere that what Pakistan seems to have been doing in international relations for decades is send out “mixed messages” – i.e. contradictory signals, whether in thought, word or deed. Clinical psychologists following the work of Gregory Bateson would say this leads to confusion among Pakistan’s interlocutors (a “double bind”) and the symptoms arise of what may be found in schizophrenic relationships. (See my article “Do President-elect Obama’s Pakistan specialists believe…”; on the “double bind” theory, an article I chanced to publish in the Journal of Genetic Psychology, 1986, may be of interest).
Here are a typical set of “mixed messages” emanating from Pakistan’s government and opinion-makers:
“We have nuclear weapons
“We keep our nuclear weapons safe from any misuse or unauthorized use
“We are willing to use nuclear weapons in a first strike against India
“We do not comprehend the lessons of Hiroshima-Nagasaki
“We do not comprehend the destruction India will visit upon us if we strike them
“We are dangerous so we must not be threatened in any way
“We are peace-loving and want to live in peace with India and Afghanistan
“We love to play cricket with India and watch Bollywood movies
“We love our Pakistan Army as it is one public institution that works
“We know the Pakistan Army has backed armed militias against India in the past
“We know these militias have caused terrorist attacks
“We are not responsible for any terrorist attacks
“We do not harbour any terrorists
“We believe the world should pay us to not use or sell our nuclear weapons
“We believe the world should pay us to not encourage the terrorists in our country
“We believe the world should pay us to prevent terrorists from using our nuclear weapons
“We hate India and do not want to become like India
“We love India and want to become like India
“We are India and we are not India…”
Etc.
A mature rational responsible and self-confident Pakistan would have said instead:
“We apologise to India and other countries for the outrageous murders our nationals have committed in Mumbai and elsewhere
“We ask the world to watch how our professional army is deployed to disarm civilian and all “non-state” actors of unauthorized firearms and explosives
“We do not need and will not demand or accept a dollar in any sort of foreign aid, military or civilian, to solve our problems
“We realize our economic and political institutions are a mess and we must clean them up
“We will strive to build a society imbued with what Iqbal described as the spirit of modern times..”
As someone who created at great personal cost at an American university twenty years ago the book Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s, I have a special interest in hoping that Pakistan shall find the path of wisdom.”
Parliament is supposed to control the Government, not be bullied or intimidated by it: Will Rahul Gandhi be able to lead the Backbenches in the 15th Lok Sabha?
June 1, 2009 — drsubrotoroyAny Lok Sabha MP who neither sits with the Opposition nor is a sworn-in member of the Government is a Backbench MP of the Government party or its coalition.
Shrimati Sonia Gandhi is the most prominent of such Backbench MPs in the 15th Lok Sabha, just as she was of the 14th Lok Sabha, and has chosen to be in a most peculiar position from the point of view of parliamentary law. As the leader of the largest parliamentary party, she could have been not merely a member of the Government but its Prime Minister. She has in fact had a decisive role in determining the composition of the Manmohan Government as well as its policies. She in fact sits on the Frontbenches in the Lok Sabha along with the Manmohan Government. But she is not a member of the Government and is, formally speaking, a Backbench MP who is choosing to sit in the Frontbenches.
(Dr Manmohan Singh himself, not being a member of the Lok Sabha, may, formally speaking, sit or speak from among the Frontbenches of his own Government only by invitation of the Lok Sabha Speaker as a courtesy – such would have been the cardinal reason why Alec Douglas-Home resigned from being Lord Home and instead stood for a House of Commons seat when he was appointed British Prime Minister.)
Sonia Gandhi’s son, Mr Rahul Gandhi, is also a Backbench MP. From all accounts, including that of Dr Singh himself, he could have been a member of Dr Singh’s Government but has specifically chosen not to be. He has appeared to have had some much lesser role than Sonia Gandhi in determining the composition of the Government and its policies but he is not a member of it. He is, formally speaking, a Backbench MP, indeed the most prominent to actually sit in the Backbenches, as he had done in the 14th Lok Sabha, which, it is to be hoped, he does in the 15th Lok Sabha too.
Now Rahul Gandhi, Sonia Gandhi and their 541 other fellow 15th Lok Sabha MPs were declared winners by May 16 2009 having won the Indian people’s vote.
(Incidentally, I predicted the outcome here two hours before polls closed on May 13 – how I did so is simply by having done the necessary work of determining that some 103 million people had voted for Congress in 2004 against some 86 million for the BJP; in my assessment Congress had done more than enough by way of political rhetoric and political reality to maintain if not extend that difference in 2009, i.e., the BJP had not done nearly enough to even begin to get enough of a net drift in its favour. I expect when the data are out it shall be seen that the margin of the raw vote between them has been much enlarged from 2004.)
As I have pointed out here over the last fortnight, there was no legal or logical reason why the whole 15th Lok Sabha could not have been sworn in latest by May 18 2009.
Instead, Dr Manmohan Singh on May 18 held a purported “Cabinet” meeting of the defunct 14th Lok Sabha – an institution that had been automatically dissolved when Elections had been first announced! The Government then went about forming itself over two weeks despite the 15th Lok Sabha, on whose confidence it depended for its political legitimacy, not having been allowed to meet. Everyone – the Congress Party’s Supreme Court advocates, the Lok Sabha Secretariat, the Election Commission, Rashtrapati Bhavan too – seems to have gotten it awfully wrong by placing the cart before the horse.
In our system it is Parliament that is sovereign, not the Executive Government. In fact the Executive is accountable to Parliament, specifically the Lok Sabha, and is supposed to be guided by it as well as hold its confidence at all times.
What has happened instead this time is that Government ministers have been busy taking oaths and entering their offices and making policy-decisons days before they have taken their oaths and their seats as Lok Sabha MPs! The Government has thus started off by diminishing Parliament’s sovereignty and this should not be allowed to happen again.
(Of course why it took place is because of the peculiarity of the victory relative to our experience in recent decades – nobody could remember parliamentary traditions from Nehru’s time in the 1950s. Even so, someone, e.g. the former Speaker, should have known and insisted upon explaining the relevant aspect of parliamentary law and hence avoided this breach.)
A central question now is whether a Government which has such a large majority, and which is led by someone in and has numerous ministers from the Rajya Sabha, is going to be adequately controlled and feel itself accountable to the Lok Sabha.
Neither of the Lok Sabha’s most prominent Backbenchers, Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi, have thus far distinguished themselves as Parliamentarians on the floor of the Lok Sabha. In the 14th Lok Sabha, Sonia Gandhi, sitting in the Frontbenches, exercised the enormous control that she did over the Government not on the floor of the House itself but from outside it.
It would be best of all if she chose in the 15th Lok Sabha to actually physically sit in the Congress’s Backbenches because that would ensure best that the Government Party’s ministers in the Frontbenches will keep having to seek to be accountable to the Backbenches!
But this seems unlikely to happen in view of the fact she herself seems to have personally influenced the choice of a Speaker for the 15th Lok Sabha and it may be instead expected that she continues to sit on the Frontbenches with the Government without being a member of it.
That leaves Rahul Gandhi. If he too comes to be persuaded by the sycophants to sit on the Frontbenches with the Government, that will not be a healthy sign.
On the other hand, if he continues to sit on the Backbenches, he may be able to have a salubrious influence on the 15th Lok Sabha fulfilling its responsibility of seeking to seriously control and hold accountable the Executive Government, and not be bullied or intimidated by it. His paternal grandfather, Feroze Gandhi, after all, may have been India’s most eminent and effective Backbench MP yet.
Subroto Roy, Kolkata
Note to Posterity: 79 Ministers in office but no 15th Lok Sabha until June 1 2009!
May 29, 2009 — drsubrotoroyThe Government of India’s 79 Ministers have taken to their offices like bees to honey yet the 15th Lok Sabha that the people of India elected a fortnight ago is still three days from being convened.
In other words, people have been taking oaths and entering offices as Ministers even before they have taken their oaths or their seats in the 15th Lok Sabha which accords the Government its political legitimacy by its confidence!
Let posterity recall that the 15th Lok Sabha was made to needlessly wait from May 16 2009 until June 1 2009 and despite this the Government formed itself and entered office during that time. It cannot be something that helps the psychology or morale of our elected representatives nor be something conducive to the smooth working of the House.
It is all a terrible constitutional muddle which I doubt the PM or his party or Government, or even the Opposition, will admit to or want to clear up on their own but shall probably have to await a Constitutional Bench of the Supreme Court of India telling them what parliamentary law is in due course.
Subroto Roy
Why does India not have a Parliament ten days after the 15th Lok Sabha was elected? Nehru and Rajiv would both have been appalled (2009)
May 27, 2009 — drsubrotoroysee too
Why has the Sonia Congress done something that the Congress under Nehru-Indira-Rajiv would not have done, namely, exaggerate the power of the Rajya Sabha and diminish the power of the Lok Sabha?
There are at least three Supreme Court lawyers, all highly voluble, among the higher echelons of Congress Party politicians; it is surprising that not one of them has been able to get the top Party leadership of Sonia Gandhi and Manmohan Singh to see the apparent breach of normal constitutional law in Parliament not having met more than 10 days after it was elected.
A Government has been formed, Ministers have entered their offices and have been holding press-conferences and taking executive decisions, wannabe-Ministers continue to be wrangling night-and-day for the plums of office — BUT THERE IS NO PARLIAMENT!
Today is the death-anniversary of Jawaharlal Nehru and last week was the death anniversary of Rajiv Gandhi.
Nehru, whatever his faults and infirmities, was an outstanding parliamentarian and a believer in the Westminster model in particular. He was intimately familiar with its unpoken customs and unwritten laws. He would have been completely appalled by the situation today where luminaries of the party that goes by the same name as the one he had led are paying obeisance to his memory 45 years after his death but have failed to see the absurdity in having a Government in office with no new Parliament ten days after a month-long General Election was over! (Incidentally, had he not left explicit instructions against any hero-worship taking place of himself too?)
Rajiv knew his grandfather and had acquired a sense of noblesse oblige from him. He too would have been appalled that the procedural business of government had been simply procrastinated over like this.
It surprises me that Dr Manmohan Singh, having been a post-graduate of Cambridge, having earned a doctorate from Oxford, and more recently having been awarded honorary doctorates from both Ancient Universities, should seem so unaware of the elements of the Westminster model of constitutional jurisprudence which guides our polity too.
It is too late now and the mistakes have been made. I hope his new Government will come to realise at some point and then keep in mind that our Executive receives political legitimacy from Parliament, not vice versa. An Executive can hardly be legitimately in office until the Parliament that is supposed to elect it has been sworn in.
As for our putative Opposition in the Parliament-yet-to-meet, it seems to have drawn a blank too, and eo ipso revealed its own constitutional backwardness and lethargy.
Subroto Roy
Parliament’s sovereignty has been diminished by the Executive: A record for future generations to know (2009)
May 25, 2009 — drsubrotoroySad to say, Parliament’s sovereignty has been diminished, indeed usurped, by the new Executive Government.
Here is a brief record for future generations to know.
India’s people completed their voting in the 15th General Elections on Wednesday May 13 2009.
The results of how they had spoken, what was their will, were known and declared by Saturday May 16 2009.
There was no legal or logical reason why the 543 members of the 15th Lok Sabha could not have been sworn in as new MPs by the close-of-business on Monday May 18 at the latest.
On Tuesday May 19 the 15th Lok Sabha could have and should have met to elect itself a pro tem or even a permanent Speaker.
The Speaker would have divided the new House into its Government Party and its Opposition.
There would have been a vote of confidence on the floor of the House, which in the circumstances would have been in favour of the Government Party.
Observing this to have taken place, the Hon’ble President of India as the Head of State would have sent for the leader of the Government Party and invited her to form the new Government.
In this particular case, the leader of the largest political party, namely Sonia Gandhi, would have been accompanied perhaps by the Leader of the Lok Sabha, Pranab Mukherjee, as well as her personal nominee for the position of PM, namely, Manmohan Singh.
Sonia Gandhi would have respectfully declined the invitation of the President to be the new Prime Minister, and she would have also explained that she wanted Manmohan Singh to have the position instead.
The President would have said “Very well, Dr Singh, can you please form the Government?”
He would have said, “Yes Madame President it shall be a privilege and an honour to do so”.
The President would have added, “Thank you, and I notice you are not a member of the Lok Sabha at the moment but I am sure you are taking steps towards becoming one.”
End of visit.
Manmohan Singh would have been sworn in as PM and would have gone about adding Ministers at a measured pace. Later, he would have resigned his Rajya Sabha seat and sought election to the Lok Sabha on the parliamentary precedent set by Alec Douglas-Home.
What has happened instead?
On May 18 2009, instead of 543 members of the 15th Lok Sabha taking their oaths as required by parliamentary law and custom, Dr Singh held a purported “Cabinet” meeting of the 14th Lok Sabha — a long-since dead institution!
Some of the persons attending this meeting as purported “Cabinet ministers” had even lost their seats in the elections decided a few days earlier and so had absolutely zero democratically legitimate status left. All these persons then submitted their purported resignations which Dr Singh carried to the President, stating his Government had resigned. The President then appointed him a caretaker PM and he, along with Sonia Gandhi, then went about “staking claim” to form the next Government — turning up at the President’s again with “letters of support” signed by some 322 persons who were MP-elects but were yet to become MPs formally by not having been sworn in.
The President appeared satisfied the party Sonia Gandhi and Manmohan Singh belonged to would command a majority in prospect in the Lok Sabha and invited him to be PM. Some major public wrangling then took place with at least one of his allies about cabinet berths — and that is the situation as of the present moment except that Dr Singh and several others have been sworn in as the Council of Ministers even though the new 15th Lok Sabha of 543 members has still not convened! It has been all rather sloppy and hardly uplifting.
Parliament is supposed to be sovereign in India.
Not the Executive Government or the largest political party or its leader.
The sovereignty of Parliament required Sonia Gandhi and Dr Singh to have realised
first, that the 14th Lok Sabha stood automatically dissolved when elections were announced;
secondly, that the 15th Lok Sabha could have and should have been sworn in by Monday May 18;
thirdly, that there should have been a vote of confidence in the Lok Sabha immediately which would have gone in favour of the Government Party;
fourthly, that only then should the Executive Government have been sought to be formed;
and of course fifthly, that if that Executive Government was to be led by someone who happened to be a member of the Rajya Sabha and not the Lok Sabha, parliamenary law and custom required him to follow the Douglas-Home precedent of resigning from the former and seeking election to the latter at the earliest opportunity.
Let future generations know that as of today, May 25, the 543 persons whom the people of India voted to constitute the 15th Lok Sabha still remain in limbo without having been sworn in though we already have an Executive Government appointed!
The sovereignty of Parliament, specifically that of the Lok Sabha, has come to be diminished, indeed usurped, by the Executive. It is the Executive that receives its political legitimacy from Parliament, not vice versa. Nehru and his generation knew all this intimately well and would have been appalled at where we in the present have been taking it.
Subroto Roy
Why has the Sonia Congress done something that the Congress under Nehru-Indira-Rajiv would not have done, namely, exaggerate the power of the Rajya Sabha and diminish the power of the Lok Sabha?
May 21, 2009 — drsubrotoroyWe in India did not invent the idea of Parliament, the British did. Even the British did not invent the idea of a “Premier Ministre”, the French did that, though the British came to develop its meaning most. Because these are not our own inventions, when something unusual happens in contemporary India to political entities and offices known as “Parliament”, “Prime Minister” etc, contrast and comparison is inevitable with standards and practices that have prevailed around the world in other parliamentary democracies.
Indeed we in India did not even fully invent the idea of our own Parliament though the national struggle led by the original Indian National Congress caused it to come to be invented. The Lok Sabha is the outcome of a long and distinguished constitutional and political history from the Morley-Minto reforms a century ago to the Montagu-Chelmsford reforms and Government of India Act of 1919 to the Government of India Act of 1935 and the first general elections of British India in 1937 (when Jawaharlal Nehru briefly became PM for the first time) and in due course the 1946 Constituent Assembly. Out of all this emerged the 1950 Constitution of India, drafted by that brilliant jurist BR Ambedkar as well as other sober intelligent well-educated and dedicated men and women of his time, and thence arose our first Lok Sabha following the 1951 General Elections.
About the Lok Sabha’s duties, I said in my March 30 2006 article “Logic of Democracy” in The Statesman
“What are Lok Sabha Members and State MLAs legitimately required to be doing in caring for their constituents? First of all, as a body as a whole, they need to elect the Government, i.e. the Executive Branch, and to hold it accountable in Parliament or Assembly. For example, the Comptroller and Auditor General submits his reports directly to the House, and it is the duty of individual legislators to put these to good use in controlling the Government’s waste, fraud or abuse of public resources. Secondly, MPs and MLAs are obviously supposed to literally represent their individual constituencies in the House, i.e. to bring the Government and the House’s attention to specific problems or contingencies affecting their constituents as a whole, and call for the help, funds and sympathy of the whole community on their behalf. Thirdly, MPs and MLAs are supposed to respond to pleas and petitions of individual constituents, who may need the influence associated with the dignity of their office to get things rightly done. For example, an impoverished orphan lad once needed surgery to remove a brain tumour; a family helping him was promised the free services of a top brain surgeon if a hospital bed and operating theatre could be arranged. It was only by turning to the local MLA that the family were able to get such arrangements made, and the lad had his tumour taken out at a public hospital. MPs and MLAs are supposed to vote for and create public goods and services, and to use their moral suasion to see that existing public services actually do get to reach the public.”
What about the Rajya Sabha? I said in the same article:
“Rajya Sabha Members are a different species altogether. Most if not all State Legislative Councils have been abolished, and sadly the present nature of the Rajya Sabha causes similar doubts to arise about its utility. The very idea of a Rajya Sabha was first mooted in embryo form in an 1888 book A History of the Native States of India, Vol I. Gwalior, whose author also advocated popular constitutions for the “Indian India” of the “Native States” since “where there are no popular constitutions, the personal character of the ruler becomes a most important factor in the government… evils are inherent in every government where autocracy is not tempered by a free constitution.” When Victoria was declared India’s “Empress” in 1877, a “Council of the Empire” was mooted but had remained a non-starter even until the 1887 Jubilee. An “Imperial Council” was now designed of the so-called “Native Princes”, which came to evolve into the “Chamber of Princes” which became the “Council of the States” and the Rajya Sabha. It was patterned mostly on the British and not the American upper house except in being not liable to dissolution, and compelling periodic retirement of a third of members. The American upper house is an equal if not the senior partner of the lower house. Our Rajya Sabha follows the British upper house in being a chamber which is duty-bound to oversee any exuberance in the Lok Sabha but which must ultimately yield to it if there is any dispute. Parliament in India’s democracy effectively means the Lok Sabha — where every member has contested and won a direct vote in his/her constituency. The British upper house used to have an aristocratic hereditary component which Tony Blair’s New Labour Government has now removed, so it has now been becoming more like what the Rajya Sabha was supposed to have been like.”
The Canadian upper house is similar to ours in intent: a place for “sober second thought” intended to curb the “democratic excesses” of the lower house. In the Canadian, British, Australian, Irish and our own cases, the Prime Minister, as the chief executive of the lower house has immense indirect power over the upper house, whether in appointing members or even, in the Australian case, dissolving the entire upper house if he/she wishes.
Now yesterday apparently Shrimati Sonia Gandhi, as the duly elected leader of the largest political party in the 15th Lok Sabha, accompanied by Dr Manmohan Singh, as her party’s choice for the position of Prime Minister, went to see the President of India where the Hon’ble President apparently appointed Dr Singh to be the Prime Minister of India – meaning the Prime Minister of the 15th Lok Sabha, except that Dr Singh is not a member of the Lok Sabha and apparently has had no intent of becoming one.
In 2004 Shrimati Gandhi had declined to accept an invitation to become PM and instead effectively recommended Dr Singh to be PM despite his not being a member of the Lok Sabha nor intending to be so. This exploited a constitutional loophole to the extent that the drafters of our 1950 Constitution happened not to have explicitly stated that the PM must be from the Lok Sabha. But the reason the founders of our democratic polity such as BR Ambedkar and Jawaharlal Nehru did not specify that the PM must be from the Lok Sabha was quite simply that it was a matter of complete obviousness to them and to their entire generation that this must be so — it would have been appalling to them and something beyond their wildest imagination that a later generation, namely our own, would exploit such a loophole and allow a PM to be appointed who is not a member of the Lok Sabha and intends not to be so.
Ambedkar, Nehru and all others of their time knew fully well that the history and intended purpose of the Lok Sabha was completely different from the history and intended purpose of the Rajya Sabha. They knew too fully well that Lord Curzon had been explicitly denied the leadership of Britain’s Tory Party in 1922 because that would have made him a potential PM when he was not prepared to be a member of the House of Commons. That specific precedent culminated a centuries’-old democratic trend of political power flowing from monarchs to lords to commoners, and has governed all parliamentary democracies worldwide ever since — until Dr Singh’s appointment in 2004.
When such an anomalous situation once arose in Britain, Lord Home resigned his membership of the House of Lords to contest a House of Commons seat as Sir Alec Douglas Home so that he could be PM in a manner consistent with parliamentary law.
Dr Singh instead for five years remained PM of India while not being a member of the Lok Sabha. Even if reasons and exigencies of State could have been cited for such an anomalous situation during his first term, there was really no such reason for him not to contest the 2009 General Election if he wished to be the Congress Party’s prime ministerial candidate a second time. Numerous Rajya Sabha members alongside him have contested Lok Sabha seats this time, and several have won.
As of today, Dr Singh is due to be sworn in tomorrow as Prime Minister for a second term while still having no declared intention of resigning from the Rajya Sabha and contesting a Lok Sabha seat instead. What the present-day Congress has done is elect him the leader of the “Congress Parliamentary Party” and claim that it is in such a capacity that he received the invitation to be Prime Minister of India. But surely if the question had been asked to the Congress Party under Nehru or Indira or Rajiv: “Can you foresee a circumstance ever in which the PM of India is not a member of the Lok Sabha?” their answer in each case would have been a categorical and resounding “no”.
So the question does arise why the Congress under Sonia Gandhi has with deliberation allowed such an anomalous situation to develop. Its effect is to completely distort the trends of relative political power between the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha. On the one hand, the Lok Sabha’s power is deliberately made to diminish as the chief executive of the Government of India shall not be from the Lok Sabha but from “the other place” despite the Lok Sabha having greater political legitimacy by having been directly elected by India’s people. This sets a precedent that might get repeated in India in the future but which contradicts the worldwide trend in parliamentary democracies over decades and centuries in precisely the opposite direction – of power flowing in the direction of the people not away from them. On the other hand, the fact this anomalous idea has been pioneered by the elected leader of the largest political party in the Lok Sabha while her PM is in the Rajya Sabha causes a member of the lower house to have unexpected control over the upper house when the latter is supposed to be something of an independent check on the former!
It all really seems an unnecessary muddle and a jumbling up of normal constitutional law and parliamentary procedure. The Sonia-Manmohan Government at the outset of its second term should hardly want to be seen by history as having set a poor precedent using brute force. The situation can be corrected with the utmost ease by following the Alec Douglas Home example, with Dr Singh being given a relatively safe seat to contest as soon as possible, if necessary by some newly elected Congress MP resigning and allowing a bye-election to be called.
Subroto Roy
Inviting a new Prime Minister of India to form a Government: Procedure Right and Wrong (updated 2019 since 2009)
May 18, 2009 — drsubrotoroy2019
Better Procedure:
So @LokSabhaSectt @rashtrapatibhvn please follow my timetable for #17thLokSabha: Th 23/5 Results declared Fri 24/5 EC certifies results Sat Sun 25 26/5 Members sworn in Mon 27/5 Speaker pro tem divides House; Prez invites new @PMOIndia to form a Gov’t Tue 28/5 Cabinet appointed
Better Procedure for #17thLokSabha.. Respected @rashtrapatibhvn @VPSecretariat @LokSabhaSectt @PMOIndia 16LS no longer exists as soon as results are certified by @ECISVEEP… Let 543 members of new #17thLokSabha be sworn in immediately one by one; let them elect a Speaker pro tem.
Let the Speaker pro tem divide the House between a putative Government & Opposition… Let @rashtrapatibhvn then invite the leader of the former side to visit him for a chat… @VPSecretariat @LokSabhaSectt @PMOIndia #17thLokSabha better then before please
Gen Chohan: Utopia not possible Prof. We can only dream IMO.
It’s the correct parliamentary logic tho.. Not hard to do… @ECISVEEP @SpokespersonECI informs @LokSabhaSectt of winning candidates; LS informs 543 new members of #17thLokSabha to turn up pronto and be sworn in; elect a Speaker pro tem, divide the House; @rashtrapatibhvn invites
Worse Procedure:
Halla gulla … lists… parades of signatories… you know… Dilliwalla histrionics…
2009:
Better Procedure
The Hon’ble President of India invites the leader of the single largest political party in the 15th Lok Sabha to visit Rashtrapati Bhavan.
The leader does so, bringing with her, her own nominee for the Prime Ministership of India as she herself wishes to decline the invitation to be PM.
The President meets the leader alone and extends the invitation.
The invitation is respectfully declined with the recommendation that the Hon’ble President may perhaps consider instead the name of the person nominated by the leader.
The President agrees and extends the invitation to the latter in the presence of the leader. The latter accepts with thanks.
The President observes that since the PM-elect in this case happens not to be a member of the Lok Sabha, she hopes that he shall soon become one.
The meeting ends.
Worse Procedure
The leader of the single largest political party in the 15th Lok Sabha publicly announces her nominee for the position of Prime Minister.
The Hon’ble President of India comes to learn of this from the newspapers or television and extends an invitation to the latter.
The latter visits Rashtrapati Bhavan, receives and accepts the President’s invitation to form a Government.
Of related interest:
Parliament’s sovereignty has been diminished by the Executive
Memo to the Hon’ble President of India: It is Sonia Gandhi, not Manmohan Singh, who should be invited to our equivalent of the “Kissing Hands” Ceremony
Starting with Procedural Error: Why has the “Cabinet” of the 14th Lok Sabha been meeting today AFTER the results of the Elections to the 15th Lok Sabha have been declared?!
Memo to the Hon’ble President of India (May 16, 2009)
May 16, 2009 — drsubrotoroyH.E. The Hon’ble Shrimati Pratibha Patil
President of India
Your Excellency,
As India is fortunately a Republic and not a Monarchy, we do not have a “Kissing Hands Ceremony” where “the monarch invites the incoming prime minister to form a government and swear allegiance to the throne”.
While we do not have such a ceremony literally, we do have its republican equivalent in the well-established constitutional custom of the President of India after a General Election inviting one person to be Prime Minister and to form the new Government.
It soon shall be your solemn duty to invite such a new Prime Minister of India to form the Government.
Given the results of the 15th General Elections to the Lok Sabha, that invitation may be extended only to the Leader of the winning coalition in the Lok Sabha, who is Shrimati Sonia Gandhi.
The outgoing Prime Minister, Dr Manmohan Singh, not having contested the Lok Sabha election, may not by you be invited to be Prime Minister at this stage.
What happened in 2004 was that Shrimati Sonia Gandhi declined to accept such an invitation and instead effectively appointed Dr Singh to be PM despite his not being a member of the Lok Sabha nor intending to be so.
This exploited a constitutional loophole to the extent that our Constitution did not explicitly state that the PM must be from the Lok Sabha.
What may have been passable as the hurried exploitation of a loophole in 2004 is surely not acceptable in 2009.
Why the founders of our democratic polity such as BR Ambedkar and Jawaharlal Nehru did not specify that the PM must be from the Lok Sabha was quite simply that it was a matter of complete obviousness to them and to their entire generation that this must be so — it would have been appalling to them and something beyond their wildest imagination that a later generation, namely our own, would exploit this loophole and allow a PM to be appointed who is not a member of the Lok Sabha and intends not to be so.
Ambedkar, Nehru and all others of their time knew fully well that Lord Curzon had been explicitly denied the leadership of Britain’s Tory Party in 1922 because that would have made him a potential PM when he was not prepared to be a member of the House of Commons.
That specific precedent (culminating a centuries-old democratic trend of political power flowing from monarchs to lords to commoners) has governed all parliamentary democracies worldwide ever since — until Dr Singh’s appointment in 2004.
In fact, when such an anomalous situation once arose in Britain, Lord Home resigned his membership of the House of Lords to contest a House of Commons seat as Sir Alec Douglas Home so that he could be PM in a manner consistent with parliamentary law.
I believe you are fully within constitutional law and precedent to invite Shrimati Sonia Gandhi to form the new Government of India after the 15th General Elections to the Lok Sabha. If she declines and instead requests again the use of the loophole to appoint Dr Singh as PM, I believe that parliamentary law and precedent requires him to resign from the Rajya Sabha and instead contest a seat in the Lok Sabha.
Respectfully submitted
Subroto Roy, PhD (Cantab.), BScEcon (London)
Citizen and Voter
Postscript: Please see also here “Inviting a new Prime Minister of India to form a Government: Procedure Right and Wrong”.
India’s 2009 General Elections: Provisional Results from the EC as of 1400 hours Indian Standard Time May 16 2009
May 16, 2009 — drsubrotoroyConst. PC NAME Leading/Winning Candidate Leading Party Trailing Candidate Name Trailing Party Margin of Votes Result Declared
1 AP ADILABAD Rathod Ramesh Telugu Desam Kotnak Ramesh Indian National Congress 115752 NO
2 AP PEDDAPALLE Dr.G.Vivekanand Indian National Congress Gomasa Srinivas Telangana Rashtra Samithi 48503 NO
3 AP KARIMNAGAR Ponnam Prabhakar Indian National Congress Vinod Kumar Boinapally Telangana Rashtra Samithi 50179 NO
4 AP NIZAMABAD Madhu Yaskhi Goud Indian National Congress Bigala Ganesh Gupta Telangana Rashtra Samithi 59007 NO
5 AP ZAHIRABAD Syed Yousuf Ali Telangana Rashtra Samithi Suresh Kumar Shetkar Indian National Congress 12423 NO
6 AP MEDAK Vijaya Shanthi .M Telangana Rashtra Samithi Narendranath .C Indian National Congress 7513 NO
7 AP MALKAJGIRI Sarvey Sathyanarayana Indian National Congress Bheemsen.T Telugu Desam 45684 NO
8 AP SECUNDRABAD Anjan Kumar Yadav M Indian National Congress Bandaru Dattatreya Bharatiya Janata Party 143695 NO
9 AP HYDERABAD Asaduddin Owaisi All India Majlis-E-Ittehadul Muslimeen Zahid Ali Khan Telugu Desam 74507 NO
10 AP CHELVELLA Jaipal Reddy Sudini Indian National Congress A.P.Jithender Reddy Telugu Desam 18032 NO
11 AP MAHBUBNAGAR Devarakonda Vittal Rao Indian National Congress K. Chandrasekhar Rao Telangana Rashtra Samithi 4782 NO
12 AP NAGARKURNOOL Dr. Manda Jagannath Indian National Congress Guvvala Balaraju Telangana Rashtra Samithi 31833 NO
13 AP NALGONDA Gutha Sukender Reddy Indian National Congress Suravaram Sudhakar Reddy Communist Party of India 68461 NO
14 AP BHONGIR Komatireddy Raj Gopal Reddy Indian National Congress Nomula Narsimhaiah Communist Party of India (Marxist) 75636 NO
15 AP WARANGAL Rajaiah Siricilla Indian National Congress Ramagalla Parameshwar Telangana Rashtra Samithi 97708 NO
16 AP MAHABUBABAD P. Balram Indian National Congress Kunja Srinivasa Rao Communist Party of India 67553 NO
17 AP KHAMMAM Nama Nageswara Rao Telugu Desam Renuka Chowdhury Indian National Congress 102505 NO
18 AP ARUKU Kishore Chandra Suryanarayana Deo Vyricherla Indian National Congress Midiyam Babu Rao Communist Party of India (Marxist) 90318 NO
19 AP SRIKAKULAM Killi Krupa Rani Indian National Congress Yerrnnaidu Kinjarapu Telugu Desam 49013 NO
20 AP VIZIANAGARAM Jhansi Lakshmi Botcha Indian National Congress Appalanaidu Kondapalli Telugu Desam 41954 NO
21 AP VISAKHAPATNAM Daggubati Purandeswari Indian National Congress Palla Srinivasa Rao Praja Rajyam Party 21581 NO
22 AP ANAKAPALLI Sabbam Hari Indian National Congress Allu Aravind Praja Rajyam Party 30239 NO
23 AP KAKINADA M.M.Pallamraju Indian National Congress Chalamalasetty Sunil Praja Rajyam Party 32934 NO
24 AP AMALAPURAM G.V.Harsha Kumar Indian National Congress Pothula Prameela Devi Praja Rajyam Party 30060 NO
25 AP RAJAHMUNDRY Aruna Kumar Vundavalli Indian National Congress M. Murali Mohan Telugu Desam 15135 NO
26 AP NARSAPURAM Bapiraju Kanumuru Indian National Congress Gubbala Tammaiah Praja Rajyam Party 71888 NO
27 AP ELURU Kavuri Sambasiva Rao Indian National Congress Maganti Venkateswara Rao(Babu) Telugu Desam 36019 NO
28 AP MACHILIPATNAM Konakalla Narayana Rao Telugu Desam Badiga Ramakrishna Indian National Congress 1866 NO
29 AP VIJAYAWADA Lagadapati Raja Gopal Indian National Congress Vamsi Mohan Vallabhaneni Telugu Desam 30685 NO
30 AP GUNTUR Rayapati Sambasiva Rao Indian National Congress Madala Rajendra Telugu Desam 18978 NO
31 AP NARASARAOPET Balashowry Vallabhaneni Indian National Congress Modugula Venugopala Reddy Telugu Desam 3988 NO
32 AP BAPATLA Panabaka Lakshmi Indian National Congress Malyadri Sriram Telugu Desam 43089 NO
33 AP ONGOLE Magunta Srinivasulu Reddy Indian National Congress Madduluri Malakondaiah Yadav Telugu Desam 38947 NO
34 AP NANDYAL S.P.Y.Reddy Indian National Congress Nasyam Mohammed Farook Telugu Desam 16735 NO
35 AP KURNOOL Kotla Jaya Surya Prakash Reddy Indian National Congress B.T.Naidu Telugu Desam 61274 NO
36 AP ANANTAPUR Anantha Venkata Rami Reddy Indian National Congress Kalava Srinivasulu Telugu Desam 59410 NO
37 AP HINDUPUR Kristappa Nimmala Telugu Desam P Khasim Khan Indian National Congress 13186 NO
38 AP KADAPA Y.S. Jagan Mohan Reddy Indian National Congress Palem Srikanth Reddy Telugu Desam 156168 NO
39 AP NELLORE Mekapati Rajamohan Reddy Indian National Congress Vanteru Venu Gopala Reddy Telugu Desam 42407 NO
40 AP TIRUPATI Chinta Mohan Indian National Congress Varla Ramaiah Telugu Desam 17462 NO
41 AP RAJAMPET Annayyagari Sai Prathap Indian National Congress Ramesh Kumar Reddy Reddappagari Telugu Desam 62762 NO
42 AP CHITTOOR Naramalli Sivaprasad Telugu Desam Thippeswamy M Indian National Congress 8806 NO
1 AR ARUNACHAL WEST Takam Sanjoy Indian National Congress Kiren Rijiju Bharatiya Janata Party 20798 NO
2 AR ARUNACHAL EAST Ninong Ering Indian National Congress Lowangcha Wanglat Arunachal Congress 57975 NO
1 AS KARIMGANJ Rajesh Mallah Assam United Democratic Front Lalit Mohan Suklabaidya Indian National Congress 37542 NO
2 AS SILCHAR Kabindra Purkayastha Bharatiya Janata Party Badruddin Ajmal Assam United Democratic Front 15243 NO
3 AS AUTONOMOUS DISTRICT Biren Singh Engti Indian National Congress Elwin Teron Autonomous State Demand Committee 71819 NO
4 AS DHUBRI Badruddin Ajmal Assam United Democratic Front Anwar Hussain Indian National Congress 161394 NO
5 AS KOKRAJHAR Sansuma Khunggur Bwiswmuthiary Bodaland Peoples Front Urkhao Gwra Brahma Independent 165034 NO
6 AS BARPETA Ismail Hussain Indian National Congress Bhupen Ray Asom Gana Parishad 2974 NO
7 AS GAUHATI Bijoya Chakravarty Bharatiya Janata Party Capt. Robin Bordoloi Indian National Congress 2092 NO
8 AS MANGALDOI Ramen Deka Bharatiya Janata Party Madhab Rajbangshi Indian National Congress 40759 NO
9 AS TEZPUR Joseph Toppo Asom Gana Parishad Moni Kumar Subba Indian National Congress 22778 NO
10 AS NOWGONG Rajen Gohain Bharatiya Janata Party Anil Raja Indian National Congress 54992 NO
11 AS KALIABOR Dip Gogoi Indian National Congress Gunin Hazarika Asom Gana Parishad 115587 NO
12 AS JORHAT Bijoy Krishna Handique Indian National Congress Kamakhya Tasa Bharatiya Janata Party 63749 NO
13 AS DIBRUGARH Sima Ghosh Independent Lakhi Charan Swansi Independent 13171 NO
14 AS LAKHIMPUR Ranee Narah Indian National Congress Dr. Arun Kr. Sarma Asom Gana Parishad 22689 NO
1 BR VALMIKI NAGAR Baidyanath Prasad Mahto Janata Dal (United) Fakhruddin Independent 92894 NO
2 BR PASCHIM CHAMPARAN Dr. Sanjay Jaiswal Bharatiya Janata Party Prakash Jha Lok Jan Shakti Party 27380 NO
3 BR PURVI CHAMPARAN Radha Mohan Singh Bharatiya Janata Party Akhilesh Prasad Singh Rashtriya Janata Dal 16852 NO
4 BR SHEOHAR Rama Devi Bharatiya Janata Party Sitaram Singh Rashtriya Janata Dal 20138 NO
5 BR SITAMARHI Arjun Roy Janata Dal (United) Samir Kumar Mahaseth Indian National Congress 58330 NO
6 BR MADHUBANI Hukmadeo Narayan Yadav Bharatiya Janata Party Abdulbari Siddiki Rashtriya Janata Dal 14813 NO
7 BR JHANJHARPUR Mangani Lal Mandal Janata Dal (United) Devendra Prasad Yadav Rashtriya Janata Dal 15645 NO
8 BR SUPAUL Vishwa Mohan Kumar Janata Dal (United) Ranjeet Ranjan Indian National Congress 156716 NO
9 BR ARARIA Pradeep Kumar Singh Bharatiya Janata Party Zakir Hussain Khan Lok Jan Shakti Party 990 NO
10 BR KISHANGANJ Mohammad Asrarul Haque Indian National Congress Syed Mahmood Ashraf Janata Dal (United) 23819 NO
11 BR KATIHAR Nikhil Kumar Choudhary Bharatiya Janata Party Shah Tariq Anwar Nationalist Congress Party 25043 NO
12 BR PURNIA Uday Singh Alias Pappu Singh Bharatiya Janata Party Shanti Priya Independent 45055 NO
13 BR MADHEPURA Sharad Yadav Janata Dal (United) Prof. Ravindra Charan Yadav Rashtriya Janata Dal 63004 NO
14 BR DARBHANGA Kirti Azad Bharatiya Janata Party Md. Ali Ashraf Fatmi Rashtriya Janata Dal 10506 NO
15 BR MUZAFFARPUR Captain Jai Narayan Prasad Nishad Janata Dal (United) Bhagwanlal Sahni Lok Jan Shakti Party 22358 NO
16 BR VAISHALI Raghuvansh Prasad Singh Rashtriya Janata Dal Vijay Kumar Shukla Janata Dal (United) 16884 NO
17 BR GOPALGANJ Purnmasi Ram Janata Dal (United) Anil Kumar Rashtriya Janata Dal 14206 NO
18 BR SIWAN Om Prakash Yadav Independent Hena Shahab Rashtriya Janata Dal 46540 NO
19 BR MAHARAJGANJ Prabhu Nath Singh Janata Dal (United) Uma Shanaker Singh Rashtriya Janata Dal 3826 NO
20 BR SARAN Lalu Prasad Rashtriya Janata Dal Rajiv Pratap Rudy Bharatiya Janata Party 12043 NO
21 BR HAJIPUR Ram Sundar Das Janata Dal (United) Ram Vilas Paswan Lok Jan Shakti Party 25499 NO
22 BR UJIARPUR Aswamedh Devi Janata Dal (United) Alok Kumar Mehta Rashtriya Janata Dal 3919 NO
23 BR SAMASTIPUR Maheshwar Hazari Janata Dal (United) Ram Chandra Paswan Lok Jan Shakti Party 16617 NO
24 BR BEGUSARAI Dr. Monazir Hassan Janata Dal (United) Shatrughna Prasad Singh Communist Party of India 7134 NO
25 BR KHAGARIA Dinesh Chandra Yadav Janata Dal (United) Ravindar Kr. Rana Rashtriya Janata Dal 111954 NO
26 BR BHAGALPUR Syed Shahnawaz Hussain Bharatiya Janata Party Shakuni Choudhary Rashtriya Janata Dal 51019 NO
27 BR BANKA Digvijay Singh Independent Jai Prakesh Narain Yadav Rashtriya Janata Dal 1717 NO
28 BR MUNGER Rajiv Ranjan Singh Alias Lalan Singh Janata Dal (United) Ram Badan Roy Rashtriya Janata Dal 93963 NO
29 BR NALANDA Kaushalendra Kumar Janata Dal (United) Satish Kumar Lok Jan Shakti Party 57221 NO
30 BR PATNA SAHIB Shatrughan Sinha Bharatiya Janata Party Vijay Kumar Rashtriya Janata Dal 149553 NO
31 BR PATALIPUTRA Ranjan Prasad Yadav Janata Dal (United) Lalu Prasad Rashtriya Janata Dal 18071 NO
32 BR ARRAH Meena Singh Janata Dal (United) Rama Kishore Singh Lok Jan Shakti Party 32291 NO
33 BR BUXAR Lal Muni Choubey Bharatiya Janata Party Jagada Nand Singh Rashtriya Janata Dal 5884 NO
34 BR SASARAM Meira Kumar Indian National Congress Muni Lal Bharatiya Janata Party 7236 NO
35 BR KARAKAT Mahabali Singh Janata Dal (United) Kanti Singh Rashtriya Janata Dal 15062 NO
36 BR JAHANABAD Jagdish Sharma Janata Dal (United) Surendra Prasad Yadav Rashtriya Janata Dal 9210 NO
37 BR AURANGABAD Sushil Kumar Singh Janata Dal (United) Shakil Ahmad Khan Rashtriya Janata Dal 27551 NO
38 BR GAYA Hari Manjhi Bharatiya Janata Party Ramji Manjhi Rashtriya Janata Dal 58906 NO
39 BR NAWADA Bhola Singh Bharatiya Janata Party Veena Devi Lok Jan Shakti Party 4582 NO
40 BR JAMUI Bhudeo Choudhary Janata Dal (United) Shyam Rajak Rashtriya Janata Dal 19419 NO
1 GA NORTH GOA Shripad Yesso Naik Bharatiya Janata Party Jitendra Raghuraj Deshprabhu Nationalist Congress Party 6353 NO
2 GA SOUTH GOA Cosme Francisco Caitano Sardinha Indian National Congress Adv. Narendra Keshav Sawaikar Bharatiya Janata Party 12516 YES
1 GJ KACHCHH Jat Poonamben Veljibhai Bharatiya Janata Party Danicha Valjibhai Punamchandra Indian National Congress 69187 NO
2 GJ BANASKANTHA Gadhvi Mukeshkumar Bheiravdanji Indian National Congress Chaudhary Haribhai Parathibhai Bharatiya Janata Party 10317 NO
3 GJ PATAN Jagdish Thakor Indian National Congress Rathod Bhavsinhbhai Dahyabhai Bharatiya Janata Party 27015 NO
4 GJ MAHESANA Patel Jayshreeben Kanubhai Bharatiya Janata Party Patel Jivabhai Ambalal Indian National Congress 22003 YES
5 GJ SABARKANTHA Chauhan Mahendrasinh Bharatiya Janata Party Mistry Madhusudan Indian National Congress 17160 NO
6 GJ GANDHINAGAR L.K.Advani Bharatiya Janata Party Patel Sureshkumar Chaturdas (Suresh Patel) Indian National Congress 134558 NO
7 GJ AHMEDABAD EAST Harin Pathak Bharatiya Janata Party Babaria Dipakbhai Ratilal Indian National Congress 89547 NO
8 GJ AHMEDABAD WEST Dr. Solanki Kiritbhai Premajibhai Bharatiya Janata Party Parmar Shailesh Manharlal Indian National Congress 91127 NO
9 GJ SURENDRANAGAR Mer Laljibhai Chaturbhai Bharatiya Janata Party Koli Patel Somabhai Gandalal Indian National Congress 1273 NO
10 GJ RAJKOT Kuvarjibhai Mohanbhai Bavalia Indian National Congress Kirankumar Valjibhai Bhalodia (Patel) Bharatiya Janata Party 13362 NO
11 GJ PORBANDAR Radadiya Vitthalbhai Hansrajbhai Indian National Congress Khachariya Mansukhbhai Shamjibhai Bharatiya Janata Party 38342 NO
12 GJ JAMNAGAR Ahir Vikrambhai Arjanbhai Madam Indian National Congress Mungra Rameshbhai Devrajbhai Bharatiya Janata Party 2463 NO
13 GJ JUNAGADH Solanki Dinubhai Boghabhai Bharatiya Janata Party Barad Jashubhai Dhanabhai Indian National Congress 13759 NO
14 GJ AMRELI Kachhadia Naranbhai Bharatiya Janata Party Nilaben Virjibhai Thummar Indian National Congress 37317 NO
15 GJ BHAVNAGAR Rajendrasinh Ghanshyamsinh Rana (Rajubhai Rana) Bharatiya Janata Party Gohilmahavirsinhbhagirathsinh Indian National Congress 13964 NO
16 GJ ANAND Solanki Bharatbhai Madhavsinh Indian National Congress Patel Dipakbhai Chimanbhai Bharatiya Janata Party 67318 NO
17 GJ KHEDA Chauhan Devusinh Jesingbhai Bharatiya Janata Party Dinsha Patel Indian National Congress 4973 NO
18 GJ PANCHMAHAL Chauhan Prabhatsinh Pratapsinh Bharatiya Janata Party Vaghela Shankarsinh Laxmansinh Indian National Congress 2081 NO
19 GJ DAHOD Dr. Prabha Kishor Taviad Indian National Congress Damor Somjibhai Punjabhai Bharatiya Janata Party 58536 NO
20 GJ VADODARA Balkrishna Khanderao Shukla (Balu Shukla) Bharatiya Janata Party Gaekwad Satyajitsinh Dulipsinh Indian National Congress 136028 YES
21 GJ CHHOTA UDAIPUR Rathwa Ramsingbhai Patalbhai Bharatiya Janata Party Rathwa Naranbhai Jemlabhai Indian National Congress 13493 NO
22 GJ BHARUCH Mansukhbhai Dhanjibhai Vasava Bharatiya Janata Party Umerji Ahmed Ugharatdar (Aziz Tankarvi) Indian National Congress 31846 NO
23 GJ BARDOLI Chaudhari Tusharbhai Amrasinhbhai Indian National Congress Vasava Riteshkumar Amarsinh Bharatiya Janata Party 59463 NO
24 GJ SURAT Shrimati Darshana Vikram Jardosh Bharatiya Janata Party Gajera Dhirubhai Haribhai Indian National Congress 74798 NO
25 GJ NAVSARI C. R. Patil Bharatiya Janata Party Dhansukha Rajput Indian National Congress 118558 NO
26 GJ VALSAD Kishanbhai Vestabhai Patel Indian National Congress Patel Dhirubhai Chhaganbhai (Dr. D.C.Patel) Bharatiya Janata Party 7169 NO
1 HR AMBALA Selja Indian National Congress Rattan Lal Kataria Bharatiya Janata Party 14925 NO
2 HR KURUKSHETRA Naveen Jindal Indian National Congress Ashok Kumar Arora Indian National Lok Dal 118729 NO
3 HR SIRSA Ashok Tanwar Indian National Congress Dr. Sita Ram Indian National Lok Dal 35877 NO
4 HR HISAR Bhajan Lal S/O Kheraj Haryana Janhit Congress (BL) Sampat Singh Indian National Lok Dal 24443 NO
5 HR KARNAL Arvind Kumar Sharma Indian National Congress Maratha Virender Verma Bahujan Samaj Party 62190 NO
6 HR SONIPAT Jitender Singh Indian National Congress Kishan Singh Sangwan Bharatiya Janata Party 148409 NO
7 HR ROHTAK Deepender Singh Indian National Congress Nafe Singh Rathee Indian National Lok Dal 445736 NO
8 HR BHIWANI-MAHENDRAGARH Shruti Choudhry Indian National Congress Ajay Singh Chautala Indian National Lok Dal 25647 NO
9 HR GURGAON Inderjit Singh Indian National Congress Zakir Hussain Bahujan Samaj Party 86438 NO
10 HR FARIDABAD Avtar Singh Bhadana Indian National Congress Ramchander Bainda Bharatiya Janata Party 49661 NO
1 HP KANGRA Dr. Rajan Sushant Bharatiya Janata Party Chander Kumar Indian National Congress 24368 NO
2 HP MANDI Virbhadra Singh Indian National Congress Maheshwar Singh Bharatiya Janata Party 13997 YES
3 HP HAMIRPUR Anurag Singh Thakur Bharatiya Janata Party Narinder Thakur Indian National Congress 72732 NO
4 HP SHIMLA Virender Kashyap Bharatiya Janata Party Dhani Ram Shandil Indian National Congress 29568 NO
1 JK BARAMULLA Sharief Ud Din Shariq Jammu & Kashmir National Conference Mohammad Dilawar Mir Jammu & Kashmir Peoples Democratic Party 46361 NO
2 JK SRINAGAR Farooq Abdullah Jammu & Kashmir National Conference Iftikhar Hussain Ansari Jammu & Kashmir Peoples Democratic Party 30242 NO
3 JK ANANTNAG Mirza Mehboob Beg Jammu & Kashmir National Conference Peer Mohd Hussain Jammu & Kashmir Peoples Democratic Party 373 NO
4 JK LADAKH Hassan Khan Independent Asgar Ali Karbalaie Independent 7513 NO
5 JK UDHAMPUR Ch. Lal Singh Indian National Congress Dr. Nirmal Singh Bharatiya Janata Party 13394 NO
6 JK JAMMU Madan Lal Sharma Indian National Congress Lila Karan Sharma Bharatiya Janata Party 118165 NO
1 KA CHIKKODI Katti Ramesh Vishwanath Bharatiya Janata Party Prakash Babanna Hukkeri Indian National Congress 55287 YES
2 KA BELGAUM Angadi Suresh Channabasappa Bharatiya Janata Party Amarsinh Vasantrao Patil Indian National Congress 118687 NO
3 KA BAGALKOT Gaddigoudar P.C. Bharatiya Janata Party J.T.Patil Indian National Congress 35446 NO
4 KA BIJAPUR Ramesh Chandappa Jigajinagi Bharatiya Janata Party Prakash Kubasing Rathod Indian National Congress 42404 YES
5 KA GULBARGA Mallikarjun Kharge Indian National Congress Revunaik Belamgi Bharatiya Janata Party 13404 NO
6 KA RAICHUR Pakkirappa.S. Bharatiya Janata Party Raja Venkatappa Naik Indian National Congress 30636 YES
7 KA BIDAR N.Dharam Singh Indian National Congress Gurupadappa Nagmarpalli Bharatiya Janata Party 19342 NO
8 KA KOPPAL Shivaramagouda Shivanagouda Bharatiya Janata Party Basavaraj Rayareddy Indian National Congress 81789 NO
9 KA BELLARY J. Shantha Bharatiya Janata Party N.Y. Hanumanthappa Indian National Congress 2243 YES
10 KA HAVERI Udasi Shivkumar Chanabasappa Bharatiya Janata Party Saleem Ahamed Indian National Congress 87920 NO
11 KA DHARWAD Pralhad Joshi Bharatiya Janata Party Kunnur Manjunath Channappa Indian National Congress 137376 NO
12 KA UTTARA KANNADA Anantkumar Hegde Bharatiya Janata Party Alva Margaret Indian National Congress 22769 YES
13 KA DAVANAGERE Mallikarjuna S.S. Indian National Congress Siddeswara G.M. Bharatiya Janata Party 6103 NO
14 KA SHIMOGA B.Y. Raghavendra Bharatiya Janata Party S. Bangarappa Indian National Congress 52694 NO
15 KA UDUPI CHIKMAGALUR D.V.Sadananda Gowda Bharatiya Janata Party K.Jayaprakash Hegde Indian National Congress 17154 NO
16 KA HASSAN H. D. Devegowda Janata Dal (Secular) K. H. Hanume Gowda Bharatiya Janata Party 191514 NO
17 KA DAKSHINA KANNADA Nalin Kumar Kateel Bharatiya Janata Party Janardhana Poojary Indian National Congress 40420 YES
18 KA CHITRADURGA Janardhana Swamy Bharatiya Janata Party Dr. B Thippeswamy Indian National Congress 107373 NO
19 KA TUMKUR G.S. Basavaraj Bharatiya Janata Party Muddahanumegowda S.P. Janata Dal (Secular) 59288 NO
20 KA MANDYA N Cheluvaraya Swamy @ Swamygowda Janata Dal (Secular) M H Ambareesh Indian National Congress 23437 NO
21 KA MYSORE Adagur H Vishwanath Indian National Congress C.H.Vijayashankar Bharatiya Janata Party 7691 YES
22 KA CHAMARAJANAGAR R.Dhruvanarayana Indian National Congress A.R.Krishnamurthy Bharatiya Janata Party 11470 NO
23 KA BANGALORE RURAL H.D.Kumaraswamy Janata Dal (Secular) C. P. Yogeeshwara Bharatiya Janata Party 130275 NO
24 KA BANGALORE NORTH D. B. Chandre Gowda Bharatiya Janata Party C. K. Jaffer Sharief Indian National Congress 49448 NO
25 KA BANGALORE CENTRAL P. C. Mohan Bharatiya Janata Party H.T.Sangliana Indian National Congress 24385 NO
26 KA BANGALORE SOUTH Ananth Kumar Bharatiya Janata Party Krishna Byre Gowda Indian National Congress 37612 NO
27 KA CHIKKBALLAPUR M.Veerappa Moily Indian National Congress C.Aswathanarayana Bharatiya Janata Party 17697 NO
28 KA KOLAR K.H.Muniyappa Indian National Congress D.S.Veeraiah Bharatiya Janata Party 23006 YES
1 KL KASARAGOD P Karunakaran Communist Party of India (Marxist) Shahida Kamal Indian National Congress 64427 NO
2 KL KANNUR K. Sudhakaran Indian National Congress K.K Ragesh Communist Party of India (Marxist) 43151 YES
3 KL VADAKARA Mullappally Ramachandran Indian National Congress Adv. P. Satheedevi Communist Party of India (Marxist) 56186 YES
4 KL WAYANAD M.I. Shanavas Indian National Congress Advocate. M. Rahmathulla Communist Party of India 153439 NO
5 KL KOZHIKODE M.K. Raghavan Indian National Congress Adv. P.A. Mohamed Riyas Communist Party of India (Marxist) 838 NO
6 KL MALAPPURAM E. Ahamed Muslim League Kerala State Committee T.K. Hamza Communist Party of India (Marxist) 115569 NO
7 KL PONNANI E.T. Muhammed Basheer Muslim League Kerala State Committee Dr. Hussain Randathani Independent 84478 NO
8 KL PALAKKAD M.B. Rajesh Communist Party of India (Marxist) Satheesan Pacheni Indian National Congress 1820 NO
9 KL ALATHUR P.K Biju Communist Party of India (Marxist) N.K Sudheer Indian National Congress 20960 NO
10 KL THRISSUR P C Chacko Indian National Congress C N Jayadevan Communist Party of India 25421 NO
11 KL CHALAKUDY K.P. Dhanapalan Indian National Congress Adv. U.P Joseph Communist Party of India (Marxist) 71679 NO
12 KL ERNAKULAM Prof. K V Thomas Indian National Congress Sindhu Joy Communist Party of India (Marxist) 11790 NO
13 KL IDUKKI Adv. P.T Thomas Indian National Congress Adv. K. Francis George Kerala Congress 74796 NO
14 KL KOTTAYAM Jose K.Mani (Karingozheckal) Kerala Congress (M) Adv. Suresh Kurup Communist Party of India (Marxist) 66170 NO
15 KL ALAPPUZHA K.C Venugopal Indian National Congress Dr. K.S Manoj Communist Party of India (Marxist) 57791 NO
16 KL MAVELIKKARA Kodikkunnil Suresh Indian National Congress R.S Anil Communist Party of India 48240 NO
17 KL PATHANAMTHITTA Anto Antony Punnathaniyil Indian National Congress Adv.K.Anantha Gopan Communist Party of India (Marxist) 111206 NO
18 KL KOLLAM N.Peethambarakurup Indian National Congress P.Rajendran Communist Party of India (Marxist) 17531 NO
19 KL ATTINGAL Adv. A Sampath Communist Party of India (Marxist) Prof.G Balachandran Indian National Congress 17660 NO
20 KL THIRUVANANTHAPURAM Shashi Tharoor Indian National Congress Adv. P Ramachandran Nair Communist Party of India 100045 NO
1 MP MORENA Narendra Singh Tomar Bharatiya Janata Party Ramniwas Rawat Indian National Congress 96255 NO
2 MP BHIND Ashok Argal Bharatiya Janata Party Dr. Bhagirath Prasad Indian National Congress 8086 NO
3 MP GWALIOR Yashodhara Raje Scindia Bharatiya Janata Party Ashok Singh Indian National Congress 21923 NO
4 MP GUNA Jyotiraditya Madhavrao Scindia Indian National Congress Dr.Narottam Mishra Bharatiya Janata Party 189578 NO
5 MP SAGAR Bhupendra Singh Bharatiya Janata Party Aslam Sher Khan Indian National Congress 131168 NO
6 MP TIKAMGARH Virendra Kumar Bharatiya Janata Party Ahirwar Vrindavan Indian National Congress 41862 NO
7 MP DAMOH Shivraj Bhaiya Bharatiya Janata Party Chandrabhan Bhaiya Indian National Congress 55747 NO
8 MP KHAJURAHO Jeetendra Singh Bundela Bharatiya Janata Party Raja Paterya Indian National Congress 28332 NO
9 MP SATNA Ganesh Singh Bharatiya Janata Party Sukhlal Kushwaha Bahujan Samaj Party 377 NO
10 MP REWA Deoraj Singh Patel Bahujan Samaj Party Sunder Lal Tiwari Indian National Congress 3644 NO
11 MP SIDHI Govind Prasad Mishra Bharatiya Janata Party Indrajeet Kumar Indian National Congress 44915 NO
12 MP SHAHDOL Rajesh Nandini Singh Indian National Congress Narendra Singh Maravi Bharatiya Janata Party 13415 NO
13 MP JABALPUR Rakesh Singh Bharatiya Janata Party Advocate Rameshwar Neekhra Indian National Congress 106003 YES
14 MP MANDLA Basori Singh Masram Indian National Congress Faggan Singh Kulaste Bharatiya Janata Party 62726 NO
15 MP BALAGHAT K. D. Deshmukh Bharatiya Janata Party Vishveshwar Bhagat Indian National Congress 40898 NO
16 MP CHHINDWARA Kamal Nath Indian National Congress Marot Rao Khavase Bharatiya Janata Party 74134 NO
17 MP HOSHANGABAD Uday Pratap Singh Indian National Congress Rampal Singh Bharatiya Janata Party 17542 NO
18 MP VIDISHA Sushma Swaraj Bharatiya Janata Party Choudhary Munabbar Salim Samajwadi Party 375074 NO
19 MP BHOPAL Kailash Joshi Bharatiya Janata Party Surendra Singh Thakur Indian National Congress 30764 NO
20 MP RAJGARH Narayansingh Amlabe Indian National Congress Lakshman Singh Bharatiya Janata Party 24856 NO
21 MP DEWAS Sajjan Singh Verma Indian National Congress Thavarchand Gehlot Bharatiya Janata Party 16084 NO
22 MP UJJAIN Guddu Premchand Indian National Congress Dr. Satyanarayan Jatiya Bharatiya Janata Party 15841 NO
23 MP MANDSOUR Meenakshi Natrajan Indian National Congress Dr. Laxminarayan Pandey Bharatiya Janata Party 26817 NO
24 MP RATLAM Kantilal Bhuria Indian National Congress Dileepsingh Bhuria Bharatiya Janata Party 57668 NO
25 MP DHAR Gajendra Singh Rajukhedi Indian National Congress Mukam Singh Kirade Bharatiya Janata Party 2012 NO
26 MP INDORE Sumitra Mahajan (Tai) Bharatiya Janata Party Satynarayan Patel Indian National Congress 11365 NO
27 MP KHARGONE Makansingh Solanki (Babuji) Bharatiya Janata Party Balaram Bachchan Indian National Congress 34175 NO
28 MP KHANDWA Arun Subhashchandra Yadav Indian National Congress Nandkumar Sing Chauhan Nandu Bhaiya Bharatiya Janata Party 49081 NO
29 MP BETUL Jyoti Dhurve Bharatiya Janata Party Ojharam Evane Indian National Congress 97317 NO
1 MH NANDURBAR Gavit Manikrao Hodlya Indian National Congress Gavit Sharad Krushnrao Samajwadi Party 13952 NO
2 MH DHULE Amarishbhai Rasiklal Patel Indian National Congress Sonawane Pratap Narayanrao Bharatiya Janata Party 4220 NO
3 MH JALGAON A.T. Nana Patil Bharatiya Janata Party Adv. Vasantrao Jivanrao More Nationalist Congress Party 96020 NO
4 MH RAVER Haribhau Madhav Jawale Bharatiya Janata Party Adv. Ravindra Pralhadrao Patil Nationalist Congress Party 28692 NO
5 MH BULDHANA Jadhav Prataprao Ganpatrao Shivsena Shingane Dr.Rajendra Bhaskarrao Nationalist Congress Party 30565 NO
6 MH AKOLA Dhotre Sanjay Shamrao Bharatiya Janata Party Ambedkar Prakash Yashwant Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha 59331 NO
7 MH AMRAVATI Adsul Anandrao Vithoba Shivsena Gawai Rajendra Ramkrushna Republican Party of India 33563 NO
8 MH WARDHA Datta Meghe Indian National Congress Suresh Ganpatrao Waghmare Bharatiya Janata Party 121938 NO
9 MH RAMTEK Wasnik Mukul Balkrishna Indian National Congress Tumane Krupal Balaji Shivsena 16465 NO
10 MH NAGPUR Muttemwar Vilasrao Baburaoji Indian National Congress Purohit Banwarilal Bhagwandas Bharatiya Janata Party 7078 NO
11 MH BHANDARA – GONDIYA Patel Praful Manoharbhai Nationalist Congress Party Nanabhau Falgunrao Patole Independent 119604 NO
12 MH GADCHIROLI-CHIMUR Kowase Marotrao Sainuji Indian National Congress Ashok Mahadeorao Nete Bharatiya Janata Party 4795 NO
13 MH CHANDRAPUR Ahir Hansaraj Gangaram Bharatiya Janata Party Pugalia Naresh Indian National Congress 7044 NO
14 MH YAVATMAL-WASHIM Bhavana Gawali (Patil) Shivsena Harising Rathod Indian National Congress 114 NO
15 MH HINGOLI Subhash Bapurao Wankhede Shivsena Suryakanta Jaiwantrao Patil Nationalist Congress Party 73569 NO
16 MH NANDED Khatgaonkar Patil Bhaskarrao Bapurao Indian National Congress Sambhaji Pawar Bharatiya Janata Party 74975 NO
17 MH PARBHANI Adv. Dudhgaonkar Ganeshrao Nagorao Shivsena Warpudkar Suresh Ambadasrao Nationalist Congress Party 30356 NO
18 MH JALNA Danve Raosaheb Dadarao Bharatiya Janata Party Dr. Kale Kalyan Vaijinathrao Indian National Congress 9143 NO
19 MH AURANGABAD Chandrakant Khaire Shivsena Uttamsingh Rajdharsingh Pawar Indian National Congress 18142 NO
20 MH DINDORI Chavan Harishchandra Deoram Bharatiya Janata Party Zirwal Narhari Sitaram Nationalist Congress Party 37347 YES
21 MH NASHIK Sameer Bhujbal Nationalist Congress Party Godse Hemant Tukaram Maharashtra Navnirman sena 22032 NO
22 MH PALGHAR Jadhav Baliram Sukur Bahujan Vikas Aaghadi Adv. Chintaman Vanga Bharatiya Janata Party 12360 NO
23 MH BHIWANDI Taware Suresh Kashinath Indian National Congress Patil Jagannath Shivram Bharatiya Janata Party 41364 YES
24 MH KALYAN Anand Prakash Paranjape Shivsena Davkhare Vasant Shankarrao Nationalist Congress Party 21049 NO
25 MH THANE Dr.Sanjeev Ganesh Naik Nationalist Congress Party Chaugule Vijay Laxman Shivsena 49020 NO
26 MH MUMBAI NORTH Sanjay Brijkishorlal Nirupam Indian National Congress Ram Naik Bharatiya Janata Party 10054 NO
27 MH MUMBAI NORTH WEST Ad.Kamat Gurudas Vasant Indian National Congress Gajanan Kirtikar Shivsena 33261 NO
28 MH MUMBAI NORTH EAST Sanjay Dina Patil Nationalist Congress Party Kirit Somaiya Bharatiya Janata Party 2415 NO
29 MH MUMBAI NORTH CENTRAL Dutt Priya Sunil Indian National Congress Mahesh Ram Jethmalani Bharatiya Janata Party 157401 NO
30 MH MUMBAI SOUTH CENTRAL Eknath M. Gaikwad Indian National Congress Suresh Anant Gambhir Shivsena 69714 NO
31 MH MUMBAI SOUTH Deora Milind Murli Indian National Congress Bala Nandgaonkar Maharashtra Navnirman sena 54220 NO
32 MH RAIGAD Anant Geete Shivsena Barrister A.R. Antulay Indian National Congress 115119 NO
33 MH MAVAL Babar Gajanan Dharmshi Shivsena Pansare Azam Fakeerbhai Nationalist Congress Party 60796 NO
34 MH PUNE Kalmadi Suresh Indian National Congress Anil Shirole Bharatiya Janata Party 20225 NO
35 MH BARAMATI Supriya Sule Nationalist Congress Party Kanta Jaysing Nalawade Bharatiya Janata Party 188399 NO
36 MH SHIRUR Adhalrao Shivaji Dattatray Shivsena Vilas Vithoba Lande Nationalist Congress Party 140719 NO
37 MH AHMADNAGAR Gandhi Dilipkumar Mansukhlal Bharatiya Janata Party Kardile Shivaji Bhanudas Nationalist Congress Party 42474 NO
38 MH SHIRDI Wakchaure Bhausaheb Rajaram Shivsena Athawale Ramdas Bandu Republican Party of India (A) 132640 NO
39 MH BEED Munde Gopinathrao Pandurang Bharatiya Janata Party Kokate Ramesh Baburao (Adaskar) Nationalist Congress Party 70369 NO
40 MH OSMANABAD Patil Padamsinha Bajirao Nationalist Congress Party Gaikwad Ravindra Vishwanath Shivsena 17017 NO
41 MH LATUR Awale Jaywant Gangaram Indian National Congress Gaikwad Sunil Baliram Bharatiya Janata Party 241 NO
42 MH SOLAPUR Shinde Sushilkumar Sambhajirao Indian National Congress Adv. Bansode Sharad Maruti Bharatiya Janata Party 99585 NO
43 MH MADHA Pawar Sharadchandra Govindrao Nationalist Congress Party Deshmukh Subhash Sureshchandra Bharatiya Janata Party 243142 NO
44 MH SANGLI Pratik Prakashbapu Patil Indian National Congress Ajitrao Shankarrao Ghorpade Independent 43746 NO
45 MH SATARA Bhonsle Shrimant Chh. Udyanraje Pratapsinhmaharaj Nationalist Congress Party Purushottam Bajirao Jadhav Shivsena 297515 NO
46 MH RATNAGIRI – SINDHUDURG Dr.Nilesh Narayan Rane Indian National Congress Suresh Prabhakar Prabhu Shivsena 46750 NO
47 MH KOLHAPUR Sadashivrao Dadoba Mandlik Independent Chhatrapati Sambhajiraje Shahu Nationalist Congress Party 36524 NO
48 MH HATKANANGLE Shetti Raju Alias Devappa Anna Swabhimani Paksha Mane Nivedita Sambhajirao Nationalist Congress Party 63028 NO
1 MN INNER MANIPUR Dr. Thokchom Meinya Indian National Congress Moirangthem Nara Communist Party of India 33321 NO
2 MN OUTER MANIPUR Thangso Baite Indian National Congress Mani Charenamei Peoples Democratic Alliance 10586 NO
1 ML SHILLONG Vincent H Pala Indian National Congress John Filmore Kharshiing United Democratic Party 107832 NO
2 ML TURA Agatha K. Sangma Nationalist Congress Party Debora C. Marak Indian National Congress 17945 NO
1 MZ MIZORAM C.L.Ruala Indian National Congress Dr. H. Lallungmuana Independent 96238 NO
1 NL NAGALAND C.M. Chang Nagaland Peoples Front K. Asungba Sangtam Indian National Congress 422134 NO
1 OR BARGARH Sanjay Bhoi Indian National Congress Dr. Hamid Hussain Biju Janata Dal 39632 NO
2 OR SUNDARGARH Jual Oram Bharatiya Janata Party Hemanand Biswal Indian National Congress 6161 NO
3 OR SAMBALPUR Amarnath Pradhan Indian National Congress Rohit Pujari Biju Janata Dal 26282 NO
4 OR KEONJHAR Yashbant Narayan Singh Laguri Biju Janata Dal Dhanurjaya Sidu Indian National Congress 49221 NO
5 OR MAYURBHANJ Laxman Tudu Biju Janata Dal Sudam Marndi Jharkhand Mukti Morcha 17259 NO
6 OR BALASORE Srikant Kumar Jena Indian National Congress Arun Dey Nationalist Congress Party 10300 NO
7 OR BHADRAK Arjun Charan Sethi Biju Janata Dal Ananta Prasad Sethi Indian National Congress 24187 NO
8 OR JAJPUR Mohan Jena Biju Janata Dal Amiya Kanta Mallik Indian National Congress 36000 NO
9 OR DHENKANAL Tathagata Satpathy Biju Janata Dal Chandra Sekhar Tripathi Indian National Congress 87929 NO
10 OR BOLANGIR Kalikesh Narayan Singh Deo Biju Janata Dal Narasingha Mishra Indian National Congress 24022 NO
11 OR KALAHANDI Bhakta Charan Das Indian National Congress Subash Chandra Nayak Biju Janata Dal 59795 NO
12 OR NABARANGPUR Pradeep Kumar Majhi Indian National Congress Domburu Majhi Biju Janata Dal 25904 NO
13 OR KANDHAMAL Rudramadhab Ray Biju Janata Dal Ashok Sahu Bharatiya Janata Party 57091 NO
14 OR CUTTACK Bhartruhari Mahtab Biju Janata Dal Bibhuti Bhusan Mishra Indian National Congress 94756 NO
15 OR KENDRAPARA Baijayant Panda Biju Janata Dal Ranjib Biswal Indian National Congress 27810 NO
16 OR JAGATSINGHPUR Bibhu Prasad Tarai Communist Party of India Rabindra Kumar Sethy Indian National Congress 30229 NO
17 OR PURI Pinaki Misra Biju Janata Dal Braja Kishore Tripathy Bharatiya Janata Party 81737 NO
18 OR BHUBANESWAR Prasanna Kumar Patasani Biju Janata Dal Santosh Mohanty Indian National Congress 96043 NO
19 OR ASKA Nityananda Pradhan Biju Janata Dal Ramachandra Rath Indian National Congress 94869 NO
20 OR BERHAMPUR Sidhant Mohapatra Biju Janata Dal Chandra Sekhar Sahu Indian National Congress 23753 NO
21 OR KORAPUT Jayaram Pangi Biju Janata Dal Giridhar Gamang Indian National Congress 42161 NO
1 PB GURDASPUR Partap Singh Bajwa Indian National Congress Vinod Khanna Bharatiya Janata Party 1998 NO
2 PB AMRITSAR Navjot Singh Sidhu Bharatiya Janata Party Om Parkash Soni Indian National Congress 9057 NO
3 PB KHADOOR SAHIB Dr. Rattan Singh Ajnala Shiromani Akali Dal Rana Gurjeet Singh Indian National Congress 28869 NO
4 PB JALANDHAR Mohinder Singh Kaypee Indian National Congress Hans Raj Hans Shiromani Akali Dal 36445 NO
5 PB HOSHIARPUR Santosh Chowdhary Indian National Congress Som Parkash Bharatiya Janata Party 643 NO
6 PB ANANDPUR SAHIB Ravneet Singh Indian National Congress Dr. Daljit Singh Cheema Shiromani Akali Dal 50363 NO
7 PB LUDHIANA Manish Tewari Indian National Congress Gurcharan Singh Galib Shiromani Akali Dal 89676 NO
8 PB FATEHGARH SAHIB Sukhdev Singh Indian National Congress Charanjit Singh Atwal Shiromani Akali Dal 34299 NO
9 PB FARIDKOT Paramjit Kaur Gulshan Shiromani Akali Dal Sukhwinder Singh Danny Indian National Congress 68461 NO
10 PB FEROZPUR Sher Singh Ghubaya Shiromani Akali Dal Jagmeet Singh Brar Indian National Congress 30853 NO
11 PB BATHINDA Harsimrat Kaur Badal Shiromani Akali Dal Raninder Singh Indian National Congress 99521 NO
12 PB SANGRUR Vijay Inder Singla Indian National Congress Sukhdev Singh Dhindsa Shiromani Akali Dal 42789 NO
13 PB PATIALA Preneet Kaur Indian National Congress Prem Singh Chandumajra Shiromani Akali Dal 95502 NO
1 RJ GANGANAGAR Bharat Ram Meghwal Indian National Congress Nihal Chand Bharatiya Janata Party 140668 NO
2 RJ BIKANER Arjun Ram Meghwal Bharatiya Janata Party Rewat Ram Panwar Indian National Congress 19575 NO
3 RJ CHURU Ram Singh Kaswan Bharatiya Janata Party Rafique Mandelia Indian National Congress 9525 NO
4 RJ JHUNJHUNU Sheesh Ram Ola Indian National Congress Dr Dasrath Singh Shekhawat Bharatiya Janata Party 65321 NO
5 RJ SIKAR Mahadev Singh Indian National Congress Subhash Maharia Bharatiya Janata Party 33819 NO
6 RJ JAIPUR RURAL Lal Chand Kataria Indian National Congress Rao Rajendra Singh Bharatiya Janata Party 45487 NO
7 RJ JAIPUR Mahesh Joshi Indian National Congress Ghanshyam Tiwari Bharatiya Janata Party 3628 NO
8 RJ ALWAR Jitendra Singh Indian National Congress Dr.Kiran Yadav Bharatiya Janata Party 149251 NO
9 RJ BHARATPUR Ratan Singh Indian National Congress Khemchand Bharatiya Janata Party 80625 NO
10 RJ KARAULI-DHOLPUR Khiladi Lal Bairwa Indian National Congress Dr Manoj Rajoria Bharatiya Janata Party 27752 NO
11 RJ DAUSA Kirodi Lal Independent Qummer Rubbani Independent 23539 NO
12 RJ TONK-SAWAI MADHOPUR Namo Narain Indian National Congress Kirori Singh Bainsla Bharatiya Janata Party 472 NO
13 RJ AJMER Sachin Pilot Indian National Congress Kiran Maheshwari Bharatiya Janata Party 76135 YES
14 RJ NAGAUR Dr. Jyoti Mirdha Indian National Congress Bindu Chaudhary Bharatiya Janata Party 155185 NO
15 RJ PALI Badri Ram Jakhar Indian National Congress Pusp Jain Bharatiya Janata Party 171757 NO
16 RJ JODHPUR Chandresh Kumari Indian National Congress Jaswant Singh Bisnoi Bharatiya Janata Party 98259 YES
17 RJ BARMER Harish Choudhary Indian National Congress Manvendra Singh Bharatiya Janata Party 119106 NO
18 RJ JALORE Devji Patel Bharatiya Janata Party Buta Singh Independent 29177 NO
19 RJ UDAIPUR Raghuvir Singh Meena Indian National Congress Mahaveer Bhagora Bharatiya Janata Party 165021 NO
20 RJ BANSWARA Tarachand Bhagora Indian National Congress Hakaru Maida Bharatiya Janata Party 199418 YES
21 RJ CHITTORGARH (Dr.)girija Vyas Indian National Congress Shrichand Kriplani Bharatiya Janata Party 65731 NO
22 RJ RAJSAMAND Gopal Singh Indian National Congress Rasa Singh Rawat Bharatiya Janata Party 38178 NO
23 RJ BHILWARA Dr. C. P. Joshi Indian National Congress Vijayendra Pal Singh Bharatiya Janata Party 135368 NO
24 RJ KOTA Ijyaraj Singh Indian National Congress Shyam Sharma Bharatiya Janata Party 68106 NO
25 RJ JHALAWAR-BARAN Dushyant Singh Bharatiya Janata Party Urmila Jain “bhaya” Indian National Congress 25503 NO
1 SK SIKKIM Prem Das Rai Sikkim Democratic Front Kharananda Upreti Indian National Congress 48955 NO
1 TN THIRUVALLUR Venugopal.P All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Gayathri.S Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 27607 NO
2 TN CHENNAI NORTH Elangovan T.K.S Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Pandian. D Communist Party of India 28385 NO
3 TN CHENNAI SOUTH Rajendran C All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Bharathy R.S. Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 12962 NO
4 TN CHENNAI CENTRAL Dayanidhi Maran Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Mogamed Ali Jinnah S.M.K. All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 24352 NO
5 TN SRIPERUMBUDUR Baalu T R Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Moorthy A K Pattali Makkal Katchi 8222 NO
6 TN KANCHEEPURAM Viswanathan.P Indian National Congress Ramakrishnan.Dr.E All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 7297 NO
7 TN ARAKKONAM Jagathrakshakan Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Velu R Pattali Makkal Katchi 103407 NO
8 TN VELLORE Abdulrahman Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Vasu L K M B All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 107393 NO
9 TN KRISHNAGIRI Sugavanam. E.G. Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Nanjegowdu. K. All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 45858 NO
10 TN DHARMAPURI Thamaraiselvan. R Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Senthil. R. Dr. Pattali Makkal Katchi 107130 NO
11 TN TIRUVANNAMALAI Venugopal.D Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Guru (A) Gurunathan. J Pattali Makkal Katchi 110998 NO
12 TN ARANI Krishnasamy M Indian National Congress Subramaniyan N All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 78457 NO
13 TN VILUPPURAM Anandan M All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Swamidurai K Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katch 9108 NO
14 TN KALLAKURICHI Sankar Adhi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Dhanaraju K Pattali Makkal Katchi 105958 NO
15 TN SALEM Semmalai S All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Thangkabalu K V Indian National Congress 41509 NO
16 TN NAMAKKAL Gandhiselvan.S Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Vairam Tamilarasi.V All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 87495 NO
17 TN ERODE Ganeshamurthi.A. Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Elangovan.E.V.K.S. Indian National Congress 45254 NO
18 TN TIRUPPUR Sivasami C All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Kharventhan S K Indian National Congress 85966 NO
19 TN NILGIRIS Raja A Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Krishnan C Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 75810 NO
20 TN COIMBATORE Prabhu.R Indian National Congress Natarajan.P.R. Communist Party of India (Marxist) 41048 NO
21 TN POLLACHI Sugumar.K All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Shanmugasundaram.K Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 45431 NO
22 TN DINDIGUL Chitthan N S V Indian National Congress Baalasubramani P All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 54347 YES
23 TN KARUR Tambidurai.M All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Pallanishamy. K.C. Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 31070 NO
24 TN TIRUCHIRAPPALLI Kumar.P All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Sarubala.R.Thondaiman Indian National Congress 5681 NO
25 TN PERAMBALUR Napoleon,D. Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Balasubramanian,K.K. All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 66551 NO
26 TN CUDDALORE Alagiri S Indian National Congress Sampath M C All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 23136 NO
27 TN CHIDAMBARAM Thirumaavalavan, Thol Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katch Ponnuswamy,E Pattali Makkal Katchi 86277 NO
28 TN MAYILADUTHURAI Manian O.S All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Mani Shankar Aiyar Indian National Congress 36854 NO
29 TN NAGAPATTINAM Vijayan A K S Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Selvaraj M Communist Party of India 30273 NO
30 TN THANJAVUR Palanimanickam.S.S Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Durai.Balakrishnan Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 101124 NO
31 TN SIVAGANGA Raja Kannappan R.S. All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Chidambaram P Indian National Congress 490 NO
32 TN MADURAI Alagiri M.K Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Mohan P Communist Party of India (Marxist) 140985 NO
33 TN THENI Aaron Rashid.J.M Indian National Congress Thanga Tamilselvan All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 5503 NO
34 TN VIRUDHUNAGAR Manicka Tagore Indian National Congress Vaiko Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 15764 NO
35 TN RAMANATHAPURAM Sivakumar @ J.K. Ritheesh. K Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Sathiamoorthy. V All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 56352 NO
36 TN THOOTHUKKUDI Jeyadurai.S.R Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Cynthia Pandian.Dr All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 76671 NO
37 TN TENKASI Lingam P Communist Party of India Vellaipandi G Indian National Congress 34677 NO
38 TN TIRUNELVELI Ramasubbu S Indian National Congress Annamalai K All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 20948 NO
39 TN KANNIYAKUMARI Helen Davidson J Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Radhakrishnan P Bharatiya Janata Party 63826 NO
1 TR TRIPURA WEST Khagen Das Communist Party of India (Marxist) Sudip Roy Barman Indian National Congress 241235 NO
2 TR TRIPURA EAST Baju Ban Riyan Communist Party of India (Marxist) Diba Chandra Hrangkhawl Indian National Congress 291209 NO
1 UP SAHARANPUR Jagdish Singh Rana Bahujan Samaj Party Rasheed Masood Samajwadi Party 36681 NO
2 UP KAIRANA Tabassum Begum Bahujan Samaj Party Hukum Singh Bharatiya Janata Party 14047 NO
3 UP MUZAFFARNAGAR Kadir Rana Bahujan Samaj Party Anuradha Chaudhary Rashtriya Lok Dal 21002 NO
4 UP BIJNOR Sanjay Singh Chauhan Rashtriya Lok Dal Shahid Siddiqui Bahujan Samaj Party 10372 NO
5 UP NAGINA Yashvir Singh Samajwadi Party Ram Kishan Singh Bahujan Samaj Party 11920 NO
6 UP MORADABAD Mohammed Azharuddin Indian National Congress Kunwar Sarvesh Kumar Alias Rakesh Bharatiya Janata Party 24445 NO
7 UP RAMPUR Jaya Prada Nahata Samajwadi Party Begum Noor Bano Urf Mehtab Zamani Begum Indian National Congress 12093 NO
8 UP SAMBHAL Dr. Shafiqur Rahman Barq Bahujan Samaj Party Iqbal Mehmood Samajwadi Party 19762 NO
9 UP AMROHA Devendra Nagpal Rashtriya Lok Dal Mehboob Ali Samajwadi Party 39398 NO
10 UP MEERUT Rajendra Agarwal Bharatiya Janata Party Malook Nagar Bahujan Samaj Party 3674 NO
11 UP BAGHPAT Ajit Singh Rashtriya Lok Dal Mukesh Sharma Bahujan Samaj Party 63382 NO
12 UP GHAZIABAD Rajnath Singh Bharatiya Janata Party Surendra Prakash Goel Indian National Congress 43627 NO
13 UP GAUTAM BUDDH NAGAR Surendra Singh Nagar Bahujan Samaj Party Mahesh Kumar Sharma Bharatiya Janata Party 26730 NO
14 UP BULANDSHAHR Kamlesh Samajwadi Party Ashok Kumar Pradhan Bharatiya Janata Party 14776 NO
15 UP ALIGARH Zafar Alam Samajwadi Party Raj Kumari Chauhan Bahujan Samaj Party 12277 NO
16 UP HATHRAS Sarika Singh Rashtriya Lok Dal Rajendra Kumar Bahujan Samaj Party 20754 NO
17 UP MATHURA Jayant Chaudhary Rashtriya Lok Dal Shyam Sunder Sharma Bahujan Samaj Party 35239 NO
18 UP AGRA Kunwar Chand (Vakil) Bahujan Samaj Party Dr. Ramshankar Bharatiya Janata Party 3836 NO
19 UP FATEHPUR SIKRI Raj Babbar Indian National Congress Seema Upadhyay Bahujan Samaj Party 10025 NO
20 UP FIROZABAD Akhilesh Yadav Samajwadi Party Prof. S.P. Singh Baghel Bahujan Samaj Party 52555 NO
21 UP MAINPURI Mulayam Singh Yadav Samajwadi Party Vinay Shakya Bahujan Samaj Party 93137 NO
22 UP ETAH Kalyan Singh R O Madholi Independent Kunwar Devendra Singh Yadav Bahujan Samaj Party 102812 NO
23 UP BADAUN Dharmendra Yadav Samajwadi Party Dharam Yadav Urf D. P. Yadav Bahujan Samaj Party 12579 NO
24 UP AONLA Menka Gandhi Bharatiya Janata Party Dharmendra Kumar Samajwadi Party 1217 NO
25 UP BAREILLY Praveen Singh Aron Indian National Congress Santosh Gangwar Bharatiya Janata Party 9439 NO
26 UP PILIBHIT Feroze Varun Gandhi Bharatiya Janata Party V. M. Singh Indian National Congress 224196 NO
27 UP SHAHJAHANPUR Mithlesh Samajwadi Party Sunita Singh Bahujan Samaj Party 43831 NO
28 UP KHERI Zafar Ali Naqvi Indian National Congress Ajay Kumar Bharatiya Janata Party 16020 NO
29 UP DHAURAHRA Kunwar Jitin Prasad Indian National Congress Rajesh Kumar Singh Alias Rajesh Verma Bahujan Samaj Party 96823 NO
30 UP SITAPUR Kaisar Jahan Bahujan Samaj Party Mahendra Singh Verma Samajwadi Party 19638 NO
31 UP HARDOI Usha Verma Samajwadi Party Ram Kumar Kuril Bahujan Samaj Party 87402 NO
32 UP MISRIKH Ashok Kumar Rawat Bahujan Samaj Party Shyam Prakash Samajwadi Party 22999 NO
33 UP UNNAO Annutandon Indian National Congress Arunshankarshukla Bahujan Samaj Party 195269 NO
34 UP MOHANLALGANJ Sushila Saroj Samajwadi Party Jai Prakash Bahujan Samaj Party 66348 NO
35 UP LUCKNOW Lal Ji Tandon Bharatiya Janata Party Rita Bahuguna Joshi Indian National Congress 31090 NO
36 UP RAE BARELI Sonia Gandhi Indian National Congress R.S.Kushwaha Bahujan Samaj Party 276054 NO
37 UP AMETHI Rahul Gandhi Indian National Congress Asheesh Shukla Bahujan Samaj Party 157511 NO
38 UP SULTANPUR Dr.Sanjay Singh Indian National Congress Mohd.Tahir Bahujan Samaj Party 69185 NO
39 UP PRATAPGARH Rajkumari Ratna Singh Indian National Congress Prof. Shivakant Ojha Bahujan Samaj Party 6346 NO
40 UP FARRUKHABAD Naresh Chandra Agrawal Bahujan Samaj Party Salman Khursheed Indian National Congress 5472 NO
41 UP ETAWAH Premdas Samajwadi Party Gaurishanker Bahujan Samaj Party 43513 NO
42 UP KANNAUJ Akhilesh Yadav Samajwadi Party Dr. Mahesh Chandra Verma Bahujan Samaj Party 110828 NO
43 UP KANPUR Sri Prakash Jaiswal Indian National Congress Satish Mahana Bharatiya Janata Party 14161 NO
44 UP AKBARPUR Rajaram Pal Indian National Congress Anil Shukla Warsi Bahujan Samaj Party 30075 NO
45 UP JALAUN Ghansyam Anuragi Samajwadi Party Tilak Chandra Ahirwar Bahujan Samaj Party 7332 NO
46 UP JHANSI Pradeep Kumar Jain (Aditya) Indian National Congress Ramesh Kumar Sharma Bahujan Samaj Party 7228 NO
47 UP HAMIRPUR Vijay Bahadur Singh Bahujan Samaj Party Siddha Gopal Sahu Indian National Congress 13663 NO
48 UP BANDA R. K. Singh Patel Samajwadi Party Bhairon Prasad Mishra Bahujan Samaj Party 26245 NO
49 UP FATEHPUR Rakesh Sachan Samajwadi Party Mahendra Prasad Nishad Bahujan Samaj Party 22816 NO
50 UP KAUSHAMBI Shailendra Kumar Samajwadi Party Girish Chandra Pasi Bahujan Samaj Party 16569 NO
51 UP PHULPUR Kapil Muni Karwariya Bahujan Samaj Party Shyama Charan Gupta Samajwadi Party 13881 NO
52 UP ALLAHABAD Kunwar Rewati Raman Singh Alias Mani Ji Samajwadi Party Ashok Kumar Bajpai Bahujan Samaj Party 17435 NO
53 UP BARABANKI P.L.Punia Indian National Congress Kamala Prasad Rawat Bahujan Samaj Party 147335 NO
54 UP FAIZABAD Nirmal Khatri Indian National Congress Mitrasen Samajwadi Party 41691 NO
55 UP AMBEDKAR NAGAR Rakesh Pandey Bahujan Samaj Party Shankhlal Majhi Samajwadi Party 8227 NO
56 UP BAHRAICH Kamal Kishor Indian National Congress Lal Mani Prasad Bahujan Samaj Party 41205 NO
57 UP KAISERGANJ Brijbhushan Sharan Singh Samajwadi Party Dr Lalta Prasad Mishra Alias Dr L P Mishra Bharatiya Janata Party 27873 NO
58 UP SHRAWASTI Vinay Kumar Alias Vinnu Indian National Congress Rizvan Zaheer Bahujan Samaj Party 38796 NO
59 UP GONDA Beni Prasad Verma Indian National Congress Kirti Vardhan Singh (Raja Bhaiya) Bahujan Samaj Party 22898 NO
60 UP DOMARIYAGANJ Jagdambika Pal Indian National Congress Jai Pratap Singh Bharatiya Janata Party 21356 NO
61 UP BASTI Arvind Kumar Chaudhary Bahujan Samaj Party Raj Kishor Singh Samajwadi Party 77981 NO
62 UP SANT KABIR NAGAR Bhisma Shankar Alias Kushal Tiwari Bahujan Samaj Party Bhal Chandra Yadav Samajwadi Party 17218 NO
63 UP MAHARAJGANJ Harsh Vardhan Indian National Congress Ganesh Shanker Pandey Bahujan Samaj Party 52122 NO
64 UP GORAKHPUR Adityanath Bharatiya Janata Party Vinay Shankar Tiwari Bahujan Samaj Party 70171 NO
65 UP KUSHI NAGAR Ku. Ratanjeet Pratap Narayan Singh Indian National Congress Swami Prasad Maurya Bahujan Samaj Party 10593 NO
66 UP DEORIA Gorakh Prasad Jaiswal Bahujan Samaj Party Shri Prakash Mani Tripathi Bharatiya Janata Party 16718 NO
67 UP BANSGAON Kamlesh Paswan Bharatiya Janata Party Shree Nath Ji Bahujan Samaj Party 22382 NO
68 UP LALGANJ Dr. Baliram Bahujan Samaj Party Neelam Sonkar Bharatiya Janata Party 38531 NO
69 UP AZAMGARH Ramakant Yadav Bharatiya Janata Party Akbar Ahmad Dumpy Bahujan Samaj Party 36914 NO
70 UP GHOSI Dara Singh Chauhan Bahujan Samaj Party Arshad Jamal Ansari Samajwadi Party 17965 NO
71 UP SALEMPUR Ramashankar Rajbhar Bahujan Samaj Party Dr. Bhola Pandey Indian National Congress 4923 NO
72 UP BALLIA Neeraj Shekhar Samajwadi Party Sangram Singh Yadav Bahujan Samaj Party 41103 NO
73 UP JAUNPUR Dhananjay Singh Bahujan Samaj Party Paras Nath Yadava Samajwadi Party 53859 NO
74 UP MACHHLISHAHR Tufani Saroj Samajwadi Party Kamla Kant Gautam (K.K. Gautam) Bahujan Samaj Party 19050 NO
75 UP GHAZIPUR Radhey Mohan Singh Samajwadi Party Afzal Ansari Bahujan Samaj Party 50237 NO
76 UP CHANDAULI Ramkishun Samajwadi Party Kailash Nath Singh Yadav Bahujan Samaj Party 10919 NO
77 UP VARANASI Dr. Murli Manohar Joshi Bharatiya Janata Party Mukhtar Ansari Bahujan Samaj Party 5750 NO
78 UP BHADOHI Gorakhnath Bahujan Samaj Party Chhotelal Bind Samajwadi Party 12980 NO
79 UP MIRZAPUR Bal Kumar Patel Samajwadi Party Anil Kumar Maurya Bahujan Samaj Party 8519 NO
80 UP ROBERTSGANJ Pakauri Lal Samajwadi Party Ram Chandra Tyagi Bahujan Samaj Party 46930 NO
1 WB COOCH BEHAR Nripendra Nath Roy All India Forward Bloc Arghya Roy Pradhan All India Trinamool Congress 37085 NO
2 WB ALIPURDUARS Manohar Tirkey Revolutionary Socialist Party Paban Kumar Lakra All India Trinamool Congress 112516 NO
3 WB JALPAIGURI Mahendra Kumar Roy Communist Party of India (Marxist) Barma Sukhbilas Indian National Congress 67529 NO
4 WB DARJEELING Jaswant Singh Bharatiya Janata Party Jibesh Sarkar Communist Party of India (Marxist) 271267 NO
5 WB RAIGANJ Deepa Dasmunsi Indian National Congress Bireswar Lahiri Communist Party of India (Marxist) 68682 NO
6 WB BALURGHAT Prasanta Kumar Majumdar Revolutionary Socialist Party Biplab Mitra All India Trinamool Congress 1610 NO
7 WB MALDAHA UTTAR Mausam Noor Indian National Congress Sailen Sarkar Communist Party of India (Marxist) 18758 NO
8 WB MALDAHA DAKSHIN Abu Hasem Khan Choudhury Indian National Congress Abdur Razzaque Communist Party of India (Marxist) 126935 NO
9 WB JANGIPUR Pranab Mukherjee Indian National Congress Mriganka Sekhar Bhattacharya Communist Party of India (Marxist) 61761 NO
10 WB BAHARAMPUR Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury Indian National Congress Pramothes Mukherjee Revolutionary Socialist Party 68254 NO
11 WB MURSHIDABAD Abdul Mannan Hossain Indian National Congress Anisur Rahaman Sarkar Communist Party of India (Marxist) 11288 NO
12 WB KRISHNANAGAR Tapas Paul All India Trinamool Congress Jyotirmoyee Sikdar Communist Party of India (Marxist) 50892 NO
13 WB RANAGHAT Sucharu Ranjan Haldar All India Trinamool Congress Basudeb Barman Communist Party of India (Marxist) 48444 NO
14 WB BANGAON Gobinda Chandra Naskar All India Trinamool Congress Asim Bala Communist Party of India (Marxist) 15248 NO
15 WB BARRACKPORE Dinesh Trivedi All India Trinamool Congress Tarit Baran Topdar Communist Party of India (Marxist) 36729 NO
16 WB DUM DUM Saugata Ray All India Trinamool Congress Amitava Nandy Communist Party of India (Marxist) 3651 NO
17 WB BARASAT Kakali Ghosh Dastidar All India Trinamool Congress Sudin Chattopadhyay All India Forward Bloc 29999 NO
18 WB BASIRHAT Sk. Nurul Islam All India Trinamool Congress Ajay Chakraborty Communist Party of India 4259 NO
19 WB JOYNAGAR Dr. Tarun Mondal Independent Nimai Barman Revolutionary Socialist Party 41657 NO
20 WB MATHURAPUR Choudhury Mohan Jatua All India Trinamool Congress Animesh Naskar Communist Party of India (Marxist) 6717 NO
21 WB DIAMOND HARBOUR Somendra Nath Mitra All India Trinamool Congress Samik Lahiri Communist Party of India (Marxist) 69116 NO
22 WB JADAVPUR Kabir Suman All India Trinamool Congress Sujan Chakraborty Communist Party of India (Marxist) 24147 NO
23 WB KOLKATA DAKSHIN Mamata Banerjee All India Trinamool Congress Rabin Deb Communist Party of India (Marxist) 137046 NO
24 WB KOLKATA UTTAR Sudip Bandyopadhyay All India Trinamool Congress Md. Salim Communist Party of India (Marxist) 64971 NO
25 WB HOWRAH Ambica Banerjee All India Trinamool Congress Swadesh Chakrabortty Communist Party of India (Marxist) 10672 NO
26 WB ULUBERIA Sultan Ahmed All India Trinamool Congress Hannan Mollah Communist Party of India (Marxist) 53703 NO
27 WB SRERAMPUR Kalyan Banerjee All India Trinamool Congress Santasri Chatterjee Communist Party of India (Marxist) 92670 NO
28 WB HOOGHLY Dr. Ratna De(Nag) All India Trinamool Congress Rupchand Pal Communist Party of India (Marxist) 56711 NO
29 WB ARAMBAGH Malik Sakti Mohan Communist Party of India (Marxist) Sambhu Nath Malik Indian National Congress 144361 NO
30 WB TAMLUK Adhikari Suvendu All India Trinamool Congress Lakshman Chandra Seth Communist Party of India (Marxist) 16735 NO
31 WB KANTHI Adhikari Sisir Kumar All India Trinamool Congress Prasanta Pradhan Communist Party of India (Marxist) 36085 NO
32 WB GHATAL Gurudas Dasgupta Communist Party of India Nure Alam Chowdhury All India Trinamool Congress 62938 NO
33 WB JHARGRAM Pulin Bihari Baske Communist Party of India (Marxist) Amrit Hansda Indian National Congress 109497 NO
34 WB MEDINIPUR Prabodh Panda Communist Party of India Dipak Kumar Ghosh All India Trinamool Congress 32890 NO
35 WB PURULIA Narahari Mahato All India Forward Bloc Shantiram Mahato Indian National Congress 5978 NO
36 WB BANKURA Acharia Basudeb Communist Party of India (Marxist) Subrata Mukherjee Indian National Congress 44697 NO
37 WB BISHNUPUR Susmita Bauri Communist Party of India (Marxist) Seuli Saha All India Trinamool Congress 54371 NO
38 WB BARDHAMAN PURBA Anup Kumar Saha Communist Party of India (Marxist) Ashoke Biswas All India Trinamool Congress 52048 NO
39 WB BURDWAN – DURGAPUR Sk. Saidul Haque Communist Party of India (Marxist) Nargis Begam Indian National Congress 79822 NO
40 WB ASANSOL Bansa Gopal Chowdhury Communist Party of India (Marxist) Ghatak Moloy All India Trinamool Congress 46638 NO
41 WB BOLPUR Doctor Ram Chandra Dome Communist Party of India (Marxist) Asit Kumar Mal Indian National Congress 76596 NO
42 WB BIRBHUM Satabdi Roy All India Trinamool Congress Braja Mukherjee Communist Party of India (Marxist) 15936 NO
1 CG SARGUJA Murarilal Singh Bharatiya Janata Party Bhanu Pratap Singh Indian National Congress 113866 NO
2 CG RAIGARH Vishnu Deo Sai Bharatiya Janata Party Hridayaram Rathiya Indian National Congress 41920 NO
3 CG JANJGIR-CHAMPA Shrimati Kamla Devi Patle Bharatiya Janata Party Dr.Shivkumar Dahariya Indian National Congress 35284 NO
4 CG KORBA Charan Das Mahant Indian National Congress Karuna Shukla Bharatiya Janata Party 10348 NO
5 CG BILASPUR Dilip Singh Judev Bharatiya Janata Party Dr.Renu Jogi Indian National Congress 18186 NO
6 CG RAJNANDGAON Madhusudan Yadav Bharatiya Janata Party Devwrat Singh Indian National Congress 91638 NO
7 CG DURG Saroj Pandey Bharatiya Janata Party Pradeep Choubey Indian National Congress 3397 NO
8 CG RAIPUR Ramesh Bais Bharatiya Janata Party Bhupesh Baghel Indian National Congress 28680 NO
9 CG MAHASAMUND Chandulal Sahu (Chandu Bhaiya) Bharatiya Janata Party Motilal Sahu Indian National Congress 12100 NO
10 CG BASTAR Baliram Kashyap Bharatiya Janata Party Shankar Sodi Indian National Congress 63828 NO
11 CG KANKER Sohan Potai Bharatiya Janata Party Smt. Phoolo Devi Netam Indian National Congress 18247 NO
1 JH RAJMAHAL Devidhan Besra Bharatiya Janata Party Hemlal Murmu Jharkhand Mukti Morcha 3694 NO
2 JH DUMKA Shibu Soren Jharkhand Mukti Morcha Sunil Soren Bharatiya Janata Party 8319 NO
3 JH GODDA Nishikant Dubey Bharatiya Janata Party Furkan Ansari Indian National Congress 18747 NO
4 JH CHATRA Inder Singh Namdhari Independent Dhiraj Prasad Sahu Indian National Congress 16178 NO
5 JH KODARMA Babulal Marandi Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik) Raj Kumar Yadav Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation) 38742 NO
6 JH GIRIDIH Ravindra Kumar Pandey Bharatiya Janata Party Saba Ahmad Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik) 61580 NO
7 JH DHANBAD Chandrashekhar Dubey Indian National Congress Pashupati Nath Singh Bharatiya Janata Party 4456 NO
8 JH RANCHI Ram Tahal Choudhary Bharatiya Janata Party Subodh Kant Sahay Indian National Congress 9420 NO
9 JH JAMSHEDPUR Arjun Munda Bharatiya Janata Party Suman Mahato Jharkhand Mukti Morcha 57892 NO
10 JH SINGHBHUM Madhu Kora Independent Barkuwar Gagrai Bharatiya Janata Party 84088 NO
11 JH KHUNTI Karia Munda Bharatiya Janata Party Neil Tirkey Indian National Congress 29812 NO
12 JH LOHARDAGA Chamra Linda Independent Sudarshan Bhagat Bharatiya Janata Party 2916 NO
13 JH PALAMAU Kameshwar Baitha Jharkhand Mukti Morcha Ghuran Ram Rashtriya Janata Dal 4812 NO
14 JH HAZARIBAGH Yashwant Sinha Bharatiya Janata Party Saurabh Narain Singh Indian National Congress 9161 NO
1 UK TEHRI GARHWAL Vijay Bahuguna Indian National Congress Jaspal Rana Bharatiya Janata Party 45804 NO
2 UK GARHWAL Satpal Maharaj Indian National Congress Lt. Gen(Retd) Tejpal Singh Rawat P.V.S.M, V.S.M Bharatiya Janata Party 17257 NO
3 UK ALMORA Pradeep Tamta Indian National Congress Ajay Tamta Bharatiya Janata Party 6848 NO
4 UK NAINITAL-UDHAMSINGH NAGAR K.C. Singh Baba Indian National Congress Bachi Singh Rawat Bharatiya Janata Party 78365 NO
5 UK HARDWAR Harish Rawat Indian National Congress Swami Yatindranand Giri Bharatiya Janata Party 85040 NO
1 AN ANDAMAN & NICOBAR ISLANDS Shri. Bishnu Pada Ray Bharatiya Janata Party Shri. Kuldeep Rai Sharma Indian National Congress 3618 NO
1 CH CHANDIGARH Pawan Kumar Bansal Indian National Congress Satya Pal Jain Bharatiya Janata Party 58967 YES
1 DN DADAR & NAGAR HAVELI Patel Natubhai Gomanbhai Bharatiya Janata Party Delkar Mohanbhai Sanjibhai Indian National Congress 618 YES
1 DD DAMAN & DIU Lalubhai Patel Bharatiya Janata Party Dahyabhai Vallabhbhai Patel Indian National Congress 24838 YES
1 DL CHANDNI CHOWK Kapil Sibal Indian National Congress Vijender Gupta Bharatiya Janata Party 200710 YES
2 DL NORTH EAST DELHI Jai Prakash Agarwal Indian National Congress B.L.Sharma Prem Bharatiya Janata Party 138816 NO
3 DL EAST DELHI Sandeep Dikshit Indian National Congress Chetan Chauhan Bharatiya Janata Party 129779 NO
4 DL NEW DELHI Ajay Makan Indian National Congress Vijay Goel Bharatiya Janata Party 134979 NO
5 DL NORTH WEST DELHI Krishna Tirath Indian National Congress Meera Kanwaria Bharatiya Janata Party 176846 NO
6 DL WEST DELHI Mahabal Mishra Indian National Congress Prof. Jagdish Mukhi Bharatiya Janata Party 129010 NO
7 DL SOUTH DELHI Ramesh Kumar Indian National Congress Ramesh Bidhuri Bharatiya Janata Party 75232 NO
1 LD LAKSHADWEEP Muhammed Hamdulla Sayeed A.B Indian National Congress Dr. P. Pookunhikoya Nationalist Congress Party 2198 YES
1 PY PUDUCHERRY Narayanasamy Indian National Congress Ramadass. M Pattali Makkal Katchi 86301 NO
India’s General Elections: 543 Matrices to Help Ordinary Citizens Audit the Election Commission’s Vote-Tallies
May 12, 2009 — drsubrotoroyI do not know if anyone in India audits or checks the Election Commission’s arithmetic and procedures. Certainly the EC seems to leave a great deal to be desired by its slowness, its high-handedness and its obscurity/lack of transparency. I have said previously that this may be a result of obsolescent technology and management and organisation — problems that may be common across many departments of the Government of India and our State Governments.
Here then are the elements of a tool for use of ordinary citizens which may allow everyone to check the arithmetic involved in the EC’s counting of those hundreds of millions of votes all of us have cast in the 2009 General Elections.
On the vertical axis is supposed to be the list, by Parliamentary Constituency, of all 8,070 candidates who have contested the polls to the 15th Lok Sabha.
On the horizontal axis is supposed to be a series of 543 lists of Assembly Segments for each Constituency. Please note that the horizontal axis has had to be truncated for lack of space after only ten such segments; this covers the vast majority of Constituencies but there are a dozen or so in Goa, J&K, Arunachal, Manipur, Mizoram, Nagaland, Tripura which are not complete as they each have many more than 10.
So altogether here are the elements of a series of 543 matrices, one for each Lok Sabha Constituency, which may help ordinary citizens engage in a process of themselves auditing the EC’s declared results.
Or, at the very least, the 543 matrices would act as a score-card, and in this nation of cricket-fans, everyone loves a score-card.
(The text below will have to be adjusted appropriately to get the right format, columns etc.)
Subroto Roy
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SIRPUR-1 ASIFABAD-5 KHANAPUR-6 ADILABAD-7 BOATH-8 NIRMAL-9
MUDHOLE-10
S01-1-AP-ADILABAD 1ADE TUKARAM BJP
2KOTNAK RAMESH INC
3RATHOD RAMESH TDP
4RATHOD SADASHIV NAIK BSP
5MESRAM NAGO RAO PRAP
6ATHRAM LAXMAN RAO IND
7GANTA PENTANNA IND
8NETHAVAT RAMDAS IND
9BANKA SAHADEVU IND
CHENNUR-2 BELLAMPALLY-3 MANCHERIAL-4 DHARMAPURI-22 RAMAGUNDAM-23
MANTHANI-24 PEDDAPALLE-25
S01-2-AP-PEDDAPALLE 1GAJJELA SWAMY BSP
2GOMASA SRINIVAS TRS
3MATHANGI NARSIAH BJP
4DRGVIVEKANAND INC
5AREPELLI DAVID RAJU PRAP
6KRISHNA SABBALI MCPI(S)
7AMBALA MAHENDAR IND
8A KAMALAMMA IND
9GORRE RAMESH IND
10NALLALA KANUKAIAH IND
11B MALLAIAH IND
12K RAJASWARI IND
13D RAMULU IND
14GVINAY KUMAR IND
15SLAXMAIAH IND
KARIMNAGAR-26 CHOPPADANDI-27 VEMULAWADA-28 SIRCILLA-29
MANAKONDUR-30 HUZURABAD-31 HUSNABAD-32
S01-3-AP-KARIMNAGAR 1CHANDUPATLA JANGA REDDY BJP
2PONNAM PRABHAKAR INC
3VINOD KUMAR BOINAPALLY TRS
4VIRESHAM NALIMELA BSP
5RAGULA RAMULU RPI(A)
6LINGAMPALLI SRINIVAS REDDY MCPI(S)
7VELICHALA RAJENDER RAO PRAP
8T SRIMANNARAYANA PPOI
9K PRABHAKAR IND
10KORIVI VENUGOPAL IND
11BARIGE GATTAIAH YADAV IND
12GADDAM RAJI REDDY IND
13PANAKANTI SATISH KUMAR IND
14PEDDI RAVINDER IND
15B SURESH IND
ARMUR-11 BODHAN-12 NIZAMABAD (URBAN)-17 NIZAMABAD (RURAL)-18
BALKONDA-19 KORATLA-20 JAGTIAL-21
S01-4-AP-NIZAMABAD 1DR BAPU REDDY BJP
2BIGALA GANESH GUPTA TRS
3MADHU YASKHI GOUD INC
4YEDLA RAMU BSP
5DUDDEMPUDI SAMBASIVA RAO CHOUDARY LSP
6PVINAY KUMAR PRAP
7DR VSATHYANARAYANA MURTHY PPOI
8S SUJATHA TPPP
9AARIS MOHAMMED IND
10KANDEM PRABHAKAR IND
11GADDAM SRINIVAS IND
12RAPELLY SRINIVAS IND
JUKKAL-13 BANSWADA-14 YELLAREDDY-15 KAMAREDDY-16 NARAYANKHED-35
ANDOLE-36 ZAHIRABAD-38
S01-5-AP-ZAHIRABAD 1CHENGAL BAGANNA BJP
2MVISHNU MUDIRAJ BSP
3SYED YOUSUF ALI TRS
4SURESH KUMAR SHETKAR INC
5BENJAMIN RAJU IJP
6MALKAPURAM SHIVA KUMAR PRAP
7MALLESH RAVINDER REDDY LSP
8CHITTA RAJESHWAR RAO IND
9POWAR SINGH HATTI SINGH IND
10BASAVA RAJ PATIL IND
SIDDIPET-33 MEDAK-34 NARSAPUR-37 SANGAREDDY-39 PATANCHERU-40
DUBBAK-41 GAJWEL-42
S01-6-AP-MEDAK 1NARENDRANATH C INC
2P NIROOP REDDY BJP
3VIJAYA SHANTHI M TRS
4Y SHANKAR GOUD BSP
5KOVURI PRABHAKAR PPOI
6KHAJA QUAYUM ANWAR PRAP
7D YADESHWAR BSP(AP)
8K SUDHEER REDDY LSP
9KUNDETI RAVI IND
MEDCHAL-43 MALKAJGIRI-44 QUTHBULLAPUR-45 KUKATPALLY-46 UPPAL-47
LAL BAHADUR NAGAR-49 SECUNDERABAD CANTT.-71
S01-7-AP-MALKAJGIRI 1NALLU INDRASENA REDDY BJP
2MBABU RAO PADMA SALE BSP
3BHEEMSENT TDP
4SARVEY SATYANARAYANA INC
5SDKRISHNA MURTHY TPPP
6TDEVENDER GOUD PRAP
7NARENDER KUMBALA BPD
8PRATHANI RAMAKRISHNA RKSP
9LION C FRANCIS MJF SP
10N V RAMA REDDY PPOI
11DRLAVU RATHAIAH LSP
12KANTE KANAKAIAH GANGAPUTHRA IND
13KOYAL KAR BHOJARAJ IND
14CHENURU VENKATA SUBBA RAO IND
15JAJULA BHASKAR IND
16LTCOL RETD DUSERLA PAPARAIDU IND
17MDMANSOORALI IND
18SVICTOR IND
19KSRINIVASA RAJU IND
MUSHEERABAD-57 AMBERPET-59 KHAIRATABAD-60 JUBILEE HILLS-61 SANATH
NAGAR-62 NAMPALLI-63 SECUNDRABAD-70
S01-8-AP-SECUNDRABAD 1ANJAN KUMAR YADAV M INC
2BANDARU DATTATREYA BJP
3M D MAHMOOD ALI TRS
4M VENKATESH BSP
5SRINIVASA SUDHISH RAMBHOTLA TDP
6ABDUS SATTAR MUJAHED MUL
7IMDAD JAH ANC
8P DAMODER REDDY PPOI
9DR DASOJU SRAVAN KUMAR PRAP
10S DEVAIAH TPPP
11CVL NARASIMHA RAO LSP
12DR POLISHETTY RAM MOHAN SAP
13MOHD OSMAN QURESHEE AJBP
14SHIRAZ KHAN UWF
15ASEERVADAM LELLAPALLI IND
16AMBATI KRISHNA MURTHY IND
17B GOPALA KRISHNA IND
18DEVI DAS RAO GHODKE IND
19BABER ALI KHAN IND
20M BHAGYA MATHA IND
21CH MURAHARI IND
22G RAJAIAH IND
23K SRINIVASA CHARI IND
MALAKPET-58 KARWAN-64 GOSHAMAHAL-65 CHARMINAR-66
CHANDRAYANGUTTA-67 YAKUTPURA-68 BAHDURPURA-69
S01-9-AP-HYDERABAD 1ZAHID ALI KHAN TDP
2P LAXMAN RAO GOUD INC
3SATISH AGARWAL BJP
4SAMY MOHAMMED BSP
5ASADUDDIN OWAISI AIMIM
6S GOPAL SINGH ABJS
7TAHER KAMAL KHUNDMIRI JD(S)
8FATIMA A PRAP
9P VENKATESWARA RAO PPOI
10D SURENDER TPPP
11ALKASARY MOULLIM MOHSIN HUSSAIN IND
12ALTAF AHMED KHAN IND
13MA QUDDUS GHORI IND
14ZAHID ALI KHAN IND
15MA BASITH IND
16MD OSMAN IND
17B RAVI YADAV IND
18NL SRINIVAS IND
19MA SATTAR IND
20D SADANAND IND
21SYED ABDUL GAFFTER IND
22SARDAR SINGH IND
23MA HABEEB IND
MAHESHWARAM-50 RAJENDRANAGAR-51 SERILINGAMPALLY-52 CHEVELLA-53
PARGI-54 VICARADAB-55 TANDUR-56
S01-10-AP-CHELVELLA 1JAIPAL REDDY SUDINI INC
2APJITHENDER REDDY TDP
3BADDAM BAL REDDY BJP
4CSRINIVAS RAO BSP
5KASANI GNANESHWAR MANP
6KUMMARI GIRI PPOI
7DASARA SARALA DEVI MCPI(S)
8DRBRAGHUVEER REDDY LSP
9SAMA SRINIVASULU GRIP
10SMALLA REDDY IND
11GMALLESHAM GOUD IND
12RAMESHWARAM JANGAIAH IND
13LAXMINARAYANA IND
14VENKATRAM NAIK IND
15SAYAMOOLA NARSIMULU IND
KODANGAL-72 NARAYANPET-73 MAHBUBNAGAR-74 JADCHERLA-75
DEVARKADRA-76 MAKTHAL-77 SHADNAGAR-84
S01-11-AP-MAHBUBNAGAR 1KUCHAKULLA YADAGIRI REDDY BJP
2K CHANDRASEKHAR RAO TRS
3DEVARAKONDA VITTAL RAO INC
4PALEM SUDARSHAN GOUD BSP
5ABDUL KAREEM KHAJA MOHAMMAD LSP
6ASIRVADAM GRIP
7KOLLA VENKATESH MADIGA TPPP
8GUNDALA VIJAYALAKSHMI PPOI
9B BALRAJ GOUD MANP
10MUNISWAMYCR SJP(R)
11USHAN SATHYAMMA IND
12USAIN RANGAMMA IND
13YETTI CHINNA YENKAIAH IND
14YETTI LINGAIAH IND
15KANDUR KURMAIAH IND
16KARRE JANGAIAH IND
17GANGAPURI RAVINDAR GOUD IND
18GAJJA NARSIMULU IND
19CHENNAMSETTY DASHARATHA RAMULU HOLEA DASARI IND
20MA JABBAR IND
21DEPALLY MAISAIAH IND
22DEPALLY SAYANNA IND
23K NARSIMULU IND
24NAGENDER REDDY K IND
25PANDU IND
26BUDIGA JANGAM LAXMAMMA IND
27MOHAMMAD GHOUSE MOINUDDIN IND
28MALA JANGILAMMA IND
29RAJESH NAIK IND
30RAIKANTI RAMADAS MADIGA IND
31V VENKATESHWARLU IND
32B SEENAIAH GOUD IND
WANAPARTHY-78 GADWAL-79 ALAMPUR-80 NAGARKURNOOL-81 ACHAMPET-82
KALWAKURTHY-83 KOLLAPUR-85
S01-12-AP-NAGARKURNOOL 1GUVVALA BALARAJU TRS
2TANGIRALA PARAMJOTHI BSP
3DR MANDA JAGANNATH INC
4DR T RATNAKARA BJP
5DEVANI SATYANARAYANA PRAP
6SPFERRY ROY PPOI
7G VIDYASAGAR LSP
8ANAPOSALA VENKATESH IND
9N KURUMAIAH IND
10BUDDULA SRINIVAS IND
11AV SHIVA KUMAR IND
12SIRIGIRI MANNEM IND
13HANUMANTHU IND
DEVARAKONDA-86 NAGARJUNA SAGAR-87 MIRYALGUDA-88 HUZURNAGAR-89
KODAD-90 SURYAPET-91 NALGONDA-92
S01-13-AP-NALGONDA 1GUTHA SUKENDER REDDY INC
2NAZEERUDDIN BSP
3VEDIRE SRIRAM REDDY BJP
4SURAVARAM SUDHAKAR REDDY CPI
5A NAGESHWAR RAO PPOI
6PADURI KARUNA PRAP
7DAIDA LINGAIAH IND
8MD NAZEEMUDDIN IND
9BOLUSANI KRISHNAIAH IND
10BOLLA KARUNAKAR IND
11MARRY NEHEMIAH IND
12YALAGANDULA RAMU IND
13KVSRINIVASA CHARYULU IND
14SHAIK AHMED IND
IBRAHIMPATNAM-48 MUNUGODE-93 BHONGIR-94 NAKREKAL-95
THUNGATHURTHY-96 ALAIR-97 JANGOAN-98
S01-14-AP-BHONGIR 1KOMATIREDDY RAJ GOPAL REDDY INC
2CHINTHA SAMBA MURTHY BJP
3NOMULA NARSIMHAIAH CPM
4SIDDHARTHA PHOOLEY BSP
5CHANDRA MOULI GANDAM PRAP
6PALLA PRABHAKAR REDDY PPOI
7RACHA SUBHADRA REDDY LSP
8GUMMI BAKKA REDDY IND
9POOSA BALA KISHAN BESTA IND
10PERUKA ANJAIAH IND
11MAMIDIGALLA JOHN BABU IND
12MEDI NARSIMHA IND
13RUPANI RAMESH VADDERA IND
14SANGU MALLAYYA IND
15SIRUPANGI RAMULU IND
GHANPUR (STATION)-99 PALAKURTHI-100 PARKAL-104 WARANGAL WEST-105
WARANGAL EAST-106 WARDHANAPET-107 BHUPALPALLE-108
S01-15-AP-WARANGAL 1JAYAPAL V BJP
2DOMMATI SAMBAIAH TDP
3RAJAIAH SIRICILLA INC
4RAMAGALLA PARAMESHWAR TRS
5LALAIAH P BSP
6ONTELA MONDAIAH PPOI
7DR CHANDRAGIRI RAJAMOULY PRAP
8BALLEPU VENKAT NARSINGA RAO LSP
9KANNAM VENKANNA IND
10KRISHNADHI SRILATHA IND
11SOMAIAH GANAPURAM IND
12DAMERA MOGILI IND
13DUBASI NARSING IND
14PAKALA DEVADANAM IND
15D SREEDHAR RAO IND
DORNAKAL-101 MAHABUBABAD-102 NARSAMPET-103 MULUG-109
PINAPAKA-110 YELLANDU-111 BHADRACHELAM-119
S01-16-AP-MAHABUBABAD 1KUNJA SRINIVASA RAO CPI
2GUMMADI PULLAIAH BSP
3B DILIP BJP
4P BALRAM INC
5DT NAIK PRAP
6PODEM SAMMAIAH PPOI
7BANOTH MOLCHAND LSP
8KALTHI VEERASWAMY IND
9KECHELA RANGA REDDY IND
10DATLA NAGESWAR RAO IND
11PADIGA YERRAIAH IND
12P SATYANARAYANA IND
KHAMMAM-112 PALAIR-113 MADIRA-114 WYRA-115 SATHUPALLI-116
KOTHAGUDEM-117 ASWARAOPETA-118
S01-17-AP-KHAMMAM 1KAPILAVAI RAVINDER BJP
2THONDAPU VENKATESWARA RAO BSP
3NAMA NAGESWARA RAO TDP
4RENUKA CHOWDHURY INC
5JALAGAM HEMAMALINI PRAP
6JUPELLI SATYANARAYANA LSP
7MANUKONDA RAGHURAM PRASAD PPOI
8SHAIK MADAR SAHEB TPPP
9AVULA VENKATESWARLU IND
10CHANDA LINGAIAH IND
11DANDA LINGAIAH IND
12BANOTH LAXMA NAIK IND
13MALLAVARAPU JEREMIAH IND
PALAKONDA-129 KURUPAM-130 PARVATHIPURAM-131 SALUR-132 ARAKU
VALLEY-147 PADERU-148 RAMPACHODAVARAM-172
S01-18-AP-ARUKU 1KISHORE CHANDRA SURYANARAYANA DEO VYRICHERLA INC
2KURUSA BOJJAIAH BJP
3GADUGU BALLAYYA DORA RJD
4MIDIYAM BABU RAO CPM
5LAKE RAJA RAO BSP
6MEENAKA SIMHACHALAM PRAP
7VADIGALA PENTAYYA LSP
8APPA RAO KINJEDI IND
9ARIKA GUMPA SWAMY IND
10ILLA RAMI REDDY IND
11JAYALAKSHMI SHAMBUDU IND
ICHCHAPURAM-120 PALASA-121 TEKKALI-122 PATHAPATNAM-123
SRIKAKULAM-124 AMADALAVALASA-125 NARASANNAPETA-127
S01-19-AP-SRIKAKULAM 1YERRNNAIDU KINJARAPU TDP
2KILLI KRUPA RANI INC
3TANKALA SUDHAKARA RAO BSP
4DUPPALA RAVINDARA BABU BJP
5KALYANI VARUDU PRAP
6NANDA PRASADA RAO PPOI
ETCHERLA-126 RAJAM-128 BOBBILI-133 CHEEPURUPALLE-134
GAJAPATHINAGARAM-135 NELLIMARLA-136 VIZIANAGARAM-137
S01-20-AP-VIZIANAGARAM 1APPALA NAIDU KONDAPALLI TDP
2GOTTAPU CHINAMNAIDU BSP
3JHANSI LAXMI BOTCHA INC
4SANYASI RAJU PAKALAPATI BJP
5KIMIDI GANAPATHI RAO PRAP
6LUNKARAN JAIN PPOI
7DATTLA SATYA APPALA SIVANANDA RAJU LSP
8VENKATA SATYA NARAYANA RAGHUMANDA BSSP
9MAHESWARA RAO VARRI IND
SRUNGAVARAPUKOTA-138 BHIMLI-139 VISAKHAPATNAM EAST-140
VISAKHAPATNAM SOUTH-141 VISAKHAPATNAM NORTH-142 VISAKHAPATNAM
WEST-143 GAJUWAKA-144
S01-21-AP-VISAKHAPATNAM 1IMAHMED BSP
2DAGGUBATI PURANDESWARI INC
3DRMVVSMURTHI TDP
4DVSUBBARAO BJP
5PALLA SRINIVASA RAO PRAP
6BETHALA KEGIYA RANI BSP(AP)
7DBHARATHI PPOI
8DVRAMANA VASU MASTER TPPP
9RAMESH LANKA BHSASP
10MTVENKATESWARALU LSP
11APPARAO GOLAGANA IND
12BANDAM VENKATA RAO YADAV IND
13YADDANAPUDI RANGARAO IND
14YALAMANCHILI PRASAD IND
15RANGARAJU KALIDINDI IND
CHODAVARAM-145 MADUGULA-146 ANAKAPALLE-149 PENDURTHI-150
ELAMANCHILI-151 PAYAKARAOPET-152 NARSIPATNAM-153
S01-22-AP-ANAKAPALLI 1APPA RAO KIRLA BJP
2NOOKARAPU SURYA PRAKASA RAO TDP
3BHEEMISETTI NAGESWARARAO RJD
4VENKATA RAMANA BABU PILLA BSP
5SABBAM HARI INC
6ALLU ARAVIND PRAP
7PULAMARASETTI VENKATA RAMANA PPOI
8BOYINA NAGESWARA RAO JD(U)
9NANDA GOPAL GANDHAM IND
10PATHALA SATYA RAO IND
TUNI-154 PRATHIPADU-155 PITHAPURAM-156 KAKINADA RURAL-157
PEDDAPURAM-158 KAKINADA CITY-160 JAGGAMPETA-171
S01-23-AP-KAKINADA 1DOMMETI SUDHAKAR BSP
2MMPALLAMRAJU INC
3BIKKINA VISWESWARA RAO BJP
4VASAMSETTY SATYA TDP
5ALURI VIJAYA LAKSHMI LSP
6UDAYA KUMAR KONDEPUDI TPPP
7GALI SATYAVATHI RPI
8GIDLA SIMHACHALAM RDMP
9CHALAMALASETTY SUNIL PRAP
10NAMALA SATYANARAYANA RDHP
11NPALLAMRAJU AJBP
12BUGATHA BANGARRAO CPI(ML)(L)
13AKAY SURYANARAYANA IND
14CHAGANTI SURYA NARAYANA MURTHY IND
15DANAM LAZAR BABU IND
16BADAMPUDI BABURAO IND
RAMACHANDRAPURAM-161 MUMMIDIVARAM-162 AMALAPURAM-163 RAZOLE-164
GANNAVARAM-165 KOTHAPETA-166 MANDAPETA-167
S01-24-AP-AMALAPURAM 1KOMMABATTULA UMA MAHESWARA RAO BJP
2GEDDAM SAMPADA RAO BSP
3DOCTOR GEDELA VARALAKSHMI TDP
4GVHARSHA KUMAR INC
5AKUMARTHI SURYANARAYANA TPPP
6KIRAN KUMAR BINEPE PBHP
7PVCHAKRAVARTHI RPI(KH)
8POTHULA PRAMEELA DEVI PRAP
9BHEEMARAO RAMJI MUTHABATHULA PPOI
10MASA RAMADASU RDMP
11YALANGI RAMESH IND
ANAPARTHY-159 RAJANAGARAM-168 RAJAHMUNDRY CITY-169 RAJAMUNDRY
RURAL-170 KOVVUR-173 NIDADAVOLE-174 GOPALAPURAM-185
S01-25-AP-RAJAHMUNDRY 1ARUNA KUMAR VUNDAVALLI INC
2M MURALI MOHAN TDP
3VAJRAPU KOTESWARA RAO BSP
4SOMU VEERRAJU BJP
5UPPALAPATI VENKATA KRISHNAM RAJU PRAP
6DATLA RAYA JAGAPATHI RAJU PPOI
7DR PALADUGU CHANDRA MOULI LSP
8MEDAPATI PAPIREDDY TPPP
9MEDA SRINIVAS RPC(S)
10PARAMATA GANESWARA RAO IND
11MUSHINI RAMAKRISHNA RAO IND
12VASAMSETTY NAGESWARA RAO IND
13SANABOINA SUBHALAKSHMI IND
ACHANTA-175 PALACOLE-176 NARASAPURAM-177 BHIMAVARAM-178 UNDI-179
TANUKU-180 TADEPALLIGUDEM-181
S01-26-AP-NARSAPURAM 1KALIDINDI VISWANADHA RAJU BSP
2THOTA SITA RAMA LAKSHMI TDP
3BAPIRAJU KANUMURU INC
4BHUPATHIRAJU SRINIVASA VARMA BJP
5ALLURI YUGANDHARA RAJU PPOI
6GUBBALA TAMMAIAH PRAP
7NAVUNDRU RAJENDRA PRASAD BHSASP
8M V R RAJU RDMP
9MANORAMA SANKU LSP
10KALIDINDI BHIMARAJU IND
UNGUTURU-182 DENDULURU-183 ELURU-184 POLAVARAM-186
CHINTALAPUDI-187 NUZVID-189 KAIKALUR-192
S01-27-AP-ELURU 1KAVURI SAMBASIVA RAO INC
2KODURI VENKATA SUBBA RAJU BJP
3PILLELLLI SUNIL BSP
4MAGANTI VENKATESWARA RAOBABU TDP
5YVSV PRASADA RAO YERNENI PRASADA RAO PPOI
6KOLUSU PEDA REDDAIAH YADAV PRAP
7SAVANAPUDI NAGARAJU MCPI(S)
8SIRIKI SRINIVAS RDMP
9KASI NAIDU KAMMILI IND
10TANUKU SEKHAR IND
11DODDA KAMESWARA RAO IND
12DOWLURI GOVARDHAN IND
GANNAVARAM-190 GUDIVADA-191 PEDANA-193 MACHILIPATNAM-194
AVANIGADDA-195 PAMARRU-196 PENAMALURU-197
S01-28-AP-MACHILIPATNAM 1KONAKALLA NARAYANA RAO TDP
2CHIGURUPATI RAMALINGESWARA RAO BSP
3BADIGA RAMAKRISHNA INC
4BHOGADI RAMA DEVI BJP
5KOPPULA VENKATESWARA RAO LSP
6CHENNAMSETTI RAMACHANDRAIAH PRAP
7YARLAGADDA RAMAMOHANA RAO BHSASP
8VARA LAKSHMI KONERU PPOI
9GV NAGESWARA RAO IND
10YENDURI SUBRAMANYESWA RAO MANI IND
TIRUVURU-188 VIJAYWADA WEST-198 VIJAYAWADA CENTRAL-199 VIJAYAWADA
EAST-200 MYLAVARAM-201 NANDIGAMA-202 JAGGAYYAPETA-203
S01-29-AP-VIJAYAWADA 1LAGADAPATI RAJA GOPAL INC
2LAKA VENGALA RAO BJP
3VAMSI MOHAN VALLABHANENI TDP
4SISTLA NARASIMHA MURTHY BSP
5DEVINENI KISHORE KUMAR LSP
6RAGHAVA RAO JAKKA PPOI
7RAJIV CHANUMOLU PRAP
8APPIKATLA JAWAHAR IND
9KRISHNA MURTHY SUNKARA IND
10JAKKA TARAKA MALLIKHARJUNA RAO IND
11DEVERASETTY RAVINDRA BABU IND
12DEVIREDDY RAVINDRANATHA REDDY IND
13PERUPOGU VENKATESWARA RAO IND
14BAIPUDI NAGESWARA RAO IND
15BOPPA VENKATESWARA RAO IND
16BOLISETTY HARIBABU IND
17VEERLA SANJEEVA RAO IND
18VENKATA RAO P IND
19SENAPATHI CHIRANJEEVI IND
20SHAIK MASTAN IND
TADIKONDA-205 MANGALAGIRI-206 PONNUR-207 TENALI-210
PRATHIPADU-212 GUNTUR WEST-213 GUNTUR EAST-214
S01-30-AP-GUNTUR 1MALLELA BABU RAO BSP
2RAJENDRA MADALA TDP
3YADLAPATI SWARUPARANI BJP
4SAMBASIVA RAO RAYAPATI INC
5AMANULLA KHAN LSP
6KOMMANABOINA LAKSHMAIAH RDHP
7THOTA CHANDRA SEKHAR PRAP
8YARRAKULA TULASI RAM YADAV SP
9VELAGAPUDI LAKSHMANA RAO PPOI
10SRINIVASA RAO THOTAKURA AJBP
PEDAKURAPADU-204 CHILAKALURIPET-215 NARASARAOPET-216
SATTENPALLI-217 VINUKONDA-218 GURUZALA-219 MACHERLA-220
S01-31-AP-NARASARAOPET 1BALASHOWRY VALLABHANENI INC
2BEJJAM RATNAKARA RAO BSP
3VENUGOPALA REDDY MODUGULA TDP
4VALLEPU KRUPA RAO BJP
5SAI PRASAD EDARA BHSASP
6GANUGAPENTA UTTAMA REDDY LSP
7SHAIK SYED SAHEB PRAP
8SG MASTAN VALI PPOI
9ATCHALA NARASIMHA RAO IND
10ANNAMRAJU VENUGOPALA MADHAVA RAO IND
11KATAMARAJU NALAGORLA IND
12SRINIVASA REDDY KESARI IND
13YAMPATI VEERANJANEYA REDDY IND
14RAMADUGU VENKATA SUBBA RAO IND
VEMURU-208 REPALLE-209 BAPATLA-211 PARCHUR-223 ADDANKI-224
CHIRALA-225 SANTHANUTHALAPADU-226
S01-32-AP-BAPATLA 1DARA SAMBAIAH BSP
2PANABAKA LAKSHMI INC
3BATTULA ROSAYYA BJP
4MALYADRI SRIRAM TDP
5GARIKAPATI SUDHAKAR RDMP
6NUTHAKKI RAMA RAO PRAP
7GUDIPALLI SATHYA BABUJI IND
8GORREMUCHU CHINNA RAO IND
9GOLLA BABU RAO IND
10DEVARAPALLI BUJJI BABU IND
YERRAGONDAPALEM-221 DARSI-222 ONGOLE-227 KONDAPI-229
MARKAPURAM-230 GIDDALUR-231 KANIGIRI-232
S01-33-AP-ONGOLE 1MANDAVA VASUDEVA BJP
2MADDULURI MALAKONDAIAH YADAV TDP
3MAGUNTA SRINIVASULU REDDY INC
4CHALUVADI SRINIVASARAO PPOI
5DRNARAYANAM RADHA DEVI LSP
6PIDATHALA SAI KALPANA PRAP
7SHAIK SHAJAHAN UWF
8GARRE RAMAKRISHNA IND
9DAMA MOHANA RAO IND
10NALAMALAPU LAKSHMINARASAREDDY IND
11YATHAPU KONDAREDDY IND
ALLAGADDA-253 SRISAILAM-254 NANDIKOTKUR-255 PANYAM-257
NANDYAL-258 BANAGANAPALLE-259 DHONE-260
S01-34-AP-NANDYAL 1NASYAM MOHAMMED FAROOK TDP
2SMOHAMMED ISMAIL BSP
3SPYREDDY INC
4ABDUL SATTAR G BCUF
5PICHHIKE NARENDRA DEV RKSP
6BHUMA VENKATA NAGI REDDY PRAP
7RAMA JAGANNADHA REDDY TAMIDELA LSP
8SADHU VEERA VENKATA RAMANAIAH RDMP
9AMBATI RAMESWARA REDDY IND
10KARTHER PANCHARATNAM IND
11BPKAMBAGIRI SWAMY IND
12GALI RAMA SUBBA REDDY IND
13AUFAROOQ IND
14GBALASWAMY IND
15TMAHESH NAIDU IND
16BVRAMI REDDY IND
17BRLREDDY IND
18VENNUPUSA VENKATESHWARA REDDY IND
19SINGAM VENKATESHWARA REDDY IND
20TSRINUVASULU IND
21VSESHI REDDY IND
KURNOOL-256 PATTIKONDA-261 KODUMUR-262 YEMMIGANUR-263
MANTRALAYAM-264 ADONI-265 ALUR-266
S01-35-AP-KURNOOL 1KOTLA JAYA SURYA PRAKASH REDDY INC
2GADDAM RAMAKRISHNA BSP
3BTNAIDU TDP
4RAVI SUBRAMANYAM KA BJP
5JALLI VENKATESH LSP
6DRDANDIYA KHAJA PEERA PRAP
7BNAGA JAYA CHANDRA REDDY RDMP
8DRPRPARAMESWAR REDDY PPOI
9DEVI RAMALINGAPPA IND
10VV RAMANA IND
11RAJU IND
RAYADURG-267 URAVAKONDA-268 GUNTAKAL-269 TADPATRI-270
SINGANAMALA-271 ANANTAPUR URBAN-272 KALYANDURG-273
S01-36-AP-ANANTAPUR 1ANANTHA VENKATA RAMI REDDY INC
2AMBATI RAMA KRISHNA REDDY BJP
3KALAVA SRINIVASULU TDP
4GADDALA NAGABHUSHANAM BSP
5AMARNATH LSP
6KRUSHNAPURAM GAYATHRI DEVI CPI(ML)(L)
7MANSOOR PRAP
8G HARI PPOI
9T CHANDRA SEKHAR IND
10DEVELLA MURALI IND
11K P NARAYANA SWAMY IND
12J C RAMANUJULA REDDY IND
RAPTADU-274 MADAKASIRA-275 HINDUPUR-276 PENUKONDA-277
PUTTAPARTHI-278 DHARMAVARAM-279 KADIRI-280
S01-37-AP-HINDUPUR 1KRISTAPPA NIMMALA TDP
2P KHASIM KHAN INC
3NARESH CINE ACTOR BJP
4BSPSREERAMULU BSP
5KADAPALA SREEKANTA REDDY PRAP
6NIRANJAN BABU K LSP
7S MUSKIN VALI PPOI
8K JAKEER IND
9B NAGABHUSHANA RAO IND
10P PRASAD PEETLA PRASAD IND
BADVEL-243 KADAPA-245 PULIVENDLA-248 KAMALAPURAM-249
JAMMALAMADUGU-250 PRODDATUR-251 MYDUKUR-252
S01-38-AP-KADAPA 1JAMBAPURAM MUNI REDDY BSP
2YS JAGAN MOHAN REDDY INC
3PALEM SRIKANTH REDDY TDP
4VANGALA SHASHI BHUSHAN REDDY BJP
5KASIBHATLA SAINATH SARMA RDHP
6N KISHORE KUMAR REDDY JD(S)
7KUNCHAM VENKATA SUBBA REDDY RRS
8DR KHALEEL BASHA PRAP
9GAJJALA RAMA SUBBA REDDY PPOI
10GUDIPATI PRASANNA KUMAR LSP
11C GOPI NARASIMHA REDDY JD(U)
12CHINNAPA REDDY KOMMA BJSH
13Y SEKHARA REDDY RPI(A)
14S ALI SHER IND
15THIMMAPPAGARI VENKATA SIVA REDDY IND
16V NARENDRA IND
17S RAJA MADIGA IND
18YELLIPALAM RAMESH REDDY IND
19SIVANARAYANA REDDY CHADIPIRALLA IND
20J SUBBARAYUDU IND
KANDUKUR-228 KAVALI-233 ATMAKUR-234 KOVUR-235 NELLORE CITY-236
NELLORE RURAL-237 UDAYAGIRI-242
S01-39-AP-NELLORE 1S PADMA NAGESWARA RAO BSP
2BATHINA NARASIMHA RAO BJP
3MEKAPATI RAJAMOHAN REDDY INC
4VANTERU VENU GOPALA REDDY TDP
5JANA RAMACHANDRAIAH PRAP
6VEMURI BHASKARA RAO LSP
7SIDDIRAJU SATYANARAYANA PPOI
8KARIMULLA IND
9MUCHAKALA CHANDRA SEKHAR YADAV IND
10VENKATA BHASKAR REDDY DIRISALA IND
11SYED HAMZA HUSSAINY IND
SARVEPALLI-238 GUDUR-239 SULLURPETA-240 VENKATAGIRI-241
TIRUPATI-286 SRIKALAHASTI-287 SATYAVEEDU-288
S01-40-AP-TIRUPATI 1CHINTA MOHAN INC
2VARLA RAMAIAH TDP
3NVENKATASWAMY BJP
4JUVVIGUNTA VENKATESWARLU LSP
5DEGALA SURYANARAYANA PPOI
6DHANASEKHAR GUNDLURU RPI(A)
7VARAPRASADA RAO V PRAP
8OREPALLI VENKATA KRISHNA PRASAD IND
9KATTAMANCHI PRABAKHAR IND
10YALAVADI MUNIKRISHNAIAH IND
RAJAMPET-244 KODUR-246 RAYACHOTI-247 THAMBALLAPALLE-281
PILERU-282 MADANAPALLE-283 PUNGANUR-284
S01-41-AP-RAJAMPET 1ANNAYYAGARI SAI PRATHAP INC
2ALLAPUREDDY HARINATHA REDDY BJP
3RAMESH KUMAR REDDY REDDAPPAGARI TDP
4SUNKARA SREENIVAS BSP
5DR ARAVA VENKATA SUBBA REDDY MBBSDCH PPOI
6ADI NARAYANA REDDY V BHSASP
7NAGESWARA RAO EDAGOTTU LSP
8DA SRINIVAS PRAP
9SHAIK AMEEN PEERAN ANC
10ASADI VENKATADRI IND
11INDRA PRAKASH IND
12KASTHURI OBAIAH NAIDU IND
13B KRISHNAPPA IND
14PULA RAGHU IND
15HAJI MOHAMMAD AZAM IND
CHANDRAGIRI-285 NAGARI-289 GANGADHARA NELLORE-290 CHITTOOR-291
PUTHALAPATTU-292 PALAMANER-293 KUPPAM-294
S01-42-AP-CHITTOOR 1JAYARAM DUGGANI BSP
2THIPPESWAMY M INC
3NARAMALLI SIVAPRASAD TDP
4BSIVAKUMAR BJP
5A AMARNADH RKSP
6TALARI MANOHAR PRAP
7G VENKATACHALAM LSP
LUMLA-1 TAWANG-2 MUKTO-3 DIRANG-4 KALAKTANG-5
THRIZINO-BURAGAON-6 BOMDILA-7 BAMENG-8 CHAYANG TAJO-9 SEPPA EAST-10
S02-1-AR-ARUNACHAL WEST 1KIREN RIJIJU BJP
2TAKAM SANJOY INC
3TABA TAKU LB
4SUBU KECHI IND
TUTING YINGKIONG-34 PANGIN-35 NARI-KOYU-36 PASIGHAT WEST-37
PASIGHAT EAST-38 MEBO-39 MARIYANG-GEKU-40 ANINI-41 DAMBUK-42 ROING-43
S02-2-AR-ARUNACHAL EAST 1LOWANGCHA WANGLAT AC
2NINONG ERING INC
3TAPIR GAO BJP
4DR SAMSON BORANG PPA
RATABARI-1 PATHERKANDI-2 KARIMGANJ NORTH-3 KARIMGANJ SOUTH-4
BADARPUR-5 HAILAKANDI-6 KATLICHERRA-7 ALGAPUR-8
S03-1-AS-KARIMGANJ 1RAJESH MALLAH AUDF
2LALIT MOHAN SUKLABAIDYA INC
3SUDHANGSHU DAS BJP
4UTTAM NOMOSUDRA IND
5JOY DAS IND
6DEBASISH DAS IND
7PROBHASH CH SARKAR IND
8BIJON ROY IND
9BIJOY MALAKAR IND
10MALATI ROY IND
11MILON SINGHA IND
12RANJAN NAMASUDRA IND
13RAJESH CHANDRA ROY IND
14SITAL PRASAD DUSAD IND
15HIMANGSHU KUMAR DAS IND
SILCHAR-9 SONAI-10 DHOLAI-11 UDHARBOND-12 LAKHIPUR-13
BORKHOLA-14 KATIGORAH-15
S03-2-AS-SILCHAR 1KABINDRA PURKAYASTHA BJP
2DIPAK BHATTACHARJEE CPM
3BADRUDDIN AJMAL AUDF
4SONTOSH MOHAN DEV INC
5KANTIMOY DEB IND
6CHANDAN RABIDAS IND
7JAYANTA MALLICK IND
8JOY SUNDAR DAS IND
9NAGENDRA CHANDRA DAS IND
10NAZRUL HAQUE MAZARBHUIYAN IND
11NABADWIP DAS IND
12PIJUSH KANTI DAS IND
13MANISH BHATTACHARJEE IND
14YOGENDRA KUMAR SINGH IND
15SUBIR DEB IND
16SUMIT ROY IND
HAFLONG-16 BOKAJAN-17 HOWRAGHAT-18 DIPHU-19 BAITHALANGSO-20
S03-3-AS-AUTONOMOUS DISTRICT 1KULENDRA DAULAGUPU BJP
2BIREN SINGH ENGTI INC
3HIDDHINATH RONGPI NCP
4ELWIN TERON ASDC
5DR JAYANTA RONGPI CPI(ML)(L)
6KABON TIMUNGPI IND
MANKACHAR-21 SALMARA SOUTH-22 DHUBRI-23 GAURIPUR-24 GOLOKGANJ-25
BILASIPARA WEST-26 BILASIPARA EAST-27 GOALPARA EAST-37 GOALPARA
WEST-38 JALESWAR-39
S03-4-AS-DHUBRI 1ANWAR HUSSAIN INC
2BADRUDDIN AJMAL AUDF
3ARUN DAS RWS
4ALOK SEN SP
5SOLEMAN ALI IND
6SHAHJAHAN ALI IND
7SOLEMAN KHANDAKER IND
8TRIPTI KANA MAZUMDAR CHOUDHURY IND
9NUR MAHAMMAD IND
10MINHAR ALI MANDAL IND
GOSSAIGAON-28 KOKRAJHAR WEST-29 KOKRAJHAR EAST-30 SIDLI-31
BIJNI-33 SORBHOG-40 BHABANIPUR-41 TAMULPUR-58 BARAMA-62 CHAPAGURI-63
S03-5-AS-KOKRAJHAR 1SABDA RAM RABHA AGP
2SANSUMA KHUNGGUR BWISWMUTHIARY BOPF
3URKHAO GWRA BRAHMA IND
BONGAIGAON-32 ABHAYAPURI NORTH-34 ABHAYAPURI SOUTH-35
PATACHARKUCHI-42 BARPETA-43 JANIA-44 BAGHBAR-45 SARUKHETRI-46
CHENGA-47 DHARMAPUR-61
S03-6-AS-BARPETA 1ABDUS SAMAD AHMED AUDF
2MD AMIR ALI RJD
3ISMAIL HUSSAIN INC
4DURGESWAR DEKA CPM
5BHUPEN RAY AGP
6ABU CHAND MAHMMAD RPI(A)
7ABDUL KADDUS SP
8KANDARPA LAHKAR RVNP
9MD DILIR KHAN MUL
10MUIJ UDDIN MAHMUD LJP
11ABDUL KADER IND
12GOLAP HUSSAIN MAZUMDER IND
13DEWAN JOYNAL ABEDIN IND
14BHADRESWAR DAS IND
DUDHNOI-36 BOKO-48 CHHAYGAON-49 PALASBARI-50 JALUKBARI-51
DISPUR-52 GAUHATI EAST-53 GAUHATI WEST-54 HAJO-55 BARKHETRI-60
S03-7-AS-GAUHATI 1AKSHAY RAJKHOWA NCP
2BIJOYA CHAKRAVARTY BJP
3CAPT ROBIN BORDOLOI INC
4SONABOR ALI AUDF
5AMBU BORA RCPI(R)
6DEEPAK KALITA SP
7SHIMANTA BRAHMA RWS
8AMIT BARUA IND
9KAZI NEKIB AHMED IND
10DEVA KANTA RAMCHIARY IND
11BRIJESH ROY IND
12RINA GAYARY DAS IND
KAMALPUR-56 RANGIA-57 NALBARI-59 PANERY-64 KALAIGAON-65
SIPAJHAR-66 MANGALDOI-67 DALGAON-68 UDALGURI-69 MAZBAT-70
S03-8-AS-MANGALDOI 1BADIUJ ZAMAL AUDF
2MADHAB RAJBANGSHI INC
3RAMEN DEKA BJP
4DINA NATH DAS BOPF
5PARVEEN SULTANA AIMF
6RABINDRA NATH HAZARIKA JMM
7RATUL KUMAR CHOUDHURY SP
8LANKESWAR ACHARJYA RDMP
9LUCYMAI BASUMATARI RSPS
10AROON BAROOA IND
11PRODEEP KUMAR DAIMARY IND
12BHUPENDRA NATH KAKATI IND
13MANOJ KUMAR DEKA IND
DHEKIAJULI-71 BARCHALLA-72 TEZPUR-73 RANGAPARA-74 SOOTEA-75
BISWANATH-76 BEHALI-77 GOHPUR-78 BIHPURIA-109
S03-9-AS-TEZPUR 1JITEN SUNDI CPM
2DEBA ORANG AUDF
3MONI KUMAR SUBBA INC
4JOSEPH TOPPO AGP
5ARUN KUMAR MURMOO BVM
6PARASHMONI SINHA JMM
7JUGANANDA HAZARIKA SP
8RUBUL SARMA CPI(ML)(L)
9REGINOLD V JOHNSON RSPS
10KALYAN KUMAR DEORI BHARALI IND
11DANIEL DAVID JESUDAS IND
12MD NAZIR AHMED IND
13DR PRANAB KR DAS IND
14PRASANTA BORO IND
15RUDRA PARAJULI IND
JAGIROAD-79 MORIGAON-80 LAHARIGHAT-81 RAHA-82 NAGAON-86
BARHAMPUR-87 JAMUNAMUKH-90 HOJAI-91 LUMDING-92
S03-10-AS-NOWGONG 1ANIL RAJA INC
2RAJEN GOHAIN BJP
3SIRAJ UDDIN AJMAL AUDF
4PHEIROIJAM IBOMCHA SINGH AIFB
5BIPIN SAIKIA RDMP
6BIREN DAS RWS
7BHUPEN CHANDRA MUDOI RPI(A)
8LIAQAT HUSSAIN LJP
9ASHIT DUTTA IND
10NAZRUL HAQUE MAZARBHUIYAN IND
11PUSPA KANTA BORA IND
12BIMALA PRASAD TALUKDAR IND
13HERAMBA MOHAN PANDIT IND
DHING-83 BATADRABA-84 RUPAHIHAT-85 SAMAGURI-88 KALIABOR-89
BOKAKHAT-93 SARUPATHAR-94 GOLAGHAT-95 KHUMTAI-96 DERGAON-97
S03-11-AS-KALIABOR 1GUNIN HAZARIKA AGP
2DIP GOGOI INC
3SIRAJ UDDIN AJMAL AUDF
4KAMAL HAZARIKA IND
5PAUL NAYAK IND
6PRADEEP DUTTA IND
7BINOD GOGOI IND
8MRIDUL BARUAH IND
JORHAT-98 TITABAR-100 MARIANI-101 TEOK-102 AMGURI-103
NAZIRA-104 MAHMORA-105 SONARI-106 THOWRA-107 SIVASAGAR-108
S03-12-AS-JORHAT 1KAMAKHYA TASA BJP
2DRUPAD BORGOHAIN CPI
3BIJOY KRISHNA HANDIQUE INC
4ABINASH KISHORE BORAH RWS
5BIREN NANDA JMM
6NAVAPROKASH SONOWAL IND
7RAJ KUMAR DOWARAH IND
8SUJIT SAHU IND
MORAN-115 DIBRUGARH-116 LAHOWAL-117 DULIJAN-118 TINGKHONG-119
NAHARKATIA-120 TINSUKIA-122 DIGBOI-123 MARGHERITA-124
S03-13-AS-DIBRUGARH 1SRI PABAN SINGH GHATOWAR INC
2SRI ROMEN CH BORTHAKUR NCP
3SRI RATUL GOGOI CPI
4SRI SARBANANDA SONOWAL AGP
5SRI GONGARAM KAUL CPI(ML)(L)
6NIHARIKA BORPATRA GOHAIN GOGOI JMM
7IMTIAZ HUSSAIN IND
8FRANCIS DHAN IND
9LAKHI CHARAN SWANSI IND
10SIMA GHOSH IND
MAJULI-99 NAOBOICHA-110 LAKHIMPUR-111 DHAKUAKHANA-112
DHEMAJI-113 JONAI-114 CHABUA-121 DOOMDOOMA-125 SADIYA-126
S03-14-AS-LAKHIMPUR 1DR ARUN KR SARMA AGP
2BHOGESWAR DUTTA CPI
3RANEE NARAH INC
4GANGADHAR DUTTA SHS
5DEBNATH MAJHI CPI(ML)(L)
6PRAN JYOTI BORPATRA GOHAIN RWS
7MINU BURAGOHAIN SP
8RATNESWAR GOGOI AIFB
9LALIT MILI RDMP
10SONAMONI DAS LJP
11ASAP SUNDIGURIA IND
12PRASHANTA GOGOI IND
13BHUMIDHAR HAZARIKA IND
14RANOJ PEGU IND
15RABIN DEKA IND
VALMIKI NAGAR-1 RAMNAGAR-2 NARKATIAGANJ-3 BAGAHA-4 LAURIYA-5
SIKTA-9
S04-1-BR-VALMIKI NAGAR 1DILIP VERMA NCP
2BAIDYANATH PRASAD MAHTO JD(U)
3MANAN MISHRA BSP
4MOHAMMAD SHAMIM AKHTAR INC
5RAGHUNATH JHA RJD
6BIRENDRA PRASAD GUPTA CPI(ML)(L)
7SHAILENDRA KUMAR GARHWAL LTSD
8AMBIKA SINGH IND
9UMESH IND
10DEORAJ RAM IND
11FAKHRUDDIN IND
12MAGISTER YADAV IND
13MANOHAR MANOJ IND
14RAMASHANKAR PRASAD IND
15RAKESH KUMAR PANDEY IND
16SATYANARAIN YADAV IND
NAUTAN-6 CHANPATIA-7 BETTIAH-8 RAXAUL-10 SUGAULI-11 NARKATIA-12
S04-2-BR-PASCHIM CHAMPARAN 1ANIRUDH PRASAD ALIAS SADHU YADAV INC
2PRAKASH JHA LJP
3RAMASHRAY SINGH CPM
4SHAMBHU PRASAD GUPTA BSP
5DR SANJAY JAISWAL BJP
6FAIYAZUL AZAM JD(S)
7MANOJ KUMAR RDMP
8SYED SHAMIM AKHTAR LTSD
9NAFIS AHAMAD IND
10SHRIMAN MISHRA IND
11SYED IRSHAD AKHTER IND
HARSIDHI-13 GOVINDGANJ-14 KESARIA-15 KALYANPUR-16 PIPRA-17
MOTIHARI-19
S04-3-BR-PURVI CHAMPARAN 1AKHILESH PRASAD SINGH RJD
2ARVIND KUMAR GUPTA INC
3GAGANDEO YADAV BSP
4RADHA MOHAN SINGH BJP
5RAMCHANDRA PRASAD CPI
6UMESH KUMAR SINGH SJP(R)
7NAGENDRA SAHANI LTSD
8SURESH KUMAR RAJAK IJP
9SURESH KUMAR RAI BJKVP
10JHAGARU MAHATO IND
11PARASNATHPANDEY IND
12MD MURTUJA ANSARI ALIAS DR LAL IND
MADHUBAN-18 CHIRAIA-20 DHAKA-21 SHEOHAR-22 RIGA-23 BELSAND-30
S04-4-BR-SHEOHAR 1MD ANWARUL HAQUE BSP
2MD TANVEER ZAFAR CPI
3RAMA DEVI BJP
4LOVELY ANAND INC
5SITARAM SINGH RJD
6ARUN SAH BLPGL
7BASDEO SAH IJP
8SHATRUGHNA SAHU BJJD
9AJAY KUMAR PANDEY IND
10CHANDRIKA PRASAD IND
11MOHAMMAD FIROZ AHAMAD IND
12MOHSIN IND
13YOGENDRA RAM IND
14RAM ASHISH MAHTO IND
15SUNIL SINGH IND
BATHNAHA-24 PARIHAR-25 SURSAND-26 BAJPATTI-27 SITAMARHI-28
RUNISAIDPUR-29
S04-5-BR-SITAMARHI 1ARJUN ROY JD(U)
2MAYA SHANKAR SHARAN BSP
3SAMIR KUMAR MAHASETH INC
4SITARAM YADAV RJD
5S ABU DAUJANA LTSD
6CHITARANJAN GIRI RPP
7MOHAMMAD AFZAL PAINTHER ANC
8SHANKAR SINHA RSP
9CHANDRIKA PRASAD IND
10ZAHID IND
11DINESH PRASAD IND
12PAPPU KUMAR MISHRA IND
13MUKESH KUMAR GUPTA IND
14RAVINDRA KUMAR IND
15RAM KISHORE PRASAD IND
16SONE LAL SAH IND
HARLAKHI-31 BENIPATTI-32 BISFI-35 MADHUBANI-36 KEOTI-86 JALE-87
S04-6-BR-MADHUBANI 1ABDULBARI SIDDIKI RJD
2LAXMANKANT MISHRA BSP
3DR SHAKEEL AHAMAD INC
4HUKM DEO NARAYAN YADAV BJP
5DR HEMCHANDRA JHA CPI
6MINTU KUMAR SINGH JGP
7MISHRI LAL YADAV RKJP
8RAMCHANDRA YADAV KSVP
9RAM SAGAR SAHANI IJP
10MD ZINNUR IND
11RAVINDRA THAKUR IND
12RAJESHWAR YADAV IND
13SANJAY KUMAR MAHTO IND
14HARIBHUSHAN THAKUR BACHOL IND
KHAJAULI-33 BABUBARHI-34 RAJNAGAR-37 JHANJHARPUR-38 PHULPARAS-39
LAUKAHA-40
S04-7-BR-JHANJHARPUR 1KRIPANATH PATHAK INC
2GAURI SHANKAR YADAV BSP
3DEVENDRA PRASAD YADAV RJD
4MANGANI LAL MANDAL JD(U)
5DR KIRTAN PRASAD SINGH LTSD
6YOGNATH MANDAL CPI(ML)(L)
7OM PRAKASH IND
8NATHUNI YADAV IND
9FIROZ ALAM IND
10VIVEKA NAND JHA IND
11SHANKAR PRASAD IND
NIRMALI-41 PIPRA-42 SUPAUL-43 TRIBENIGANJ-44 CHHATAPUR-45
SINGHESHWAR-72
S04-8-BR-SUPAUL 1ASHOK MAHTO BSP
2BALRAM SINGH YADAV CPM
3RANJEET RANJAN INC
4VISHWA MOHAN KUMAR JD(U)
5SURYA NARAYAN YADAV LJP
6NARAYAN MANDAL SHS
7MANJU DEVI IJP
8SHARVAN KUMAR CHOUDHARY JD(S)
9SURESH PRASAD MEHTA LTSD
10ARBIND KUMAR IND
11ASHOK PANKAJ IND
12BHIM KUMAR GUPTA IND
13RAMCHANDRA PRASAD SINGH IND
14RAMDEO SHARMA IND
15VIJAY KUMAR CHOUDHARY IND
16SURESH KUMAR AZAD IND
NARPATGANJ-46 RANIGANJ-47 FORBESGANJ-48 ARARIA-49 JOKIHAT-50
SIKTI-51
S04-9-BR-ARARIA 1ZAKIR HUSSAIN KHAN LJP
2PRADEEP KUMAR SINGH BJP
3RAJA RAMAN BHASKAR BSP
4DR SHAKEEL AHMAD KHAN INC
5AYAJUDIN RKJP
6KAMALI DEVI CPI(ML)(L)
7NASIM AHMAD GHAZI RJJM
8ABDUL GAFOOR IND
9ABDUL WAHAB IND
10OM PRAKASH IND
11KANHAIYA KUMAR DAS IND
12DINESH RATHOUR IND
13NAND LAL PASWAN IND
14NITYA NAND BISHWAS IND
15PRAMOD SINGH YADAV IND
16PRINCE VICTOR IND
17LAXMI SADA IND
18VIJAY SAH IND
19SANJAY KUMAR JHA IND
20MD SAJJAD IND
21SATYA NARAYAN WRITER IND
22SADA NAND CHOUDHARY IND
23SADHANA DEVI IND
24SUKDEO PASWAN IND
25MOHAMMED SAIFUR RAB IND
BAHADURGANJ-52 THAKURGANJ-53 KISHANGANJ-54 KOCHADHAMAN-55
AMOUR-56 BAISI-57
S04-10-BR-KISHANGANJ 1ZUBAIR ALAM BSP
2TASLEEM UDDIN RJD
3MOHAMMAD ASRARUL HAQUE INC
4SYED MAHMOOD ASHRAF JD(U)
5TAMAJUL ALI BJJD
6MOHAMMAD KHASHIUR RAHMAN SJP(R)
7MOHAMMAD NISSAR ALAM JMM
8RAJIT PODAR ABAS
9ABDUL RAJJAK URF KAL IND
10ABHINAV MODI IND
11ASGAR MALIK IND
12CHOTAY LAL MAHTO IND
13MD TASLIMUDDIN IND
14VISHWANATH KEJRIWAL IND
15SIKANDER SINGH IND
KATIHAR-63 KADWA-64 BALRAMPUR-65 PRANPUR-66 MANIHARI-67
BARARI-68
S04-11-BR-KATIHAR 1AHMAD ASHFAQUE KARIM LJP
2NIKHIL KUMAR CHOUDHARY BJP
3MADAN MOHAN NISHAD BSP
4SHAH TARIQ ANWAR NCP
5OM PRAKASH PODDAR BJJD
6MAHBOOB ALAM CPI(ML)(L)
7MUNNI DEVI ABJS
8RAJESH GURNANI LTSD
9CHANDU MURMU IND
10PHOOLO DEVI IND
11BABU LAL MARANDI IND
12MANOJ PARASAR IND
13MOHAMMAD HAMID MUBARAK IND
14RAJGIRI SINGH IND
15SUNIL KUMAR CHOUDHARY IND
16HIMRAJ SINGH IND
KASBA-58 BANMANKHI-59 RUPAULI-60 DHAMDAHA-61 PURNIA-62 KORHA-69
S04-12-BR-PURNIA 1UDAY SINGH ALIAS PAPPU SINGH BJP
2NAVEEN KUMAR SINGH BSP
3SHANKAR JHA LJP
4ANIL KUMAR BHARTI RVNP
5ASHOK KUMAR SAH JMM
6IRSHAD AHMAD KHAN LTSD
7MADHAVI SARKAR CPI(ML)(L)
8MD AISUR RAHMAN IND
9ABDUL SATTAR IND
10ALIMUDDIN ANSARI IND
11UPENDRA NATH SAGAR IND
12KAUSHALYA DEVI IND
13JAGDISH PRASAD YADAV IND
14JIVACHH PASWAN IND
15DEEP NARAYAN SINGH IND
16PRAMOD NARAYAN PODDAR IND
17VIJAY KUMAR SAH IND
18SHANTI PRIYA IND
19SHIEKH AKBAR ALI IND
20SUNIL KUMAR IND
ALAMNAGAR-70 BIHARIGANJ-71 MADHEPURA-73 SONBARSA-74 SAHARSA-75
MAHISHI-77
S04-13-BR-MADHEPURA 1OMPRAKASH NARAYAN CPI
2DRTARA NAND SADA INC
3PROF RAVINDRA CHARAN YADAV RJD
4BINOD KUMAR JHA BSP
5SHARAD YADAV JD(U)
6DHANOJ KUMAR TANTI RVNP
7RAVINDRA KUMAR RSWD
8RAJO SAH LTSD
9NKSINGH SAP
10KARPURI RISHIDEO IND
11KISHOR KUMAR IND
12TIRO SHARAMA IND
13DHRUVA KUMAR GUPTA IND
14PRASANN KUMAR IND
15BALWANT GADHWAL IND
16MAHADEO YADAV IND
17SAAKAR SURESH YADAV IND
GORA BAURAM-79 BENIPUR-80 ALINAGAR-81 DARBHANGA RURAL-82
DARBHANGA-83 BAHADURPUR-85
S04-14-BR-DARBHANGA 1AJAY KUMAR JALAN INC
2MD ALI ASHRAF FATMI RJD
3KIRTI AZAD BJP
4YUGESHWAR SAHNI BSP
5KUMARI SURESHWARI RMEP
6MD KHURSHID ALAM AD
7DURGANAND MAHAVIR NAYAK BJJD
8MD NIZAMUDDIN IJP
9SATYANARAYAN MUKHIA CPI(ML)(L)
10ABDUR RAHIM IND
11GOVIND ACHARAY IND
12BHARAT YADAV IND
13LALBAHADUR YADAV IND
14PROF HARERAM ACHARAY IND
GAIGHAT-88 AURAI-89 BOCHAHA-91 SAKRA-92 KURHANI-93
MUZAFFARPUR-94
S04-15-BR-MUZAFFARPUR 1CAPTAIN JAI NARAYAN PRASAD NISHAD JD(U)
2BHAGWANLAL SAHNI LJP
3VINITA VIJAY INC
4SAMEER KUMAR BSP
5JITENDRA YADAV CPI(ML)(L)
6DINESH KUMAR KUSHWAHA RKSP
7DEVENDRA RAKESH BJKVP
8NEELU SINGH PSS
9MAHENDRA PRASAD RPP
10MITHILESH KUMAR RASED
11MOHAMMAD SHAMIM RDMP
12MD RAHAMTULLAHA ABJS
13RAM DAYAL RAM AIFB
14REYAJ AHMAD ATISH JGP
15MD SALEEM RVNP
16ASHOK KUMAR LALAN IND
17AHMAD RAZA IND
18GEORGE FERNANDES IND
19TARKESHWAR PASWAN IND
20VIJENDRA CHAUDHARY IND
21VINOD PASWAN IND
22SHAMBHU SAHNI IND
23SADANAND KISHORE THAKUR IND
24SYED ALAMDAR HUSSAIN IND
MINAPUR-90 KANTI-95 BARURAJ-96 PAROO-97 SAHEBGANJ-98
VAISHALI-125
S04-16-BR-VAISHALI 1RAGHUVANSH PRASAD SINGH RJD
2VIJAY KUMAR SHUKLA JD(U)
3SHANKAR MAHTO BSP
4HIND KESRI YADAV INC
5PUNAMRI DEVI UWF
6PRAMOD KUMAR SHARMA BJKVP
7BADRI PASWAN RKSP
8BALAK NATH SAHANI IJP
9LALJI KUMAR RAKESH RASED
10BINOD PANDIT LPSP
11INDARDEO RAI IND
12JITENDRA PRASAD IND
BAIKUNTHPUR-99 BARAULI-100 GOPALGANJ-101 KUCHAIKOTE-102
BHOREY-103 HATHUA-104
S04-17-BR-GOPALGANJ 1ANIL KUMAR RJD
2JANAK RAM BSP
3PURNMASI RAM JD(U)
4RAMAI RAM INC
5MADHU BHARTI LTSD
6RAM KUMAR MANJHI SBSP
7RAMASHANKAR RAM RJJM
8SATYADEO RAM CPI(ML)(L)
9ASHA DEVI IND
10DINANATH MANJHI IND
11DHARMENDRA KUMAR HAZRA IND
12BANITHA BAITHA IND
13RAJESH KUMAR RAM IND
14RAM SURAT RAM IND
15SHAMBHU DOM IND
16SURENDRA PASWAN IND
SIWAN-105 ZIRADEI-106 DARAULI-107 RAGHUNATHPUR-108 DARAUNDHA-109
BARHARIA-110
S04-18-BR-SIWAN 1PARASH NATH PATHAK BSP
2BRISHIN PATEL JD(U)
3VIJAY SHANKER DUBEY INC
4HENA SHAHAB RJD
5AMAR NATH YADAV CPI(ML)(L)
6ASWANI KR VERMA IJP
7MADHURI PANDAY SJTP
8LAL BABU TIWARI RKSP
9UMESH TIWARY IND
10OM PRAKASH YADAV IND
11NIDHI KIRTI IND
12PRABHU NATH MALI IND
13DR MUNESHWAR PRASAD IND
14RAJENDRA KUMAR IND
15SHAMBHU NATH PRASAD IND
GORIYAKOTHI-111 MAHARAJGANJ-112 EKMA-113 MANJHI-114 BANIAPUR-115
TARAIYA-116
S04-19-BR-MAHARAJGANJ 1UMA SHANAKER SINGH RJD
2TARKESHWAR SINGH INC
3PRABHU NATH SINGH JD(U)
4RAVINDRA NATH MISHRA BSP
5RAMESH SINGH KUSHWAHA LTSD
6SATYENDRA KR SAHANI CPI(ML)(L)
7GAUTAM PRASAD IND
8DHURENDRA RAM IND
9NAYAN PRASAD IND
10PRADEEP MANJHI IND
11BANKE BIHARI SINGH IND
12RAJESH KUMAR SINGH IND
13BREENDA PATHAK IND
MARHAURA-117 CHAPRA-118 GARKHA-119 AMNOUR-120 PARSA-121
SONEPUR-122
S04-20-BR-SARAN 1RAJIV PRATAP RUDY BJP
2LALU PRASAD RJD
3SALIM PERWEZ BSP
4SANTOSH PATEL LTSD
5SOHEL AKHATAR BMF
6KUMAR BALRAM SINGH IND
7DHUPENDRA SINGH IND
8RAJKUMAR RAI IND
9RAJAN HRISHIKESH CHANDRA IND
10RAJARAM SAHANI IND
11LAL BABU RAY IND
12SHEO DAS SINGH IND
HAJIPUR-123 LALGANJ-124 MAHUA-126 RAJA PAKAR-127 RAGHOPUR-128
MANHAR-129
S04-21-BR-HAJIPUR 1DASAI CHOUDHARY INC
2MAHESHWAR DAS BSP
3RAM VILAS PASWAN LJP
4RAM SUNDAR DAS JD(U)
5DINESH CHANDRA BHUSHAN LTSD
6NAND LAL PASWAN IND
7PRATIMA KUMARI IND
8RAJENDRA KUMAR PASWAN IND
9RAM TIRTH PASWAN IND
10VISHWA VIJAY KUMAR VIDHYARTHI IND
11SANJAY PASHWAN IND
PATEPUR-130 UJIARPUR-134 MORWA-135 SARAIRANJAN-136
MOHIUDDINNAGAR-137 BIBHUTPUR-138
S04-22-BR-UJIARPUR 1ASWAMEDH DEVI JD(U)
2ALOK KUMAR MEHTA RJD
3RAMDEO VERMA CPM
4VIJAYWANT KUMAR CHOUDHARY BSP
5SHEEL KUMAR ROY INC
6CHANDRA DEO ROY SLP(L)
7JAI NARAYAN SAH BJKVP
8JITENDRA KUMAR ROY SHS
9TOSHAN SAH RPP
10MD TAUKIR SAP
11MASSOD HASSAN MUL
12RAMNATH SINGH RSWD
13ARJUN SAHNI IND
14PRADEEP KUMAR IND
15BRAJESH KUMAR NIRALA IND
16MANSOOR IND
17MOHAN PAUL IND
18MOHAMMAD KURBAN IND
19RATAN SAHNI IND
20RAM SAGAR MAHTO IND
21SANJAY KUMAR JHA IND
22SUJIT KUMAR BHAGAT IND
KUSHESHWAR ASTHAN-78 HAYAGHAT-84 KALYANPUR-131 WARISNAGAR-132
SAMASTIPUR-133 ROSERA-139
S04-23-BR-SAMASTIPUR 1DR ASHOK KUMAR INC
2MAHESWER HAZARI JD(U)
3RAM CHANDRA PASWAN LJP
4BINDESHWAR PASWAN BSP
5UPENDRA PASWAN LTSD
6JEEBACHH PASWAN CPI(ML)(L)
7RANDHIR PASWAN IND
8RAJA RAM DAS IND
9REKHA KUMARI IND
10SHIVCHANDRA PASWAN IND
11SATISH MAHTO IND
CHERIA BARIARPUR-141 BACHHWARA-142 TEGHRA-143 MATIHANI-144
SAHEBPUR KAMAL-145 BEGUSARAI-146 BAKHRI-147
S04-24-BR-BEGUSARAI 1ANIL CHAUDHARY LJP
2AMITA BHUSHAN INC
3CHANDRASHEKHAR MAHTO BSP
4DR MONAZIR HASSAN JD(U)
5SHATRUGHAN PRASAD SINGH CPI
6KISHORI PRASHAD MAHTO LTSD
7RAM SAH RPP
8AMIYA KASHYAP BIKKI IND
9ARUN KUMAR IND
10ASHOK SAH IND
11DILIP KUMAR IND
12NARENDRA KUMAR SINGH ALIAS BOGO SINGH IND
13NARAYAN PRASAD HISARIYA IND
14RANJEET PASWAN IND
15RADHA RAMAN PASWAN IND
16RAM DAYAL BHARTI IND
17RAM NARESH PRASAD SINGH IND
18RAMSHRAYA NISHAD IND
19SAJJAN CHAUDHARY IND
SIMRI BAKHTIARPUR-76 HASANPUR-140 ALAULI-148 KHAGARIA-149
BELDAUR-150 PARBATTA-151
S04-25-BR-KHAGARIA 1ASARFI PRASAD MEHTA BSP
2CHOUDHARY MEHBOOB ALI KAISER INC
3DINESH CHANDRA YADAV JD(U)
4RAVINDAR KR RANA RJD
5PAWAN KUMAR SUMAN ABDBM
6BABLOO PASWAN NNP
7BHARAT KUMAR YADAV KVSP
8LAL BAHADUR HIMALAYA RDMP
9HARI NANDAN SINGH SJP(R)
10GULAB RAJ IND
11NAIMUDDIN IND
12NEHA CHAUHAN IND
13PRADUMNA KUMAR IND
14MANJU KUMARI IND
15RAM NANDAN YADAV IND
16SANGRAM KUMAR IND
17SANJAY YADAV IND
18SURESH PODDAR IND
BIHPUR-152 GOPALPUR-153 PIRPAINTI-154 KAHALGAON-155
BHAGALPUR-156 NATHNAGAR-158
S04-26-BR-BHAGALPUR 1AJIT SHARMA BSP
2SHAKUNI CHOUDHARY RJD
3SADANAND SINGH INC
4SUBODH ROY CPM
5SYED SHAHNAWAZ HUSSAIN BJP
6DAYA RAM MANDAL BHJAP
7DEEPAK RAM BSP(K)
8NARESH MANDAL RPP
9MD IZRAIL LTSD
10RAMAN SAH BJJD
11RAM VILASH PASWAN RWS
12SRINARAYAN GAUSWAMI IJP
13AMIT KUMAR JHA IND
14ANAND KUMAR JAIN IND
15INDRADEO KUMAR SINGH IND
16DINESH YADAV IND
17DR N K YADAV IND
18RATAN KUMAR MANDAL IND
19RAVI SHANKAR SINGH IND
20LADDU IND
21SIKANDAR TANTI IND
SULTANGANJ-157 AMARPUR-159 DHURAIYA-160 BANKA-161 KATORIA-162
BELHAR-163
S04-27-BR-BANKA 1GRIDHARI YADAV INC
2JAI PRAKESH NARAIN YADAV RJD
3DAMODAR RAWAT JD(U)
4MUKESH KUMAR SINGH BSP
5SANJAY KUMAR CPI
6ANIL KUMAR ALIAS ANIL GUPTA JVM
7AMRESHWAR KUMAR JGP
8ARVIND KUMAR SAH RPP
9KEDAR PRASAD SINGH SJP(R)
10MAHBOOB ALAM ANSARI BMF
11RAJENDRA PANDIT NETAJEE JMM
12VIVEKA NAND JHA RDMP
13CP SINHA LTSD
14DIGVIJAY SINGH IND
15NARAYAN RAM IND
16MOHD HUMAYUN IND
MUNGER-165 JAMALPUR-166 SURYAGARHA-167 LAKHISARAI-168 MOKAMA-178
BARH-179
S04-28-BR-MUNGER 1MANNU MAHTO BSP
2RAJIV RANJAN SINGH ALIAS LALAN SINGH JD(U)
3RAM BADAN ROY RJD
4RAM LAKHAN SINGH INC
5KUNDAN KUMAR BJJD
6PRAMOD KUMAR SINGH ABDBM
7BIPIN KUMAR PASWAN NBNP
8RAMENDRA MOHAN RAJESH RSWD
9LOKNATH KUSHWAHA BMF
10UCHIT KUMAR IND
11UMA SHANKAR BHAGAT ALIAS TUNTUN BHAIYA IND
12NARESH MAHTO IND
13PRAMOD KUMAR IND
14BRAHMANAND MANDAL IND
15RAJENDRA PRASAD SINGH IND
16RADHIKA RAMAN SINGH IND
17RAMDEO SINGH YADAV IND
18SHANKAR LAL CHOKHANI IND
19SHAILENDRA KUMAR IND
20SURYODAY PASWAN IND
ASTHAWAN-171 BISHARSHARIF-172 RAJGIR-173 ISLAMPUR-174 HILSA-175
NALANDA-176 HARNAUT-177
S04-29-BR-NALANDA 1KAUSHALENDRA KUMAR JD(U)
2DEV KISHORE RAI BSP
3RAMSWAROOP PRASAD INC
4SATISH KUMAR LJP
5ANIL SINGH LTSD
6AMAR KANT SAH RPP
7UJJWAL KANT HUNKAR MUL
8DEVENDRA PRATAP EKSP
9PRIYRANJAN KUMAR BJJD
10RANJEET KUMAR BPD
11REKHA KUMARI AD
12VIJAY KUMAR JPS
13VINOD KUMAR PATEL LM
14SHASHI YADAV CPI(ML)(L)
15SAUDAGAR RAM BSKP
16HARICHARAN PRASAD BMF
17ARUN KUMAR IND
18KAPIL DEO SINGH IND
19KUMAR RAJESH IND
20KAUSHAL KUMAR KAUSHALENDRA SINHA IND
21CHANDRAMANI KUMAR MANI IND
22JITENDRA KUMAR IND
23NARESH PASWAN IND
24SANTOSH KUMAR IND
25SARYUG PRASAD SAHASTH IND
BAKHTIARPUR-180 DIGHA-181 BANKIPUR-182 KUMHRARH-183 PATNA
SAHIB-184 FATWAH-185
S04-30-BR-PATNA SAHIB 1VIJAY KUMAR RJD
2SHATRUGHAN SINHA BJP
3SHEKHAR SUMAN INC
4ON MASUMI LTSD
5DR DIWAKER TEJASWI BUDM
6RAM NARAYAN RAI CPI(ML)(L)
7HASSAN FAIZI HASHMI ANC
8ANJANI KUMAR IND
9KUMAR RAJIV IND
10DEEPAK KUMAR SINGH IND
11PANKAJ KUMAR SHARMA IND
12PRAMOD KUMAR GUPTA IND
13RAM BHAJAN SINGH NISHAD IND
14VIDHAN CHANDRA RANA IND
15SANJAY VERMA IND
16HEMANT KUMAR SINGH IND
DANAPUR-186 MANER-187 PHULWARI-188 MASAURHI-189 PALIGANJ-190
BIKRAM-191
S04-31-BR-PATALIPUTRA 1RANJAN PRASAD YADAV JD(U)
2LALU PRASAD RJD
3VIJAY SINGH YADAV INC
4HARENDRA KUMAR PATEL BSP
5KIRAN DEVI RKJP
6KUNDAN KUMAR RWS
7DR KRISHNADHAR SINGH BJKD
8PANCHA DEVI JGP
9PRABHUNATH YADAV IJP
10MOHAMMAD AFTAB ALAM LTSD
11MOHAMMAD SADRUDDIN AIFB
12RAMESHWAR PRASAD CPI(ML)(L)
13HASAN MANZOOR HASHMI ANC
14AWADHESH SHARMA IND
15DURGESH NANDAN SINGH IND
16SUNIL KUMAR SINGH IND
SANDESH-192 BARHARA-193 ARRAH-194 AGIAON-195 TARARI-196
JAGDISHPUR-197 SHAHPUR-198
S04-32-BR-ARRAH 1MEENA SINGH JD(U)
2RAMA KISHORE SINGH LJP
3REETA SINGH BSP
4HARIDWAR PRASAD SINGH INC
5AJIT PRASAD MEHTA JKM
6ARUN SINGH CPI(ML)(L)
7BHARAT BHUSAN PANDEY ABJS
8RAMADHAR SINGH SHS
9SAMBHU PRASAD SHARMA AIFB
10SANTOSH KUMAR RDMP
11SATYA NARAYAN YADAV RASED
12SAIYAD GANIUDDIN HAIDER ANC
13ASHOK KUMAR SINGH IND
14BHARAT SINGH SAHYOGI IND
15MAHESH RAM IND
16SOBH NATH SINGH IND
BARHAMPUR-199 BUXAR-200 DUMRAON-201 RAJPUR-202 RAMGARH-203
DINARA-210
S04-33-BR-BUXAR 1KAMLA KANT TIWARY INC
2JAGADA NAND SINGH RJD
3LAL MUNI CHOUBEY BJP
4SHYAM LAL SINGH KUSHWAHA BSP
5MOKARRAM HUSSAIN SBSP
6MOHAN SAH BJJD
7RAJENDRA SINGH MAURYA LTSD
8DR VIJENDRA NATH UPADHYAY SHS
9SHYAM BIHARI BIND JPS
10SATYENDRA OJHA AD
11SUDAMA PRASAD CPI(ML)(L)
12SURESH WADEKAR RPI
13KAMLESH CHOUDHARY IND
14JAI SINGH YADAV IND
15DADAN SINGH IND
16PRATIBHA DEVI IND
17PHULAN PANDIT IND
18RAJENDRA PASWAN IND
19LALLAN RUPNARAIN PATHAK IND
20SHIV CHARAN YADAV IND
21SUNIL KUMAR DUBEY IND
22SURENDRA KUMAR BHARTI IND
MOHANIA-204 BHABUA-205 CHAINPUR-206 CHENARI-207 SASARAM-208
KARGAHAR-209
S04-34-BR-SASARAM 1GANDHI AZAD BSP
2MEIRA KUMAR INC
3MUNI LAL BJP
4LALAN PASWAN RJD
5DUKHI RAM CPI(ML)(L)
6BABBAN CHAUDHARY LTSD
7BALIRAM RAM PMSP
8BHOLA PRASAD IJP
9RADHA DEBI AD
10RAM NAGINA RAM RKJP
11RAM YADI RAM RPI
12PRAMOD KUMAR IND
13BHARAT RAM IND
14MUNIYA DEBI IND
15RAM PRAVESH RAM IND
16SURENDRA RAM IND
NOKHA-211 DEHRI-212 KARAKAT-213 GOH-219 OBRA-220 NABINAGAR-221
S04-35-BR-KARAKAT 1AWADHESH KUMAR SINGH INC
2UPENDRA KUMAR SHARMA BSP
3KANTI SINGH RJD
4MAHABALI SINGH JD(U)
5AJAY KUMAR RPI(A)
6JYOTI RASHMI RSWD
7MUDREEKA YADAV AD
8RAJ KISHOR MISRA AJSP
9RAJA RAM SINGH CPI(ML)(L)
10MDSHAMIULLAH MANSOORI SSD
11ERABDUL SATAR IND
12AMAVAS RAM IND
13PRO KAMTA PRASAD YADAV IND
14GIRISH NARAYAN SINGH IND
15SATISH PANDEY IND
16HARI PRASAD SINGH IND
ARWAL-214 KURTHA-215 JAHANABAD-216 GHOSI-217 MAKHDUMPUR-218
ATRI-233
S04-36-BR-JAHANABAD 1DR ARUN KUMAR INC
2JAGDISH SHARMA JD(U)
3RAMADHAR SHARMA BSP
4SURENDRA PRASAD YADAV RJD
5AYASHA KHATUN LTSD
6PROF JAI RAM PRASAD SINGH SSD
7TARA GUPTA RPP
8MAHANAND PRASAD CPI(ML)(L)
9RAMASRAY PRASAD SINGH RLD
10MD SAHABUDDIN JAHAN BSKP
11SHRAVAN KUMAR LM
12SADHU SINHA AIFB
13SYED AKBAR IMAM ABAS
14AJAY KUMAR VERMA IND
15ABHAY KUMAR ANIL IND
16DR ARBIND KUMAR IND
17ARVIND PRASAD SINGH IND
18UPENDRA PRASAD IND
19JAGDISH YADAV IND
20PRIKSHIT SINGH IND
21PRABHAT KUMAR RANJAN IND
22RANJIT SHARMA IND
23RAKESHWAR KISHOR IND
24SIYA RAM PRASAD IND
25SUMIRAK SINGH IND
KUTUMBA-222 AURANGABAD-223 RAFIGANJ-224 GURUA-225 IMAMGANJ-227
TIKARI-231
S04-37-BR-AURANGABAD 1ARCHANA CHANDRA BSP
2NIKHIL KUMAR INC
3SHAKIL AHMAD KHAN RJD
4SUSHIL KUMAR SINGH JD(U)
5ANIL KUMAR SINGH RSWD
6AMERIKA MAHTO SSD
7RAM KUMAR MEHTA LTSD
8VIJAY PASWAN BSKP
9ASLAM ANSARI IND
10INDRA DEO RAM IND
11UDAY PASWAN IND
12PUNA DAS IND
13RANJEET KUMAR IND
14RAJENDRA YADAV IND
15RAMSWARUP PRASAD YADAV IND
16SANTOSH KUMAR IND
SHERGHATI-226 BARACHATTI-228 BODH GAYA-229 GAYA TOWN-230
BELAGANJ-232 WAZIRGANJ-234
S04-38-BR-GAYA 1KALAWATI DEVI BSP
2RAMJI MANJHI RJD
3SANJIV PRASAD TONI INC
4HARI MANJHI BJP
5DILIP PASWAN NBNP
6NIRANJAN KUMAR CPI(ML)(L)
7RAJESH KUMAR LTSD
8RAMDEV ARYA PAAN ABJS
9AMAR NATH PRASAD IND
10KRISHNA CHOUDHARY IND
11KAIL DAS IND
12DIPAK PASWAN IND
13RAM KISHORE PASWAN IND
14RAMU PASWAN IND
15SHIV SHANKAR KUMAR IND
16SHYAM LAL MANJHI IND
BARBIGHA-170 RAJAULI-235 HISUA-236 NAWADA-237 GOBINDPUR-238
WARSALIGANJ-239
S04-39-BR-NAWADA 1GANESH SHANKAR VIDYARTHI CPM
2BHOLA SINGH BJP
3MASIH UDDIN BSP
4VEENA DEVI LJP
5SUNILA DEVI INC
6UMAKANT RAHI SSD
7KAILASH PAL BSKP
8VIDHYAPATI SINGH LTSD
9SURENDRA KUMAR CHAUDHARY SBSP
10AKHILESH SINGH IND
11ANIL MEHTA IND
12KAUSHAL YADAV IND
13CHANCHALA DEVI IND
14DURGA PRASAD DHAR IND
15NAVIN KUMAR VERMA IND
16RAJ KISHOR RAJ IND
17RAJ BALLABH PRASAD IND
18RAJENDRA VISHAL IND
19RAJENDRA SINGH IND
20SHAMBHU PRASAD IND
21SUNIL KUMAR IND
TARAPUR-164 SHEIKHPURA-169 SIKANDRA-240 JAMUI-241 JHAJHA-242
CHAKAI-243
S04-40-BR-JAMUI 1ASHOK CHOUDHARY INC
2GAJADHAR RAJAK CPI
3BHAGWAN DAS BSP
4BHUDEO CHOUDHARY JD(U)
5SHYAM RAJAK RJD
6ARJUN MANJHI JGP
7UPENDRA RAVIDAS SAP
8OM PRAKASH PASWAN LTSD
9GULAB CHANDRA PASWAN RKJP
10NUNDEO MANJHI JVM
11PRASADI PASWAN JMM
12SUBHASH PASWAN STPI
13KAPILDEO DAS IND
14JAY SEKHAR MANJHI IND
15PAPPU RAJAK IND
16YOGENDRA PASWAN IND
17VIJAY PASWAN IND
18BILAKSHAN RAVIDAS IND
19SARYUG PASWAN IND
MANDREM-1 PERNEM-2 BICHOLIM-3 TIVIM-4 MAPUSA-5 SIOLIM-6
SALIGAO-7 CALANGUTE-8 PORVORIM-9 ALDONA-10
S05-1-GA-NORTH GOA 1CHRISTOPHER FONSECA CPI
2JITENDRA RAGHURAJ DESHPRABHU NCP
3RAUT PANDURANG DATTARAM MAG
4SHRIPAD YESSO NAIK BJP
5UPENDRA CHANDRU GAONKAR SHS
6NARACINVA SURYA SALGAONKAR IND
7MARTHA D SOUZA IND
PONDA-21 SIRODA-22 MARCAIM-23 MORMUGAO-24 VASCO-DA-GAMA-25
DABOLIM-26 CORTALIM-27 NUVEM-28 CURTORIM-29 FATORDA-30
S05-2-GA-SOUTH GOA 1COSME FRANCISCO CAITANO SARDINHA INC
2ADV NARENDRA KESHAV SAWAIKAR BJP
3ADV RAJU MANGESHKAR ALIAS RAJENDRA NAIK CPI
4ROHIDAS HARICHANDRA BORKAR SGF
5MATANHY SALDANHA UGDP
6DIAS JAWAHAR IND
7DERICK DIAS IND
8FRANCISCO ANTONIO JOAO DE PHILOMENO FERNANDES IND
9MULLA SALIM IND
10SALUNKE SMITA PRAVEEN IND
11HAMZA KHAN IND
ABDASA-1 MANDVI-2 BHUJ-3 ANJAR-4 GANDHIDHAM-5 RAPAR-6 MORBI-65
S06-1-GJ-KACHCHH 1JAT POONAMBEN VELJIBHAI BJP
2DANICHA VALJIBHAI PUNAMCHANDRA INC
3NAMORI MOHANBHAI LADHABHAI BSP
4CHAUHAN MOTILAL DEVJIBHA LPSP
5DR TINA MAGANBHAI PARMAR BNJD
6DUNGARIYA BHARMALBHAI NARANBHAI SP
7PARMAR MUKESHBHAI MANDANBHAI IJP
8BADIYA RAMESH GANGJI RKSP
9KANJI ABHABHAI MAHESHWARI IND
10GARVA ASMAL THAKARSHI IND
11GOVIND JIVABHAI DAFADA IND
12MAHESHWARI GANGJI DAYABHAI IND
13MAHESHWARI DHANJIBHAI KARSHANBHAI IND
14MANGALIYA LILBAI JIVANBHAI IND
15MUNSHI BHURALAL KHIMJIBHAI IND
16VANZARA HIRABEN DALPATBHAI IND
17SARESA NANJI BHANJIBHAI IND
VAV-7 THARAD-8 DHANERA-9 DANTA-10 PALANPUR-12 DEESA-13
DEODAR-14
S06-2-GJ-BANASKANTHA 1GADHVI MUKESHKUMAR BHAIRAVDANJI INC
2CHETANBHAI KALABHAI SOLANKI BSP
3CHAUDHARI HARIBHAI PARATHIBHAI BJP
4AMRUTBHAI LAKHUBHAI PATELFOSI MJP
5KATARIYA HASMUKHBHAI RAVJIBHAI LSWP
6LODHA ISHVARBHAI MAHADEVBHAI ABJS
7KARNAVAT YOGESHKUMAR BHIKHABHAI IND
8PARSANI MAHMAD SIKANDAR JALALBHAI IND
9PUROHIT ASHOKBHAI CHHAGANBHAI IND
10MAJIRANA BHOPAJI AASHAJI IND
11ROOTHAR LEBUJI PARBATJI IND
12SHARDABEN BHIKHABHAI PARMAR IND
13SAVJIBHAI PATHUBHAI RAJGOR IND
14SIPAI AAIYUBBHAI IBRAHIMBHAI IND
15SHRIMALI ASHOKBHAI BALCHANDBHAI IND
VADGAM-11 KANKREJ-15 RADHANPUR-16 CHANASMA-17 PATAN-18
SIDHPUR-19 KHERALU-20
S06-3-GJ-PATAN 1KHOKHAR MAHEBOOBKHAN RAHEMATKHAN BSP
2JAGDISH THAKOR INC
3BAROT SANJAYBHAI MAGANBHAI NCP
4RATHOD BHAVSINHBHAI DAHYABHAI BJP
5PATAVAT MAHAMMADBHAI SHARIFBHAI SP
6PATEL NARANBHAI PRAGDASBHAI MJP
7RAVAL BHURABHAI MOTIBHAI BNJD
8KANUBHAI BHURABHAI MAHESHVARI MANDOVARA IND
9CHAUDHARY KIRTIKUMAR JESANGBHAI IND
10CHAUDHARY MANSINHBHAI MANABHAI IND
11JUDAL GANESHBHAI MEGHRAJBHAI IND
12PATEL DILIPKUMAR LILACHAND IND
13PATEL MANORBHAI VIRAMDAS IND
14PATEL RAMESHBHAI GOVINDBHAI IND
15BRAHMAKSHATRIY NIRUPABEN NATVARLAL IND
16RAJPUT JAGATSINH SAMANTSING IND
UNJHA-21 VISNAGAR-22 BECHARAJI-23 KADI-24 MAHESANA-25
VIJAPUR-26 MANSA-37
S06-4-GJ-MAHESANA 1ZALA RUDRADATTSINH VANRAJSINH BSP
2PATEL JAYSHREEBEN KANUBHAI BJP
3PATEL JIVABHAI AMBALAL INC
4THAKOR AMARSINH RAMSINH BABUJI MJP
5DR P C PATEL MBBS MD BRP
6BABUBHAI ISHWARBHAI PRAJAPATI VHS
7CHAVDA SHANKARJI BADARJI IND
8THAKOR RAMANJI SHIVAJI IND
9NAYEE KOKILABEN MANUBHAI ALIAS MAHENDRABHAI IND
10PATEL JIVRAMBHAI HIRDAS IND
11PATEL MANOJKUMAR BAHECHARDAS IND
12PATEL LALJIBHAI KESHAVLAL IND
HIMATNAGAR-27 IDAR-28 KHEDBRAHMA-29 BHILODA-30 MODASA-31
BAYAD-32 PRANTIJ-33
S06-5-GJ-SABARKANTHA 1CHAUHAN MAHENDRASINH BJP
2MISTRY MADHUSUDAN INC
3RAMLAVAT VIKRAMSINH LAXMANSINH BSP
4KADARI MOLANA RIYAZ SP
5PARMAR MINABA DIPSINH IJP
6SINHALI DASHRATH CHANDULAL CPI(ML)(L)
7CHAUHAN MAHENDRASINH PADAMSINH IND
8TRIVEDI BALKRUSHN PRANLAL IND
9PATEL KANTIBHAI KHUSHALBHAI IND
10PATEL DANABHAI BECHARBHAI IND
11RATHOD SABIRMIYA AMIRMIYA IND
12SOLANKI CHHAGANBHAI KEVALABHAI IND
GANDHINAGAR NORTH-36 KALOL-38 SANAND-40 GHATLODIA-41 VEJALPUR-42
NARANPURA-45 SABARMATI-55
S06-6-GJ-GANDHINAGAR 1LKADVANI BJP
2PATEL SURESHKUMAR CHATURDAS SURESH PATEL INC
3RAKESH PANDEY BSP
4ASHOKKUMAR ISHVARBHAI PATEL BNJD
5KHALIFA SAMSUDDIN NASIRUDDIN JUGNU LSWP
6TRIVEDI SUNILBHAI MANUBHAI MJP
7FIROZ DEHLVI AIMF
8MEMON FATAMABEN FARUKBHAI IJP
9KALPESHKUMAR RAJANIKANT MODI IND
10THAKUR RAKESHBHAI RAJDEVSINGH IND
11PATEL SIDDHESH DINESHBHAI IND
12PARIKH HETA KUMARPAL IND
13BRAHMBHATT SANJAYBHAI AMARKUMAR IND
14MAKWANA ANILKUMAR SOMABHAI IND
15DRMALLIKA SARABHAI IND
16MAHANTSHRI DHARAMDASBAPU IND
17RAHUL CHIMANBHAI MEHTA IND
18VAGHELA SUKHDEVSINH PARBATSINH IND
19SHAH MUKESH IND
DEHGAM-34 GANDHINAGAR SOUTH-35 VATVA-43 NIKOL-46 NARODA-47
THAKKARBAPA NAGAR-48 BAPUNAGAR-49
S06-7-GJ-AHMEDABAD EAST 1PATEL BHOLABHAI VALJIBHAI KAKDIYA NCP
2BABARIYA DIPAKBHAI RATILAL INC
3VIRUBHAI N VANZARA BSP
4HARIN PATHAK BJP
5PATEL PRAVIN RAMBHAI MJP
6PREMHARI RAMESHCHANDRA SHARMA NLHP
7BHATT SANJIV INDRAVADAN BNJD
8RAJPUT RANJEETSINGH RAMSHANKARSINH IJP
9RAJPUT SANJITKUMAR RADHAKRISHNASINH SP
10DR N T SENGAL LSWP
11HASRATH JAYRAM PAGARE RSPS
12KHODABHAI LALJIBHAI DESAI IND
13THAKKAR PARESHBHAI RASIKLAL IND
14PATEL BHAVINBHAI AMRUTBHAI IND
15BUDHDHPRIYA JASVANT SOMABHAI IND
16MAURYA RAJESH HARIRAM IND
17SHARMA ANILKUMAR BRIJENDRABHAI IND
18SHARMA BRIJESHKUMAR UJAGARLAL IND
ELLISBRIDGE-44 AMRAIWADI-50 DARIAPUR-51 JAMALPUR – KHADIA-52
MANINAGAR-53 DANILIMDA-54 ASARWA-56
S06-8-GJ-AHMEDABAD WEST 1PARMAR SHAILESH MANHARLAL INC
2DR PRAVIN S SOLANKI BSP
3DR SOLANKI KIRITBHAI PREMJIBHAI BJP
4PARMAR MOHANBHAI KARSHANBHAI LPSP
5MAKWANA ISHWARBHAI DHANABHAI LJP
6VIJAYKUMAR MANJIBHAI VADHER AIMF
7SAVLE BHIKA FULA RPI(A)
8SHIRSATH VEDUBHAI KAUTIKBHAI IJP
9SANKHALIYA NARENDRASINH MANSINH LSWP
10CHAUHAN PRAHLADBHAI NATTHUBHAI IND
11VANZARA DALPATBHAI KHIMABHAI IND
12VORA RATNABEN DAHYABHAI IND
13SHAH ISHWARBHAI KHANDAS IND
14SOLANKI KANTIBHAI HEMABHAI IND
15SOLANKI RAMESHBHAI DANABHAI IND
16SOLANKI VITTHALBHAI MAGANBHAI IND
VIRAMGAM-39 DHANDHUKA-59 DASADA-60 LIMBDI-61 WADHWAN-62
CHOTILA-63 DHRANGADHRA-64
S06-9-GJ-SURENDRANAGAR 1KOLI PATEL SOMABHAI INC
2PATEL MOHANBHAI DAHYABHAI BSP
3MER LALJIBHAI CHATURBHAI BJP
4JAGRUTIBEN BABULAL GADA SHAH MJP
5DHAVANIYA BACHUBHAI CHHAGANBHAI LPSP
6PATADIYA KHIMJIBHAI HARAJIVANBHAI KKJHS
7VAGHELA SATUBHA KANUBHA ABJS
8KORDIA ALTAFBHAI VALIBHAI IND
9JADAV BHAGWANBHAI MATHURBHAI IND
10DABHI MOHANBHAI TULSHIBHAI IND
11DERVALIA MEDHABHAI KALABHAI IND
12NAYAKPRA HITESH BHAGVANGIBHAI IND
13PATEL ASHOKKUMAR CHIMANLAL IND
14BHARATBHAI RAMNIKLAL MAKWANA IND
15BHATIYA NARANBHAI KEHARBHAI IND
16UKABHAI AMARABHAI MAKWANA IND
17MER MAVJIBHAI KUKABHAI IND
18RABA HARSURBHAI RAMBHAI IND
19SAVUKIYA LALJIBHAI MOHANLAL IND
20SOLANKI KARSHANBHAI JIVABHAI IND
TANKARA-66 WANKANER-67 RAJKOT EAST-68 RAJKOT WEST-69 RAJKOT
SOUTH-70 RAJKOT RURAL-71 JASDAN-72
S06-10-GJ-RAJKOT 1KIRANKUMAR VALJIBHAI BHALODIA PATEL BJP
2KUVARJIBHAI MOHANBHAI BAVALIA INC
3DHEDHI DALEECHANDBHAI LIRABHAI PATEL BSP
4SUDHIR JOSHI CPM
5KUBAVAT BABUDAS CHHAGANDAS ABJS
6GOKALBHAI KHODABHAI PARMAR LPSP
7JASVANTBHAI RANCHHODBHAI SABHAYA SP
8JADEJA SATUBHA AMARSANG NSCP
9NARENDRASINH TAPUBHA JADEJA RKSP
10BABULAL DEVJIBHAI GHAVA LJP
11VEKARIA ALPESHBHAI KESHUBHAI MJP
12AJITSINH HARISINH JADEJA IND
13ARVINDBHAI JADAVJIBHAI RATHOD IND
14KESHUBHAI DHANJIBHAI VEKARIYA IND
15CHAVDA LAKHMANBHAI DEVJIBHAI IND
16DR ZAKIRHUSEN MATHAKIYA IND
17DUDHATRA MUKUNDBHAI GOVINDBHAI IND
18NAYANBHAI HASHMUKHBHAI UPADHYAY IND
19PRAVINBHAI MEGHJIBHAI DENGADA IND
20BHIKHABHAI KURJIBHAI SADADIYA IND
21MULTANI SUBHANBHAI POPATBHAI IND
22RABARI MOMAIYABHAI ALABHAI IND
23DRRAJESHKUMAR SHANTIBHAI MAKADIA PATEL IND
24VEKARIYA PRAGJIBHAI NATHUBHAI IND
25SAROLA GEETABEN MANJIBHAI IND
26HARSODA MAHESH HIRABHAI IND
27HIRABHAI GORDHANBHAI CHANGELA IND
GONDAL-73 JETPUR-74 DHORAJI-75 PORBANDAR-83 KUTIYANA-84
MANAVADAR-85 KESHOD-88
S06-11-GJ-PORBANDAR 1KHACHARIYA MANSUKHBHAI SHAMJIBHAI BJP
2CHANDRAVADIYA MEHULKUMAR KARSANBHAI BSP
3RADADIYA VITTHALBHAI HANSRAJBHAI INC
4JADEJA NATHABHAI JIVABHAI IJP
5PATOLIYA MANOJBHAI SAMJIBHAI IND
6BHATT NITINBHAI VRUJLAL IND
7RAJENDRA AMRUTLAL PARMAR IND
KALAVAD-76 JAMNAGR RURAL-77 JAMNAGAR NORTH-78 JAMNAGAR SOUTH-79
JAMJODHPUR-80 KHAMBHALIA-81 DWARKA-82
S06-12-GJ-JAMNAGAR 1AHIR VIKRAMBHAI ARJANBHAI MADAM INC
2CHAVDA JAYSUKHBHAI TRIKAMBHAI BSP
3MUNGRA RAMESHBHAI DEVRAJBHAI BJP
4CHAUHAN DINESHBHAI KALABHAI RPI(A)
5JADEJA HITENDRASINH JAYVANTSINH RKSP
6MANHARBHAI KACHARABHAI RATHOD RSP(S)
7DR VASANTBHAI MANILAL SANGHAVI ABJS
8VADHER CHANDUBHA MANUBHA MJP
9GOJIYA VIRABHAI MALDEBHAI IND
10CHAVDA DEVAYATBHAI JIVABHAI IND
11DOSANI IDRISBHAI ISMAILBHAI IND
12DEVGANA GAURIBEN MOHANBHAI IND
13DHARMENDRABHAI MAGANLAL PATEL IND
14NOYDA MAMAD NATHUBHAI IND
15PADHIYAR GOVINDBHAI LALJIBHAI IND
16PARMAR BHURALAL MEGHJIBHAI IND
17POPATPUTRA RAFIK ABUBAKAR IND
18BHAGAD SALIM OSMAN IND
19MAHESHBHAI PARSOTAMBHAI VADI IND
20VYAS RAJESH SHIVSHANKAR IND
21SACHADA HABIBBHAI ISHABHAI IND
22SAGATHIYA VINODBHAI VIRJIBHAI IND
JUNAGADH-86 VISAVADAR-87 MANGROL-89 SOMNATH-90 TALALA-91
KODINAR-92 UNA-93
S06-13-GJ-JUNAGADH 1BARAD JASHUBHAI DHANABHAI INC
2SOLANKI DINUBHAI BOGHABHAI BJP
3KUNJADIYA VALLABHBHAI RAMBHAI ABMSD
4CHANDULAL BHANUBHAI DHADUK CHANDRESHBHAI MJP
5DANGAR BRIJESH RAMBHAI RWS
6BHUT ASHOKBHAI BHIMJIBHAI RSP(S)
7MAHIDA CHANDRASINH HAMIRBHAI RPI(A)
8HUSENKHAN SARVARKHAN PATHAN SP
9HETALKUMAR NAROTAMBHAI THUMBAR BNJD
10KAMALIYA VASHRAMBHAI PUNJABHAI IND
11DR KOYANI BHARATKUMAR KANJIBHAI IND
12CHAND MOHAMAD YUSUF UMARBHAI IND
13PARMAR SAVJIBHAI BHIKHABHAI IND
14VALA VIRAMBHAI NATHUBHAI IND
15SEVRA BACHUBHAI KALABHAI IND
16HARILAL RANCHHODBHAI CHAUHAN IND
DHARI-94 AMRELI-95 LATHI-96 SAVARKUNDLA-97 RAJULA-98 MAHUVA-99
GARIADHAR-101
S06-14-GJ-AMRELI 1KACHHADIA NARANBHAI BJP
2NILABEN VIRJIBHAI THUMMAR INC
3DBBHAROLA BSP
4MADHUBHAI BHUVA NCP
5KASVALA JAYSUKHABHAI LALJIBHAI LSWP
6BARAIYA CHANDRAKANT RAMJIBHAI CHANDU PATEL SP
7MAKAVANA SAMATBHAI BHIKHABHAI RKSP
8RAMESH GOHIL MJP
9ASLALIYA CHANDUBHAI RANABHAI IND
10KHOKHAR GULMAHMAD ISMILE IND
11GOHIL RAMBHAI JINABHAI IND
12NILABEN THUMAR IND
13RAMESHBHAI JASHABHAI PARMAR IND
14VALJIBHAI LALLUBHAI SHIROYA IND
15SANGANI RAMESHBHAI KANUBHAI IND
16SUKHADIA NATHALAL V IND
TALAJA-100 PALITANA-102 BHAVNAGAR RURAL-103 BHAVNAGAR EAST-104
BHAVNAGAR WEST-105 GADHADA-106 BOTAD-107
S06-15-GJ-BHAVNAGAR 1GOHILMAHAVIRSINHBHAGIRATHSINH INC
2RANA RAJENDRASINH GHANSHYAMSINH BJP
3BORICHA VALJIBHAI BAGHABHAI BSP
4ATUL HARSHADRAI PANDYA BNJD
5GOHIL NANAJIBHAI MADHABHAI RPI(A)
6ZADAFIA GORDHANBHAI PRAGJIBHAI MJP
7DABHI DEVJIBHAI MEGHABHAI SJP(R)
8YADAVKOLI TULSHIBHAI RAMJIBHAI SP
9SAPARIA DINESH NANUBHAI LPSP
10KATARIA ZINABHAI NAGAJIBHAI IND
11CHUDASAMA MEPABHAI MAVJIBHAI IND
12CHAUHAN DHIRUBHAI KARSHANBHAI IND
13NARESHBHAI NANAJIBHAI SONANI IND
14PUNANI MUKESHBHI MAGANBHAI IND
15MISOLANKI IND
16HARIN RAMNIKLAL MAKWANA IND
KHAMBHAT-108 BORSAD-109 ANKLAV-110 UMRETH-111 ANAND-112
PETLAD-113 SOJITRA-114
S06-16-GJ-ANAND 1PATEL DIPAKBHAI CHIMANBHAI BJP
2PARMAR BABUBHAI BECHARBHAI NCP
3SOLANKI BHARATBHAI MADHAVSINH INC
4PARMAR HITENDRASINH MOHANSINH SP
5RATHOD HIMMATBHAI MOHANHAI IJP
6SAMIRBHAI GIRISHBHAI PATEL SVPP
7CHAVDA KAUSHIKKMAR RAJIVBHAI IND
8DAVE AMRISHBHAI VADILAL IND
9PATEL JAYESHBHAI ARVINDBHAI IND
10BHARATBHAI VINUBHAI BHOI IND
11MALEK GULAMMAHMMED ABDULKARIM IND
12LALJIBHAI GANESHJI PUROHIT IND
13LEELABEN RAVJIBHAI PARMAR IND
14SAIYED MAHEBUBALI HUSAINMIYA IND
15SOLANKI BHARAT BABUBHAI IND
DASKROI-57 DHOLKA-58 MATAR-115 NADIAD-116 MEHMEDABAD-117
MAHUDHA-118 KAPADVANJ-120
S06-17-GJ-KHEDA 1CHAUHAN DEVUSINH JESINGBHAI BJP
2CHAUHAN RATANSINH UDESINH BSP
3DINSHA PATEL INC
4DODIYA HEMALSINH DAJIBHAI ALIAS DODIYA BATUKSINH MJP
5ALPESHSINH SURUBHA VAGHELA IND
6CHRISTI VASANTBHAI OTABHAI IND
7KHALIFA ZAKIRHUSEN GULAMNABI IND
8PATEL BHARATKUMAR VISHNUBHAI IND
9SHEKH TAUFIKHUSEN GULAMRASUL IND
THASRA-119 BALASINOR-121 LUNAWADA-122 SHEHRA-124 MORVA HADAF-125
GODHRA-126 KALOL-127
S06-18-GJ-PANCHMAHAL 1CHAUHAN PRABHATSINH PRATAPSINH BJP
2BAROT PRAKASHKUMAR MANEKLAL BSP
3VAGHELA SHANKERSINH LAXMANSINH INC
4MANSURI MUKHTYAR MOHAMAD ABMSD
5SHAIKH KALIM ALATIF LJP
SANTRAMPUR-123 FATEPURA-129 JHALOD-130 LIMKHEDA-131 DAHOD-132
GARBADA-133 DEVGADBARIA-134
S06-19-GJ-DAHOD 1KATARA SINGJIBHAI JALJIBHAI CPM
2KALARA RAMSINGBHAI NANJIBHAI BSP
3DAMOR SOMJIBHAI PUNJABHAI BJP
4DR PRABHA KISHOR TAVIAD INC
5MEDA KALSINHBHAI TAJSINHBHAI NCP
6PARMAR DINESHBHAI NAGJIBHAI IJP
7KCMUNIA ADVOCATE SP
SAVLI-135 VAGHODIA-136 VADODARA CITY-141 SAYAJIGUNJ-142
AKOTA-143 RAOPURA-144 MANJALPUR-145
S06-20-GJ-VADODARA 1GAEKWAD SATYAJITSINH DULIPSINH INC
2PUROHIT VINAYKUMAR RAMANBHAI BSP
3BALKRISHNA KHANDERAO SHUKLA BALU SHUKLA BJP
4GIRISHBHAI MADHAVLAL BHAVSAR IND
5THAVARDAS AMULRAI CHOITHANI IND
6TAPAN DASGUPTA TAPANBHAI IND
7VASAVA HARILAL SHANABHAI IND
HALOL-128 CHHOTA UDAIPUR-137 JETPUR-138 SANKHEDA-139 DABHOI-140
PADRA-146 NANDOD-148
S06-21-GJ-CHHOTA UDAIPUR 1BHIL PRAKASHBHAI SOMABHAI BSP
2RATHWA NARANBHAI JEMLABHAI INC
3RATHWA RAMSINGBHAI PATALBHAI BJP
4VASAVABHIL VITTHALBHAI VENIBHAI IND
KARJAN-147 DEDIAPADA-149 JAMBUSAR-150 VAGRA-151 JHAGADIA-152
BHARUCH-153 ANKLESHWAR-154
S06-22-GJ-BHARUCH 1UMERJI AHMED UGHARATDAR AZIZ TANKARVI INC
2PANDEY SANATKUMAR RAJARAM BSP
3BALVANTSINH VIJAYSINH PARMAR NCP
4MANSUKHBHAI DHANJIBHAI VASAVA BJP
5KANAKSINH MANGROLA SP
6NARENDRASINH RANDHIRSINH VASHI LSWP
7PATEL NARESHKUMAR BHAGVANBHAI NARESH PATEL MJP
8PATEL MEHRUNNISHA VALLI ADAM LJP
9VASAVA CHHOTUBHAI AMARSINHBHAI JD(U)
10SURESHBHAI GORDHANBHAI VASAVA ABJS
11GOHIL HEMANTKUMAR JERAMBHAI IND
12DILIPKUMAR GULSINGBHAI VASAVA IND
13PATEL THAKORBHAI CHANDULAL IND
14LAKDAWALA SHAKIL AHEMAD IND
15LAD MAHIPATBHAI MAGANBHAI IND
MANGROL-156 MANDVI-157 KAMREJ-158 BARDOLI-169 MAHUVA-170
VYARA-171 NIZAR-172
S06-23-GJ-BARDOLI 1GAMIT RANJANBEN CHIMANBHAI BSP
2CHAUDHARI TUSHARBHAI AMRASINHBHAI INC
3PATEL SONABEN BHIKHUBHAI CPI
4VASAVA RITESHKUMAR AMARSINH BJP
5CHAUDHARI KAMLESHBHAI PRABHUBHAI JD(U)
6PATEL VIJAYKUMAR HARIBHAI MJP
7RATHOD PRAVINBHAI BHULABHAI SP
8ARJUNBHAI BHALJIBHAI CHAUDHARI IND
9GAMIT THAKORBHAI MANEKJIBHAI IND
10GAMIT SUMANBHAI NARSINHBHAI IND
11RATHOD SUKABHAI MANGABHAI IND
12VASAVA PRAVINSINH JAGATSINH IND
OLPAD-155 SURAT EAST-159 SURAT NORTH-160 VARACHHA ROAD-161
KARANJ-162 KATARGAM-166 SURAT WEST-167
S06-24-GJ-SURAT 1AJAYKUMAR DINESHBHAI PATEL BSP
2GAJERA DHIRUBHAI HARIBHAI INC
3SHRIMATI DARSHANA VIKRAM JARDOSH BJP
4PATEL KANUBHAI HARIBHAI LSWP
5PRAJAPATI MUKESHBHAI AMBALIYA LPSP
6FAKIRBHAI CHAUHAN MJP
7BATHVAR NARESHBHAI NANJIBHAI RPI(A)
8SHASHIKANT KAPURE RPIE
9SURESHBHAI CHHAGANBHAI CHOTALIYA RKSP
10NAGMAL PRABHAKARBHAI SOMABHAI IND
11PATEL SAVITABEN CHHAGANBHAI IND
12PYARELAL BHARTI IND
13PROF BAJPAI RAKESH R IND
14MAKVANA ANANDBHAI KESHAVBHAI KOLI IND
15MOHAMMAD AIYUB ABDUL RAHEMAN SHAIKH IND
LIMBAYAT-163 UDHNA-164 MAJURA-165 CHORYASI-168 JALALPORE-174
NAVSARI-175 GANDEVI-176
S06-25-GJ-NAVSARI 1DHANSUKHA RAJPUT INC
2NAIK YOGESHKUMAR THAKORBHAI NCP
3C R PATIL BJP
4SHAILESHBHAI BISHESWAR SHRIVASTAV BSP
5AAZADKUMAR CHATURBHAI PATEL SVPP
6YADAV GANGAPRASAD LALANBHAI MJP
7KANUBHAI DEVJIBHAI SUKHADIA IND
8JASHAVANTBHAI DALPATBHAI PANCHAL ADVOCATE IND
9TARUNBHAI CHAMPAKBHAI PATEL IND
10PATEL PRAVINCHANDRA MANILAL IND
11RATHOD GOVINDBHAI LAXMANBHAI RIKSHAWALA IND
12VARANKAR KAMALBEN KASHIRAM IND
13SHATRUDHANDAS OMKARDAS SUGAT BAIRAGI IND
14SATYAJIT JAYANTILAL SHETH IND
DANGS-173 VANSDA-177 DHARAMPUR-178 VALSAD-179 PARDI-180
KAPRADA-181 UMBERGAON-182
S06-26-GJ-VALSAD 1KISHANBHAI VESTABHAI PATEL INC
2GAVLI CHHAGANBHAI PILUBHAI BSP
3PATEL DHIRUBHAI CHHAGANBHAI DR DCPATEL BJP
4PANKAJKUMAR PARABHUBHAI PATEL ADSP
5BHOYE NAYNESHBHAI MADHUBHAI SP
6VARALI LAXMANBHAI CHHAGANBHAI CPI(ML)(L)
7PATEL RAMBHAI KOYABHAI IND
KALKA-1 PANCHKULA-2 NARAINGARH-3 AMBALA CANTT.-4 AMBALA CITY-5
MULANA-6 SADHAURA-7 JAGADHRI-8 YAMUNANAGAR-9
S07-1-HR-AMBALA 1CHANDER PAL BSP
2RATTAN LAL KATARIA BJP
3SELJA INC
4DALVIR SINGH HJCBL
5HEM RAJ LJP
6AMAR SINGH IND
7NARINDER KUMAR IND
RADAUR-10 LADWA-11 SHAHBAD-12 THANESAR-13 PEHOWA-14 GUHLA-15
KALAYAT-16 KAITHAL-17 PUNDRI-18
S07-2-HR-KURUKSHETRA 1ASHOK KUMAR ARORA INLD
2GURDYAL SINGH SAINI BSP
3NAVEEN JINDAL INC
4JASWANT SINGH CHEEMA HJCBL
5PARDHAN CHAND CHAUHAN SP
6DR ASHWINI SHARMA HRITTWAL IND
7ATAM PARKASH IND
8TARSEM LAL IND
9YASH PAL IND
10RAN SINGH IND
11VIRENDER SINGH IND
12VISHNU BHAGWAN AGGARWAL IND
13SUNEETA DHARIWAL IND
14SUBHASH MAHENDRA IND
NARWANA-38 TOHANA-39 FATEHABAD-40 RATIA-41 KALAWALI-42
DABWALI-43 RANIA-44 SIRSA-45 ELLENABAD-46
S07-3-HR-SIRSA 1ASHOK TANWAR INC
2RAJESH KUMAR BSP
3COMRADE RAM KUMAR CPM
4DR SITA RAM INLD
5RAJ KUMAR NAGAR JKNPP
6RAJENDRA PRASAD HJCBL
7SWARN SINGH RASJP
8HANS RAJ RPI
9JAIBIR SINGH IND
10DESRAJ IND
11NARENDER PAL IND
12PAWAN KUMAR IND
13PUSHPA RANI IND
14VAZIR SINGH IND
15SHANKER LAL IND
UCHANA KALAN-37 ADAMPUR-47 UKLANA-48 NARNAUND-49 HANSI-50
BARWALA-51 HISAR-52 NALWA-53 BAWANI KHERA-59
S07-4-HR-HISAR 1JAI PARKASH INC
2RAM DAYAL BSP
3SAMPAT SINGH INLD
4KARAN SINGH BRPP
5KRISHAN KUMAR SO HARIRAM RASJP
6GULAB SINGH NELU
7JANG BAHADUR BHBP
8BHAJAN LAL SO KHERAJ HJCBL
9ROSHAN LAL IJP
10SATPAL SMBHP
11SATPAL SINGH LJP
12ANUP IND
13MEHTA ANOOP KUMAR IND
14AZAD SINGH IND
15UMRAV SINGH IND
16KULDEEP SINGH IND
17KULWANT SINGH IND
18ARYA KRISHAN IND
19KRISHAN KUMAR SO GOPI RAM IND
20CHHOTU RAM SO KIRTA RAM IND
21CHHOTU RAM SO LADHU RAM IND
22JAGDISH CHANDER ASIJA IND
23JAG RAM IND
24JOGENDER KUMAR IND
25DEVI LAL IND
26DEVENDER IND
27NAND KISHOR IND
28PARVESH IND
29BHAJAN LAL SO DHARAMPAL IND
30BHATERI IND
31MANU DIGVIJAY SINGH IND
32RAJ KUMAR IND
33RAJENDER IND
34ROHTAS IND
35SHAMSHER IND
36SHARVAN KUMAR IND
37SANJAY KUMAR IND
38SANDEEP IND
NILOKHERI-19 INDRI-20 KARNAL-21 GHARAUNDA-22 ASSANDH-23 PANIPAT
RURAL-24 PANIPAT CITY-25 ISRANA-26 SAMALKHA-27
S07-5-HR-KARNAL 1ARVIND KUMAR SHARMA INC
2MAM CHAND CPI
3MARATHA VIRENDER VERMA BSP
4IDSWAMI BJP
5KALPANA SINGH RPI(A)
6PREM KUMAR SHS
7MANOJ KUMAR KASHYAP VAJP
8DR RAMESH CHHABRA HJCBL
9RAJIV AHUJA SP
10RAM PAL RASAP
11HAWA SINGH RASJP
12ANOOP SINGH IND
13ASHOK KUMAR IND
14DUSHYANT KUMAR IND
15NARENDER SAROHA IND
16BALWAN SINGH RUHAL IND
17MUKESH KUMARI IND
18RAMESH SINGLA IND
19LAL SINGH KASHYAP IND
20SHIV PARSAD IND
21SANJEEV IND
22ARYA SUSHIL GARG IND
23SUSHIL GURJAR SIRSI IND
GANAUR-28 RAI-29 KHARKHAUDA-30 SONIPAT-31 GOHANA-32 BARODA-33
JULANA-34 SAFIDON-35 JIND-36
S07-6-HR-SONIPAT 1KISHAN SINGH SANGWAN BJP
2JITENDER SINGH INC
3DEVRAJ DEEWAN BSP
4SUKHBIR SINGH NCP
5PT UMESH SHARMA HJCBL
6OM PARKASH MEHTA BHC
7KRISHAN KUMAR LJP
8GEJENDER KKJHS
9JYOTI PARKASH SP
10MADANGOPAL RDMP
11RAJ PAL CPIMLL
12RAJENDER SINGH UWF
13ROHTASH REDHU SMBHP
14SUSHILA JCP
15DALBIR SINGH IND
16SANT DHARAMVIR CHOTIWALA IND
17BALWAN KASHYAP IND
18BIJENDER KUMAR IND
19RAJESH KHAN MACHHRI IND
20DR VEERENDER ARYAVRAT IND
21SHIV NARAYAN IND
MEHAM-60 GARHI SAMPLA-KILOI-61 ROHTAK-62 KALANAUR-63
BAHADURGARH-64 BADLI-65 JHAJJAR-66 BERI-67 KOSLI-73
S07-7-HR-ROHTAK 1DEEPENDER SINGH INC
2NAFE SINGH RATHEE INLD
3RAJ KUMAR BSP
4KRISHAN MURTI HJCBL
5RAJBIR IJP
6SUDESH RPI(A)
7SUDESH KUMAR AGGARWAL SMBHP
8ANUP SINGH MATANHEL IND
9ASHOK IND
10ASHA NAND IND
11KARAN SINGH IND
12GORAV IND
13JASMER IND
14JASVIR ARYA IND
15RISHAL SINGH IND
16SATYAWAN RANGA IND
LOHARU-54 BADHRA-55 DADRI-56 BHIWANI-57 TOSHAM-58 ATELI-68
MAHENDRAGARH-69 NARNAUL-70 NANGAL CHAUDHRY-71
S07-8-HR-BHIWANI-MAHENDRAGARH 1AJAY SINGH CHAUTALA INLD
2ANIL KAUSHIK NCP
3VIKRAM SINGH BSP
4SHRUTI CHOUDHRY INC
5JAI SINGH IJP
6NARENDER SINGH HJCBL
7NEELKANWAL NEELAM AGGARWAL SMBHP
8MAHENDER SINGH BHBP
9VED PRAKASH NSSP
10SAROJ YADAV SP
11HANSRAJ RPI(A)
12AJAY SINGH IND
13ABHAY SINGH IND
14JAIMAL SINGH IND
15DHARMENDER SINGH IND
16DR PURAN MAL SHARMA IND
17PYARELAL IND
18BIRENDER SINGH IND
19MANMOHAN SINGH IND
20ENGINEER MAHABIR SINGH YADAV IND
21RAJ KUMAR IND
22RAJESH KUMAR SO BRIJ LAL IND
23RAJESH KUMAR SO HAWA SINGH IND
24LAXMI NARAYAN ASEEJA IND
25VINOD KUMAR IND
26SHRICHAND IND
27SURENDER IND
28SURESH KUMAR IND
29HARISH KUMAR IND
BAWAL-72 REWARI-74 PATAUDI-75 BADSHAHPUR-76 GURGAON-77 SOHNA-78
NUH-79 FEROZEPUR JHIRKA-80 PUNAHANA-81
S07-9-HR-GURGAON 1INDERJIT SINGH INC
2ZAKIR HUSSAIN BSP
3DINESH CHANDER YADAV NCP
4SUDHA BJP
5ISHPAL SINGH TOMER RDMP
6NARVIR SINGH HJCBL
7PRABHU LAL BATRA RASAP
8BUDH RAM JKM
9YASHPAL LJP
10RAMESH KUMAR JKNPP
11SATEESH KUMAR SINGH SMBHP
12SUNIL YADAV SP
13AMAR MOHMMAD IND
14KUSHESHWAR BHAGAT IND
15JAGAN IND
16NAZIR AHMED IND
17NARESH YADAV IND
18NAVEEN IND
19BALWANT SINGH AGGARWAL IND
20BIMLA DEVI IND
21MANBIR SINGH IND
22RAKESH IND
23SATBEER SINGH KUNDU IND
24SATINDER SINGH THAKRAN IND
HATHIN-82 HODAL-83 PALWAL-84 PRITHLA-85 FARIDABAD NIT-86
BADKHAL-87 BALLABHGARH-88 FARIDABAD-89 TIGAON-90
S07-10-HR-FARIDABAD 1AVTAR SINGH BHADANA INC
2CHETAN SHARMA BSP
3RAMCHANDER BAINDA BJP
4GAJENDER PRATAP BHADANA AIFB(S)
5CHANDER BHATIA HJCBL
6DEVINDER JJJKMC
7NISAR AHMED RND
8BABU LAL JUP
9MUKESH KUMAR JOSHI HYRP
10REKHA SINGH SMBHP
11LATA RANI SP
12SUBHASH RWS
13SURAJ BHAN RJAP
14AVTAR SINGH IND
15TEEKA RAM HOODA IND
16BRIJ BHUSHAN IND
17YASH PAL NAGAR IND
18SAMSUDDIN IND
19SAHI RAM RAWAT IND
20DR K P SINGH IND
21SUKHBIR SINGH IND
22SUNDER SINGH IND
23HARSH BHATIA IND
CHURAH-1 CHAMBA-3 DALHOUSIE-4 BHATTIYAT-5 NURPUR-6 INDORA-7
FATEHPUR-8 JAWALI-9 JAWALAMUKHI-12 JAISINGHPUR-13
S08-1-HP-KANGRA 1CHANDER KUMAR INC
2COLNARINDER SINGH PATHANIA BSP
3DR RAJAN SUSHANT BJP
4KESHAB LJP
5JOGINDER SINGH SHS
6NIRMLA SHARMA RWS
7KAPIL KUMAR CHAUDHARY IND
8DHANI RAM IND
9PARTAP SINGH IND
10ROSHAN LAL IND
BHARMOUR-2 LAHAUL & SPITI-21 MANALI-22 KULLU-23 BANJAR-24
ANNI-25 KARSOG-26 SUNDERNAGAR-27 NACHAN-28 SERAJ-29
S08-2-HP-MANDI 1ONKAR SHAD CPM
2MAHESHWAR SINGH BJP
3LALA RAM BSP
4VIRBHADRA SINGH INC
5HOOKAM CHAND SHASTRI RWS
6SHAN MOHAMMAD IND
DEHRA-10 JASWAN-PRAGPUR-11 DHARAMPUR-32 BHORANJ-36 SUJANPUR-37
HAMIRPUR-38 BARSAR-39 NADAUN-40 CHINTPURNI-41 GAGRET-42
S08-3-HP-HAMIRPUR 1ANURAG SINGH THAKUR BJP
2NARINDER THAKUR INC
3MANGAT RAM SHARMA BSP
4PANKAJ KATNA SHS
5MALKIAT SINGH RRD
6RAJ KUMAR RWS
7DR RAJENDER SHARMA IND
8ER SANDEEP SHARMA IND
ARKI-50 NALAGARH-51 DOON-52 SOLAN-53 KASAULI-54 PACHHAD-55
NAHAN-56 SRI RENUKAJI-57 PAONTA SAHIB-58 SHILLAI-59
S08-4-HP-SHIMLA 1DHANI RAM SHANDIL INC
2VIRENDER KASHYAP BJP
3SOM NATH BSP
4GURNAM SINGH CHANDEL SP
5BRIJ LAL SHS
6ROOP RAM IND
7SHURVEER SINGH IND
KARNAH-1 KUPWARA-2 LOLAB-3 HANDWARA-4 LANGATE-5 URI-6
RAFIABAD-7 SOPORE-8 GUREZ-9 BANDIPORA-10
S09-1-JK-BARAMULLA 1SHARIEF UD DIN SHARIQ JKN
2GH MUSTAFA KASANA BSP
3MOHAMMAD IQBAL JAN JKNPP
4MOHAMMAD DILAWAR MIR JKPDP
5ZAKIR HUSSAIN SHEIKH LJP
6SAJAD GANI LONE JPC
7ASHIQ HUSSAIN GANIE BCDP
8GH AHMAD MALLA AIFB
9GH RASOOL BHAT ANC
10GULAM RASOOL SHAH JKANC
11GH NABI PARRAY RPI(A)
12GH MOHMAD SAMOON IND
13GOWSIA BASHIR IND
KANGAN-16 GANDERBAL-17 HAZRATBAL-18 ZADIBAL-19 EIDGAH-20
KHANYAR-21 HABBA KADAL-22 AMIRA KADAL-23 SONAWAR-24 BATMALOO-25
S09-2-JK-SRINAGAR 1IFTIKHAR HUSSAIN ANSARI JKPDP
2AVTAR KRISHAN PANDITA BJP
3FAROOQ ABDULLAH JKN
4MOHAMMAD ASHRAF KHAN BSP
5BILAL AHMAD BHAT SAP
6KHALIDA BEGUM JKANC
7ZAHIR ABBAS BHATTI AIFB(S)
8ABDUL RASHID LONE RPI(A)
9MUSHTAQ AHMAD RKSP
10NISSAR AHMAD AHANGAR BSKRP
11SYED MUJTABA HUSSAIN BUKHARI IND
12ASHIQ HUSSAIN BHAT IND
13MEHBOOBA SHAHDAB IND
14MOHAMMAD AHSAN MIR IND
15MOHAMMAD ALYAS KUMAR IND
TRAL-31 PAMPORE-32 PULWAMA-33 RAJPORA-34 WACHI-35 SHOPIAN-36
NOORABAD-37 KULGAM-38 HOM SHALI BUGH-39 ANANTNAG-40
S09-3-JK-ANANTNAG 1PEER MOHD HUSSAIN JKPDP
2MOHD SIDIQ KHAN BJP
3MIRZA MEHBOOB BEG JKN
4NISAR AHMAD KHAN BSP
5ASIF JEELANI AIFB
6BASHIR AHMAD KHAN RNSP
7BASHIR AHMAD MALIK JKANC
8FAYAZ AHMAD BHAT SP
9MUSHTAQ AHMAD GANIE IJP
10MOHD RAFIQ WANI LJP
11RAJIV MAHAJAN IND
12GH MOHIUDDIN SHAH IND
13NAZIR AHMAD BHAT IND
NUBRA-47 LEH-48 KARGIL-49 ZANSKAR-50
S09-4-JK-LADAKH 1PHUNTSOG NAMGYAL INC
2GHULAM MURTAZA JKPDP
3ASGAR ALI KARBALAIE IND
4THINLESS ANGMO IND
5HASSAN KHAN IND
KISHTWAR-51 INDERWAL-52 DODA-53 BHADERWAH-54 RAMBAN-55
BANIHAL-56 GULAB GARH-57 REASI-58 GOOL ARNAS-59 UDHAMPUR-60
S09-5-JK-UDHAMPUR 1ADREES AHMAD TABBASUM CPI
2BALBIR SINGH JKPDP
3PROF BHIM SINGH JKNPP
4RAKESH WAZIR BSP
5CH LAL SINGH INC
6DR NIRMAL SINGH BJP
7BODH RAJ BCDP
8RAJESH MANCHANDA RKSP
9KANCHAN SHARMA BHBP
10MASTER WILLIAM GILL AIFB
11ATUL SHARMA IND
12DEV RAJ IND
13MOHD YOUSUF IND
14NARESH DOGRA IND
SAMBA-68 VIJAY PUR-69 NAGROTA-70 GANDHI NAGAR-71 JAMMU EAST-72
JAMMU WEST-73 BISHNAH-74 RANBIR SINGH PURA-75 SUCHET GARH-76 MARH-77
S09-6-JK-JAMMU 1STARLOK SINGH JKPDP
2HUSSAIN ALI BSP
3LILA KARAN SHARMA BJP
4MADAN LAL SHARMA INC
5UDAY CHAND DGPP
6SURJIT SINGH G SITARA RKSP
7SANT RAM BHBP
8SANJEEV KUMAR MANMOTRA LJP
9QARI ZAHIR ABBAS BHATTI AIFB
10ABDUL MAJEED MALIK BCDP
11ASHOK KUMAR IND
12BALWAN SINGH IND
13PARAS RAM POONCHI IND
14RAMESH CHANDER SHARMA IND
15SATISH POONCHI IND
16SANJAY KUMAR IND
17SHAKEELA BANO IND
18LABHA RAM GANDHI IND
19CH MUSHTAQ HUSSAIN CHOUHAN IND
20NARESH DOGRA IND
21HILAL AHMED BAIG IND
NIPPANI-1 CHIKKODI-SADALGA-2 ATHANI-3 KAGWAD-4 KUDACHI-5
RAYBAG-6 HUKKERI-7 YEMKANMARDI-10
S10-1-KA-CHIKKODI 1KATTI RAMESH VISHWANATH BJP
2PRAKASH BABANNA HUKKERI INC
3SHIVANAND WANTAMURI SIDDAMALLAPPA BSP
4BANASHANKARI BHIMAPPA ITTAPPA IND
5MALLAPPA MARUTI KHATANVE IND
6YASHWANT MANOHAR SUTAR IND
7SHAILA SURESH KOLI IND
ARABHAVI-8 GOKAK-9 BELGAUM UTTAR-11 BELGAUM DAKSHIN-12 BELGAUM
RURAL-13 BAILHONGAL-16 SAUNDATTI YELLAMMA-17 RAMDURG-18
S10-2-KA-BELGAUM 1AMARSINH VASANTRAO PATIL INC
2ANGADI SURESH CHANNABASAPPA BJP
3A B PATIL JD(S)
4RAMANAGOUDA SIDDANGOUDA PATIL BSP
5ALLAPPA RAMAPPA PATIL IND
6KASTURI BASANAGOUDA BHAVI IND
7MOHAN H GADIWADDAR IND
8RAMCHANDRA MAREPPA TORGALCHALAWADI IND
9VIJAYKUMAR JEENDATTA UPADHYE IND
10HANAJI ASHOK PANDU IND
MUDHOL-19 TERDAL-20 JAMKHANDI-21 BILGI-22 BADAMI-23 BAGALKOT-24
HUNGUND-25 NARGUND-68
S10-3-KA-BAGALKOT 1GADDIGOUDAR PC BJP
2JTPATIL INC
3FAROOQ PAKALI BSP
4BASAVARAJ KALAKAPPA PUJAR NCP
5PARASHURAM JALAGAR PPOI
6KADECHUR KALLAPPA REVANASIDDAPPA IND
7GADADANNAVAR RAMESH BHIMAPPA IND
8CHINCHOLI SANTOSHAKUMAR SAHEBAGOUDA IND
9PANDIT SHIVAPPA BODALI IND
10BADASHAH RAJESAB MUJAWAR IND
11BABU RAMAREDDY RAMESH IND
12BANDIWADDAR CHANDRASHEKHAR HANAMANT IND
13MANOHAR HA IND
14SHANKAR BHIMAPPA TELI IND
15SANNAGOUDAR GURURAJ SATTYAPPAGOUDA IND
16SANGMESH GURUPADAPPA BHAVIKATTI IND
17HIREMATH RENUKARADHYA SHARANAYYA IND
MUDDEBIHAL-26 DEVAR HIPPARGI-27 BASAVANA BAGEVADI-28
BABALESHWAR-29 BIJAPUR CITY-30 NAGTHAN-31 INDI-32 SINDGI-33
S10-4-KA-BIJAPUR 1ALMELKAR VILASABABU BASALINGAPPA JD(S)
2KANAMADI SUDHAKAR MALLESH BSP
3PRAKASH KUBASING RATHOD INC
4RAMESH CHANDAPPA JIGAJINAGI BJP
5NARASAPPA TIPPANNA BANDIWADDAR SKP
6LAMANI CHANDRAKANT RUPASING LJP
7ARAKERI NIRMALA SRINIVAS IND
8CHALAWADI RAMANNA IND
9SEVALAL SOMASHEKAR PURAPPA IND
10HARIJAN AMBANNA TUKARAM IND
AFZALPUR-34 JEVARGI-35 GURMITKAL-39 CHITTAPUR-40 SEDAM-41
GULBARGA RURAL-43 GULBARGA DAKSHIN-44 GULBARGA UTTAR-45
S10-5-KA-GULBARGA 1BABU HONNA NAIK JD(S)
2MALLIKARJUN KHARGE INC
3MAHADEV B DHANNI BSP
4REVUNAIK BELAMGI BJP
5DR K T PALUSKAR PRCP
6RAVIKUMAR SHALIMANI SEDAM ANC
7SHANKER KODLA JD(U)
8SHANKAR JADHAV BHPP
9HV DIWAKAR IND
10SHIVAKUMAR KOLLUR IND
SHORAPUR-36 SHAHAPUR-37 YADGIR-38 RAICHUR RURAL-53 RAICHUR-54
MANVI-55 DEVADURGA-56 LINGSUGUR-57
S10-6-KA-RAICHUR 1KDEVANNA NAIK JD(S)
2PAKKIRAPPAS BJP
3RAJA VENKATAPPA NAIK INC
4SHIVAKUMAR BSP
5COM II VHMASTER IND
6COMRADE VMUDUKAPPA NAYAK IND
7RMUDUKAPPA NAYAK IND
8KSOMASHEKHAR IND
CHINCHOLI-42 ALAND-46 BASAVAKALYAN-47 HOMNABAD-48 BIDAR SOUTH-49
BIDAR-50 BHALKI-51 AURAD-52
S10-7-KA-BIDAR 1GURUPADAPPA NAGMARPALLI BJP
2JAGANNATHRJAMADAR BSP
3NDHARAM SINGH INC
4SUBHASH TIPPANNA NELGE JD(S)
5ADVOCATE MOULVI ZAMEERUDDIN NDEP
6BHASKAR BABU PATERPALLI ICSP
7SHRAVAN SANGONDA BHANDE RSPS
8SUBHASH CHANDRA GKHAPATE LJP
9AMRUTHAPPAMD IND
10MD ARSHAD AHMED ANSARI IND
11KHAJA SAMEEUDDIN KHAJA MOINUDDIN IND
12JADHAV VENKAT RAO GYANOBA RAO IND
13DONGAPURE SHANT KUMAR IND
14DEVENDRAPPA SANGRAMAPPA PATIL IND
15NARSAPPA MUTHANGI IND
16PARMESHWAR RAMCHANDRA IND
17PASHAMIYA ESMAIL SAB IND
18BASWARAJ PAILWAN OKALLI IND
19MANJILE MIYYA PEER SAB QURESH IND
20MD OSMAN ALI LAKHPATI IND
21MUFTI SHAIKH ABDUL GAFFAR QASMI IND
22YEVATE PATIL SHRIMANTH IND
23YASHWANTH NARSING IND
24SHIVARAJ TIMMANNA BOKKE IND
25SAMEEUDDIN BANDELI IND
26SURESH SWAMY TALGHATKER IND
27SYED QUBUL ULLA HUSSIANI SAJID IND
SINDHANUR-58 MASKI-59 KUSHTAGI-60 KANAKAGIRI-61 GANGAWATI-62
YELBURGA-63 KOPPAL-64 SIRUGUPPA-92
S10-8-KA-KOPPAL 1ANSARI IQBAL JD(S)
2BASAVARAJ RAYAREDDY INC
3SHIVAPUTRAPPA GUMAGERA BSP
4SHIVARAMAGOUDA SHIVANAGOUDA BJP
5ZAKEER LJP
6BASAVARAJ KARADI WADDARAHATTI JD(U)
7BHARADWAJ CPI(ML)(L)
8JESHWARAPPA IND
9UPPAR HANUMANTAPPA VEERAPPA KESARAHATTI IND
10GOUSIA BEGUM IND
11TCHAKRAVARTI NAYAK IND
12CHANDRASHEKAR IND
13NAJEER HUSAIN IND
14COMRADE DHPUJAR IND
15MAREMMA YANKAPPA IND
16SHARABHAYYA HIREMATH IND
17SHIVAKUMAR NAVALI SIDDAPPA TONTAPUR IND
18HANDI RAFIQ SAB IND
HADAGALLI-88 HAGARIBOMMANAHALLI-89 VIJAYANAGARA-90 KAMPLI-91
BELLARY-93 BELLARY CITY-94 SANDUR-95 KUDLIGI-96
S10-9-KA-BELLARY 1T NAGENDRA BSP
2J SHANTHA BJP
3NY HANUMANTHAPPA INC
4CHOWDAPPA CPI(ML)(L)
5D GANGANNA IND
6B RAMAIAH IND
7A RAMANJANAPPA IND
SHIRAHATTI-65 GADAG-66 RON-67 HANGAL-82 HAVERI-84 BYADGI-85
HIREKERUR-86 RANIBENNUR-87
S10-10-KA-HAVERI 1ASHOKAPPA MALLAPPA JAVALI NCP
2UDASI SHIVAKUMAR CHANABASAPPA BJP
3IGAL DILLPPA KARIYAPPA BSP
4SHIVAKUMARGOUDA SHIDDALINGANGOUDA PATIL JD(S)
5SALEEM AHAMAD INC
6KRISHNAJI RAGHAVENDRARAO OMKAR ABHM
7PRABHU K PATIL JD(U)
8ALLABAX TIMMAPUR IND
9JAGADEESH YANKAPPA DODDAMANI IND
10FAKKIRESH SHAMBHU BIJAPUR IND
11KNBADIGER IND
12BASAVARAJ SHANKRAPPA DESAI IND
NAVALGUND-69 KUNDGOL-70 DHARWAD-71 HUBLI-DHARWAD-EAST-72
HUBLI-DHARWAD-CENTRAL-73 HUBLI-DHARWAD- WEST-74 KALGHATGI-75
SHIGGAON-83
S10-11-KA-DHARWAD 1KASHIMSAB MULLA BSP
2KUNNUR MANJUNATH CHANNAPPA INC
3TALAKALLAMATH MAHESH GURUPADAYYA NCP
4PRALHAD JOSHI BJP
5HANMANTSA CHANDRAKANTSA NIRANJAN JD(U)
6ALI MSANDIMANI IND
7ASHOK VISHNUSA BADDI IND
8IBRAHIM KALLIMANI IND
9GURUPADAGOUDA VENKANAGOUDA PATIL IND
10ZAMEER KHAN IND
11J BHASKAR IND
12BASANAGOUDA MUDIGOUDA HANASI IND
13BASAVARAJ RAMANNA BALANNAVAR IND
14BAGWAN NASIR PAPULSAB IND
15RAMACHANDRA KALINGAPPA MAHAR IND
16SHANKARAPPA GURUSHIDDAPPA YADAVANNAVAR IND
KHANAPUR-14 KITTUR-15 HALIYAL-76 KARWAR-77 KUMTA-78 BHATKAL-79
SIRSI-80 YELLAPUR-81
S10-12-KA-UTTARA KANNADA 1ANANTKUMAR HEGDE BJP
2ALVA MARGARET INC
3HADAPAD BASAVARAJ DUNDAPPA BSP
4V D HEGADE JD(S)
5ELISH KOTIYAL JD(U)
6D M GURAV SHS
7ABDUL RASHEED SHAIKH IND
8UDAY BABU KHALVADEKAR IND
9KHAZI RAHMATULLA ABDUL WAHAB IND
10L P M NAIK IND
11YASHWANT TIMMANNA NIPPANIKAR IND
JAGALUR-103 HARAPANAHALLI-104 HARIHAR-105 DAVANAGERE NORTH-106
DAVANAGERE SOUTH-107 MAYAKONDA-108 CHANNAGIRI-109 HONNALI-110
S10-13-KA-DAVANAGERE 1KB KALLERUDRESHAPPA JD(S)
2MALLIKARJUN SS INC
3SIDDESWARA GM BJP
4DR HIDAYATHUR RAHMAN KHAN BSP
5IDLI RAMAPPA CPI(ML)(L)
6SUDESH GM AIJMK
7ARUNDI NINGAPPA IND
8ALUR MG SWAMY IND
9INAYAT ALI KHAN IND
10H ESWARAPPA BOVI IND
11HM EHSANULLA PATEL IND
12H K KENCHVEERAPPA HEBBALU IND
13S CHANDRASHEKARAPPA IND
14JAYANNA ITAGI IND
15H NAGARAJ PALEGARA IND
16M NAGARAJAPPA IND
17LS MALLIKARJUN IND
18MARUTHI H IND
19YOGESHWARA RAO SINDHE IND
20RAMESH HULI IND
21B RAJASHEKHARAYYA IND
22DRRAJU C IND
23LOKANAGOWDA PATIL IND
24VEERESH T IND
25DR SRIDHARA UDUPA IND
26G N SIDDESH IND
27SUBHAN KHAN IND
28B GNANA PRAKASH IND
SHIMOGA RURAL-111 BHADRAVATI-112 SHIMOGA-113 TIRTHAHALLI-114
SHIKARIPURA-115 SORAB-116 SAGAR-117 BYNDOOR-118
S10-14-KA-SHIMOGA 1J JAYAPPA BSP
2S BANGARAPPA INC
3BY RAGHAVENDRA BJP
4C MURUGAN AIJMK
5AKHIL AHMED IND
6DS ESHWARAPPA IND
7UMESHKUMAR S IND
8N DINESH KUMAR IND
9MAINUDDINMS IND
10MANJAPPA S IND
11MP SRIDHAR BYNDOOR IND
12HS SHEKARAPPA IND
KUNDAPURA-119 UDUPI-120 KAPU-121 KARKAL-122 SRINGERI-123
MUDIGERE-124 CHIKMAGALUR-125 TARIKERE-126
S10-15-KA-UDUPI CHIKMAGALUR 1KJAYAPRAKASH HEGDE INC
2RADHA SUNDARESH CPI
3DVSADANANDA GOWDA BJP
4JSTEVEN MENEZES BSP
5COMRADEUMESH KUMAR IND
6KGANAPATHI SHETTIGAR IND
7VINAYAK MALLYA IND
8DR SRIDHARA UDUPA IND
9SRINIVAS POOJARY IND
KADUR-127 SHRAVANABELAGOLA-193 ARSIKERE-194 BELUR-195 HASSAN-196
HOLENARASIPUR-197 ARKALGUD-198 SAKLESHPUR-199
S10-16-KA-HASSAN 1A P AHAMED BSP
2H D DEVEGOWDA JD(S)
3B SHIVRAMU INC
4K H HANUME GOWDA BJP
5AIJAZ AHMED FAROOQI IND
6KURUBARA KALENAHALLI KOVI BABANNA IND
7KODIHALLI CHANDRASHEKAR IND
8DEVARAJA P B IND
9DANDORA VIJAYAKUMAR IND
10M MAHESH HARSHA IND
11RAJANI NARAYANAGOWDA IND
12K D REVANNA IND
13B C VIJAYAKUMARA IND
BELTHANGADY-200 MOODABIDRI-201 MANGALORE CITY NORTH-202 MANGALORE
CITY SOUTH-203 MANGALORE-204 BANTVAL-205 PUTTUR-206 SULLIA-207
S10-17-KA-DAKSHINA KANNADA 1ALEKKADI GIRISH RAI BSP
2JANARDHANA POOJARY INC
3NALIN KUMAR KATEEL BJP
4BMADHAVA CPM
5VICHARAWADI ANANDA GATTY IND
6DRTHIRUMALA RAYA HALEMANE IND
7MOHAMMED SALI IND
8K RAMA BHAT URIMAJALU IND
9VASUDEVA GOWDA M P IND
10DRUPSHIVANANDA IND
11SUBRAHMANYA KUMAR KUNTIKANAMATA IND
MOLAKALMURU-97 CHALLAKERE-98 CHITRADURGA-99 HIRIYUR-100
HOSADURGA-101 HOLALKERE-102 SIRA-136 PAVAGADA-137
S10-18-KA-CHITRADURGA 1JANARDHANA SWAMY BJP
2M JAYANNA BSP
3DR B THIPPESWAMY INC
4M RATHNAKAR JD(S)
5SHASHISHEKAR NAIK RJD
6M KUMBAIAH IND
7GANESHA IND
8K H DURGASIMHA IND
9RAMACHANDRA IND
10B SUJATHA IND
11HANUMANTHAPPA TEGNOOR IND
CHIKNAYAKANHALLI-128 TIPTUR-129 TURUVEKERE-130 TUMKUR CITY-132
TUMKUR RURAL-133 KORATAGERE-134 GUBBI-135 MADHUGIRI-138
S10-19-KA-TUMKUR 1ASHOK BSP
2P KODANDARAMAIAH INC
3GS BASAVARAJU BJP
4SP MUDDAHANUMEGOWDA JD(S)
5SREE GOWRISHANKARA SWAMIGALU SP
6DR NAGARAJA IND
7G NAGENDRA IND
8NIRANJANA CS IND
9MOHAMED KHASIM IND
10SHASIBHUSHANA IND
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SHRIRANGAPATTANA-190 NAGAMANGALA-191 KRISHNARAJPET-192
KRISHNARAJANAGARA-211
S10-20-KA-MANDYA 1M H AMBAREESH INC
2M KRISHNAMURTHY BSP
3N CHELUVARAYA SWAMY SWAMYGOWDA JD(S)
4L R SHIVARAMEGOWDA BJP
5KOWDLE CHANNAPPA JD(U)
6JOHNSON CHINNAPPAN AIJMK
7K S PUTTANNAIAH SKP
8H S RAMANNA PPOI
9S BALASUBRAMANIAN IND
10VENKATESH R IND
11SHAKUNTHALA IND
12SHAMBHULINGEGOWDA IND
MADIKERI-208 VIRAJPET-209 PIRIYAPATNA-210 HUNSUR-212
CHAMUNDESHWARI-215 KRISHNARAJA-216 CHAMARAJA-217 NARASIMHARAJA-218
S10-21-KA-MYSORE 1ADAGUR H VISHWANATH INC
2BAJIVIJAYA JD(S)
3CHVIJAYASHANKAR BJP
4SYED NIZAM ALI BSP
5ARSHADULLA SHARIFF BPJP
6DREKESHAMMA RDMP
7PPARASHIVAMURTHY RKSP
8LEELAVATHIM PPOI
9RAFEEQ IND
10PNSRINATHPATHRIKE IND
11SANTHOSH KUMARP IND
12MVSANTHOSH KUMAR IND
HEGGADADEVANKOTE-213 NANJANGUD-214 VARUNA-219 T.NARASIPUR-220
HANUR-221 KOLLEGAL-222 CHAMARAJANAGAR-223 GUNDLUPET-224
S10-22-KA-CHAMARAJANAGAR 1ARKRISHNAMURTHY BJP
2RDHRUVANARAYANA INC
3NMAHESH BSP
4MSHIVANNAKOTE JD(S)
5MKKEMPASIDDAIAH SP
6CHOWDAHALLY JAVARAIAH CPI(ML)(L)
7RJAGADISH NAIK BSC
8KCSHIVANANDA JD(U)
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10BHEEMAIAH IND
11PBYOGENDRA IND
12RAMESHM IND
13MCRAJANNA IND
14SUBBAIAH IND
KUNIGAL-131 RAJARAJESHWARINAGAR-154 BANGALORE SOUTH-176
ANEKAL-177 MAGADI-182 RAMANAGARAM-183 KANAKAPURA-184 CHANNAPATNA-185
S10-23-KA-BANGALORE RURAL 1HDKUMARASWAMY JD(S)
2TEJASVINI GOWDA INC
3MOHAMED HAFEEZ ULLAH BSP
4C P YOGEESHWARA BJP
5CTHOPAIAH JD(U)
6I VENKATESWARA REDDY PPOI
7AGNISHREENIVAS IND
8DKUMARASWAMY IND
9KUMARASWAMY C IND
10KRISHNAPPA IND
11YCHINNAPPA IND
12A CHOWRAPPA IND
13DR K PADMARAJAN IND
14KPUTTAMADEGOWDA IND
15TMMANCHEGOWDA IND
K.R.PURA-151 BYATARAYANAPURA-152 YESHVANTHAPURA-153
DASARAHALLI-155 MAHALAKSHMI LAYOUT-156 MALLESHWARAM-157 HEBBAL-158
PULAKESHINAGAR-159
S10-24-KA-BANGALORE NORTH 1D B CHANDRE GOWDA BJP
2C K JAFFER SHARIEF INC
3PADMAA K BHAT BSP
4R SURENDRA BABU JD(S)
5M TIPPUVARDHAN BPJP
6ANCHAN KHANNA IND
7KANYA KUMAR IND
8G S KUMAR IND
9C KRISHNAMURTHY IND
10B K CHANDRA IND
11T R CHANDRAHASA IND
12ABDUL JALEEL IND
13ZAFER MOHIUDDIN IND
14JOSEPH SOLOMON IND
15L NAGARAJ IND
16V PRASANNA KUMAR IND
17H PILLAIAH IND
18T B MADWARAJA IND
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20K A MOHAN IND
21S M RAJU IND
22L LAKSHMAIAH IND
23MU VENKATESHAIAH IND
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25H A SHIVAKUMAR IND
26K SATHYANARAYANA IND
27SYED AKBAR BASHA IND
28N HARISH GOWDA IND
SARVAGNANAGAR-160 C.V. RAMAN NAGAR-161 SHIVAJINAGAR-162 SHANTI
NAGAR-163 GANDHI NAGAR-164 RAJAJI NAGAR-165 CHAMRAJPET-168
MAHADEVAPURA-174
S10-25-KA-BANGALORE CENTRAL 1ZAMEER AHMED KHAN BZ JD(S)
2P C MOHAN BJP
3VIJAY RAJA SINGH BSP
4HTSANGLIANA INC
5IFTHAQUAR ALI BHUTTO ANC
6JDELANGOVAN IJP
7S M KRISHNA BPJP
8B KRISHNA PRASAD PTSS
9AS PAUL AIJMK
10DC PRAKASH KTMK
11KPRABHAKARA REDDY KCVP
12TKPREMKUMAR PPOI
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14MA ASHWATHA NARAYANA SETTY IND
15K UMA IND
16UMASHANKAR IND
17KSSIYENGAR IND
18BMKRISHNAREDDY IND
19SKODANDARAM IND
20CVGIDDAPPA IND
21ACHANDRASHEKAR IND
22JAYARAMA IND
23KNARASIMHA IND
24BK NARAYANA SWAMY IND
25PPARTHIBAN IND
26MEER LAYAQ HUSSAIN IND
27BMOHAN VELU IND
28R RAJ IND
29E RAMAKRISHNAIAH IND
30KHRAMALINGAREDDY IND
31VIJAYA BHASKAR N IND
32DRD RVENKATESH GOWDA IND
33SHAFFI AHMED IND
34SN SHARMA IND
35SHASHIKUMAR AR IND
36KSHIVARAMANNA IND
37SHAIK BAHADUR IND
GOVINDRAJ NAGAR-166 VIJAY NAGAR-167 CHICKPET-169 BASAVANAGUDI-170
PADMANABA NAGAR-171 B.T.M LAYOUT-172 JAYANAGAR-173 BOMMANAHALLI-175
S10-26-KA-BANGALORE SOUTH 1ANANTH KUMAR BJP
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3NAHEEDA SALMA S BSP
4PROFRADHAKRISHNA JD(S)
5BMGOVINDRAJ NAIK ABHM
6PJOHNBASCO AIJMK
7VATAL NAGARAJ KCVP
8BSHIVARAMAPPA PPOI
9ABHIMAANI NARENDRA IND
10KHADER ALI KHAN IND
11GANESH HANUMANTARAO MOKHASHI IND
12CAPT GR GOPINATH IND
13KCJANARDHAN IND
14DRJAYALAKSHMIHG IND
15KMNARAYANA IND
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17MURALIDHARADJ IND
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19SUGANDHARAJE URS IND
20SANTHOSH MINB IND
GAURIBIDANUR-139 BAGEPALLI-140 CHIKKABALLAPUR-141 YELAHANKA-150
HOSAKOTE-178 DEVANAHALLI-179 DODDABALLAPUR-180 NELAMANGALA-181
S10-27-KA-CHIKKBALLAPUR 1CASWATHANARAYANA BJP
2CRMANOHAR JD(S)
3MVEERAPPA MOILY INC
4HENNURU LAKSHMINARAYANA BSP
5MRAMAKRISHNAIAH PPOI
6MVENKATESH BPJP
7HRSHIVAKUMAR LJP
8KRISHNAMURTHY T IND
9KSCHANDRASHEKARA RAO AZAD IND
10LNAGARAJ IND
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12ANBACHEGOWDA IND
13GBMUTHUKUMAR IND
14MMUNIVENKATAIAH IND
15MRAMESH IND
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17GN RAVI IND
18KVENKATAREDDY IND
19BSHIVARAJA IND
20YASIDDALINGEGOWDA IND
SIDLAGHATTA-142 CHINTAMANI-143 SRINIVASPUR-144 MULBAGAL-145 KOLAR
GOLD FIELD-146 BANGARAPET-147 KOLAR-148 MALUR-149
S10-28-KA-KOLAR 1GCHANDRANNA JD(S)
2KHMUNIYAPPA INC
3NMUNISWAMY BSP
4LAKSHMI SHANMUGAM NCP
5DSVEERAIAH BJP
6KRDEVARAJA RDMP
7BMKRISHNAPPA IND
8MRGANTAPPA IND
9PVCHANGALARAYAPPA IND
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MANJESHWAR-1 KASARAGOD-2 UDUMA-3 KANHANGAD-4 TRIKARIPUR-5
PAYYANNUR-6 KALLIASSERI-7
S11-1-KL-KASARAGOD 1P KARUNAKARAN CPM
2KHMADHAVI BSP
3SHAHIDA KAMAL INC
4K SURENDRAN BJP
5ABBAS MUTHALAPPARA IND
6MOHAN NAYAK IND
7PK RAMAN IND
TALIPARAMBA-8 IRIKKUR-9 AZHIKODE-10 KANNUR-11 DHARMADAM-12
MATTANNUR-15 PERAVOOR-16
S11-2-KL-KANNUR 1PP KARUNAKARAN MASTER BJP
2KK BALAKRISHNAN NAMBIAR BSP
3KK RAGESH CPM
4K SUDHAKARAN INC
5PI CHANDRASEKHARAN THPI
6JOHNSON ALIAS SUNNY AMBATT IND
7K RAGESH SO JANARDHANAN IND
8PATTATHIL RAGHAVAN IND
9K SUDHAKARAN KAVINTE ARIKATH IND
THALASSERY-13 KUTHUPARAMBA-14 VADAKARA-20 KUTTIADI-21
NADAPURAM-22 QUILANDY-23 PERAMBRA-24
S11-3-KL-VADAKARA 1ADVK NOORUDHEEN MUSALIAR BSP
2MULLAPPALLY RAMACHANDRAN INC
3KP SREESAN BJP
4ADV P SATHEEDEVI CPM
5TP CHANDRASEKHARAN IND
6NAROTH RAMACHANDRAN IND
7PSATHIDEVI PALLIKKAL IND
8SATHEEDEVI IND
MANANTHAVADY-17 SULTHANBATHERY-18 KALPETTA-19 THIRUVANMBADI-32
ERNAD-34 NILAMBUR-35 WANDOOR-36
S11-4-KL-WAYANAD 1K MURALEEDHARAN NCP
2RAJEEV JOSEPH BSP
3C VASUDEVAN MASTER BJP
4MI SHANAVAS INC
5ADVOCATE M RAHMATHULLA CPI
6KALLANGODAN ABDUL LATHEEF IND
7CLETUS IND
8DR NALLA THAMPY THERA IND
9ADVOCATE SHANAVAS MALAPPURAM IND
10SHANAVAS MANAKULANGARA PARAMBIL IND
11SUNNY PONNAMATTOM IND
12MP RAHMATH IND
13RAHMATHULLA POOLADAN IND
BALUSSERI-25 ELATHUR-26 KOZHIKODE NORTH-27 KOZHIKODE SOUTH-28
BEYPORE-29 KUNNAMANGALAM-30 KODUVALLY-31
S11-5-KL-KOZHIKODE 1AK ABDUL NASAR BSP
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3V MURALEEDHARAN BJP
4MK RAGHAVAN INC
5ADV P KUMARANKUTTY IND
6K MUHAMMED RIYAS IND
7P MUHAMMED RIYAS IND
8PA MOHAMMED RIYAS IND
9MUDOOR MUHAMMED HAJI IND
10K RAGHAVAN IND
11P RAMACHANDRAN NAIR IND
12M RAGHAVAN IND
13VINOD K IND
14ADV SABI JOSEPH IND
15DR DSURENDRANATH IND
16RIYAS IND
KONDOTTY-33 MANJERI-37 PERINTHALMANNA-38 MANKADA-39
MALAPPURAM-40 VENGARA-41 VALLIKKUNNU-42
S11-6-KL-MALAPPURAM 1ADVEA ABOOBACKER BSP
2ADV N ARAVINDAN BJP
3E AHAMED MUL
4TK HAMSA CPM
TIRURANGADI-43 TANUR-44 TIRUR-45 KOTTAKKAL-46 THAVANUR-47
PONNANI-48 THRITHALA-49
S11-7-KL-PONNANI 1K JANACHANDRAN MASTER BJP
2PK MUHAMMED BSP
3ET MUHAMMED BASHEER MUL
4ABDUREHMAN IND
5DR AZAD IND
6PULLANI GOVINDAN IND
7DR HUSSAIN RANTATHANI IND
8HUSSAIN EDAYATH IND
9HUSSAIN KADAIKKAL IND
10HUSSAIN PERICHAYIL IND
11HUSSAIN IND
12DR HUSSAIN IND
13K SADANANDAN IND
PATTAMBI-50 SHORANUR-51 OTTAPPALAM-52 KONGAD-53 MANNARKKAD-54
MALAMPUZHA-55 PALAKKAD-56
S11-8-KL-PALAKKAD 1ABDUL RAZAK MOULAVI NCP
2CHANDRAN V BSP
3CK PADMANABHAN BJP
4MB RAJESH CPM
5SATHEESAN PACHENI INC
6A AROKIASAMY IND
7MR MURALI IND
8NV RAJESH IND
9VIJAYAN AMBALAKKAD IND
10SATHEESAN EV IND
TARUR-57 CHITTUR-58 NEMMARA-59 ALATHUR-60 CHELAKKARA-61
KUNNAMKULAM-62 WADAKKANCHERY-65
S11-9-KL-ALATHUR 1PK BIJU CPM
2M BINDU TEACHER BJP
3DR G SUDEVAN BSP
4NK SUDHEER INC
5K GOPALAKRISHNAN CPI(ML)(L)
6BIJU KK IND
7PC BIJU IND
8CK RAMAKRISHNAN IND
9KK SUDHIR IND
GURUVAYOOR-63 MANALUR-64 OLLUR-66 THRISSUR-67 NATTIKA-68
IRINJALAKUDA-70 PUTHUKKAD-71
S11-10-KL-THRISSUR 1P C CHACKO INC
2C N JAYADEVAN CPI
3ADV JOSHY THARAKAN BSP
4REMA REGUNANDAN BJP
5AJAYAN KUTTIKAT JD(U)
6K ARUN KUMAR IND
7KUNJAN PULAYAN IND
8E A JOSEPH IND
9N K RAVI IND
10P C SAJU IND
11ADV N HARIHARAN NAIR IND
KAIPAMANGALAM-69 CHALAKUDY-72 KODUNGALLUR-73 PERUMBAVOOR-74
ANGAMALY-75 ALUVA-76 KUNNATHUNAD-84
S11-11-KL-CHALAKUDY 1ADV UP JOSEPH CPM
2KP DHANAPALAN INC
3MUTTAM ABDULLA BSP
4ADVKV SABU BJP
5HAMSA KALAPARAMBATH LJP
6JOHNNY K CHEEKU IND
7JOSE MAVELI IND
8UP JOSE IND
9DR PS BABU IND
10TS NARAYANAN MASTER IND
11CA HASEENA IND
KALAMASSERY-77 PARAVUR-78 VYPEEN-79 KOCHI-80 THRIPPUNITHURA-81
ERNAKULAM-82 THRIKKAKARA-83
S11-12-KL-ERNAKULAM 1PROF K V THOMAS INC
2AN RADHAKRISHNAN BJP
3SHERIF MOHAMMED BSP
4SINDHU JOY CPM
5SAJU THOMAS LJP
6MARY FRANCIS MOOLAMPILLY IND
7VISWAMBARAN IND
8SAJI THURUTHIKUNNEL IND
9SINDHU KS IND
10SINDHU JAYAN IND
MUVATTUPUZHA-86 KOTHAMANGALAM-87 DEVIKULAM-88 UDUMBANCHOLA-89
THODUPUZHA-90 IDUKKI-91 PEERUMADE-92
S11-13-KL-IDUKKI 1ADV PT THOMAS INC
2ADV K FRANCIS GEORGE KEC
3ADV BIJU M JOHN BSP
4SREENAGARI RAJAN BJP
5VASUDEVAN VCK
6ADV CHITTOOR RAJAMANNAR IND
7JOSE KUTTIYANY IND
8KANCHIYAR PEETHAMBARAN IND
9BABY IND
10M A SOOSAI IND
PIRAVOM-85 PALA-93 KADUTHURUTHY-94 VAIKOM-95 ETTUMANOOR-96
KOTTAYAM-97 PUTHUPPALLY-98
S11-14-KL-KOTTAYAM 1JOSE KMANI KEC(M)
2ADV NARAYANAN NAMBOOTHIRI BJP
3ADV SURESH KURUP CPM
4SPENCER MARKS BSP
5ADV JAIMON THANKACHAN SWJP
6ANTO P JOHN IND
7JUNO JOHN BABY IND
8JOSE IND
9JOSE MATHEW IND
10JOSE K MANI IND
11BABU IND
12KT MATHEW IND
13MINI K PHILIP IND
14MS RAVEENDRAN IND
15K RAJAPPAN IND
16SASIKUTTAN VAKATHANAM IND
17SURESH NB KURUP IND
18SURESHKUMAR K IND
19SURESHKUMAR TR IND
20SURESH KURUMBAN IND
AROOR-102 CHERTHALA-103 ALAPPUZHA-104 AMBALAPPUZHA-105
HARIPAD-107 KAYAMKULAM-108 KARUNAGAPPALLY-116
S11-15-KL-ALAPPUZHA 1DR KS MANOJ CPM
2KC VENUGOPAL INC
3KS PRASAD BSP
4PJ KURIAN JD(U)
5S SEETHILAL IND
6SONY J KALYANKUMAR IND
CHANGANASSERY-99 KUTTANAD-106 MAVELIKKARA-109 CHENGANNUR-110
KUNNATHUR-118 KOTTARAKKARA-119 PATHANAPURAM-120
S11-16-KL-MAVELIKKARA 1RS ANIL CPI
2KODIKKUNNIL SURESH INC
3DR ND MOHAN BSP
4PM VELAYUDHAN BJP
5ANIL KUMAR IND
6KS SASIKALA IND
7SOORANAD SUKUMARAN IND
KANJIRAPPALLY-100 POONJAR-101 THIRUVALLA-111 RANNI-112
ARANMULA-113 KONNI-114 ADOOR-115
S11-17-KL-PATHANAMTHITTA 1ANANTHA GOPAN CPM
2ANTO ANTONY INC
3KARUNAKARAN NAIR BSP
4MANI CKAPPEN NCP
5RADHAKRISHNA MENON BJP
6KUNJU PILLAI CPI(ML)(L)
7ANTO IND
8JYOTHISH MR IND
9THAMBI IND
10NIRANAM RAJAN IND
11PUSHPANGADAN IND
12MATHEW PAREY IND
CHAVARA-117 PUNALUR-121 CHADAYAMANGALAM-122 KUNDARA-123
KOLLAM-124 ERAVIPURAM-125 CHATHANNOOR-126
S11-18-KL-KOLLAM 1ADVT K M JAYANANDAN BSP
2NPEETHAMBARAKURUP INC
3VAYAKKAL MADHU BJP
4PRAJENDRAN CPM
5ADVANU SASI IND
6KRISHNAMMAL IND
7K A JOHN IND
8NPEETHAMBARAKURUP IND
9SPRADEEP KUMAR IND
10SRADHAKRISHNAN IND
11RZAKIEER HUSSAIN IND
VARKALA-127 ATTINGAL-128 CHIRAYINKEEZHU-129 NEDUMANGAD-130
VAMANAPURAM-131 ARUVIKKARA-136 KATTAKKADA-138
S11-19-KL-ATTINGAL 1PROFG BALACHANDRAN INC
2THOTTAKKADU SASI BJP
3ADV A SAMPATH CPM
4J SUDHAKARAN BSP
5SREENATH SHS
6JAYAKUMAR IND
7BALACHANDRAN IND
8BALACHNDRAN C P IND
9MURALI KUMAR IND
10J VIJAYAKUMAR IND
11VIVEKANANDAN IND
12SHAMSUDEEN IND
13SAJIMON IND
14SAIFUDEEN M IND
KAZHAKOOTTAM-132 VATTIYOOUKAVU-133 THIRUVANANTHAPURAM-134
NEMOM-135 PARASSALA-137 KOVALAM-139 NEYYATTINKARA-140
S11-20-KL-THIRUVANANTHAPURAM 1P K KRISHNA DAS BJP
2MPGANGADHARAN NCP
3DRA NEELALOHITHADASAN NADAR BSP
4ADV P RAMACHANDRAN NAIR CPI
5SHASHI THAROOR INC
6AJITHKUMARK AITC
7JAIN WILSON BSA
8G ASHOKAN IND
9TGEORGE IND
10DILEEP IND
11UNAHURMIRAN PEERU MOHAMMED IND
12PRATHAPAN IND
13MOHANAN JOSHWA IND
14SASI JANAKI SADAN IND
15SASI KALAPURAKKAL IND
16SHAJAR KHAN IND
SHEOPUR-1 VIJAYPUR-2 SABALGARH-3 JOURA-4 SUMAWALI-5 MORENA-6
DIMANI-7 AMBAH-8
S12-1-MP-MORENA 1JUGAL KISHOR PIPPAL CPM
2NARENDRA SINGH TOMAR BJP
3BALVEER SINGH DANDOTIYA BSP
4AD BAIJNATH KUSHWAHA SP
5RAMNIWAS RAWAT INC
6ANITA HITENDRA CHOUDHARY BHBP
7DEVENDRA SINGH SIKARWAR AIFB
8RAMBABU SINGH PARIHAR LJP
9VISHANLAL AGARWAL GOKAL MP SVSP
10UTTAM SINGH MITTAL IND
11USHA RAWAT IND
12KALAWATI RAMESH ARGAL IND
13GANDRV IND
14JOGENDR IND
15DHALLU ALLAHBAKSH IND
16NARENDRA SINGH IND
17MAHESH JATAV IND
18MAHESH SINGH JATAV IND
19RAJVEER SINGH IND
20RAMNIWAS KUSHWAH IND
21RAM SEWAK IND
22VIJAY KUMAR IND
23VIVEK APTE IND
24SATYENDRA JAIN SHAMMI IND
ATER-9 BHIND-10 LAHAR-11 MEHGAON-12 GOHAD-13 SEWDA-20
BHANDER-21 DATIA-22
S12-2-MP-BHIND 1ASHOK ARGAL BJP
2NAND KISHOR KORI SP
3DR BHAGIRATH PRASAD INC
4DRRAHUL BSP
5TULSIRAM DHANUK THEKEDAR IVD
6SHANKAR LAL VERMA BHBP
7SHRIRAM RAHUL BMM
8RJJATAV IND
9BHAGIRATH IND
10RAMSEVAK MORYA IND
11LALARAM IND
12VEERENDRA KUMAR GOYAL IND
13SHAILENDRA SINGH ALIAS KALLU IND
GWALIOR RURAL-14 GWALIOR-15 GWALIOR EAST-16 GWALIOR SOUTH-17
BHITARWAR-18 DABRA-19 KARERA-23 POHARI-24
S12-3-MP-GWALIOR 1AJAB SINGH KUSHWAH BSP
2ASHOK SINGH INC
3YASHODHARA RAJE SCINDIA BJP
4AVTAR SINGH LJP
5GAUTAM SINGH RAJPUT KUSHWAH RSMD
6DEVENDRA BHARGAVA ADVOCATE ABHM
7PANKAJ GOSWAMI BHBP
8RAMESH CHANDRA SHARMA IJP
9DR RAM GOPAL ADVOCATE RPI(A)
10LAKHPAT SINGH KIRAR ASP
11ANAND KUMAR IND
12ANAND SINGH KUSHWAH RAMAYNE IND
13ALOK JOSHI IND
14KAPTAN SINGH MASTER IND
15KOMAL ANURAGI IND
16JAGADISH GOBARA IND
17DEEPAK KUMAR BANSAL RANGWALE IND
18PADAM SINGH DHAKAD IND
19YASMIN KHAN IND
20RAJESH KUMAR SHARMA IND
21RAM RATAN KUSHWAH IND
22SAEED KHAN DABBU IND
23SHRIKRISHNA ALIAS SIRIYA IND
SHIVPURI-25 PICHHORE-26 KOLARAS-27 BAMORI-28 GUNA-29 ASHOK
NAGAR-32 CHANDERI-33 MUNGAOLI-34
S12-4-MP-GUNA 1JYOTIRADITYA MADHAVRAO SCINDIA INC
2DRNAROTTAM MISHRA BJP
3LOKPAL LODHI BSP
4ABDUL RASHEED AD
5MANIRAM RAM JATAV LJP
6LALU URF ATAL LAL BHBP
7ANIL DWIVEDI IND
8PTASHOK SHARMA BADE BHAIYA IND
9ISHLAM KHAN RAIAN IND
10KISHORILAL CHAURASIYA GUNA WALE IND
11KRISHNA KANT CHAUBEY PAPPU MAHARAJ IND
12MAHADEV PRASAD TIWARI IND
13PMAHESH CHANDRA SHASHTRI IND
14MOHAMMD IRSHADA QUAZI IND
15LAKHAN LAL IND
16VIJAY KUMAR JAIN IND
17SUMAN SINGH SIKARWAR ADVOCATE IND
18HAJARI LAL KOTIA RATHOR IND
BINA-35 KHURAI-36 SURKHI-37 NARYOLI-40 SAGAR-41 KURWAI-146
SIRONJ-147 SHAMSHABAD-148
S12-5-MP-SAGAR 1ASLAM SHER KHAN INC
2AHIRWAR NARESH BOUDHA BSP
3GOURI SINGH YADAV SP
4BHUPENDRA SINGH BJP
5ARVIND DANGI PRSP
6DHAN SINGH AHIRWAR LJP
7VINOD DIWAR GOUND GGP
8SIDHARTH BOUDHA AHIRWAR RPI(A)
9SANJAY BHAI ADVOCATE RAVIDASI GMS
10ASHOK MISHRA IND
11GOMAT SINGH MAHARAJ SINGH DANGI IND
12RAMKISHAN RAMA IND
TIKAMGARH-43 JATARA-44 PRITHVIPUR-45 NIWARI-46 KHARGAPUR-47
MAHARAJPUR-48 CHHATARPUR-51 BIJAWAR-52
S12-6-MP-TIKAMGARH 1AHIRWAR VRINDAVAN INC
2CHINTAMAN KORI RAMPURIYA SP
3GD BSP
4VIRENDRA KUMAR BJP
5AHIRWAR JAGDISH PRASAD LJP
6AHIRWAR RAMSWAROOP RSMD
7VISHAN LAL BASHNKAR PRSP
8AHIRWAR GYADIN IND
9KAMLAPAT KUMHAR IND
10KHARGA PRASAD IND
11CHAMAN LAL IND
12DAYARAM IND
13PARWAT LAL IND
14RAMCHARAN AHIRWAR IND
15LAXMI PRASAD AHIRWAR IND
16VRINDAVAN AHIRWAR IND
17SHRIPAT SHIKSHAK IND
DEORI-38 REHLI-39 BANDA-42 MALHARA-53 PATHARIYA-54 DAMOH-55
JABERA-56 HATTA-57
S12-7-MP-DAMOH 1AHIR KAMLA YADAV SP
2CHANDRABHAN BHAIYA INC
3SHIVRAJ BHAIYA BJP
4KASHIRAM ALIAS KAMLESH DHURVE GMS
5BHAGIRATH KURMI RDMP
6MANOJ DEVALIYA BJBP
7SHIVRAJ BHAIYA SVSP
8HARIRAM THAKUR GGP
9GAFFAR ALI IND
10GOPAL BHAIYA IND
11CHANDRABHAN BHAIYA JATASHANKAR COLONY DAMOH IND
12CHANDRABHAN BHAIYA PARSORIA NAHAR IND
13JAYANT BHAIYA IND
14JANKI PRASAD IND
15NANNE LAL IND
16RAMPHOOL DAHAYAT IND
17VIJAY SINGH RAJPOOT IND
18SHIVRAJ BHAIYA BADE THAKUR IND
19SHIV RAJ ALIAS BADE BHAIYA IND
20SHIVRAJ SINGH NAYAKHEDA APPCHAND IND
21SHIVRAJ SINGH BANDA IND
CHANDLA-49 RAJNAGAR-50 PAWAI-58 GUNNAOR-59 PANNA-60
VIJAYRAGHAVGARH-92 MURWARA-93 BAHORIBAND-94
S12-8-MP-KHAJURAHO 1JAYAWANT SINGH SP
2JEETENDRA SINGH BJP
3RAJA PATERYA INC
4SEWA LAL PATEL BSP
5M SHAKIL GMS
6SAROJ BACHCHAN NAYAK JD(U)
7SURYA BHAN SINGH YADAV GURUJI AIFB
8AKEEL KHAN IND
9AKANCHHA JAIN IND
10KRISHNA SHARAN SINGH RAJA BHAIYA IND
11NARENDRA KUMAR IND
12RAJENDRA AHIRWAR IND
13RAM NATH LODHI IND
14SHABNAM MAUSI IND
15SHUKL SITARAM IND
CHITRAKOOT-61 RAIGAON-62 SATNA-63 NAGOD-64 MAIHAR-65
AMARPATAN-66 RAMPUR-BAGHELAN-67
S12-9-MP-SATNA 1GANESH SINGH BJP
2PT RAJARAM TRIPATHI SP
3SUKHLAL KUSHWAHA BSP
4SUDHIR SINGH TOMAR INC
5ONKAR SINGH ABHKP
6GIRJA SINGH PATEL AD
7CHHOTELAL SINGH GOND GMS
8PRAMILA RPI(A)
9B BALLABH CHARYA AIC
10RAJESH SINGH BAGHEL GGP
11SHOBHNATH SEN LJP
12SUNDERLAL CHAUDHARI IJP
13ASHOK KUMAR KUSHWAHA IND
14ASHOK KUSHWAHA IND
15CHHOTELAL IND
16BHAIYALAL URMALIYA IND
17MANISH KUMAR JAIN IND
18MUNNI KRANTI IND
19RAMVISHWAS BASORE IND
20RAM SAJIVAN IND
21RAMAYAN CHAUDHARI IND
SIRMOUR-68 SEMARIYA-69 TEONTHAR-70 MAUGANJ-71 DEOTALAB-72
MANGAWAN-73 REWA-74 GURH-75
S12-10-MP-REWA 1CHANDRA MANI TRIPATHI BJP
2DEORAJ SINGH PATEL BSP
3PUSHPRAJ SINGH SP
4SUNDER LAL TIWARI INC
5BADRI PRASAD KUSHWAHA AD
6RAMKISHAN NIRAT SAKET RPI(A)
7RAMAYAN PRASAD PATEL YVP
8VIMALA SONDHIA LJP
9SALMA AIFB
10MD AKEEL KHAN BACHCHA BHAI IND
11JAIKARAN SAKET IND
12BRAHMDUTTMISHRA ALIAS CHHOTE MURAITHA IND
13SUKHENDRA PRATAP IND
14SUNDAR LAL IND
15HIRALAL VISHWAKARMA IND
CHURHAT-76 SIDHI-77 SIHAWAL-78 CHITRANGI-79 SINGRAULI-80
DEVSAR-81 DHAUHANI-82 BEOHARI-83
S12-11-MP-SIDHI 1ASHOK KUMAR SHAH BSP
2INDRAJEET KUMAR INC
3GOVIND PRASAD MISHRA BJP
4MANIK SINGH SP
5LOLAR SINGH URETI GMS
6VEENA SINGH NETI GGP
7BABOOLAL JAISWAL IND
8MADAN MOHAN JAISWAL ADVOCATE IND
9MAHENDRA BHAIYA DIKSHIT IND
10RAMAKANT PANDEY MALAIHNA IND
11VEENA SINGH VEENA DIDI IND
JAISINGHNAGAR-84 JAITPUR-85 KOTMA-86 ANUPPUR-87 PUSHPRAJGARH-88
BANDHAVGARH-89 MANPUR-90 BARWARA-91
S12-12-MP-SHAHDOL 1CHANDRA PRATAP SINGH BABA SAHAB SP
2NARENDRA SINGH MARAVI BJP
3MANOHAR SINGH MARAVI BSP
4RAJESH NANDINI SINGH INC
5SADAN SINGH BHARIA CPI
6KRISHN PAL SINGH PAVEL LJP
7GANPAT GOND GMS
8RAM RATAN SINGH PAVLE GGP
PATAN-95 BARGI-96 JABALPUR PURBA-97 JABALPUR UTTAR-98 JABALPUR
CANTT.-99 JABALPUR PASCHIM-100 PANAGAR-101 SIHORA-102
S12-13-MP-JABALPUR 1AZIZ QURESHI BSP
2ASHOK KUMAR SHARMA SP
3RAKESH SINGH BJP
4ADVOCATE RAMESHWAR NEEKHRA INC
5MEERCHAND PATEL KACHHVAHA RPI
6RAVI MAHOBIA KUNDAM GGP
7RAJKUMARI SINGH LJP
8HARI SINGH MARAVI GMS
9DR MUKESH MEHROTRA IND
10RAKESH SONKAR PRAMUKH DHAI AKSHAR IND
11SUNIL PATEL IND
SHAHPURA-103 DINDORI-104 BICHHIYA-105 NIWAS-106 MANDLA-107
KEOLARI-116 LAKHNADON-117 GOTEGAON-118
S12-14-MP-MANDLA 1JALSO DHURWEY BSP
2FAGGAN SINGH KULASTE BJP
3BASORI SINGH MASRAM INC
4UDAL SINGH DHURWEY LKSP
5JHANK SINGH KUSHRE GGP
6PREM SINGH MARAVI GMS
7BHAGAT SINGH VARKEDE LJP
8MANESHWARI NAIK RPI(A)
9SUNITA NETI RDMP
10CHANDRA SHEKHAR DHURWEY IND
11CHAMBAL SING MARAWEE IND
12DEV SINGH BHALAVI IND
13SHIVCHARAN UIKEY IND
14SAHDEO PRASAD MARAVI IND
BAIHAR-108 LANJI-109 PARASWADA-110 BALAGHAT-111 WARASEONI-112
KATANGI-113 BARGHAT-114 SEONI-115
S12-15-MP-BALAGHAT 1AJAB LAL BSP
2KISHOR SAMRITE SP
3KANKAR MUNJARE RJD
4K D DESHMUKH BJP
5VISHVESHWAR BHAGAT INC
6KALPANA GOPAL WASNIK RPI(A)
7DARBU SINGH UIKEY GMS
8BHAIYA BALKRISHNA GGP
9ADVOCATE AZHAR UL ALIM IND
10ANJU ASHOK UIKEY IND
11GOVARDHAN PATLE URF HITLAR IND
12JITENDRA MESHRAM IND
13DHANESHWAR LILHARE IND
14NYAZMIR KHAN IND
15POORANLAL LODHI IND
16MANSINGH BISEN IND
17SANDEEP SANTRAM IND
18SHRIRAM THAKUR IND
JUNNARDEO-122 AMARWARA-123 CHURAI-124 SAUNSAR-125 CHHINDWARA-126
PARASIA-127 PANDHURNA-128
S12-16-MP-CHHINDWARA 1KAMAL NATH INC
2MAROT RAO KHAVASE BJP
3RAO SAHEB SHINDE BSP
4JOGILAL IRPACHI JMM
5PARDHESHI HARTAPSAH TIRKAM GMS
6BALVEER SINGH YADAV RKSP
7RAMKISHAN PAL RPI(A)
8SATAP SHA UIKEY GGP
9ABDUL SHAMAD KHAN IND
10AMRITLAL PATHAK RAGHUVAR IND
11ASHARAM DEHARIYA IND
12KAMALNATH MAYAWADIPARASIA IND
13GANARAM UIKEY IND
14AZAD CHANDRASHEKHER PANDOLE SAMAJ SEVAK IND
15JAGDISH BAIS IND
16TULSIRAM SURYAWANSHI IND
17DUARAM UIKEY IND
18DHANPAL BHALAVI IND
19DHANRAJ JAMBHATKAR IND
20NARESH KUMAR YUVNATI IND
21NIKHILESH DHURVEY IND
22PITRAM UIKEY IND
23PRAVINDRA NAURATI IND
24MANMOHAN SHAH BATTI IND
25RK MARKAM IND
26SHOAIB KHAN IND
27SUKMAN INVATI IND
28SUBHASH SHUKLA IND
NARSINGPUR-119 TENDUKHEDA-120 GADARWARA-121 SEONI-MALWA-136
HOSHANGABAD-137 SOHAGPUR-138 PIPARIYA-139 UDAIPURA-140
S12-17-MP-HOSHANGABAD 1UDAY PRATAP SINGH INC
2ADVBMKAUSHIK BSP
3HAJAEE SYID MUEEN UDDIN SP
4RAMPAL SINGH BJP
5DINESH KUMAR AHIRWAR IND
6BHARAT KUMAR CHOUREY IND
7MOHAMMD ABDULLA IND
8RAKHI GUPTA IND
9RAMPAL IND
10SUDAMA PRASAD IND
BHOJPUR-141 SANCHI-142 SILWANI-143 VIDISHA-144 BASODA-145
BUDHNI-156 ICHHAWAR-158 KHATEGAON-173
S12-18-MP-VIDISHA 1DRPREMSHANKAR SHARMA BSP
2CHOUDHARY MUNABBAR SALIM SP
3SUSHMA SWARAJ BJP
4BHAI MUNSHILAL SILAWAT RPI(A)
5RAMGOPAL MALVIYA RDMP
6HARBHAJAN JANGRE LJP
7GANESHRAM LODHI IND
8RAJESHWAR SINGH YADAV RAO IND
BERASIA-149 BHOPAL UTTAR-150 NARELA-151 BHOPAL DAKSHIN-
PASCHIM-152 BHOPAL MADHYA-153 GOVINDPURA-154 HUZUR-155 SEHORE-159
S12-19-MP-BHOPAL 1ER ASHOK NARAYAN SINGH BSP
2KAILASH JOSHI BJP
3MHOD MUNAWAR KHAN KAUSAR SP
4SURENDRA SINGH THAKUR INC
5ASHOK PAWAR PRSP
6AHIRWAR LAKHANLAL PURVI RPI(A)
7KARAN KUMAR KAROSIA URF KARAN JEEJA GGP
8RADHESHYAM KULASTE GMS
9RAMDAS GHOSLE RPI(D)
10SANJEEV SINGHAL SVSP
11ANIL SINGH IND
12AMAR SINGH IND
13KAPIL DUBEY IND
14D C GUJARKAR IND
15DARSHAN SINGH RATHORE IND
16BRAJENDRA CHATURVEDI URF GAPPU CHATURVEDI IND
17DR MAHESH YADAV AMAN GANDHI IND
18MUKESH SEN IND
19MEHDI SIR IND
20RAJESH KUMAR YADAV IND
21RAM SAHAY YATRI SHRIVASTAVA URF RASHTRAVADI YATRI IND
22SHAHNAWAZ IND
23SHIV NARAYAN SINGH BAGWARE IND
CHACHOURA-30 RAGHOGARH-31 NARSINGHGARH-160 BIAORA-161
RAJGARH-162 KHILCHIPUR-163 SARANGPUR-164 SUSNER-165
S12-20-MP-RAJGARH 1NARAYANSINGH AMLABE INC
2LAKSHMAN SINGH BJP
3SHIVNARAYAN AHIRWAR BSP
4RAJESH RATELIYA LJP
5SHYAM SUNDER RATHI SHS
6INDER SING LODHI IND
7BALBIR CHOUDHARY PATRAKAR IND
8LAXMAN VERMA IND
9LAXMANSINGH AAMDOR IND
ASHTA-157 AGAR-166 SHAJAPUR-167 SHUJALPUR-168 KALAPIPAL-169
SONKATCH-170 DEWAS-171 HATPIPLIYA-172
S12-21-MP-DEWAS 1THAVARCHAND GEHLOT BJP
2BHAGIRATH PARIHAR BSP
3SAJJAN SINGH VERMA INC
4DR GANGARAM JOGCHAND LJP
5JORAVAR SINGH DUDI PRSP
6BALRAM SUKHRAM KALYANE RWS
7JAYRAM SOLANKI IND
8THAVARSINGH IND
9PRO BS MALVIYA IND
10MOHAN SIH MALVIYA IND
NAGADA-KHACHROD-212 MAHIDPUR-213 TARANA-214 GHATIYA-215 UJJAIN
UTTAR-216 UJJAIN DAKSHIN-217 BADNAGAR-218 ALOT-223
S12-22-MP-UJJAIN 1GUDDU PREMCHAND INC
2BABOOLAL THAWALIYA BSP
3DR SATYANARAYAN JATIYA BJP
4MADANLAL RAJORA LJP
5ASHOK NARAYAN IND
6INDARALAL VARMA IND
7DINESH JATWA IND
8LALCHAND BERWA GOME IND
9SHIVKUMAR GAUR IND
JAORA-222 MANDSOUR-224 MALHARGARH-225 SUWASRA-226 GAROTH-227
MANASA-228 NEEMUCH-229 JAWAD-230
S12-23-MP-MANDSOUR 1BHERULAL MALVIY BALAI BSP
2MEENAKSHI NATRAJAN INC
3DR LAXMINARAYAN PANDEY BJP
4SHAIKH AZIZUDDEN QURAISHI AIFB
5BANO BEE BMSM
6KAILASH NARAYAN RATNAWAT IND
7P DINESH NAGAR IND
8HAJI NISAR AHMED CHOUDHARY IND
9MOINUDDIN KHAN PATHAN IND
10RAJENDRA SINGH GAUTAM IND
11RAM DAYAL GUJRATI IND
12LAXMINARAYAN BHAGIRATH PATIDAR IND
ALIRAJPUR-191 JOBAT-192 JHABUA-193 THANDLA-194 PETLAWAD-195
RATLAM RURAL-219 RATLAM CITY-220 SAILANA-221
S12-24-MP-RATLAM 1KANTILAL BHURIA INC
2JEEVANLAL SP
3DILEEPSINGH BHURIA BJP
4RAMESH SOLANKI BSP
5UDAYSINGH MACHAR RPI(A)
6KALUSINGH BHABHR SHS
7JALAMSINGH PATEL RDMP
8BHERUSING DAMOR JD(U)
9BHADIYA DABAR IND
10RAMESHWOR SINGAR IND
SARDARPUR-196 GANDHWANI-197 KUKSHI-198 MANAWAR-199
DHARAMPURI-200 DHAR-201 BADNAWAR-202 DR.AMBEDKARNAGAR-MHOW-209
S12-25-MP-DHAR 1AJAY RAWAT BSP
2GAJENDRASINGH RAJUKHEDI INC
3MUKAMSINGH KIRADE BJP
4JITENDRASINGH BAGHEL GGP
5BAPUSINGH BAGHEL RPI(A)
6RAM SINGH PATEL SHS
7KARANSINGH IND
8KHUMANSINGH BARIYA IND
9BHIMA BHURIYA IND
10MADAN BHAI AMLAWAR IND
11HARIRAM PATEL DELMIWALA IND
DEPALPUR-203 INDORE-1-204 INDORE-2-205 INDORE-3-206 INDORE-4-207
INDORE-5-208 RAU-210 SANWER-211
S12-26-MP-INDORE 1DR ANITA YADAV SP
2RAHIM KHAN BSP
3SATYNARAYAN PATEL INC
4SUMITRA MAHAJAN TAI BJP
5SANJAY SINGH BHADORIYA PAPPU RJD
6MOHAN CHOUHAN MALVIYA PRSP
7RADHESHYAM MUKATI LPSP
8RAMSINGH RPIE
9SAMADHAN NAIK RPI(A)
10AJIT KUMAR JAIN PATWA IND
11GAJENDRA SINGH GAUR IND
12GHANSHYAM CHANDEL IND
13CHINTAN TRIVEDI IND
14NAND KISHORE SONI IND
15PARMANAND METHARAM TOLANI IND
16S R MANDLOI IND
17VISHNU DAS IND
18SHIKHAR CHAND PATODI JAIN IND
MAHESHWAR-183 KASRAWAD-184 KHARGONE-185 BHAGWANPURA-186
SENDHAWA-187 RAJPUR-188 PANSEMAL-189 BADWANI-190
S12-27-MP-KHARGONE 1BHAI KIRNSINGH BADOLE KIRESH CPI
2DRBARDE BSP
3BALARAM BACHCHAN INC
4MAKNSINGH SOLANKI BABUJI BJP
5SAKHARAM VERMA GGP
6GAJANAN AAPSING BRAHMANE IND
7DONGER IND
8DAYARAM GHISYA IND
9FIFASINGH THAKUR IND
10BHAGWAN CHOTHIYA IND
11RAMESHVAR DOGAREEYA RAWAT IND
BAGALI-174 MANDHATA-175 KHANDWA-177 PANDHANA-178 NEPANAGAR-179
BURHANPUR-180 BHIKANGAON-181 BADWAH-182
S12-28-MP-KHANDWA 1ARUN SUBHASHCHANDRA YADAV INC
2HAJI ZAKIR HUSSAIN DURRANY ENGINEER CPI
3NANDKUMAR SING CHAUHAN NANDU BHAIYA BJP
4DADA SAHEB WAMANRAO SASANE BSP
5NARGIS MOUSI IJP
6HAJI NOORULLA LJP
7MOHAN OJHA PARTE GMS
8HABIB SURUR MUL
9ABDUL GAFUR GUDDU PIRJI IND
10NATHUSINGH CHAUHAN IND
11NAHARSINH BHAI IND
12RAVINDRA LAL PARE IND
13BABA ABDUL HAMEED IND
MULTAI-129 AMLA-130 BETUL-131 GHORADONGRI-132 BHAINSDEHI-133
TIMARNI-134 HARDA-135 HARSUD-176
S12-29-MP-BETUL 1OJHARAM EVANE INC
2JYOTI DHURVE BJP
3RAMA KAKODIA BSP
4DR SUKHDEV SINGH CHOUHAN SP
5KALLUSINGH UIKEY GMS
6KADMU SINGH KUMARE KSKUMARE GGP
7GULABRAV RDMP
8MANGAL SINGH LOKHANDE SWJP
9SUSHILKUMAR ALIS BALUBHAIYYA RPI(A)
10IMRATLAL MARKAM IND
11KAMAL SING IND
12KADAKSHING VADIVA IND
13KRISHNA GOPAL PARTE IND
14MOTIRAM MAVASE IND
15ADHIVAKTA SHANKAR PENDAM IND
16SUNIL KUMAR KAWADE IND
AKKALKUWA-1 SHAHADA-2 NANDURBAR-3 NAWAPUR-4 SAKRI-5 SHIRPUR-9
S13-1-MH-NANDURBAR 1GAVIT MANIKRAO HODLYA INC
2NATAWADKAR SUHAS JYANT BJP
3PADVI BABITA KARMSINGH BSP
4KOKANI MANJULABAI SAKHARAM BBM
5GAVIT SHARAD KRUSHNRAO SP
6ABHIJIT AATYA VASAVE IND
7KOLI RAJU RAMDAS IND
DHULE RURAL-6 DHULE CITY-7 SINDKHEDA-8 MALEGAON CENTRAL-114
MALEGAON OUTER-115 BAGLAN-116
S13-2-MH-DHULE 1AMARISHBHAI RASIKLAL PATEL INC
2RIZWAN MOAKBAR BSP
3SONAWANE PRATAP NARAYANRAO BJP
4ANIL ANNA GOTE LKSGM
5ANSARI MOHD ISMAIL MOHD IBRAHIM BMSM
6ARIF AHMED SHAIKH JAFHAR NNP
7KAVAYATRISONKANYA THAKUR RAJANI BAGWAN BBM
8NIHAL AHMED MOLVI MOHAMMED USMAN JD(S)
9MD ISMAIL JUMMAN IND
10KISHOR PITAMBAR AHIRE IND
11GAZI ATEZAD AHMED MUBEEN AHMED KHAN IND
12GAIKWAD PATIL BHUSHAN BAJIRAO IND
13DADASO PANDITRAO PATIL KOKALEKAR IND
14SHEVALE PATIL SANDEEP JIBHAU IND
15SONAWANE PANDIT UTTAMRAO IND
JALGAON CITY-13 JALGAON RURAL-14 AMALNER-15 ERANDOL-16
CHALISGAON-17 PACHORA-18
S13-3-MH-JALGAON 1AT NANA PATIL BJP
2ADV MATIN AHMED BSP
3ADV VASANTRAO JIVANRAO MORE NCP
4ATMARAM SURSING JADHAV ENGG KKJHS
5JADHAV NATTHU SHANKAR BBM
6JANGALU DEVRAM SHIRSATH HJP
7NANNAWARE CHAITANYA PANDIT PRCP
8LAXMAN SHIVAJI SHIRSATH PATIL KM
9ANIL PITAMBAR WAGH SIR IND
10KANTILAL CHHAGAN NAIK BANJARA IND
11WAGH SUDHAKAR ATMARAM IND
12SHALIGRAM SHIVRAM MAHAJAN DEORE IND
13SALIMODDIN ISAMODDIN SHEMISTARI IND
CHOPDA-10 RAVER-11 BHUSAWAL-12 JAMNER-19 MUKTAINAGAR-20
MALKAPUR-21
S13-4-MH-RAVER 1PATIL SURESH CHINDHU BSP
2ADV RAVINDRA PRALHADRAO PATIL NCP
3HARIBHAU MADHAV JAWALE BJP
4TELI SHAIKH ISMAIL HAJI HASAN BBM
5BAPU SAHEBRAO SONAWANE PRCP
6MARATHE BHIMRAO PARBAT KM
7SHIVAVEER DNYANESHWAR VITTHAL AMALE URPH AMALE SARKAR SVRP
8IQBAL ALAUDDIN TADVI IND
9UTTAM KASHIRAM INGALE IND
10KOLI SANTOSH GOKUL IND
11FIRKE SURESH KACHARU EX ACP CRPF IND
12MAKBUL FARID SK IND
13MOHD MUNAWWAR MOHD HANIF IND
14MORE HIRAMAN BHONAJI IND
15DD WANI PHOTOGRAPHER DYNESHWAR DIWAKAR WANI IND
16VIVEK SHARAD PATIL IND
17SHAIKH RAMJAN SHAIKH KARIM IND
18SUJATA IBRAHIM TADAVI IND
19SANJAY PRALADH KANDELKAR IND
BULDHANA-22 CHIKHLI-23 SINDKHED RAJA-24 MEHKAR-25 KHAMGAON-26
JALGAON (JAMOD)-27
S13-5-MH-BULDHANA 1JADHAV PRATAPRAO GANPATRAO SHS
2DANDGE VASANTRAO SUGDEO BSP
3SHINGNE DRRAJENDRA BHASKARRAO NCP
4AMARDEEP BALASAHEB DESHMUKH KM
5QURRASHI SKSIKANDAR SK SHAUKAT DESEP
6GAJANAN RAJARAM SIRSAT RSPS
7DHOKNE RAVINDRA TULSHRAMJI BBM
8FERAN CHADRAHAS JAGDEO ABHM
9GANESH ARJUN ZORE IND
10TAYDE VITTHAL PANDHARI IND
11DEVIDAS PIRAJI SARKATE IND
12SY BILAL SY USMAN IND
13BHARAT PUNJAJI SHINGANE IND
14RAJESH NILKANTHRAO TATHE IND
15RATHOD CHHAGAN BABULAL IND
AKOT-28 BALAPUR-29 AKOLA WEST-30 AKOLA EAST-31 MURTIJAPUR-32
RISOD-33
S13-6-MH-AKOLA 1DHOTRE SANJAY SHAMRAO BJP
2BABASAHEB DHABEKAR INC
3ATIK AHAMAD GU JILANI DESEP
4AMBEDKAR PRAKASH YASHWANT BBM
5GANESH TULSHIRAM TATHE KKJHS
6DIPAK SHRIRAM TIRAKE RSPS
7AJABRAO UTTAMRAO BHONGADE IND
8THAKURDAS GOVIND CHOUDHARI IND
9MUJAHID KHAN CHAND KHAN IND
10RAUT DEVIDAS ANANDRAO IND
11WASUDEORAO KHADE GURUJI IND
BADNERA-37 AMRAVATI-38 TEOSA-39 DARYAPUR-40 MELGHAT-41
ACHALPUR-42
S13-7-MH-AMRAVATI 1ADSUL ANANDRAO VITHOBA SHS
2GANGADHAR GADE BSP
3UGLE SUNIL NAMDEV PRBP
4UBALE SHRIKRISHNA CHAMPATRAO ARP
5KESHAV DASHARATH WANKHADE KKJHS
6GAWAI RAJENDRA RAMKRUSHNA RPI
7PRINCIPAL GOPICHAND SURYABHAN MESHRAM RP(K)
8BARSE MANOHAR DAULATRAO IUML
9SAU MAMATA VINAYAK KANDALKAR AUDF
10DR HEMANTKUMAR RAMBHAU MAHURE BBM
11AMOL DEVIDASRAO JADHAV IND
12UMAK SHRIKRUSHNA SHYAMRAO IND
13BANDU SAMPATRAO SANE BANDYA LS IND
14BHAURAO SHRIRAM CHHAPANE IND
15MITHUN HIRAMAN GAIKWAD IND
16PROF MUKUND VITTHALRAO KHAIRE IND
17DR RAJIV GULABRAO JAMTHE IND
18RAJU MAHADEVRAO SONONE IND
19VISHWANATH GOTUJI JAMNEKAR IND
20SUDHAKAR VYANKAT RAMTEKE MAJI SAINIK IND
21ADV SUDHIR HIRAMAN TAYADE IND
22SUNIL PRABHU RAMTEKE IND
DHAMAMGAON RAILWAY-36 MORSHI-43 ARVI-44 DEOLI-45 HINGANGHAT-46
WARDHA-47
S13-8-MH-WARDHA 1KANGALE BIPIN BABASAHEB BSP
2DATTA MEGHE INC
3SURESH GANPATRAO WAGHMARE BJP
4DIWATE RAMESH MADHAORAO KM
5NARAYANRAO RAMJI CHIDAM GGP
6DR NITIN KESHORAO CHAVAN PRBP
7PYARE SAHAB SHEIKH KARIM DESEP
8BHOSE KAILAS VISHWASRAO GMS
9ADV SURESH SHINDE IJP
10SANGITA SUNIL ALIAS SONU KAMBLE ARP
11ISHWARKUMAR SHANKARRAO GHARPURE IND
12GUNWANT TUKARAMJI DAWANDE IND
13JAGANNATH NILKANTHRAO RAUT IND
14TAGADE VISHWESHWAR AWADHUTRAO IND
15RAMTEKE PRAKASH BAKARAM IND
16SARANG PRAKASHRAO YAWALKAR IND
KATOL-48 SAVNER-49 HINGNA-50 UMRED-51 KAMTHI-58 RAMTEK-59
S13-9-MH-RAMTEK 1TUMANE KRUPAL BALAJI SHS
2PRAKASHBHAU KISHAN TEMBHURNE BSP
3WASNIK MUKUL BALKRISHNA INC
4KUMBHARE SULEKHA NARAYAN BREM
5DESHPANDE SANJAY SAOJI HJP
6NAGARKAR PRASHANT HANSRAJ BBM
7NANDKISHOR SADHUJI DONGRE GGP
8BAGDE SUJEET WASUDEORAO JD(S)
9PROF BORKAR PRADIP DARYAV RP(K)
10MAYATAI CHAWRE UTWAL SP
11VIKAS RAJARAM DAMLE RPI(KH)
12SEEMA JEEVAN RAMTEKE DESEP
13SANDIP SHESHRAO GAJBHIYE GMS
14ASHISH ARUN NAGARARE IND
15KHUSHAL UDARAMJI TUMANE IND
16DHONE ANIL IND
17ADV DUPARE ULHAS SHALIKRAM IND
18BARWE MADHUKAR DOMAJI IND
19ADV YUVRAJ ANANDRAOJI BAGDE IND
20SURESH MANGALDAS BORKAR IND
NAGPUR SOUTH WEST-52 NAGPUR SOUTH-53 NAGPUR EAST-54 NAGPUR
CENTRAL-55 NAGPUR WEST-56 NAGPUR NORTH-57
S13-10-MH-NAGPUR 1PUROHIT BANWARILAL BHAGWANDAS BJP
2ENGINEER MANIKRAO VAIDYA BSP
3MUTTEMWAR VILASRAO BABURAOJI INC
4ARUN SHAMRAO JOSHI ABHM
5KUMBHARE SULEKHA NARAYAN BREM
6ADV GAJANAN SADASHIV KAWALE RP(K)
7DILIP MANGAL MADAVI GGP
8MEHMOOD KHAN RAHEEM KHAN DESEP
9DR YASHWANT MANOHAR BBM
10RAUT RAMESHCHANDRA PRCP
11RAJESH SUKHDEV GAIKWAD KKJHS
12ADV VASANTA UMRE DPI
13SOMKUWAR VIJAY SITARAM ARP
14AZIZUR REHMAN SHEIKH IND
15ASHISH ARUN NAGRARE IND
16ADV UPASHA BANSI TAYWADE IND
17JAGDISH RAGHUNATH AMBADE IND
18PRATIBHA UDAY KHAPARDE IND
19PREMDAS RAMCHANDRA RAMTEKE IND
20BARAPATRE CHANDRABHAN SOMAJI IND
21BALASAHEB ALIAS PRAMOD RAMAJI SHAMBHARKAR IND
22MOHAMAD HABIB REEZAVI IND
23RAJESHKUMAR MOHANLAL PUGALIA IND
24RAHUL MADHUKAR DESHMUKH IND
25VIJAY DEVRAO DHAKATE IND
26SUNIL GAYAPRASAD MISHRA IND
27PROF DNYANESH WAKUDKAR IND
TUMSAR-60 BHANDARA-61 SAKOLI-62 ARJUNI-MORGAON-63 TIRORA-64
GONDIYA-65
S13-11-MH-BHANDARA – GONDIYA 1GANVIR SHIVKUMAR NAGARCHI CPI
2JAISWAL VIRENDRAKUMAR KASTURCHAND BSP
3PATLE SHISHUPAL NATTHUJI BJP
4PATEL PRAFUL MANOHARBHAI NCP
5UNDIRWADE HEMANT JAGIVAN PRCP
6JAMAIWAR SUNIL PARASRAM RSPS
7PATHAN MUSHTAK LATIF DESEP
8PRATIBHA VASANT PIMPALKAR BBM
9WASNIK SUNIL MANIRAM RP(K)
10UKEY CHINDHUJI LAKHAJI IND
11GAJBHIYE BRAMHASWARUP BABURAO IND
12GAJBHIYE RAJENDRA MAHADEO IND
13ADV DHANANJAY SHAMLALJI RAJABHOJ IND
14NANABHAU FALGUNRAO PATOLE IND
15PATLE AKARSING SITARAM IND
16PROF DR BHASKARRAO MAHADEORAO JIBHAKATE IND
17MIRZA WAHIDBEG AHAMADBEG IND
18YELE GANESHRAM SUKHRAM IND
19RAHANGADALE MULCHAND OLGAN IND
20DR RAMSAJIVAN KAWDU LILHARE IND
21SADANAND SHRAWANJI GANVIR IND
AMGAON-66 ARMORI-67 GADCHIROLI-68 AHERI-69 BRAHMAPURI-73
CHIMUR-74
S13-12-MH-GADCHIROLI-CHIMUR 1ASHOK MAHADEORAO NETE BJP
2ATRAM RAJE SATYAWANRAO BSP
3KOWASE MAROTRAO SAINUJI INC
4NAMDEO ANANDRAO KANNAKE CPI
5PROFFESOR KHANDALE KAWDU TULSHIRAM KKJHS
6ADV DADMAL PRABHAKAR MAHAGUJI PRBP
7PENDAM DIWAKAR GULAB BBM
8PENDAM PURUSHOTTAM ZITUJI DESEP
9VIJAY SURAJSING MADAVI GGP
10JAMBHULE NARAYAN DINABAJI IND
11DINESH TUKARAM MADAVI IND
RAJURA-70 CHANDRAPUR-71 BALLARPUR-72 WARORA-75 WANI-76 ARNI-80
S13-13-MH-CHANDRAPUR 1AHIR HANSARAJ GANGARAM BJP
2PUGALIA NARESH INC
3ADV HAZARE DATTABHAU KRUSHNARAO BSP
4KHARTAD LOMESH MAROTI RWS
5KHOBRAGADE DESHAK GIRISHBABU BBM
6CHATAP WAMAN SADASHIVRAO STBP
7JAWED ABDUL KURESHI ALIAS PROF JAWED PASHA JMM
8JITENDRA ADAKU RAUT ABMP
9DANGE NATTHU BHAURAO ARP
10PATHAN A RAZZAK KHAN HAYAT KHAN SP
11MASRAM NIRANJAN SHIVRAM GGP
12KALE DAMODHAR LAXMAN IND
13QURESHI IKHALAQ MOHD YUSUF IND
14GODE NARAYAN SHAHUJI IND
15DEKATE BHASKAR PARASHRAM IND
16MADHUKAR VITTHALRAO NISTANE IND
17MESHRAM CHARANDAS JANGLUJI IND
18RAMESH RAGHOBAJI TAJNE IND
19VINOD DINANATH MESHRAM IND
20VIRENDRA TARACHANDJI PUGLIA IND
21SHATRUGHN VYANKATRAO SONPIMPLE IND
22SANJAY NILKANTH GAWANDE IND
23HIWARKAR SUDHIR MOTIRAMJI IND
WASHIM-34 KARANJA-35 RALEGAON-77 YAVATMAL-78 DIGRAS-79 PUSAD-81
S13-14-MH-YAVATMAL-WASHIM 1YEDATKAR DILIP LAXMANRAO BSP
2BHAVANA GAWALI PATIL SHS
3HARISING RATHOD INC
4UTTAM BHAGAJI KAMBLE PRCP
5KURESHI SK MEHBUB SKFATTU BBM
6KWAJA NASIRODDINE KHAN DESEP
7GAJANAN KASHIRAM PATIL HEMBADE KM
8DHAGE VITTHAL MAHADEV RSPS
9MANIYAR YUNUS MAHMOOD ZAHMI AUDF
10MOHMMAD KHAN AZIZ KHAN SP
11ATHAWALE SADANAND PRALHADRAO IND
12GAJANAN BURMAL DODWADE IND
13NETAJI SITARAMJI KINAKE IND
14NANDKISHOR NARAYANRAO THAKARE IND
15PAWAR RAMESH GORSING IND
16PURUSHOTTAM DOMAJI BHAJGAWRE IND
17MADHUKAR SHIVDASPPA GORATE IND
18MANOJ JANARDAN PATIL IND
19MUKHADE SAU LALITARAI SUBHASHRAO IND
20MESHRAM BANDU GANPAT IND
21MOHD INAMURRAHIM MOHD MUSA IND
22RAVINDRA ALIAS RAVIPAL MADHUKARRAO GANDHE IND
23RAJKUMAR NARAYAN BHUJADALE IND
24RATHOD DEVISING RAMA IND
25SD VHIDODDIN SD KRIMODDIN IND
26VISHNU KASINATH TAWKAR IND
27SURESH BABAN PEDEKAR IND
28SURESH BHIVA TARAL IND
UMARKHED-82 KINWAT-83 HADGAON-84 BASMATH-92 KALAMNURI-93
HINGOLI-94
S13-15-MH-HINGOLI 1DR BD CHAVHAN BSP
2SUBHASH BAPURAO WANDHEDE SHS
3SURYAKANTA JAIWANTRAO PATIL NCP
4UTTAMRAO DAGADUJI BHAGAT PRCP
5AJAS NOORMINYA DESEP
6NAIK MADHAVRAO BAHENARAO BBM
7VINAYAK SHRIRAM BHISE KM
8GUNDEKAR SANJAY ADELU IND
9PATHAN SATTAR KASIMKHAN IND
10PACHPUTE RAMPRASAD KISHANRAO IND
11MD A MUJIM ANSARI A IND
BHOKAR-85 NANDED NORTH-86 NANDED SOUTH-87 NAIGAON-89 DEGLUR-90
MUKHED-91
S13-16-MH-NANDED 1KHATGAONKAR PATIL BHASKARRAO BAPURAO INC
2MD MAKBUL SALIM HAJI MD KHAJA BSP
3SAMBHAJI PAWAR BJP
4ALTAF AHMAD EAKBAL AHMAD BBM
5KHADE SANJAY WAMANRAO PRCP
6TIWARI RAMA BHAGIRAT RSPS
7ADV CS BAHETI JP
8MORE RAJESH EKNATHRAO KM
9A RAEES A JABBAR ANC
10SHINDE PREETI MADHUKAR JSS
11SHUDHIR YASHWANT SURVE KKJHS
12COM ASHOK NAGORAO GHAYALE IND
13ANAND JADHAV HOTALKAR IND
14KOREWAR BALAJI NARSING IND
15JADHAV VISHNU MAROTI IND
16NAVGHARE ANAND PANDURANG IND
17NARAYAN SURYAVANSHI DOANGONKAR IND
18PATHAN ZAFAR ALI KHAN MAHEMUD ALI KHAN IND
19AIDS MAN PRAKASH TATERAO LANDGE IND
20BHARANDE RAMCHANDRA GANGARAM IND
21ADV RAMRAO PANDURANG WAGHMARE IND
22HANMANTE VIJAY CHANDRAO IND
JINTUR-95 PARBHANI-96 GANGAKHED-97 PATHRI-98 PARTUR-99
GHANSAWANGI-100
S13-17-MH-PARBHANI 1ADV DUDHGAONKAR GANESHRAO NAGORAO SHS
2RAJSHRI BABASAHEB JAMAGE BSP
3WARPUDKAR SURESH AMBADASRAO NCP
4AJIM AHMED KHAN AJIJ KHAN DESEP
5ASHOKRAO BABARAO AMBHORE ANC
6KACHOLE MANAVENDRA SAWALARAM STBP
7KALE VYANKATRAO BHIMRAO KM
8NAMDEV LIMBAJI KACHAVE KKJHS
9BHAND GANGADHAR SAKHARAM BBM
10MULE BABAN DATTARAO RSPS
11RUMALE TUKARAM DHONDIBA PRCP
12SAYYAD EKRAMODDIN SAYYAD MUNIRODDIN LVKP
13ASAD BIN ABDULLAHA BIN IND
14JAMEEL AHMED SK AHMED IND
15DR DESHMUKH KISHANRAO JANARDHANRAO EXSERVICEMAN IND
16RATHOD RAMRAO DHANSING SIR IND
17SHINDE LAXMAN EKANATH IND
18SAMAR GORAKHNATH PAWAR IND
19SALVE SUDHAKAR UMAJI IND
JALNA-101 BADNAPUR-102 BHOKARDAN-103 SILLOD-104 PHULAMBRI-106
PAITHAN-110
S13-18-MH-JALNA 1DR KALE KALYAN VAIJINATHRAO INC
2DANVE RAOSAHEB DADARAO BJP
3RATHOD RAJPALSINH GABRUSINH BSP
4AAPPASAHEB RADHAKISAN KUDHEKAR KM
5KISAN BALVANTA BORDE PRCP
6KHARAT ASHOK RAMRAO BBM
7TAWAR KAILAS BHAUSAHEB STBP
8DR DILAWAR MIRZA BAIG IUML
9BHOJNE BABASAHEB SANGAM RSPS
10MISAL TUKARAM BABURAOJI SP
11RATNAPARKHE ARCHANA SUDHAKAR RPIE
12SUBHASH FAKIRA SALVE ANC
13SAYYAD MAKSUD NOOR LJP
14KOLTE MANOJ NEMINATH IND
15KHANDU HARISHCHANDRA LAGHANE IND
16NADE DNYANESHWAR DAGDU IND
17BABASAHEB PATIL SHINDE IND
18SONWANE ASHOK VITTHAL IND
19S HUSAIN AHEMAD IND
KANNAD-105 AURANGABAD CENTRAL-107 AURANGABAD WEST-108 AURANGABAD
EAST-109 GANGAPUR-111 VAIJAPUR-112
S13-19-MH-AURANGABAD 1UTTAMSINGH RAJDHARSINGH PAWAR INC
2CHANDRAKANT KHAIRE SHS
3SAYYED SALIM SAYYED YUSUF BSP
4JAHAGIRDAR MOHMAD AYUB GULAM SP
5JYOTI RAMCHANDRA UPADHAYAY BBM
6PANDURANG WAMANRAO NARWADE PRCP
7BHIMSEN RAMBHAU KAMBLE RPIE
8MANIK RAMU SHINDE KM
9SHAIKH HARUN MALIK SAHEB RSPS
10UTTAM MANIK KIRTIKAR IND
11EJAZ KHAN BISMILLAH KHAN IND
12KAZI MUSHIRODDIN TAJODDIN IND
13KRISHNA DEVIDAS JADHAV IND
14JADHAV TOTARAM GANPAT IND
15JADHAV VISHNU SURYABHAN IND
16JADHAV SUBHASH RUPCHAND IND
17BANKAR MILIND RANUJI IND
18SHANTIGIRIJI MOUNGIRIJI MAHARAJ IND
19SHAIKH RAFIQ SHAIKH RAZZAK IND
20SHAIKH SALIM PATEL WAHEGAONKAR IND
21SAYYED RAUF SAYYED ZAMIR IND
22SUBHASH KISANRAO PATIL JADHAV IND
NANDGAON-113 KALWAN-117 CHANDVAD-118 YEVLA-119 NIPHAD-121
DINDORI-122
S13-20-MH-DINDORI 1GAVIT JEEVA PANDU CPM
2GANGURDE DIPAK SHANKAR BSP
3CHAVAN HARISHCHANDRA DEORAM BJP
4ZIRWAL NARHARI SITARAM NCP
5PAWAR SAMPAT WAMAN BBM
6GANGURDE BALU KISAN IND
7BHIKA HARISING BARDE IND
8VIJAY NAMDEO PAWAR IND
9SHANKAR DEORAM GANGUDE IND
SINNAR-120 NASHIK EAST-123 NASHIK CENTRAL-124 NASHIK WEST-125
DEVLALI-126 IGATPURI-127
S13-21-MH-NASHIK 1GAIKWAD DATTA NAMDEO SHS
2SAMEER BHUJBAL NCP
3SHRIMAHANT SUDHIRDAS MAHARAJ BSP
4KAILAS MADHUKAR CHAVAN IJP
5GODSE HEMANT TUKARAM MNS
6JADHAV NAMDEO BHIKAJI BBM
7RAYATE VIJAY SAKHARAM RAYATE SIR HJP
8AD GULVE RAMNATH SANTUJI IND
9DATTU GONYA GAIKWAD IND
10PRAVINCHANDRA DATTARAM DETHE IND
11BHARAT HIRMAN PARDESHI IND
12RAJENDRA SAMPATRAO KADU IND
DAHANU-128 VIKRAMGAD-129 PALGHAR-130 BOISAR-131 NALASOPARA-132
VASAI-133
S13-22-MH-PALGHAR 1KOM LAHANU SHIDVA CPM
2ADV CHINTAMAN NAVSHA VANGA BJP
3DALAVI BHASKAR LADKU BSP
4SHINGADA DAMODAR BARKU INC
5CHANDRAKANT BALU PHUPANE BBM
6JADHAV BALIRAM SUKUR BVA
7DR KASHIRAM MAHADU DHONDAGHA IND
8PANDURANG JETHYA PARADHI IND
BHIWANDI RURAL-134 SHAHAPUR-135 BHIWANDI WEST-136 BHIWANDI
EAST-137 KALYAN WEST-138 MURBAD-139
S13-23-MH-BHIWANDI 1TAWARE SURESH KASHINATH INC
2PATIL JAGANNATH SHIVRAM BJP
3VGPATIL BSP
4AJIM GANI SHEKH RKSP
5ISMAIL SHAIKH LATIF KKJHS
6DEVRAJ KISAN MHATRE MNS
7RR PATIL SP
8MURTUZA MUZAFFAR SHAIKH NNP
9SHASHIKANT MOTIRAM KATHORE RSPS
10SHAIKH MEHBOOB BASHA VALI BBM
11GURUNATH UNDRYA NAIK IND
12DATTU GANAPAT BHOIR IND
13MAHENDRA KERU WADHVINDE IND
14MAHENDRA R MOHITE IND
15VIKAS SAKHARAM NIKAM IND
16VISHWANATH R PATIL IND
AMBERNATH-140 ULHAS NAGAR-141 KALYAN EAST-142 DOMBIVALI-143 KALYAN
RURAL-144 MUMBRA-KALWA-149
S13-24-MH-KALYAN 1ANAND PRAKASH PARANJAPE SHS
2KHAN KAMRUDDIN A GANI BSP
3DAWKHARE VASANT SHANKARRAO NCP
4AZAMI MUHAMMAD MAROOF NASIM RSPS
5KHAN AYAD MOHAMMAD NEBAS ALI IUML
6NARENDRA WAMAN MORE PRBP
7VAISHALI DAREKARRANE MNS
8ADVSSSALVE RETIRED JUDGE BBM
9SAYYAD HASINA MOHAMMED NASEEM NBNP
10HRUDHAYNATH BAPU WAGHODE ALIAS BALABHAU KM
11ALOK SINGH CHOTELAL IND
12GOVARDHAN CHANGO BHAGAT IND
13DHANANJAY BAPPASAHEB JOGDAND IND
14COM BABAN KAMBLE IND
15BHANUSHALI LAXMINDAS VELJI IND
16MOHHAMAD YUSUF FAROOKH KHAN IND
17VADHVINDE MAHENDRA KERU IND
18SHIRSE RAMSINGH UKHAJI IND
19SIDDIQUE ASFAQUE ALI IND
20SURESH RAM PANDAGALE IND
MIRA BHAYANDAR-145 OVALA – MAJIWADA-146 KOPRI-PACHPAKHADI-147
THANE-148 AIROLI-150 BELAPUR-151
S13-25-MH-THANE 1AVANINDRA KUMAR TRIPATHI BSP
2CHAUGULE VIJAY LAXMAN SHS
3DRSANJEEV GANESH NAIK NCP
4KAMLAKAR ANAND TAYDE BBM
5JAIN SEEMA MAHENDRA PRBP
6PATHAN JAVEED KAMIL KHAN NNP
7PARAG HANUMANT NEWALKAR KKJHS
8BERNARDSHAW DAVID NADAR RP(K)
9MAHESH RATHI CHANAKYA RVNP
10RAJAN RAJE MNS
11SINGH RAJESH MUNNILAL RSPS
12AHMAD AFJAL SHAIKH IND
13KAMBLE SACHIN SHIRPAT IND
14KUMAR K IND
15KHAN FIROZ YUSUFKHAN IND
16GAUD FAUJDAR RANGI IND
17CHETAN PRAKASH JADHAV IND
18JAIPRAKASH NARAYAN BHANDE IND
19RD TAMBE IND
20PARANJAPE DIPSHREE DEEPAK IND
21PRAMOD INGALE IND
22FREDI ALBERT BHANGA IND
23MURLIDHAR KRUSNA PAWAR IND
24MANGESH BHARAT KHADE IND
25MOH RIZWAN ABDULLA PATEL IND
26VIJAY CHAUGULE IND
27VIDYADHAR LAXMAN JOSHI IND
28VILAS DIPAK KHAMBE IND
29SAYED SHAFIQ AHMED ZOIDI IND
30SWATANTRA KUMAR PARMANAND ANAND IND
BORIVALI-152 DAHISAR-153 MAGATHANE-154 KANDIVALI EAST-160
CHARKOP-161 MALAD WEST-162
S13-26-MH-MUMBAI NORTH 1RAM NAIK BJP
2LAKHMENDRA KHURANA BSP
3SANJAY BRIJKISHORLAL NIRUPAM INC
4USMAN THIM SP
5KAILAS KATHAJI CHAVAN PRCP
6PARKAR SHIRISH LAXMAN MNS
7RAMESH KUMAR R SINGH SBSP
8RAJENDRA J THACKER PRPI
9DR LEO REBELLO BBM
10SANGEETA SHETTY LOKHANDE PPIS
11AD ARUN R KEJRIWAL IND
12KALYAN BHIMA GALPHADE IND
13GOPAL RAGHUNATH JAMSANDEKAR IND
14JAMNA PRASAD GANGAPRASAD PATEL IND
15JAHIR HUSSEIN ABDUL GANI HAVALDAR IND
16BHANDARI RAMESH SUKUR IND
17MAHENDRA TUKARAM AHIRE IND
18RAKESH D KUMAR IND
19VASHRAMBHAI MOHANBHAI PATEL IND
20SHYAM TIPANNA KURADE IND
21SUBODH GIRDHARI RANJAN IND
22SUBHASH PARSHURAM KHANVILKAR IND
23SURENDRA AMBALAL PATEL IND
JOGESHWARI EAST-158 DINDOSHI-159 GOREGAON-163 VERSOVA-164 ANDHERI
WEST-165 ANDHERI EAST-166
S13-27-MH-MUMBAI NORTH WEST 1ATHAR SIDDIQUI BSP
2ADKAMAT GURUDAS VASANT INC
3GAJANAN KIRTIKAR SHS
4AGGARWAL RISHI DHARAMPAL JGP
5ABU ASIM AZMI SP
6JADHAV BHIKAJI GANGARAM KKJHS
7THAKARE SHALINI JITENDRA MNS
8TAWADE DILIP NARAYAN AIFB
9PAWAR SUBHASH PANDURANG PRCP
10VAIJANATH SANGRAM GAIKWAD BBM
11ANITA RAMKRUSHAN RUPAWATE IND
12KAMBLE SATISH KISAN IND
13DAYANAND NIVRUTI KAMBLE IND
14DHOTRE MARUTI YAMNAPPA IND
15NINAD MANJARDEKAR IND
16PRAMOD SITARAM KASURDE IND
17BHATIA RIPUDAMAN SINGH IND
18MOHAMMED RAFIQ ABDUL RAZAK SHAIKH IND
19MAHADEV LIMBAJI GALPHADE IND
20DR VIJAY BHAVE IND
21SANTOSH PANDURANG CHAIKE IND
MULUND-155 VIKHROLI-156 BHANDUP WEST-157 GHATKOPAR WEST-169
GHATKOPAR EAST-170 MANKHURD SHIVAJI NAGAR-171
S13-28-MH-MUMBAI NORTH EAST 1ASHOK CHANDRAPAL SINGH BSP
2KIRIT SOMAIYA BJP
3SANJAY DINA PATIL NCP
4KOKARE SANJAY DHAKU BBM
5MANISHA MUKESH GADE KKJHS
6VISHWANATH DATTU PATIL RSPS
7SHISHIR SHINDE MNS
8JAYESH C MIRANI IND
9TATVASAHEB REVDEKAR IND
10DIKSHA JITENDRA JAGTAP IND
11DHARMPAL BHAGWAN MESHRAM IND
12NAMDEV TUKARAM SATHE IND
13NARAYAN ANAND ROKADE IND
14PANKAJBHAI SOMCHAND SHAH IND
15PRAKASH D KAMBLE IND
16SUNITA MOHAN TUPSOUNDARYA IND
VILE PARLE-167 CHANDIVALI-168 KURLA-174 KALINA-175 VANDRE
EAST-176 VANDRE WEST-177
S13-29-MH-MUMBAI NORTH CENTRAL 1EBRAHIM SHAIKH BSP
2DUTT PRIYA SUNIL INC
3MAHESH RAM JETHMALANI BJP
4JAYESH JASHWANTRAI BHAYANI THPI
5BHOSALE NITIN GANGARAM RPIE
6MOHAMAND RAFIQ QURESHI NNP
7MOHD SHAHID IBSP
8SHILPA ATUL SARPOTDAR MNS
9SUREKHA PEVEKAR RSPS
10ARORA RAKESH VISHWANATH IND
11ASLAM HANIF KHOT IND
12CHELJI S PATEL IND
13TULSIDAS KRISHNADAS NAIR IND
14COM DEVCHAND RANDIVE IND
15MOHAMAD YAHIYA SIDDHIQUE IND
16RAJKAMAL JAISINGH YADAV IND
17WAGHMARE AATISH RAMCHANDRA IND
18SUDHIR SHANKAR PARDESHI IND
19SUHAS BHIKURAM TAMBE IND
ANUSHAKTI NAGAR-172 CHEMBUR-173 DHARAVI-178 SION KOLIWADA-179
WADALA-180 MAHIM-181
S13-30-MH-MUMBAI SOUTH CENTRAL 1IQBAL MOHAMMAD SAYYAD RJD
2EKNATH M GAIKWAD INC
3BARVE PRAVIN RAMCHANDRA BSP
4SURESH ANANT GAMBHIR SHS
5DR AKALPITA PARANJPE BUDM
6AD ANARYA PUNDALIK PAWAR BBM
7KAMAL NARAYAN WAGHDARE RP(K)
8KARAM HUSSAIN KHAN NLHP
9KISHOR BHAGWAN JAGTAP RSPS
10GARUD MILIND MADHAV MG RPIE
11MOHHAMMED USMAN SHAIKH BMSM
12RAJENDRA GANPAT JADHAV PRCP
13SHWETA VIVEK PARULKAR MNS
14KISHORKUMAR VASANTRAO JADHAV IND
15TRIYOGINATH DUBEY IND
16DILIP RAMCHANDRA GANDHI IND
17MANOJ G SINGH IND
18RAJU SAHEBRAO DALVI IND
19ROHAN GAWRU TAMBE IND
20LAYEEK AHMED ANSARI IND
21VIKAS KUMAR IND
22SHAHAJIRAO DHONDIBA THORAT IND
23DR SAILEN KUMAR GHOSH IND
WORLI-182 SHIVADI-183 BYCULLA-184 MALABAR HILL-185 MUMBA
DEVI-186 COLABA-187
S13-31-MH-MUMBAI SOUTH 1DEORA MILIND MURLI INC
2MOHAN RAWALE SHS
3MOHAMMAD ALI ABUBAKAR SHAIKH BSP
4AVDHUT RAMCHANDRA BHISE JD(S)
5CHIRAG KANTILAL JETHAVA KKJHS
6FIROZ USMAN TINVALA DESEP
7BALA NANDGAONKAR MNS
8DRMONA KARTIK SHAH PRPI
9MOHAMMED AMIR SHAIKH MONTU RPI(D)
10AD RAJESH YASHVANT BHOSALE PPOI
11SAYYED ATHER ALI SP
12ASHOK SHANKAR AMBULKAR IND
13KHIMJI CHIMAN MAKWANA IND
14ADVOCATE FIROZ AHMED ANSARI IND
15MIRA H SANYAL IND
16MUKESH NEMICHAND JAIN IND
17DR SHAIKH SHAHID AHMED IND
18SAYYED SALIM SAYYED RAHIM IND
19SURYAKANT KESHAV SHINGE IND
20ZNYOSHO RASHTRAPATI IND
PEN-191 ALIBAG-192 SHRIVARDHAN-193 MAHAD-194 DAPOLI-263
GUHAGAR-264
S13-32-MH-RAIGAD 1ANANT GEETE SHS
2BARRISTER AR ANTULAY INC
3MOHITE KIRAN BABURAO BSP
4EKANATH ARJUN PATIL RSPS
5ADV PRAVIN MADHUKAR THAKUR IND
6DR SIDDHARTH PATIL IND
7SUNIL BHASKAR NAIK IND
PANVEL-188 KARJAT-189 URAN-190 MAVAL-204 CHINCHWAD-205
PIMPRI-206
S13-33-MH-MAVAL 1PANSARE AZAM FAKEERBHAI NCP
2BABAR GAJANAN DHARMSHI SHS
3MISHRA UMAKANT RAMESHWAR BSP
4AYU DEEPALI NIVRUTTI CHAVAN PRCP
5PRADIP PANDURANG KOCHAREKAR RSPS
6ADVSHIVSHANKAR DATTATRAY SHINDE KM
7ISHWAR DATTATRAY JADHAV IND
8JAGANNATH PANDURANG KHARGE IND
9DOLE BHIMRAJ NIVRUTTI IND
10ADVOCATE TUKARAM WAMANRAO BANSODE IND
11TANTARPALE GOPAL YASHWANTRAO IND
12ADVOCATE PRAMOD MAHADEV GORE IND
13BHAPKAR MARUTI SAHEBRAO IND
14MAHENDRA PRABHAKAR TIWARI IND
15BRO MANUAL DESOZA IND
16YASHWANT NARAYAN DESAI IND
17SHAKEEL RAJBHAI SHAIKH IND
18HARIBHAU DADAJI SHINDE IND
VADGAOL SHERI-208 SHIVAJINAGAR-209 KOTHRUD-210 PARVATI-212 PUNE
CANTONMENT-214 KASBA PETH-215
S13-34-MH-PUNE 1ANIL SHIROLE BJP
2KALMADI SURESH INC
3D S K ALIAS DSKULKARNI BSP
4ARUN BHATIA PG
5GULAB TATYA WAGHMODE BBM
6BAGBAN JAVED KASIM IUML
7VIKRAMADITYA OMPRAKASH DHIMAN RSPS
8VINOD ANAND SINH PTSS
9SHIROLE RANJEET SHRIKANT MNS
10SAVITA HAJARE PPOI
11SANGHARSH ARUN APTE PRCP
12AJAY VASANT PAITHANKAR IND
13ADAGALE BHAUSAHEB RAMCHANDRA IND
14ASHOK GANPAT PALKHE ALIAS SUTAR IND
15KAMTAM ISWAR SAMBHAYYA IND
16KULKARNI KAUSTUBH SHASHIKANT IND
17KHAN AMANULLA MOHMOD AL IND
18KHAN NISSAR TAJ AHMAD IND
19P K CHAVAN IND
20CHOUDHARI SUNIL GULABRAO IND
21CHOURE VILAS CHINTAMAN IND
22TATYA ALIAS NARAYAN SHANKAR WAMBHIRE IND
23TAMBOLI SHABBIR SAJJANBHAI IND
24DATTATRAYA GANESH TALGERI IND
25BAGADE SACHIN MARUTI IND
26BALU ALIAS ANIL SHIROLE IND
27BHARAT MANOHAR GAVALI IND
28BHAGWAT RAGHUNATH KAMBLE IND
29RAJENDRA BHAGAT ALIAS JITU BHAI IND
30VIKRAM NARENDRA BOKE IND
31SHINDE RAJENDRA BABURAO IND
32SHAIKH ALTAF KARIM IND
33SHRIKANT MADHUSUDAN JAGTAP IND
34SARDESAI KISHORKUMAR RAGHUNATH IND
35ADVSUBHASH NARHAR GODSE IND
36SANTOSH ALIAS SOMNATH KALU PAWAR IND
DAUND-199 INDAPUR-200 BARAMATI-201 PURANDAR-202 BHOR-203
KHADAKWASALA-211
S13-35-MH-BARAMATI 1KUDALEPATIL VIVEK ANANT BSP
2KANTA JAYSING NALAWADE BJP
3SUPRIYA SULE NCP
4MAYAWATI AMAR CHITRE BMSM
5SHELAR SANGEETA PANDURANG KM
6SACHIN VITTHAL AHIRE PRCP
7SAMPAT MARUTI TAKALE RSPS
8GHORPADE SAVEETA ASHOK IND
9TATYA ALIAS NARAYAN SHANKAR WAMBHIRE IND
10TANTARPALE GOPAL YESHWANTRAO IND
11DEEPAK SHANKAR BHAPKAR IND
12BHIMA ANNA KADALE IND
13MRUNALEENI JAYRAJ KAKADE IND
14YOGESH SONABA RANDHEER IND
15SHIVAJI JAYSING KOKARE IND
16SURESH BABURAO VEER IND
17SANGITA SHRIMAN BHUMKAR IND
JUNNAR-195 AMBEGAON-196 KHED ALANDI-197 SHIRUR-198 BHOSARI-207
HADAPSAR-213
S13-36-MH-SHIRUR 1ADHALRAO SHIVAJI DATTATRAY SHS
2ZAGADE YASHWANT SITARAM BSP
3VILAS VITHOBA LANDE NCP
4PALLAVI MOHAN HARSHE PRCP
5SHELAR DNYANOBA SHRIPATI RPPI
6SURESH MULCHAND KANKARIA MAMA RSPS
7ABHANG KONDIBHAU BHIMAJI IND
8KARANDE CHANGDEO NAMDEO IND
9KALURAM RAGHUNATH TAPKIR IND
10RAM DHARMA DAMBALE IND
11LANDE VILAS MHATARBA IND
SHEVGAON-222 RAHURI-223 PARNER-224 AHMEDNAGAR CITY-225
SHRIGONDA-226 KARJAT JAMKHED-227
S13-37-MH-AHMADNAGAR 1KARDILE SHIVAJI BHANUDAS NCP
2KARBHARI WAMAN SHIRSAT ALIAS KV SHIRSAT CPI
3GADAKH TUKARAM GANGADHAR BSP
4GANDHI DILIPKUMAR MANSUKHLAL BJP
5KAZI SAJID MUJIR RPIE
6HAKE BHANUDAS KISAN RSPS
7HOLE BHANUDAS NAMDEO BBM
8ARUN KAHAR IND
9AVINASH MALHARRAO GHODAKE IND
10KHAIRE ARJUN DEORAO IND
11GAIKWAD BALASAHEB RAMCHANDRA IND
12NAUSHAD ANSAR SHAIKH IND
13PROF MAHENDRA DADA SHINDE IND
14RAUT EKNATH BABASAHEB IND
15RAJIV APPASAHEB RAJALE IND
AKOLE-216 SANGAMNER-217 SHIRDI-218 KOPARGAON-219 SHRIRAMPUR-220
NEVASA-221
S13-38-MH-SHIRDI 1KACHARU NAGU WAGHMARE BSP
2WAKCHOURE BHAUSAHEB RAJARAM SHS
3ATHAWALE RAMDAS BANDU RPI
4DHOTRE SUCHIT CHINTAMANI KM
5SATISH BALASAHEB PALGHADMAL PRCP
6ADHAGALE RAJENDRA NAMDEV IND
7KAMBALE RAMESH ANKUSH IND
8GAIKWAD APPASAHEB GANGADHAR IND
9BAGUL BALU DASHARATH IND
10MEDHE PRAFULLAKUMAR MURLIDHAR IND
11RAKSHE ANNASAHEB EKNATH IND
12RUPWATE PREMANAND DAMODHAR IND
13LODHE SHARAD LAXAMAN IND
14WAGH GANGADHAR RADHAJI IND
15VAIRAGHAR SUDHIR NATHA IND
16SABALE ANIL DAMODHAR IND
17SANDIP BHASKAR GOLAP IND
GEORAI-228 MAJALGAON-229 BEED-230 ASHTI-231 KAIJ-232 PARLI-233
S13-39-MH-BEED 1KOKATE RAMESH BABURAO ADASKAR NCP
2MASKE MACHHINDRA BABURAO BSP
3MUNDE GOPINATHRAO PANDURANG BJP
4KHALGE KACHRU SANTRAMJI BBM
5GURAV KALYAN BHANUDAS RKSP
6TATE ASHOK SANTRAM ARP
7NIKALJE SHEELATAI MAHENDRA PRCP
8PRAMOD ALIAS PARMESHWAR SAKHARAM MOTE KM
9BABURAO NARAYANRAO KAGADE ANC
10DR SHIVAJIRAO KISANRAO SHENDGE RSPS
11KAMAL KONDIRAM NIMBALKAR IND
12KAMBLE DEEPAK DYANOBA IND
13KHAN SIKANDAR KHAN HUSSAIN KHAN IND
14GUJAR KHAN MIRZA KHAN IND
15ADVNATKAR RAMRAO SHESHRAO IND
16PATHAN GAFARKHAN JABBARKHAN IND
17MAHAMMAD AKARAM MAHAMMAD SALIMUDDIN BAGWAN IND
18RAMESH VISHVANATH KOKATE IND
19SAYYED MINHAJ ALI WAJED ALI PENDKHJUR WALE IND
20SAYYED SALIM FATTU IND
21SARDAR KHAN SULTANABABA IND
AUSA-239 UMARGA-240 TULJAPUR-241 OSMANABAD-242 PARANDA-243
BARSHI-246
S13-40-MH-OSMANABAD 1GAIKWAD RAVINDRA VISHWANATH SHS
2DIVAKAR YASHWANT NAKADE BSP
3PATIL PADAMSINHA BAJIRAO NCP
4JAGTAP BHAGWAN DADARAO BBM
5TARKASE DHANANJAY MURLIDHAR ABHM
6TAWADE PRAKASH TANAJIRAO KM
7BANSODE GUNDERAO SHIVRAM RSPS
8BABA FAIJODDIN SHAIKH NELU
9BHOSLE REVAN VISHWANATH JD(S)
10MUJAWAR SHAHABUDDIN NABIRASUL PRCP
11RAJENDRA RANDITRAO HIPPERGEKAR KKJHS
12ANGARSHA SALIM BABULAL IND
13GAIKWAD UMAJI PANDURANG IND
14CHAVAN BABU VITHOBA IND
15CHANDANE PINTU PANDURANG IND
16DADASAHEB SHANKARRAO JETITHOR IND
17NITURE ARUN BHAURAO IND
18PATEL HASHAM ISMAIL IND
19PAWAR HARIDAS MANIKRAO IND
20PATIL MAHADEO DNYANDEO IND
21BALAJI BAPURAO TUPSUNDARE IND
22ADV BHAUSAHEB ANIL BELURE BEMBLIKAR IND
23MUNDHE PATRIL PADAMSINHA VIJAYSINHA IND
24YEVATEPATIL SHRIMANT IND
25SANDIPAN RAMA ZOMBADE IND
LOHA-88 LATUR RURAL-234 LATUR CITY-235 AHMADPUR-236 UDGIR-237
NILANGA-238
S13-41-MH-LATUR 1AAWALE JAYWANT GANGARAM INC
2GAIKWAD SUNIL BALIRAM BJP
3ADV BABASAHEB SADSHIVRAO GAIKWAD BSP
4ARAK ASHOK VIKRAM KM
5VK ACHARYA PRCP
6TM KAMBLE RPI(D)
7GANNE TUKARAM RAMBHAU JSS
8BANSODE RAGHUNATH WAGHOJI PRBP
9BABURAO SATYAWAN POTBHARE BBM
10RAMKUMAR RAIWADIKAR SWJP
11SHRIKANT RAMRAO JEDHE RSPS
12SASANE ATUL GANGARAM ARP
13SAHEBRAO HARIBHAU WAGHMARE KKJHS
14AAWCHARE VIJAYKUMAR BABRUWAN IND
15KAMBLE BANSILAL RAMCHANDRA IND
16NILANGEKAR AVINASH MADHUKARRAO IND
17MANE GAJANAN PANDURANG IND
18SANJAY KABIRDAS GAIKWAD IND
MOHOL-247 SOLAPUR CITY NORTH-248 SOLAPUR CITY CENTRAL-249
AKKALKOT-250 SOLAPUR SOUTH-251 PANDHARPUR-252
S13-42-MH-SOLAPUR 1GAIKWAD PRAMOD RAMCHANDRA BSP
2ADV BANSODE SHARAD MARUTI BJP
3SHINDE SUSHILKUMAR SAMBHAJIRAO INC
4ADV KASABEKAR SHRIDHAR LIMBAJI RSPS
5RAJGURU NARAYAN YEDU BBM
6LAXMIKANT CHANDRAKANT GAIKWAD KKJHS
7NARAYANKAR RAJENDRA BABURAO IND
8NITINKUMAR RAMCHANDRA KAMBLE ALIAS NITIN BANPURKAR IND
9BANSODE UTTAM BHIMSHA IND
10BANSODE RAHUL DATTU IND
11MILIND MAREPPA MULE IND
12VIKRAM UTTAM KASABE IND
13VIJAYKUMAR BHAGWANRAO UGHADE IND
KARMALA-244 MADHA-245 SANGOLE-253 MALSHIRAS-254 PHALTAN-255
MAN-258
S13-43-MH-MADHA 1DESHMUKH SUBHASH SURESHCHANDRA BJP
2PAWAR SHARADCHANDRA GOVINDRAO NCP
3RAHUL VITTHAL SARWADE BSP
4AYU GAIKWAD SATISH SUGRAV PRCP
5CHAVAN SUBHASH VITTHAL BBM
6MAHADEO JAGANNATH JANKAR RSPS
7RAMCHANDRA NARAYAN KACCHAVE KKJHS
8SASTE KAKASAHEB MAHADEO KM
9SOU NAGMANI KISAN JAKKAN IND
10DRM D PATIL IND
11BANSODE BALVEER DAGADU IND
12BHANUDAS BHAGAWAN DEVAKATE IND
13DR MAHADEO ABAJI POL IND
14SURESH SHAMRAO GHADGE IND
15DNYANESHWAR VITTHAL AMALE IND
MIRAJ-281 SANGLI-282 PALUS-KADEGAON-285 KHANAPUR-286 TASGAON –
KAVATHE MAHANKAL-287 JAT-288
S13-44-MH-SANGLI 1PATEL MJAVED M YUSUF BSP
2PRATIK PRAKASHBAPU PATIL INC
3ASHOK DNYANU MANEBHAU STBP
4MANOHAR BALKRISHNA KHEDKAR BBM
5MAHADEV ANNA WAGHAMARE RSPS
6AJITRAO SHANKARRAO GHORPADE IND
7ANSARI SHABBIR AHEMED IND
8GANPATI TUKARAM KAMBLE ALIAS GT KAMBLE IND
9PANDHARE DATTATRAYA PANDURANG IND
10KAVTHEKAR PRAVIN BHAGWAN KAVTHEKAR ALIAS JIVA MAHALE IND
11MULANI BALEKHAN USMAN IND
12VAGARE MARUTI MURA IND
13SHAMRAO PIRAJI KADAM IND
14SIDDESHWAR SHIVAPPA BHOSALE IND
WAI-256 KOREGAON-257 KARAD NORTH-259 KARAD SOUTH-260 PATAN-261
SATARA-262
S13-45-MH-SATARA 1CHAVAN PRASHANT VASANT BSP
2PURUSHOTTAM BAJIRAO JADHAV SHS
3BHONSLE SHRIMANT CHH UDYANRAJE PRATAPSINHMAHARAJ NCP
4BHAUSAHEB GANGARAM WAGH RSPS
5ALANKRITA ABHIJIT AWADEBICHUKALE IND
CHIPLUN-265 RATNAGIRI-266 RAJAPUR-267 KANKAVLI-268 KUDAL-269
SAWANTWADI-270
S13-46-MH-RATNAGIRI – SINDHUDURG 1DRNILESH NARAYAN RANE INC
2PARULEKAR JAYENDRA SHRIPAD BSP
3SURESH PRABHAKAR PRABHU SHS
4AJAY ALIAS AABA DADA JADHAV KKJHS
5RAJESH PUSUSHOTTAM SURVE RSPS
6VILASRAO KHANVILKAR ABHM
7SIRAJ ABDULLA KAUCHALI BBM
8KHALAPE AKBAR MAHAMMAD IND
9SURENDRA BORKAR IND
CHANDGAD-271 RADHANAGARI-272 KAGAL-273 KOLHAPUR SOUTH-274
KARVIR-275 KOLHAPUR NORTH-276
S13-47-MH-KOLHAPUR 1KAMBLE SUHAS NIVRUTI BSP
2CHHATRPATI SAMBHAJIRAJE SHAHU NCP
3DEVANE VIJAY SHAMRAO SHS
4KAMBLE MARUTI RAVELU BBM
5CHOUGULE BHAI PT IND
6DR NEELAMBARI RAMESH MANDAPE IND
7SR TATYA PATIL IND
8BAJRANG KRISHNA PATIL IND
9MAHAMMADGOUS GULAB NADAF IND
10SADASHIVRAO MANDLIK DADOBA IND
SHAHUWADI-277 HATKANANGLE-278 ICHALKARANJI-279 SHIROL-280
ISLAMPUR-283 SHIRALA-284
S13-48-MH-HATKANANGLE 1KANADE ANILKUMAR MAHADEV BSP
2MANE NIVEDITA SAMBHAJIRAO NCP
3RAGHUNATH RAMCHANDRA PATIL SHS
4PATIL UDAY PANDHARINATH KM
5BABURAO OMANNA KAMBLE RSPS
6MANE ARVIND BHIVA BBM
7SHETTI RAJU ALIAS DEVAPPA ANNA SWP
8ARUN ALIAS SHAM BAJARNAG BUCHADE IND
9THORAT ANANDRAO TUKARAM IND
10SURNIKE ANANDRAO VASANTRAO FOUJI BAPU IND
KHUNDRAKPAM-1 HEINGANG-2 KHURAI-3 KSHETRIGAO-4 THONGJU-5
KEIRAO-6 ANDRO-7 LAMLAI-8 THANGMEIBAND-9 URIPOK-10
S14-1-MN-INNER MANIPUR 1DR THOKCHOM MEINYA INC
2THOUNAOJAM CHAOBA MPP
3MOIRANGTHEM NARA CPI
4WAHENGBAM NIPAMACHA SINGH BJP
5L KSHETRANI DEVI RBCP
6ABDUL RAHMAN IND
7NONGMAITHEM HOMENDRO SINGH IND
HEIROK-33 WANGJING TENTHA-34 KHANGABOK-35 WABGAI-36 KAKCHING-37
HIYANGLAM-38 SUGNU-39 JIRIBAM-40 CHANDEL (ST)-41 TENGNOUPAL (ST)-42
S14-2-MN-OUTER MANIPUR 1THANGSO BAITE INC
2D LOLI ADANEE BJP
3LB SONA NCP
4M JAMKHONGAM M YAMKHONGAM HAOKIP RJD
5THANGKHANGIN LJP
6MANI CHARENAMEI PDA
7VALLEY ROSE HUNGYO IND
8MANGSHI ROSE MANGSHI HAOKIP IND
9LAMLALMOI GANGTE IND
NARTIANG-1 JOWAI-2 RALIANG-3 MOWKAIAW-4 SUTNGA SAIPUNG-5
KHLIEHRIAT-6 AMLAREM-7 MAWHATI-8 NONGPOH-9 JIRANG-10
S15-1-ML-SHILLONG 1DALINGTON DYMPEP CPI
2JOHN FILMORE KHARSHIING UDP
3VINCENT H PALA INC
4P B M BASAIAWMOIT HSPDP
5MARTLE NMUKHIM MDP
6DENIS SIANGSHAI IND
7TIEROD PASSAH IND
KHARKUTTA-37 MENDIPATHAR-38 RESUBELPARA-39 BAJENGDOBA-40
SONGSAK-41 RONGJENG-42 WILLIAM NAGAR-43 RAKSAMGRE-44 TIKRIKILA-45
PHULBARI-46
S15-2-ML-TURA 1AGATHA K SANGMA NCP
2DEBORA C MARAK INC
3BOSTON MARAK ACNC
4ARLENE N SANGMA IND
HACHHEK-1 DAMPA-2 MAMIT-3 TUIRIAL-4 KOLASIB-5 SERLUI-6
TUIVAWL-7 CHALFILH-8 TAWI-9 AIZAWL NORTH – I-10
S16-1-MZ-MIZORAM 1LALAWMPUIA CHHANGTE NCP
2CLRUALA INC
3DR H LALLUNGMUANA IND
4RUALPAWLA IND
DIMAPUR-I-1 DIMAPUR-II-2 DIMAPUR-III-3 GHASPANI-I-4
GHASPANI-II-5 TENNING-6 PEREN-7 WESTERN ANGAMI-8 KOHIMA TOWN-9
NORTHERN ANGAMI-I-10
S17-1-NL-NAGALAND 1K ASUNGBA SANGTAM INC
2CM CHANG NPF
3DR RILANTHUNG ODYUO AITC
PADAMPUR-1 BIJEPUR-2 BARGARH-3 ATTABIRA-4 BHATLI-5
BRAJARAJNAGAR-6 JHARSUGUDA-7
S18-1-OR-BARGARH 1RADHARANI PANDA BJP
2SANJAY BHOI INC
3SUNIL KUMAR AGRAWAL BSP
4DR HAMID HUSSAIN BJD
5NILADRI BEHARI PANDA KOKD
6SURENDRA KUMAR AGRAWAL IND
TALSARA-8 SUNDARGARH-9 BIRAMITRAPUR-10 RAGHUNATHPALI-11
ROURKELA-12 RAJGANGAPUR-13 BONAI-14
S18-2-OR-SUNDARGARH 1JUAL ORAM BJP
2JEROM DUNGDUNG BSP
3LIVNUS KINDO JMM
4SALOMI MINZ CPM
5HEMANANDA BISWAL INC
6RAMA CHANDRA EKKA JDP
7SAGAR SING MANKEE KOKD
8DALESWAR MAJHI IND
9MANSID EKKA IND
KUCHINDA-15 RENGALI-16 SAMBALPUR-17 RAIRAKHOL-18 DEOGARH-19
CHHENDIPADA-62 ATHAMALLIK-63
S18-3-OR-SAMBALPUR 1AMARNATH PRADHAN INC
2GOBINDA RAM AGARWAL BSP
3ROHIT PUJARI BJD
4SURENDRA LATH BJP
5ASHOK KUMAR NAIK KOKD
6BIJAYA KUMAR MAHANANDA RPI
7MD ALI HUSSAIN IND
TELKOI-20 GHASIPURA-21 ANANDAPUR-22 PATNA-23 KEONJHAR-24
CHAMPUA-25 KARANJIA-30
S18-4-OR-KEONJHAR 1ANANTA NAYAK BJP
2DHANURJAYA SIDU INC
3YASHBANT NARAYAN SINGH LAGURI BJD
4LACHHAMAN MAJHI JMM
5DR SUDARSHAN LOHAR BSP
6CHITTA RANJAN MUNDA IND
7DR FAKIR MOHAN NAIK IND
JASHIPUR-26 SARASKANA-27 RAIRANGPUR-28 BANGRIPOSI-29 UDALA-31
BARIPADA-33 MORADA-34
S18-5-OR-MAYURBHANJ 1GAMHA SINGH BSP
2DROUPADI MURMU BJP
3LAXMAN TUDU BJD
4LAXMAN MAJHI INC
5SUDAM MARNDI JMM
6LAXMISWAR TAMUDIA SP
7SUNDAR MOHAN MAJHI JDP
8DEVI PRASANNA BESRA IND
9NARENDRA HANSDA IND
10RAMESWAR MAJHI IND
BADASAHI-32 JALESWAR-35 BHOGRAI-36 BASTA-37 BALASORE-38
REMUNA-39 NILGIRI-40
S18-6-OR-BALASORE 1ARUN JENA JMM
2ARUN DEY NCP
3MAHAMEGHA BAHAN AIRA KHARABELA SWAIN BJP
4SHRADHANJALI PRADHAN BSP
5SRIKANTA KUMAR JENA INC
6DEBASISH RANJAN DASH SAMO
7RAKESH RANJAN PATRA JHKP
8GHASIRAM MOHANTA IND
9LAXIMIKANTA BEHERA IND
SORO-41 SIMULIA-42 BHANDARIPOKHARI-43 BHADRAK-44 BASUDEVPUR-45
DHAMNAGAR-46 CHANDABALI-47
S18-7-OR-BHADRAK 1ANANTA PRASAD SETHI INC
2ARJUN CHARAN SETHI BJD
3NITYANANDA JENA BSP
4RATH DAS BJP
5GOLAK PRASAD MALLIK IND
6SUSANTA KUMAR JENA IND
BINJHARPUR-48 BARI-49 BARCHANA-50 DHARMASALA-51 JAJPUR-52
KOREI-53 SUKINDA-54
S18-8-OR-JAJPUR 1AMIYA KANTA MALLIK INC
2PARAMESWAR SETHI BJP
3MOHAN JENA BJD
4AJIT KUMAR JENA SAMO
5BABULI MALLIK OMM
6BHIMSEN BEHERA JHKP
7UDAYA NATH JENA IND
8KALANDI MALLIK IND
DHENKANAL-55 HINDOL-56 KAMAKHYANAGAR-57 PARJANGA-58 PALLAHARA-59
TALCHER-60 ANGUL-61
S18-9-OR-DHENKANAL 1KRISHNA CHANDRA SAHOO BSP
2CHANDRA SEKHAR TRIPATHY INC
3TATHAGATA SATPATHY BJD
4RUDRANARAYAN PANY BJP
5PRIYABRATA GARNAIK KS
BIRMAHARAJPUR-64 SONEPUR-65 LOISINGHA-66 PATNAGARH-67
BOLANGIR-68 TITLAGARH-69 KANTABANJI-70
S18-10-OR-BOLANGIR 1KALIKESH NARAYAN SINGH DEO BJD
2NARASINGHA MISHRA INC
3BALHAN SAGAR BSP
4SANGITA KUMARI SINGH DEO BJP
5DINGAR KUMBHAR SAMO
NUAPADA-71 KHARIAR-72 LANJIGARH-77 JUNAGARH-78 DHARMGARH-79
BHAWANIPATNA-80 NARLA-81
S18-11-OR-KALAHANDI 1NAKULA MAJHI BSP
2BIKRAM KESHARI DEO BJP
3BHAKTA CHARAN DAS INC
4SUBASH CHANDRA NAYAK BJD
5PARAMESWAR KAND SP
6BALARAM HOTA CPI(ML)(L)
7DAMBARUDHARA SUNANI IND
8MAHESWAR BHOI IND
UMARKOTE-73 JHARIGAM-74 NABARANGPUR-75 DABUGAM-76 KOTPAD-142
MALKANGIRI-146 CHITRAKONDA-147
S18-12-OR-NABARANGPUR 1CHANDRADHWAJ MAJHI BSP
2DOMBURU MAJHI BJD
3PARSURAM MAJHI BJP
4PRADEEP KUMAR MAJHI INC
BALIGUDA-82 G. UDAYAGIRI-83 PHULBANI-84 KANTAMAL-85 BOUDH-86
DASPALLA-121 BHANJANAGAR-123
S18-13-OR-KANDHAMAL 1ASHOK SAHU BJP
2PAULA BALIARSING BSP
3RUDRAMADHAB RAY BJD
4SUZIT KUMAR PADHI INC
5NAKUL NAYAK SP
6AJIT KUMAR NAYAK IND
7KAMALA KANTA PANDEY IND
8GHORABANA BEHERA IND
9DEENABANDHU NAIK IND
BARAMBA-87 BANKI-88 ATHAGARH-89 BARABATI-CUTTACK-90
CHOUDWAR-CUTTACK-91 CUTTACK SADAR-93 KHANDAPADA-120
S18-14-OR-CUTTACK 1ANADI SAHU BJP
2GOPAL CHANDRA KAR BSP
3BIBHUTI BHUSAN MISHRA INC
4BHARTRUHARI MAHTAB BJD
5KAPILA CHARAN MALL BOP
6PRADIP ROUTRAY KS
7DEBANANDA SINGH IND
SALIPUR-94 MAHANGA-95 PATKURA-96 KENDRAPARA-97 AUL-98
RAJANAGAR-99 MAHAKALAPADA-100
S18-15-OR-KENDRAPARA 1JNANDEV BEURA BJP
2RANJIB BISWAL INC
3LENIN LENKA BSP
4BAIJAYANT PANDA BJD
5PRATAP CHANDRA JENA SAMO
6PRAVAKAR NAYAK KS
7RAMA KRUSHNA DASH CPI(ML)(L)
8SARAT CHANDRA SWAIN IND
NIALI-92 PARADEEP-101 TIRTOL-102 BALIKUDA-ERSAMA-103
JAGATSINGHPUR-104 KAKATPUR-105 NIMAPARA-106
S18-16-OR-JAGATSINGHPUR 1BAIDHAR MALLICK BJP
2BIBHU PRASAD TARAI CPI
3BIBHUTI BHUSAN MAJHI BSP
4RABINDRA KUMAR SETHY INC
5AKSHAYA KUMAR SETHI SAMO
PURI-107 BRAMHAGIRI-108 SATYABADI-109 PIPILI-110 CHILIKA-118
RANPUR-119 NAYAGARH-122
S18-17-OR-PURI 1JITENDRA KUMAR SAHOO BSP
2DEBENDRA NATH MANSINGH INC
3PINAKI MISRA BJD
4BRAJA KISHORE TRIPATHY BJP
5KSHITISH BISWAL CPI(ML)(L)
6SABYASACHI MOHAPATRA KS
7PRABHAT KUMAR BADAPANDA IND
JAYADEV-111 BHUBANESWAR CENTRAL (MADHYA)-112 BHUBANESWAR NORTH
(UTTAR)-113 EKAMRA-BHUBANESWAR-114 JATANI-115 BEGUNIA-116
KHURDA-117
S18-18-OR-BHUBANESWAR 1AKSHAYA KUMAR MOHANTY BSP
2ARCHANA NAYAK BJP
3PRASANNA KUMAR PATASANI BJD
4SANTOSH MOHANTY INC
5UMA CHARANA MISHRA JHKP
6NABAGHAN PARIDA BOP
7PRAFUL KUMAR SAHOO RPI(A)
8BASANTA KUMAR BEHERA KS
9BIJAYANANDA MISHRA LJP
10JAGANNATH PRASAD LENKA IND
11DHIRENDRA SATAPATHY IND
12PRAMILA BEHERA IND
13SASTHI PRASAD SETHI IND
POLASARA-124 KABISURYANGAR-125 KHALIKOTE-126 ASKA-128 SURADA-129
SANAKHEMUNDI-130 HINJILI-131
S18-19-OR-ASKA 1NITYANANDA PRADHAN BJD
2RAMACHANDRA RATH INC
3SHANTI DEVI BJP
4KRISHNA DALABEHERA KS
5BIJAYA KUMAR MAHAPATRO RSP
6SURJYA NARAYAN SAHU SAMO
7KALICHARAN NAYAK IND
8DEBASIS MISRA IND
9K SHYAM BABU SUBUDHI IND
CHHATRAPUR-127 GOPALPUR-132 BERHAMPUR-133 DIGAPAHANDI-134
CHIKITI-135 MOHANA-136 PARALAKHEMUNDI-137
S18-20-OR-BERHAMPUR 1CHANDRA SEKHAR SAHU INC
2PABITRA GAMANGO BSP
3BHARAT PAIK BJP
4SIDHANT MAHAPATRA BJD
5NIRAKAR BEHERA KS
6ALI RAZA ZIADI IND
7KISHORE CHANDRA MAHARANA IND
8A RAGHUNATH VARMA IND
9K SHYAM BABU SUBUDHI IND
GUNUPUR-138 BISSAM CUTTACK-139 RAYAGADA-140 LAXMIPUR-141
JEYPORE-143 KORAPUT-144 POTTANGI-145
S18-21-OR-KORAPUT 1UPENDRA MAJHI BJP
2GIRIDHAR GAMANG INC
3JAYARAM PANGI BJD
4PAPANNA MUTIKA BSP
5KUMUDINI DISARI SAMO
6MEGHANADA SABAR CPI(ML)(L)
SUJANPUR-1 BHOA-2 GURDASPUR-4 DINA NAGAR-5 QADIAN-6 BATALA-7
FATEHGARH CHURIAN-9 DERA BABA NANAK-10
S19-1-PB-GURDASPUR 1SWARAN SINGH THAKUR BSP
2PARTAP SINGH BAJWA INC
3VINOD KHANNA BJP
4SUKRIT SHARDA SP
5GURPREET SINGH KHANNA BGTD
6YOG RAJ SHARMA SHS
7RAGHVIR KAUR LJP
8KULDEEP CHAND SAINI IND
9GURMEET SINGH IND
10NARAIN SINGH IND
11BALBIR SINGH IND
12LAL CHAND IND
13VIDYA BHUSHAN IND
AJNALA-11 RAJA SANSI-12 MAJITHA-13 AMRITSAR NORTH-15 AMRITSAR
WEST-16 AMRITSAR CENTRAL-17 AMRITSAR EAST-18 AMRITSAR SOUTH-19
ATTARI-20
S19-2-PB-AMRITSAR 1OM PRAKASH SONI INC
2BKN CHHIBER BSP
3NAVJOT SINGH SIDHU BJP
4ANIL SINGH RSP
5DRSURINDER SINGH DCP
6HARMEET SINGH LJP
7MAJOR GS GILL RRD
8JASWANT SINGH RANDHAWA BGTD
9SHAM LAL IND
10KANWALJIT SINGH MANAWALA IND
11GOKAL CHAND IND
12NARESH SINGH BHADAURIYA IND
13BAL KRISHAN IND
14LAVINDER KUMAR IND
JANDIALA-14 TARN TARAN-21 KHEM KARAN-22 PATTI-23 KHADOOR
SAHIB-24 BABA BAKALA-25 KAPURTHALA-27 SULTANPUR LODHI-28 ZIRA-75
S19-3-PB-KHADOOR SAHIB 1SURINDER SINGH SHAHI BSP
2DR RATTAN SINGH AJNALA SAD
3RANA GURJEET SINGH INC
4DARSHAN SINGH AIDWC
5BALKAR SINGH BGTD
6MOHINDER SINGH LJP
7SUKHWANT SINGH IND
8HARJIT SINGH IND
9KANWAR PARTAP SINGH IND
10GIAN KAUR IND
11GURJIT SINGH IND
12JASPAL SINGH IND
13PRAGAT SINGH IND
14RAJINDER SINGH IND
15RAJINDER RIKHI IND
TALWARA-3 PHILLAUR-30 NAKODAR-31 SHAHKOT-32 KARTARPUR-33
JALANDHAR WEST-34 JALANDHAR CENTRAL-35 JALANDHAR NORTH-36 JALANDHAR
CANTT.-37 ADAMPUR-38
S19-4-PB-JALANDHAR 1SURJIT SINGH BSP
2HANS RAJ HANS SAD
3MOHINDER SINGH KAYPEE INC
4ASHOK KUMAR BGTD
5JAGJIVAN RAM BHARTI RPI
6NAV VIKAS LJP
7RAJINDER SINGH LTSD
8DR RAJINDER KUMAR SP
9VIJAY HANS DBSP
10SANJEEV KUMAR RAHELA IND
11HARI MITTER IND
12HANS RAJ PABWAN IND
13MOHINDER SINGH IND
14MOHINDER SINGH GILL IND
15RAKESH KUMAR BHAGAT IND
SRI HARGOBINDPUR-8 BHOLATH-26 PHAGWARA-29 MUKERIAN-39 DASUYA-40
URMAR-41 SHAM CHAURASI-42 HOSHIARPUR-43 CHABBEWAL-44
S19-5-PB-HOSHIARPUR 1SANTOSH CHOWDHARY INC
2SUKHWINDER KUMAR BSP
3SOM PARKASH BJP
4PRINCIPAL MOHAN LAL KHOSLA DBSP
5LAL CHAND BHATTI BGTD
6VARINDER BHARTI LJP
7SARWAN SINGH IND
8HARMESH LAL SAROYA IND
9JATHEDAR DALJIT SINGH SODHI IND
10MAHINDER SINGH HAMIRA IND
11MUKHTAR SINGH MUKHA KHUJALA IND
12RITTA RAHELA IND
GARHSHANKAR-45 BANGA-46 NAWAN SHAHR-47 BALACHAUR-48 ANANDPUR
SAHIB-49 RUPNAGAR-50 CHAMKAUR SAHIB-51 KHARAR-52 S.A.S.NAGAR-53
S19-6-PB-ANANDPUR SAHIB 1KEWAL KRISHAN BSP
2DR DALJIT SINGH CHEEMA SAD
3MAHAN SINGH CPM
4RAVNEET SINGH INC
5BACHAN LAL LJP
6BALWINDER SINGH SP
7MANJIT KAUR DBSP
8MOHAN SINGH ARWP
9VISHWANATH SHS
10SAT PAL IND
11SANSAR CHAND IND
12JASPAL SINGH IND
13DALJIT SINGH IND
14RESHAM LAL KAHLON IND
LUDHIANA EAST-60 LUDHIANA SOUTH-61 ATAM NAGAR-62 LUDHIANA
CENTRAL-63 LUDHIANA WEST-64 LUDHIANA NORTH-65 GILL-66 DAKHA-68
JAGRAON-70
S19-7-PB-LUDHIANA 1KEHAR SINGH BSP
2GURCHARAN SINGH GALIB SAD
3MANISH TEWARI INC
4SANJEEV KUMAR ATWAL DBSP
5SURINDER SINGH SODHI LJP
6HARISH KUMAR RWS
7GIRDHARI LAL LBP
8GURINDER SINGH SOOD JKNPP
9JASPAL SINGH BGTD
10TULSI RAM MISRA SP
11LADDU SHAH LPSP
12AJAY TANDON IND
13SURINDER PAL IND
14SHAMBHU KUMAR SINGH IND
15SHIV SUNDER IND
16SEIKH MUKHTIAR IND
17HARBANS SINGH SODHI IND
18KUNAL IND
19GURCHARAN SINGH IND
20CHANDER DEV SINGH IND
21JASVIR SINGH THETHI IND
22TEHAL SINGH IND
23DALJINDER SINGH IND
24BALBIR SINGH IND
25RAJESH KUMAR IND
26RAJESH GANDHI IND
27RAJESH PATEL IND
28RAVINDER KUMAR SO SOHAN LAL IND
29RAVINDER KUMAR SO MUNNA LAL IND
30VIJAY KUMAR GOEL IND
BASSI PATHANA-54 FATEHGARH SAHIB-55 AMLOH-56 KHANNA-57
SAMRALA-58 SAHNEWAL-59 PAYAL-67 RAIKOT-69 AMARGARH-106
S19-8-PB-FATEHGARH SAHIB 1SUKHDEV SINGH INC
2CHARANJIT SINGH ATWAL SAD
3RAI SINGH BSP
4HIRA LAL BVP
5KULWANT SINGH SANDHU SAD(M)
6BP SINGH GILL LBP
7BHUPINDER SINGH RSP
8RAM SINGH LJP
9SIKANDER SINGH IND
10PREM SINGH IND
11LACHHMAN SINGH IND
NIHAL SINGHWALA-71 BHAGHA PURANA-72 MOGA-73 DHARAMKOT-74
GIDDERBAHA-84 FARIDKOT-87 KOTKAPURA-88 JAITU-89 RAMPURA PHUL-90
S19-9-PB-FARIDKOT 1SUKHWINDER SINGH DANNY INC
2KAUSHALYA CHAMAN BHAURA CPI
3PARAMJIT KAUR GULSHAN SAD
4RESHAM SINGH BSP
5GURMEET SINGH RANGHRETA PLP
6JASVIR SINGH MB(S)P
7PRITAM SINGH RPI
8PREM SINGH SP
9RAJ KAUR AIDWC
10SUKHWINDER SINGH IND
11SHARAN KAUR IND
12GURPREET SINGH IND
13NATHU RAM IND
14NIRMAL SINGH IND
15VEERPAL KAUR IND
FIROZPUR CITY-76 FIROZPUR RURAL-77 GURU HAR SAHAI-78 JALALABAD-79
FAZILKA-80 ABOHAR-81 BALLUANA-82 MALOUT-85 MUKTSAR-86
S19-10-PB-FEROZPUR 1SHER SINGH GHUBAYA SAD
2GURDEV SINGH BSP
3JAGMEET SINGH BRAR INC
4SAHAB SINGH LJP
5JINDER PAL SINGH AIDWC
6DHIAN SINGH MAND SAD(M)
7PAPU SINGH RVNP
8MATHRA DASS PSS
9ATMA RAM IND
10SATNAM SINGH IND
11SARABJEET SINGH IND
12SUBLAKSHMAN SHARMA IND
13SHER SINGH IND
14GURPAL SINGH IND
15JAGDEEP SINGH IND
16JAGMEET SINGH IND
17DALIP KUMAR IND
18PARAMJEET SINGH IND
19PRITAM SINGH IND
20BALJINDER SINGH IND
21BALTEJ SINGH BRAR IND
22BAU SINGH IND
23MANOJ KUMAR IND
24MUNSHA SINGH IND
25RAJ KUMAR IND
26RAJINDER KUMAR IND
27RIMPAL MIDHA IND
LAMBI-83 BHUCHO MANDI-91 BATHINDA URBAN-92 BATHINDA RURAL-93
TALWANDI SABO-94 MAUR-95 MANSA-96 SARDULGARH-97 BUDHLADA-98
S19-11-PB-BATHINDA 1HARSIMRAT KAUR BADAL SAD
2HARDEV SINGH ARSHI CPI
3NEM CHAND BSP
4RANINDER SINGH INC
5KIRANJIT SINGH GEHRI LJP
6GEETA RANI ABSR
7CHODHARI RAM CHAND ABJP
8NAVNEET SHS
9BHAGWANT SINGH SAMAON CPI(ML)(L)
10RAJ KAMAL GHARU RVNP
11LAKHWINDER SINGH AIDWC
12SURESH KUMAR IND
13HARDEV SINGH IND
14KARAM SINGH IND
15KEWAL SINGH IND
16JAGROOP SINGH IND
17DYAL CHAND IND
18NIRMAL SINGH IND
19PARVEEN HITESHI IND
20RAJNISH KUMAR IND
21RAVJINDER SINGH IND
22RAJA SINGH IND
LEHRA-99 DIRBA-100 SUNAM-101 BHADAUR-102 BARNALA-103 MEHAL
KALAN-104 MALERKOTLA-105 DHURI-107 SANGRUR-108
S19-12-PB-SANGRUR 1SUKHDEV SINGH DHINDSA SAD
2MOHMAD JAMILURREHMAN BSP
3VIJAY INDER SINGLA INC
4AJMER SINGH KHUDI LJP
5SIMRANJIT SINGH MANN SAD(M)
6JASWANT SINGH CHHAPA SP
7TARSEM JODHAN CPI(ML)(L)
8BALWANT SINGH RAMUWALIA LBP
9SUKHJINDER SINGH IND
10SUKHDEV SINGH SO JEET SINGH IND
11SUKHDEV SINGH SO BAGGA SINGH IND
12JASWANT SINGH IND
13JARNAIL SINGH IND
14BALVIR RAM IND
15BILLU SINGH IND
16RATTAN LAL SINGLA IND
NABHA-109 PATIALA RURAL-110 RAJPURA-111 DERA BASSI-112
GHANAUR-113 SANOUR-114 PATIALA-115 SAMANA-116 SHUTRANA-117
S19-13-PB-PATIALA 1DEEPAK JOSHI BSP
2PRENEET KAUR INC
3PREM SINGH CHANDUMAJRA SAD
4AMRIK SINGH RSP
5BARJESH BATTA LJP
6ARUN SOOD IND
7SATISH KUMAR IND
8SANJIV KUMAR KAUSHAL IND
9SURINDER KUMAR IND
10SOHAN SINGH IND
11HARWINDER SINGH IND
12KARAMJIT SINGH IND
13KULDIP SINGH GREWAL IND
14BANT SINGH IND
SADULSHAHAR-1 GANGANAGAR-2 KARANPUR-3 SURATGARH-4 RAISINGH
NAGAR-5 SANGARIA-7 HANUMANGARH-8 PILIBANGA-9
S20-1-RJ-GANGANAGAR 1NIHAL CHAND BJP
2BHARAT RAM MEGHWAL INC
3SHEOPAT RAM CPM
4SITA RAM BSP
5MUKESH KUMAR SP
6HET RAM RJVP
7OM PARKASH IND
8JASWINDER SINGH IND
9TITAR SINGH IND
10BHURA RAM IND
11RAJI RAM IND
12SHILA DEVI IND
13SINDU IND
14SITA RAM MORYA IND
15HANUMAN RAM IND
ANUPGARH-6 KHAJUWALA-12 BIKANER WEST-13 BIKANER EAST-14
KOLAYAT-15 LUNKARANSAR-16 DUNGARGARH-17 NOKHA-18
S20-2-RJ-BIKANER 1ARJUN RAM MEGHWAL BJP
2GOVIND RAM MEGHWAL BSP
3PAWAN KUMAR DUGGAL CPM
4REWAT RAM PANWAR INC
5ADU RAM MEGHWAL RJVP
6BABU LAL KHANDA SP
7KUNDAN LAL VALMIKI IND
8KHEM CHAND NIMBHAL IND
9RATAN DEVI MEGHWAL IND
10LAXHMAN SINGH IND
NOHAR-10 BHADRA-11 SADULPUR-19 TARANAGAR-20 SARDARSHAHAR-21
CHURU-22 RATANGARH-23 SUJANGARH-24
S20-3-RJ-CHURU 1BUDH RAM SAINI BSP
2RAFIQUE MANDELIA INC
3RAM SINGH KASWAN BJP
4JAGRUP SINGH RJVP
5MANGI LAL BHBP
6RADHE SHYAM RMGLMP
7VIJENDRA SINGH JKNPP
8SHAILENDRA AWASTHI SP
9GOPI KRISHAN IND
10CHANDAN MAL IND
11JITENDER KUMAR IND
12BHANWAR LAL IND
13MOHAMMED SALIM IND
14SHOKAT ALI IND
15SALIM GUJAR IND
PILANI-25 SURAJGARH-26 JHUNJHUNU-27 MANDAWA-28 NAWALGARH-29
UDAIPURWATI-30 KHETRI-31 FATEHPUR-32
S20-4-RJ-JHUNJHUNU 1KHATRI MUSTAQ BSP
2DR DASRATH SINGH SHEKHAWAT BJP
3SHEESH RAM OLA INC
4NETRAM BUGALIA RRD
5PHOOL CHAND DHEWA CPI(ML)(L)
6RANVEER SINGH GUDHA LJP
7RAVITA SHARMA RBD
8DR GOPAL PRASAD SHARMA IND
9NARAPAT SINGH RATHOR IND
10RANDHIR SINGH MEGWAL IND
11RAKESH SABAL IND
12ROHITASHV KUMAR KALIA IND
13SHER SINGH IND
LACHHMANGARH-33 DHOD-34 SIKAR-35 DANTA RAMGARH-36 KHANDELA-37
NEEM KA THANA-38 SRIMADHOPUR-39 CHOMU-43
S20-5-RJ-SIKAR 1AMARA RAM CPM
2BHARAT SINGH TANWAR BSP
3MAHADEV SINGH INC
4SUBHASH MAHARIA BJP
5ACHARAYA DEVENDRA KUMAR PAURANIK SP
6D P KUMAWAT RJVP
7BHAGVAN SAHAY LJP
8MAKHAN LAL SAINI JGP
9SITA DEVI BHBP
10HEM CHAND AGRAWAL BCP
11AJAY PAL IND
12JUGAL KISHOR MEGHAWAL IND
13MAHABEER PARSAD IND
14MAHESH KUMAR IND
15RAMESH SHARMA IND
16HANUMAN SAHAI IND
KOTPUTLI-40 VIRATNAGAR-41 SHAHPURA-42 PHULERA-44 JHOTWARA-46
AMBER-47 JAMWA RAMGARH-48 BANSUR-63
S20-6-RJ-JAIPUR RURAL 1RAJESH SHARMA BSP
2RAO RAJENDRA SINGH BJP
3LAL CHAND KATARIA INC
4KESHAV RAM SHARMA BSSPA
5RAJENDRA JETHIWAL KUMAWAT RJVP
6RAMNIWAS YADAV JD(U)
7SRAVAN LAL YADAV RBD
8KALU RAM IND
9CHHITAR MAL IND
10DHUNILAL DHUHARIA IND
11BANWARI LAL MALI IND
12MATADEEN DHANKA IND
13DR MUKARRAM ALI IND
14RADHEYSHYAM MEENA IND
15RAM NIWAS YOGI IND
16ROHITASH KULDEEP RAIGER IND
17VRADHICHAND KUMAWAT IND
18SHANKAR LAL BUNKAR IND
19SITARAM BUNKAR IND
20SUKHVEER SINGH JAUNAPURIA IND
21SUBHASH CHANDRA SHARMA IND
HAWA MAHAL-49 VIDHYADHAR NAGAR-50 CIVIL LINES-51 KISHAN POLE-52
ADARSH NAGAR-53 MALVIYA NAGAR-54 SANGANER-55 BAGRU-56
S20-7-RJ-JAIPUR 1GHANSHYAM TIWARI BJP
2MAHESH JOSHI INC
3VIJAY PESHWANI BSP
4NIHAL CHAND RJVP
5SHYAM LAL VIJAY RBD
6HARGOVIND SINGH JGP
7ABDUL RAJAK IND
8DR AVINASH VISHNOI IND
9IQBAL IND
10KAILASH CHAND SAINI IND
11KAILASH CHAND SAINI IND
12PREM SAINI ALIAS PREMNATH IND
13BHANWAR KANWAR RAJAWAT IND
14BHASKAR DAAGAR IND
15MANAV IND
16MOHD RAFIQ IND
17RAMESH CHANDRA IND
18RAJ KUMAR IND
19RAM LAL DHANKA IND
20RIYAJUL HASAN IND
21ROHITASH KULDEEP RAIGAR IND
22VIJAYPAL SINGH SHYORAN VIVEK IND
23SANJAY GOYAL IND
24DR SAT DEV NATH CHADDA IND
25SITA RAM BAIRWA IND
TIJARA-59 KISHANGARH BAS-60 MUNDAWAR-61 BEHROR-62 ALWAR RURAL-65
ALWAR URBAN-66 RAMGARH-67 RAJGARH LAXMANGARH-68
S20-8-RJ-ALWAR 1DRKIRAN YADAV BJP
2JITENDRA SINGH INC
3JAGEDISH BHBP
4DEVENDRA JGP
5SNEHRA SP
6VISWANATH SINGH KHINCHI RJVP
7SHIV KUMAR JKNPP
8KIRAN YADAV IND
9GURDAYAL MANDIE IND
10JASRAM IND
11DP ALOK IND
12DHOKAL RAM IND
13BANWARI LAL SAINI IND
14BABU LAL SAINI IND
15MEGH SINGH IND
16RAM LAL MEENA IND
KATHUMAR-69 KAMAN-70 NAGAR-71 DEEG-KUMHER-72 BHARATPUR-73
NADBAI-74 WEIR-75 BAYANA-76
S20-9-RJ-BHARATPUR 1KHEMCHAND BJP
2MUHAR SINGH BSP
3RATAN SINGH INC
4JASWANT KUMAR KKJHS
5DURGA RND
6DR PADAM SINGH SP
7MAHAVEER RJVP
8ANAND RAM IND
9ASHARAM URF ASHA IND
10NAGENDRA SINGH IND
11PREM CHAND IND
12MAMRAJ IND
13MANGAL RAM IND
14RAMAN LAL IND
BASERI-77 BARI-78 DHOLPUR-79 RAJAKHERA-80 TODABHIM-81
HINDAUN-82 KARAULI-83 SAPOTRA-84
S20-10-RJ-KARAULI-DHOLPUR 1KHILADI LAL BAIRWA INC
2DR MANOJ RAJORIA BJP
3HATTIRAM BSP
4RAMESH SP
5SHREELAL KHARE LJP
6OM PRAKASH IND
7KANCHAN BAIBAIRWA IND
8GANGARAM IND
9JAGAN LAL IND
10BANWARI IND
11RAM VILAS IND
12REKHA IND
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14LALARAM IND
15VIJAY IND
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BASSI-57 CHAKSU-58 THANAGAZI-64 BANDIKUI-85 MAHUWA-86 SIKRAI-87
DAUSA-88 LALSOT-89
S20-11-RJ-DAUSA 1RAM KISHORE MEENA BJP
2LAXMAN INC
3LOKESH BSP
4GAJENDRA PAL SINGH KKJHS
5DHARM SINGH JGP
6BHARAT HOTLA LJP
7MUKESH KUMAR BSA
8RAM LAL BHBP
9SHIVA RAM RJVP
10QUMMER RUBBANI IND
11KIRODI LAL IND
12RAJENDRA SINGH IND
13RAMESHWAR NIRVAN IND
14LADU RAM IND
GANGAPUR-90 BAMANWAS-91 SAWAI MADHOPUR-92 KHANDAR-93 MALPURA-94
NIWAI-95 TONK-96 DEOLI – UNIARA-97
S20-12-RJ-TONK-SAWAI MADHOPUR 1KIRORI SINGH BAINSLA BJP
2NAMO NARAIN INC
3SURENDERA VYAS BSP
4OM PRAKASH JKNPP
5KALURAM RJVP
6KRISHAN PAL SINGH SP
7BHAG CHAND JAIN FCI
8SAYAR RDSD
9IQBAL KHAN BHATI IND
10CHETAN KUMAR RANA IND
11JAGAN NATH MORLIYA IND
12JAVED IND
13PREM LATA BANSHIWAL IND
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15MUSHAHID ZUBERI IND
16RAM CHANDRA IND
17SIV SINGH IND
DUDU-45 KISHANGARH-98 PUSHKAR-99 AJMER NORTH-100 AJMER SOUTH-101
NASIRABAD-102 MASUDA-104 KEKRI-105
S20-13-RJ-AJMER 1KIRAN MAHESHWARI BJP
2ROHITASH BSP
3SACHIN PILOT INC
4INDER CHAND PALIWALA JGP
5USHA KIRAN VERMA IND
6NAFISUDDIN MIYA IND
7MUKESH JAIN IND
8SHANTILAL DHABRIA IND
LADNUN-106 DEEDWANA-107 JAYAL-108 NAGAUR-109 KHINWSAR-110
MAKRANA-113 PARBATSAR-114 NAWAN-115
S20-14-RJ-NAGAUR 1ABDUL AZIZ BSP
2DR JYOTI MIRDHA INC
3BINDU CHAUDHARY BJP
4DASHRATH SINGH JGP
5RAMJAN SAHAB LJP
6INDRARAM JAT IND
7VINOD KUMAR PITTI IND
8SUNIL IND
SOJAT-117 PALI-118 MARWAR JUNCTION-119 BALI-120 SUMERPUR-121
OSIAN-125 BHOPALGARH-126 BILARA-131
S20-15-RJ-PALI 1PUSP JAIN BJP
2BADRI RAM JAKHAR INC
3SHAMBHU SINGH KHETASAR BSP
4GANPAT SINGH RAJPUROHIT JGP
5MISHRI LAL NAYAK ABHM
6INDRA SINGH RAJPUROHIT IND
7KANHAIYA LAL PAREEK IND
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9PREM MEHRA IND
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13SURENDRA SINGH IND
14HARI LAL KALAL IND
PHALODI-122 LOHAWAT-123 SHERGARH-124 SARDARPURA-127 JODHPUR-128
SOORSAGAR-129 LUNI-130 POKARAN-133
S20-16-RJ-JODHPUR 1CHANDRESH KUMARI INC
2JASWANT SINGH BISNOI BJP
3RAJU RAM BSP
4GURDAN SINGH JKNPP
5ASLAM IND
6CHANDRAKANTA IND
7CHAMPALAL IND
8DR DINESH KUMAR SHARMA IND
9DILIP SINGH RAJPUROHIT IND
10DIDAR IND
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14VIJAY KUMAR IND
JAISALMER-132 SHEO-134 BARMER-135 BAYTOO-136 PACHPADRA-137
SIWANA-138 GUDHAMALANI-139 CHOHTAN-140
S20-17-RJ-BARMER 1MAHENDRA VYAS BSP
2MANVENDRA SINGH BJP
3HARISH CHOUDHARY INC
4POPAT RAM IND
5MANA RAM SARAN IND
6RANA MAL IND
7LAXMAN SINGH IND
AHORE-141 JALORE-142 BHINMAL-143 SANCHORE-144 RANIWARA-145
SIROHI-146 PINDWARA ABU-147 REODAR-148
S20-18-RJ-JALORE 1DEVJI PATEL BJP
2MAGARAM BSP
3SANDHYA CHOUDHARY INC
4GANGA SINGH SP
5CHAGANLAL IJP
6DINESH KANTEEWAL LJP
7NANDA DEVI RJVP
8GOPAL RAM IND
9CHAGANLAL MALI IND
10CHAGANLAL MEGHWAL IND
11POKARA RAM IND
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13BAGDARAM IND
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19VIKRANT SAXENA IND
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22HAJARIMAL IND
GOGUNDA-149 JHADOL-150 KHERWARA-151 UDAIPUR RURAL-152
UDAIPUR-153 SALUMBER-156 DHARIAWAD-157 ASPUR-159
S20-19-RJ-UDAIPUR 1BAXI RAM LATTA MEENA BSP
2MAHAVEER BHAGORA BJP
3MEGHRAJ TAWAR CPI
4RAGHUVIR SINGH MEENA INC
5OM PRAKASH MEENA ABCD(A)
6GOTAM LAL MEENA CPI(ML)(L)
7LAL JI BHAI MEENA JGP
8SHAKUNTALA DHANKA SP
DUNGARPUR-158 SAGWARA-160 CHORASI-161 GHATOL-162 GARHI-163
BANSWARA-164 BAGIDORA-165 KUSHALGARH-166
S20-20-RJ-BANSWARA 1TARACHAND BHAGORA INC
2DURGA DEVI BHAGORA BSP
3HAKARU MAIDA BJP
4PRABHULAL RAWAT JD(U)
5BANNU BHBP
6BHANJI BHAI SP
7PROF MOHANLAL DAMOR LSWP
MAVLI-154 VALLABH NAGAR-155 KAPASAN-167 BEGUN-168
CHITTORGARH-169 NIMBAHERA-170 BARI SADRI-171 PRATAPGARH-172
S20-21-RJ-CHITTORGARH 1DRGIRIJA VYAS INC
2RADHA DEVI BHANDARI CPI
3SHRICHAND KRIPLANI BJP
4AB SINGH BSP
5KARU LAL MEENA CPI(ML)(L)
6KRISHNA SINGH KACHHER JGP
7BHAWNA RAMKUMAR CHAWLA ABCD(A)
8GUNWANT LAL SHARMA IND
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13SHIVANGI SHASTRI IND
14SANTOSH JOSHI IND
15SITARAM GUJAR IND
BEAWAR-103 MERTA-111 DEGANA-112 JAITARAN-116 BHIM-173
KUMBHALGARH-174 RAJSAMAND-175 NATHDWARA-176
S20-22-RJ-RAJSAMAND 1GOPAL SINGH INC
2NEERU RAM BSP
3RASA SINGH RAWAT BJP
4DEVA RAM IJP
5MAHENDRA SINGH LJP
6RAMESH SOLANKI ABCD(A)
7DR GANPAT BANSAL IND
8GIRDHARI SINGH IND
9PRITHVI SINGH ALIAS PRITHVI RAJ SINGH IND
10BHANWAR LAL MALI IND
11MANGI LAL RAWAL IND
12SUKH LAL GURJAR IND
13SURYA BHAVANI SINGH CHAWRA IND
ASIND-177 MANDAL-178 SAHARA-179 BHILWARA-180 SHAHPURA-181
JAHAZPUR-182 MANDALGARH-183 HINDOLI-184
S20-23-RJ-BHILWARA 1DR C P JOSHI INC
2VIJAYENDRA PAL SINGH BJP
3HARISH GURJAR BSP
4RAMESHAWER LAL BHBP
5LAXMI NARAYAN PARMAR ABCD(A)
6VINEET KUMAR MAHESHWARI JGP
7OMPRAKASH MEENA IND
8RATANLAL DHOBI IND
9RAMPAL SONI IND
10RAM PRASAD SIROTHA IND
KESHORAIPATAN-185 BUNDI-186 PIPALDA-187 SANGOD-188 KOTA
NORTH-189 KOTA SOUTH-190 LADPURA-191 RAMGANJ MANDI-192
S20-24-RJ-KOTA 1IJYARAJ SINGH INC
2GOVIND SINGH PARMAR BSP
3SHYAM SHARMA BJP
4PRIYANK JGP
5FARHEEN KHAN SP
6BABU LAL MEGHWAL BHBP
7RAMHET IJP
8SAMUDRA SINGH HADA ABMSKP
9JAMUNA PRASAD IND
10BADAM BERWA IND
11RAM KRISHAN SHARMA IND
12RAMESHWAR MAMORE MEENA IND
13SHYAM SUNDER SHARMA IND
14DR K SHRINGI IND
ANTA-193 KISHANGANJ-194 BARAN-ATRU-195 CHHABRA-196 DAG-197
JHALRAPATAN-198 KHANPUR-199 MANOHAR THANA-200
S20-25-RJ-JHALAWAR-BARAN 1ABDUL QAYYUM SIDDIQUI BSP
2URMILA JAIN BHAYA INC
3DUSHYANT SINGH BJP
4GHASI LAL MEGHWAL BHBP
5ABDUL FARID IND
6JAGDISH IND
7JHAPAT MAL IND
8TARACHAND IND
9DUSHYANT KUMAR IND
10FAZAR MOHAMMAD IND
11MOHAMMAD RAFIQ IND
12LAXMAN KUMAR IND
13SHOBHA DEVI IND
14SULEMAN IND
YOKSAM-TASHIDING-1 YANGTHANG-2 MANEYBUNG-DENTAM-3
GYALSHING-BARNYAK-4 RINCHENPONG-5 DARAMDIN-6 SOREONG-CHAKUNG-7
SALGHARI-ZOOM-8 BARFUNG-9 POKLOK-KAMRANG-10
S21-1-SK-SIKKIM 1KHARANANDA UPRETI INC
2PADAM BDR CHETTRI BJP
3PREM DAS RAI SDF
4BHIM SUBBA SJEP
5NAR BAHADUR KHATIWADA SGPP
6TARA KR PRADHAN SHRP
7ATRI RAM CHANDRA POUDYAL IND
GUMMIDIPOONDI-1 PONNERI-2 THIRUVALLUR-4 POONAMALLEE-5 AVADI-6
MADAVARAM-9
S22-1-TN-THIRUVALLUR 1ANANDANP BSP
2GAYATHRIS DMK
3VENUGOPALP ADMK
4SUDHARSANMS JD(U)
5SURESHR DMDK
6ELANGO INBARAJV IND
7ETHIRAJA IND
8SAMPATHA IND
9SELVARAJA IND
10NAGALINGAMKM IND
11PANDURANGANV IND
12RAJANK IND
13VENUGOPALP IND
14JEEVARATHINAMM IND
TIRUVOTTIYUR-10 DR.RADHAKRISHNAN NAGAR-11 PERAMBUR-12 KOLATHUR-13
THIRU -VI -KA -NAGAR-15 ROYAPURAM-17
S22-2-TN-CHENNAI NORTH 1ELANGOVAN TKS DMK
2SANTHASHRINI JOR BSP
3TAMILISAISOUNDARARAJAN BJP
4PANDIAN D CPI
5ANANDHUK LJP
6SATHISH KUMAR KP MMKA
7PALANIMOSES N PKMK
8MOHAMMED ABDULLAH RPI(A)
9YUVARAJ V DMDK
10ARUMUGAM K IND
11ANANDARAJG IND
12KADHIRAVAN M IND
13GIRIRAJD IND
14SANKARK IND
15SATHISHC IND
16SATHISH TP IND
17SARAVANANM IND
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20DEEPA IND
21NIRMAL KUMARA IND
22BHASKARANV ALIAS AAVIN VBHASKARAN IND
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24RAMESHD IND
25RAJARAMR IND
26RUDRAMOORTHYM IND
27VINOBHAGANDHICH IND
28ZEENATH UNNISSA BEGUMMB IND
29JAYACHANDRANK IND
VIRUGAMPAKKAM-22 SAIDAPET-23 THIYAGARAYANAGAR-24 MYLAPORE-25
VELACHERY-26 SHOLINGANALLUR-27
S22-3-TN-CHENNAI SOUTH 1RAJENDRAN C ADMK
2GANESAN LA BJP
3BHARATHY RS DMK
4GOPINATH V DMDK
5SATHIYASEELAN M LJP
6MOHANRAJ J JJ
7RAVINDRA DASS R KDC
8RAJAMANITHAR SJ PKMK
9VENKATARAMAN NS DPK
10JAYARAMAN S SHS
11JYOTHI GM PPOI
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13IRUDAYADASS A IND
14ELANGOVAN K IND
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17CHRISTHUDASS N IND
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19CHANDRA SEKARAN R IND
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22SHANMUGARAJ V IND
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24SARATH BABU E IND
25ZIAUDDEN N IND
26SRINIVASAN VR IND
27SUNDAR J IND
28SURESH KUMAR M IND
29TANMAY IND
30TAMIL SELVAN M IND
31DEVADOSS KUPPAL G IND
32PALANI SP IND
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34BALASUBRAMANIAN V IND
35BALAN B IND
36MAHALINGAM JS IND
37MATHIKKARASU P IND
38MANIVANNAN C IND
39RAMASWAMY TRAFFIC RAMASWAMY IND
40RAJA LD IND
41RAJENDRAN V IND
42VEERAMANI S IND
43VENKATESAN D IND
VILLIVAKKAM-14 EGMORE-16 HARBOUR-18 CHEPAUK-THIRUVALLIKENI-19
THOUSAND LIGHTS-20 ANNA NAGAR-21
S22-4-TN-CHENNAI CENTRAL 1DAYANIDHI MARAN DMK
2MOGAMED ALI JINNAH SMK ADMK
3YUNIS KHANAY BSP
4GANGADURAIG JJ
5THOMASTJACOB YSP
6NAHAMANIJ JMM
7RANGGANATHANV ABKMM
8RAMANA REDDYKV KDC
9RAMAKARISHNANVV DMDK
10RAAJ RAMCHAND SHS
11VASUS SP
12VIJAYAKUMAR PPOI
13VISWANATHANE MMKA
14HYDER ALIS MAMAK
15ARASAKUMARMS IND
16ARIVUDAINAMBIN IND
17ANEES HUSSAINH IND
18RAVIKUMART IND
19UDAYAKUMAR IND
20GIRIJA SHANKERR IND
21KRISHNANPR IND
22GUNASEKARANM IND
23SIVAKUMARS IND
24SENTHILP IND
25TEACKRAJD IND
26DHAMODHARANT IND
27PARIMALAMV IND
28PRABUV IND
29MANIG IND
30MARIMUTHUE IND
31MOHAMED ALI IND
32MOHAMED ALI ZINNAA IND
33MOHANK IND
34RAJAKUMARS IND
35LOGANATHANV IND
36WILSON PAULS IND
37SRIDHARS IND
MADURAVOYAL-7 AMBATTUR-8 ALANDUR-28 SRIPERUMBUDUR-29
PALLAVARAM-30 TAMBARAM-31
S22-5-TN-SRIPERUMBUDUR 1BAALU T R DMK
2MOORTHY A K PMK
3RAJAPPA B BSP
4ARUN SUBRAMANIAN M DMDK
5SWARNASREE P PPOI
6THAYUMANA GURU AYYANAR AIVP
7BHARATHI K CPIMLL
8MAYA RAMACHANDRAN THPI
9VARATHARAJAN T SHS
10VIJAYAKUMAR S LJP
11JAMES SELVAM C AIJMK
12AYODHI L IND
13EZHILARASU M IND
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25PADMANABHAN S IND
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27MANIMARAN S IND
28MADHAVARAJ K V IND
29MINNAL SRINIVASAN IND
30LAKSHMI S IND
31VELMURUGAN T N IND
32RAMESH R IND
CHENGALPATTU-32 THIRUPORUR-33 CHEYYUR-34 MADURANTAKAM-35
UTHIRAMERUR-36 KANCHEEPURAM-37
S22-6-TN-KANCHEEPURAM 1RAMAKRISHNANDRE ADMK
2UTHRAPATHIK BSP
3VISWANATHANP INC
4SIVASANKARANA AIJMK
5TAMILVENDANT DMDK
6PAKKIRI AMBADKARKV JMM
7JAWAHARLAL NEHRUP LJP
8ANBURAAJRK IND
9SATHIYAVASAN MV IND
10SIVALINGAMD IND
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12DAHKSHNA MOORTHYT IND
13THIYAGARAJANM IND
14MAGESH KUMARE IND
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18MURUGASANB IND
19RUPADEVI RV IND
20JAYAKUMARPS IND
TIRUTTANI-3 ARAKKONAM-38 SHOLINGUR-39 KATPADI-40 RANIPET-41
ARCOT-42
S22-7-TN-ARAKKONAM 1MARY JOHN BSP
2VELU R PMK
3JAGATHRAKSHAKAN DMK
4ANNAMALAI S C AIVP
5ISAAC JEBA KUMAR AIJMK
6SANKAR S DMDK
7SHANMUGAM K JD(U)
8SRINIVASAN K LJP
9PALANI W B PNK
10PASSAMIGHU ANNAN VENKATESNOR TA V ADSMK
11MANAVAULAN K SP
12SUTHA N IND
13THULASI G IND
14PANJATSARAM D IND
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16MUTHIYALU M IND
17MATHEW N D IND
18JANAKIRAMAN J IND
19JAGADEESWARAN J IND
20JEGAN S IND
VELLORE-43 ANAIKATTU-44 KILVAITHINANKUPPAM-45 GUDIYATTAM-46
VANIYAMBADI-47 AMBUR-48
S22-8-TN-VELLORE 1ABDULRAHMAN DMK
2RAJENDIRAN A K BJP
3MANSOOR AHMED BSP
4VASU L K M B ADMK
5RAJAN BABU B MMKA
6EKAMBARAM E A NMK
7GOVINDARAJI P V SP
8SHOUKATH SHERIF DMDK
9THAGIR AHAMED LJP
10NARAYANAN R AIVP
11MUNIYAPPAN K ADSMK
12ABDUL MAJEED OOSI IND
13ARIUDAI NAMBI D IND
14ESWARAN R IND
15KUBENDIRAN D IND
16GOPALAKRISHNAN C IND
17CHANDRAN C IND
18SURESHKUMAR P IND
19DANDAPANI T IND
20NATRAJAN P IND
21PALANI R T IND
22PERUMAL D IND
23RAMAN IND
24VIJAYAKUMAR IND
UTHANGARAI-51 BARGUR-52 KRISHNAGIRI-53 VEPPANAHALLI-54 HOSUR-55
THALLI-56
S22-9-TN-KRISHNAGIRI 1SUGAVANAM EG DMK
2NANJEGOWDU K ADMK
3BALAKRISHNAN G BJP
4MOORTHY VV BSP
5ANBARASAN D DMDK
6SAKTHIVEL B LJP
7SELVARAJ M KNMK
8KUMARESAN M IND
9GAVURAPPA K IND
10GOVINDARAJAN V IND
11SANKAR S IND
12CHANDRAN BS IND
13MEENA IND
14RAMASWAMY IND
15LATHA G IND
16VENKATESAN K IND
PALACODU-57 PENNAGARAM-58 DHARMAPURI-59 PAPPIREDDIPPATTI-60
HARUR-61 METTUR-85
S22-10-TN-DHARMAPURI 1SENTHIL R DR PMK
2THAMARAISELVAN R DMK
3PURUSOTHAMAN V BSP
4ASHOKAN G KNMK
5ANNADURAI K UMK
6ELANGOVAN V DMDK
7GUNASEKARAN D MMKA
8ARIVAZHAGAN P IND
9ANANDKUMAR K IND
10KARUPPUSAMY S IND
11GOVINDARAJ S IND
12SAMPATHKUMAR R IND
13SARAVANAN S IND
14SIVAN K IND
15PADMARAJAN K DR IND
16MANI R IND
17MURUGAN G IND
18RADHAKRISHNAN R IND
19RAJA A IND
20VELMURUGAN P IND
21SRIRAMACHANDRAN IND
JOLARPET-49 TIRUPPATTUR-50 CHENGAM-62 TIRUVANNAMALAI-63
KILPENNATHUR-64 KALASAPAKKAM-65
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8MEVAR KUMAR JAMATIA IND
9RAJESH DEB BARMA IND
BEHAT-1 SAHARANPUR NAGAR-3 SAHARANPUR-4 DEOBAND-5 RAMPUR
MANIHARAN-6
S24-1-UP-SAHARANPUR 1GAJAY SINGH INC
2JAGDISH SINGH RANA BSP
3JASWANT SINGH SAINI BJP
4RASHEED MASOOD SP
5CHATTAR SINGH KASHYAP VAJP
6HAJI MOHAMMED TAUSEEF PECP
7YOGESH GAMBHIR BD
8SUSHIL KUMAR RSBP
9MOHDASIF IND
10CHANDRA PRAKASH ARORA IND
11CHINTAMANI IND
12TEJVEER IND
13NATHLU RAM IND
14MASHKOOR IND
15MRASHID KHAN IND
NAKUR-2 GANGOH-7 KAIRANA-8 THANA BHAWAN-9 SHAMLI-10
S24-2-UP-KAIRANA 1TABASSUM BEGUM BSP
2SHAJAN MASOOD SP
3SURENDRA KUMAR INC
4HUKUM SINGH BJP
5KARAN SINGH SAINI JSP
6KUNWAR PAL RDMP
7PRIYA KUMAR ABHM
8RAJNISH NOTIAL ASP
9RAJ BAHADUR IJP
10SHAFIK UNLP
11ABHISHEK IND
12KULDEEP IND
13ADVOCATE BRAHAM PAL GURJAR IND
14MUKTA SINGH IND
15LAKHMI IND
BUDHANA-11 CHARTHAWAL-12 MUZAFFAR NAGAR-14 KHATAULI-15
SARDHANA-44
S24-3-UP-MUZAFFARNAGAR 1KADIR RANA BSP
2DHEER SINGH CPI
3THAKUR SANGEET SINGH SOM SP
4HARINDRA SINGH MALIK INC
5ANURADHA CHAUDHARY RLD
6ABDUL AZIZ ANSARI PECP
7ASHUTOSH PANDEY LD
8NAWAB ALI NLHP
9MANISH BHAI URF NITU ABHM
10SATISH KUMAR JSP
11SALAMUDEEN URF SALMU MALIK NELU
12INDERPAL IND
13NARENDRA KUMAR IND
14PARMOD PAL IND
15BHAGWAT SINGH IND
16MUKTA SINGH IND
17RANVEER IND
18RAJENDRA SINGH IND
19REETA URF REETA KASHYAP IND
20VIJAY IND
21VEERPAL IND
22SATYAVEER IND
23SALEK CHAUDHARY IND
PURQAZI-13 MEERAPUR-16 BIJNOR-22 CHANDPUR-23 HASTINAPUR-45
S24-4-UP-BIJNOR 1KARTAR SINGH BHADANA NCP
2DR YASHVIR SINGH SP
3SHAHID SIDDIQUI BSP
4SAIDUZZAMAN INC
5MOHD AFSHAR ASP
6ABDUL BASIT KKJHS
7PARAS RAM VAJP
8SAGIR AHMAD NLHP
9SALESH KUMAR ALIAS SADHAWI SARLESH GIRI MKUP
10SURENDRA SINGH IJP
11SURESH CHAND RMSP
12SANJAY SINGH CHAUHAN RLD
13ABDUL SAMAD IND
14IRFAN ALI IND
15CHAND KUMAR IND
16DIGVIJAY SINGH IND
17DAVENDER SINGH IND
18PRABHAT KUMAR IND
19MONU KUMAR RAVI IND
20RAJ RISHI IND
21RAM GIRI IND
22SHIVA CHARAN IND
23SABDUL IND
NAJIBABAD-17 NAGINA-18 DHAMPUR-20 NEHTAUR-21 NOORPUR-24
S24-5-UP-NAGINA 1ISAM SINGH INC
2YASHVIR SINGH SP
3RAM KISHAN SINGH BSP
4UDIT RAJ IJP
5TEJ SINGH ASP
6BABLI ALIAS GULSAN JAHAN NELU
7MUNSIRAM RLD
8RANJEET NBNP
9VIJAY PRAKASH PECP
10ASARPAT IND
11NOBAHAR SINGH IND
12BHISHAM PRASAD IND
13YADRAM IND
14RAM CHANDER IND
BARHAPUR-19 KANTH-25 THKURDWARA-26 MORADABAD RURAL-27 MORADABAD
NAGAR-28
S24-6-UP-MORADABAD 1MOHAMMAD RIZWAN SP
2MOHAMMED AZHARUDDIN INC
3RAJIV CHANNA BSP
4KUNWAR SARVESH KUMAR ALIAS RAKESH BJP
5RISHI PAL ABHM
6SHAKEEL AHMED NLHP
7HAR SWAROOP SHARMA RSMD
8JAHID IND
9TOTA RAM IND
10NATHU SINGH IND
11PATRAM IND
12FARID JABBAR IND
13MUHAMMED ZAFAR IQBAL IND
14MOHAMMAD YUNUS IND
15RINKI SAINI IND
16SAGIR HUSAIN IND
17SANJAY KUMAR URF SANJAY KUMAR GOSWAMI IND
18HARIOM BALMIKI IND
SUAR-34 CHAMRAUA-35 BILASPUR-36 RAMPUR-37 MILAK-38
S24-7-UP-RAMPUR 1GHAN SHYAM SINGH LODHI BSP
2JAYA PRADA NAHATA SP
3BEGUM NOOR BANO URF MEHTAB ZAMANI BEGUM INC
4MUKHTAR ABBAS NAQVI BJP
5DEEPCHAND GUPTA JKD
6SHRIPAL GUPTA BSP(K)
7SAMEENA BI RSBP
8SIFAAT ALI KHAN IUML
9SANJEEV KUMAR AD
10ARIF SIKANDAR URF RAJU MIAN IND
11KAPIL DEV IND
12GENDAN LAL IND
13JAGDISH SARAN SAGAR IND
14TARIQ MIAN DESHMUKH IND
15BHOLEY KHAN IND
16SHAKKAN KHAN IND
KUNDARKI-29 BILARI-30 CHANDAUSI-31 ASMOLI-32 SAMBHAL-33
S24-8-UP-SAMBHAL 1IQBAL MEHMOOD SP
2CHANDRA PAL SINGH BJP
3CHANDRA VIJAY INC
4DR SHAFIQUR RAHMAN BARQ BSP
5ASHOK NNP
6PUTTAN KHAN NLHP
7MOHAMMAD HASEEB BPC
8HAJI RASHID HUSAIN MUL
9DR PRAVEEN KUMAR IND
10VRIHAMADEV IND
11SUBHANUR RAHMAN IND
DHANAURA-39 NAUGAWAN SADAT-40 AMROHA-41 HASANPUR-42
GARHMUKTESHWAR-60
S24-9-UP-AMROHA 1MEHBOOB ALI SP
2MAUDOOD MADNI BSP
3MOHD NAFIS ABBASI INC
4DEVENDRA NAGPAL RLD
5NIDHI TYAGI SHS
6RIFAQAT NELU
7SHARAFAT ALI RSP
8SATISH ABHM
9SUMAN IVD
10ANJULA NAGPAL IND
11ANIL IND
12IMRAN IND
13KIRSHANPAL IND
14TARA CHANDR IND
15DEVI SARAN IND
16DEVENDER IND
17MANTARI SINGH IND
18RADHEKISHAN IND
19VARUN IND
20HARISH NAGPAL IND
KITHORE-46 MEERUT CANTT.-47 MEERUT-48 MEERUT SOUTH-49 HAPUR-59
S24-10-UP-MEERUT 1ARUN KUMAR JAIN NCP
2MALOOK NAGAR BSP
3MUGHIS AHMAD GILANI CPI
4RAJENDRA AGARWAL BJP
5RAJENDRA SHARMA INC
6SHAHID MANZOOR SP
7AJAY AGRAWAL SJP(R)
8JANESHWAR PRASAD SHARMA RVNP
9TEJVEER SINGH RWS
10RAJKUMAR TYAGI ABHM
11RAJESH KUMAR IJP
12SMT SANTOSH AHLUWALIA RDMP
13DR HARI SINGH AZAD PRAJAPATI ABLTP
14CAPT ATUL TYAGI IND
15ANIL KUMAR SUBHASH IND
16KRISHNA KUMAR GARG IND
17KRISHNAPAL IND
18KHALID KHURSHID IND
19ZARAR AHMAD IND
20DARA SINGH PRAJAPATI IND
21BHARAT BHUSAN AGRAWAL IND
22RAJENDRA SINGH YADAV IND
23LOHRI IND
24MOHD SHAHID AKHLAKH IND
25SUDHIR NANDAN SARAN KOTHIWAL IND
26SUNIL KUMAR RANA IND
27DR SURENDER KUMAR KHATRI IND
28SANJEEV IND
29SHREEPAL SINGH IND
SIWAL KHAS-43 CHHAPRAULI-50 BARAUT-51 BAGHPAT-52 MONI NAGAR-57
S24-11-UP-BAGHPAT 1MUKESH SHARMA BSP
2SAHAB SINGH SP
3SOMPAL INC
4AJIT SINGH RLD
5GULZAR ASP
6DEVENDRA KUMAR BKLJP
7FIRDOUS A S FIRDOUS RANA MKUP
8SHALINI JM
9ABDUL RASHID IND
10OMPAL IND
11JAIPARKASH IND
12TEJPAL SINGH IND
13PRAVEEN KUMAR IND
14BRIJ BHUSHAN IND
15RAVINDRA KUMAR IND
16VEDPAL IND
LONI-53 MURADNAGAR-54 SAHIBABAD-55 GAZIABAD-56 DHOLANA-58
S24-12-UP-GHAZIABAD 1PT AMAR PAL SHARMA BSP
2RAJNATH SINGH BJP
3SURENDRA PRAKASH GOEL INC
4AZIJ KHAN IJP
5ANWAR AHMED NBNP
6IQBAL NLHP
7KZ BUKHARI NELU
8SANJAY SHARMA ABHM
9HARI SHANKAR SHARMA BPD
10TRILOK SINGH RAWAT IND
11DAYA HIJRA IND
12YATAN SHARMA IND
13LAL SINGH IND
14VINOD IND
15SATISH IND
16SAMAR SINGH IND
NOIDA-61 DADRI-62 JEWAR-63 SIKANDRABAD-64 KHURJA-70
S24-13-UP-GAUTAM BUDDH NAGAR 1NARENDRA SINGH BHATI SP
2MAHESH KUMAR SHARMA BJP
3RAMESH CHANDRA TOMAR INC
4KK SHARMA NCP
5SURENDRA SINGH NAGAR BSP
6ARVIND ANC
7GHANSHYAM SHARMA RWS
8CHHOTE LAL RYS
9DR JAMAL AHMAD KHAN NLHP
10POONAM BSP(K)
11PREM SINGH RPI
12RAHIS NELU
13LUBNA ASIF AIMF
14SHER SINGH AP
15ANIL KUMAR IND
16KAMLESH CHOUDHRY IND
17KINNAR GUDDI SHARMA IND
18JAGAT SINGH IND
19DHARAMVIR IND
20MANOJ IND
21MAHESH IND
22RAJENDRA PAL SINGH IND
23RESHAM SWARUP IND
24SHAILESH KUMAR SRIVASTVA IND
25SUKHVIR IND
26SONIA SHARMA IND
BULANDSHAHR-65 SYANA-66 ANUPSHAHR-67 DEBAI-68 SHIKARPUR-69
S24-14-UP-BULANDSHAHR 1ASHOK KUMAR PRADHAN BJP
2KAMLESH SP
3DEVI DAYAL INC
4RAJ KUMAR GAUTAM BSP
5KARAN SINGH BHOOCHAL RMEP
6KANTI ABRS
7JAY BHAGWAN NBNP
8BALRAM ABHM
9RAGHURAJ SINGH RTKP
10RAJO NELU
11SUDHA SINGH RPI
12SUSHILA SINGH RDMP
13SURAJMUKHI GAUTAM UNLP
14SOHAN PAL NLHP
15KAMLESH IND
16PRAVEEN IND
KHAIR-71 BARAULI-72 ATRAULI-73 KOIL-75 ALIGARH-76
S24-15-UP-ALIGARH 1ZAFAR ALAM SP
2BIJENDRA SINGH INC
3RAJ KUMARI CHAUHAN BSP
4SHEELA GAUTAM BJP
5AKHTAR MUL
6ALPANA GAUTAM BSK
7DEVI PRASHAD MADP
8DHARAMVEER SINGH IJP
9BABULAL VERMA ASP
10MAHESH PRATAP SHARMA RVP
11MUKESH NLHP
12MOHAMMAD YUSUF KHAN MC
13SHISHUPAL SINGH PSS
14SANJAY LD
15HARENDRA SINGH BURMAN LPSP
16KAILASH IND
17TEJVIR SINGH IND
18NATTHILAL IND
19PRABHAT KUMAR IND
20PREM PAL SINGH IND
21BABA BUDHASEN IND
22BHAGVAN SAHAY IND
23SHER MOHAMMAD IND
CHHARRA-74 IGLAS-77 HATHRAS-78 SADABAD-79 SIKANDRA RAO-80
S24-16-UP-HATHRAS 1ANAR SINGH SP
2PRADEEP CHANDEL INC
3RAJENDRA KUMAR BSP
4JAIPRAKASH RTKP
5PRADEEP KUMAR ASP
6PREMLATA RPI(A)
7SARIKA SINGH RLD
8SURESH BABU BSKPB
9MATHURA PRASAD IND
10SHIV SINGH IND
CHHATA-81 MANT-82 GOVERDHAN-83 MATHURA-84 BALDEV-85
S24-17-UP-MATHURA 1MANVENDRA SINGH INC
2SHYAM SUNDER SHARMA BSP
3ASHRAF ALI NLHP
4JAYANT CHAUDHARY RLD
5DEVENDRA RALP
6YADRAM BSP(K)
7HEERA SINGH NELU
8GOPAL SAINI ALIAS MANAGER IND
9JAGDISH IND
10JAI PRAKASH IND
11PITAM SINGH IND
12PRAMOD PACHAURI IND
13FAKKAR BABA IND
14BABU LAL SHARMA IND
15VINOD IND
16SHYAMSUNDAR IND
ETMADPUR-86 AGRA CANTT.-87 AGRA SOUTH-88 AGRA NORTH-89
JALESAR-106
S24-18-UP-AGRA 1KUNWAR CHAND VAKIL BSP
2PRABHUDAYAL KATHERIA INC
3RAMJI LAL SUMAN SP
4DR RAMSHANKAR BJP
5RAMESH JBSP
6RAJESH KUMAR PRADHAN RSBP
7RAM DEVI HDVP
8VIVEK CHAUHAN VALMIKI RSMD
9GANESHI LAL MAHAUR IND
10DR CHANDRAPAL IND
11NITYANAND IND
12BOBY IND
13RAKESH IND
14VINOD KUMAR SINGH IND
15SANTOSH KUMAR DIWAKAR IND
AGRA RURAL-90 FATEHPUR SIKARI-91 KHERAGARH-92
FATEHABAD-93 BAH-94
S24-19-UP-FATEHPUR SIKRI 1RAGHURAJ SINGH SHAKYA SP
2RAJ BABBAR INC
3RAJA MAHENDRA ARIDAMAN SINGH BJP
4SEEMA UPADHYAY BSP
5SAMARVEER SINGH CHAHAR RWS
6GANGA RAM IND
7CHANDAN SINGH IND
8NARESH CHAND KOLI IND
9BENI PRASHAD AGARWAL IND
10MUNNA ALISE MUNNA LAL IND
11VIJAY PAL IND
12VINOD KUMAR IND
13SATISH CHANDR IND
14SUNDER SINGH IND
TUNDLA-95 JASRANA-96 FIROZABAD-97 SHIKOHABAD-98 SIRSAGANJ-99
S24-20-UP-FIROZABAD 1AKHILESH YADAV SP
2PROF SP SINGH BAGHEL BSP
3RAGHUVAR DAYAL VERMA BJP
4RAJJO DEVI CPM
5RAJENDRAPAL INC
6ANIL KUMAR SRIVASTAWAAKELA JPS
7ABHAYPRATAP SINGH JBSP
8DALVIR RPI(A)
9RAJVIR SINGH RSMD
10RAHAT AFROZ MUL
11SUNITA DEVI MADP
12ASHOK YADAV IND
13MANISH ASIJA IND
14RAMGOPAL IND
15RAMDAS SAVITA IND
16LT COLONEL SURESH BABU IND
MAINPURI-107 BHONGAON-108 KISHANI-109 KARHAL-110
JASWANTNAGAR-199
S24-21-UP-MAINPURI 1TRIPTI SHAKYA BJP
2MULAYAM SINGH YADAV SP
3VINAY SHAKYA BSP
4HAKIM SINGH YADAV CPI
5ABADHESH SHAKYA RSMD
6KARUNA NIDHI PANDEY KKJHS
7GENDA LAL PAL RALP
8PRAVEEN YADAV MD
9MAN SINGH KASHYAP LD
10YOGENDRA SINGH IJP
11RAVINDRA SINGH RWS
12RAJVIR SINGH NDPF
13SARVESH JPS
14AJAY KUMAR SINGH IND
15SACHCHIDA NAND IND
KASGANJ-100 AMANPUR-101 PATIYALI-102 ETAH-104 MARHARA-105
S24-22-UP-ETAH 1KUNWAR DEVENDRA SINGH YADAV BSP
2DR MAHADEEPAK SINGH SHAKYA INC
3DRSHYAM SINGH SHAKYA BJP
4INDRAPAL RSUPRP
5RISHIPAL BRPP
6MUNAWAR HUSSAIN NLHP
7RAJVEER SINGH VAJP
8SHABBIR NELU
9SANDEEP RPI(A)
10KALYAN SINGH R O MADHOLI IND
11KALYAN SINGH R O NAGLA KHUSHALI IND
12KALIYAN SINGH IND
13PREETY MISHRA IND
14PUSHPA UPADHYAY IND
15RAJENDRA IND
16RAJESH IND
17SATENDRA KUMAR IND
18SAKIR ALI IND
19HARISHCHANDRA IND
GUNNAUR-111 BISAULI-112 SAHASWAN-113 BILSI-114 BUDAUN-115
S24-23-UP-BADAUN 1DHARAM YADAV URF D P YADAV BSP
2DHARMENDRA YADAV SP
3SALEEM IQBAL SHERWANI INC
4AJEET SINGH YADAV PDFO
5JAVITRI DEVI IJP
6BRIJ PAL SINGH SHAKYA RSMD
7D K BHARDWAJ JD(U)
8ANUPAM SHARMA IND
9DHARMENDRA YADAV IND
10BHAGWAN SINGH IND
SHEKHUPUR-116 DATAGANJ-117 FARIDPUR-122 BITHARI CHAINPUR-123
AONLA-126
S24-24-UP-AONLA 1TIKA RAM SAHU CPI
2DHARMENDRA KUMAR SP
3MENKA GANDHI BJP
4KUNWAR SARVRAJ SINGH BSP
5DEEN DAYAL JKM
6PRITHVI NATH SINGH SONKAR IJP
7MEHBOOB AHMAD KHAN MD
8MUSHTAQ AHMAD NELU
9SWAMI DRLAXMI NARAYANACHARYA BDBP
10WASI AHMAD MMUP
11AJAY PRATAP SINGH IND
12OMENDRA KUMAR IND
13JAGDISH SARAN IND
MEERGANJ-119 GHOJIPURA-120 NAWABGANJ-121 BAREILLY-124 BARELLY
CANTT.-125
S24-25-UP-BAREILLY 1ISLAM SABIR ANSARI BSP
2PRAVEEN SINGH ARON INC
3BHAGWAT SARAN GANGWAR SP
4SANTOSH GANGWAR BJP
5NADEEM IQBAL MADP
6LAIQ AHMAD AD
7ASHOK KUMAR SHARMA IND
8RAKESH AGARWAL ADVOCATE IND
BAHERI-118 PILIBHIT-127 BARKHERA-128 PURANPUR-129 BISALPUR-130
S24-26-UP-PILIBHIT 1GANGA CHARAN BSP
2MASTER CHOTEY LAL GANGWAR NCP
3FEROZE VARUN GANDHI BJP
4RIYAZ AHMAD SP
5V M SINGH INC
6INDRA PAL AD
7KRISHNA ADHIKARI CPI(ML)(L)
8JAMUNA DAVI RKSP
9RAM KUMAR ARYA ABRS
10HARPAL SINGH RCP
11HARISH KUMAR BSRD
12MAHAVIR SINGH IND
13MAHESH SAXENA IND
14RAM NARAYAN SINGH IND
15LALTA PRASAD IND
16VIQUARUL HASAN KHAN IND
KATRA-131 JALALABAD-132 TILHAR-133 POWAYAN-134 SHAHJAHANPUR-135
DADRAUL-136
S24-27-UP-SHAHJAHANPUR 1UMED SINGH INC
2KRISHNA RAJ BJP
3DR JAUHARI LAL NCP
4MITHLESH SP
5SUNITA SINGH BSP
6ARVIND KUMAR RSMD
7DAULATRAM PECP
8RAMPRAKASH ABRS
9RAMSEWAK AIFB
10HEERALAL APRD
11KUNWARPAL IND
12MALKHAN SINGH IND
13MAHESH PAL SINGH IND
14MEWARAM IND
15SANGHPAL IND
PALIA-137 NIGHASAN-138 GOLA GOKRANNATH-139 SRI NAGAR-140
LAKHIMPUR-142
S24-28-UP-KHERI 1AJAY KUMAR BJP
2ILIYAS AZMI BSP
3ZAFAR ALI NAQVI INC
4RAVI PRAKASH VERMA SP
5ANIL KISHORE LD
6ANUPAM VERMA AD
7KASHINATH SINGH JPS
8RAMDARASH CPI(ML)(L)
9ARVIND IND
10MOHD ILIYAS IND
11BAJRANGI LAL IND
12MUJEEB KHAN IND
DHAURAHRA-141 KASTA-143 MOHAMMDI-144 MAHOLI-145 HARGAON-147
S24-29-UP-DHAURAHRA 1OM PRAKASH SP
2KUNWAR JITIN PRASAD INC
3RAGHVENDRA SINGH BJP
4RAJESH NCP
5RAJESH KUMAR SINGH ALIAS RAJESH VERMA BSP
6ARJUN LAL CPI(ML)(L)
7SWAMI DAYAL GAUR RTKP
8SUSHILA AD
9KAPIL KUMAR IND
10NARENDRA PRASAD IND
11MANOJ IND
12RAM SINGH IND
SITAPUR-146 LAHARPUR-148 BISWAN-149 SEVATA-150 MAHMOODABAD-151
S24-30-UP-SITAPUR 1KAISAR JAHAN BSP
2GYAN TIWARI BJP
3JAGDISH NARAYAN SHUKLA NCP
4MAHENDRA SINGH VERMA SP
5RAM LAL RAHI INC
6KULDEEP KUMAR PECP
7GAYA PRASAD CPI(ML)(L)
8GOVIND KKJHS
9DAYA SHANKAR BOSE RDMP
10MAIKU LAL BSRD
11RAM DAS BRPP
12HARE RAM FAUJI JPS
13DILEEP KUMAR IND
14DIPENDRA KUMAR VERMA IND
15MUNNA LAL IND
16HARGOVIND RAWAT PASI IND
SAWAIJPUR-154 SHAHABAD-155 HARDOI-156 GOPAMAU-157 SANDI-158
S24-31-UP-HARDOI 1USHA VERMA SP
2PURNIMA VERMA BJP
3RAM KUMAR KURIL BSP
4BALAKRAM RJPK
5BHAIYA LAL ALIAS CHAMAN BABU RSMD
6SHANTISWAROOP RPI
7HARIBAKHSH NNP
8USHA IND
9JAGANNATH IND
10RAJENDRA KUMAR IND
11SHIV KUMAR IND
MISRIKH-153 BILGRAM-MALLANWAN-159 BALAMAU-160 SANDILA-161
BILHAUR-209
S24-32-UP-MISRIKH 1ANIL KUMAR ALIAS ANIL BHARGAV BJP
2ASHOK KUMAR RAWAT BSP
3OM PRAKASH INC
4SHYAM PRAKASH SP
5RAM AUTAR RPI(A)
6VISHAMBHAR DAYAL RCP
7UDAY PRATAP IND
8RAKESH KUMAR IND
9RAM DAYAL IND
10RAM SAGAR IND
11SHIV PAL IND
12SANJAYKUMAR IND
13SAHEB LAL IND
BANGARMAU-162 SAFIPUR-163 MOHAN-164 UNNAO-165 BHAGWANTNAGAR-166
PURWA-167
S24-33-UP-UNNAO 1ANNUTANDON INC
2ARUNSHANKARSHUKLA BSP
3DEEPAKKUMAR SP
4RAMESHKUMARSINGH BJP
5UMESHCHANDRA AD
6CHHEDILAL RPI(A)
7JAVEDRAZA JD(U)
8RAJKISHORESINGH RCP
9RAJUKASHYAP VAJP
10RAMAOTAR BVVP
11RAMSEVAK ASP
12RASHIDQAMAR MUL
13SHIVSHANKERKUSHWAHA ABAS
14ASHOKKUMAR IND
15KRISHNAPALSINGHVAIS IND
16CHANDRASHEKHARTIWARI IND
17ABHICHHEDILALYADAV IND
18RAMASHREY IND
19LALA IND
20VASUDEVVISHARAD IND
21SUNILKUMAR IND
SIDHAULI-152 MALIHABAD-168 BAKSHI KAA TALAB-169 SAROJINI
NAGAR-170 MOHANLALGANJ-176
S24-34-UP-MOHANLALGANJ 1JAI PRAKASH BSP
2RANJAN KUMAR CHAUDHARY BJP
3SUSHILA SAROJ SP
4JAIPAL PATHIK RCP
5RKCHAUDHARY RSBP
6SATTIDEEN UPRP
7RAM DHAN IND
LUCKNOW WEST-171 LUCKNOW NORTH-172 LUCKNOW EAST-173 LUCKNOW
CENTRAL-174 LUCKNOW CANTT.-175
S24-35-UP-LUCKNOW 1DR AKHILESH DAS GUPTA BSP
2NAFISA ALI SODHI SP
3RITA BAHUGUNA JOSHI INC
4LAL JI TANDON BJP
5ANUPAM MISHRA SWPI
6MOHD IRSHAD NBNP
7KAMAL CHANDRA GGP
8DRKHAN MOHMAD ATIF MMUP
9JUGUNU RANJAN JANS
10DASHARATH RMEP
11NAND KUMAR LODHI RAJPOOT BGD
12PRAVEEN KUMAR MISHRA EKSP
13MURLI PRASAD RTKP
14MUSTAQ KHAN IJP
15RAVI SHANKAR BHARAT BPD
16RAJESH KUMAR PANDEY AITC
17AMRESH MISHRA IND
18AMIT PANDEY IND
19ASHOK KUMAR PAL IND
20AMBIKA PRASAD IND
21KC KARDAM IND
22KEDAR MAL AGRAWAL IND
23GIRISH CHANDRA SRIVASTAV IND
24CHATURI PRASAD IND
25CHANDRA BHUSHAN PANDEY CBPANDEY IND
26ZUBAIR AHMAD IND
27SRDARAPURI IND
28DHEERAJ IND
29NITIN DWIVEDI IND
30PADAM CHANDRA GUPTA IND
31BAL MUKUND TIWARI IND
32RAJIV RANJAN TIWARI RAJ BIHARI IND
33RAJESH KUMAR IND
34RAJESH KUMAR NAITHANI IND
35RADHEYSHYAM IND
36RAM KUMAR SHUKLA IND
37SEHNAAZ SIDRAT IND
38SUKHVEER SINGH IND
39SUMAN LATA DIXIT IND
40HARJEET SINGH IND
41A HAROON ALI IND
BACHHRAWAN-177 HARCHANDPUR-179 RAE BARELI-180 SARENI-182
UNCHAHAR-183
S24-36-UP-RAE BARELI 1RSKUSHWAHA BSP
2RBSINGH BJP
3SONIA GANDHI INC
4ANIL KUMAR MAURYA AD
5DINESH RCP
6AVNISH IND
7ALOK KUMAR SINGH IND
8ILIYAS HUSSAIN IND
9BABULAL IND
10MANOJ KUMAR SO RAM NARESH SINGH IND
11MANOJ KUMAR SO HANUMANT PRASAD IND
12RAMA SHANKAR IND
13LAJJAWATI KANCHAN IND
14SHYAM BIHARI GUPTA IND
15SRIPAL IND
16HORILAL IND
TILOI-178 SALON-181 JAGDISHPUR-184 GAURIGANJ-185 AMETHI-186
S24-37-UP-AMETHI 1ASHEESH SHUKLA BSP
2PRADEEP KUMAR SINGH BJP
3RAHUL GANDHI INC
4BHUWAL JPS
5MOHDHASAN LAHARI BRPP
6SUNITA MAP
7SURYABHAN MAURYA RASD
8AAVID HUSSAIN IND
9OMKAR IND
10KAPIL DEO IND
11DILIP IND
12MIHILAL IND
13MEET SINGH IND
14RAMESH CHANDRA IND
15RAM SHANKER IND
16SWAMI NATH IND
ISAULI-187 SULTANPUR-188 SADAR-189 LAMBHUA-190 KADIPUR-191
S24-38-UP-SULTANPUR 1ASHOK PANDEY SP
2MOHDTAHIR BSP
3SURYA BHAN SINGH BJP
4DRSANJAY SINGH INC
5ANIL RPI(A)
6CHOTELAL MAURYA AD
7MOHDUMAR PECP
8RAKESH NYP
9RAJKUMAR PANDEY RDMP
10TRIVENI PRASAD BHEEM BRPP
11ARVIND KUMAR IND
12AWADHESH KUMAR IND
13KRISHNA NARAYAN IND
14JHINKURAM VISHWAKARMA IND
15PRAKASH CHANDRA IND
16HARI NARAYAN IND
RAMPUR KHAS-244 BISHWAVNATHGANJ-247 PRATAPGARH-248 PATTI-249
RANIGANJ-250
S24-39-UP-PRATAPGARH 1KUNWAR AKSHAYA PRATAP SINGH GOPAL JI SP
2RAJKUMARI RATNA SINGH INC
3LAKSHMI NARAIN PANDEY GURU JI BJP
4PROF SHIVAKANT OJHA BSP
5ATIQ AHAMAD AD
6ARUN KUMAR SJP(R)
7A RASHID ANSARI MC
8RAJESH KKJHS
9ATUL DWIVEDI IND
10UDHAV RAM IND
11CHHANGALAL IND
12JITENDRA PRATAP SINGH IND
13DINESH PANDEY ALIAS DK PANDEY IND
14BADRI PRASAD IND
15MUNEESHWAR SINGH IND
16RAMESH KUMAR IND
17RAVINDRA SINGH IND
18RANI PAL IND
19RAMMURTI MISHRA IND
20RAM SAMUJH IND
21VINOD IND
22SHIVRAM IND
23SATRAM IND
ALIGANJ-103 KAIMGANJ-192 AMRITPUR-193 FARRUKHABAD-194
BHOJPUR-195
S24-40-UP-FARRUKHABAD 1CHANDRA BHUSHAN SINGH URF MUNNU BABU SP
2NARESH CHANDRA AGRAWAL BSP
3MITHLESH KUMARI BJP
4SALMAN KHURSHEED INC
5OM BABU JPS
6JAIVEER SINGH SHAKYA BRPP
7DALGANJAN SINGH YADAV BRM
8RAMSHARAN BNRP
9RISHIDUTT ABHM
10WAZID ALI IJP
11SWAMI SACHIDANAND HARI SAKSHI RTKP
12SUBODH GANGWAR AD
13RIYAZ AHMAD IND
14VINOD KUMAR IND
15VEENA KUREEL IND
16SURESH CHANDRA SARASWAT URF ELAICHI WALA IND
ETAWAH-200 BHARTHANA-201 DIBIYAPUR-203 AURAIYA-204 SIKANDRA-207
S24-41-UP-ETAWAH 1KAMLESH VERMA BJP
2GAURISHANKER BSP
3PREMDAS SP
4SHIV RAM DOHRE MD
5SANT KUMAR DOHRE LD
6SIYARAM RBCP
7ANVER SINGH IND
8KPD SHYAMDAS IND
9GIREESH BHARTIYA IND
10JAISHANKAR IND
11RAMNARESH IND
12SHARMILA IND
13SATYA PRIYA MANAV IND
CHHIBRAMAU-196 TIRWA-197 KANNAUJ-198 BIDHUNA-202 RASULABAD-205
S24-42-UP-KANNAUJ 1AKHILESH YADAV SP
2DR MAHESH CHANDRA VERMA BSP
3SUBRAT PATHAK BJP
4AJAB SINGH YADAV ABAS
5NARAYAN KUMAR RDMP
6BALRAM BSP(K)
7RAM KARAN KASHYAP VAJP
8RAM BABU TRIVEDI BPD
9RAM SWAROOP JPS
10VIJAY SINGH CHAUHAN MD
11PRADEEP IND
12RAM BABU IND
13LAL SINGH IND
14SHAHANSHAH KHAN IND
15SANJEEV IND
16SHRIKRISHNA SHAKYA IND
GOVINDNAGAR-212 SISHAMAU-213 ARYA NAGAR-214 DIDWAI NAGAR-215
KANPUR CANTT.-216
S24-43-UP-KANPUR 1SATISH MAHANA BJP
2SUKHDA MISHRA BSP
3SURENDRA MOHAN AGRAWAL SP
4SRI PRAKASH JAISWAL INC
5OMENDRA BHARAT BPD
6GUFRAN AHMED RWSP
7JAGDISH PRASAD ABHM
8MOTI LAL SHARMA IJP
9ANIL KUMAR JAIN IND
10AHAMED HUSSAIN IND
11GAYA PRASAD IND
12JAGESWAR DAYAL 1 VIKAL ORAI IND
13NISHA IND
14BADRI VISHAL PRAJAPATI IND
15MAHESH CHANDRA SHARMA IND
16MAYA KAUSHAL IND
17MOHAMMD ISHA IND
18VNAWASTHI IND
AKBARPUR – RANIYA-206 BITHOOR-210 KALYANPUR-211 MAHARAJPUR-217
GHATAMPUR-218
S24-44-UP-AKBARPUR 1ANIL SHUKLA WARSI BSP
2ARUN KUMAR TIWARI BABA BJP
3KAMLESH KUMAR PATHAK SP
4RAJARAM PAL INC
5AMAR SINGH CHAUHAN JPS
6DRAK GUPTA RSMD
7DAYA SHANKER RSP
8DHARMENDRA PRATAP SINGH BPD
9CHAUDHARY DHARMENDRA SINGH YADAV RPI
10BAIKUNTH NATH JD(S)
11RAM GOPAL RAJUP
12VIMAL SINGH BHADAURIA ABAS
13SATENDRA KUSHWAHA RKSP
14OMKAR IND
15MANJESH KUMAR IND
16RAM NATH VERMA IND
17VIRENDRA VISHWAKARMA IND
BHOGNIPUR-208 MADHAUGARH-219 KALPI-220 ORAI-221 GARAUTHA-225
S24-45-UP-JALAUN 1GHANSYAM ANURAGI SP
2TILAK CHANDRA AHIRWAR BSP
3NATHURAM VERMA LOHIA NCP
4BHANU PRATAP SINGH VERMA BJP
5DR BABU RAMADHIN AHIRWAR INC
6KASHIRAM CPI(ML)(L)
7DASHRATH SINGH AHIRWAR RDMP
8PRATAP SINGH KATHARIYA NELU
9PRABHA VERMA AD
10BHAGGOOLAL VALMIKI RSMD
11SANJAY KUMAR RAJUP
12HUKUM JPS
13BHURI DEVI IND
14MEVALAL IND
15RAM JI IND
16VASHUDEV IND
BABINA-222 JHANSI NAGAR-223 MAURANIPUR-224 LALITPUR-226
MEHRONI-227
S24-46-UP-JHANSI 1CHANDRPAL SINGH YADAV SP
2PRADEEP KUMAR JAIN ADITYA INC
3RAMESH KUMAR SHARMA BSP
4RAVINDRA SHUKLA BJP
5DEEPMALA KUSHWAHA RTKP
6BABU LAL NANGAL LSVP
7BALAK DAS AD
8MANMOHAN GUPTA IJP
9RAMDAS BJTP
10SUJAN SINGH BUNDELA RSMD
11ABDESH BHOOSHAN SRIVASTAVA IND
12KAMTA PRASAD RAJPUT IND
13JAGAT VIKRAM SINGH IND
14PANKAJ RAWAT IND
15PARWAT SINGH IND
16BAL KISHAN IND
17MATHURA PRASAD IND
18MAHENDRA IND
HAMIRPUR-228 RATH-229 MAHOBA-230 CHARKHARI-231 TINDWARI-232
S24-47-UP-HAMIRPUR 1ASHOK KUMAR SINGH CHANDEL SP
2PREETAM SINGH LODHI KISSAN BJP
3VIJAY BAHADUR SINGH BSP
4SIDDHA GOPAL SAHU INC
5ANIL KUMAR ASP
6AMIT KUMAR AD
7KAPIL KUMAR NLHP
8KANTI LD
9GIRDHARILAL NELU
10SHIVPRASAD PRAJAPATI IJP
11HAKEEM KHAN BAP
12DESH RAJ IND
13NEERAJ KUMAR NIRALA IND
14PARMESHWAR DAYAL IND
15LALLA IND
16LALLU PRASAD IND
BABERU-233 NARAINI-234 BANDA-235 CHITRAKOOT-236 MANIKPUR-237
S24-48-UP-BANDA 1AMITA BAJPAI BJP
2BHAGAWAN DEEN GARG INC
3BHAIRON PRASAD MISHRA BSP
4SANTOSH KUMAR CPI
5R K SINGH PATEL SP
6ASHOK KUMAR IJP
7ANAND YADAV UCPI
8PARASHU RAM NISHAD AD
9LALIT KUMAR ASP
10ANSH DHARI IND
11JAGAN NATH SINGH IND
12PRAKASH NARAYAN IND
13BALENDRA NATH IND
14MANOJ KUMAR IND
15SHIV KUMAR IND
JAHANABAD-238 BINKDI-239 FATEHPUR-240 AYAH SHAH-241
HUSAINGANJ-242 KHAGA-243
S24-49-UP-FATEHPUR 1JAGESHWAR PAL NCP
2MAHENDRA PRASAD NISHAD BSP
3RAKESH SACHAN SP
4RADHEY SHYAM GUPTA BJP
5VIBHAKAR SHASTRI INC
6AJEYA SINGH JM
7UDIT RAJ IJP
8MATIN ANC
9MUNNA SINGH KKJHS
10RAEES PECP
11VISHWASWAROOP MAURYA ABAS
12DR SONEY LAL PATEL AD
13ANSHU MAN SINGH ADVOCATE IND
14JAGDEESH NARAIN SHARMA IND
15DILEEP VERMA IND
16NARSINGH PATEL IND
17MAHFAZUL HAK ALIAS RAJU KHAN IND
18HARISH CHANDRA SWARANKAR IND
BABAGANJ-245 KUNDA-246 SIRATHU-251 MANJHANPUR-252 CHAIL-253
S24-50-UP-KAUSHAMBI 1GIRISH CHANDRA PASI BSP
2GAUTAM CHAUDHARY BJP
3RAM NIHOR RAKESH INC
4SHAILENDRA KUMAR SP
5UMESH CHANDRA PASI AD
6GULAB SONKAR IJP
7GULAB CHANDRA IND
8JAGDEO IND
9MAN SINGH IND
10RAM SARAN IND
PHAPHAMAU-254 SORAON-255 PHULPUR-256 ALLAHABAD WEST-261 ALLAHABAD
NORTH-262
S24-51-UP-PHULPUR 1KAPIL MUNI KARWARIYA BSP
2KARAN SINGH PATEL BJP
3DHARMARAJ SINGH PATEL INC
4SHYAMA CHARAN GUPTA SP
5CHANDRAJEET LD
6DEVENDRA PRATAP SINGH RDMP
7PRADEEP KUMAR SRIVASTAVA AD
8LALLAN SINGH RSBP
9VIJAY KUMAR GMS
10SATISH YADAV IJP
11SANJEEV KUMAR MISHRA YVP
12KRISHNA KUMAR IND
13DR NEERAJ IND
14BHARAT LAL IND
15DR MILAN MUKHERJEE IND
16MUNISHWAR SINGH MAURYA IND
17RADHIKA PAL IND
18RADHESHYAM SINGH YADAV IND
19RAM JANM YADAV IND
20RAMSHANKAR IND
21VIRENDRA PAL SINGH IND
22SHAILENDRA KUMAR PRAJAPATI IND
23SAMAR BAHADUR SHARMA IND
24DR SONE LAL PATEL IND
MEJA-259 KARCHHANA-260 ALLAHABAD SOUTH-263 BARA-264 KORAON-265
S24-52-UP-ALLAHABAD 1ASHOK KUMAR BAJPAI BSP
2YOGESH SHUKLA BJP
3KUNWAR REWATI RAMAN SINGH ALIAS MANI JI SP
4SHYAM KRISHNA PANDEY INC
5OM PRAKASH RMSP
6GULAB GRAMEEN LD
7BIHARI LAL SHARMA AD
8BAIJAL KUMAR BSP(K)
9RAMA KANT IJP
10RAJESH PASI RSBP
11RAM PARIKHAN SINGH JPS
12VIJAY SHANKAR BSA
13SARFUDDIN NELU
14AKBAL MOHAMMD IND
15AJUG NARAIN IND
16ABHAY SRIVASTAVA IND
17KM KUSUM KUMARI AD IND
18GOPAL SWROOP JOSHI IND
19NARENDRA KUMAR TEWARI IND
20BAJRANG DUTT IND
21MUNNU PRASAD IND
22RAVI PRAKASH IND
23RAKESH KUMAR IND
24RAJ BALI IND
25RAM GOVIND IND
26RAM JEET IND
27RAM LAL IND
28KM SHASHI PANDEY IND
29DR MOHD SALMAN RASHIDI IND
30SADHNA AGARWAL IND
31HIRA LAL IND
KURSI-266 RAM NAGAR-267 BARABANKI-268 ZAIDPUR-269
HAIDERGARH-272
S24-53-UP-BARABANKI 1KAMALA PRASAD RAWAT BSP
2PLPUNIA INC
3RAM NARESH RAWAT BJP
4RAM SAGAR SP
5JEEVAN JPS
6DESHRAJ BSRD
7BABADEEN BRPP
8BHAGAUTI AD
9SANTRAM NBNP
10GAYA PRASAD IND
11DEPENDRA KUMAR RAWAT IND
12PREM CHANDRA ARYA IND
13RAM AUTAR IND
14LAJJAWATI KANCHAN IND
15MAHANT VISHRAM DAS IND
DARIYABAD-270 RUDAULI-271 MILKIPUR-273 BIKAPUR-274 AYODHYA-275
S24-54-UP-FAIZABAD 1NIRMAL KHATRI INC
2BIMLENDRA MOHAN PRATAP MISRA PAPPU BHAIYA BSP
3MITRASEN SP
4LALLU SINGH BJP
5AJAY KUMAR KKJHS
6ATUL KUMAR PANDEY THPI
7AMAR NATH JAISWAL RTKP
8GIRISH CHANDRA VERMA AD
9GULAM SABIR NBNP
10CHANDRASHEKHAR SINGH BPD
11NUSRAT QUDDUSI ALIAS BABLOO PECP
12MANISH KUMAR PANDEY ABHM
13SAIYYAD MUSHEER AHMED AP
14RAMESH KUMAR RAWAT MADP
15SUSHIL KUMAR BLKD
16ATAURR RAHMAN ANSARI IND
17AMARNATH VERMA IND
18DINA NATH PANDEY IND
19NASREEN BANO IND
20BALAK RAM ALIAS SHIV BALAK PASI IND
21RAM DHIRAJ IND
22SWAMI NATH IND
23SIYARAM KORI IND
GOSHAINGANJ-276 KATEHARI-277 TANDA-278 JALALPUR-280
AKBARPUR-281
S24-55-UP-AMBEDKAR NAGAR 1RAKESH PANDEY BSP
2VINAY KATIYAR BJP
3SHANKHLAL MAJHI SP
4DINESH KUMAR RAJBHAR SBSP
5BASANT LAL PECP
6BAL MUKUND DHURIYA CPI(ML)(L)
7BHARTHARI BRPP
8MANSHARAM MADP
9LALMAN JPS
10VIJAY KUMAR MAURYA RASD
11SANTOSH KUMAR ABHM
12IFTEKHAR AHMAD IND
13KAILASH KUMAR SHUKLA IND
14GAYADEEN IND
15CHANDRA BHUSHAN IND
16DEO PRASAD MISHRA IND
17NABAB ALI IND
18PARASHU RAM IND
19PATANJALI JAITALI IND
20RAM SUKH SAHOO IND
21DR LAL BAHADUR IND
22SRIRAM AMBESH IND
BALHA-282 NANPARA-283 MATERA-284 MAHSI-285 BAHRAICH-286
S24-56-UP-BAHRAICH 1AKSHAYBAR LAL BJP
2KAMAL KISHOR INC
3LAL MANI PRASAD BSP
4SHABBEER AHMAD SP
5GOPAL SBSP
6TULSI RAM RDMP
7MANU DEVI PECP
8RAM CHHABEELE SUBHASH BSRD
9SATYA NARAIN RPI(A)
10HARENDRA KUMAR JPS
11HEERA LAL ANC
12MAIKOO LAL IND
13RAM SARAN IND
PAYAGPUR-287 KAISERGANJ-288 KATRA BAZAR-297 COLONELGANJ-298
TARABGANJ-299
S24-57-UP-KAISERGANJ 1MOHD ALEEM INC
2BRIJBHUSHAN SHARAN SINGH SP
3DR LALTA PRASAD MISHRA ALIAS DR L P MISHRA BJP
4SURENDRA NATH AWASTHI BSP
5ZAMEER AHMAD ANC
6DAYA RAM PDFO
7MANOJ KUMAR LD
8RAM PRAKSH RPI(A)
9RAMENDER DEV PATHAK PECP
10HAFEEZ AD
11ANOKHI LAL IND
12OM PRAKASH IND
13UDAI RAJ IND
14CHANDRA BHAN IND
15JAGDISH IND
16JAGDISH PRASAD IND
17JITENDRA BAHADUR IND
18PARAMHANS SINGH IND
19RAJ KISHOR SINGH IND
20RADHEYSHYAM BOAT IND
21RAMPHER ALIAS CHUNTI IND
22VINESH KUMAR IND
23VIMAL VERMA IND
BHINGA-289 SHRAWASTI-290 TULSIPUR-291 GAINSARI-292
BALRAMPUR-294
S24-58-UP-SHRAWASTI 1RIZVAN ZAHEER BSP
2RUBAB SAIDA SP
3VINAY KUMAR ALIAS VINNU INC
4SATYA DEO SINGH BJP
5ARUN KUMAR ANC
6KULDEEP SBSP
7RAJESHWAR MISHRA PECP
8RAM ADHAR RPI(A)
9TEJ BAHADUR IND
10RAM SUDHI IND
11VINOD KUMAR PANDEY IND
UTRAULA-293 MEHNAUN-295 GONDA-296 MANKAPUR-300 GAURA-301
S24-59-UP-GONDA 1DR ACHYUTA NAND DUBEY NCP
2KIRTI VARDHAN SINGH RAJA BHAIYA BSP
3BENI PRASAD VERMA INC
4RAM PRATAP SINGH BJP
5VINOD KUMAR SINGH ALIAS PANDIT SINGH SP
6ASHIQ ALI PECP
7OM PRAKASH SINGH JPS
8PREM KUMAR SBSP
9RAJENDRA PRASAD ANC
10RAM KEWAL VAJP
11RAM LOCHAN ABHM
12VIDYA SAGAR AD
13HARSH VARDHAN PANDEY LD
14AKHILENDRA KUMAR PATHAK IND
15ANURADHA PATEL IND
16OM PRAKASH IND
17GANGA DHAR SHUKLA IND
18DEEPAK IND
19NARENDRA SINGH IND
20BAIJNATH IND
21RAJENDRA PRASAD IND
22RADHEY SHYAM IND
23RAM PRASAD IND
24RAM LAKHAN IND
25SATYA PRAKASH IND
SHOHRATGARH-302 KAPILVASTU-303 BANSI-304 ITWA-305
DUMARIYAGANJ-306
S24-60-UP-DOMARIYAGANJ 1JAGDAMBIKA PAL INC
2JAI PRATAP SINGH BJP
3MATA PRASAD PANDEY SP
4MOHD MUQUEEM BSP
5INAMULLAH CHAUDHARY PECP
6JITENDRA PRATAP SINGH RDMP
7PINGAL PRASAD RPI
8BALKRISHNA BSP(K)
9MUKHDEV SBSP
10RAJDEV BEP
11RAM SAMUJH BJBCD
12RAHUL SANGH PRIYA BHARTI IJP
13HARISHANKAR LJP
14MOTILAL VIDHYARTHI IND
15RAM KRIPAL IND
16SIRAJ AHAMAD IND
HARRAIYA-307 KAPTANGANJ-308 RUDHAULI-309 BASTI SADAR-310
MAHADEWA-311
S24-61-UP-BASTI 1ARVIND KUMAR CHAUDHARY BSP
2BASANT CHAUDHARY INC
3RAJ KISHOR SINGH SP
4DR Y D SINGH BJP
5OM PRAKASH VAJP
6DAYASHANKAR PATWA PECP
7DALBAG SINGH BSP(K)
8RAM NAYAN PATEL AD
9VINOD KUMAR RAJBHAR SBSP
10SHIVDAS SSD
11SANJEEV KUMAR NISHAD BUM
12SITARAM NISHAD JPS
13RAM LALAN YADAV IND
14SHIV POOJAN ARYA IND
15SATYADEV OJHA IND
16SATISH CHANDRA SHARMA IND
ALAPUR-279 MENHDAWAL-312 KHALILABAD-313 DHANGHATA-314
KHAJNI-325
S24-62-UP-SANT KABIR NAGAR 1KAMLA KANT CHAUDHARY CPI
2FAZLEY MAHAMOOD INC
3BHAL CHANDRA YADAV SP
4BHISMA SHANKAR ALIAS KUSHAL TIWARI BSP
5SHARAD TRIPATHI BJP
6INDRA KUMAR BUM
7KRISHNA NAND MISHRA AIMF
8KHELADI BRPP
9JANTRI LAL JPS
10PANCHOO BELDAR ASP
11RAJESH SINGH PECP
12RAM ACHAL MADP
13RAM AVADH NISHAD SBSP
14LOTAN ALIAS LAUTAN PRASAD SSD
15VINOD RAI NLHP
16ANJU IND
17JOOGESH YADAV IND
18NITYANAND MANI TRIPATHI IND
19PHOOLDEO IND
20RAMESH IND
21VINAY PANDEY IND
22SHRI BABA RAM CHANDRA IND
23SUSHILA JIGYASU IND
24HARISH CHANDRA IND
PHARENDA-315 NAUTANWA-316 SISWA-317 MAHARAJGANJ-318
PANIYARA-319
S24-63-UP-MAHARAJGANJ 1AJEET MANI SP
2GANESH SHANKER PANDEY BSP
3PANKAJ CHAUDHARY BJP
4HARSH VARDHAN INC
5ABDWURRUF ANSARI NLHP
6PAWAN KUMAR RPI(A)
7RAM KISHUN NISHAD SBSP
8SATYA NARAYAN URF SATNARAYAN BEP
9OMPRAKASH CHATURVEDI IND
10DILIP KUMAR IND
11RAM NIVAS IND
12LAL BIHARI IND
13CHAUDHARY SANJAY SINGH PATEL IND
14SHYAM SUNDER DAS CHAURASIA IND
15HANUMAN IND
CAIMPIYARGANJ-320 PIPRAICH-321 GORAKHPUR URBAN-322 GORAKHPUR
RURAL-323 SAHAJANWA-324
S24-64-UP-GORAKHPUR 1ADITYANATH BJP
2MANOJ TIWARI MRIDUL SP
3LALCHAND NISHAD INC
4VINAY SHANKAR TIWARI BSP
5AMAN ASP
6JOKHAN PRASAD EKSP
7DAYASHANKAR NISHAD AD
8RAJBAHADUR IJP
9RAJMANI BEP
10RAJESH SAHANI CPI(ML)(L)
11SRINATH SBSP
12AJAY KUMAR IND
13AWADHESH SINGH IND
14OMPRAKASH SINGH IND
15GOVIND IND
16CHHEDILAL IND
17NIRANJAN PRASAD IND
18NEERAJ YADAV IND
19DR BRIJESH MANI TRIPATHI IND
20MANOJ TIWARI IND
21RAKESH KUMAR IND
22RAJAN YADAV MBA IND
23RAMHIT NISHAD IND
24LAL BAHADUR IND
25VINOD SHUKLA IND
26HARISHCHANDRA IND
KHADDA-329 PADRAUNA-330 KUSHINAGAR-333 HATA-334 RAMKOLA-335
S24-65-UP-KUSHI NAGAR 1BRAMHA SHANKER SP
2KU RATANJEET PRATAP NARAYAN SINGH INC
3VIJAY DUBEY BJP
4SWAMI PRASAD MAURYA BSP
5ANIL RPI(A)
6KISHOR KUMAR IPP
7K KUMAR PRBD
8JANGI SBSP
9DHEERAJ SHEKHAR SHRIWASTAWA RALOP
10BABU LAL BRPP
11MATIULLAH NLHP
12MADAN LAL MADP
13AMEERUDDIN IND
14JAGDISH IND
15JAI GOVIND IND
16DAROGA IND
17RAMESH IND
18RAM BRIKSH IND
TAMKUHI RAJ-331 FAZILNAGAR-332 DEORIA-337 PATHARDEVA-338 RAMPUR
KARKHANA-339
S24-66-UP-DEORIA 1GORAKH PRASAD JAISWAL BSP
2BALESHWAR YADAV INC
3MOHAN SINGH SP
4SHRI PRAKASH MANI TRIPATHI BJP
5GANGA PRASAD KUSHWAHA PRBD
6JAGDISH KUMAR VERMA LPSP
7DHARMENDRA KUMAR SBSP
8MOTI LAL KUSHWAHA SHASTRI RSMD
9SAFAYAT ALI PECP
10SARITA ASP
11RAM KISHOR YADAV ALIAS VIDHAYAK IND
12VIJAY JUAATHA IND
CHAURI-CHAURA-326 BANSGAON-327 CHILLUPAR-328 RUDRAPUR-336
BARHAJ-342
S24-67-UP-BANSGAON 1KAMLESH PASWAN BJP
2MAHA BEER PRASAD INC
3SHARADA DEVI SP
4SHREE NATH JI BSP
5CHANDRIKA RJPK
6RAMA SHANKER PECP
7RAM PRAVESH PRASAD EKSP
8HARILAL BUM
9KU KUNJAWATI IND
10MANOJ KUMAR IND
11RADHEYSHYAM IND
12RAMKAWAL IND
13RAMSAKAL IND
14RAMA PASWAN IND
15VINAI KUMAR IND
ATRAULIYA-343 NIZAMABAD-348 PHOOLPUR PAWAI-349 DIDARGANJ-350
LALGANJ-351
S24-68-UP-LALGANJ 1DAROGA PRASAD SAROJ SP
2NEELAM SONKAR BJP
3DR BALIRAM BSP
4HAREE PRASAD SONKER CPI
5MANBHAWAN BRPP
6RAM DAYAL ALIAS MOHAN SBSP
7ACHCHHELAL IND
8URMILA DEVI IND
9CHANDRA RAM ALIAS CHANDU SAROJ IND
10DHARMRAJ IND
11SUKHNAYAN IND
GOPALPUR-344 SAGRI-345 MUBARAKPUR-346 AZAMGARH-347 MEHNAGAR-352
S24-69-UP-AZAMGARH 1AKBAR AHMAD DUMPY BSP
2ARUN KUMAR SINGH CPM
3DURGA PRASAD YADAV SP
4RAMAKANT YADAV BJP
5SANTOSH KUMAR SINGH INC
6JAI JAI RAM PRAJAPATI LPSP
7RAM BHAROS BUM
8VINOD JPS
9USMANA FARUQEE IND
10KEDAR NATH GIRI IND
11KHAIRUL BASHAR IND
12DR JAVED AKHTAR IND
13DAAN BAHADUR YADAV IND
14YADUNATH IND
15RAM UJAGIR IND
16RAM SINGH IND
MADHUBAN-353 GHOSI-354 MUHAMMADABAD- GOHNA-355 MAU-356
RASARA-358
S24-70-UP-GHOSI 1ATUL KUMAR SINGH ANJAN CPI
2ARSHAD JAMAL ANSARI SP
3DARA SINGH CHAUHAN BSP
4RAM IQBAL BJP
5SUDHA RAI INC
6AKHILESH JPS
7KAILASH YADAV PECP
8RAMESH ALIAS RAJU SINGH SBSP
9RAM BADAN KAUL BSA
10LALJI RAJBHAR BSD
11HARISH CHANDRA RJPK
12ASHOK KUMAR IND
13ZAKIR HUSSAIN IND
14PALAKDHARI IND
15RAKESH IND
16SUJIT KUMAR IND
BHATPAR RANI-340 SALEMPUR-341 BELTHARA ROAD-357 SIKANDARPUR-359
BANSDEEH-362
S24-71-UP-SALEMPUR 1DR BHOLA PANDEY INC
2RAMASHANKAR RAJBHAR BSP
3HARIKEWAL SP
4IZHAR PECP
5ZUBAIR NELU
6JANG BAHADUR BSD
7FATE BAHADUR SBSP
8RAVISHANKAR SINGH PAPPU JD(U)
9RAMCHARAN PDF
10RAMDAYAL JPS
11RAMNAWAMI YADAV SWJP
12RAMASHRAY CHAUHAN MOP
13SRIRAM CPI(ML)(L)
14HARISHCHAND EKSP
15AMEER IND
16PARASURAM IND
17FULENDRA IND
18MAN JI IND
19MAHESH IND
20RAJENDRA ALIAS RAJAN IND
21VINDHACHAL IND
22SHAILENDRA IND
23SATISH IND
24SARVDAMAN IND
25SANJAY IND
PHEPHANA-360 BALLIA NAGAR-361 BAIRIA-363 ZAHOORABAD-377
MOHAMMADABAD-378
S24-72-UP-BALLIA 1NEERAJ SHEKHAR SP
2MANOJ SINHA BJP
3SANGRAM SINGH YADAV BSP
4ARVIND KUMAR GOND GGP
5KANHAIYA PRAJAPATI RSMD
6NARAYAN RAJBHAR BSD
7RAJESH JPS
8RAMSAKAL SBSP
9ANANT IND
10GANGADYAL IND
11DIWAKAR IND
12RAMJI IND
13LALBABU IND
14SHESHNATH IND
15SHANKER RAM RAWAT IND
16HARIHAR IND
BADLAPUR-364 SHAHGANJ-365 JAUNPUR-366 MALHANI-367 MUNGRA
BADSHAHPUR-368
S24-73-UP-JAUNPUR 1DHANANJAY SINGH BSP
2PARAS NATH YADAVA SP
3SEEMA BJP
4ACHHEYLAL NISHAD NELU
5GIRAJA SHANKAR YADAVA GGP
6GEETA SINGH RDMP
7BAHADUR SONKAR IJP
8RAVI SHANKAR LJP
9RAJKISHUN RSBP
10RAJESH SO RAMESHCHANDRA AD
11RAJESH SO RAMYAGYA EKSP
12RAMCHANDAR RASD
13SHEETALA PRASAD RSP
14AJAY KASYAP GUDDU IND
15JAGDISH CHANDRA ASTHANA IND
16TASLEEM AHMED REHMANI IND
MACHHLISHAHR-369 MARIYAHU-370 ZAFRABAD-371 KERAKAT-372
PINDRA-384
S24-74-UP-MACHHLISHAHR 1KAMLA KANT GAUTAM KK GAUTAM BSP
2TUFANI SAROJ SP
3RAJ BAHADUR INC
4VIDYASAGAR SONKER BJP
5KRISHNA SEWAK SONKER JPS
6RAM CHARITRA AD
7VIJAYEE RAM ASP
8SHEOMURAT RAM GGP
9SUKHRAJ DINKAR RSBP
10SUSHMA RAD
11DINESH KUMAR IND
12BALJIT IND
13RAM DAWAR GAUTAM IND
14VINOD KUMAR IND
15SHYAM BIHARI KANNAUJIYA IND
16SOHAN IND
JAKHANIAN-373 SAIDPUR-374 GHAZIPUR-375 JANGIPUR-376 ZAMANIA-379
S24-75-UP-GHAZIPUR 1AFZAL ANSARI BSP
2PRABHUNATH BJP
3RADHEY MOHAN SINGH SP
4SURAJ RAM BAGI CPI
5ISHWARI PRASAD KUSHAWAHA CPI(ML)(L)
6DINESH RSMD
7NANDLAL ASP
8SHYAM NARAYAN RASD
9SATISH SHANKAR JAISAWAL NLHP
10SARAJU LD
11SURENDRA JPS
12ANIL IND
13ASHOK DRASHOK KUMAR SRIVASTAVA IND
14BRAJENDRA NATH URF BIJENDRA IND
15RAJESH IND
MUGHALSARAI-380 SAKALDIHA-381 SAIYADRAJA-382 AJAGARA-385
SHIVPUR-386
S24-76-UP-CHANDAULI 1KAILASH NATH SINGH YADAV BSP
2JAWAHAR LAL JAISAWAL BJP
3RAMKISHUN SP
4SHAILENDRA KUMAR INC
5CHANDRASHEKHAR RPI
6JAWAHIR PMSP
7JOKHU PDFO
8TULASI SBSP
9RAJNATH BRPP
10RAJESH SINGH KKJHS
11RAMAWATAR SHARMA ADVOCATE MADP
12RAMSEWAK YADAV RLP
13LALLAN IJP
14SURENDRA PRATAP JBSP
15DEVAROO IND
16MUNNI LAL IND
17SURAFARAJ AHMAD IND
18HARI LAL IND
ROHANIYA-387 VARANASI NORTH-388 VARANASI SOUTH-389 VARANASI
CANTT.-390 SEVAPURI-391
S24-77-UP-VARANASI 1AJAY RAI SP
2MUKHTAR ANSARI BSP
3DR MURLI MANOHAR JOSHI BJP
4DR RAJESH KUMAR MISHRA INC
5AWADHESH KUMAR KUSHWAHA RSMD
6USHA SINGH RAD
7KISHUN LAL IJP
8VIJAY PRAKASH JAISWAL AD
9ER SHYAM LAL VISHWAKARMA MADP
10ANAND KUMAR AMBASTHA IND
11NARENDRA NATH DUBEY ADIG IND
12PARVEZ QUADIR KHAN IND
13PUSHP RAJ SAHU IND
14RAJESH BHARTI IND
15SATYA PRAKASH SRIVASTAVA IND
PRATAPPUR-257 HANDIA-258 BHADOHI-392 GYANPUR-393 AURAI-394
S24-78-UP-BHADOHI 1DR AKHILESH KUMAR DWIVEDI NCP
2GORAKHNATH BSP
3CHHOTELAL BIND SP
4DR MAHENDRA NATH PANDEY BJP
5SURYMANI TIWARI INC
6JAJ LAL RKSP
7NANDLAL VP
8RAMRATEE BIND AD
9THAKUR SANTOSH KUMAR RDMP
10SHAHID PMSP
11GAURISHANKAR IND
12JEETENDRA IND
13TEJ BAHADUR YADAV ADVOCATE IND
CHHANBEY-395 MIRZAPUR-396 MAJHAWAN-397 CHUNAR-398 MARIHAN-399
S24-79-UP-MIRZAPUR 1ANIL KUMAR MAURYA BSP
2ANURAG SINGH BJP
3BAL KUMAR PATEL SP
4RAMESH DUBEY INC
5AJAY SHANKER GMS
6KAILASH BSA
7KHELADI GGP
8JAGDISH AD
9PREM CHAND PMSP
10RADHE SHYAM BRPP
11LALJI RAD
12LALTI DEVI VP
13SHANKAR CPI(ML)(L)
14SHYAM LAL EKSP
15MOHD SAGIR NLP
16TRILOK NATH VERMA IJP
17ANOOP KUMAR IND
18KRISHNA CHAND IND
19KRISHNA CHAND SHUKLA IND
20CHHABEELE IND
21DANGAR IND
22DULARI IND
23MANIK CHAND IND
24MUNNA LAL IND
25RAM GOPAL IND
26RAM RAJ IND
27HANS KUMAR IND
CHAKIA-383 GHORAWAL-400 ROBERTSGANJ-401 OBRA-402 DUDDHI-403
S24-80-UP-ROBERTSGANJ 1PAKAURI LAL SP
2RAM ADHAR JOSEPH INC
3RAM CHANDRA TYAGI BSP
4RAM SHAKAL BJP
5GULAB PDFO
6CHANDRA SHEKHAR JPS
7MUNNI DEVI RSMD
8RAMESH KUMAR AD
9SHRAWAN KUMAR RWS
10RAMBRIKSHA IND
MATHABHANGA-2 COOCH BEHAR UTTAR-3 COOCH BEHAR DAKSHIN-4
SITALKUCHI-5 SITAI-6 DINHATA-7 NATABARI-8
S25-1-WB-COOCH BEHAR 1ARGHYA ROY PRADHAN AITC
2NIRANJAN BARMAN BSP
3NRIPENDRA NATH ROY AIFB
4BHABENDRA NATH BARMAN BJP
5DALENDRA ROY AMB
6HAREKRISHNA SARKAR RPI
7KRISHNA KANTA BARMAN IND
8NUBASH BARMAN IND
9BANGSHI BADAN BARMAN IND
10HITENDRA DAS IND
TUFANGANJ-9 KUMARGRAM-10 KALCHINI-11 ALIPURDUARS-12 FALAKATA-13
MADARIHAT-14 NAGRAKATA-21
S25-2-WB-ALIPURDUARS 1ELIAS NARJINARY BSP
2PABAN KUMAR LAKRA AITC
3MANOJ TIGGA BJP
4MANOHAR TIRKEY RSP
5BILKAN BARA SWJP
6KAMAL LAMA IND
7JOACHIM BAXLA IND
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9PAULDEXION KHARIYA IND
MEKLIGANJ-1 DHUPGURI-15 MAYNAGURI-16 JALPAIGURI-17 RAJGANJ-18
DABGRAM-PHULBARI-19 MAL-20
S25-3-WB-JALPAIGURI 1DWIPENDRA NATH PRAMANIK BJP
2DR DHIRENDRA NATH DAS NCP
3BARMA SUKHBILAS INC
4MAHENDRA KUMAR ROY CPM
5SANTI KUMAR SARKAR BSP
6PABITRA MOITRA AMB
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8CHINMAY SARKAR IND
9PRITHWIRAJ ROY IND
10HARI BHAKTA SARDAR IND
KALIMPONG-22 DARJEELING-23 KURSEONG-24 MATIGARA-NAXALBARI-25
SILIGURI-26 PHANSIDEWA-27 CHOPRA-28
S25-4-WB-DARJEELING 1JASWANT SINGH BJP
2JIBESH SARKAR CPM
3DAWA NARBULA INC
4HARIDAS THAKUR BSP
5ABHIJIT MAJUMDAR CPI(ML)(L)
6NIRANJAN SAHA AMB
7BAIDYANATH ROY IPFB
8ARUN KUMAR AGARWAL IND
9NITU JAI IND
10RAM GANESH BARAIK IND
ISLAMPUR-29 GOALPOKHAR-30 CHAKULIA-31 KARANDIGHI-32 HEMTABAD-33
KALIAGANJ-34 RAIGANJ-35
S25-5-WB-RAIGANJ 1AKHIL RANJAN MONDAL BSP
2GOPESH CHANDRA SARKAR BJP
3DEEPA DASMUNSI INC
4BIRESWAR LAHIRI CPM
5FAIZ RAHAMAN RDMP
6MATIUR RAHMAN JD(U)
7SULEMAN HAFIJI CPI(ML)(L)
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11NACHHIR ALI PRAMANIK IND
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ITAHAR-36 KUSHMANDI-37 KUMARGANJ-38 BALURGHAT-39 TAPAN-40
GANGARAMPUR-41 HARIRAMPUR-42
S25-6-WB-BALURGHAT 1GOBINDA HANSDA BSP
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5GHOSH MRIDUL AUDF
6CHAMRU ORAM JMM
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8SAMU SOREN IND
HABIBPUR-43 GAZOLE-44 CHANCHAL-45 HARISCHANDRAPUR-46
MALATIPUR-47 RATUA-48 MALDAHA-50
S25-7-WB-MALDAHA UTTAR 1AMLAN BHADURI BJP
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MANIKCHAK-49 ENGLISHBAZAR-51 MOTHABARI-52 SUJAPUR-53
BAISNABNAGAR-54 FARAKKA-55 SAMSERGANJ-56
S25-8-WB-MALDAHA DAKSHIN 1ABU HASEM KHAN CHOUDHURY INC
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4DR BHARAT CHANDRA MANDAL BSP
5MD EJARUDDIN MUL
6MANJUR ALAHI MUNSHI IND
7MD KAMAL BASIRUJJAMAN IND
8RUSTAM ALI IND
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SUTI-57 JANGIPUR-58 RAGHUNATHGANJ-59 SAGARDIGHI-60 LALGOLA-61
NABAGRAM-65 KHARGRAM-66
S25-9-WB-JANGIPUR 1DEBASHISH MAJUMDAR BJP
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3MRIGANKA SEKHAR BHATTACHARYA CPM
4ZAMIRUL HASSAN AUDF
5TAPAS SAHA IND
BURWAN-67 KANDI-68 BHARATPUR-69 REJINAGAR-70 BELDANGA-71
BAHARAMPUR-72 NAODA-74
S25-10-WB-BAHARAMPUR 1ADHIR RANJAN CHOWDHURY INC
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5ASHOKE KUMAR SINGHA SP
6GHOSH BABU SAW RPI(A)
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BHAGABANGOLA-62 RANINAGAR-63 MURSHIDABAD-64 HARIHARPARA-73
DOMKAL-75 JALANGI-76 KARIMPUR-77
S25-11-WB-MURSHIDABAD 1ANISUR RAHAMAN SARKAR CPM
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TEHATTA-78 PALASHIPARA-79 KALIGANJ-80 NAKASHIPARA-81 CHAPRA-82
KRISHNANAGAR UTTAR-83 KRISHNANAGAR DAKSHIN-85
S25-12-WB-KRISHNANAGAR 1JYOTIRMOYEE SIKDAR CPM
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3DEBABRATA MAJUMDER BSP
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5SK DAULAT HOSSAIN NCP
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RANAGHAT UTTAR PURBA-89 RANAGHAT DAKSHIN-90 CHAKDAHA-91
S25-13-WB-RANAGHAT 1BASUDEB BARMAN CPM
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KALYANI-92 HARINGHATA-93 BAGDA-94 BANGAON UTTAR-95 BANGAON
DAKSHIN-96 GAIGHATA-97 SWARUPNAGAR-98
S25-14-WB-BANGAON 1ASIM BALA CPM
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NOAPARA-107 BARRACKPUR-108
S25-15-WB-BARRACKPORE 1ASHOK SONKAR BSP
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BARANAGAR-113 DUM DUM-114 RAJARHAT GOPALPUR-117
S25-16-WB-DUM DUM 1AMITAVA NANDY CPM
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MADHYAMGRAM-118 BARASAT-119 DEGANGA-120
S25-17-WB-BARASAT 1ARUN KUMAR BISWAS BSP
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DAKSHIN-124 BASIRHAT UTTAR-125 HINGALGANJ-126
S25-18-WB-BASIRHAT 1AJAY CHAKRABORTY CPI
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PASCHIM-138 CANNING PURBA-139 MAGRAHAT PURBA-141
S25-19-WB-JOYNAGAR 1ARABINDA HALDER BSP
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PATHARPRATIMA-130 KAKDWIP-131 SAGAR-132 KULPI-133 RAIDIGHI-134
MANDIRBAZAR-135 MAGRAHAT PASCHIM-142
S25-20-WB-MATHURAPUR 1ANIMESH NASKAR CPM
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MAHESHTALA-155 BUDGE BUDGE-156 METIABURUZ-157
S25-21-WB-DIAMOND HARBOUR 1ABHIJIT DAS BJP
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BHANGAR-148 JADAVPUR-150 SONARPUR UTTAR-151 TOLLYGANJ-152
S25-22-WB-JADAVPUR 1KABIR SUMAN AITC
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BHABANIPUR-159 RASHBEHARI-160 BALLYGUNGE-161
S25-23-WB-KOLKATA DAKSHIN 1JYOTSNA BANERJEE BJP
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6LEELA HANS IJP
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SHYAMPUKUR-166 MANIKTOLA-167 KASHIPUR-BELGACHHIA-168
S25-24-WB-KOLKATA UTTAR 1MD SALIM CPM
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DAKSHIN-173 SANKRAIL-174 PANCHLA-175
S25-25-WB-HOWRAH 1AMBICA BANERJEE AITC
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5BIJOY UPPADHYA SP
6SUDARSHAN MANNA STPI
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SHYAMPUR-179 BAGNAN-180 AMTA-181 UDAYNARAYANPUR-182
S25-26-WB-ULUBERIA 1NARENDRA NATH MANDAL BSP
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6RABIN DALUI RDMP
7SEKH AORANGJEB IND
8ASHISH DAS IND
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JAGATBALLAVPUR-183 DOMJUR-184 UTTARPARA-185 SREERAMPUR-186
CHAMPDANI-187 CHANDITALA-194 JANGIPARA-195
S25-27-WB-SRERAMPUR 1KALYAN BANERJEE AITC
2DEBABRATA CHOWDHURY BJP
3RAKESH KUMAR GAUTAM BSP
4SANTASRI CHATTERJEE CPM
5PRADIP GHOSH AUDF
6AMITAVA BHATTACHARYA IND
7CHIRANJIT NASKAR IND
8SEKH SOLEMAN IND
SINGUR-188 CHANDANNAGAR-189 CHUNCHURA-190 BALAGARH-191
PANDUA-192 SAPTAGRAM-193 DHANEKHALI-197
S25-28-WB-HOOGHLY 1DR CHUNI LAL CHAKRABORTY BJP
2DR RATNA DENAG AITC
3RUPCHAND PAL CPM
4SURYYA KANTA RAY BSP
5ARABINDA SEN SP
6SAJAL ADHIKARI CPI(ML)(L)
7SWAPAN MURMU JDP
8ALOK PATHAK IND
9SATYA GOPAL DEY IND
HARIPAL-196 TARAKESWAR-198 PURSURAH-199 ARAMBAG-200 GOGHAT-201
KHANAKUL-202 CHANDRAKONA-232
S25-29-WB-ARAMBAGH 1PARIMAL BISWAS BSP
2MALIK SAKTI MOHAN CPM
3MURARI BERA BJP
4SAMBHU NATH MALIK INC
5SUBIR KUMAR MAJHI JDP
TAMLUK-203 PANSKURA PURBA-204 MOYNA-206 NANDAKUMAR-207
MAHISHADAL-208 HALDIA-209 NANDIGRAM-210
S25-30-WB-TAMLUK 1ADHIKARI SUVENDU AITC
2MANORANJAN MANDAL BSP
3RAJYASHREE CHAUDHURI BJP
4LAKSHMAN CHANDRA SETH CPM
5JAHED SEK AUDF
6MANIK CHANDRA MONDAL LJP
7ABDUR REJAK SEIKH IND
8BHAKTI ADHIKARY IND
9SHEIKH NURUL ISLAM IND
CHANDIPUR-211 PATASHPUR-212 KANTHI UTTAR-213 BHAGABANPUR-214
KHEJURI-215 KANTHI DAKSHIN-216 RAMNAGAR-217
S25-31-WB-KANTHI 1ADHIKARI SISIR KUMAR AITC
2AMALESH MISHRA BJP
3PATRA RASHBEHARI BSP
4PRASANTA PRADHAN CPM
PANSKURA PASCHIM-205 SABANG-226 PINGLA-227 DEBRA-229 DASPUR-230
GHATAL-231 KESHPUR-235
S25-32-WB-GHATAL 1GURUDAS DASGUPTA CPI
2NARAYAN CHANDRA SAMAT BSP
3NURE ALAM CHOWDHURY AITC
4MATILAL KHATUA BJP
5ARUN KUMAR DAS JMM
6AHITOSH MAITY RDMP
7LIYAKAT KHAN IJP
NAYAGRAM-220 GOPIBALLAVPUR-221 JHARGRAM-222 GARBETA-233
SALBONI-234 BINPUR-237 BANDWAN-238
S25-33-WB-JHARGRAM 1AMRIT HANSDA INC
2NABENDU MAHALI BJP
3PANCHANAN HANSDA BSP
4PULIN BIHARI BASKE CPM
5CHUNIBALA HANSDA JKP(N)
6ADITYA KISKU IND
7SUNIL MURMU IND
8SUSIL MANDI IND
EGRA-218 DANTAN-219 KESHIARY-223 KHARAGPUR SADAR-224
NARAYANGARH-225 KHARAGPUR-228 MEDINIPUR-236
S25-34-WB-MEDINIPUR 1ASOK KUMAR GOLDER BSP
2DIPAK KUMAR GHOSH AITC
3PRADIP PATNAIK BJP
4PRABODH PANDA CPI
5NEPAL DAS JMM
6MUKUL KUMAR MAITI RDMP
7AMIT MOITRA IND
8DE SUKUMAR IND
9PARTHA ADDHYA IND
10SANJAY MISHRA IND
BALARAMPUR-239 BAGHMUNDI-240 JOYPUR-241 PURULIA-242 MANBAZAR-243
KASHIPUR-244 PARA-245
S25-35-WB-PURULIA 1ASIT BARAN MAHATO BSP
2NARAHARI MAHATO AIFB
3SHANTIRAM MAHATO INC
4SAYANTAN BASU BJP
5AJIT PRASAD MAHATO JMM
6ABINASH SAREN AMB
7ABHIRAM BESRA JDP
8DHIREN CHANDRA MAHATO JD(U)
9AMULYA RATAN MAHATO IND
10UMACHARAN MAHATO IND
11DHIREN RAJAK IND
12BISAMBAR MURA IND
13MUKESH SAHU IND
14MRITYUNJAY MAHATO IND
RAGHUNATHPUR-246 SALTORA-247 CHHATNA-248 RANIBANDH-249
RAIPUR-250 TALDANGRA-251 BANKURA-252
S25-36-WB-BANKURA 1ACHARIA BASUDEB CPM
2GANESH RAY BSP
3RAHUL BISWAJIT SINHA BJP
4SUBRATA MUKHERJEE INC
5ASWINI DULEY JKP(N)
6TAPAN KUMAR PATHAK RDMP
7PARESH MARANDI JMM
8BYASDEB CHAKRABORTTY JD(U)
9SUDHIR KUMAR MURMU CPI(ML)(L)
10PRABIR BANERJEE IND
11LAKSHMI SARKAR IND
BARJORA-253 ONDA-254 BISHNUPUR-255 KATULPUR-256 INDUS-257
SONAMUKHI-258 KHANDAGHOSH-259
S25-37-WB-BISHNUPUR 1JAYANTA MONDAL BJP
2MANIK BAURI BSP
3SEULI SAHA AITC
4SUSMITA BAURI CPM
5TAPAS DAS JMM
6UTTAM BOURI IND
7UMA KANTA BHAKAT IND
RAINA-261 JAMALPUR-262 KALNA-264 MEMARI-265 PURBASTHALI
DAKSHIN-268 PURBASTHALI UTTAR-269 KATWA-270
S25-38-WB-BARDHAMAN PURBA 1ANUP KUMAR SAHA CPM
2ASHOKE BISWAS AITC
3MUKUL BISWAS BSP
4SANKAR HALDAR BJP
5PEJUSH KUMAR SAHANA CPI(ML)(L)
6RABINDRANATH BAG AUDF
7RAJU MALIK JDP
BURDWAN DAKSHIN-260 MONTESWAR-263 BURDWAN UTTAR-266 BHATAR-267
GALSI-274 DURGAPUR PURBA-276 DURGAPUR PASCHIM-277
S25-39-WB-BURDWAN – DURGAPUR 1NARGIS BEGAM INC
2SHIBA PADA BISWAS BSP
3SK SAIDUL HAQUE CPM
4SYED ALI AFZAL CHAND BJP
5ASHOKE TARU MALLICK SP
6MADHU SUDAN SHET AUDF
7SUMAN SARKAR RDMP
8SHYAMALI ROY CHOWDHURY IND
PANDABESWAR-275 RANIGANJ-278 JAMURIA-279 ASNSOL DAKSHIN-280
ASANSOL UTTAR-281 KULTI-282 BARABANI-283
S25-40-WB-ASANSOL 1AJAY SINGH BSP
2GHATAK MOLOY AITC
3BANSA GOPAL CHOWDHURY CPM
4SURYYA RAY BJP
5GOUTAM DAS LJP
6JARASANDHA SINHA IND
7JYOTIRMOY MAITY IND
KETUGRAM-271 MANGALKOT-272 AUSGRAM-273 BOLPUR-286 NANOOR-287
LABHPUR-288 MAYURESWAR-290
S25-41-WB-BOLPUR 1ARJUN SAHA BJP
2ASIT KUMAR MAL INC
3VIDYASAGAR METE BSP
4DOCTOR RAM CHANDRA DOME CPM
5ADARA BAURI AUDF
6NIHAR HAZRA IND
7PROFESSOR BIJAY DALUI IND
DUBRAJPUR-284 SURI-285 SAINTHIA-289 RAMPURHAT-291 HANSAN-292
NALHATI-293 MURARAI-294
S25-42-WB-BIRBHUM 1TAPAS MUKHERJEE BJP
2BRAJA MUKHERJEE CPM
3RADHESHYAM SINGH BSP
4SATABDI ROY AITC
5ASGAR ALI GAJLU SP
6MOULANA NAJRUL HAK AUDF
7SHIB RATAN SHARMA JMM
PREMNAGAR-4 BHATGAON-5 PRATAPPUR-6 RAMANUJGANJ-7 SAMRI-8
LUNDRA-9 AMBIKAPUR-10 SITAPUR-11
S26-1-CG-SARGUJA 1DHAN SINGH DHURVE BSP
2BAL SINGH CPM
3BHANU PRATAP SINGH INC
4MURARILAL SINGH BJP
5ANOOP MINJ JMM
6KUMAIT BDO JD(U)
7BHUPNATH SINGH MARAVI GGP
8RAMDEO LAKRA CGVP
9RAMNATH CHERWA SSD
10SOMNATH BHAGAT LJP
11AMRIT SINGH MARAVI IND
12JUGESHWAR IND
13DHANESHWAR SINGH IND
14SARJU XESS ORANW IND
15SUNIL KUMAR SINGH KANHARE IND
16SURAJ DEO SINGH KHAIRWAR IND
JASHPUR-12 KUNKURI-13 PATHALGAON-14 LAILUNDRA-15 RAIGARH-16
SARANGARH-17 KHARSIA-18 DHARAMJAIGARH-19
S26-2-CG-RAIGARH 1BAHADUR SINGH RATHIA BSP
2VISHNU DEO SAI BJP
3HRIDAYARAM RATHIYA INC
4DARSHAN SIDAR GGP
5MEERA DEVI SINGH TIRKEY CGVP
6SHIRACHAND EKKA JMM
7AMRIT TIRKEY IND
8KAMRISH SINGH GOND IND
9SANJAY TIRKEY IND
10HALDHAR RAM SIDAR IND
AKALTARA-33 JAJGIR-CHAMPA-34 SAKRI-35 CHANDRAPURA-36
JAIJAIPUR-37 PAMGARH-38 BILAIGARH-43 KASDOL-44
S26-3-CG-JANJGIR-CHAMPA 1SHRIMATI KAMLA DEVI PATLE BJP
2DAURAM RATNAKAR BSP
3DRSHIVKUMAR DAHARIYA INC
4BR CHAUHAN RPI(A)
5NEELKANTH WARE CSP
6PREM SHANKAR MAHILANGE URF PREM INDIA LJP
7SANJEEV KUMAR KHARE CGVP
8ANANDRAM GILHARE IND
9CHAITRAM SURYAVANSHI IND
10DRCHHAVILAL RATRE IND
11MAYARAM NAT IND
12RAMCHARAN PRADHAN ADHIWAKTA IND
BHARATPUR-SONHAT-1 MANENDRAGARH-2 BAIKUNTHPUR-3 RAMPUR-20
KOBRA-21 KATGHORA-22 PALI-TANAKHAR-23 MARWAHI-24
S26-4-CG-KORBA 1KARUNA SHUKLA BJP
2CHARANDAS MAHANT INC
3VIJAY LAXMI SHARMA BSP
4KEDARNATH RAJWADE JMM
5CHAITI DEVI MAHANT CSP
6BUDHWAR SINGH UIKEY RGOP
7DR VIPIN SINHA CGVP
8SANGEETA NIRMALKAR BHPD
9HIRASINGH MARKAAM GGP
10GEND DAS MAHANT IND
11CHARAN DAS IND
12PAWAN KUMAR IND
13FULESHWAR PRASAD SURJAIHA IND
14RAMDAYAL ORAON IND
15RAMLAKHAN KASHI IND
16SHAMBHU PRASAD SHARMA ADHIWAKTA IND
17SATRUPA IND
18SANTOSH BANJARE IND
KOTA-25 LORMI-26 MUNGELI-27 TAKHATPUR-28 BILHA-29 BILASPUR-30
BELTARA-31 MASTURI-32
S26-5-CG-BILASPUR 1DILIP SINGH JUDEV BJP
2ADVOCATE TRNIRALA BSP
3DRRENU JOGI INC
4UTTAM PRASAD DANSENA SUSP
5DRGOJU PAUL RPI(A)
6DRBALMUKUND SINGH MARAVI GGP
7BALARAM SAHU BHPD
8MUKESH KUMAR SAHU JMM
9SAPNA CHAKRABORTY LJP
10ARJUN SHRIVAS GANGUAA IND
11ANUJ DHRITLAHRE IND
12ABDUL HAMID SIDDIQUE IND
13ASHOK SHRIVASTAVA IND
14UMESH SINGH IND
15TUKLAL GARG IND
16DAYA DAS LAHRE IND
17DRDAYA RAM DAYAL IND
18DILIP KUMAR IND
19DILIP GUPTA IND
20DILIP SINGH IND
21MANOJ KUMAR BIRKO IND
22RAMESH AHUJA IND
23RAMESH KUMAR LAHARE IND
24RAJENDRA SAHU IND
25RAJESH PRATAP IND
26RAMBILAS SHARMA IND
27BPVISWAKARMA IND
28SHYAM BIHARI TRIVEDI IND
PANDARIYA-71 KAWARGHA-72 KHAIRAGARH-73 DONGARGARH-74
RAJNANDGAON-75 DONGARGAON-76 KHUJJI-77 MOHALA-MANPUR-78
S26-6-CG-RAJNANDGAON 1DEVWRAT SINGH INC
2PRADHUMAN NETAM BSP
3MADHUSUDAN YADAV BJP
4GANGARAM NISHAD EKSP
5NARAD KHOTHALIYA CGVP
6AJAY JAISWAL IND
7AJAY PALI IND
8JALAL MOHAMMAD QURESHI IND
9DERHARAM LODHI IND
10DILIP RATHOR SAMPADAK IND
11BHAG CHAND VAIDHYA IND
12MADAN YADAV IND
13MANGAL DAS BANGARE IND
14DRYADAV PRACHARYA IND
PATAN-62 DURG-RURAL-63 DURG-CITY-64 DURG-NAGAR-65 VAISHALI
NAGAR-66 AHIWARA-67 SAJA-68 BEMETARA-69 NAWAGARH-70
S26-7-CG-DURG 1PRADEEP CHOUBEY INC
2RAGHUNANDAN SAHU BSP
3SAROJ PANDEY BJP
4DEVIDAS KURRE CVKP
5DR PANKAJ GOSOMI PANDIT RPI
6ANAND GAUTAM IND
7TARACHAND SAHU IND
8TARACHAND SAHU IND
9TARACHAND SAHU IND
10MASOOD KHAN IND
11RATAN KUMAR KSHETRAPAL IND
12RAJENDRA KUMAR SAHU IND
13LAXMAN PRASAD IND
14GURU DADA LOKESH MAHARAJ IND
15SHITKARAN MHILWAR IND
BALODA BAZAR-45 BHATAPARA-46 DHARSIWA-47 RAIPUR RURAL-48 RAIPUR
CITY WEST-49 RAIPUR CITY NORTH-50 RAIPUR CITY SOUTH-51 ARANG-52
ABHANPUR-53
S26-8-CG-RAIPUR 1BHUPESH BAGHEL INC
2RAMESH BAIS BJP
3VIDHYADEVI SAHU BSP
4ER ASHOK TAMRAKAR JCGP
5IMRRAN PASHA LSWP
6PR KHUNTE CGVP
7MADHUSUDAN MISHRA ABHM
8SHAILENDRA BANJARE SHAKTIPUTRA SSBD
9SHANKAR LAL VARANDANI PPOI
10HARGUN MEGHWANI ABSSP
11ARUN HARPAL IND
12JAFAR HUSSAIN BABABHAI PURVA MUTVALLI IND
13MOH JILANI ALIAS TANI IND
14NAND KISHOR DEEP IND
15NARESH BHISHMDEV DHIDHI IND
16NAVIN GUPTA IND
17NARAD NISHAD IND
18PRAVEEN JAIN IND
19BHARAT BHUSHAN PANDEY IND
20MATHURA PRASAD TANDON IND
21YASHWANT SAHU IND
22RAJENDRA KUMAR SAHU IND
23RAJENDRA SINGH THAKUR ADVOCATE IND
24RAMKRISHNA VERMA IND
25RAMCHARAN YADAV IND
26SHOBHARAM GILHARE IND
27SIYARAM DHRITLAHARE IND
28SMT SUSIL BAI BANJARE IND
29SYED RASHID ALI IND
30SANJAY BAGHEL IND
31HAIDAR BHATI IND
32SHRIKANT KASER IND
SARAIPALI-39 BASNA-40 KHALLARI-41 MAHASAMUND-42 RAJIM-54
BINDRANAWAGARH-55 KURUD-57 DHAMTARI-58
S26-9-CG-MAHASAMUND 1CHANDULAL SAHU CHANDU BHAIYA BJP
2MOTILAL BSP
3MOTILAL SAHU INC
4DR ANAND MATAWALE GURUJI LB
5KIRAN KUMAR DHRUW JMM
6BAUDDH KUMAR KAUSHIK CGVP
7DR LATA MARKAM RPI(A)
8SHRIDHAR CHANDRAKAR PATEL AD
9KHEDUBHARTI SATYESH IND
10CHAMPA LAL PATEL IND
11NARENDRA BHISHMDEV DHIDHI IND
12NARAYANDAS INQALAB GANDHI IND
13BHARAT DIWAN IND
14RAMPRASAD CHAUHAN IND
15SULTANSINGH SATNAM IND
KONDAGAON-83 NARAYANPUR-84 BASTAR-85 JAGDALPUR-86 CHITRAKOT-87
DANTEWARA-88 BIJAPUR-89 KONTA-90
S26-10-CG-BASTAR 1AYTU RAM MANDAVI BSP
2BALIRAM KASHYAP BJP
3MANISH KUNJAM CPI
4SHANKAR SODI INC
5CHANDRA SHEKHAR DHRUV SHEKHAR IND
6MAYARAM NETAM ALIAS FULSING SILADAR IND
7SUBHASH CHANDRA MOURYA IND
SIHAWA-56 SANJARI BALOD-59 DONDI LAHARA-60 GUNDERDEHI-61
ANTAGARH-79 BHANUPRATAPPUR-80 KANKER-81 KESHKAR-82
S26-11-CG-KANKER 1SMT PHOOLO DEVI NETAM INC
2MIRA SALAM BSP
3SOHAN POTAI BJP
4JALSINGH SHORI CSP
5N R BHUARYA GMS
6BHOM LAL AD
7MAYARAM NAGWANSHI GGP
8G R RANA JMM
9DEVCHAND MATLAM IND
10PRAFUL MANDAVI IND
11MAYARAM NETAM FULSINGH SILEDAR IND
RAJMAHAL-1 BORIO-2 BARHAIT-3 LITIPARA-4 PAKHUR-5 MAHESHPUR-6
S27-1-JH-RAJMAHAL 1CHANDRA SHEKHAR AZAD BSP
2JYOTIN SOREN CPM
3THOMAS HASDA RJD
4DEVIDHAN BESRA BJP
5HEMLAL MURMU JMM
6AAMELIYA HANSDA RSP
7CHARAN MURMU SHS
8DAUD MARANDI SP
9SUKHWA URAON RKSP
10SUNDAR TUDU BHJAP
11SOM MARANDI JVM
12STIPHEN MARANDI JHJM
SHIKARIPARA-7 NALA-8 JAMTARA-9 DUMKA-10 JAMA-11 SARATH-14
S27-2-JH-DUMKA 1CHURKA TUDU BSP
2PASHUPATI KOL CPI
3RAMESH TUDU RJD
4SHIBU SOREN JMM
5SUNIL SOREN BJP
6ARJUN PUJHAR SP
7NIRMALA MURMU RSP
8PHATIK CHANDRA HEMBRAM AJSU
9BITIYA MANJHI CPI(ML)(L)
10RAMESH HEMBROM JVM
11RAMJIVAN DEHRI SAP
12KALESHWAR SOREN IND
13CHARLES MURMU IND
14NANDLAL SOREN IND
15PULICE HEMRAM IND
16BIVISAN PUJHAR IND
17CYRIL HANSDA IND
18SONA MURMU IND
19HOPNA BASKI IND
JARMUNDI-12 MADHUPUR-13 DEOGHAR-15 POREYAHAT-16 GODDA-17
MAHAGAMA-18
S27-3-JH-GODDA 1IQBAL DURRANI BSP
2DURGA SOREN JMM
3NISHIKANT DUBEY BJP
4FURKAN ANSARI INC
5ASHOK SHARMA JKP
6GEETA MANDAL CPI(ML)(L)
7GOVIND LAL MARANDI RSP
8JAWAHAR LAL YADAV LJP
9NANDLAL YADAV SP
10NIRANJAN PRASAD YADAV RWS
11PRADEEP YADAV JVM
12PRADEEP YADAV SAP
13BINOD MEHARIA BSA
14RAJ NARAYAN KHAWADE AJSUP
15SANTOSH KUMAR RAY AITC
16SURAJ MANDAL JVD
17JAYSWAL MANJHI IND
18JAHIR MUSTAKIM IND
19MANOJ KUMAR MANDAL IND
20MITHILESH PASWAN IND
21MD MOAJJAM ALI CHANCHAL IND
22SHANKAR PRASAD KESHARI IND
23SANJEEV KUMAR IND
SIMARIA-26 CHATRA-27 MANIKA-73 LATEHAR-74 PANKI-75
S27-4-JH-CHATRA 1ARUN KUMAR YADAV JD(U)
2DHIRAJ PRASAD SAHU INC
3NAGMANI RJD
4SUGAN MAHTO BSP
5KESHWAR YADAV CPI(ML)(L)
6PARAS NATH MANJHI ABMSD
7KP SHARMA JVM
8SURENDRA YADAV JKP
9INDER SINGH NAMDHARI IND
10DHIRENDRA AGRAWAL IND
11RATNESH KUMAR GUPTA IND
KODARMA-19 BARKATHA-20 DHANWAR-28 BAGODAR-29 JAMUA-30 GANDEY-31
S27-5-JH-KODARMA 1TILAKDHARI PD SINGH INC
2PRANAV KUMAR VERMA RJD
3LAXAMAN SAWARNKAR BJP
4BISHNU PRASAD BHAIYA JMM
5SABHAPATI KUSHWAHA BSP
6UMESH CHANDRA TRIVEDI JKP
7PRAMESHWAR YADAV RKSP
8BABULAL MARANDI JVM
9RAJKISHOR PRASAD MODI JVD
10RAJ KUMAR YADAV CPI(ML)(L)
11HADTAL DAS BSA
12ASHOK KUMAR SHARMA IND
13KAMAL DAS IND
14CHANDRA DHARI MAHTO IND
15MANJOOR ALAM ANSARI IND
16LAXAMAN DAS IND
GIRIDIH-32 DUMRI-33 GOMIYA-34 BERMO-35 TUNDI-42 BAGHMARA-43
S27-6-JH-GIRIDIH 1AKLU RAM MAHTO CPI
2TEKLAL MAHTO JMM
3BIJAY SINGH BSP
4RAVINDRA KUMAR PANDEY BJP
5MD HIMAYUN ANSARI RJD
6MRINAL KANTI DEV SLP(L)
7RAVINDER MAHTO JKP(N)
8SHIVA MAHTO MCO
9SABA AHMAD JVM
10INDRA DEV MAHTO IND
11UMESH RISHI IND
12NAND KISHOR PRASAD IND
13BUDDHI NATH TIWARY IND
14MAHAVIR PRASAD IND
15MASOOM RAJA ANSARI IND
16LALOO KEWAT IND
17SHANKAR RAJAK IND
BOKARO-36 CHANDANKYARI-37 SINDRI-38 NIRSA-39 DHANBAD-40
JHARIA-41
S27-7-JH-DHANBAD 1CHANDRASHEKHAR DUBEY INC
2PASHUPATI NATH SINGH BJP
3SAMARESH SINGH BSP
4INDU SINGH SAP
5JANARDAN PANDEY AIFB
6DIN BANDHU SINGH SLP(L)
7PAWAN KUMAR JHA JD(S)
8PHUL CHAND MANDAL JVM
9MKMANDAL AMB
10AK ROY MCO
11VIDESHI MAHATO JVD
12VIRENDRA PRADHAN LJP
13SUNIL KUMAR IJP
14MD SULTAN JKP
15HAFFIZUDDIN ANSARI SP
16ABDUL MUSTAFA IND
17KARTIK MAHATO IND
18JAI PRAKASH SINGH IND
19JAIRAM SINGH IND
20JITENDRA KUMAR SINGH IND
21PHUL CHAND MAHATO IND
22BAMA PADA BAURI IND
23MADHUSUDAN RAJHANS IND
24MANILAL MAHATO IND
25MANOJ GANDHI IND
26MANOJ PANDEY IND
27MUNSI HEMBRAM IND
28RAVI RANJAN SINHA IND
29SHANKAR RAWANI IND
30SALIM KHAN IND
31SADHUSHARAN GOPE IND
32SUSHIL KUMAR SINGH IND
ICHAGARH-50 SILLI-61 KHIJRI-62 RANCHI-63 HATIA-64 KANKE-65
S27-8-JH-RANCHI 1RAJENDRA SINGH MUNDA CPM
2RAM TAHAL CHAUDHARY BJP
3MD SARFUDDIN BSP
4SUBODH KANT SAHAY INC
5AKHTAR ANSARI JVM
6AFSAR EMAM JKPP
7MD AJAD ANSARI NLHP
8JIPALAL SINGH MUNDA JKP(N)
9DAYANAND GUPTA JVD
10SURENDRA KUMAR SUMAN SAP
11ANJANI PANDEY IND
12AGAM LAL MAHTO IND
13AFTAB ALAM IND
14ARTI BEHRA IND
15UPENDRA PD SRIVASTAVA IND
16KESHAV NARAYAN BHAGAT IND
17KAILASH PAHAN IND
18JANARDAN TIWARI IND
19JITENDRA MAHTO IND
20DEVENDRA THAKUR IND
21BIRSA HEMBRAM IND
22RANJEET MAHTO IND
23RAMPODO MAHTO IND
24ROSHAN LAL MAHTO IND
25ROSAN PRASAD IND
26LAL BABA MASANI IND
BAHARAGORA-44 GHATSHILA-45 POTKA-46 JUGASHLAI-47 JAMSHEDPUR
EAST-48 JAMSHEDPUR WEST-49
S27-9-JH-JAMSHEDPUR 1AJEET KUMAR BSP
2ARJUN MUNDA BJP
3SUMAN MAHTO JMM
4ARVIND KUMAR SINGH JVM
5ASHOK TRIPATHI SP
6KINKAR GOUR RASD
7KRISHN MURARI MISHRA ABHM
8PARIKSHIT MAHATO LJP
9MUBIN KHAN BSA
10RAJ KAPOOR MAHATO JVD
11SHARAT MAHATO JKP(N)
12SHAILENDRA MAHTO AJSU
13SHYAM NARAYAN SINGH AITC
14SANDIP PAUL JKP
15DR SUNARAM HANSDA JDP
16HEMANT SINGH AMB
17KRISHNA PRASAD IND
18JOSAI MARDI IND
19DILIP KALINDI IND
20DILIP TUDU IND
21PARAS NATH PRASAD IND
22RAKESH KUMAR IND
23RAJIV CHANDRA MAHATO IND
24RAM CHANDRA PRASAD GUPTA IND
25VICTOR A LAZARUS IND
26SITARAM TUDU IND
SARAIKELLA-51 CHAIBASA-52 MAJHGANON-53 JAGANATHPUR-54
MANOHARPUR-55 CHAKRADHARPUR-56
S27-10-JH-SINGHBHUM 1BARKUWAR GAGRAI BJP
2BAGUN SUMBRUI INC
3HIKIM CHANDRA TUDU BSP
4PREM SINGH MUNDRI CPI(ML)(L)
5MANGAL SINGH BOBONGA JVM
6SUKH RAM JONKO JDP
7ASHOK KUMAR TIU IND
8MADHU KORA IND
9HIKIM SOREN IND
KHARASAWAN-57 TAMAR-58 KHUNTI-60 TORPA-60 SIMDEGA-70
KOLEBIRA-71
S27-11-JH-KHUNTI 1KARIYA MUNDA BJP
2NEIL TIRKEY INC
3MARSHAL BARLA BSP
4THEODORE KIRO JVM
5NITIMA BODRA BARI JKP(N)
6NISHIKANT HORO JKP
7ANAND KUJUR IND
8UMBULAN TOPNO IND
9KARLUS BHENGRA IND
MANDAR-66 SISAI-67 GUMLA-68 BISHUNPUR-69 LOHARDAGA-72
S27-12-JH-LOHARDAGA 1JOKHAN BHAGAT BSP
2RAMESHWAR ORAON INC
3SUDARSHAN BHAGAT BJP
4DEOSHARAN BHAGAT AJSU
5BAHURA EKKA JVM
6BHUNESHWAR LOHRA LJVM
7RAMA KHALKHO JHJAM
8ARJUN BHAGAT IND
9ETWA ORAON IND
10GOPAL ORAON IND
11CHAMRA LINDA IND
12JAI PRAKASH BHAGAT IND
13NAWAL KISHOR SINGH IND
14PADMA BARAIK IND
15SUKHDEO LOHRA IND
DALTONGANJ-76 BISHRAMPUR-77 CHATTARPUR-78 HUSSAINABAD-79
GARHWA-80 BHAWANATHPUR-81
S27-13-JH-PALAMAU 1KAMESHWAR BAITHA JMM
2GHURAN RAM RJD
3RADHA KRISHNA KISHORE JD(U)
4HIRA RAM TUPHANI BSP
5GANESH RAM JKP
6JAWAHAR PASWAN AJSUP
7NANDDEV RAM JKP(N)
8PARVATI DEVI MMM
9PRABHAT KUMAR JVM
10RAJU GUIDE MAJHI ABMSD
11RAM NARESH RAM RASD
12BIRBAL RAM RLD
13SATYENDRA KUMAR PASWAN BSSPA
14SUSHMA MEHTA CPI(ML)(L)
15JITENDRA RAM IND
16NARESH KUMAR PASWAN IND
17BRAJMOHAN RAM IND
18BHOLA RAM IND
19MUNESHWAR RAM IND
20RAM PRASAD RAM IND
21SUNESHWAR BAITHA IND
BARHI-21 BARKAGAON-22 RAMGARH-23 MANDHU-24 HAZARIBAGH-25
S27-14-JH-HAZARIBAGH 1KISHOR KUMAR PANDEY BSP
2BHUVNESHWAR PRASAD MEHTA CPI
3YASHWANT SINHA BJP
4SHIVLAL MAHTO JMM
5SAURABH NARAIN SINGH INC
6CHANDRA PRAKASH CHOUDHARY AJSU
7DIGAMBER KU MEHTA SP
8BRAJ KISHORE JAISWAL JVM
9DEONATH MAHTO IND
10MAHENDRA KISHORE MEHTA IND
11MD MOINUDDIN AHMED IND
12LALAN PRASAD IND
13SNEHLATA DEVI IND
PUROLA-1 YAMUNOTRI-2 GANGOTRI-3 GHANSHALI-9 PRATAPNAGAR-12
TEHRI-13 DHANOLTI-14 CHAKRATA-15 VIKASNAGAR-16 SAHASPUR-17
S28-1-UK-TEHRI GARHWAL 1JASPAL RANA BJP
2BACHI RAM CPM
3MUNNA SINGH CHAUHAN BSP
4VIJAY BAHUGUNA INC
5SHAILESH UKKD
6ANJANA WALIA RJSD
7BANO RANI NLHP
8SHAILESH KUMAR VERMA LJP
9SUDESH SHARMA AD
10SUNDER LAL THAPLIYAL VVS
11KEDAR SINGH IND
12DR NAGENDRA DUTT JAGOODI IND
13BARHM DEV JHA IND
14RAM SINGH RAWAT IND
15VIJAY NATH IND
16SHIV NARAIN IND
17SANJAY IND
18HARISH WALIA IND
BADRINATH-4 THARALI-5 KARNPRAYAG-6 KEDARNATH-7 RUDRAPRAYAG-8
DEOPRAYAG-10 NARENDRANAGAR-11 YAMKESHWAR-36 PAURI-37 SRINAGAR-38
S28-2-UK-GARHWAL 1ANAND PRAKASH UKKD
2LT GENRETD TEJPAL SINGH RAWAT PVSM VSM BJP
3RAJEEV AGARWAL BSP
4LALITA PRASAD BHATT CPI
5SATPAL MAHARAJ INC
6INDRESH MAIKHURI CPI(ML)(L)
7GANESH PANT LJP
8R P DHYANI ABHM
9MAHADEV JKM
10RASHID KHAN ANC
11ABBDUL KADIR IND
12OM PARKASH IND
13SHIV SINGH IND
DHARCHULA-42 DIDIHAT-43 PITHORAGARH-44 GANGOLIHAT-45 KAPKOTE-46
BAGESHWAR-47 DWARAHAT-48 SALT-49 RANIKHET-50 SOMESHWAR-51
S28-3-UK-ALMORA 1AJAY TAMTA BJP
2CHAMPEE ARYA NCP
3PRADEEP TAMTA INC
4BAHADUR RAM DHAUNI BSP
5RANJIT VISHWAKARMA UKKD
6GOPAL RAM RPI(A)
7YASHPAL ARYA LJP
8SUSHAMA CPI(ML)(L)
9KIRAN ARYA IND
10HARI RAMA IND
LALKUWA-56 BHIMTAL-57 NAINITAL-58 HALDWANI-59 KALADHUNGI-60
JASPUR-62 KASHIPUR-63 BAJPUR-64 GADARPUR-65 RUDRAPUR-66
S28-4-UK-NAINITAL-UDHAMSINGH NAGAR 1NARAYAN PAL BSP
2DR NARAYAN SINGH JANTWAL UKKD
3PREM PRAKASH SINGH SP
4BACHI SINGH RAWAT BJP
5KC SINGH BABA INC
6RISHI PAL SINGH ABRS
7BAHADUR SINGH JANGI CPI(ML)(L)
8MADAN SINGH MER LJP
9RAIS AHMAD ANSARI JD(S)
10SHEESHPAL SINGH ARYA ANC
11BINDU GUPTA IND
12MAHESH CHANDRA KANDPAL IND
13MOUALANA YADE ILAHI IND
14SITARAM IND
DHARAMPUR-18 DOIWALA-23 RISHIKESH-24 HARDWAR-25 B.H.E.L.
RANIPUR-26 JWALAPUR-27 BHAGWANPUR-28 JHABRERA-29 PIRANKALIYAR-30
ROORKEE-31
S28-5-UK-HARDWAR 1AMBRISH KUMAR SP
2SWAMI YATINDRANAND GIRI BJP
3RAJKUMAR SAINI UKKD
4SHAHZAD BSP
5HARISH RAWAT INC
6ASIF KHAN AD
7RAJEEV GUPTA RJSD
8RIASAT ALI RPI(A)
9SUBHASH MKD
10AJAY KATHURIA IND
11ABBAS IND
12VKKAMPANI IND
13KULVEER SINGH IND
14NATTHU RAM IND
15MOHD MURSALEEN QURESHI IND
16RANDHIR BHARAT IND
17RAMSHARAN BHATT IND
18SHAHIDA BEGAM IND
19PT SHIVAM MAHARAJ IND
20SUMER CHAND IND
21SANJAY IND
ANDAMAN & NICOBAR ISLANDS-1
U01-1-AN-ANDAMAN & NICOBAR ISLANDS 1SMTI R S UMA BHARATHY NCP
2SHRI KULDEEP RAI SHARMA INC
3SHRI P R GANESHAN RJD
4SHRI TAPAN KUMAR BEPARI CPM
5SHRI BISHNU PADA RAY BJP
6SHRI M S MOHAN BSP
7SHRI N K P NAIR CPI(ML)(L)
8SHRI PRADEEP KUMAR EKKA JDP
9SHRI T ALI IND
10DR THANKACHAN IND
11SHRI VAKIATH VALAPPIL KHALID IND
CHANDIGARH-1
U02-1-CH-CHANDIGARH 1PAWAN KUMAR BANSAL INC
2SATYA PAL JAIN BJP
3HARMOHAN DHAWAN BSP
4HAFFIZ ANWAR UL HAQ RJD
5GOSWAMI VISHWA BHUSHAN BHARTI JD(U)
6PARAS NATH AD
7AJAY GOYAL IND
8KAFIL AHMAD IND
9KHEM LAL BANSAL IND
10DARSHAN SINGH IND
11DES RAJ IND
12MAYA DEVI IND
13RAM PAL HANS IND
14S K SURI IND
DADRA & NAGAR HAVELI-1
U03-1-DN-DADAR & NAGAR HAVELI 1DELKAR MOHANBHAI SANJIBHAI INC
2PATEL NATUBHAI GOMANBHAI BJP
3BIJ YOHANBHAI BHADIYABHAI BSP
4KHULAT BHIKALYA VANSHYA IND
5MISHAL LAXMANBHAI NAVASUBHAI IND
DAMAN AND DIU-1
U04-1-DD-DAMAN & DIU 1TANDEL GOPALBHAI KALYANBHAI NCP
2DAHYABHAI VALLABHBHAI PATEL INC
3LALUBHAI PATEL BJP
4RAMESHBHAI D SINGH SP
5GOHEL GAUTAMKUMAR NATVARSINH IND
6PANDEY DINESHBHAI IND
7SINDE SHAILESHBHAI IND
ADARSH NAGAR-4 SHALIMAR BAGH-14 SHAKUR BASTI-15 TRI NAGAR-16
WAZIRPUR-17 MODEL TOWN-18 SADAR BAZAR-19 CHANDNI CHOWK-20 MATIA
MAHAL-21 BALLIMARAN-22
U05-1-DL-CHANDNI CHOWK 1KAPIL SIBAL INC
2MOHD MUSTAQEEM BALLO BHAI BSP
3VIJENDER GUPTA BJP
4AJAY MITTAL AIFB
5ANIL GUPTA BPC
6ABDUL SAMAD RPIE
7KIRAN SJP(R)
8GHANSHYAM MORWAL DBP
9JAVED AHMED MBP
10NARENDER SINGH BSKRP
11DR P L PREMI BVVP
12BHIM SINGH PURI RSP
13RAN PAL SINGH BGTD
14RAJ PAUL CHAUHAN BPD
15RAJESH NAGAR RDMP
16LABHU RAM GARG RKSP
17LILA DEVI RVNP
18VINOD DUKHIYA ABHM
19SHAHIDA PARVEEN UWF
20DR SITA RAM SHARMA RWS
21SUHAIL AHMED SP
22ASHOK KUMAR GOTEWALA IND
23ASHISH SAXENA IND
24IMAM RAJA NAQVI IND
25OM PRAKASH THAKUR IND
26ZAHEER AHMED IND
27NASRIN BEGUM IND
28PURAN CHAND IND
29PREM NARAIN IND
30BALRAM BARI IND
31BASHIRUDDIN IND
32BABU LAL BAIRWA IND
33BEER SINGH IND
34RANJEET KUMAR IND
35RAJENDER SINGH CHANDELIYA IND
36ROHIT KUMAR IND
37LAIQ AHMED IND
38VIJENDER KHARI IND
39MOHD SHAFIQ IND
40SANJAY KUMAR IND
41SUNIL KUMAR IND
BURARI-2 TIMARPUR-3 SEEMA PURI-63 ROHTAS NAGAR-64 SEELAMPUR-65
GHONDA-66 BABARPUR-67 GOKALPUR-68 MUSTAFABAD-69 KARAWAL NAGAR-70
U05-2-DL-NORTH EAST DELHI 1JAI PRAKASH AGARWAL INC
2HAJI DILSHAD ALI BSP
3BLSHARMA PREM BJP
4ANIS AHMAD ANSARI SP
5ISRAR KHAN RPIE
6KALIRAM TOMAR IJP
7GANESH PAL BSKP
8PRAMOD TIWARI MBP
9MANOHAR LAL AWD
10SUSHIL KUMAR MISHRA ABHM
11MOLANA ABDUSSAMI IND
12MANAGER CHAURASIYA IND
13PROF RN SINGH IND
14MOHD SHEAR NABI CHAMAN IND
15SANTOSH DEVI IND
16MOHD HASNAIN IND
JANGPURA-41 OKHLA-54 TRILOKPURI-55 KONDLI-56 PATPARGANJ-57 LAXMI
NAGAR-58 VISHWAS NAGAR-59 KRISHNA NAGAR-60 GANDHI NAGAR-61 SHAHDARA-62
U05-3-DL-EAST DELHI 1CHETAN CHAUHAN BJP
2MOHAMMAD YUNUS BSP
3SANDEEP DIKSHIT INC
4ABDUL GAFFAR LD
5AMIT KUMAR SP
6PAWAN KUMAR RPI(A)
7BAIJ NATH PRASAD PATHAK ABHM
8VIJAY KUMAR SHARMA BPD
9SUTAPA CHAKRABORTY SHS
10ABDUL RAJJAQ IND
11AMAR DASS IND
12KUSUM BAHL IND
13DR PREM SINGH IND
14RAJ KUMAR JAISWAL IND
15RAJ PAL SINGH IND
16RAJAN IND
17VIKRAM SETH IND
KAROL BAGH-23 PATEL NAGAR-24 MOTI NAGAR-25 DELHI CANTT-38 RAJINDER
NAGAR-39 NEW DELHI-40 KASTURBA NAGAR-42 MALVIYA NAGAR-43 R. K.
PURAM-44 GREATER KAILASH-50
U05-4-DL-NEW DELHI 1AJAY MAKAN INC
2TRILOK CHAND SHARMA BSP
3VIJAY GOEL BJP
4AAMER AHMED MADNI SP
5JITENDAR KUMAR GUPTA BPC
6NARESH CHANDER PAL BSKRP
7NISHA BANO ANC
8MAHARAJ KUMAR DBP
9MURTAZA PHOOL JD(S)
10RAJ KUMAR NAYYAR PPOI
11RAJESH KUMAR SABHARWAL JMM
12MAJOR SANGEETA TOMAR YFE
13SANJEEV KUMAR MISHRA RVNP
14SUDHIR KUMAR BPD
15SUDHIR GANDOTRA THPI
16SUNITA CHAUDHARY UWF
17HARENDER RKJP
18HARSH MALHOTRA JKNPP
19AJAY PRAKASH HARIT IND
20ANIL KUMAR GAUTAM IND
21ASHUTHOSH KUMAR IND
22KAPIL MITRA IND
23KARAN KUMAR IND
24KRISHAN KUMAR TYAGI IND
25GHANSHYAM DASS IND
26JAGAT SINGH CHAUHAN IND
27DINESH KUMAR IND
28PREM NARAYAN KHANDELWAL IND
29BHAGWAN DAS IND
30B B MALHOTRA IND
31MANTU IND
32RAMESH BHAGWAT IND
33LACHHMAN DASS IND
34LUKMAN KHAN IND
35VED PRAKASH IND
36SHIBAN KRISHAN RAZDAN IND
37SHIV KUMAR SHAH IND
38SAPNA RANI BEHL IND
39SURENDER SINGH DABAS IND
40HARKRISHAN DAS NIJHAWAN IND
NERELA-1 BADLI-5 RITHALA-6 BAWANA-7 MUNDKA-8 KIRARI-9 SULTANPUR
MAJRA-10 NANGLOI JAT-11 MANGOL PURI-12 ROHINI-13
U05-5-DL-NORTH WEST DELHI 1KIRSHNA TIRATH INC
2MEERA KANWARIA BJP
3RAKESH HANS BSP
4ARVIND KATARIA AIBS
5GEETA RPI(A)
6PAPPU SAGAR IJP
7BABU LAL ASP
8MATHURA PASWAN CPIMLL
9DR MILIND BHARTI NELU
10RAM KUMAR BPC
11SUNIL KUMAR PARCHHA SP
12HOTI LAL GANDHI BSKRP
13INDER SINGH IND
14DHARAM SINGH PARCHA IND
15NARENDER PAL KASHYAP IND
16HARBANS LAL IND
MADIPUR-26 RAJOURI GARDEN-27 HARI NAGAR-28 TILAK NAGAR-29
JANAKPURI-30 VIKASPURI-31 UTTAM NAGAR-32 DWARKA-33 MATIALA-34
NAJAFGARH-35
U05-6-DL-WEST DELHI 1PROF JAGDISH MUKHI BJP
2DEEPAK BHARDWAJ BSP
3MAHABAL MISHRA INC
4KRISHAN KUMAR SHARMA BSKRP
5POONAM KUMARI SRIVASTAVA JBP
6BAL KISHAN PAL RALP
7SHYAM SUNDER JAIN SP
8SUKHMENDER SINGH RPI(A)
9DINESH JAIN IND
10NIRMALA SHARMA IND
11RAJESH SINHA IND
12RAM KUMAR DABRIWAL IND
13SUDARSHAN SINGH IND
14SUVASH KUMAR CHOUDHARY IND
15HAR GOBIND ARORA IND
BIJWASAN-36 PALAM-37 MEHRAULI-45 CHHATARPUR-46 DEOLI-47 AMBEDKAR
NAGAR-48 SANGAM VIHAR-49 KALKAJI-51 TUGHLAKABAD-52 BADARPUR-53
U05-7-DL-SOUTH DELHI 1KANWAR SINGH TANWAR BSP
2RAMESH KUMAR INC
3RAMESH BIDHURI BJP
4SHRICHAND TANWAR CPI
5AK GUPTA SP
6SF PURUSHOTTAM LKJP
7BALMUKUND PANDEY RJAP
8RAM SIRJAN BHAGAT LPSP
9SANTOSH TRIPATHI YVP
10HEMA MOHAN RKJP
11KANTA PINGOLIA IND
12BIRJU NAYAK IND
13MOHD USMAN SIDDIQUI IND
14SIYA NAND MANDAL IND
15WING COMMANDER SURJIT SINGH IND
LAKSHADWEEP-1
U06-1-LD-LAKSHADWEEP 1MUHAMMED HAMDULLA SAYEED AB INC
2DR P POOKUNHIKOYA NCP
3DR K P MUTHUKOYA BJP
4LUKMANUL HAKEEM CPM
MANNADIPET-1 THIRUBUVANAI-2 OUSSUDU-3 MANGALAM-4 VILLIANUR-5
OZHUKARAI-6 KADIRGAMAM-7 INDIRA NAGAR-8 THATTANCHAVADY-9 KAMARAJ
NAGAR-10
U07-1-PY-PUDUCHERRY 1RAMADASS M PMK
2M SOMASUNDARAM BSP
3NARAYANASAMY INC
4VISWESWARAN M BJP
5KAU ASANAA DMDK
6S GOVINDASAMY KDC
7S GNANAVEL JMM
8S BALASUBRAMANIAN CPI(ML)(L)
9PRADEEP ANIRUDDH PPOI
10A RAJASEKAR LJP
11ARUNACHALAM K IND
12V RAJENDRAN IND
13V RAMAMURTHY IND
14KALIAMURTHY K IND
15V SARAVANAN IND
16M CHITTIBABU IND
17SIVARAMAN V IND
18G SUBRAMANIYAN IND
19A SENKADIR IND
20IM SEKAR IND
21MUPPADAI MATHIMAHARAJA IND
22DR R NARAYANAN IND
23MANIMARAN IND
24MOHAMED YOUSUF SA IND
25MURUGAIYAN KS IND
26V LINGAMURTHY IND
27P VIJAYABASKAR IND
28VEERAMUTHU A IND
India’s 2009 General Elections: How drastically will the vote-share of political parties change from 2004?
May 2, 2009 — drsubrotoroyClose to 389 million valid votes were cast in India’s previous General Election in 2004 to the 14th Lok Sabha, according to the Election Commission’s volume STATISTICAL REPORT ON GENERAL ELECTIONS, 2004 TO THE 14th LOK SABHA VOLUME III (DETAILS FOR ASSEMBLY SEGMENTS OF PARLIAMENTARY CONSTITUENCIES).
Unfortunately, the Election Commission, like the Government of India in general, remains extremely uncomfortable with using Excel or any spreadsheets at all, and hence much of the information they provide remains unproductive — reflecting, I am afraid, rather obsolescent technology and organisation and management. From an Excel spreadsheet I have had to create for myself using EC data, my calculations give the following breakdown of the votes received in 2004 by most of the larger political parties:
2004 Lok Sabha Elections
ADMK AllIndiaAnnaDravidaMunnetraKazhagam 8,547,014
AGP AsomGanaParishad 2,069,600
AIFB AllIndiaForwardBloc 1,365,055
AITC AllIndiaTrinamoolCongress 7,863,220
BJD BijuJanataDal 5,082,849
BJP BharatiyaJanataParty 86,181,116
BSP BahujanSamajParty 21,037,968
CPI CommunistPartyofIndia 5,484,111
CPI(ML)(L) CommunistPartyofIndia(Marxist-Leninist)(Liberation) 1,280,240
CPM CommunistPartyofIndia(Marxist) 22,065,283
DMK DravidaMunnetraKazhagam 7,064,393
INC IndianNationalCongress 103,118,475
IND Independents 16,523,857
INLD IndianNationalLokDal 1,918,943
JD(S) JanataDal(Secular) 5,732,296
JD(U) JanataDal(United) 9,129,366
JMM JharkhandMuktiMorcha 1,846,843
MDMK MarumalarchiDravidaMunnetraKazhagam 1,679,870
PMK PattaliMakkalKatchi 2,169,020
NCP NationalistCongressParty 7,019,236
RJD RashtriyaJanataDal 9,384,147
RLD RashtriyaLokDal 2,463,603
RSP RevolutionarySocialistParty 1,689,794
SAD ShiromaniAkaliDal 3,506,681
SHS ShivSena 7,050,432
SP SamajwadiParty 16,822,902
TDP TeluguDesam 11,844,811
TRS TelanganaRashtraSamithi 2,441,405
That accounts for 372,382,530. The precise total of valid votes that I get by tabulating EC data using my spreadsheet is 388,920,557. The EC itself reports in the very same document a total of 388,672,504. The percentage difference is close enough to zero but it should be zero itself; I shall be delighted if my spreadsheet’s total is the incorrect one somehow, even though it uses the EC’s own data; but it does lead me to ask: “Who, if anyone, audits the Election Commission’s numerical calculations and vote tallies? Why is India’s ordinary public not informed about all this and other processes of the Election Commission perfectly transparently as a matter of routine? Is reform necessary of the processes and procedures of the Election Commission itself?”.
(Incidentally, the slight discrepancy in the totals could have arisen perhaps because my spreadsheet does, correctly, include the relatively small number of postal ballots, whereas the EC’s total possibly has not done.)
Raw votes like those described above do not of course translate directly into seats in Parliament but even so they indicate the state of popular political opinion in 2004. By how much will that popular opinion be found to have changed in 2009? How will demographic changes, and the delimitation exercise that has redrawn constituencies, affect the new outcomes? These are the kind of grown-up adult questions to ask yourself if you get bored with the endless pretentious waffle that emerges from our talking-heads on TV etc regarding the ongoing election.
Notice too the 16.5 million people of India who voted in 2004 for Independents! What on earth has made Dr Manmohan Singh recently initiate an absurd debate against them?
Here below as well is the full list of all parties that were in contention in 2004; if you want to know the vote-share any of them received according to my spreadsheet, send in a comment to this post and I shall try to respond. Better still, look up the EC volume mentioned and create your own spreadsheet from its data, and tell me how accurate mine is. (But beware, the spreadsheet will have some 60,000 rows to start with!)
Subroto Roy
List of parties in 2004
AB AkhandBharti
ABCD(A) AkhilBharatiyaCongressDal(Ambedkar)
ABDBM AkhilBharatiyaDeshBhaktMorcha
ABHM AkhilBharatHinduMahasabha
ABHS AkhilBharatiyaSena
ABJS AkhilBharatiyaJanSangh
ABLTASJM AkhilBharatiyaLokTantrikAlp-SankhyakJanMorcha
ABLTP AkhilBharatiyaLoktantraParty
ABRAHP AkhilBharatiyaRashtriyaAzadHindParty
ABRS AkhilBharatiyaRajaryaSabha
AC ArunachalCongress
AD ApnaDal
ADMK AllIndiaAnnaDravidaMunnetraKazhagam
AGP AsomGanaParishad
AIFB AllIndiaForwardBloc
AIMF AllIndiaMinoritiesFront
AIMIM AllIndiaMajlis-E-IttehadulMuslimeen
AITC AllIndiaTrinamoolCongress
AJSU AllJharkhandStudentsUnion
AKMDMP AllKeralaM.G.R.DravidaMunnetraParty
AMB AmraBangalee
ANC AmbedkarNationalCongress
AP AwamiParty
ARP AmbedkaristRepublicanParty
ASDC AutonomousStateDemandCommittee
ASP AmbedkarSamajParty
BBM BharipaBahujanMahasangha
BBP BharatiyaBackwardParty
BED BharatiyaEktaDal
BEP BharatiyaEklavyaParty
BGTD BharatiyaGaonTajDal
BJD BijuJanataDal
BJP BharatiyaJanataParty
BJVP BharatiyaJanvadiParty
BKD BahujanKisanDal
BKLJP BharatKiLokJimmedarParty
BKRP BharatKrantiRakshakParty
BLKD BharatiyaLokKalyanDal
BLP BharatiyaLabourParty
BMP(AI) BharatiyaMuhabbatParty(AllIndia)
BMSM BharatiyaMinoritiesSurakshaMahasangh
BMVP BharatiyaManavataVikasParty
BNP BharatiyaNavshaktiparty
BNRP BharatiyaNagrikParty
BPSGKD BharatiyaPrajatantrikShudhGandhiwadiKrishakDal
BPSP BiharPeople’sParty
BPTP BharatiyaPrajatantraParty
BRP BharatiyaRashtravadiPaksha
BRPP BharatiyaRepublicanPaksha
BSDP BhartiSarvadarshiParishad
BSJM BharatiyaSurajyaManch
BSK BharatiyaSarvkalayanKrantiDal
BSP BahujanSamajParty
BVP BahujanVikasParty
CPI CommunistPartyofIndia
CPI(ML)(L) CommunistPartyofIndia(Marxist-Leninist)(Liberation)
CPM CommunistPartyofIndia(Marxist)
CSP ChhattisgarhiSamajParty
DBP DeshBhaktParty
DBSP DemocraticBharatiyaSamajParty
DMK DravidaMunnetraKazhagam
EKD(UP) EktaKrantiDalU.P.
ES EktaShakti
EU EphraimUnion
FCI FederalCongressofIndia
FPM FederalPartyofManipur
GGP GondvanaGantantraParty
HEAP HinduEktaAndolanParty
HJP HindustanJantaParty
HM HindMorcha
HVP HaryanaVikasParty
IBSP IndianBahujanSamajwadiParty
IFDP IndianFederalDemocraticParty
IJP IndianJusticeParty
INC IndianNationalCongress
IND Independent
INL IndianNationalLeague
INLD IndianNationalLokDal
JCP JanChetnaParty
JD(S) JanataDal(Secular)
JD(U) JanataDal(United)
JDP JharkhandDisomParty
JHP JaiHindParty
JHSP JanhitSamajParty
JJ JebamaniJanata
JKAL JammuAndKashmirAwamiLeague
JKN Jammu&KashmirNationalConference
JKNPP Jammu&KashmirNationalPanthersParty
JKP JharkhandParty
JKP(N) JharkhandParty(Naren)
JKPDP Jammu&KashmirPeoplesDemocraticParty
JKPP JharkhandPeople’sParty
JMM JharkhandMuktiMorcha
JMP JanmangalPaksh
JP JanataParty
JSP JansattaParty
JUM JanaUnnayanMancha
JVP JanataVikasParty
KEC KeralaCongress
KEC(M) KeralaCongress(M)
KKJHS KrantiKariJaiHindSena
KMM KrantikariManuwadiMorcha
KNDP KannadaNaduParty
KSVP KrantikariSamyavadiParty
KVSP KosiVikasParty
LBP LokBhalaiParty
LCP LoktantrikChetnaParty
LJNSP LokJanShaktiParty
LP(S) LabourParty(Secular)
LPI(V) LabourPartyOfIndia(V.V.Prasad)
LPSP LokpriyaSamajParty
LRP LokRajyaParty
LSD LokSewaDal
LSWP LoktantrikSamajwadiParty
MAG MaharashtrawadiGomantak
MB(S)P MoolBharati(S)Party
MBT MajlisBachaoTahreek
MC MominConference
MCO MarxistCo-Ordination
MCPI(S) MarxistCommunistPartyofIndia(S.S.Srivastava)
MDMK MarumalarchiDravidaMunnetraKazhagam
MJM ManavJagritiManch
MNF MizoNationalFront
MNVP ManuvadiParty
MPP ManipurPeople’sParty
MRRC MaharashtraRajivCongress
MRS MudirajRashtriyaSamithi
MUL MuslimLeagueKeralaStateCommittee
NBNP NavbharatNirmanParty
NCP NationalistCongressParty
NLP NationalLoktantrikParty
NMNP NidayaMalik(N)Party
NPF NagalandPeoplesFront
NPF NagalandPeoplesFront
NSP NationalStudentsParty
NSSP NiswarthSewaParty
NSTP NaariShaktiParty
NTRTDP(LP) NTRTeluguDesamParty(LakshmiParvathi)
PBLP PhuleBhartiLokParty
PBRML PaschimBangaRajyaMuslimLeague
PDP PeoplesDemocraticParty
PDS PartyforDemocraticSocialism
PHSP PichhraSamajParty
PMK PattaliMakkalKatchi
PMP ParmarthParty
PMSP PragatisheelManavSamajParty
PP PrajaParty
PPOI PyramidPartyofIndia
PRBP PeoplesRepublicanParty
PRCP PrabuddhaRepublicanParty
PRP PanchayatRajParty
PSJP ParivartanSamajParty
PTSS ProutistSarvaSamajParty
PWPI PeasantsAndWorkersPartyofIndia
RCP RashtravadiCommunistParty
RCPI(R) RevolutionaryCommunistPartyofIndia(RasikBhatt)
RGD RashtriyaGaribDal
RHD RashtriyaHamaraDal
RJAP RashtriyaJanadhikarParty
RJD RashtriyaJanataDal
RJVP RajasthanVikasParty
RKSP RashtriyaKrantikariSamajwadiParty
RLD RashtriyaLokDal
RLD RashtriyaLokDal
RLSM RashtriyaLokSevaMorcha
RPD RashtriyaParivartanDal
RPI RepublicanPartyofIndia
RPI(A) RepublicanPartyofIndia(A)
RPI(D) RepublicanPartyOfIndia(Democratic)
RPI(KH) RepublicanPartyOfIndia(Khobragade)
RSBP RashtriyaSwabhimaanParty
RSD RashtriyaSawarnDal
RSGP RashtriyaGarimaParty
RSKP RashtriyaSakarParty
RSMD RashtriyaSamantaDal
RSNP RashtriyaSamajikNayakPaksha
RSP RevolutionarySocialistParty
RSP RevolutionarySocialistParty
RSPS RashtriyaSamajPaksha
RVNP RashtravadiJanataParty
RVP RashtriyaVikasParty
SAD ShiromaniAkaliDal
SAD(M) ShiromaniAkaliDal(SimranjitSinghMann)
SAP SamataParty
SBS ShikshitBerozgarSena
SBSP SuheldevBhartiyaSamajParty
SDF SikkimDemocraticFront
SDP SocialisticDemocraticParty
SHRP SikkimHimaliRajyaParishad
SHS Shivsena
SHS Shivsena
SHSP ShoshitSamajParty
SJP(R) SamajwadiJanataParty(Rashtriya)
SLAP SocialActionParty
SLP(L) SocialistParty(Lohia)
SMSP SamataSamajParty
SP SamajwadiParty
SP SamajwadiParty
SPI SecularPartyofIndia
SPVD SampurnaVikasDal
SSD ShoshitSamajDal
SSJP SanatanSamajParty
SSP SikkimSangramParishad
SVRP ShivrajyaParty
SVSP SavarnSamajParty
SWD SwarajDal
SWJP SamajwadiJanParishad
TDK TamilDesiyakKatchi
TDP TeluguDesam
TNGP TrinamoolGanaParishad
TRS TelanganaRashtraSamithi
UGDP UnitedGoansDemocraticParty
UKKD UttarakhandKrantiDal
UMFA UnitedMinoritiesFront,Assam
USYP UrsSamyukthaPaksha
VJC VidharbhaJanataCongress
VJP VijetaParty
VP VikasParty
VRP VidharbhaRajyaParty
YGP YuvaGantantraParty
YSP YouthandStudentsParty
India’s 2009 General Elections: 467 constituencies (out of 543) for which candidates have been announced as of 1700hrs April 21
April 21, 2009 — drsubrotoroyS01 1 16-Apr-09 AP ADILABAD
S01 2 16-Apr-09 AP PEDDAPALLE
S01 3 16-Apr-09 AP KARIMNAGAR
S01 4 16-Apr-09 AP NIZAMABAD
S01 5 16-Apr-09 AP ZAHIRABAD
S01 6 16-Apr-09 AP MEDAK
S01 7 16-Apr-09 AP MALKAJGIRI
S01 8 16-Apr-09 AP SECUNDRABAD
S01 9 16-Apr-09 AP HYDERABAD
S01 10 16-Apr-09 AP CHELVELLA
S01 11 16-Apr-09 AP MAHBUBNAGAR
S01 12 16-Apr-09 AP NAGARKURNOOL
S01 13 16-Apr-09 AP NALGONDA
S01 14 16-Apr-09 AP BHONGIR
S01 15 16-Apr-09 AP WARANGAL
S01 16 16-Apr-09 AP MAHABUBABAD
S01 17 16-Apr-09 AP KHAMMAM
S01 18 16-Apr-09 AP ARUKU
S01 19 16-Apr-09 AP SRIKAKULAM
S01 20 16-Apr-09 AP VIZIANAGARAM
S01 21 16-Apr-09 AP VISAKHAPATNAM
S01 22 16-Apr-09 AP ANAKAPALLI
S01 23 23-Apr-09 AP KAKINADA
S01 24 23-Apr-09 AP AMALAPURAM
S01 25 23-Apr-09 AP RAJAHMUNDRY
S01 26 23-Apr-09 AP NARSAPURAM
S01 27 23-Apr-09 AP ELURU
S01 28 23-Apr-09 AP MACHILIPATNAM
S01 29 23-Apr-09 AP VIJAYAWADA
S01 30 23-Apr-09 AP GUNTUR
S01 31 23-Apr-09 AP NARASARAOPET
S01 32 23-Apr-09 AP BAPATLA
S01 33 23-Apr-09 AP ONGOLE
S01 34 23-Apr-09 AP NANDYAL
S01 35 23-Apr-09 AP KURNOOL
S01 36 23-Apr-09 AP ANANTAPUR
S01 37 23-Apr-09 AP HINDUPUR
S01 38 23-Apr-09 AP KADAPA
S01 39 23-Apr-09 AP NELLORE
S01 40 23-Apr-09 AP TIRUPATI
S01 41 23-Apr-09 AP RAJAMPET
S01 42 23-Apr-09 AP CHITTOOR
S02 1 16-Apr-09 AR ARUNACHAL WEST
S02 2 16-Apr-09 AR ARUNACHAL EAST
S03 1 16-Apr-09 AS KARIMGANJ
S03 2 16-Apr-09 AS SILCHAR
S03 3 16-Apr-09 AS AUTONOMOUS DISTRICT
S03 4 23-Apr-09 AS DHUBRI
S03 5 23-Apr-09 AS KOKRAJHAR
S03 6 23-Apr-09 AS BARPETA
S03 7 23-Apr-09 AS GAUHATI
S03 8 23-Apr-09 AS MANGALDOI
S03 9 23-Apr-09 AS TEZPUR
S03 10 23-Apr-09 AS NOWGONG
S03 11 23-Apr-09 AS KALIABOR
S03 12 23-Apr-09 AS JORHAT
S03 13 23-Apr-09 AS DIBRUGARH
S03 14 23-Apr-09 AS LAKHIMPUR
S04 1 23-Apr-09 BR VALMIKI NAGAR
S04 2 23-Apr-09 BR PASCHIM CHAMPARAN
S04 3 23-Apr-09 BR PURVI CHAMPARAN
S04 4 23-Apr-09 BR SHEOHAR
S04 5 23-Apr-09 BR SITAMARHI
S04 6 23-Apr-09 BR MADHUBANI
S04 7 23-Apr-09 BR JHANJHARPUR
S04 8 30-Apr-09 BR SUPAUL
S04 9 30-Apr-09 BR ARARIA
S04 10 30-Apr-09 BR KISHANGANJ
S04 11 30-Apr-09 BR KATIHAR
S04 12 30-Apr-09 BR PURNIA
S04 13 30-Apr-09 BR MADHEPURA
S04 14 23-Apr-09 BR DARBHANGA
S04 15 23-Apr-09 BR MUZAFFARPUR
S04 16 23-Apr-09 BR VAISHALI
S04 17 16-Apr-09 BR GOPALGANJ
S04 18 16-Apr-09 BR SIWAN
S04 19 16-Apr-09 BR MAHARAJGANJ
S04 20 16-Apr-09 BR SARAN
S04 21 23-Apr-09 BR HAJIPUR
S04 22 23-Apr-09 BR UJIARPUR
S04 23 23-Apr-09 BR SAMASTIPUR
S04 24 30-Apr-09 BR BEGUSARAI
S04 25 30-Apr-09 BR KHAGARIA
S04 26 30-Apr-09 BR BHAGALPUR
S04 27 30-Apr-09 BR BANKA
S04 28 30-Apr-09 BR MUNGER
S04 29 7-May-09 BR NALANDA
S04 32 16-Apr-09 BR ARRAH
S04 33 16-Apr-09 BR BUXAR
S04 34 16-Apr-09 BR SASARAM
S04 35 16-Apr-09 BR KARAKAT
S04 36 16-Apr-09 BR JAHANABAD
S04 37 16-Apr-09 BR AURANGABAD
S04 38 16-Apr-09 BR GAYA
S04 39 16-Apr-09 BR NAWADA
S04 40 16-Apr-09 BR JAMUI
S05 1 23-Apr-09 GA NORTH GOA
S05 2 23-Apr-09 GA SOUTH GOA
S06 1 30-Apr-09 GJ KACHCHH
S06 2 30-Apr-09 GJ BANASKANTHA
S06 3 30-Apr-09 GJ PATAN
S06 4 30-Apr-09 GJ MAHESANA
S06 5 30-Apr-09 GJ SABARKANTHA
S06 6 30-Apr-09 GJ GANDHINAGAR
S06 7 30-Apr-09 GJ AHMEDABAD EAST
S06 8 30-Apr-09 GJ AHMEDABAD WEST
S06 9 30-Apr-09 GJ SURENDRANAGAR
S06 10 30-Apr-09 GJ RAJKOT
S06 11 30-Apr-09 GJ PORBANDAR
S06 12 30-Apr-09 GJ JAMNAGAR
S06 13 30-Apr-09 GJ JUNAGADH
S06 14 30-Apr-09 GJ AMRELI
S06 15 30-Apr-09 GJ BHAVNAGAR
S06 16 30-Apr-09 GJ ANAND
S06 17 30-Apr-09 GJ KHEDA
S06 18 30-Apr-09 GJ PANCHMAHAL
S06 19 30-Apr-09 GJ DAHOD
S06 20 30-Apr-09 GJ VADODARA
S06 21 30-Apr-09 GJ CHHOTA UDAIPUR
S06 22 30-Apr-09 GJ BHARUCH
S06 23 30-Apr-09 GJ BARDOLI
S06 24 30-Apr-09 GJ SURAT
S06 25 30-Apr-09 GJ NAVSARI
S06 26 30-Apr-09 GJ VALSAD
S07 1 7-May-09 HR AMBALA
S07 2 7-May-09 HR KURUKSHETRA
S07 3 7-May-09 HR SIRSA
S07 4 7-May-09 HR HISAR
S07 5 7-May-09 HR KARNAL
S07 6 7-May-09 HR SONIPAT
S07 7 7-May-09 HR ROHTAK
S07 8 7-May-09 HR BHIWANI-MAHENDRAGARH
S07 9 7-May-09 HR GURGAON
S07 10 7-May-09 HR FARIDABAD
S08 2 13-May-09 HP MANDI
S08 3 13-May-09 HP HAMIRPUR
S08 4 13-May-09 HP SHIMLA
S09 2 7-May-09 JK SRINAGAR
S09 3 30-Apr-09 JK ANANTNAG
S09 5 23-Apr-09 JK UDHAMPUR
S09 6 16-Apr-09 JK JAMMU
S10 1 23-Apr-09 KA CHIKKODI
S10 2 23-Apr-09 KA BELGAUM
S10 3 30-Apr-09 KA BAGALKOT
S10 4 23-Apr-09 KA BIJAPUR
S10 5 23-Apr-09 KA GULBARGA
S10 6 23-Apr-09 KA RAICHUR
S10 7 23-Apr-09 KA BIDAR
S10 8 23-Apr-09 KA KOPPAL
S10 9 23-Apr-09 KA BELLARY
S10 10 30-Apr-09 KA HAVERI
S10 11 30-Apr-09 KA DHARWAD
S10 12 23-Apr-09 KA UTTARA KANNADA
S10 13 30-Apr-09 KA DAVANAGERE
S10 14 30-Apr-09 KA SHIMOGA
S10 15 30-Apr-09 KA UDUPI CHIKMAGALUR
S10 16 30-Apr-09 KA HASSAN
S10 17 30-Apr-09 KA DAKSHINA KANNADA
S10 18 23-Apr-09 KA CHITRADURGA
S10 19 23-Apr-09 KA TUMKUR
S10 20 30-Apr-09 KA MANDYA
S10 21 30-Apr-09 KA MYSORE
S10 22 30-Apr-09 KA CHAMARAJANAGAR
S10 23 23-Apr-09 KA BANGALORE RURAL
S10 24 23-Apr-09 KA BANGALORE NORTH
S10 25 23-Apr-09 KA BANGALORE CENTRAL
S10 26 23-Apr-09 KA BANGALORE SOUTH
S10 27 23-Apr-09 KA CHIKKBALLAPUR
S10 28 23-Apr-09 KA KOLAR
S11 1 16-Apr-09 KL KASARAGOD
S11 2 16-Apr-09 KL KANNUR
S11 3 16-Apr-09 KL VADAKARA
S11 4 16-Apr-09 KL WAYANAD
S11 5 16-Apr-09 KL KOZHIKODE
S11 6 16-Apr-09 KL MALAPPURAM
S11 7 16-Apr-09 KL PONNANI
S11 8 16-Apr-09 KL PALAKKAD
S11 9 16-Apr-09 KL ALATHUR
S11 10 16-Apr-09 KL THRISSUR
S11 11 16-Apr-09 KL CHALAKUDY
S11 12 16-Apr-09 KL ERNAKULAM
S11 13 16-Apr-09 KL IDUKKI
S11 14 16-Apr-09 KL KOTTAYAM
S11 15 16-Apr-09 KL ALAPPUZHA
S11 16 16-Apr-09 KL MAVELIKKARA
S11 17 16-Apr-09 KL PATHANAMTHITTA
S11 18 16-Apr-09 KL KOLLAM
S11 19 16-Apr-09 KL ATTINGAL
S11 20 16-Apr-09 KL THIRUVANANTHAPURAM
S12 1 30-Apr-09 MP MORENA
S12 2 30-Apr-09 MP BHIND
S12 3 30-Apr-09 MP GWALIOR
S12 4 30-Apr-09 MP GUNA
S12 5 30-Apr-09 MP SAGAR
S12 6 30-Apr-09 MP TIKAMGARH
S12 7 30-Apr-09 MP DAMOH
S12 8 23-Apr-09 MP KHAJURAHO
S12 9 23-Apr-09 MP SATNA
S12 10 23-Apr-09 MP REWA
S12 11 23-Apr-09 MP SIDHI
S12 12 23-Apr-09 MP SHAHDOL
S12 13 23-Apr-09 MP JABALPUR
S12 14 23-Apr-09 MP MANDLA
S12 15 23-Apr-09 MP BALAGHAT
S12 16 23-Apr-09 MP CHHINDWARA
S12 17 23-Apr-09 MP HOSHANGABAD
S12 18 23-Apr-09 MP VIDISHA
S12 19 23-Apr-09 MP BHOPAL
S12 20 30-Apr-09 MP RAJGARH
S12 21 30-Apr-09 MP DEWAS
S12 22 30-Apr-09 MP UJJAIN
S12 23 30-Apr-09 MP MANDSOUR
S12 24 30-Apr-09 MP RATLAM
S12 25 30-Apr-09 MP DHAR
S12 26 30-Apr-09 MP INDORE
S12 27 30-Apr-09 MP KHARGONE
S12 28 30-Apr-09 MP KHANDWA
S12 29 23-Apr-09 MP BETUL
S13 1 23-Apr-09 MH NANDURBAR
S13 2 23-Apr-09 MH DHULE
S13 3 23-Apr-09 MH JALGAON
S13 4 23-Apr-09 MH RAVER
S13 5 16-Apr-09 MH BULDHANA
S13 6 16-Apr-09 MH AKOLA
S13 7 16-Apr-09 MH AMRAVATI
S13 8 16-Apr-09 MH WARDHA
S13 9 16-Apr-09 MH RAMTEK
S13 10 16-Apr-09 MH NAGPUR
S13 11 16-Apr-09 MH BHANDARA – GONDIYA
S13 12 16-Apr-09 MH GADCHIROLI-CHIMUR
S13 13 16-Apr-09 MH CHANDRAPUR
S13 14 16-Apr-09 MH YAVATMAL-WASHIM
S13 15 16-Apr-09 MH HINGOLI
S13 16 16-Apr-09 MH NANDED
S13 17 16-Apr-09 MH PARBHANI
S13 18 23-Apr-09 MH JALNA
S13 19 23-Apr-09 MH AURANGABAD
S13 20 23-Apr-09 MH DINDORI
S13 21 23-Apr-09 MH NASHIK
S13 22 30-Apr-09 MH PALGHAR
S13 23 30-Apr-09 MH BHIWANDI
S13 24 30-Apr-09 MH KALYAN
S13 25 30-Apr-09 MH THANE
S13 26 30-Apr-09 MH MUMBAI NORTH
S13 27 30-Apr-09 MH MUMBAI NORTH WEST
S13 28 30-Apr-09 MH MUMBAI NORTH EAST
S13 29 30-Apr-09 MH MUMBAI NORTH CENTRAL
S13 30 30-Apr-09 MH MUMBAI SOUTH CENTRAL
S13 31 30-Apr-09 MH MUMBAI SOUTH
S13 32 23-Apr-09 MH RAIGAD
S13 33 23-Apr-09 MH MAVAL
S13 34 23-Apr-09 MH PUNE
S13 35 23-Apr-09 MH BARAMATI
S13 36 23-Apr-09 MH SHIRUR
S13 37 23-Apr-09 MH AHMADNAGAR
S13 38 23-Apr-09 MH SHIRDI
S13 39 23-Apr-09 MH BEED
S13 40 23-Apr-09 MH OSMANABAD
S13 41 23-Apr-09 MH LATUR
S13 42 23-Apr-09 MH SOLAPUR
S13 43 23-Apr-09 MH MADHA
S13 44 23-Apr-09 MH SANGLI
S13 45 23-Apr-09 MH SATARA
S13 46 23-Apr-09 MH RATNAGIRI – SINDHUDURG
S13 47 23-Apr-09 MH KOLHAPUR
S13 48 23-Apr-09 MH HATKANANGLE
S14 1 22-Apr-09 MN INNER MANIPUR
S14 2 16-Apr-09 MN OUTER MANIPUR
S15 1 16-Apr-09 ML SHILLONG
S15 2 16-Apr-09 ML TURA
S16 1 16-Apr-09 MZ MIZORAM
S17 1 16-Apr-09 NL NAGALAND
S18 1 16-Apr-09 OR BARGARH
S18 2 16-Apr-09 OR SUNDARGARH
S18 3 16-Apr-09 OR SAMBALPUR
S18 4 23-Apr-09 OR KEONJHAR
S18 5 23-Apr-09 OR MAYURBHANJ
S18 6 23-Apr-09 OR BALASORE
S18 7 23-Apr-09 OR BHADRAK
S18 8 23-Apr-09 OR JAJPUR
S18 9 23-Apr-09 OR DHENKANAL
S18 10 16-Apr-09 OR BOLANGIR
S18 11 16-Apr-09 OR KALAHANDI
S18 12 16-Apr-09 OR NABARANGPUR
S18 13 16-Apr-09 OR KANDHAMAL
S18 14 23-Apr-09 OR CUTTACK
S18 15 23-Apr-09 OR KENDRAPARA
S18 16 23-Apr-09 OR JAGATSINGHPUR
S18 17 23-Apr-09 OR PURI
S18 18 23-Apr-09 OR BHUBANESWAR
S18 19 16-Apr-09 OR ASKA
S18 20 16-Apr-09 OR BERHAMPUR
S18 21 16-Apr-09 OR KORAPUT
S19 1 13-May-09 PB GURDASPUR
S19 2 13-May-09 PB AMRITSAR
S19 4 13-May-09 PB JALANDHAR
S19 5 13-May-09 PB HOSHIARPUR
S19 6 13-May-09 PB ANANDPUR SAHIB
S19 7 13-May-09 PB LUDHIANA
S19 8 13-May-09 PB FATEHGARH SAHIB
S19 9 13-May-09 PB FARIDKOT
S19 10 7-May-09 PB FEROZPUR
S19 11 7-May-09 PB BATHINDA
S19 12 7-May-09 PB SANGRUR
S19 13 7-May-09 PB PATIALA
S20 1 7-May-09 RJ GANGANAGAR
S20 2 7-May-09 RJ BIKANER
S20 3 7-May-09 RJ CHURU
S20 4 7-May-09 RJ JHUNJHUNU
S20 5 7-May-09 RJ SIKAR
S20 6 7-May-09 RJ JAIPUR RURAL
S20 7 7-May-09 RJ JAIPUR
S20 8 7-May-09 RJ ALWAR
S20 9 7-May-09 RJ BHARATPUR
S20 10 7-May-09 RJ KARAULI-DHOLPUR
S20 11 7-May-09 RJ DAUSA
S20 12 7-May-09 RJ TONK-SAWAI MADHOPUR
S20 13 7-May-09 RJ AJMER
S20 14 7-May-09 RJ NAGAUR
S20 15 7-May-09 RJ PALI
S20 16 7-May-09 RJ JODHPUR
S20 17 7-May-09 RJ BARMER
S20 18 7-May-09 RJ JALORE
S20 19 7-May-09 RJ UDAIPUR
S20 20 7-May-09 RJ BANSWARA
S20 21 7-May-09 RJ CHITTORGARH
S20 22 7-May-09 RJ RAJSAMAND
S20 23 7-May-09 RJ BHILWARA
S20 24 7-May-09 RJ KOTA
S20 25 7-May-09 RJ JHALAWAR-BARAN
S21 1 30-Apr-09 SK SIKKIM
S23 1 23-Apr-09 TR TRIPURA WEST
S23 2 23-Apr-09 TR TRIPURA EAST
S24 2 7-May-09 UP KAIRANA
S24 3 7-May-09 UP MUZAFFARNAGAR
S24 10 7-May-09 UP MEERUT
S24 11 7-May-09 UP BAGHPAT
S24 13 7-May-09 UP GAUTAM BUDDH NAGAR
S24 14 7-May-09 UP BULANDSHAHR
S24 15 7-May-09 UP ALIGARH
S24 17 7-May-09 UP MATHURA
S24 18 7-May-09 UP AGRA
S24 19 7-May-09 UP FATEHPUR SIKRI
S24 21 7-May-09 UP MAINPURI
S24 22 7-May-09 UP ETAH
S24 30 30-Apr-09 UP SITAPUR
S24 31 30-Apr-09 UP HARDOI
S24 32 30-Apr-09 UP MISRIKH
S24 33 30-Apr-09 UP UNNAO
S24 34 30-Apr-09 UP MOHANLALGANJ
S24 35 30-Apr-09 UP LUCKNOW
S24 36 30-Apr-09 UP RAE BARELI
S24 37 23-Apr-09 UP AMETHI
S24 38 23-Apr-09 UP SULTANPUR
S24 39 23-Apr-09 UP PRATAPGARH
S24 40 7-May-09 UP FARRUKHABAD
S24 41 7-May-09 UP ETAWAH
S24 42 7-May-09 UP KANNAUJ
S24 43 30-Apr-09 UP KANPUR
S24 44 30-Apr-09 UP AKBARPUR
S24 45 30-Apr-09 UP JALAUN
S24 46 30-Apr-09 UP JHANSI
S24 47 30-Apr-09 UP HAMIRPUR
S24 48 23-Apr-09 UP BANDA
S24 49 30-Apr-09 UP FATEHPUR
S24 50 23-Apr-09 UP KAUSHAMBI
S24 51 23-Apr-09 UP PHULPUR
S24 52 23-Apr-09 UP ALLAHABAD
S24 53 30-Apr-09 UP BARABANKI
S24 54 23-Apr-09 UP FAIZABAD
S24 55 23-Apr-09 UP AMBEDKAR NAGAR
S24 56 30-Apr-09 UP BAHRAICH
S24 57 23-Apr-09 UP KAISERGANJ
S24 58 23-Apr-09 UP SHRAWASTI
S24 59 23-Apr-09 UP GONDA
S24 60 23-Apr-09 UP DOMARIYAGANJ
S24 61 23-Apr-09 UP BASTI
S24 62 23-Apr-09 UP SANT KABIR NAGAR
S24 63 16-Apr-09 UP MAHARAJGANJ
S24 64 16-Apr-09 UP GORAKHPUR
S24 65 16-Apr-09 UP KUSHI NAGAR
S24 66 16-Apr-09 UP DEORIA
S24 67 16-Apr-09 UP BANSGAON
S24 68 16-Apr-09 UP LALGANJ
S24 69 16-Apr-09 UP AZAMGARH
S24 70 16-Apr-09 UP GHOSI
S24 71 16-Apr-09 UP SALEMPUR
S24 72 16-Apr-09 UP BALLIA
S24 73 23-Apr-09 UP JAUNPUR
S24 74 16-Apr-09 UP MACHHLISHAHR
S24 75 16-Apr-09 UP GHAZIPUR
S24 76 16-Apr-09 UP CHANDAULI
S24 77 16-Apr-09 UP VARANASI
S24 78 23-Apr-09 UP BHADOHI
S24 79 16-Apr-09 UP MIRZAPUR
S24 80 16-Apr-09 UP ROBERTSGANJ
S25 1 30-Apr-09 WB COOCH BEHAR
S25 2 30-Apr-09 WB ALIPURDUARS
S25 3 30-Apr-09 WB JALPAIGURI
S25 4 30-Apr-09 WB DARJEELING
S25 5 30-Apr-09 WB RAIGANJ
S25 6 30-Apr-09 WB BALURGHAT
S25 7 30-Apr-09 WB MALDAHA UTTAR
S25 8 30-Apr-09 WB MALDAHA DAKSHIN
S25 9 7-May-09 WB JANGIPUR
S25 10 7-May-09 WB BAHARAMPUR
S25 11 7-May-09 WB MURSHIDABAD
S25 12 7-May-09 WB KRISHNANAGAR
S25 13 7-May-09 WB RANAGHAT
S25 14 13-May-09 WB BANGAON
S25 15 13-May-09 WB BARRACKPORE
S25 16 13-May-09 WB DUM DUM
S25 17 13-May-09 WB BARASAT
S25 18 13-May-09 WB BASIRHAT
S25 19 13-May-09 WB JOYNAGAR
S25 20 13-May-09 WB MATHURAPUR
S25 22 13-May-09 WB JADAVPUR
S25 24 13-May-09 WB KOLKATA UTTAR
S25 25 7-May-09 WB HOWRAH
S25 26 7-May-09 WB ULUBERIA
S25 27 7-May-09 WB SRERAMPUR
S25 28 7-May-09 WB HOOGHLY
S25 29 7-May-09 WB ARAMBAGH
S25 30 7-May-09 WB TAMLUK
S25 31 7-May-09 WB KANTHI
S25 32 30-Apr-09 WB GHATAL
S25 33 30-Apr-09 WB JHARGRAM
S25 34 30-Apr-09 WB MEDINIPUR
S25 35 30-Apr-09 WB PURULIA
S25 36 30-Apr-09 WB BANKURA
S25 37 30-Apr-09 WB BISHNUPUR
S25 38 7-May-09 WB BARDHAMAN PURBA
S25 39 7-May-09 WB BURDWAN – DURGAPUR
S25 40 7-May-09 WB ASANSOL
S25 41 7-May-09 WB BOLPUR
S25 42 7-May-09 WB BIRBHUM
S26 1 16-Apr-09 CG SARGUJA
S26 2 16-Apr-09 CG RAIGARH
S26 3 16-Apr-09 CG JANJGIR-CHAMPA
S26 4 16-Apr-09 CG KORBA
S26 5 16-Apr-09 CG BILASPUR
S26 6 16-Apr-09 CG RAJNANDGAON
S26 7 16-Apr-09 CG DURG
S26 8 16-Apr-09 CG RAIPUR
S26 9 16-Apr-09 CG MAHASAMUND
S26 10 16-Apr-09 CG BASTAR
S26 11 16-Apr-09 CG KANKER
S27 1 23-Apr-09 JH RAJMAHAL
S27 2 23-Apr-09 JH DUMKA
S27 3 23-Apr-09 JH GODDA
S27 4 16-Apr-09 JH CHATRA
S27 5 16-Apr-09 JH KODARMA
S27 6 23-Apr-09 JH GIRIDIH
S27 7 23-Apr-09 JH DHANBAD
S27 8 23-Apr-09 JH RANCHI
S27 9 23-Apr-09 JH JAMSHEDPUR
S27 10 23-Apr-09 JH SINGHBHUM
S27 11 16-Apr-09 JH KHUNTI
S27 12 16-Apr-09 JH LOHARDAGA
S27 13 16-Apr-09 JH PALAMAU
S27 14 16-Apr-09 JH HAZARIBAGH
S28 4 13-May-09 UK NAINITAL-UDHAMSINGH NAGAR
U01 1 16-Apr-09 AN ANDAMAN & NICOBAR ISLANDS
U03 1 30-Apr-09 DN DADAR & NAGAR HAVELI
U04 1 30-Apr-09 DD DAMAN & DIU
U06 1 16-Apr-09 LD LAKSHADWEEP
U07 1 13-May-09 PY PUDUCHERRY
Memo to the Election Commission of India April 14 2009, 9 AM
April 14, 2009 — drsubrotoroyThe Hon’ble Election Commission, Government of India
Dear Sirs,
I am glad to see the information your website has been providing to India’s public has improved slightly. But it remains woefully inadequate as a whole. Here is a list of the 382 constituencies for which you have, as of 0800 this morning, declared candidates. It is a list that merely required you to use Excel worksheets in an efficient manner. May we have a firm date by which all candidates for all 543 constituencies shall have been announced?
There are innumerable improvements to the working of our democracy that are possible to be discussed. For example, I see no logical reason why candidates for the 16th Lok Sabha may not seek to register themselves the day after the results of the 15th Lok Sabha come to be declared.
Once your staff have checked the processed data below against the raw data you provide, you are welcome to use my tables, preferably with acknowledgment. For convenience, a full list of all 543 constituencies follows the list of 382 constituencies you have announced as of this morning.
Sincerely
Subroto Roy
Constituency No Poll Date State/UT Constituency Name
S01 1 16-Apr-09 AP ADILABAD
S01 2 16-Apr-09 AP PEDDAPALLE
S01 3 16-Apr-09 AP KARIMNAGAR
S01 4 16-Apr-09 AP NIZAMABAD
S01 5 16-Apr-09 AP ZAHIRABAD
S01 6 16-Apr-09 AP MEDAK
S01 7 16-Apr-09 AP MALKAJGIRI
S01 8 16-Apr-09 AP SECUNDRABAD
S01 9 16-Apr-09 AP HYDERABAD
S01 10 16-Apr-09 AP CHELVELLA
S01 11 16-Apr-09 AP MAHBUBNAGAR
S01 12 16-Apr-09 AP NAGARKURNOOL
S01 13 16-Apr-09 AP NALGONDA
S01 14 16-Apr-09 AP BHONGIR
S01 15 16-Apr-09 AP WARANGAL
S01 16 16-Apr-09 AP MAHABUBABAD
S01 17 16-Apr-09 AP KHAMMAM
S01 18 16-Apr-09 AP ARUKU
S01 19 16-Apr-09 AP SRIKAKULAM
S01 20 16-Apr-09 AP VIZIANAGARAM
S01 21 16-Apr-09 AP VISAKHAPATNAM
S01 22 16-Apr-09 AP ANAKAPALLI
S01 23 23-Apr-09 AP KAKINADA
S01 24 23-Apr-09 AP AMALAPURAM
S01 25 23-Apr-09 AP RAJAHMUNDRY
S01 26 23-Apr-09 AP NARSAPURAM
S01 27 23-Apr-09 AP ELURU
S01 28 23-Apr-09 AP MACHILIPATNAM
S01 29 23-Apr-09 AP VIJAYAWADA
S01 30 23-Apr-09 AP GUNTUR
S01 31 23-Apr-09 AP NARASARAOPET
S01 32 23-Apr-09 AP BAPATLA
S01 33 23-Apr-09 AP ONGOLE
S01 34 23-Apr-09 AP NANDYAL
S01 35 23-Apr-09 AP KURNOOL
S01 36 23-Apr-09 AP ANANTAPUR
S01 37 23-Apr-09 AP HINDUPUR
S01 38 23-Apr-09 AP KADAPA
S01 39 23-Apr-09 AP NELLORE
S01 40 23-Apr-09 AP TIRUPATI
S01 41 23-Apr-09 AP RAJAMPET
S01 42 23-Apr-09 AP CHITTOOR
S02 1 16-Apr-09 AR ARUNACHAL WEST
S02 2 16-Apr-09 AR ARUNACHAL EAST
S03 1 16-Apr-09 AS KARIMGANJ
S03 2 16-Apr-09 AS SILCHAR
S03 3 16-Apr-09 AS AUTONOMOUS DISTRICT
S03 4 23-Apr-09 AS DHUBRI
S03 5 23-Apr-09 AS KOKRAJHAR
S03 6 23-Apr-09 AS BARPETA
S03 7 23-Apr-09 AS GAUHATI
S03 8 23-Apr-09 AS MANGALDOI
S03 9 23-Apr-09 AS TEZPUR
S03 10 23-Apr-09 AS NOWGONG
S03 11 23-Apr-09 AS KALIABOR
S03 12 23-Apr-09 AS JORHAT
S03 13 23-Apr-09 AS DIBRUGARH
S03 14 23-Apr-09 AS LAKHIMPUR
S04 1 23-Apr-09 BR VALMIKI NAGAR
S04 2 23-Apr-09 BR PASCHIM CHAMPARAN
S04 3 23-Apr-09 BR PURVI CHAMPARAN
S04 4 23-Apr-09 BR SHEOHAR
S04 5 23-Apr-09 BR SITAMARHI
S04 6 23-Apr-09 BR MADHUBANI
S04 7 23-Apr-09 BR JHANJHARPUR
S04 11 30-Apr-09 BR KATIHAR
S04 12 30-Apr-09 BR PURNIA
S04 13 30-Apr-09 BR MADHEPURA
S04 14 23-Apr-09 BR DARBHANGA
S04 15 23-Apr-09 BR MUZAFFARPUR
S04 16 23-Apr-09 BR VAISHALI
S04 17 16-Apr-09 BR GOPALGANJ
S04 18 16-Apr-09 BR SIWAN
S04 19 16-Apr-09 BR MAHARAJGANJ
S04 20 16-Apr-09 BR SARAN
S04 21 23-Apr-09 BR HAJIPUR
S04 22 23-Apr-09 BR UJIARPUR
S04 23 23-Apr-09 BR SAMASTIPUR
S04 25 30-Apr-09 BR KHAGARIA
S04 27 30-Apr-09 BR BANKA
S04 28 30-Apr-09 BR MUNGER
S04 32 16-Apr-09 BR ARRAH
S04 33 16-Apr-09 BR BUXAR
S04 34 16-Apr-09 BR SASARAM
S04 35 16-Apr-09 BR KARAKAT
S04 36 16-Apr-09 BR JAHANABAD
S04 37 16-Apr-09 BR AURANGABAD
S04 38 16-Apr-09 BR GAYA
S04 39 16-Apr-09 BR NAWADA
S04 40 16-Apr-09 BR JAMUI
S05 1 23-Apr-09 GA NORTH GOA
S05 2 23-Apr-09 GA SOUTH GOA
S06 1 30-Apr-09 GJ KACHCHH
S06 2 30-Apr-09 GJ BANASKANTHA
S06 3 30-Apr-09 GJ PATAN
S06 4 30-Apr-09 GJ MAHESANA
S06 5 30-Apr-09 GJ SABARKANTHA
S06 6 30-Apr-09 GJ GANDHINAGAR
S06 7 30-Apr-09 GJ AHMEDABAD EAST
S06 8 30-Apr-09 GJ AHMEDABAD WEST
S06 9 30-Apr-09 GJ SURENDRANAGAR
S06 10 30-Apr-09 GJ RAJKOT
S06 11 30-Apr-09 GJ PORBANDAR
S06 12 30-Apr-09 GJ JAMNAGAR
S06 13 30-Apr-09 GJ JUNAGADH
S06 14 30-Apr-09 GJ AMRELI
S06 15 30-Apr-09 GJ BHAVNAGAR
S06 16 30-Apr-09 GJ ANAND
S06 17 30-Apr-09 GJ KHEDA
S06 18 30-Apr-09 GJ PANCHMAHAL
S06 19 30-Apr-09 GJ DAHOD
S06 20 30-Apr-09 GJ VADODARA
S06 21 30-Apr-09 GJ CHHOTA UDAIPUR
S06 22 30-Apr-09 GJ BHARUCH
S06 23 30-Apr-09 GJ BARDOLI
S06 24 30-Apr-09 GJ SURAT
S06 25 30-Apr-09 GJ NAVSARI
S06 26 30-Apr-09 GJ VALSAD
S07 2 7-May-09 HR KURUKSHETRA
S07 6 7-May-09 HR SONIPAT
S07 9 7-May-09 HR GURGAON
S07 10 7-May-09 HR FARIDABAD
S09 5 23-Apr-09 JK UDHAMPUR
S09 6 16-Apr-09 JK JAMMU
S10 1 23-Apr-09 KA CHIKKODI
S10 2 23-Apr-09 KA BELGAUM
S10 3 30-Apr-09 KA BAGALKOT
S10 4 23-Apr-09 KA BIJAPUR
S10 5 23-Apr-09 KA GULBARGA
S10 6 23-Apr-09 KA RAICHUR
S10 7 23-Apr-09 KA BIDAR
S10 8 23-Apr-09 KA KOPPAL
S10 9 23-Apr-09 KA BELLARY
S10 10 30-Apr-09 KA HAVERI
S10 11 30-Apr-09 KA DHARWAD
S10 12 23-Apr-09 KA UTTARA KANNADA
S10 13 30-Apr-09 KA DAVANAGERE
S10 14 30-Apr-09 KA SHIMOGA
S10 15 30-Apr-09 KA UDUPI CHIKMAGALUR
S10 16 30-Apr-09 KA HASSAN
S10 18 23-Apr-09 KA CHITRADURGA
S10 19 23-Apr-09 KA TUMKUR
S10 20 30-Apr-09 KA MANDYA
S10 21 30-Apr-09 KA MYSORE
S10 22 30-Apr-09 KA CHAMARAJANAGAR
S10 23 23-Apr-09 KA BANGALORE RURAL
S10 24 23-Apr-09 KA BANGALORE NORTH
S10 25 23-Apr-09 KA BANGALORE CENTRAL
S10 26 23-Apr-09 KA BANGALORE SOUTH
S10 27 23-Apr-09 KA CHIKKBALLAPUR
S10 28 23-Apr-09 KA KOLAR
S11 1 16-Apr-09 KL KASARAGOD
S11 2 16-Apr-09 KL KANNUR
S11 3 16-Apr-09 KL VADAKARA
S11 4 16-Apr-09 KL WAYANAD
S11 5 16-Apr-09 KL KOZHIKODE
S11 6 16-Apr-09 KL MALAPPURAM
S11 7 16-Apr-09 KL PONNANI
S11 8 16-Apr-09 KL PALAKKAD
S11 9 16-Apr-09 KL ALATHUR
S11 10 16-Apr-09 KL THRISSUR
S11 11 16-Apr-09 KL CHALAKUDY
S11 12 16-Apr-09 KL ERNAKULAM
S11 13 16-Apr-09 KL IDUKKI
S11 14 16-Apr-09 KL KOTTAYAM
S11 15 16-Apr-09 KL ALAPPUZHA
S11 16 16-Apr-09 KL MAVELIKKARA
S11 17 16-Apr-09 KL PATHANAMTHITTA
S11 18 16-Apr-09 KL KOLLAM
S11 19 16-Apr-09 KL ATTINGAL
S11 20 16-Apr-09 KL THIRUVANANTHAPURAM
S12 1 30-Apr-09 MP MORENA
S12 2 30-Apr-09 MP BHIND
S12 3 30-Apr-09 MP GWALIOR
S12 4 30-Apr-09 MP GUNA
S12 7 30-Apr-09 MP DAMOH
S12 8 23-Apr-09 MP KHAJURAHO
S12 9 23-Apr-09 MP SATNA
S12 10 23-Apr-09 MP REWA
S12 11 23-Apr-09 MP SIDHI
S12 12 23-Apr-09 MP SHAHDOL
S12 13 23-Apr-09 MP JABALPUR
S12 14 23-Apr-09 MP MANDLA
S12 15 23-Apr-09 MP BALAGHAT
S12 16 23-Apr-09 MP CHHINDWARA
S12 17 23-Apr-09 MP HOSHANGABAD
S12 18 23-Apr-09 MP VIDISHA
S12 19 23-Apr-09 MP BHOPAL
S12 22 30-Apr-09 MP UJJAIN
S12 23 30-Apr-09 MP MANDSOUR
S12 25 30-Apr-09 MP DHAR
S12 27 30-Apr-09 MP KHARGONE
S12 29 23-Apr-09 MP BETUL
S13 1 23-Apr-09 MH NANDURBAR
S13 2 23-Apr-09 MH DHULE
S13 3 23-Apr-09 MH JALGAON
S13 4 23-Apr-09 MH RAVER
S13 5 16-Apr-09 MH BULDHANA
S13 6 16-Apr-09 MH AKOLA
S13 7 16-Apr-09 MH AMRAVATI
S13 8 16-Apr-09 MH WARDHA
S13 9 16-Apr-09 MH RAMTEK
S13 10 16-Apr-09 MH NAGPUR
S13 11 16-Apr-09 MH BHANDARA – GONDIYA
S13 12 16-Apr-09 MH GADCHIROLI-CHIMUR
S13 13 16-Apr-09 MH CHANDRAPUR
S13 14 16-Apr-09 MH YAVATMAL-WASHIM
S13 15 16-Apr-09 MH HINGOLI
S13 16 16-Apr-09 MH NANDED
S13 17 16-Apr-09 MH PARBHANI
S13 18 23-Apr-09 MH JALNA
S13 19 23-Apr-09 MH AURANGABAD
S13 20 23-Apr-09 MH DINDORI
S13 21 23-Apr-09 MH NASHIK
S13 22 30-Apr-09 MH PALGHAR
S13 23 30-Apr-09 MH BHIWANDI
S13 25 30-Apr-09 MH THANE
S13 27 30-Apr-09 MH MUMBAI NORTH WEST
S13 30 30-Apr-09 MH MUMBAI SOUTH CENTRAL
S13 31 30-Apr-09 MH MUMBAI SOUTH
S13 32 23-Apr-09 MH RAIGAD
S13 33 23-Apr-09 MH MAVAL
S13 34 23-Apr-09 MH PUNE
S13 35 23-Apr-09 MH BARAMATI
S13 36 23-Apr-09 MH SHIRUR
S13 37 23-Apr-09 MH AHMADNAGAR
S13 38 23-Apr-09 MH SHIRDI
S13 39 23-Apr-09 MH BEED
S13 40 23-Apr-09 MH OSMANABAD
S13 41 23-Apr-09 MH LATUR
S13 42 23-Apr-09 MH SOLAPUR
S13 43 23-Apr-09 MH MADHA
S13 44 23-Apr-09 MH SANGLI
S13 45 23-Apr-09 MH SATARA
S13 46 23-Apr-09 MH RATNAGIRI – SINDHUDURG
S13 47 23-Apr-09 MH KOLHAPUR
S13 48 23-Apr-09 MH HATKANANGLE
S14 1 22-Apr-09 MN INNER MANIPUR
S14 2 16-Apr-09 MN OUTER MANIPUR
S15 1 16-Apr-09 ML SHILLONG
S15 2 16-Apr-09 ML TURA
S16 1 16-Apr-09 MZ MIZORAM
S17 1 16-Apr-09 NL NAGALAND
S18 1 16-Apr-09 OR BARGARH
S18 2 16-Apr-09 OR SUNDARGARH
S18 3 16-Apr-09 OR SAMBALPUR
S18 4 23-Apr-09 OR KEONJHAR
S18 5 23-Apr-09 OR MAYURBHANJ
S18 6 23-Apr-09 OR BALASORE
S18 7 23-Apr-09 OR BHADRAK
S18 8 23-Apr-09 OR JAJPUR
S18 9 23-Apr-09 OR DHENKANAL
S18 10 16-Apr-09 OR BOLANGIR
S18 11 16-Apr-09 OR KALAHANDI
S18 12 16-Apr-09 OR NABARANGPUR
S18 13 16-Apr-09 OR KANDHAMAL
S18 14 23-Apr-09 OR CUTTACK
S18 15 23-Apr-09 OR KENDRAPARA
S18 16 23-Apr-09 OR JAGATSINGHPUR
S18 17 23-Apr-09 OR PURI
S18 18 23-Apr-09 OR BHUBANESWAR
S18 19 16-Apr-09 OR ASKA
S18 20 16-Apr-09 OR BERHAMPUR
S18 21 16-Apr-09 OR KORAPUT
S19 10 7-May-09 PB FEROZPUR
S19 11 7-May-09 PB BATHINDA
S19 12 7-May-09 PB SANGRUR
S20 3 7-May-09 RJ CHURU
S20 5 7-May-09 RJ SIKAR
S20 6 7-May-09 RJ JAIPUR RURAL
S20 7 7-May-09 RJ JAIPUR
S20 11 7-May-09 RJ DAUSA
S20 12 7-May-09 RJ TONK-SAWAI MADHOPUR
S20 15 7-May-09 RJ PALI
S20 18 7-May-09 RJ JALORE
S20 21 7-May-09 RJ CHITTORGARH
S20 23 7-May-09 RJ BHILWARA
S20 25 7-May-09 RJ JHALAWAR-BARAN
S23 1 23-Apr-09 TR TRIPURA WEST
S23 2 23-Apr-09 TR TRIPURA EAST
S24 2 7-May-09 UP KAIRANA
S24 3 7-May-09 UP MUZAFFARNAGAR
S24 15 7-May-09 UP ALIGARH
S24 17 7-May-09 UP MATHURA
S24 19 7-May-09 UP FATEHPUR SIKRI
S24 21 7-May-09 UP MAINPURI
S24 22 7-May-09 UP ETAH
S24 30 30-Apr-09 UP SITAPUR
S24 33 30-Apr-09 UP UNNAO
S24 34 30-Apr-09 UP MOHANLALGANJ
S24 35 30-Apr-09 UP LUCKNOW
S24 37 23-Apr-09 UP AMETHI
S24 38 23-Apr-09 UP SULTANPUR
S24 39 23-Apr-09 UP PRATAPGARH
S24 40 7-May-09 UP FARRUKHABAD
S24 42 7-May-09 UP KANNAUJ
S24 43 30-Apr-09 UP KANPUR
S24 44 30-Apr-09 UP AKBARPUR
S24 45 30-Apr-09 UP JALAUN
S24 47 30-Apr-09 UP HAMIRPUR
S24 48 23-Apr-09 UP BANDA
S24 49 30-Apr-09 UP FATEHPUR
S24 50 23-Apr-09 UP KAUSHAMBI
S24 51 23-Apr-09 UP PHULPUR
S24 52 23-Apr-09 UP ALLAHABAD
S24 53 30-Apr-09 UP BARABANKI
S24 54 23-Apr-09 UP FAIZABAD
S24 55 23-Apr-09 UP AMBEDKAR NAGAR
S24 57 23-Apr-09 UP KAISERGANJ
S24 58 23-Apr-09 UP SHRAWASTI
S24 59 23-Apr-09 UP GONDA
S24 60 23-Apr-09 UP DOMARIYAGANJ
S24 61 23-Apr-09 UP BASTI
S24 62 23-Apr-09 UP SANT KABIR NAGAR
S24 63 16-Apr-09 UP MAHARAJGANJ
S24 64 16-Apr-09 UP GORAKHPUR
S24 65 16-Apr-09 UP KUSHI NAGAR
S24 66 16-Apr-09 UP DEORIA
S24 67 16-Apr-09 UP BANSGAON
S24 68 16-Apr-09 UP LALGANJ
S24 69 16-Apr-09 UP AZAMGARH
S24 70 16-Apr-09 UP GHOSI
S24 71 16-Apr-09 UP SALEMPUR
S24 72 16-Apr-09 UP BALLIA
S24 73 23-Apr-09 UP JAUNPUR
S24 74 16-Apr-09 UP MACHHLISHAHR
S24 75 16-Apr-09 UP GHAZIPUR
S24 76 16-Apr-09 UP CHANDAULI
S24 77 16-Apr-09 UP VARANASI
S24 78 23-Apr-09 UP BHADOHI
S24 79 16-Apr-09 UP MIRZAPUR
S24 80 16-Apr-09 UP ROBERTSGANJ
S25 1 30-Apr-09 WB COOCH BEHAR
S25 2 30-Apr-09 WB ALIPURDUARS
S25 3 30-Apr-09 WB JALPAIGURI
S25 4 30-Apr-09 WB DARJEELING
S25 5 30-Apr-09 WB RAIGANJ
S25 6 30-Apr-09 WB BALURGHAT
S25 7 30-Apr-09 WB MALDAHA UTTAR
S25 8 30-Apr-09 WB MALDAHA DAKSHIN
S25 9 7-May-09 WB JANGIPUR
S25 10 7-May-09 WB BAHARAMPUR
S25 11 7-May-09 WB MURSHIDABAD
S25 13 7-May-09 WB RANAGHAT
S25 27 7-May-09 WB SRERAMPUR
S25 29 7-May-09 WB ARAMBAGH
S25 32 30-Apr-09 WB GHATAL
S25 33 30-Apr-09 WB JHARGRAM
S25 34 30-Apr-09 WB MEDINIPUR
S25 35 30-Apr-09 WB PURULIA
S25 36 30-Apr-09 WB BANKURA
S25 37 30-Apr-09 WB BISHNUPUR
S25 41 7-May-09 WB BOLPUR
S26 1 16-Apr-09 CG SARGUJA
S26 2 16-Apr-09 CG RAIGARH
S26 3 16-Apr-09 CG JANJGIR-CHAMPA
S26 4 16-Apr-09 CG KORBA
S26 5 16-Apr-09 CG BILASPUR
S26 6 16-Apr-09 CG RAJNANDGAON
S26 7 16-Apr-09 CG DURG
S26 8 16-Apr-09 CG RAIPUR
S26 9 16-Apr-09 CG MAHASAMUND
S26 10 16-Apr-09 CG BASTAR
S26 11 16-Apr-09 CG KANKER
S27 1 23-Apr-09 JH RAJMAHAL
S27 2 23-Apr-09 JH DUMKA
S27 3 23-Apr-09 JH GODDA
S27 4 16-Apr-09 JH CHATRA
S27 5 16-Apr-09 JH KODARMA
S27 6 23-Apr-09 JH GIRIDIH
S27 7 23-Apr-09 JH DHANBAD
S27 8 23-Apr-09 JH RANCHI
S27 9 23-Apr-09 JH JAMSHEDPUR
S27 10 23-Apr-09 JH SINGHBHUM
S27 11 16-Apr-09 JH KHUNTI
S27 12 16-Apr-09 JH LOHARDAGA
S27 13 16-Apr-09 JH PALAMAU
S27 14 16-Apr-09 JH HAZARIBAGH
U01 1 16-Apr-09 AN ANDAMAN & NICOBAR ISLANDS
U03 1 30-Apr-09 DN DADAR & NAGAR HAVELI
U04 1 30-Apr-09 DD DAMAN & DIU
U06 1 16-Apr-09 LD LAKSHADWEEP
Full list of all 543 Constituencies
S01 1 AP ADILABAD
S01 2 AP PEDDAPALLE
S01 3 AP KARIMNAGAR
S01 4 AP NIZAMABAD
S01 5 AP ZAHIRABAD
S01 6 AP MEDAK
S01 7 AP MALKAJGIRI
S01 8 AP SECUNDRABAD
S01 9 AP HYDERABAD
S01 10 AP CHELVELLA
S01 11 AP MAHBUBNAGAR
S01 12 AP NAGARKURNOOL
S01 13 AP NALGONDA
S01 14 AP BHONGIR
S01 15 AP WARANGAL
S01 16 AP MAHABUBABAD
S01 17 AP KHAMMAM
S01 18 AP ARUKU
S01 19 AP SRIKAKULAM
S01 20 AP VIZIANAGARAM
S01 21 AP VISAKHAPATNAM
S01 22 AP ANAKAPALLI
S01 23 AP KAKINADA
S01 24 AP AMALAPURAM
S01 25 AP RAJAHMUNDRY
S01 26 AP NARSAPURAM
S01 27 AP ELURU
S01 28 AP MACHILIPATNAM
S01 29 AP VIJAYAWADA
S01 30 AP GUNTUR
S01 31 AP NARASARAOPET
S01 32 AP BAPATLA
S01 33 AP ONGOLE
S01 34 AP NANDYAL
S01 35 AP KURNOOL
S01 36 AP ANANTAPUR
S01 37 AP HINDUPUR
S01 38 AP KADAPA
S01 39 AP NELLORE
S01 40 AP TIRUPATI
S01 41 AP RAJAMPET
S01 42 AP CHITTOOR
S02 1 AR ARUNACHAL WEST
S02 2 AR ARUNACHAL EAST
S03 1 AS KARIMGANJ
S03 2 AS SILCHAR
S03 3 AS AUTONOMOUS DISTRICT
S03 4 AS DHUBRI
S03 5 AS KOKRAJHAR
S03 6 AS BARPETA
S03 7 AS GAUHATI
S03 8 AS MANGALDOI
S03 9 AS TEZPUR
S03 10 AS NOWGONG
S03 11 AS KALIABOR
S03 12 AS JORHAT
S03 13 AS DIBRUGARH
S03 14 AS LAKHIMPUR
S04 1 BR VALMIKI NAGAR
S04 2 BR PASCHIM CHAMPARAN
S04 3 BR PURVI CHAMPARAN
S04 4 BR SHEOHAR
S04 5 BR SITAMARHI
S04 6 BR MADHUBANI
S04 7 BR JHANJHARPUR
S04 8 BR SUPAUL
S04 9 BR ARARIA
S04 10 BR KISHANGANJ
S04 11 BR KATIHAR
S04 12 BR PURNIA
S04 13 BR MADHEPURA
S04 14 BR DARBHANGA
S04 15 BR MUZAFFARPUR
S04 16 BR VAISHALI
S04 17 BR GOPALGANJ
S04 18 BR SIWAN
S04 19 BR MAHARAJGANJ
S04 20 BR SARAN
S04 21 BR HAJIPUR
S04 22 BR UJIARPUR
S04 23 BR SAMASTIPUR
S04 24 BR BEGUSARAI
S04 25 BR KHAGARIA
S04 26 BR BHAGALPUR
S04 27 BR BANKA
S04 28 BR MUNGER
S04 29 BR NALANDA
S04 30 BR PATNA SAHIB
S04 31 BR PATALIPUTRA
S04 32 BR ARRAH
S04 33 BR BUXAR
S04 34 BR SASARAM
S04 35 BR KARAKAT
S04 36 BR JAHANABAD
S04 37 BR AURANGABAD
S04 38 BR GAYA
S04 39 BR NAWADA
S04 40 BR JAMUI
S05 1 GA NORTH GOA
S05 2 GA SOUTH GOA
S06 1 GJ KACHCHH
S06 2 GJ BANASKANTHA
S06 3 GJ PATAN
S06 4 GJ MAHESANA
S06 5 GJ SABARKANTHA
S06 6 GJ GANDHINAGAR
S06 7 GJ AHMEDABAD EAST
S06 8 GJ AHMEDABAD WEST
S06 9 GJ SURENDRANAGAR
S06 10 GJ RAJKOT
S06 11 GJ PORBANDAR
S06 12 GJ JAMNAGAR
S06 13 GJ JUNAGADH
S06 14 GJ AMRELI
S06 15 GJ BHAVNAGAR
S06 16 GJ ANAND
S06 17 GJ KHEDA
S06 18 GJ PANCHMAHAL
S06 19 GJ DAHOD
S06 20 GJ VADODARA
S06 21 GJ CHHOTA UDAIPUR
S06 22 GJ BHARUCH
S06 23 GJ BARDOLI
S06 24 GJ SURAT
S06 25 GJ NAVSARI
S06 26 GJ VALSAD
S07 1 HR AMBALA
S07 2 HR KURUKSHETRA
S07 3 HR SIRSA
S07 4 HR HISAR
S07 5 HR KARNAL
S07 6 HR SONIPAT
S07 7 HR ROHTAK
S07 8 HR BHIWANI-MAHENDRAGARH
S07 9 HR GURGAON
S07 10 HR FARIDABAD
S08 1 HP KANGRA
S08 2 HP MANDI
S08 3 HP HAMIRPUR
S08 4 HP SHIMLA
S09 1 JK BARAMULLA
S09 2 JK SRINAGAR
S09 3 JK ANANTNAG
S09 4 JK LADAKH
S09 5 JK UDHAMPUR
S09 6 JK JAMMU
S10 1 KA CHIKKODI
S10 2 KA BELGAUM
S10 3 KA BAGALKOT
S10 4 KA BIJAPUR
S10 5 KA GULBARGA
S10 6 KA RAICHUR
S10 7 KA BIDAR
S10 8 KA KOPPAL
S10 9 KA BELLARY
S10 10 KA HAVERI
S10 11 KA DHARWAD
S10 12 KA UTTARA KANNADA
S10 13 KA DAVANAGERE
S10 14 KA SHIMOGA
S10 15 KA UDUPI CHIKMAGALUR
S10 16 KA HASSAN
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India is not a monarchy! We urgently need to universalize the French concept of “citoyen”! (2009)
March 28, 2009 — drsubrotoroyEach of the two sons of Feroze and Indira Gandhi died tragically in his prime, years ago, and it is unbecoming to see their family successors squabble today. Everyone may need to be constantly reminded that this handful of persons are in fact ordinary citizens in our democratic polity, deserving India’s attention principally in such a capacity.
What did, indeed, Feroze Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, Sanjay Gandhi, Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi “live and die for”? It was not any one identifiable thing or any set of common things, that seems certain.
Feroze Gandhi from all accounts stood for integrity in Indian politics and journalism; it is not impossible his premature death was related to his wife’s negligence because she had returned to her father’s side instead. Jawaharlal Nehru did not do well as a father to promote his daughter so blatantly as his assistant either before 1947
or after.
Nehru did not achieve political power until well into middle age; his catastrophic misjudgment of communist ideology and intentions, especially Chinese communist ideology and intentions, contributed to an Indian defeat at war, and led soon thereafter to his health collapsing and his death. He and Indira somewhat nonchalantly made a visit to Ceylon even as the Chinese attack was commencing; a high point of my own childhood was saying namaste on October 13 1962 at Colombo airport when they arrived.
Feroze and Indira’s younger son evidently came to die in a self-inflicted aeronautical mishap of some sort. What did Sanjay Gandhi “live for”? The book Foundations of India’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s created twenty years ago in America
has a chapter titled “The State of Governance” by the political scientist James Manor which says:
“After 1973 or so, personal loyalty tended increasingly to become the main criterion for advancement in the Congress Party. People who appeared to be loyal often replaced skilled political managers who seemed too independent. Many of these new arrivals did not worry, as an earlier generation of Congress officials had done, that excessive private profiteering might earn the wrath of party leaders. In 1975, Sanjay Gandhi suddenly became the second most powerful figure in Indian politics. He saw that the parties of the left and right had strong organizations that could put large numbers of militants into the streets for demonstrations while Congress had no such capacity. In the belief that Congress should also have this kind of muscle, he began recruiting elements from urban centres including the criminal underworld. The problem of corruption was exacerbated by demands that State-level Congress leaders place large sums of money at the disposal not of the national party but of the persons who presided over it. Congress chief ministers realized that a fulsome response to these demands went a long way toward insulating them from interference from New Delhi, and a monumental system of fund-raising sprang up. When so many people were being drawn into semi-institutionalized malfeasance, which seemed to be condoned by higher authorities, it was inevitable many would skim off portions of the funds raised for personal benefit. Corruption soared. The problem was compounded by the tendency for people to be dismissed from public and party offices abruptly, leading many Congress politicians to fear that their time in power might be quite short.”
I do not have reason to disagree with this opinion contained in the book that I and WE James created at the University of Hawaii twenty years ago. If anything, Sanjay’s political model may have spread itself across other Indian political parties in one way or another.
What does strike me as odd in light of current political controversy is that several of Sanjay’s friends and colleagues are now part-and-parcel of the Sonia Congress – one must ask, were they such fair-weather friends that they never lent a hand or a shoulder to his young widow and her infant son especially against the cruelties Sanjay’s mother bestowed upon them? Did they offer help or guidance to Sanjay’s son, have they tried to guide him away from becoming the bigoted young politician he seems to wish to be today?
Indira’s major faults included playing favourites among her bahus and her grandchildren with as much gusto as any mother-in-law portrayed on the tackiest TV-serial today.
What were her good deeds? There was one, and it was an enormously large one, of paramount significance for the country and our subcontinent as a whole: her statesmanship before, during and to some extent after the war that created Bangladesh. My father has preserved a classic photograph over the years of Indira’s finest period as an international stateswoman, when she visited Paris and other foreign capitals including Washington in the autumn of 1971.
She tried to prevent the Yahya Khan/Tikka Khan genocide in Bangladesh when many Bangladeshis came to be sacrificed at the altar of the Nixon-Kissinger visits to Mao and Zhou. She made a major diplomatic effort in world capitals to avert war with West Pakistan over its atrocities in East Pakistan. But war could not be averted, and within a few weeks, in December 1971, Bangladesh was born.
“Indira Gandhi’s one and paramount good deed as India’s leader and indeed as a world leader of her time was to have fought a war that was so rare in international law for having been unambiguously just. And she fought it flawlessly. The cause had been thrust upon her by an evil enemy’s behaviour against his own people, an enemy supported by the world’s strongest military power with pretensions to global leadership. Victims of the enemy’s wickedness were scores of millions of utterly defenceless, penniless human beings. Indira Gandhi did everything right. She practised patient but firm diplomacy on the world’s stage to avert war if it was at all possible to do. She chose her military generals well and took their professional judgment seriously as to when to go to war and how to win it. Finally, in victory she was magnanimous to the enemy that had been defeated. Children’s history-books in India should remember her as the stateswoman who freed a fraternal nation from tyranny, at great expense to our own people. As a war-leader, Indira Gandhi displayed extraordinary bravery, courage and good sense.” (From my review article of Inder Malhotra’s Indira Gandhi, first published in The Statesman May 7 2006.)
“She had indeed fought that rarest of things in international law: the just war. Supported by the world’s strongest military, an evil enemy had made victims of his own people. Indira tried patiently on the international stage to avert war, but also chose her military generals well and took their professional judgment seriously as to when to fight if it was inevitable and how to win. Finally she was magnanimous (to a fault) towards the enemy ~ who was not some stranger to us but our own estranged brother and cousin. It seemed to be her and independent India’s finest hour. A fevered nation was thus ready to forgive and forget her catastrophic misdeeds until that time….” (From “Unhealthy Delhi” first published in The Statesman June 11 2007).
What did Indira die for? I have said it was “blowback” from domestic and/or international politics, similar to what happened to Rajiv Gandhi and Benazir Bhutto in later years.
“Indira Gandhi died in “blowback” from the unrest she and her younger son and others in their party had opportunistically fomented among Sikh fundamentalists and sectarians since the late 1970s. Rajiv Gandhi died in “blowback” from an erroneous imperialistic foreign policy that he, as Prime Minister, had been induced to make by jingoistic Indian diplomats, a move that got India’s military needlessly involved in the then-nascent Sri Lankan civil war. Benazir Bhutto similarly may be seen to have died in “blowback” from her own political activity as prime minister and opposition leader since the late 1980s, including her own encouragement of Muslim fundamentalist forces. Certainly in all three cases, as in all assassinations, there were lapses of security too and imprudent political judgments made that contributed to the tragic outcomes.” From “An Indian Reply to President Zardari”.
And then there was Rajiv. He did not know me except in his last eight months. It has now emerged that Dr Manmohan Singh’s first bypass operation was in 1990-1991, coinciding precisely with the time I gave Rajiv the results of the perestroika-for-India project that I had led at the University of Hawaii since 1986, an encounter that sparked the 1991 economic reform as has been told elsewhere. Dr Singh was simply not in that loop, nor has he himself ever claimed to have been in it — regardless of what innumerable flatterers, sycophants and other straightforwardly mendacious characters in Delhi’s high power circles have been making out over the years since. Facts are rather stubborn things.
As a 35-year old newcomer to Delhi and a complete layman on security issues, I did what little I knew how to try to reduce the vulnerability that I felt Rajiv faced from unknown lists of assassins.
“That night KR dropped me at Tughlak Road where I used to stay with friends. In the car I told him, as he was a military man with heavy security cover for himself as a former Governor of J&K, that it seemed to me Rajiv’s security was being unprofessionally handled, that he was vulnerable to a professional assassin. KR asked me if I had seen anything specific by way of vulnerability. With John Kennedy and De Gaulle in mind, I said I feared Rajiv was open to a long-distance sniper, especially when he was on his campaign trips around the country. This was one of several attempts I made since October 1990 to convey my clear impression to whomever I thought might have an effect that Rajiv seemed to me extremely vulnerable. Rajiv had been on sadhbhavana journeys, back and forth into and out of Delhi. I had heard he was fed up with his security apparatus, and I was not surprised given it seemed at the time rather bureaucratized. It would not have been appropriate for me to tell him directly that he seemed to me to be vulnerable, since I was a newcomer and a complete amateur about security issues, and besides if he agreed he might seem to himself to be cowardly or have to get even closer to his security apparatus. Instead I pressed the subject relentlessly with whomever I could. I suggested specifically two things: (a) that the system in place at Rajiv’s residence and on his itineraries be tested, preferably by some internationally recognized specialists in counter-terrorism; (b) that Rajiv be encouraged to announce a shadow-cabinet. The first would increase the cost of terrorism, the second would reduce the potential political benefit expected by terrorists out to kill him. On the former, it was pleaded that security was a matter being run by the V. P. Singh and then Chandrashekhar Governments at the time. On the latter, it was said that appointing a shadow cabinet might give the appointees the wrong idea, and lead to a challenge to Rajiv’s leadership. This seemed to me wrong, as there was nothing to fear from healthy internal contests for power so long as they were conducted in a structured democratic framework. I pressed to know how public Rajiv’s itinerary was when he travelled. I was told it was known to everyone and that was the only way it could be since Rajiv wanted to be close to the people waiting to see him and had been criticized for being too aloof. This seemed to me totally wrong and I suggested that if Rajiv wanted to be seen as meeting the crowds waiting for him then that should be done by planning to make random stops on the road that his entourage would take. This would at least add some confusion to the planning of potential terrorists out to kill him. When I pressed relentlessly, it was said I should probably speak to “Madame”, i.e. to Mrs. Rajiv Gandhi. That seemed to me highly inappropriate, as I could not be said to be known to her and I should not want to unduly concern her in the event it was I who was completely wrong in my assessment of the danger. The response that it was not in Congress’s hands, that it was the responsibility of the V. P. Singh and later the Chandrashekhar Governments, seemed to me completely irrelevant since Congress in its own interests had a grave responsibility to protect Rajiv Gandhi irrespective of what the Government’s security people were doing or not doing. Rajiv was at the apex of the power structure of the party, and a key symbol of secularism and progress for the entire country. Losing him would be quite irreparable to the party and the country. It shocked me that the assumption was not being made that there were almost certainly professional killers actively out to kill Rajiv Gandhi — this loving family man and hapless pilot of India’s ship of state who did not seem to have wished to make enemies among India’s terrorists but whom the fates had conspired to make a target. The most bizarre and frustrating response I got from several respondents was that I should not mention the matter at all as otherwise the threat would become enlarged and the prospect made more likely! This I later realized was a primitive superstitious response of the same sort as wearing amulets and believing in Ptolemaic astrological charts that assume the Sun goes around the Earth — centuries after Kepler and Copernicus. Perhaps the entry of scientific causality and rationality is where we must begin in the reform of India’s governance and economy. What was especially repugnant after Rajiv’s assassination was to hear it said by his enemies that it marked an end to “dynastic” politics in India. This struck me as being devoid of all sense because the unanswerable reason for protecting Rajiv Gandhi was that we in India, if we are to have any pretensions at all to being a civilized and open democratic society, cannot tolerate terrorism and assassination as means of political change. Either we are constitutional democrats willing to fight for the privileges of a liberal social order, or ours is truly a primitive and savage anarchy concealed beneath a veneer of fake Westernization….. the news suddenly said Rajiv Gandhi had been killed. All India wept. What killed him was not merely a singular act of criminal terrorism, but the system of humbug, incompetence and sycophancy that surrounds politics in India and elsewhere. I was numbed by rage and sorrow, and did not return to Delhi. Eleven years later, on 25 May 2002, press reports said “P. V. Narasimha Rao and Manmohan Singh lost their place in Congress history as architects of economic reforms as the Congress High command sponsored an amendment to a resolution that had laid credit at the duo’s door. The motion was moved by…. Digvijay Singh asserting that the reforms were a brainchild of the late Rajiv Gandhi and that the Rao-Singh combine had simply nudged the process forward.” Rajiv’s years in Government, like those of Indira Gandhi, were in fact marked by profligacy and the resource cost of poor macroeconomic policy since bank-nationalisation may be as high as Rs. 125 trillion measured in 1994 rupees. Certainly though it was Rajiv Gandhi as Leader of the Opposition in his last months who was the principal architect of the economic reform that came to begin after his passing.”
(I have had to say that I do not think the policies pursued by Dr Singh thus far have been consistent with the direction I believe Rajiv, in a second term as PM, would have wished to take. See, for example, “India’s Macroeconomics”, “Fallacious Finance”, “Against Quackery”, “Mistaken Macroeconomics”, and other articles listed and linked at “Memo to Dr Kaushik Basu”. See also https://independentindian.com/2006/05/21/the-politics-of-dr-singh/ https://independentindian.com/2008/04/25/assessing-manmohan-the-doctor-of-deficit-finance-should-realise-the-currency-is-at-stake/ https://independentindian.com/2013/08/23/did-jagdish-bhagwati-originate-pioneer-intellectually-father-indias-1991-economic-reform-did-manmohan-singh-or-did-i-through-my-encounter-with-rajiv-gandhi-just-as-siddhartha-shan/)
The treatment of Indira or Rajiv or Sanjay or their family successors as royalty of any kind whatsoever in India was, is, and remains absurd, reflecting stunted growth of Indian democracy. I remember well the obsequiousness I witnessed on the part of old men in the presence of Rajiv Gandhi.
Tribal and mansabdari political cultures still dominate Northern and Western regions of the Indian subcontinent (descending from the Sikhs, Muslims, Rajputs, Mahrattas etc).
Nehru in his younger days was an exemplary democrat, and he had an outstanding democratically-minded young friend in Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah.
But Nehru and Abdullah as Westernized political liberals were exceptions in the autocratic/monarchical political cultures of north India (and Pakistan) which continue today and stunt the growth of any democratic mindset.
What we may urgently need is some French Liberté, égalité, fraternité ! to create a simple ordinary citoyen universally in the country and the subcontinent as a whole! May we please import a Marquis de Lafayette?
Bengal and parts of Dravidian India have long lost fondness for monarchy and autocracy — Western political liberalism began to reach Kolkata almost two centuries ago after all (see e.g. Tapan Raychaudhuri’s fine study Europe Reconsidered). Both Nepal and Pakistan have been undergoing radical transformation towards democracy in recent months, as Bengali Pakistanis had done 40 years earlier under Sheikh Mujib. I said last year and say again that there may be a dangerous intellectual vacuum around the throne of Delhi.
Subroto Roy
An Academic Database of Doctoral & Other Postgraduate Research Done at UK Universities on India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and Other Asian Countries Over 100 Years
March 13, 2009 — drsubrotoroyBritish universities have in the last one hundred years produced a vast and unsurpassable body of doctoral and other postgraduate research relating to India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Burma, Afghanistan, Malaysia and other Asian countries.
The first table below contains almost 3,300 entries, each beginning with the date of award and the degree, followed by the University (and College), followed by the title of the thesis, followed by the AUTHOR in capital letters, followed by the name of the thesis supervisor where provided.
NB: There is a second table that follows containing a further 78 77 entries — these latter are, however, incomplete in that either the year or the degree appears not to be available.
If you are an author or thesis-supervisor or other academic representative and you are able to correct any inadvertent error or omission, please feel free to write to me promptly by email and I shall seek to account for it. For omissions, please also identify yourself clearly and send a comment to the post along with the necessary data that you believe should be accounted for. Numerous typos existed in the original transcription, several of which have been corrected though many might remain. In several cases, it is not impossible the original transcription has mis-spelt a name but authentication could require the original thesis to be checked.
This database has been created from public data and is published below with the aim of encouraging further research and reflection. It may be of special interest to notice the choice and quality of subjects in the context of particular times.
Subroto Roy
Postscript: More than one grateful reader has called this document someone’s “labour of love”. I agree though I have to say it was not mine — my contribution has been merely to transform a confused spreadsheet into HTML, editing it very slightly, removing some but not all typos yet, and publishing it. The spreadsheet was one of a million files on my computer, which must mean I downloaded it from some public source at some time though I am afraid I have no record where, most probably in British academia.
Degree University & College Title AUTHOR Supervisor
1909 MA Liverpool The interaction of England and India during the early years of George III Dorothy DUDLEY
1917 BLitt Oxford The history of the occupation and rural administration of Bengal by the English Company from the time of Clive to the permanent settlement under Cornwallis W K FIRMINGER
1917 MA Liverpool The constitutional relations of the Marquess Wellesley with the home authorities Beatrice L FRAZER
1917 BLitt Oxford Agricultural cooperation in British India J MATTHAI
1921 BA Cambridge Relations between the Bombay government and the Marathi powers up to the year 1774 W S DESI
1921 MA Manchester The movement of opinion in England as regards Indian affairs, 1757-1773 E EMMETT Prof Muir
1921 MA Manchester The relations of the Mahrattas with the British power I Kathleen WALKER Prof Muir
1922 BLitt Oxford The history of Burma to 1824 G E HARVEY
1922 PhD London Commercial relations between India and England, 1600-1757 B KRISHNA
1922 MSc London Agricultural problems and conditions in the Bombay Presidency, 1870-1914 M A TATA
1922 BLitt Oxford The Indian calico trade and its influence on English history P J THOMAS
1922 MSc London The cotton industry in India to 1757 J N VARMA Prof Sargeant
1922 PhD Manchester The administration of Bengal under Warren Hastings Sophia WEITZMAN Prof Muir
1923 MA Manchester The administrative and judicial reforms of Lord Cornwallis in Bengal (excluding the permanent settlement) A ASPINALL Mr Higham
1923 MA Manchester The Residency of Oudh during the administration of Warren Hastings C C BRACEWELL Prof Davis
1923 MLitt Cambridge Industrial evolution of India in recent times D R GADGIL
1923 PhD London The Punjab as a sovereign state, 1799-1839 GULSHAM LALL Prof Dodwell
1924 BLitt Oxford Development of the cotton industry in Indian from the early 19th century S DESOUANDE
1925 MA Liverpool Henry Dundas and the government of India, 1784-1800 Dorothy THORNTON Prof Veitch
1926 PhD Cambridge The North West Frontier of India, 1890-1909, with a survey of policy since 1849 C C DAVIES
1927 PhD Leeds A study of the development of agriculture in the Punjab and its economic effects K S BAJWA
1927 BLitt Oxford The military system of the Mahrattas: its origin and development from the time of the Shivaji to the fall of the Mahratta empire S SEN
1928 MA Birmingham The East India Company crisis, 1770-1773 R BEARD
1928 PhD Edinburgh A comparative study of the woollen industry in Scotland and the Punjab J W SIRAJUDDIN Dr Rankin
1929 PhD London The relations of the Governor-General and council with the Governor and council of Madras under the Regulating Act of 1773 A Das GUPTA Prof Dodwell
1929 PhD London, LSE The evolution of Indian income tax, 1860-1922: a historical, critical and comparative study J P NIYOGI
1929 PhD London Development of Indian ralways, 1842-1928 N SANYAL Prof Foxwell; Dr Slater
1930 PhD London Financial history of Mysore, 1799-1831 M H GOPAL Dr Slater; Prof Dodwell
1930 BLitt Oxford, St Cath’s Soc The development of political institutions in the state of Travancore, 1885-1924 V M ITTYERAH
1930 BLitt Oxford Sir Charles Crosthwaite and the consolidation of Burma Mys J MAY-OUNG
1930 PhD London, SOAS Revenue administration of the Sirkars under the East India Company down to 1802 Lanka SUNDERAM
1930 PhD London, LSE Hastings’ experiments in the judicial administration N J M YUSUF
1931 PhD London State policy and economic development in Mysore State since 1881 UDAYAM ABHAYAMBAL Miss Anstey
1931 PhD London The origin and early history of public debt in India P DATTA Prof Coatman
1931 MA London Lord Macaulay and the Indian Legislative Council C D DHARKAR Prof Dodwell
1931 MA London The bilingual problem in Ceylon T D JAYASURIYA
1931 PhD London; LSE Study of agricultural cooperation in India based upon foreign experience H L PASRICHA Prof Gregory
1931 PhD London, UC The administration of Mysore under Sir Mark Cubbon. 1834-1861 K N V SASTRI Prof Dodwell
1931 PhD London, SOAS Administrative beginnings in British Burma, 1826-1843 Barbara J STEWART
1931/32 PhD Cambridge, St Cath’s English social life in India in the 18th century T G P SPEAR
1932 PhD London The growth and development of the Indian tea industry and trade S M AKHTAR Dr Anstey
1932 PhD London Anglo-Sikh relations, 1839-1849 K C KHANNA Prof Dodwell
1932 PhD London, LSE Indian commodity market speculation L N MISRA Prof Coatman
1932 PhD London, LSE Indian foreign trade, 1870-1930 Parimal RAY Prof Sargent
1932 PhD London, King’s Ceylon under the British occupation: its political and economic development, 1795-1833 C R de SILVA Prof Newton
1932 PhD London Post-war labour legislation in India – a comparison with Japan Sasadhar SINHA Dr Anstey
1932 PhD London Local finance in India G C VARMA Prof Coatman
1933 PhD Leeds Historical survey of the financial policy of the government of India from 1857 to 1900 and of its economic and other consequences H S BHAI
1933 PhD London The relations between the Board of Commissioners for the affairs of India and the Court of Directors, 1784-1816 P CHANDRA Prof Coatman
1934 PhD London The influence of the home government on land revenue and judicial administration in the Presidency of Fort William in Bengal from 1807-1822 B S BALIGA Prof Dodwell
1934 MSc Leeds A survey of the resources of tanning materials and the leather industry of Bhopal State, India G W DOUGLAS
1934 PhD Edinburgh Human geography of Bengal Arthur GEDDES
1934 BLitt Oxford, Somerville A study of the legal and administrative records of Dacca as illustrating the policy of Warren Hastings in East Bengal F M SACHSE
1934 BLitt Oxford Biography of Maharaja DalipSingh K S THAPER
1935 DPhil Oxford The development of the Indian administrative and financial system, 1858-1905, with special reference to the relations F J THOMAS
1936 MSc London British Indian administration: a historical study K R Ramaswami AIYANGAR
1936 MA London Lord Ellenborough’s ideas on Indian policy Kathleen I GARRETT Dr Morrell
1936 MA London British public opinion regarding Indian policy at the time of the mutiny Jessie HOLMES Dr Morrell
1936 PhD London, SOAS The rise and fall of the Rohilla power in Hindustan, 1707-1774 AD A F M K RAHMAN
1936/37 PhD Edinburgh Indian foreign trade, 1900-1931, and its economic background: a study W B RAGHAVIAH
1937 PhD Cambridge, Gonville The national income of British India, 1931-1932 V K R V RAO
1937 PhD London, LSE Culture change in South-Western India A AIYAPPAN
1937 PhD London, UC Banks and industrial finance in India R BAGCHI
1937 PhD London Development of social and political ideas in Bengal, 1858-1884 B C BHATTACHARYA Prof Dodwell
1937 MSc Leeds An interpretation of the distribution of the population within the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh Nora Y BOYDELL
1937 PhD London, LSE Rise and growth of Indian liberalism M A BUCH
1937 PhD London, LSE Industrial finance and management in India N DAS
1937 MSc London, LSE The effect of the breakdown of the international gold standard on India R DORAISWAMY
1937 PhD London, LSE The problem of rural indebtedness in Indian economic life B G GHATE
1937 MSc London, LSE Indian coal trade J GUHATHAKURTA
1937 PhD London SOAS Reorganisation of the Punjab government (1847-1857) R C LAI
1937 PhD London, External An economic and regional geography of the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh S M T RIZVI
1937 PhD Wales Purposes and methods of recording and accounting as applied to agriculture, with special reference to provision and use of economic data relating to agriculture in India Arjan SINGH
1938 PhD London, SOAS The relations between Oudh and the East India Company from 1785-1801 P BASU
1938 PhD London, SOAS East India Company’s relations with Assam, 1771-1826 S K BHUYAN
1938 PhD London, LSE Discretionary powers in the Indian Government with special reference to district administration B CHAND
1938 MA London, SOAS The British conquest of Sind K A CHISHTI
1938 PhD Cambridge, Christ’s The working of the Bengal legislative council under the Government of India Act, 1919 J G DRUMMOND
1938 MA London British relations with the Sikhs and Afghans, July 1823 to March 1840 E R KAPADIA
1938 PhD London, SOAS The East India interest and the British government, 1784-1833 C H PHILIPS
1938 PhD London, LSE The position of the Viceroy and Governor General of India A RUDRA
1938 MA London British relations with the Sikhs and Afghans, July 1823 to March 1840 Charles WADE
1938/39 PhD Edinburgh Agricultural geography of the United Provinces B N MUKERJI
1939 PhD London, LSE Industrial development of Mysore R BALAKRISHNA
1939 MA London, LSE A general geographical account of the North West Frontier Province of India M A K DURRANI
1939 PhD Wales The international production and exchange of rice with special reference to the production, market demand and consumption of rice in India and Burma Ahmas KHAN
1939 BLitt Oxford, St Cath’s Soc The Governor-Generalship of Sir John Shore, 1793-1798 A W MAHMOOD
1939 PhD London, LSE Indian provincial finance (1919-1937) with special reference to the United Provinces B R MISRA
1940 PhD London, LSE Recent economic depression in India with reference to agriculture and rural life R K BHAN
1940 PhD Wales The future of agricultural cooperation in the United Provinces (with an examination of the cooperative experience)with special reference to the problems of agricultural cooperation in the United Provinces, India H R CHATURVEDI
1940 PhD London, LSE An administrative study of the development of the civil service in India during the Company’s regime A K GHOSAL
1940 PhD Wales The production, marketing and consumption of the chief oilseeds in India and the supply and use of oilseeds in the United Kingdom A S KHAN
1940 PhD Wales Principles of agricultural planning with reference to relationships of natural resources, populations and dietaries in India and with further reference to rural development in certain provinces of India Jaswant SINGH
1941 PhD London, LSE Financing of local authorities in British India A N BANERJI
1941 PhD London The political and cultural history of the Punjab including the North West Frontier Province in its earliest period L CHANDRA Prof Barnett
1941 PhD London, LSE Capital development of India, 1860-1913 A KRISHNASAWMI
1941 PhD London, LSE Influence of European political doctrines upon the evolution of the Indian governmental institutions and practice, 1858-1938 G PRASAD
1942 MLitt Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Economic and political relations of India with Iran and Afghanistan since 1900 T BASU
1942 PhD Edinburgh A study of missionary policy and methods in Bengal from 1793 to 1905 W B S DAVIS Prof Watt; Prof Buleigh
1943 PhD London, LSE Development of large scale industries in India and their localisation N S SASTRI
1944 BLitt Oxford, St Cath’s Communal representation and Indian self-government I J BAHADOORSINGH
1944 MA London, External The physiographic evolution of Ceylon K KULARATNAM
1946 MA London, SOAS The origins and development to 1892 of the Indian National Congress Iris M JONES
1947 PhD London, LSE The agricultural geography of Bihar P DAYAL
1947 PhD Cambridge, King’s Consumer expenditure in India, 1931/32 to 1940/41 R L DESAI
1947 MA London, LSE Power resources and utilisation in the United Provinces P K DUTT
1947 PhD London, LSE Cultural change with special reference to the hill tribes of Burma and Assam Edmund Ronald LEACH
1947 PhD London, SOAS The judicial administration of the East India Company in Bengal, 1765-1982 B B MISRA
1947 PhD London, LSE The monetary policy of the Reserve Bank of India with special reference to the structural and institutional factors in the economy K N RAJ
1948 PhD Wales The principles and practice of health insurance as applied to India J AGRAWALA
1948 MSc London, LSE International monetary policy since 1919 with special reference to India D C GHOSE
1948 DPhil Oxford, Balliol British policy on the North East Frontier of India, 1826-1886 S GUPTA
1948 DPhil Oxford, St Cath’s Local self-government in the Madras Presidency, 1850-1919 K K PILLAY
1948 PhD London, LSE The problem of the standards of the Indian currency A SADEQUE
1948 DPhil Oxford, Exeter The social function of religion in a south India community Mysore Narasimhashar SRINIVAS
1948 BLitt Oxford, St Cath’s Society Some aspects of agricultural marketing in India with reference to developments in western marketing systems R S SRIVASTAVA
1948 PhD London,. SOAS Muslims in India: a political analysis (from 1885-906) Rafiq ZAKARIA
1949 PhD London, LSE Settlements in the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh E AHMAD
1949 PhD London, SOAS The growth of self-government in Assam, 1984-1919 A K BARKAKOTY
1949 PhD London, SOAS British administration in Assam (1825-1845)with special reference to the hill tribes on the frontier H BARPUJARI
1949 MA London An enquiry into the development of training of teachers in the Punjab during the British period Aquila B BERLAS
1949 PhD London, LSE The problem of federation in India with special reference to economic relations J N BHAN
1949 PhD London, LSE A study of methods of national income measurements with special reference to the problems of India V K CHOPRA
1949 PhD London, LSE An analysis of the Indian price structure from 1861 A K GHOSH
1949 DPhil Oxford, Keble The achievement of Christian missionaries in India, 1794-1833 Kenneth INGHAM
1949 PhD Wales The organization and methods of agricultural cooperation in the British Isles and the possibility of their application in the Central Province of India N Y KHER
1949 PhD London, LSE Industrial geography of Bihar S A MAJID
1949 PhD London, LSE Development of Indian public finance during the war, April 1939-March 1946 S MISRA
1949 PhD London, LSE A study of the methods of state regulation of wages with special reference to their possible applications in India S B L NIGAM
1949 PhD London, SOAS The development of marriage in ancient India B C PAUL
1949 PhD St Andrews The social and administrative reforms of Lord William Bentinck G SEED
1950 PhD London, LSE Jails and borstals with special reference to West Bengal B BHATTACHARYYA Dr Mannheim
1950 PhD London The growth of local self-government in Assam, 1874-1919 A K BORKAKOTY Prof C R Philips; Prof Hall
1950 DPhil Oxford, Lady Margaret Hall The problem of the Indian immigrant in British colonial policy after 1834 I Mary CUMPSTON
1950 PhD London, LSE Underemployment and industrialisation: a study of the basic problems with special reference to India B DATTA
1950 PhD London, UC The agriculture of Mysore G K GHORI
1950 PhD London, SOAS The influence of western, particularly English, political ideas on Indian political thought, with special reference to the political ideas of the Indian National Congress, 1885-1919 Sailesh C GHOSH
1950 PhD London, LSE Principles of unemployment insurance and assistance with special reference to their application to India D GUPTA
1950 PhD Newcastle Anglo-Afghan relations, 1798-1878, with particular reference to British policy in Central Asia and on the North West Frontier of India M KHAN
1950 PhD London, LSE The social consequences of imperialism with special reference to Ceylon P R PIERIS
1950 PhD London, LSE An experiment in the estimation of national income and the in the construction of social accounts of India, 1945-1946 D N SAXENA Mr Booker
1950 PhD London, SOAS The relations between the home and Indian governments, 1858-1870 Zahinuddin Husain ZOBERI
1951 PhD London, External Memoir of the geology and mineral resources of the neighbourhood of Bentong, Pahang and adjoining portions of Selangor and Negri Sembilan, incorporating an account of the prospecting and mining activities of the Bentong District J B ALEXANDER
1951 BLitt Oxford, Exeter The political organization of the plains Indians Frederick George BAILEY
1951 BLitt Oxford, Corpus Southern India under Wellesley, 1798-1805 A S BENNELL Mr C C Davies
1951 PhD London, LSE Problems of the Indian foreign exchanges since 1927 D GHOSH
1951 DPhil Oxford, Balliol The Viceroyalty of Lord Ripon, 1880-1884 S GOPAL Mr R C Davies
1951 MA Wales The problem of the Straits, 1896-1936 E W GRIFFITHS
1951 PhD London, LSE Sources of Indian official statistics relating to production O P GUPTA Dr Rhodes
1951 MA Manchester The administration and financial control of municipalities and district boards in the UP N K KATHIA
1951 PhD Glasgow The legal and constitutional implications of the evolution of Indian independence R KEMAL
1951 PhD Cambridge, Jesus An analysis of the Hindu caste system in its interactions with the total social structure in certain parts of the Malabar coast E J MILLER Prof Hutton
1951 PhD Cambridge, Girton Changes in matrilineal kinship on th Malabar coast E K MILLER Prof Hutton
1951 PhD Bristol Agriculture and horticulture in India – sundry papers K C NAIK
1951 MA Manchester An economic survey of West Pakistan A SHARIF
1951 PhD Cambridge The interpretation of legislative powers under the Government of India Act, 1935 S D SHARMA
1951 BLitt Oxford, St Cath’s Society Religion and society among some of the tribes of Chota Nagpur H N C STEVENSON
1951 London, SOAS The political development of Burma during the period 1918-1935 OHN TIN
1951 PhD London, LSE The working of the Donoughmore constitution of Ceylon, 1931-1947: a study of a colonial central government by executive committees Irripitwebadalge don Samaradasa WEERAWARDANA Mr W H Morris-Jones
1952 PhD London SOAS The career of Mir Jafar Khan, 1757-1765 AD Raya ATULA-CHANDRA Prof C H Philips
1952 PhD London, LSE The development of Calcutta: a study in urban geography M GUHA Prof L D Stamp; Prof O H K Spate
1952 PhD London, LSE The East India Company’s land policy and management in Bengal from 1698 to 1784 Mazharul HUQ Dr Anstey
1952 MA Leeds The social accounts relating to Ceylon E L P JAYTILAKA
1952 MSc London, LSE Rural industries in India: a study in rural economic development with special reference to Madras C K KAUSUKUTTY Dr Anstey
1952 MSc London, LSE India’s balance of international payments with special reference to her food and agricultural conditions G B KULKARNI Dr Anstey; Dr Raeburn
1952 PhD Cambridge Utilitarian influence and the formation of Indian policy, 1820-1840 E T STOKES
1952 PhD London, SOAS Local government in India and Burma, 1908-1937: a comparative study of the evolution and working of local authorities in Bombay, the United Provinces and Burma Hugh R TINKER Prof Hall
1953 PhD London, LSE Economic geography of East Pakistan N AHMAD Prof Stamp
1953 MSc London, UC the changing pattern of India’s foreign trade, with special reference to the impact of large scale industrial development since 1919 A ALAGAPPAN
1953 PhD London, SOAS The East India Company and the economy of Bengal from 1704 to 1740 Sukumar BHATTACHARYYA Prof C H Philips
1953 MA Wales National income of Pakistan for the year 1948-49 Z ul H CHAUDRI
1953 MLitt Cambridge, Fitzwilliam The influence of Western thought on social, educational, political and cultural development of India, 1818-1840 V DATTA Dr T G P Spear
1953 MSc Belfast The growth of trade unions in India S DAYAL
1953 PhD London The establishment of Dutch power in Ceylon, 1638-1658 K W GOONEWARDENA Prof Hall
1953 PhD London, LSE The submontane region of North West Pakistan: a geographical study of its economic development Maryam KARAM-ELAHI Prof Buchanan; Prof Stamp
1953 PhD London, LSE A study of rhe measurement of national product and its distribution, with special reference to Pakistan A H KHANDKER
1953 PhD Edinburgh A regional study of survival, mortality and disease in British India in relation to the geographic factors, 1921-1940 A T A LEARMONTH
1953 PhD London, SOAS Development of the Muslims of Bengal and Bihar, 1819-1856, with special reference to their education A R MAALICK Prof Philips
1953 DPhil Oxford, Jesus The study of the economy of self-subsisting rural communities: the methods of investigation, economic conditions and economic relations, with specific reference to India P K MUKHOPADHYAY
1953 PhD London, LSE The relationship of land tenure to the economic modernization of Uttar Pradesh W C NEALE
1953 PhD London, Bedford Social status of women during the past fifty years (1900=1950) T N PATEL Mrs B Wootton
1953 PhD London, LSE The state in relation to trade unions and trade disputes in India Anand PRAKASH Mr W H Morris-Jones; Mr Roberts
1953 MA London, SOAS The tribal village in Bihar SACHCHIDANANDA Prof C Haimendorf
1953 PhD London, UC Delegated legislation in India V N SHULKA Prof Keeton
1953 PhD London, SOAS The internal policy of the Indian government, 1885-1898 H L SINGH Prof C H Philips
1953 PhD London, SOAS The internal policy of Lord Auckland in British India, 1836-1842, with special reference to education D P SINHA Prof C H Philips
1953/54 MA Leeds Demand for certain exports of Ceylon K THARMARATNAM
1954 MA London The administration of Sir Henry Ward,Governor of Ceylon, 1855-1860 S V BALASINGHAM Prof Graham
1954 PhD London, SOAS Social policy and social change in Western India, 1817-1830 Kenneth A BALLHATCHET Prof C H Philips
1954 Dphil Oxford, St Hilda’s Lord William Bentinck in Bengal, 1828-1835 C E BARRETT Dr C C Davies
1954 MA London A historical survey of the training of teachers in Bengal in the 19th and 20th centuries S BHATTACHARYA
1954 MA London, SOAS Evolution of representative government in India, 1884-1909 Sasadhar CHAKRAVARTY Prof C H Philips
1954 PhD London, LSE Consumption levels in India T P CHAUDHURI
1954 PhD London, LSE The forests of Assam: a study in economic geography H DAS
1954 MSc Leeds A study of price fixing for agricultural products with special reference to milk in Great Britain and Bombay N K DESAI
1954 BLitt St Andrews Eldred Pottinger and the North West Frontier, 1838-1842 D W F GOURLAY Sir C Ogilvie
1954 PhD London, LSE The Korean crisis and the Indian Union K GUPTA
1954 MA Manchester Some aspects of the development of Pakistan’s financial structure M HOSSAIN
1954 MSc London, LSE Financing economic development in Ceylon A T JAYAKODDY Prof Paish; Dr Anstey
1954 PhD London, LSE Measurement of profits: a study of methods with special reference to India R K NIGAM
1954 DPhil Oxford, St Antony’s A study of communal representation in constitutional systems of the British Commonwealth with specific reference to Ceylon, Kenya and Fiji Carl Gustav ROSBERG Mr K E Robinson
1954 PhD London, LSE Land utilization in Eastern Uttar Pradesh (comprising the districts of Jaunpur, Banares, Guezipur, Azamgarh and Baldea) M SHAFI Prof Stamp; Mr R R Rawson
1954 PhD London, LSE Representation and representative government in the Indian Republic Irene C TINKER Mr W H Morris-Jones
1954 PhD London, SOAS Trade and finance in the Bengal Presidency, 1793-1833 Amales TRIPATHY Prof C H Phillips
1954 PhD London, LSE Some aspects of the history of the coffee industry in Ceylon with specific reference to 1823-1885 I H VAN DEN DRIESEN Mr Fisher
1954 PhD London, LSE The Manning constitution of Ceylon, 1924-1931 Alfred Jeyaretnam WILSON Mr R Bassett; Mr W H Morris-Jones
1955 MSC London, LSE Some aspects of the history of British investments in the private sector of the Indian economy, 1876-1914 N Z AHMED Dr Ashworth; F J Fisher
1955 PhD Manchester The social organisation of a village on the Hindu frontier of Orissa Frederick George BAILEY
1955 LLM London, LSE Recognition and enforcement of foreign judgements in India: a comparative study B N BANERJEE
1955 PhD London The administration of criminal justice in Bengal from 1773 to 1861 T K BANERJEE S A de Smith; Prof A Gledhill
1955 MA London The East India Company in Madras, 1707-1744 R N BANERJI
1955 PhD London The factory of the English East India Company at bantam, 1602-1682 D K BASSETT Prof D G E Hall
1955 PhD London, LSSE Pressure of population on land in India: a regional approach B S BHIR
1955 MA London, SOAS The economic policy of the Government of India, 1898-1905 Edna BONNER Prof C R Philips
1955 DPhil Oxford, St Antony’s The educational policy of the East India Company, 1781-1854 J G BOWEN Mr C C Davies
1955 BLitt Oxford, Magdalen Indian labour migration to Malaya, 1867-1910 D A CALMAN Dr A F Madden
1955 PhD London, LSE Consumption levels in India T P CHOUDHURY
1955 PhD London, LSE The Malay family in Singapore J DJAMOUR
1955 PhD Edinburgh The abolition of the East India Company’s monopoly, 1833 D EYLES Prof Pares
1955 MLitt Cambridge. Fitzwilliam House The mongoloids and their contributions to the growth of Assamese culture M C GOSWAMI Dr J E Lindgren
1955 PhD London, SOAS The administration of the Delhi Territory, 1803-1832 Jessie HOLMES Prof C H Philips
1955 MSc (Econ) London, LSE Taxation and saving in India D JHA
1955 MSc London, LSE A comparison of the federal aspects of the Government of India Act, 1935, and the constitution of 1950 S KHAN
1955 MA London, SOAS Some aspects of the social history of Bengal with special reference to the Muslims, 1854-1884 L KHATOON Prof Philips
1955 PhD Aberdeen Ports of the Indian ocean: an historical geography W KIRK A C O’Dell
1955 PhD Cambridge, Peterhouse British investment in Indian guaranteed railways, 1845-1875 W J MACPHERSON Mr K E Berrill
1955 PhD London, UC Fundamental freedoms, with particular reference to the Indian constitution J C MEHDI Prof G W Keeton
1955 PhD Birmingham The educational ideas of Mahatma Gandhi N P PILLAI
1955 MA Manchester Cottage industries in Bihar S B SAXENA
1955 PhD London, LSE The Indian jute industry: a study of agricultural geography P SENGUPTA
1955 PhD London, LSE The political philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi in relation to the English liberal tradition Bishan Sarup SHARMA
1955 LLM London, SOAS Distribution of legislative power under the India constitution R P SHARMA
1955 PhD London , SOAS The Council of India, 1858-1919 S SINGH Prof C H Philips
1955 PhD London LSE The origin and development of left wing movements and ideas in India, 1919-1947 Lalan Prasad SINHA R Mikband; W H Morris-Jones
1955 PhD London; SOAS British interest in trans-Burma trade routes to China, 1826-1876 Ma THAUNG
1955 MA London The training of teachers in the Bombay Presidency during the British period: a historical survey N L VAIDYA
1955 PhD Edinburgh Save there, eat here: a cultural study of labour migration from a Pakhtun village Francis Philip WATKINS
1955 PhD London, LSE The southeast quadrant of Ceylon: a study of the geographical aspects of land use W A R WIKKRAMATILEKE
1956 PhD London, SOAS The Dutch power in Ceylon, 1658-1687 S ARASARATNAM Prof D Hall
1956 PhD London, LSE Land use and soil erosion problems of Bist Jullundur Doab, Punjab, India O P BHARDWAJA
1956 PhD London, SOAS British rule in Assam, 1845-1858 B CHAUDHURI Prof C R Philips
1956 PhD London, SOAS Sir Josiah Child and the East India Company at the end of the 17th century A L CROWE Prof C Philips
1956 MSc London, LSE Scope and method of agricultural economic surveys in India N Y Z FARUQI Dr Raeburn
1956 PhD London, LSE A study of capital taxation and its scope in India I S GULATI
1956 PhD London, LSE An analysis of the monetary experience of Ceylon H A de S GUNASEKERA Prof Sayers; Mr Wilson
1956 PhD London, LSE Federal finance and economic development with special reference to Pakistan M HOSSAIN
1956 PhD London, LSE The demand for Indian exports and imports: an econometric study of selected commodities A K MUKERJI Prof Allen; Dr Norton
1956 PhD London, LSE Capital development in India with special reference to recent trends in investments Dinanath Kashinath RANGNEKAR Prof Paish; Dr Anstey
1956 PhD Cambridge, St John’s A study of India’s balance of payments, 1901-1913 and 1924-1936 B S RAO Prof E A G Robinson
1956 MA London, SOAS The relations between the Indian central and provincial governments with special reference to the Presidencies of Madras and Bombay, 1858-1882 D N SINGH Prof C H Philips
1957 MA Birmingham An examination in disposal and treatment of juvenile delinquents in Bombay State in relation to practice in England A D ATTAR
1957 MA London The development and reconstruction of university education in Pakistan since 1854 S M A AZIZ
1957 PhD Cambridge, Trinity Social organisation of the Jaffna Tamils of North Ceylon with special reference to kinship, marriage and inheritance M Y BANKS Mr E R Leach
1957 PhD London, LSE West Midnapore: a study of land use S C CHAKRABORTI
1957 BLitt Oxford, St Cath’s The place of agricultural development in India’s first two Five-Year Plans A CORREIA-AFONSO
1957 PhD London, SOAS Studies in the economic and social development of Inida, 1848-1856 M N DAS Prof C Philips
1957 MA London, LSE The population of Chota Nagpur H P DEVI Prof L D Stamp
1957 MSc London, LSE Small scale and cottage industries as a means of providing better opportunities for labour in India Q H FAROOQUEE Prof A Plant; Mr Foldes
1957 PhD London, LSE Fiscal policy and inflation in post-war India, 1945-1954 K V G GOWDA
1957 DPhil Oxford Anglo Sikh relations, 1799-1849 B J HASRAT C C Davies
1957 MLitt Cambridge, Girton Indian constitutional development, 1927-1935 M B HASSEN Dr T G P Spear
1957 PhD London, LSE The commitee system in British and Indian local authorities C JHA Prof W A Robbins
1957 DPhil Oxford, St Cath’s The development of money and banking in Ceylon J B KELEGAMA
1957 PhD London, LSE The civil service in independent India: the All India and Union Civil Services B S KHANNA Prof W A Robson
1957 PhD London, LSE Urbanization in West Pakistan K KURESHY
1957 PhD London, LSE Hinduism and economic growth: a study of the nature of the impact of Hinduism on India’s economic growth with special emphasis on theperiod since the mid 18th century B B MISHRA Dr Anstey
1957 PhD London, External Large scale sampling surveys in agriculture in the Punjab (Pakistan) D M QURESHI
1957 PhD London, SOAS British land policy in Oudh j RAJ Prof C H Philips
1957 DPhil Oxford The Dutch in Coromandel, 1605-1690 Tapan RAYCHAUDHURI
1957 PhD London, LSE Geomorphological evolution of the highaland of Chota Nagpur and the adjoining districts of Bihar R P SINGH
1957 PhD London, LSE Credit problems of small farmers in Ceylon Wijetunga Mudianselagadera TILAKARATNA Mr A D Knox
1957 PhD London The urban geography of Agra A R TIWARI Prof A E Smailes
1957/58 PhD London, SOAS The life and career of Jonathan Duncan, 1756-1795 V NARAIN
1957/58 PhD Manchester A comparative study of informal relationships in a Chinese village in Malaya and north India W H NEWELL
1957/58 PhD Manchester The history of the Arghuns and Tarkhans of Sind M H SIDDIQI
1957/58 PhD Manchester An analysis of the demand for, and the supply of, food in India R P SINHA
1958 MA London, Inst Ed The missionary activities of the CMS and CZEMS in Kashmir during the second half of the 19th century S Z AHMED SAH Prof J A Lauwerys
1958 PhD Cambridge, King’s The political organisation of the Swat Pathans T F W BARTH Mr E R Leach
1958 MA London, Inst Ed A historical survey of the languages problem in Bengal from the Muslim period to the end of the British period K BHATTACHARYYA
1958 MSc Cambridge, Fitzwilliam The financing of planned economic development in India S R DATTA GUPTA Dr A R Prest
1958 MA London, LSE Sociology of marriage rituals in India: a study of Sanskritisation and de-Sanskritisation B DATTAGUPTA
1958 MSc Londond, LSE Some aspects of Indo-British trade during the 20th century with special reference to capital goods V P DHITAL
1958 MA London, SOAS The political system of the Rajputs Sylvia J DUTRA Dr Bauley; Prof C von Furer-Haimendorf
1958 MSc London, LSE The economics of the tea industry in Ceylon J M F G FERNANDO Dr V Anstey
1958 PhD London The development of the Indian National Congress, 1892-1909 Pansy C GHOSH Dr K Balhatchet
1958 PhD London, LSE Inflation in India, 1939-1952: a study of inflation in an underdeveloped economy S K GHOSH Dr Anstey; Mr Day
1958 PhD London,SOAS The internal administration of Lord Lytton, with special reference to social and economic policy, 1876-1880 L M GUJRAL
1958 MLitt Cambridge, King’s Sir Richard Jenkins and the Residency at Nagpur, 1807-1818 F A HAGAR Dr T G P Spear
1958 PhD London, LSE Agrarian problems in Bihar based, primarily, on surveys in five villages F Tomasson JANNUZI Dr V Anstey
1958 BLitt Oxford, Campion Hall An economic and historical study of food grain controls in India during the second world war and after S C JOSEPH
1958 MSc London, LSE Union-state administrative cooperation in India (1937-1952) M KAMAL Prof W A Robson
1958 MSc London, LSE Problems of the agricultural labourers in India R P KAMAT
1958 MSc Cambridge, Newnham The employment problem in Ceylon I KANNANGARA Mrs J V Robinson
1958 PhD Cambridge, Trinity The commercial and diplomatic relations between India and Tibet in the nineteenth century H A LAMB Dr V W W S Purcell
1958 PhD Cambridge, St Catharine’s The Dutch East India Company and Mysore, 1762-1790 J van LOHUIZEN Dr T G P Spear
1958 MA London, LSE Social and economic geography of the Mathura District (western Uttar Pradash) S D MISRA Mr R R Rawson
1958 PhD London, LSE Economics of nutritional problems in India R N MITRA Dr Raeburn
1958 PhD Cambridge, Peterhouse The analysis of Kandyan marriage: landlords, labourers and aristocrats OSMAN YALMAN NUR
1958 PhD London, SOAS Sir Elijah Impey in India, 1774-1783 Bishwa Nath PANDEY Prof C H Philips
1958 MA London, LSE A geography of the Peshawar region M Z SAHIBZADA
1958 PhD London, LSE Indian monetary policy and debt management since 1939 J C D SETHI Dr V Anstey; Mr R Turvey
1958 PhD London, LSE Strategic aspects of India’s foreign policy V B L SHARMA
1958 BLitt Oxford, St Antony’s The rise and growth of the Praja Socialist Party of India (1934-1935) H K SINGH Mr F G Carnell
1958 PhD London, LSE Allahabad: a study in urban geography Ujaqir SINGH Prof D L Stamp
1958 PhD London, SOAS Asoka and the Decline of the Mauryas Romila THAPAR Prof A.L.Basham [viz., note from Prof Thapar dated 4 March 2016]
1958 MA London, SOAS History of the development of Rangoon TUN THET Prof Hall
1958 PhD London, LSE India’s membership of the sterling area Jai Dev VARMA
1958 PhD Cambridge The present situation and the probably future of cotton in West Pakistan’s economy S B WHITEHILL
1958 PhD Edinburgh The economic geography of Madhya Pradesh (formerly Central Provinces and Behar) R H ZAIDI
1959 MSc(Econ) London, LSE The industrial worker in East Pakistan: a study in the adaptation of an industrial labour force A K AHMADULLAH Prof Phelps
1959 MA Manchester The recruitment of Indians into the covenanted civil service, 1853-1892 M R ANWAR
1959 PhD Manchester Britain and Muslim India: a study of British public opinion vis-a-vis the development of Muslim nationalism in India, 1905-1947 K K AZIZ
1959 MSc London, LSE Problems in corporation taxation with special reference to India M P BHATT Mr Turvey
1959 PhD London, LSE Applications of linear programming to the development plans of India B BHATTACHARYYA
1959 MA London Trincocmalee and the East Indies Squadron, 1746-1844 H A COLGATE Prof Graham
1959 PhD London, LSE Economic development of Assam with special reference to the 20th century P GOSWAMI Dr Anstey
1959 PhD London The nationalist movement in Ceylon betweem 1910 and 1931, with special reference to communal and elective problems D K GREENSTREET Dr Miliband
1959 BLitt Oxford, St Cath’s Land tenure in the Kandyan provinces of Ceylon U A GUNASEKERA Dr D F Pocock
1959 BLitt Oxford, St Anne’s The analysis of external trade and economic structure of Ceylon, 1900-1955 O E B GUNEWARDENA Miss P H Ady
1959 PhD London, LSE Some problems of the organisation and administration of public enterprise with special reference to India L N GUPTA Prof Robson; Dr Anstey
1959 PhD Edinburgh The collection of agricultural statistics and the use of data in the United Kingdom and Pakistan: an objective study to explore possibilities of improvement in Pakistan Muhammed Altaf HUSSAIN
1959 MA London, SOAS Social and administrative policy of the Government of Bengal, 1877-1890 Rokeya KABEER Prof Basham
1959 PhD London, External Industrial relations in India C B KUMAR
1959 PhD London, LSE Some aspects of the problem of implementing agricultural planning in India Gouri NAG Mr Knox; Mr Lancaster
1959 PhD Edinburgh Early English travellers in India. A study in the travel literature of the Elizabethan and Jacobean periods with particular reference to India R C PRASAD Prof W L Renwick; Mr G A Shepperson
1959 PhD London, LSE Judicial review in India: a study in constitutional theory and judicial practice V R RAVIKANTI Mr S de Smith
1959 MA London, LSE The position of women in Hinayana Buddhist countries (Burma, Ceylon, Thailand) S SEIN Mr F Freedman
1959 PhD London , LSE British opinion and Indian neutralism: an analysis of India’s foreign policy in the light of British public reactions, 1947-1957 Shri Ram SHARMA Prof Manning
1959/60 PhD Cambridge, Fitzwilliam The cottage industries of India: an enquiry into their economics with special reference to developmental planning Kedarnath PRASAD
1959/60 PhD Cambridge, Queen’s The role of transport and foreign trade in the economic development of Burma under British rule, 1885-1914 Maung SHEIN
1959/60 PhD London, External North east Baluchistan, Quetta Division: a critical evaluation of the land and its resources A H SIDDIQI
1959/60 MA Manchester An analysis of the principal factors affecting India’s policy toward her Himalayan border J TOOMRE
1960 PhD London, SOAS Some aspects of the history of the Muslim community in Bengal, 1884-1912 Sufia AHMED Prof C H Philips
1960 MA London Aspects of the economic development of the Assam valley, 1858-1884 A C BARUA Dr K Ballhatchet
1960 PhD Cambridge Thomas Munro and the development of administrative policy in Madras, 1791-1818: the origins of “the Munro system” T H BEAGLEHOLE Dr K Ballhatchet
1960 PhD London, LSE Measurements of production and productivity in Indian industry with special reference to methodological aspects G C BERI
1960 PhD London, SOAS The state and the cooperative movement in the Bombay Presidency, 1880-1930 I J CATANACH Dr K Ballhatchet
1960 PhD London, LSE The centrally recruited services in Pakistan M A CHAUDHURI Prof P Robson
1960 DPhil Oxford, Lincoln Portuguese society in India in the sixteenth and seveteenth centuries K J CROWTHER
1960 PhD Cambridge, St Cath’s Cottage industries of Ceylon H D DIAS Mr B H Farmer
1960 MSc (Econ) London Someproblems of agriculture in the Vale of Peshawar (West Pakistan) Lloyd Suttor EDMONDS
1960 PhD Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Malabar in Asian trade, 1740-1800 Asin Ranjan Das GUPTA
1960 MA Wales, Swansea Indian international transactions 1948 to 1958 C GURUPRASAD
1960 PhD London, SOAS British policy on the North West Frontier Province of India, 1889-1901 L HARRIS Prof K Ballhatchet
1960 PhD London, External Agricultural geography of East Pakistan B L C JOHNSON
1960 DPhil Oxford, St Antony’s The Indian National Congress, 1918-1923 G KKRISHNA Dr G F Hudson
1960 PhD London The growth of the idea of Commonwealth in India. 1900-1929 S R MEHROTRA Prof Philips
1960 PhD London The Burma-China boundary since 1886 Khin Maung NYUNT
1960 PhD London, Birkbeck Colombo: a study in urban geography D B L PANDITARATNA Prof A L Basham
1960 PhD London, LSE The law and the banker in Ceylon M J L RAJANAYAGAM Prof Gower
1960 PhD London, LSE Land reforms and some allied agrarian problems in Madras State since independence Arungiri RAMASWAMI
1960 PhD London LSE Economic aspects of the sugar industry in India Saraswathi RAU Dr Raeburn
1960 PhD London, LSE Industrial injuries schemes in India and Britain: a comparative study B RAYCHAUDHURI
1960 MSc London, LSE Wage boards in British and the application of their proceedings in India C J N SAXENA Prof Phelps Brown
1960 PhD London, LSE Recent changes in land use in the Upper Damodar Basin, India A SHARAN Mr Rawson
1960 PhD London, SOAS English relations with Haidar Ali, 1760-1782 B SHEIK ALI
1960 MA London, Inst Ed A comparative study of the language problem at the university level in India R K YADAVA
1960 PhD London, SOAS Anglo-Chinese diplomacy regarding Burma, 1885-1897 Nancy Iu YAN-KIT
1960/61 PhD Cambridge, King’s Surplus manpower in agriculture and economic development with special reference to India P S SANGHVI Dr M R Fisher
1960/61 PhD Cambridge, Newnham A critique of surplus labour doctrine as applied to the Pakistan in 1947-1957 Rehana TANWIR
1961 PhD London Constitutional and political aspects of the public corporation in Britain and India R S ARORA
1961 BLitt Oxford, Exeter Some aspects of change in the structure of the Muslim family in the Punjab under British rule T ASAD Dr D F Pocock
1961 PhD London, SOAS The structure and organisatioin of the Bengal Native Infantry with special reference to the problems of discipline (1796-1852) Amiya BARAT Dr K Ballhatchet
1961 PhD London, LSE Howrah: an urban study A CHATTOPADHYAY Dr E Jones
1961 PhD Leeds India, Britain and Russia: a study of British opinion V K CHAVDA Prof Briggs
1961 DPhil Oxford, Magdalen Muslim politics in the Indo-Pakistan sub-continent, 1858-1916 M CHUGHTAI Dr C C Davies
1961 DPhil Oxford, Nuffield Henry Dundas and the government of India, 1773-1801 B DE Mr Davies
1961 PhD London, SOAS Some aspects of the development of social policy in Ceylon, 1840-1955 with special reference to the influence of missionary organisations K M DE SILVA Dr K Ballhatchet
1961 MSc London The economics, organisation and administration of the Indian paper industry B N DHAR
1961 PhD London The administration of Guntur District with special reference to local influences on revenue policy, 1837-1848 Robert Eric FRYKENBERG Dr K Ballhatchet
1961 PhD Cambridge Sir Richard Temple and the government of India 1868-1880: some trends in Indian administrative policy G R G HAMBLY
1961 PhD London, SOAS Tribal unrest on the south-west frontier of the Bengal Presidency, 1831-1833 J C JHA
1961 MA London, SOAS Changing values in the Naga Hills and Manipur State M KALABOVA Prof C Von Furer Haimerdorf
1961 PhD London, External Financial administration in Ceylon since independence V KANESALINGHAM
1961 MSc London, LSE Government of India policy towards Portuguese possessions in India from 1947 to 1957 R A KHAN
1961 PhD London, SOAS The development of nationalist ideas and tactics and the policies of the government of India J R McLANE
1961 PhD London, SOAS The Kurumas of Malabar Richard Lionel ROOKSBY
1961 PhD Cambridge, Trinity Hall The Ceylon economy, 1920-1938: a national accounts study M R P SALGADO Dr B B Das Gupta
1961 MA London, SOAS The social and political organisation of the Kandyan Kingdom (Ceylon) S B W WICKREMASEKERA
1961/62 PhD Cambridge, Newnham The growth of agricultural labour in the Madras Presidency in the nineteenth century Dharma KUMAR Mr J Gallagher
1962 MA London, LSE Population changes in West Bengal, 1872-1951 A BHATTACHARYYA Prof Jones
1962 MA London, Inst Ed Policies regarding higher education in Ceylon during the 19th and 20th centuries with special reference to the establishment of the University of Ceylon P CHANDRASEGARAM Mr B Holmes
1962 PhD London The development of the English East India Company with special reference to its trade and organization, 1600-1640 K N CHAUDHURI
1962 PhD Edinburgh The control of public expenditure in less-developed countries with special reference to India usha DAR
1962 PhD London, LSE Investment and economic growth in Ceylon S B D DE SILVA Prof Paish
1962 PhD Londond, Birkbeck The North West frontier of West Pakistan: a study in regional geography D DICHTER Prof East
1962 PhD London Social institutions in Ceylon 5th century BC to 4th century AD H ELLAWALLA Prof Basham; Dr de Casparia
1962 MLitt Durham The political ideas of Sir Alfred Comyn Lyall P HASSAN Prof W H Morris Jones
1962 DPhil Oxford, St Antony’s Some aspects of the social and political thought of Mahatma Gandhi Raghavan Narasimhan IYER Mr J P Plamenatz
1962 PhD London, SOAS Murshid Quli Khan and his times Abdul KARIM Mr Harrison
1962 PhD London Indo-Ceylon relations since independence Shelton Upatissa KODIKARA
1962 PhD London The fiscal policy of the central government of India since independence and its economic effects J MADHAB
1962 DPhil Oxford, Wadham The impeachment of Warren Hastings Peter James MARSHALL Principal of Lady Margeret Hall
1962 PhD London, External Social geography of Himachal Pradesh S D MISRA
1962 PhD London, LSE Public administration aspects of community development in India (with special reference to Rajasthan) D C POTTER
1962 PhD London, LSE The development of the Indian capital market with special reference to the managing agent system B PRASAD Dr Paish; Dr Anstey
1962 PhD London, LSE A study of productivity problems in the cotton textile industries of the UK (Lancashire) and India (Bombay and Ahmedabad) since the Second World War S P S PRUTHI Mr Roberts
1962 PhD London The political and constitutional evolution of Burma from 1923-1936 Asha RAM
1962 PhD London, Inst Ed Education in colonial Ceylon, being a research study on the history of education in Ceylon for the period 1796 to 1834 T R A RUBERU
1962 PhD Edinburgh Scottish experience in the impact of farm mechanisation on the employment and use of man labour with observatioins on possible Indian problems in this field Kalyan Kumar SARKAR
1962 PhD Cambridge, Trinity Hall The emergence of Indian nationalism, 1885-1915 A SEAL Mr J Gallagher
1962 PhD Manchester A comparative study of the central administrative organisation in India and in some other Commonwealth countries S C SETH
1962 DPhil Oxford, Nuffield India’s export performance, 1951-1960, export prospects and policy implications M V SINGH Dr I M D Little
1962 PhD Manchester Some aspects of the administration of community projects in India T N SRIVASTAVA
1962 PhD London, QMC Aspects of the urban geography of new Delhi M P THAKORE Prof Smailes
1962 PhD London Family planning in India: a field study of attitudes and behaviour in a population of Delhi compared with results of existing research in India and elsewhere S THAPER
1962 PhD London, SOAS Lord Minto and the Indian nationalist movement with special reference to the political activities of the Indian Muslims, 1905-1910 S R WASTI
1962 DPhil Oxford, New The formation of policy in the India Office, 1858-1866, with special reference to the Political, Judicial, Revenue and Public Works Departments D WILLIAMS Mr C C Davies
1962/63 MA London, Inst Ed Education in the Roman Catholic missions in Ceylon in the second half of the 19th century (1842-1905) C N V FERNANDO Dr Weitzman
1962/63 PhD London, External Sterling tea and rubber companies in Ceylon, 1889-1958 N RAMACHANDRAN
1963 DPhil Oxford, St Cath’s Land systems in the Punjab (including North West Frontier Province)as affected by British rule between 1849 and 1901 R AHMAD Mrs U K Hicks
1963 PhD London, SOAS The Bengali reaction to Christian missionary activities, 1833-1957 M M ALI
1963 PhD Manchester Economic ideas and Indian economic policies in the nineteenth century S AMBIRAJAN
1963 PhD London, UC The development of the constitution of Jammu and Kashmir A S ANAND Mr Holland
1963 PhD Cambridge, Trinity Private investment and partial planning in India Amiya Kumar BAGCHI
1963 PhD London The law of parliamentary elections in India and the United Kingdom R K BAHL
1963 PhD London, SOAS British policy towards the Panjab, 1844-1849 S S BAL Dr K Ballhatchet
1963 PhD London Estimates of the current and capital accounts of the balance of payments of India, 1921/22 to 1938/39, incorporating also the estimates of the government of India A K BANERJI
1963 MS London The governorship of Sir William Gregory in Ceylon B E St J BASTIAMPILLAI Prof G S Graham
1963 PhD Manchester The industrial growth and technological pluralism in India with special reference to the cotton textile industry AS BHALLA
1963 PhD London, LSE Financial administration of nationalised industries in UK and India G S BHALLA
1963 MA London, Inst Ed A cross-cultural study of interests and attitudes of British and Indian university students J K BHATNAGAR
1963 MSc London, LSE American attitudes towards foreign aid with special reference to the Indian sub continent E I BRODKIN Mr Chambers
1963 PhD London, SOAS Lord Curzon and the Indian states. 1899-1905 I A BUTT Dr K A Ballhatchet
1963 MsC London, UC A comparative study of the nature and effectiveness of selective credit controls in the UK, India and Australia since 1951 J G CHAPATWALA Dr Cramp
1963 PhD London, SOAS Slavery in the Bengal Presidency under East India Company rule, 1772-1843 A K CHATTOPADHYAY Major Harrison
1963 PhD London, SOAS The rice industry of Burma, 1852-1940 Siok-hwa CHENG Prof C D Cowan
1963 MA London, Inst Ed The effects of diarchy upon educational developments in Bengal, 1919-1953 S K DUTTA GUPTA
1963 PhD London, LSE Colonisation of the dry zone of Ceylon H N C FONSECA
1963 PhD London British relations with Kashmir, 1885-1893 D K GHOSE Dr K Ballhatchet
1963 PhD Sheffield The Marquis of Dalhousie and education in India, 1848-1956 Kamala GHOSH
1963 PhD Manchester The British Conservative Party and Indian problems. 1927-1935 S C GHOSH
1963 PhD London, SOAS British historical writing from Alexander Dow to Mountstuart Elphinstone on Muslim India J S GREWAL Dr Hardy
1963 PhD London, SOAS Indian politics and the British right, 1914-1922 M R HASSAN Dr K Ballhatchet
1963 PhD London, LSE Ritual pollution and social structure in Hindu Assam T T S HAYLEY
1963 MSc London, LSE English, German, Spanish relations in the Sulu question, 1987-1877 S C HUNTER
1963 PhD London, LSE Rainfall, rice fields and irrigation needs in West Bengal P HUR Mr Rawson
1963 MSc London, LSE Ideological influences in the foreign policy of Pakistan A HUSSAIN Dr Manning
1963 MA Sheffield The industrial geography of Madras State Iyer Balasubramanyan HYMA
1963 PhD Cambridge, King’s The supply of Sinhalese labour to Ceylon plantations, 1830-1930: a study of imperial policy in a peasant society L R U JAYAWARDENA Mr K E Berrill
1963 PhD London, External Caste and class in pre-Muslim Bengal: studies in social history of Bengal N KUNDU
1963 DPhil Oxford, Jesus The role and limits of state authority in northern India in the early historical period: an empirical examination of the administration of government Ian W MABBETT Prof T Borrow
1963 DPhil Oxford, Lady Margaret Lord Minto’s administration in India (1807-1813)with special reference to his foreign policy Amita MAJUMDAR Mr C C Davies
1963 DPhil Oxford, St Hugh’s Imperial policy in India, 1905-1910 V MAZUMDAR Dr C C Davies
1963 PhD London, LSE The origin, development and problems of village (“community”) projects in India Vindhyeshwari Prasad PANDE
1963 PhD London, LSE Constitutional protection of property in India: a critical and comparative study P P PANDIT
1963 DPhil Oxford, Regent’s Park British Baptist missions and missionaries in India, 1793-1837 E D POTTS Mr C C Davis
1963 DPhil Oxford, Somerville Land revenue administration in the ceded and conquered provinces and its economic background, 1819-1833 Asiya SIDDIQI Mr C C Davis
1963 MA London, SOAS British administration in Upper Burma, 1885-1897 Jagjit Singh SIDHU
1963 BLitt Oxford, St Cath’s The Jats: an ethnographic survey Gunter TIEMANN Dr D F Pocock
1963 DPhil Oxford, Balliol The development and significance of transport in India (1834-1882) K E VERGHESE Mr C C Davies
1963 PhD London, SOAS Some aspects of Indian society as depicted in the Pali Canon N K WAGLE
1963 MA London, LSE Magic in Malaya W D WILDER
1963 PhD London, UC Basic democracies in Pakistan M S K YOUSUFZAI Prof Holland
1964 LlM London, UC The origin and nature of presidential powers in Pakistan M ARIF Mr Holland
1964 PhD London, SOAS The ideological differences between moderates and extremists in the Indian national movement with special reference to Surendranath Banerjea and Lajpat Rai, 1882-1919 D ATGOV Prof H Tinker
1964 DPhil Oxford, St Antony’s The Indian Constituent Assembly and the framing of the Indian constitution G S AUSTIN Mr F G Carnell
1964 PhD London, SOAS The role of Shaikh Ahmad of Sarhind in Islam in India M Q BAIG Prof Basham
1964 PhD London, SOAS David Scott on the North East Frontier of India and in Assam N K BAROOAH Mr Harrison
1964 BLitt Oxford, Somerville An examination of marriage ritual among selected groups in South India B E F BECK
1964 PhD London, LSE The mobilisation of savings and the role of financial institutions with special reference to India M Q M S DALVI Dr Anstey
1964 PhD London, LSE Producers’ rationality and technical changes in agriculture with special reference to India S DASGUPTA Dr Anstey; Mr Joy
1964 PhD London, SOAS British policy towards the Pathans and Pindaris in central India, 1805-1818 B GHOSH Dr K Ballhatchet
1964 PhD Cambridge. Newnham Service centres in Southern Ceylon K A GUNAWARDENA Mr B H Farmer
1964 PhD London, UCL, A Comparative Study of Pakistani Bilingual and Monoglot School Children’s Performance in Verbal and Non Verbal Tests Rafia HASAN Dr Charlotte Banks (added thanks to information of Naveed Hasan Henderson, PhD London 1995, in a comment below, and confirmed by the University of London Library)
1964 PhD London, External An appraisal of public investment policy in India, 1951-1961 J M HEALEY
1964 PhD London The formation of British land revenue policy in the ceded and conquered provinces of northern India. 1801-1833 M I HUSAIN Dr K A Ballhatchet
1964 PhD London, LSE Soviet Russia’s policy towards India and its effect on Anglo-Soviet relations, 1917-1928 Z IMAM Mr Schapiro
1964 PhD London, Wye Efficiency in agricultural production; its meaning, measurement and improvement in peasant agriculture with special reference to Pakistan M S ISLAM
1964 PhD London, LSE The urban labour movement in Ceylon with reference to political factors, 1893-1947 V K JAYAWARDENA Prof Roberts
1964 PhD London, External A study of the current trends in the industrial development of Ceylon V KANAPATHY
1964 PhD London, LSE The modern Muslim political elite in Bengal Abdul Khair Nazmul KARIM
1964 PhD London, LSE Iron and steel prices in India since independence S S MENSINKAI
1964 PhD London, SOAS Sir Charles Wood’s Indian policy, 1953-1866 R J MOORE Prof Basham
1964 PhD London, SOAS Lord Northwood’s Indian administration, 1872-1876 E C MOULTON Dr K Ballhatchet
1964 PhD London, LSE Some aspects of agrarian reorganizationin India with special reference to size of holding B MUKHERJEE D Anstey
1964 PhD Cambridge, Newnham British commercial interests and the expansion of the Bombay Presidency, 1784-1806 P NIGHTINGALE Dr T G P Spear
1964 PhD London, SOAS The rise of the Muslim middle class as a political factor in India and Pakistan A H M NOORUZZAMAN Prof H Tinker
1964 PhD London, SOAS The rev. James Long and Protestant missionary policy in Bengal, 1840-1872 G A ODDIE Prof K Ballhatchet
1964 PhD London, Inst Ed Some issues between the church and state in Ceylon in the education of the people from 1870 to 1901 A RAJAINDRAN Dr Holmes
1964 PhD London, LSE Rural development in India with special reference to agriculture, education and administration K RAJARATNAM Dr Anstey
1964 PhD Durham The central legislature in British India, 1921-1947 Md RASHIDUZZAMAN Prof W H Morris-Jones
1964 PhD London, LSE Land tenure as related to agricultural efficiency and rural welfare in India Paramahansa RAY Dr Anstey; Mr Joy
1964 PhD London The revenue administration of Chittagong from 1761 to1784 Alamgir Muhammad SERAJUDDIN Mr Harrison
1964 BLitt Oxford, St Hilda’s A study of representation in multi-lateral communities with special reference to Ceylon and Trinidad from 1946-1961 A SPACKMAN Dr A F Madden
1964 MSc London, LSE Trends in the pattern of distribution of consumer goods in India B K VADEHRA
1964 PhD London, SOAS British administration in the maritime provinces of Ceylon, 1796-1802 U C WICKREMERATNE Prof K A Ballhatchet
1964 MA Nottingham British policy and the defence of Asia, 1903-1905: with special reference to China and India B WILLCOCK Dr J A S Grenville
1964/65 PhD Manchester Revolution and counter-revolution: a study of British colonial policy as a factor in the growth and disintegration of national liberation movements in Burma and Malaya F NEMENZO
1964/65 PhD Nottingham Impact of the size of the organization on the personnel management function: a comparative study of personnel departments in some British and Indian industrial firms B P SINGH
1965 DPhil Oxford, New College Life and conditions of the people of Bengal (1765-1785) Z AHMA Mr C C Davies
1965 PhD London, External The commercial progress and administrative development of the East India company on the Coromandel coast during the first half of the 18th century R N BANERJI
1965 PhD London, SOAS The minorities of Southern Asia and public policy with special reference to India (mainly since 1919) J H BEAGLEHOLE Prof H Tinker
1965 PhD Manchester Urban unemployment in India RC BHARDWAJ
1965 DPhl Oxford, Balliol The governor-generalship of the Marquess of Hastings, 1813-1823, with special reference to the Supreme Council and Secretariat…Palmer Company Richard J BINGLE Mr C C Davies
1965 MSc London, SOAS Ministerial government under the dyarchical reforms with special reference to Bengal and Madras K A CHOWDHURY
1965 PhD London, SOAS The idea of freedom in the political thought of Vivekananda, Aurobindo, Gandhi and Tagore D G DALTON
1965 MA London, LSE Irrigation and winter crops in East Pakistan O HUQ Mr Rawson
1965 PhD London, SOAS Conditions of employment and industrial disputes in Pakistan A HUSAIN Prof A Gledhill
1965 PhD London, LSE Democratic decentralization and planning in rural India A C S ILCHMAN Dr Anstey; Prof Self
1965 MSc London, King’s A social geography of Chitral State ISRAR-UD-DIN Prof Jones
1965 MSc (Econ) London, LSE Economic problems and organisation of public enterprise in Ceylon, 1931-1963 A S JAYAWARDENE Mr Foldes
1965 PhD London, SOAS The rights and liabilities of the Bengal raiyats under tenancy legislation from 1885 to 1947 L KABIR
1965 MA Manchester The failure of parliamentary system of government in Pakistan M A KHAN
1965 PhD London, SOAS Curzon, Kitchener and the problem of India army administration, 1899-1909 J E LYDGATE Prof Robinson
1965 PhD London, SOAS A study of urban centres and industries in the central provinces of the Mughal Empire between 1556 and 1803 H K NAQVI Mr Harrison
1965 PhD London, SOAS Sir Charles Metcalfe’s administration and administrative ideas in India, 1806-1835 D N PANIGRAHI Prof C H Philips
1965 PhD Birmingham Peasant farming past and present in the wet zone of Ceylon P D A PERERA Prof H Thorpe; Dr W B Morgan
1965 DPhil Oxford, Merton Some aspects of British economic and social policy in Ceylon, 1840-1871 M W ROBERTS Prof J A Gallagher
1965 PhD London The rise of business corporations in India and their development during 1851-1900 R S RUNGTA Prof Paish; Dr V Ansty
1965 PhF London, SOAS The Sultanate of Jaunpur Mian Muhhammad SAEED Prof Basham
1965 BLitt Oxford, Lady Margaret Agricultural policy and economic development in India K N V SASTRI Mr G R Allen
1965 PhD London, SOAS A comparative study of the traditional political organisation of Kerala and Punjab S J SHAHANI Dr Mayer
1965 PhD London, SOAS The joint Hindiu family: its evolution as a legal institution Gunther-Dietz SONTHEIMER Dr Derrett
1965 PhD London, SOAS Nullity of marriage in modern Hindu law S K TEWARI Dr J D M Derrett
1965 MA London, Inst Ed The social and political significance of Anglo-Indian schools in India Rosalind TIWARI Dr King
1965 MA Manchester Federalism in south-East Asia with special reference to Burma Margaret YIYI
1965 PhD London, SOAS The partition of Bengal and its annulment: a survey of the schemes of territorial redistribution of Bengal, 1902-1911 S Z H ZAIDI Prof Basham
1965/66 PhD Cambridge, St John’s Economic geography of rubber production in Ceylon G H PEIRIS Mr B H Farmer
1965/66 PhD Leeds Impact of money supply on the Indian economy, 1950/51 – 1963/64 K PRASAD
1965/66 PhD Cambridge, Newnham The structure and working of the commercial banking system in Ceylon, 1945-1963 A J A N SILVA Miss P M Deane
1965/66 PhD Durham Aspects of hte administration of the Punjab, judicial, revenue and political, 1849-1858 S K SONI
1965/66 PhD Cambridge, Trinity House The public finances of Ceylon, 1948-1961 G USWATTE-ARATCHI Dr A R Prest
1966 PhD Manchester University Ramgopal AGARWALA An econometric model of India, 1948-49 to 1960-61 Mr R.J. Ball
1966 PhD London, LSE Expenditure classification and investment planning with special reference to Pakistan K U AHMAD Dr Anstey
1966 PhD London, LSE The methodology of studying fertility differentials with reference to East Pakistan M AHMAD Prof Glass; Mr Carrier
1966 PhD Bristol The role of a higher civil service in Pakistan A AHMED
1966 PhD London, SOAS Conditions of employment and industrial disputed in Pakistan H AHMED
1966 MScEcon London, SOAS Political parties and the Labour Movement in India in the 1920s N BEGAM
1966 MLitt Edinburgh Patronage and education in the East India Company civil service, 1800-1857 J T BEYER
1966 PhD Cambridge, Churchill Regional cooperation for development in South Asia with special reference to India and Pakistan S R BOSE Mr W B Reddaway
1966 PhD London The constitutional history of Malaya with special reference toe Malay states of Perak, Selangor, Negri Sembilan and Pahong, 1874-1914 P L BURNS Prof C D Cowan
1966 PhD Cambridge, Girton The impact of planning upon federalism in India, 1951-1964 A CHATTERJI Prof Sir Ivor Jennings
1966 PhD London, UC Industrial conciliation and arbitration in India R L CHAUDHARY
1966 PhD London, UC Lahore: a geographical study M M CHAUDHURY
1966 PhD Manchester The approach to planning in Pakistan M K CHOWDHURY
1966 PhD London, LSE Jamshedpur – the growth of the city and its region M DUTT Prof Jones
1966 DPhil Oxford, Campion Hall The Tana Bhagats:a study in social change P EKKA Mr K O L Burridge
1966 PhD London, LSE The scope for wage policy as an instrument of planning in early stages of national economic development: a comparative study of the USSR, India and the UAR M A ELLEISI Prof Phelps Brown; Dr Ozga
1966 PhD London, SOAS The social condition of the British community in Bengal, 1757-1800 S C GHOSH Prof A L Basham
1966 PhD Cambridge, Girton The transfer of power to Pakistan and its consequences (1946-1951) M HASAN Prof N Mansergh
1966 PhD London, UC The Indian Supreme Court and the constitution M IMAM Dr D C Holland
1966 PhD London, LSE Cotton futures markets in India: some economic studies T ISLAM Prof Yamey
1966 PhD London, LSE The extensions of the franchise in Ceylon with some consideration of the their political and social consequences K H JAYASINGHE Mr Pickles
1966 MA London, External The control of education in Ceylon: the last fifty years of British rule and after (1900-1962) C S V JAYAWAWEERA
1966 PhD London, External A comparative study of British and American colonial educational policy in Ceylon and the Philippines from 1900 to 1948] S JAYAWEERA
1966 PhD Manchester Import substitution in relations to industrial growth and balance of payments iof Pakistan, 1965-1970 A H KADRI
1966 PhD London, SOAS Origins of Indian foreign policy: a study of Indian nationalist attitudes to foreign affairs, 1927-1939 T A KEENLEYSIDE Prof H Tinker
1966 PhD London, SOAS The transition in Bengal, 1756-1775: a study of Muhammad Reza Khan Abdul Majed KHAN Mr Harrison
1966 PhD London, SOAS The British administration of Sind between 1843 and 1865: a study in social and economic development Hamida KHUHRO Mr Harrison
1966 PhD London, SOAS The internal administration of Lord Elgin in India, 1984-1898 P L MALHOTRA Mr Harrison
1966 PhD London, SOAS A study of Murshidabad Distrrict, 1765-1793 K M MOHSIN Mr Harrison
1966 PhD London, SOAS The new province of Eastern Bengal and Assam, 1905-1911 M K U MOLLA Dr Hardy; Dr Pandey
1966 PhD London, SOAS The early history of the East Indian Railways, 1845-1879 Hena MUKHERJEE Dr Chaudhuri
1966 PhD London, King’s British military policy and the defence of India: a study of British military policy, plans and preparations during the Russian crisis, 1876-1880 A W PRESTON Prof M E Howard
1966 PhD London, LSE Changes in caste in rural Kumaon R D SANWAL Dr Freedman
1966 PhD London, SOAS The Christian missionaries in Bengal. 1793-1833 K SENGUPTA Prof Basham
1966 PhD London, LSE Central control and supervision of capital expenditure in the public sector in the UK and India Ram Parkash SETH Prof Greaves; Prof Self
1966 PhD London, King’s Surveying and charting the Indian Ocean W A SPRAY Prof G S Graham
1966 PhD London, SOAS Politics and change in the Madras Presidency, 1884-1894: a regional study of Indian nationalism R SUNTHARALINGAM Prof H R Tinker
1966 PhD London, External The law relating to directors and managing agents of companies limited by shares in Pakistan Muhammad ZAHIR Prof Gledhill
1966/67 PhD Cambridge, Trinity Planning and regional development: the application of a multi-sectoral programming model to inter-regional planning in Pakistan A R KHAN Dr J A Mirrlees
1966/67 MPhil London, Inst Ed The impact of the creation of Pakistan on Muslim education in Pakistan G NABI
1966/67 PhD Manchester A study of fiscal policy in Pakistan, 1950-51, with special reference to its contribution to economic development M NAYIMUDDIN
1966/67 PhD Edinburgh The fisheries of Pakistan: their present position and potentialities R NIAZI
1966/67 PhD Leeds An evaluation of the human impact on the nature and distribution of wild plant communities in the Ceylon Highlands N P PERERA
1966/67 PhD Reading Intra-party relationships and federalism: a comparative study of the Indian Congress Party and the Australian political parties Y A RAFEEK
1966/67 PhD Cambridge, St Cath’s The share of labour in value added during the inflation in the modern sector in under-developed economies: a comparative study of the experience of India, Peru and Turkey between 1939 and 1958 W M WARREN Mr J A C Bowen
1967 LLM Queen’s, Belfast A comparative study of the provisions for emergency powers in the constitutions of the Indian, Australian, Nigerian and Malaysian federations with special emphasis on the Malaysian constitution A ABIDIN
1967 PhD Edinburgh The peasant family and social status in East Pakistan Nizam Uddin AHMED
1967 BLitt Glasgow Foreign trade policy of India N M AMIN
1967 PhD London, SOAS English educated Ceylonese in the official life of Ceylon from 1865 to 1883 W M D D ANDRADI Mr J B Harrison
1967 PhD London, SOAS Some aspects of the relationship of political and constitutional theories to the constitutional evolution of India and Pakistan with special reference to the period 1919-1956 B P BARUA Prof H Tinker
1967 PhD Cambridge, Newnham Indian education and politics,1898-1920 A BASU Prof J A Gallagher
1967 MA Sussex Choice of technique: an activity analysis approach with special reference to the Indian cotton textiles industry C L BELL
1967 PhD Cambridge, Selwyn Anglo-Afghan relations, 1870-1880 S CHAKRAVARTY Dr T G Spear
1967 PhD Cambridge, Clare The relations of the Court of Directors, the India Board, the India Office and the Government of India, 1853-1865 P K CHATTARJI Dr T G Spear
1967 MA Sussex The regulation of communal disturbances in West Bengal and East Pakistan in 1950 M CHAUDHURY
1967 MSc London, SOAS Political parties in the Bombay Presidency, 1920-1929 D S CHAVDA Prof H Tinker
1967 PhD London, SOAS Oil prices and the Indian market, 1886-1964 Biplab Kumar DASGUPTA Prof Penrose
1967 MPhil London, LSE Some aspects of stratificatioin in Indian rural communities K S DASGUPTA Prof Glass
1967 DPhil Oxford, Lady Margaret The growth of urban leadership n Western India with special reference to Bombay City, 1845-1885 C E DOBBIN Prof J A Gallagher
1967 DPhil Oxford, Balliol Judicial control of administrative action in India and Pakistan A FAZAL Prof H W R Wade
1967 DPhil Oxford, Linacre House Patterns of investment, political stability and rates of growth: an analysis of central government expenditure of Ceylon, 1930-1963 S T G FERNANDO Lady Hicks
1967 MA Sussex Development administration and Calcutta metropolitan government R FOGEL
1967 PhD London, QMC Peasant production of tea in Sri Lanka R S GUNAWARDENA Dr Hodder; Prof Smailes
1967 PhD London, SOAS The policy of Sir James Fergusson as Governor of Bombay Presidency, 1880-1885 A GUPTA Prof K Ballhatchet
1967 PhD Cambridge, Sidney The effect of a change in the terms of trade on the economic growth of Pakistan: a study of the third five year plan I U HAQUE Mr W B Reddaway
1967 PhD London, LSE Agricultural taxation in a newly developing country: the case of Pakistan A HASHEM Prof Peston
1967 PhD London, SOAS A price stabilisation model for Pakistan: jute A K M S HUQ Prof Penrose
1967 DPhil Oxford, St Antony’s The failure of parliamenary politics in Pakistan, 1953-1958 I HUSAIN Prof M Beloff
1967 PhD Cambridge, Trinity The development of Indian politics, 1888-1909 G JOHNSON Dr A Seal
1967 MA Sussex Language as an issue in Indian politics J KABANGO
1967 MA London, LSE The changing distribution of cash crops in East Pakistan, 1945-1962 A K M KALIMULLAH Dr Board
1967 PhD Aberdeen The development of transport in East Pakistan Abul Fazal Muhammed KAMALUDDIN
1967 MPhil London, SOAS The advent of the British in Ceylon, 1762-1803 V L B MENDIS Dr Bastin
1967 MPhil Leeds The linguistic world of Anglo-India K MUSA
1967 MPhil London, SOAS Some aspects of the Hindu-Muslim relationship in India, 1876-1892 Shamsun NAHAR Dr B N Pandey
1967 PhD Edinburgh The contribution of Scottish missions to the rise and growth of responsible churches in India James McMichael ORR Dr H Watt; Prof A C Cheyne
1967 PhD London, LSE The impact of industrialisation on urban growth: a case study of Chotanagpur P PANDEYA Prof Jones
1967 DPhil Oxford, Jesus British relations with Pakistan, 1947-1962: a study of British policy towards Pakistan M A QURESHI Mr G Wint
1967 PhD London The evolution for civil procedure in Bengal from 1772 to 1806 Z RAHMAN
1967 PhD London, SOAS Local government services in India: a case study of Punjab, 1860-1960 D R SACHDEVA Prof H Tinker
1967 PhD London, UC Judicial interpretation of the Government of India Act, 1935 H SAHARAY
1967 MA London, SOAS Political conflict in selected villages of India, Pakistan and Ceylon M J SHEPPERSDSON Prof Mayer
1967 PhD Leicester Some early tertiary ostracods from West Pakistan Qadeer Ahmad SIDDIQUI
1967 PhD London, SOAS Evolution of the structure of civil judiciary in Bengal, 1800-1831 C SINHA Dr Pandey
1967 PhD London, External The social structure of an Indian-Jewish community S STRIZOWER
1967 MPhil London, Inst Ed Education and international understanding between the East and the West with special reference to the UK and Pakistan Q J SURI Prof Lauwery; Mr Goodings
1967 MPhil London, Inst Ed Education in Kerala and the missionary contribtion to it during the first half of the nineteenth century Joseph THAIKOODAN
1967 PhD London, SOAS Customs and institutions connected with the domestic life of the Sinhalese in the Kandyan period: Miniwan P TILLAKARATNE
1967 PhD London, SOAS Trends in and prospectsof Pakistan’s exports to the UK and the European Economic Community, 1951-1970 Z A VAINCE Prof Penrose
1967 DPhil Oxford, Merton The policies of the government of Ceylon concerning education and religion, 1865-1885 L A WICKREMERATNE Mr K A Ballhatchet
1967 BLitt Oxford, Somerville The sociological implications of educational policies in Ceylon since 1947 C K WICKREMESINGHE Dr D F Pocock
1967 BLitt Oxford, St Hilda’s Henry Russell’s activities in Hyderabad, 1811-1820 Z YAZDANI Mr K A Ballhatchet
1967/68 PhD Cambridge, Corpus The causes and consequence of trade fluctuations in Ceylon, 1948-1960 M A FERNANDO Mr H H Leisner
1967/68 PhD London, External British relations with Tanjore (1748-1799) C S RAMANUJAM
1967/68 PhD Edinburgh The agricultural geography of Hissar District Jasbur SINGH
1967-68 PhD Cambridge, Christ’s Anglo-Mughal relations in western India and the development of Bombay, 1662-1690 G Z REFAI
1968 MA Durham The influence of religion on politics in Pakistan, 1947-1956 S R AHMAD
1968 PhD London, SOAS The administration of the North West Frontier,1901-1919 L BAHA Dr Hardy
1968 MSc Cambridge, Christ’s Industrial expansion and regional cooperation in South Asia: a study of selected industries Peter Douglas BALACS
1968 MLitt Cambridge, Trinity Hall The working of the supreme government of India and its constitutional relations with the home authorities, 1833-1853 A G BANERJEE Dr T G P Spear
1968 PhD Cambridge, Newnham On price relationships in Indian agriculture K BARDHAN P M Deane
1968 DPhil Oxford, Somerville Social and conceptual order in Kongu: a region of South India B E F BECK Dr R K Jain
1968 PhD London The urban geography of Lyallpur M H BOKHARI Prof A E Smailes
1968 PhD Cambridge Rohilkhand from conquest to revolt, 1774-1858: a study in the origins of the Indian Mutiny uprising E I BRODKIN Dr E T Stokes
1968 PhD Cam,bridge, Girton Gandhi in India, 1915-1920: his emergence as a leader and the transformation of politics J M BROWN Dr A Seal
1968 MPhil London The development of education in India under Lord Curzon, 1899-1905 Hamida I BUTT
1968 DPhil Oxford, St Antony’s Bengali political unrest (1905-1918)with special reference to terrorism H CHAKRABARTI Prof K Ballhatchet
1968 MPhil London, King’s The development of mountain warfare in India in the 19th century S CHANDRA Prof M E Howard
1968 DPhil Oxford, St Cath’s American policy towards India, 1941-1947, with emphasis on the Phillips mission to India, 1943 F L CHASE Prof J A Gallagher
1968 DPHil Oxford, Linacre The agrarian economy and agrarian relations in Bengal, 1859-1885 B B CHAUDHURI Dr K A Ballhatchet
1968 BLitt Oxford, Linacre Some aspects of English Protestant missionary activities in Bengal, 1857-1885 T CHAUDHURI Dr S Gopal
1968 DPhil Oxford, University British government and society in the residency of Bengal, 1858-1880: an examination of certain aspects of British policy in relation to the changing nature of society J M COMPTON Mr K A Ballhatchet
1968 DPhil Oxford, Magdalen British reform policy and Indian politics on the eve of the rise of Gandhi R J DANZIG Dr S Gopal
1968 PhD Cambridge, Magdalen Optimum investment decisions with special reference to the Indian fertilizer industry A K DAS GUPTA Dr J A Mirrlees
1968 DPhil Oxford, Somerville Public opinion and Indian policy, 1872-1880 U DAS GUPTA Dr S Gopal
1968 MPhil London, Inst Ed The contribution of the Wesleyan missionaries to southern India P W DE SILVA
1968 PhD York The verbal piece in spoken Hindi: a morpho-syntactic study Hans DUA
1968 MPhil London, Inst Ed An enquiry into the purpose and development of Catholic education in Madras. 1850-1950 M A DUNNE Prof Lauwerys
1968 PhD London, LSE Some political aspects of foreign aid in India, 1947-1966 P J ELDRIDGE Prof Goodwin
1968 DPhil Oxford, Linacre House The development of a new elite in Ceylon with special reference to educational and occupational background, 1910-1931 P T M FERNANDO Dr A H Halsey
1968 BLitt Oxford, Exeter An historical survey and assessment of the ecclesiastical and missionary policy of the East India Company I J GASH Mr C C Davies
1968 MLitt Bristol The civil servant and contemporary government in India B GIRI
1968 PhD Birmingham Consumption patterns in India: a regional analysis D B GUPTA
1968 DPhil Oxford, St Edmund Hall The debts of the Nawab of Arcot, 1763-1776 J D GURNEY Dame L Sutherland
1968 PhD London, LSE Econometrics of import planning in India (1947-1965): a case study of selected commodities M L HANDA Prof Sargan; De Desai
1968 DPhil Oxford, Nuffield Moral and religious changes in an urban village of Bangalore, South India M N HOLSTROM Dr D P Pocock
1968 MPhil London SOAS Lord Mayo’s Viceroyalty (1869-1872) with special reference to problems of external security and internal stability M A HOSSAIN Dr Zaidi
1968 PhD London, LSE British policy towards Persia and the defence of British India, 1798-1807 R INGRAM ELLIS Miss H Lee
1968 PhD London, LSE Karachi: a pre-industrial city in transition M Z KHAN Prof Jones
1968 PhD London, SOAS The Dutch in Ceylon, 1743-1766 D A KOTELAWEL Dr Bastin
1968 PhD London, SOAS The contribution of Christian missionaries to education in Bengal, 1793-1837 M A LAIRD Prof K Ballhatchet
1968 PhD London, LSE Socio-economic determinants of infant and child mortality in Sri Lanka: an analysis of post-war experience S A MEEGAMA Prof Glass
1968 MPhil London, UC Higher judiciary in Pakistan M Y MIRZA Mr Holland
1968 BLitt Oxford, St Cath’s Funeral ritual in South India M M MOFFATT Dr R K Jain
1968 MPhil London, LSE Land use and nutrition in Lucknow District I MOHIUDDIN Mr R Rawson
1968 PhD London, SOAS Political relations between India and Nepal, 1877-1923 K MOJUMDAR Prof K Ballhatchet
1968 MPhil London, Bedford The cities of Hyderabad-Secunderabad with special reference to their industrial development K B MUSTAFA Mr Mountjoy
1968 MPhil London, LSE Concepts of purity and pollution in Indian religion Judith Ann OSTROW
1968 PhD Lancaster The evolution and history of the Buddhist monastic order with special reference to the Sangha in Ceylon Gunaratne PANABOKKE
1968 PhD London, SOAS The invasion of Nepal: John Company at war, 1814-1816 J C PEMBLE Dr Moore
1968 PhD London, SOAS The All-India Muslim League in Indian politics, 1906-1912 M RAHMAN Dr Moore
1968 MPhil London, SOAS The reform of local self-government in India under Lord Ripon, 1880-1884: a study in the formation of policy Q RAHMAN
1968 PhD Wales, Bangor An economic appraisal of agricultural marketing in Pakistan Abdur RASHID
1968 PhD Edinburgh A geographical analysis of the historical development of towns in Ceylon L K RATNAYAKE Prof J W Watson; Dr R Jones
1968 MA Sussex Constitutional change and the depressed classes: the representations from the depressed classes in the United Provinces to the Indian Statutory Commission, 1928, and their outcome L SEN-GUPTA
1968 PhD London, External The role of railway transport in Ceylon: present problems and future prospects K SUNDERALINGAM
1968 PhD London, Inst Ed A critical study of the history and development of university education in modern India, with special reference to problems and patterns of growth since 1847 C TICKOO
1968 DPhil Oxford, St Cath’s Kinship and marriage among the Jat of Haryana in northern India Gunter TIEMANN Dr R K Jain
1968 PhD Edinburgh The strategy of Christian missions to the Muslims: Anglican and reformed contributions in India and the Near East from Henry Martyn to Samuel Zwemmer, 1800-1938 Lyle L VANDER WERFF Prof M Watt; Prof AC Cheyne
1968 DPhil Oxford, St Antony’s Indian historical writing in English, 1870-1920, with special reference to the influence of nationalism Johannes H VOIGT Mr K A Ballhatchet
1968 MPhil London, LSE The hierarchy of towns in Vidarbha, India, and its significance for regional planning Sudhir Vyankatesh WANMALI. Prof MJ Wise
1968 MA Manchester The relevance of land reform to economic progress in Pakistan M A ZAMAN
1968/69 PhD Glasgow Planning for economic development: a comparative case study of Indian and Egyptian experience, 1946-1966, with special reference to planning strategy and effectiveness A El- H H EL-GHAZALI
1968/69 PhD Cambridge, Girton Muslim politics and government policy: studies in the development of Muslim organisation and its social background in North India and Bengal, 1885-1917 Janetr Mary RIZVI
1969 PhD Durham The working of district administration in Pakistan, 1947-1964 N ABEDIN Prof W H Morris-Jones
1969 PhD Cambridge, Fitzwilliam The formation of the Government of India Act, 1935 W AHMAD Dr T G P Sper
1969 MPhil London, SOAS Ideological factors in selected fields of policy making in India Zoe F ALLEN
1969 PhD London, SOAS British famine and agricultural policies in India with special reference to the administration of Lord George Hamilton S K BANDYOPADHYAY Dr R J Moore
1969 PhD London, SOAS The political and economic conditions of Indians in Burma, 1900-1941 N R CHAKRAVARTI
1969 PhD London, SOAS The amending process in the Indian constitution H CHAND
1969 PhD London Trade and commercial organisation in Bengal with special reference to the English East India Company, 1650-1720 S CHAUDHURY Dr K N Chaudhuri
1969 DPhil Oxford, Balliol The Bombay political service, 1863-1924 I F S COPLAND Prof J A Gallagher
1969 PhD London, Birkbeck The Colonial Office and political problems in Ceylon and Mauritius, 1907-1921 L B L CROOK Dr I M Cumpston
1969 DPhil Oxford, Nuffield British defence policy in the Indian Ocean region between the Indian Independence Act, 1947, and the British defence review, 1966 P G C DARBY Prof N H Gibbs
1969 DPhil Oxford An evaluation of the Eastern bloc assistance to India (1956-57 to 1965-66) DATARHA
1969 PhD London, LSE The effect of international labour migration on trade and real income: a case study of Ceylon, 1920 to 1938 A DUTTA Prof Johnson
1969 PhD London, Bedford The development of the sugar industry in Nizamabad, Andhra Pradesh A H FAROOQI
1969 PhD London Lord William Bentinck in Madras, 1803-1807 M GUPTA Dr B M Pandey
1969 PhD London, External A study of the planning techniques in India: India’s five year plans S GUPTA
1969 PhD Manchester A typical support structure of leadership in Punjab – the faction J J M HAUDHRI
1969 PhD Manchester A structural study of Pakistan’s monetary sector K A IMAN
1969 PhD London, LSE Regional development in Pakistan with special reference to the effects of import licensing and exchange control A I A ISLAM
1969 PhD London Social aspects of the historical geography of East Pakistan, 1608-1857 Bilquis JAHAN Miss E M J Campbell
1969 PhD London, External The sources and development of the customary laws of the Sinhalese up to 1835 M L S JAYASEKERA
1969 MSocSc Birmingham Industrial development and organization in Ceylon – a case study of the Ceylon cement industry G W JAYSURIYA
1969 PhD London Dutch rule in maritime Ceylon, 1766-1796 V KAMAPATHYPILLAI Dr J S Bastin
1969 PhD London, LSE Domestic instability as a factor in Pakistan’s foreign policy, 1952-1958 M KAMLIN Dr Lyon
1969 PhD London, LSE A study of import control, with special reference to India H KUSARI
1969 PhD London, LSE Britain and the termination of the India-China opium trade, 1905-1913 Margaret J B-C LIM Prof Medlicott; Mr Dilks
1969 BLitt Oxford, Linacre Financing agricultural development with special reference to the place of agricultural credit in West Pakistan after 1947 A M MALIK Mr R G Opie
1969 PhD London, SOAS Election laws in Pakistan M D MALIK
1969 PhD London, SOAS The development of the jurisdiction and powers of the superior courts in Pakistan M A MANNAN Prof Gledhill
1969 MA Sussex Th Krishak Praja Party and the Bengal provincial elections, 1937 H MOMEN
1969 BPhil St Andrews Muslim politics in India, 1858-1918 S NAZ D G Seed
1969 PhD London, SOAS Jury and police reform during the Indian Vice-Royalty of Lord Lansdowne, 1888-1894 R RAHMAN Dr P Hardy
1969 PhD London, LSE Frontier problems in Pakistan’s foreign policy S M M RAZVI Dr P H Lyon
1969 DPhil Oxford, Merton The Commission of Eastern Inquiry in Ceylon, 1829-1837: a study of a Royal Commission of Colonial Inquiry V K SAMARAWEERA Dr A F Madden
1969 PhD London, SOAS Hinduism in a Kangra village U M SHARMA Pror Mayer
1969 PhD London, SOAS The reorganization of the Indian armies, 1858-1879 A H SHIBLEY Dr Moore
1969 PhD London, SOAS Land resumption in Bengal, 1819-1846 A M WAHEEDUZZAMA Dr Zaidi
1969 PhD London, External Methodism in north Ceylon: its history and influences, 1814-1890 D K WILSON
1969/70 PhD Bristol On the construction and implementation of a planning model for Ceylon S NARAPALASINGAM
1969/70 PhD Durham Some aspects of central banking in Pakistan, 1948-1966 A K NIAZI
1969/70 PhD Edinburgh Settlement geography of the Indian desert (Rajasthan area) Ram C SHARMA
1969/70 PhD Bristol The relations between central and provincial governments in Pakistan M A TAYYEB Prof Bromhead
1969/70 PhD London, SOAS Some legal aspects of agrarian reform in India Namgi Lal UPADHYAYA
1970 MPhil London, LSE Production and trade in the raw cotton and cotton textile industries of Pakistan,1948-1966 Q K AHMAD Prof H Myint
1970 PhD Edinburgh Regionalism and political integration in Pakistan: a case study in political geography Masood ALI
1970 MPhil London, SOAS The urban geography of Kanpur S A ALI
1970 MPhil London, LSE Peasant agriculture in Ceylon, 1933-1893 A C L AMEER ALI Prof F J Fisher
1970 PhD Edinburgh Possible developments in building technology in relations to low cost housing in Pakistan Mohammed M BAJWA
1970 DPhil Oxford, St Anthony’s The growth of political organization inthe Allahabad locality, 1880-1925 C A BAYLY Prof J A Gallgher
1970 PhD Cambridge, Gonville Spatial organizationof some villages in Northern India P M BLAIKIE Mr B H Farmer
1970 PhD Cambridge British impact on the Indian cotton textile industry, 1757-1865 J G BORPUJARI Dr W J Macpherson
1970 MPhil London, UC Some problems of physical planning in Ceylon S W P BULANKULAME
1970 PhD London, LSE The behaviour of prices in India, 1952-1966: an empirical study S K CHAKRABARTI Prof Walters
1970 MSc Bristol The long-term outlook for the consumption of tea in India – a quantitative analysis B M CHAMBERS
1970 MA Manchester Social change in Indian towns M K CHATERJEE
1970 PhD Cambridge, St Cath’s Sir Alfred Comyn Lyall: a study of the Anglo-Indian official mind E C T CHEW Dr E T Stokes
1970 PhD London, SOAS British policy on the North East frontier of India, 1865-1914 D P CHOUDHURY Prof K Ballhatchet
1970 MA Kent Recent trends in Indian federalism S DAS
1970 MPhil London, Inst Ed Development of adult education in India since independence with special reference to rural reconstruction B DUTTA
1970 BLitt Oxford, Keble Identity amongst Muslims in West Bengal, India, and its relationship with political, social and economic change P J K EADE Dr R K Jain
1970 BLitt Oxford, St Edmund Hall Aspects of history of the Indian National Congress with special reference to the Swarajya Party, 1919-1927 R A GORDON Prof J A Gallagher
1970 PhD Wales, Swansea A study of the social and economic geography of the coastal fishing industry of Ceylon Suniti Danissari GUNASEKERA
1970 PhD London, SOAS British policy and Baluchistan, 1854-1876 T A HEATHCOTE Dr M E Yapp
1970 MPhil London, King’s Selected aspects of agricultural development in West Pakistan J HUSSAIN
1970 PhD London, SOAS Social and political change in Ceylon, 1900-1919 with special reference to the disturbances of 1915 p v i JAYASEKERA Prof K A Ballhatchet
1970 MSc Edinburgh Language and politics in modern India P KARAT
1970 PhD London, SOAS Protection of minority interests under the Indian constitution G T LUIS Prof Derrett
1970 DPhil Oxford, Wadham Sociological aspects of revival and change in Buddhism in nineteenth century Ceylon Kitsiri MALALGODA Mr B R Wilson
1970 PhD London, SOAS The administration of British Burma, 1852-1885 J A MILLS Prof C D Cowan
1970 DPhil Oxford, St John’s Renewable natural resources planning for regional development with special reference to Kashmir Maharaj K MUTHOO Mr J J Macgregor
1970 DPhil Sussex Labour organisation in the Bombay textile industry, 1918-1929 R NEWMAN Dr Reeves
1970 PhD London, QMC Land development in the Sinharaja foothill of Ceylon M P PERERA Mr B W Hodder
1970 PhD London, SOAS Shareholders’ control of public companies in Pakistan A K RANJHA
1970 PhD Cambridge, Trinity The politics of U.P. Muslims Francis Christopher Rowland ROBINSON Dr Seal
1970 MPhil London, Inst Ed Urbanisation – its educational implications in India P SAJNANI
1970 PhD York Predicate complement constructions in Hindi and English Anil SINHA
1970 PhD London, LSE Water supply and irrigation in the dry zone of Ceylon K U SIRINANDA Mr P Rawson; Dr Chandler
1970 PhD Cambridge, Jesus Ceylon’s export trends and prospects M P S SURIAARACHCHI Mr H Leisner
1970 MA London, Inst Ed The t rainingof teachers in Bombay Province (including Gujerat) since 1947 M N UPADHYAYA
1970 MSc Wales Britain’s forgotten war: the British role in the confrontation of Malaysia by Indonesia Michael R WAGSTAFF
1970 MPhil London, SOAS A structural analysis of myths from the North east frontier of India James Mackie WILSON
1970 PhD Leeds The role of the Ceylon civil service before and after independence Watareke Aratchchige WISWA WARNAPALA
1970/71 PhD St Andrews The theory, practice and administration of Waqf with special reference to the Malayan state of Kadah M Z B H OTHMAN Dr J Burton
1970/71 PhD Cambridge, Trinity The politics of U P muslims M A ROWLANDS
1970/71 PhD London, LSHTM Dynamics of malaria in Ceylon C SIVAGNANASUNDRAM
1971 MPhil London, SOAS A comparative study of social heirarchies in selected areas of India and Pakistan Makhdum Tasadduq AHMAD Dr Mayer
1971 PhD Lancaster Technical change and economic development of agriculture: the case of Bangladesh M ALAMGIR
1971 MPhil London, UC A select bibliography of periodical literature published in English, German, French, Sanskrit, Hindi, Pali and Bengali during 1951-1966 on some aspects of Indian culture (philosophy, religion, linguistics, literature)from the post-Vedic to the pre-Kalidasa era P BISWAS
1971 MPhil London, SOAS Symbolic and material aspects of institutions in political process: analysis of two North Indian villages Bengt-Erik Per Gustaf BORGSTROM
1971 MLitt Cambridge, Firtzwilliam Metropolitan dominance in South India R W BRADNOCK Mr B H Farmer
1971 PhD London, SOAS Social change of marriage patterns in the North Western Himalayas (Churah, Pangi and Ladakh) Bharpur Singh BRAR
1971 PhD Cambridge, King’s Political alliances in rural Western Maharashtra Anthony Thomas CARTER
1971 PhD London, External Culture conflicts and education in Ceylon after independence Ida W DESILVA
1971 PhD London, SOAS The internal politics of the Kandyan kingdom, 1707-1760 Lorna S DEWARAJA
1971 PhD Durham Patterns of population structure and growth in East Pakistan K Maudood ELAHI
1971 PhD London, LSE An econometric growth model for Pakistan A FAROOQUI Mr J M Desai
1971 DPhil Sussex Municipal politics in Calcutta: elite groups and the Calcutta corporation, 1875-1900 C P M FUREDY Prof A Low
1971 BLitt Oxford, St John’s Statutory provisions for the settlement of collective industrial disputes in England and Australia and India S T GOH
1971 MA Exeter A study of the authority structure of an industrial organisation in a transitional setting: case study of a Ceylon industrial plant S GOONATILAKE
1971 MSc Hull The impact of foreign aid on India’s international trade, 1951-1965 C P HALLWOOD
1971 PhD Nottingham Pakistan’s external relations A K M A HAQUE Prof Pear
1971 PhD Durham The working of parliamentary government in Pakistan, 1947-1958 S C HARUN
1971 MLitt Glasgow Government expenditure: a study with reference to economic development in Pakistan M HUQ
1971 PhD London, King’s Freedom of interstate trade in India C K M JARIWALA
1971 DPhil Oxford, St Hilda’s Government policy and economic and social change in western India,1850-1875 J F M JHIRAD Prof K A Ballhatchet
1971 MSc Strathclyde Administrative aspects of social security programmes for factory labourers in East Pakistan M KABIR
1971 DPhil Oxford, Balliol Nationalism n Bengal, 1903-1911: a study of Bengali reactions to the partition of the province with special reference to the social groups involved A P KANNANGARA Prof K A Ballhatchet
1971 PhD London, SOAS Some aspects of society and politics in Bengal, 1927 to 1936 B R KHAN Mr J B Harrison
1971 MPhil London, SOAS The tripartite countries [Iran, Pakistan and Turkey]of the regional cooperation for development: a geographical study of a regional grouping Durray S KURESHI
1971 DPhil Sussex Administrative structures, economic change and problems of rural development in Aligarh District, Uttar Pradesh, India Bismarck U MWANSASU
1971 PhD London, King’s A comparative study of the executive in Australia and India J D OJO
1971 PhD London, SOAS Some aspects of the Indian Viceroyalty of Lord Elgin, 1862-1863 J A RAHMAN Dr Harrison
1971 PhD London, SOAS Legal aspects of the “doctrine of pleasure” in relation to public servants in India U R RAI
1971 MPhil London, LSE A comparative study of manpower in selected industries with similar technologies in India and the UK S F RICHARDS Prof Wise
1971 MPhil Leeds The military in politics in India and Pakistan since 1947 A H RIZVI Prof Hanson; Dr O A Hartley
1971 PhD London, SOAS The government of India under Lord Chelmsford, 1916-1921, with special reference to the policies adopted towards constitutional change and political agitation in British India P G ROBB Prof K A Ballhatchet
1971 PhD York A generative semantic treatment of some aspects of English and Hindigrammar Prajapati SAH
1971 PhD London, LSE The problem of economic holdings in the peasant agriculture of the dry zone of Ceylon Somasundaram SELVANAYAGAM
1971 PhD London, SOAS Status, power and resources: the study of a Sinhalese village S P F SENATATNE
1971 MPhil London. LSE British opinion and Indian independence: a study of some British pressure groups which advanced the cause of Indian independence Kumar Indra VIJAY
1971 MLitt Edinburgh David Livingstone and India rOSINA g VISRAM Prof G A Shepperson
1971 PhD Cambridge, Newnham Employment incomes in Ceylon: an inquiry into the structure and determination of wage and salary earnings in Ceylon, 1949-1969 Pabawathie C WICKREMASINGHE
1971 MPhil London, Inst Ed A critical analysis of the problems of higher education in Pakistan since independence (1947) with special reference to student unrest U S ZAMAN
1971/72 PhD Liverpool British opinion and Indian reform, 1858-1876 Nilima SAHA Mr P J N Tuck
1972 DPhil Oxford, Christ Church Economic aspects of some peasant colonizations in Ceylon G M ABAYARATNA Miss M R Haswell
1972 PhD Leeds Economic, political and administrative aspects of planning for development in a divided country: a study of relationships between East Bengal and West Pakistan, 1947-1971 Shaikh Magsood ALI
1972 MSc Bristol Capital finance in a developing economy – Ceylon Bernard V ANTHONISZ
1972 PhD Cambridge, Clare Hall Communal conflict in Ceylon politics and the advance towards self-government Rupasinghe A ARIYARATNE
1972 MPhil London, Inst Ed A comparative study of language policies and problems in Ceylon and India since independence V ARUMUGAM
1972 MPhil London, SOAS Judicial control of the machinery of government in Pakistan Chaudhary M Y ASIM
1972 PhD Cambridge, Queens Politics in South India. 1917-1947 Christopher J BAKER
1972 PhD Durham The hierarchy of central places in Northern Ceylon P BALASUNDARAMPILLAI
1972 PhD London, LSE Some aspects of the strains and stresses in Indo-British relations, 1947-1965: an analysis of the causes and course of gradual decline in Britain’s importance to India A R BANERJI Mr J B L Mayall
1972 PhD London, QMC Fiscal policy in India (with reference to taxation)over three five year plans S BHADURI Prof M H Peston
1972 DPhil Sussex Political change in Rohilkhand, 1932-1952: a study of the rleationships between provincial and district level politicans L BRENNAN
1972 PhD London, SOAS An examination of the development and structure of the legal profession at Allahabad, 1866-1935 Gilliam F BUCKEE
1972 MPhil Sussex Educational administration in Bombay Presidency, 1913-1937 J L BUTLER
1972 PhD London, SOAS Extra-constitutional actions in Pakistan Z I CHOUDHURY
1972 PhD London, SOAS The politics and functioning of the East Bengal legislature, 1947-1958 Najma CHOWDHURY
1972 MEd Manchester The social and educational changes brought about in some South Indian villages by the Saruodaya movement A G CLARK
1972 DPhil Oxford Decentralisation and political change in the United Provinces, 1880-1921 W F CRAWLEY
1972 PhD Aberdeen The development and influence of British missionary movements toward India, 1786-1830 Allan K DAVIDSON Mr A F Walls
1972 PhD Cambridge, Emmanuel The official mind and the problem of agrarian indebtedness in India, 1870-1910 Clive J DEWEY
1972 PhD London, SOAS Juristic techniques in the Supreme Court of India (195-1971)in some selected areas of public and personal law Rajeev DHAVAN
1972 MA Hull Resource allocation in the public sector in Malaysia with special reference to the Muda River irrigation scheme CHEW CHAI DOAN
1972 PhD Hull Some aspects of private foreign enterprise in Ceylon L E N FERNANDO
1972 PhD London, SOAS Rural money markets in India Subrata GHATAK
1972 MA Manchester Traditional India and the meaning of caste Beth GOLDBLATT
1972 DPhil Sussex Optimum location of paddy improvement schemes in Ceylon J M GUNADESA
1972 MA Exeter Industrialization and protective tariffs in Pakistan A M A HAKIM
1972 PhD Cambridge,St John’s The place of India in the strategic and political consideration of the Axis powers, 1939-1942 Milan HAUNER Prof F H Hinsley
1972 MA Exeter Foreign capital and economic development: the case of Pakistan M E HOSSAIN
1972 PhD London, LSE Rural society and leadership in Malaya with special reference to three selected communities Syed HUSIN ALI
1972 BLitt Oxford, Lady Margaret Some aspects of religion and culture in Bengal H K ION
1972 PhD London, SOAS Agricultural development of Bengal: a quantitative study, 1920-1946 M M ISLAM Dr Chaudhuri
1972 PhD London, SOAS Bengali Moslem public opinion as reflected in the vernacular press between 1901 and 1930 Mustafa N ISLAM
1972 PhD London, SOAS The permanent settlement and the landed interests in Bengal from 1793 to 1819 M S ISLAM Mr G B Harrison
1972 BLitt Oxford, Somerville A social anthropological study of Jainism in Northern India S JAIN Dr R G Leinhardt
1972 DPhil Sussex Techno-economic survey of industrial potential in Sri Lanka N D KARUNARATNE
1972 PhD London, SOAS Constitutional protection of the freedom of association in Pakistan Hamiduddin KHAN
1972 PhD London, UC Kowloon: a factorial study of urban land use and retail structure Chi-sen LIANG Prof P Wood
1972 PhD London, SOAS The rajas and nawabs of Bengal, 1911-1919 Pronoy Chand MEHTAB
1972 PhD Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Income distribution and savings in Pakistan: an appraisal of development strategy T E NULTY Prof W B Reddaway
1972 DPhil Oxford The organisational basis of Indian agriculture with special reference to the development of capitalistic farming (ie based on wage-labour and following economic criteria for investment) in selected regions in recent years U PATNAIK
1972 PhD York A systematic treatment of certain aspects of Telugu phonology Vennelakanti PRAKASAM
1972 PhD Cambridge, Trinity Regional disparities in the growth of incomes and population in India, 1951-1965 Siripurapu Kesava RAO Dr A K Bagchi
1972 PhD Exeter The impact of devaluation on prices and production in Pakistan M M SHAIKH
1972 PhD London, SOAS The study of inflation in Pakistan, 1955-1968 Qamarul H SIDDIQI Prof E Penrose
1972 PhD London, UC Functions of international conflict: a case study of Pakistan K SIDDIQUI Dr J W Burton
1972 PhD London The home government of India, 1834-1853 Robert F S TATE Mr Harrison
1972 PhD London, SOAS Indian politics and the elections of 1937 D D TAYLOR Prof H Tinker
1972 PhD Wales, Aberystwyth Economic integration and development with special reference to four Asian countries [India, Ceylon, Burma and Malaysia] Ransit Corneille WANIGATUNGA Prof G L Rees
1972 PhD Cambridge, Newnham The development and function of the transport system in Ceylon: a network analysis Poonanulkarange C H WEERASURIYA Dr B T Robson
1972 MPhil London, SOAS Tribal identity among the Santals, 1770-1857 Michael Piers YORKE
1972/73 PhD Cambridge, Trinity Social conflict and political unrest in Bengal, 1875-1908 Rajat K RAY
1972/73 PhD Reading The applicability of linear programming to resource allocation in an irrigated agriculture with special reference to the Punjab of Pakistan T U REHMAN
1973 BLitt Oxford, Balliol A study of Bengal peasants, 1765-1812 S U AHMED Dr C C Davies
1973 PhD London The role of the Zamindars in Bengal, 1707-1772 Shirin AKHTAR J B Harrison
1973 DPhil Sussex Political structure and economic development in rural West Pakistan H ALAVI
1973 MPhil London, Inst Ed The impact of British educational thought onthe concept of university education in Sri Lanka Chandra Lilian AMARASEKERA
1973 PhD London, Wye A study of economic resource use and production possibilities on settlement schemes in Sri Lanka (with special reference to the Minipe Colonisation Scheme) Nihal St Michael Aloysius AMERASINGHE
1973 DPhil Sussex Nationalism and the regional politics: Tamiland, India, 1920-1937 D J ARNOLD Prof D A Low
1973 PhD London, QMC Functions and status of urban settlement in West Bengal Mira DAS
1973 DPhil Sussex Peasant movements in India,c.1920-1950 D N DHANAGARE
1973 PhD London, LSE The development of the port of Colombo, 1860-1939 K DHARMASENA Prof F J Fisher
1973 MPhil York Male nurses in Ceylon: a study of the career problems of male nurses in the Ceylon health service, 1972 Malsiri K DIAS
1973 BLitt Oxford, Campion Hall Some aspects of agricultural policy in Ceylon since independence with special reference to youth resettlement schemes B W DISSANAYAKE Miss M R Haswell
1973 PhD Exeter Orgnisational forms in post traditional society with special reference to South Asia P D S GOONATILAKE
1973 PhD London, SOAS A study of the revenue administration of Sylhet District in Bengal, 1765-1792 Kusha HARAKSINGH Prof K A Ballhatchet
1973 DPhil Sussex Revolutionary networks in Northern Indian politics, 1907-1935: a case study of the terrorist movement in Delhi, the Punjab, the United Provinces and adjacent princely states M HARCOURT
1973 PhD London, LSE Indian population policy and the family planning programme Edward C HARRIMAN
1973 BLitt Oxford, Jesus The role of law in the politics of Pakistan from 1947 to 1956 S F A HASSAN Prof H W R Wade
1973 DPhil Oxford, St Catharine’s Foreign aid in the economic development of Ceylon W HETTIARACHI Miss P H Ady
1973 MSc Lancaster Monetary management, commercial bank credit expansion and economic development in Pakistan Rafiqul ISLAM
1973 PhD London, External Economic development in Ceylon Halwalage N S KARUNATILAKE
1973 MSocSc Birmingham Distribution of rate of suicide according to age and sex on the basis on caste in Gujerat State H KAZI
1973 PhD Hull Some economic aspects of the oil palm industry of West Malaysia Hacharan Singh KHERA
1973 DPhil Oxford Terms of trade, public policy and economic development of Ceylon, 1948-1958 W D LAKSHMAN
1973 PhD Wales An economic analysis of recent developments in the production and marketing of jute with particular reference to their implications for the economy of Pakistan Saidur R LASKER
1973 PhD London, LSE Local government and administration in Ceylon Genevieve R LEITAN
1973 PhD York Some aspects of Bhartrhari’s linguistic theory as represented in the Vakyapadiya Kaluwachchimule MAHANAMA
1973 PhD London, SOAS The changing position and functions of the Rajahs and Nawabs of Bengal, 1911-1919 P C MAHTAB Prof K Ballhatchet
1973 DPhil Oxford, Nuffield Private corporate industrial investment in India, 1947/1967: factors affecting its size, fluctuations and sectoral distribution P PATNAIK Mr P P Streeten
1973 PhD London, King’s The legal framework for the settlement of industrial disputes in Ceylon Stanislaus Edward PULLE Mr A Hughes
1973 London, SOAS The minorities of Ceylon,, 1926-1931 with special reference to the Donoughmore Commission G QUINTUS
1973 PhD London, SOAS The covenanted civil servant and the government of India, 1858-1883: a study of his part in the decision-making and decision implementing process in India Muhammad A RAHIM Mr J B Harrison
1973 MPhil London, QMC The markets of Calcutta: an analysis of the evolution of indigenous marketing systems and shopping facilities Mondira Sinha RAY
1973 DPhil Sussex Poverty and policy: the impact of rural public works in the Kosi area of Bihar, India Gerry RODGERS L Joy
1973 PhD Cambridge, Lucy Polarization on Colombo in the economic geography of Ceylon Liyanage Kundali Vidyamali SAMARASINGHE Mr B H Farmer
1973 PhD Birmingham A quantitative analysis of the patterns of export: a case study of India M L SETH
1973 MA Sussex A multisectoral model of production for Sri Lanka Paran SIRISENA
1973 MSc Cambridge, Girton Underutilized industrial capacity in India Nancy SLOCUM
1973 MPhil London, QMC External aspects of Pakistan’s political geography A H SYED
1973 PhD London, SOAS Extradition in the light of the Indian constitution Madan M TEWARI
1973 DPhil Oxford, Balliol The Vice-royalty of Lord Irwin in 1926/31 with special reference to political and constitutional developments James Frederick Caleb WATTS Dr A F Madden
1973 PhD Cambridge, Clare Hall Some aspects of prodcution and market surplus in the rice sector of Ceylon Piyasiri WICKRAMASEKARA
1973 PhD Exeter A theory of multiple exchange rates and exchange rate management in Ceylon G W P WICKRAMASINGHE
1973/74 PhD London, Wye The marketing of tea with special reference to India’s share of thew world market N C NANDA
1973/74 PhD East Anglia Constraints on optimum resource use in an irrigated land settlement scheme in Ceylon D H R J PERERA
1973/74 PhD Cambridge, Newnham Locational analysis and government sponsored large-scale industries in Ceylon Y RASANAYAGAM
1973/74 DPhil Sussex A multisectoral model of production for Sri Lanka N L SIRISENA
1973/74 PhD Cambridge, King’s The kinship and social organization of a Roman Catholic fishing village in Ceylon Roderick Lennox STIRRAT
1974 PhD Brunel Defence expenditure and economic growth with reference to India V AGARWAL
1974 MSc London, LSHTM Current patterns of food administration in the West and their application to Pakistan A AHMED
1974 DTPH London, LSHTM Some problems in family planning in rural Sri Lanka E R AMARASEKERA
1974 PhD London, Inst Comm Trotskyism in Ceylon: a study of the development, ideology and political role of Lanka Sama Samaja Party, 1935-1964 Y R AMARASINGHE Prof W H Morris-Jones
1974 PhD London, SOAS Changes in patterns and practices of wheat farming since the introduction of the new high yielding varieties. A study of six villages in the Bulandshahr District, Uttar Pradesh, Northern India Kathleen May BAKER
1974 PhD London Urban society in Bengal, 1850-1872,with special reference to Calcutta Ranu BASU Prof K Ballhatchet
1974 MPhil London, Wye Some economic aspects of rubber production in Sri Lanka Gamlath Rallage CHADRASIRI
1974 PhD Cambridge, Pembroke Agrarian society and British administration in Western India, 1847-1920 Neil Rex Foster CHARLESWORTH
1974 DPhil Sussex Innovation, inequality and rural planning: the economics of Tubewell irrigation in the Kosi region, Bihar, India Edward J CLAY
1974 PhD Kent Money and monetary policy in a lerss developed economy: the case of Ceylon (Sri Lanka)1950-1970 E CONTOGIANNIS
1974 DPhil Sussex A study of wages of the coal miners in India (with special reference ot the Raniganj and Jharia coalfields) A DASGUPTA
1974 MSc Wales, Aberystwyth The factor shares of Indian international trade, 1947-1948 to 1967-1968 Mazumdar D DATT
1974 MPhil Nottingham A Marxist analysis of the economic development of India Brian DAVEY Prof Parkinson
1974 PhD London The intrigues of the German government and the Ghadr Party against British rule in India, 1914-1918 T G FRASER Mr D N Dilks
1974 DTPH London, LSHTM Some public health problems of the labour force in Sri Lanka A N HANIFFA
1974 MPhil London, SOAS The role of “reasonable restrictions” under the Indian constitution Tirukattupali Kalyana Krishnamurthy IYER
1974 PhD London Buddhist-Christian relationships in British Ceylon, 1797-1948 C W KARUNARATNA E G S Parrinder
1974 MSc London, LSHTM Growth study of the preschool children of Pakistan M M R KHAN
1974 MPhil Edinburgh Implementation of development plans in Pakistan S J KHAWAJA
1974 DPhil Oxford, St Hugh’s The movement towards constitutional reform in Ceylon, 1880-1910 N N LABROOY
1974 DPhil Oxford Social and political attitudes of British expatriates in India, 1880-1920 Margaret O MACMILLAN Prof Gallagher
1974 PhD Queen’s, Belfast Allahabad: a study in social structure and urban morphology L MALVIYA
1974 DPhil Oxford The Donoughmore Commission in Ceylon, 1927-1931 Tilaka Piyaseeli METHTHANANDA
1974 DPhil Oxford, Balliol India’s exports and export policies in the sixties D NAYYAR Mr P P Streeten
1974 DPhil Oxford Prelude to partition: all-India moslem politics, 1920-1932 D J H PAGE
1974 PhD London, King’s The social background, motivation and training of missionaries to India, 1789-1858 Frederic S PIGGIN
1974 PhD York Some aspects of the Vanni dialect of Sinhalese as contrasted with the dialect of the western region of Sri Lanka Pushpakumara PREMARATNE
1974 PhD Manchester The commercial pressure on the British government policy towards Indian nationalist movement, 1919-1935 M R PREST
1974 PhD Cambridge, Clare Hall Change in Bengal agrarian society c.1760-1850: a study of selected districts Ratnalekha RAY Prof E G Stokes
1974 PhD London, SOAS Education and society in the Bombay Presidency, 1840-1858 A J ROBERTS Prof K S Ballhatchet
1974 PhD Bradford Pakistani villages in a British city: the world of the Mirpuri villager in Bradford and in his village of origin Verity J SAIFULLAH-KHAN
1974 DPhil Oxford Labour and industrial organization in the Indian coal-mining industry, 1900-1939 Colin P SIMMONS Prof P Mathias
1974 PhD Cambridge, Trinity Nationalism and Indian politics: the Indian National Congress, 1934-1942 B R TOMLINSON Dr A Seal
1974 PhD Hull The European plantation rubber industry in South East Asia, 1876-1921 Phin Keong VOON
1974 PhD London, SOAS British scholarship and Muslim rule in India: the work of William Erskine, Sir Henry Elliot, John Dowson, Edwards Thomas, J Talboys Wheeler and Henry J Keene Tripta WAHI Dr P Hardy
1974 PhD Cambridge, Tinity The society and politics of the Madras Presidency, 1880-1920 D A WASHBROOK Dr A Seal
1974 PhD Hull The Saribas Malays of Sarawak: their social and economic organisation and system of values BIN kLING ZAINAL
1974/75 PhD Cambridge, Darwin Landlords, planters and colonial rule: a study of tensions in Bengal rural society, c. 1830-1860 Chittabrata PALIT Prof E T Stokes
1974/75 PhD London, SOAS The Khilafat movement in India, 1919-1924 M Naeem QURESHI SDr Moore
1974/75 PhD Birmingham A multisectoral model for manpower and educational planning in Sri Lanka T W Y RANAWEERA
1974/75 MSc Cambridge Trinity The extraction and use of surplus in India and China, 1950-1960 Chiranjivi Shumshere THAPA
1975 MSc Strathclyde Foreign indebtedness and debt servicing capacity of Pakistan, 1955-1970 M K ACHIGZAI
1975 MSc London, LSHTM Mortality and fertility trends in Orissa, 1951-1972 V AHMAD
1975 PhD Edinburgh Industrialisation and the problems of access to finance of small and medium sized forms in Ceylon C A BALASURIYA
1975 MA Ulster Bangladesh: a divided Pakistan N J BEST
1975 PhD Manchester Science and politics in India: accountability of scientific research policy structures, 1952-1970 B BHANEJA
1975 MSc Salford Factionalism and party building in India with special reference to the State of Rajasthan R BHARGAVA
1975 MSc Wales, Swansea Population planning in Bangladesh A R BHUIYAN Mr J Whetton
1975 PhD Lancaster As assessment of the economic effects of a customs union among the South Asian countries of India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka M A R BHUYAN
1975 PhD London The East India Company and its army, 1600-1778 G J BRYANT Dr P J Marshall
1975 DPhil sussex The effects of external assistance on economic development: the case of Sri Lanka A CHANDRA-RANDENI
1975 PhD Leeds The marketing of cotton in Pakistan I U CHAUDHRY
1975 MSc Wales, Swansea Social welfare services in Pakistan: the integration of state and welfare activity A CHOUDRY Jim Whetton
1975 PhD Londond, Wye Factors influencing India’s exports since 1950 Kashmir Singh DHINDSA
1975 DPhil Oxford The journals and memoirs of British travellers and residents in India in the late 18th century and the 19th century prior to the Mutiny Ketaki K DYSON Dr C M Ing
1975 PhD London, SOAS The structure of politics in South India, 1918-1939: conflict and adjustment in Madras City J A ELLIS
1975 MA Sussex The Vidhan Sabha election, Uttar Pradash, India, of February 1974 J GOODMAN
1975 MPhil London, UC Problems of port development in Sri Lanka, with special reference to Colombo Daya Somalatha GUNATILLAKE
1975 DPhil Sussex Peasant agitations in Kheder District, Gujerat, 1917-1934 D R HARDIMAN Mr P K Chaudhuri
1975 MSc Wales, Swansea Organisation and staffing needs in four state social services departments in Malaysia Kamariah Mohd ISMAIL Mr C Gore
1975 MScEcon Wales Economic development and the problem of unemployment with special reference to Bangladesh Halim JAHANGIR
1975 PhD Edinburgh Public sector investment in the direct development of urban housing in Sri Lanka (Ceylon) M E JOACHIM
1975 DPhil Sussex The relation between land settlement and party politics in Uttar Pradesh, India, 1950-69, with special reference to the formulation of the Bharatiya Kranti Dal M H JOHNSON
1975 PhD London, SOAS Business, labour and opposition movements in the politics of Ahmedabad City, 1960-1972 Bharti KANSARA Prof W H Morris-Jones
1975 MLitt Aberdeen South Asian international relations since rthe emergence of Bangladesh A KHAN
1975 MA Sussex The Congress split of 1969: a study in factional and ideological conflicts H KINASE-LEGGETT
1975 PhD London Legal aspects of stage carriage licensing in India P LEELAKRISHNAN
1975 PhD London, SOAS Economics of higher yielding varieties of rice with special reference to a south Indian district…West Godavari (Andhra Pradesh) S MADHAVAN Mr T J Byres
1975 DPhil Sussex Political change in an Indian state: Mysore, 1910-1952 James G MANOR Prof A Low; Dr Reeves
1975 PhD Leeds Financial institutions and private investment in Pakistan, 1955/56 to 1969/70 A M M MASIH Finance
1975 MPhil London, UC Self-help in Hyderabad’s urban development Catherine Anne MEDE
1975 PhD London, LSE An analysis of the economy and social organisation of the the Malapantara – a south Indian hunting and gathering people Brian MORRIS
1975 DPhil Oxford, Wolfson The Indian National Congress and political mobilization in the United Provinces, 1926-1934 G PANDEY
Mr D K Fieldhouse
1975 PhD Edinburgh A prototype system for the control of land use and settlements in the planned development of Bangladesh A M A QUAZI
1975 PhD London, Inst Comm The emergence of Bangladesh as a sovereign state Mizanur RAHMAN
1975 DPhil Oxfird, Linacre House Some aspects of the Indian government’s policy of state railways, 1869-1884 V SHANMUGASUNDARAM Prof K Ballhatchet
1975 PhD Edinburgh Changing patterns of cropland use in Bist Doab, Punjab, 1951-1968 Gurjeet SINGH
1975 PhD London, LSE A demographic analysis of the sterilization programme in the Indian states, 1957-1973 Veena SONI Prof D Glass
1975 MLitt St Andrews Tax revenue forecasting in a developing economy with special reference to India D K SRIVASTAVA
1975 DPhil Sussex The British in Malabar, 1792-1806 B S W SWAI Prof D A Low; Dr P Reeves
1975 PhD London, SOAS The cotton trade and the commercial development of Bombay, 1855-1875 Antonia M VICZIANY Dr K N Chaudhuri
1975 PhD London, SOAS The Moplah rebellion of 1921-1922 and its genesis Conrad WOOD
1975/76 PhD Birmingham Significance of size in Indian public limited companies N P NAYAR
1975/76 DPhil Oxford, Trinity British policy and the political impasse in India during the viceroyalty of Lord Linlithgow Gowher RIZVI
1976 MPhil London, UC Development of printing in Urdu, 1743-1857 Nazir AHMAD Mr R Staveley
1976 PhD London, SOAS The beginnings of British rule in Upper Burma: the study of British policy and Burmese reaction, 1885-1890 Muhammad S ALI Prof C D Cowan
1976 MLitt Glasgow Jute in the agrarian history of Bengal, 1870-1914: a study in primary production M W ALI Prof S Checkland; Mr J F Munro
1976 PhD Cambridge, Queen’s Private industrial investment in Pakistan Rashid AMJAD Mr M A King
1976 PhD London, SOAS The Tamil renaissance and Dravidian nationalism, 1905-1944, with special reference to the works of Maraimalai Atikal K Nambi AROORAN Prof K Ballhatchet
1976 PhD Lancaster Regional dualism: a case study of Pakistan, 1947/48 to 1969/70 M AZHAR-UD-DIN
1976 PhD London, SOAS Patterns of rural development in Tamil Nadu Robert Wilfred BRADNOCK
1976 DPhil Sussex Patterns of tractorization in the major rice growing areas of Sri Lanka M N CARR
1976 DPhil Oxford, St John’s Aspects of the registration and legal control of trade unions in India with some comparative observations B K CHANDRASHEKAR
1976 MSc Heriot-Watt The development of tourism in Sri Lanka(Ceylon)with special reference to Nuwara Elyia E G DHARMASIRIWARANDE
1976 MPhil Edinburgh Some guidelines for a spatial framework for regional planning in Sri Lnaka N D DICKSON
1976 PhD London, UC Some problems relating to constitutional amendments in India Bhubaneswar DUTTA
1976 MA Sheffield An examination of the letters and papers of a Wesleyan missionary (the Rev. James John Ellis of India, 1883-1962 J ELLIS Prof J Atkinson; Dr J C G Binfield
1976 DPhil Sussex Caste and Christianity: a study of the development and influence of attitudes and policies concerning caste held by Protetsant Anglo-Saxon missions in India D B FORRESTER
1976 DPhil Sussex Sri Lanka and the powers: an investigation into Sri Lanka’s relations with Britain, India, US, Soviet Union and China, 1948-1974 Birty GAJAMERAGEDARA Coral Bell
1976 PhD Cambridge, Selwyn Bombay city businessmen and politics, 1918-1933: the politics of indigenous colonial businessmen in relation to rising nationalism and a modernising economy A D D GORDON Prof J A Gallagher
1976 MSc Wales, UWIST The impact of the Central Freight Bureau of Sri Lanka on liner conferences and trade patterns M H GUNARATNE
1976 PhD Wales, Aberystwyth Programming for a balanced development of modern industries in Bangladesh A K Md HABIBULLAH Prof P N Mathur
1976 MPhil East Anglia Techniques and management of annual planning with reference to Bangladesh Shamsul HAQUE
1976 MSc Wales, Swansea Employment planning in Sri Lanka Nimal HETTIARATCHY
1976 PhD Cambridge, Christ’s Agrarian structure and land productivity in Bangladesh: an analysis of farm level data Mahabub HOSSAIN Mrs S Paine
1976 PhD Glasgow Factor price distortions in Bangladesh M M HUQ
1976 PhD London, SOAS A quantitative study of price movements in Bengal during the 18th and 19th centuries A S M A HUSSAIN Dr K N Chaudhuri
1976 MPhil London A study of 19th century historical work on Muslim rule in Bengal: Charles Stewart to Henry Beveridge Muhammad D HUSSAIN Dr P Hardy
1976 MSc Wales Construction and use of new system of national accounts for Sri Lanka Siripala IPALAWATTE Prof P N Mathur
1976 PhD London, LSE Factor intensity and labour absorption in manufacturing industries: the case of Bangladesh R ISLAM Prof A Sen; Dr Dasgupta
1976 PhD Wales, Aberystwyth An investigation into the effect of farm structure on resource productivitiy in selected areas of Bangladesh Md Abdul JABBAR
1976 PhD London, Inst Comm India in the British Commonwealth: the problem of diplomatic representation 1917-1947 James L KEMBER Dr T Reese
1976 PhD Aberdeen International relations in the South Asian sub-continent since the emergence of Bangladesh: conflict or co-operation ? Ataur Rahman KHAN
1976 MSc Strathclyde Indian decision making and the Sino-Indian boundary conflict R LOUDIS
1976 PhD Glasgow Regional disparities and structural change in an underdeveloped economy: a case study of India M MAJMUDAR
1976 DPhil Oxford, St Antony’s Radical nationalism in India, 1930-1942: the role of the All India Congress Socialist Party Z M MASANI
1976 PhD London, SOAS Political leadership among the Hindu community in Calcutta, 1857-1885 John G McGUIRE Prof K A Ballhatchet
1976 MPhil Leeds Public enterprise and the economic development of Pakistan: a study of the relationship between industrial finance corporations and the development of the private sector I MEHDI
1976 PhD Manchester Marketing of social products: family planning in Bangladesh M A MIYAN
1976 PhD London, UC History of printing in Bengali characters up to 1866 Hussain Khan MOFAKHKHAR
1976 PhD Cambridge, Christ’s An Indian rural society: aspects of the structure of rural society in the United Provinces, 1860-1920 P J MUSGRAVE Prof E T Stokes
1976 PhD Cambridge, St John’s The British in India, 1740-1763: a study in imperial expansion into Bengal J B NICHOL Prof E T Stokes
1976 PhD London, LSE Education and educated manpower in Bangladesh: a study of development after the 1947 partition M NURUZZAMAN Dr C M Phillips
1976 PhD Manchester The sensitivity of the demand for Indian exports to world prices: a study of particular commodities N G PEERA
1976 PhD Glasgow Some methodological aspects of the cost benefit analysis of irrigation projcts: a case study of the Telegana region of India Gautam PINGLE Mr E RAdo; Dr R P Sinha
1976 DPhil Oxford, St John’s The role of India in imperial defence beyond its frontiers and home waters, 1919-1939 J O RAWSON Prof N H Gibbs
1976 PhD London, LSE Towards a spatial strategy for Indian development L R SATIN
1976 PhD London, SOAS Municipal markets of Calcutta: three case studies Mondira SINHA RAY
1976 PhD London, SOAS Munda religion and social structure Hilary STANDING
1976 PhD London, SOAS Pakistan: a geopolitical analysis, 1947-1974 Arif Hassan SYED
1976 MSc Wales, Swansea Child welfare planning in India Kalyani Sarojini THADI
1976 PhD Aston Techno-economic aspects of the competitive position of natural rubber with special reference to the natural rubber industry in Sri Lanka G VARATHUNGARAJAN
1976 PhD Cambridge, Sidney The impact of tariff protection on Indian industrial growth, 1918-1939, with special reference to the steel, cotton mill and sugar industries D M WAGLE Dr W J Macpherson
1976 DPhil Sussex The use of project appraisal techniques in the Indian public sector: a case study of the fertiliser industry John WEISS
1976 PhD London, SOAS Decisions and analogy: political structure and discourse among the Ho tribes of India Michael Piers YORKE
1976/77 PhD Cambridge, Darwin Living saints and their devotees: a study of guru cults in urban Orissa Deborah Anne SWALLOW Prof E R Leach
1977 PhD London, LSE The jute manufacturing industry of Bangladesh, 1947-1974 Q K AHMAD
1977 DPhil Oxford The Bengal Muslims, circa 1871-1906: the re-definition of identity R AHMED
1977 PhD Hull The Boria: a study of a Malay theatre in its socio-cultural context RAHMAN AZMAN
1977 PhD London,SOAS Guardianship in South Asia with special reference to alienation and limitation M BADARUDDIN
1977 PhD Lancaster The image of Gandhi in the Indo-Anglican nove D CHATTERJEE
1977 PhD Cambridge, Selwyn Lancashire cotton trade and British policy in India, 1919-1939 Basudev CHATTERJI
1977 PhD Aberdeen Doctrinal and exegetical issues in the Hindu-Christian debate during the nineteenth century Bengal renaissance with special reference to St Paul’s teaching on the religions of the nations Chee Pang CHOONG
1977 PhD Glasgow Technological change in agriculture: the development experience of Tamil Nadu M D’SA
1977 PhD Cambridge, Selwyn Indigo plantations and agrarian society in North Bihar in the 19th and early 20th centuries C M FISHER Prof E Stokes
1977 PhD Edinburgh Some aspects of the colonial administration in Ceylon, 1855-1865 Alison C FORBES Dr T J Barron
1977 PhD Manchester A model of manpower planning for India R D GAIHA
1977 PhD East Anglia Paddy and rice marketing in Northern Tamil Nadu, India Barbara HARRISS
1977 PhD East Anglia Technological change in agriculture and agrarian social structure in Northern Tamil Nadu John Charles HARRISS
1977 PhD Cambridge, Trinity Indian National congress and the Indian Muslims (1916-1928) M HASAN Dr A Seal
1977 MEd Wales, Aberystwyth Television strategies for health education in Pakistan Muhammad Anwar HASSAN
1977 PhD London, UC The tax burden on Bangladeshi agriculture – a welfare economics approach M HUQ
1977 PhD Durham Differentiation, polarisation and confrontation in rural Bangladesh B K JAHANGIR
1977 DPhil Oxford, St Hugh’s Gangaguru: the public and private life of a Brahmin community of North India A S JAMESON
1977 PhD Edinburgh A Bangladeshi town’s elite: a sociological study F KHAN
1977 MPhil London, King’s South Asia Muslims and the ocncept of equality with reference to the 20th century M LAHLOU Dr P Hardy
1977 PhD London, SOAS Evaluation of integrated rural development project in Pakistan W E LOVETT
1977 PhD London Depression kills more than a self: concepts of mental distress among Pakistanis R MALIK
1977 PhD London, SOAS The origins and early years of the British Committee of the Indian National Congress, 1885-1907 Margot I MORROW Prof K A Ballhatchet
1977 MPhil London, SOAS Caste, rituals and strategies Rina NAYAR
1977 PhD Edinburgh The directors of the East India Company, 1754-1790 J G PARKER Dr J N M Maclean; Prof V G Kiernan
1977 PhD Hull Anglo-Burmese relations, 1795-1826 Gandadharan Padmanabhan RAMACHANDRA
1977 PhD Leicester The development of local transport in Bangladesh Abu REZA
1977 DPhil Sussex An analysis of the export performance and policies of Bangladesh since 1950 with special reference to the income and employment implications of trade in manufactures S A L REZA
1977 DPhil Sussex A study of political elites in Bangladesh, 1947-1970 Rangalal SEN Prof T B Bottomore
1977 PhD Leeds Organisation and leadership of industrial labour in Karachi, Pakistan Z A SHAHEED
1977 PhD Kent A monetary macro-economic model for India, 1951/52-1965/66 M A SHAHI
1977 MLitt Cambridge, Girton The Congress ministry in Bombay, 1937-1939 Rani SHANKAREDASS Prof J Gallagher
1977 mpHIL Edinburgh A comparative study of development policies in Pakistan, 1955-1970 S H SYED
1977 MPhil London, Birkbeck Differences between the UK and Indian management attitudes to organization development (OD) and manpower planning: a comparative study M N THAKUR
1977 PhD London, LSE Anglo-Indian economic relations, 1913-1928: with special reference to the cotton trade James David TOMLINSON Mr M E Falkus; Mr D E Baines
1977/78 PhD Cambridge, Selwyn Thje unemployment problem and development planning in Pakistan Ghazy bin Subh-o MUHJAHID Mr D A S Jackson
1977/78 PhD London, LSE Economic inequality and group welfare: theory and application in Bangladesh S R OSMANI Prof A Sen
1977/78 PhD Cambridge, King’s The interrelation of agriculture and industry in a developing country: the case of Bangladesh A H WAHIDUDDIN MAHMUD Dr R M Goodwin
1978 PhD London, SOAS The economic and social organization of selected Mohmand Pukhtun settlements Akbar S AHMED
1978 MPhil Leeds Disguised unemployment in the rural sector in Bangladesh A H W M ALAM
1978 PhD London, SOAS British policy towards the Indian states, 1905-1939 S R ASHTON Dr B N Pandey
1978 DPhil Oxford, St Antony’s Lord Willington and India, 19192-1936 George W BERGSTROM Dr A F Madden
1978 DPhl Sussex Inequality, demand, structures and employment: the case of India R BERRY
1978 PhD Edinburgh The Kui people: changes in belief and practice Barbara Mather BOAL
1978 MPhil Sussex Islam in India since the partition of the sub-continent: issues in self-definition J A BOND
1978 PhD Leicester The civil and military patronage of the East India Company, 1784-1840 John Michael BOURNE
1978 PhD London, SOAS The history of Janakpurdham: a study of asceticism and the Hindu polity Richard BURGHART
1978 PhD London, SOAS The Hindu family firm and its future in the light of Indian tax law S C CHAKRABORTY
1978 PhD Exeter The production and trade of rice and cotton in Pakistan with special reference to exports to the European Community M A CHOUDHRY
1978 DPhil Oxford The colonial police and anti-terrorism: Bengal 1930-1936, Palestine 1837-1947 and Cyprus 1955-1959 D J CLARK Prof M E Howard
1978 DPhil Oxford, Hertford International trade and payments and economic policy in Ceylon during 1938/1953: a case study in the economics of independence D C DOLAWATTA Mr R W Bacon
1978 MPhil Leicester An econometric model of consumer behaviour in India, 1950/51-1972/73 A GHATAK
1978 PhD Durham Kinship and ritual in a South Indian micro-region Anthony GOOD
1978 PhD Cambridge, Wolfson Pineapples from Sri Lanka: the export potential of fresh fruit in relation to some aspects of post-harvest deterioration S J GOONERATNE Dr P H Lowings
1978 PhD London The law of homicide in Pakistan M HANIF
1978 PhD Cranfield Inter-urban bus operation in Bangladesh: a comparative study of the efficiency of the public and private bus sectors M ISLAM
1978 PhD Lancaster Religion and moderenisation: a case study of interactions between Christianity, Hinduism and modernisation in Northern Orissa, 1947-197 A KANJAMALA
1978 PhD Manchester Analysis of industrial efficiency in Pakistan, 1959/60 to 1969/70 A R KEMAL
1978 PhD Cambridge Indian business and nationalist politics, 1931-1939: the political attitude of the indigenous capitalist class in relation to the crisis of the colonial economy Claude MARKOVITS Dr A Seal
1978 PhD Lancaster Herman Merivale and the British Empire. 1806-1874, with special reference to British North America, Southern Africa and India D T McNAB Dr J M MacKenzie
1978 DPhil Oxford. The era of civillisation: British policy for the Indians of the Canadas, 1830-1860 John Sheridan MILLOY Dr F Madden
1978 PhD Exeter An analysis of the world jute economy and its implications for Bangladesh M G MOSTAFA
1978 PhD Surrey Causes of educated unemployment in less developed countries: the case of Sri Lanka T PERERA
1978 PhD Leeds Public expenditure growth and its role in developing countries: the case of Bangladesh A H PRAMANIK
1978 DPhil Sussex Capacity utilisation and labour employment in large scale manufacturing plant in Bangladesh Alimur RAHMAN B Dasgupta
1978 MPhil Liverpool A study in some aspects of demand and supply of food in a rapidly expanding population: the case of Bangladesh F RAHMAN
1978 PhD Essex Tenancy and production behaviour in agriculture: a study of Bangladesh agriculture K M RAHMAN
1978 MPhil Leeds The political economy of inflation: a case study of Bangladesh, 1959-1975 Syed Z SADEQUE
1978 PhD Wales, InstSciTech Spatial impact of growth poles in the context of regional development planning: a case study in the Ranchi Region (Bihar), India Suranjit Kumar SAHA
1978 PhD Cambridge, Trinity Agrarian structure, technology and marketed surplus in the Indian economy A SAITH
1978 MPhil London, LSE The Cominterm and the Communist Party of India, 1920-1929 Dushka Hyder SAIYID Prof J Joll
1978 PhD London, SOAS Relations between Roman Catholics and Hindus in Jaffna, Ceylon, 1900-1926: a study of religious encounter N M SAVERIMUTTU Prof K A Ballhatchet
1978 PhD London, SOAS Legal aspects of public enterprise in India and Tanzania: a comparative study A SEN
1978 PhD London, SOAS The life and writings of Sir John William Kaye, 1814-1876 Nihar Nandan Prasad SING
1978 PhD London, SOAS Some aspects of education and educational administration in the Madras Presidency between 1870 and 1898: a study of British educational policy in India S SRIVASTAVA Mr J Harrison
1978 PhD London, SOAS Public expenditure and state accumulation in India, 1960-1970 John F J TOTE Mr T J Byres
1978 PhD London, SOAS Law and order in Oudh, 1856-1877 D B TRIVEDI Prof K A Ballhatchet
1978 PhD Cambridge, St John’s Periodic markets in south Bihar, India Sudhir Vyankatesh WANMALI Dr GP Chapman Mr BH Farmer
1978 PhD Brunel Job satisfaction and labour turnover among women workers in Sri Lanka W T WEERAKOON
1978 PhD London, SOAS Gandhists and socialists: the struggle for control of the Indian National Congress, 1931-1939 James Carroll WILSON
1978 MPhil London, Insti Comm Political conflict and regionalism: Orissa, 1938-1948 T W WOLF Prof W H Morris-Jones
1979 MPhil Edinburgh National parks planning in Malaysia A K bin ABANG MORSHIDI
1979 PhD Cambridge Labour market and labour utilisation in Bangladesh agriculture: an analysis of farm level data Iqbal AHMED
1979 PhD London, SOAS The history of the city of Dacca, 1840-1884 S U AHMED Mr Harrison
1979 DPhil Oxford, Balliol Sugar cane cultivation in Gorakhpur, Uttar Pradesh c.1890-1940: a study in the interrelations between capitalistic enterprise and a dependent peasantry S AMIN Dr Raychaudhuri
1979 PhD London, UC Occupational and spatial mobility among shanty dwellers in Poona: a study of selected settlements and implications for housing policy M M BAPAT
1979 MLitt Oxford, St Antony’s The Punjab and recruitment to the Indian Army (1846-1918) D BRIEF
1979 PhD Keele UN India Pakistan Observation Mission (UNIPOM), 1965-1966 S CHAUHDRY
1979 PhD Wales Local government finance in Bangladesh Amirul Islam CHOWDHURY Mr J Eaton
1979 PhD Warwick Interrelationships between income redistribution and economic growth with special reference to Sri Lanka H M A CODIPPILY
1979 MPhil London, SOAS The constitutional history of Sri Lanka with special reference to the judiciary M J A COORAY
1979 PhD London, SOAS Local politics in Bengal, Midnapur District Swapan DAS GUPTA
1979 PhD Edinburgh Government and princes: India 1918-1939 G J DOUDS
1979 PhD Manchester The establishment of nuclear industry in less developed countries: the cases of Argentine, Brazil and India M DUAYER DE SOUZA
1979 DPhil Sussex Levels, the communication of programmes and sectional strategies in Indian politics with reference to the Bharatiya Kranti Dal and the Republican Party of India in Uttar Pradesh State and Aligarh District (UP) R I DUNCAN
1979 DPhil Oxford, Keble An anthropological analysis of the identity of the educated Bengali Muslim middle class of Calcutta, India P J K EADE Prof M Freeman
1979 DPhil Oxford, Balliol Bombay peasants and Indian nationalism: a study of economic change and political activity in the Bombay countryside, 1919-1939 Simon J M EPSTEIN
1979 DPhil Sussex Bilateral trade and payments agreements as an instrument of trade policy in Ceylon, 1952-1971 L S FERNANDO D Wall
1979 DPhil Oxford Military aid as a factor in Indo-Soviet relations, 1961-1971 P C GERHARDT
1979 PhD Manchester Image makers of Kumartuli: the transformation of a caste-based industry in a slum quarter of Calcutta Beth GOLDBLATT
1979 PhD Lancaster Achieving national development in the Third World: a systems study [Sri Lanka and Venezuela] P W GUNAWARDENA
1979 PhD London, SOAS Industrial development of Bengal, 1902-1939 A Z M IFTIKHAR-UL-AWWAL
1979 PhD Cambridge Afghanistan in British imperial strategy and diplomacy, 1919-1941 Lesley Margaret JACKMAN
1979 DPhil Sussex Changing production relations and population in Uttar Pradesh Vinod K JAIRATH S Epstein
1979 DPhil Oxford, Merton Religion and politics among the Sikhs in the Punjab, 1873-1925 R A KAPUR Prof R E Robinson
1979 PhD Aberdeen Nationalism in Bangladesh Ataur R KHAN
1979 MLitt Oxford, Wolfson Communities in Ceylon: an ethnic perspective on Sinhalese-Tamil relations P LANGTON Dr Schuyler-Jones
1979 PhD London, Wye An economic analyses of resource use with respect of farm size and tenure in an area of Bangladesh Md Abdur Sattar MANDAL
1979 DPhil Oxford Hindu pilgrimage with particular reference to West Bengal, India E Alan MORINIS
1979 MPhil York Sociolinguistics of language planning: a historical study of language planning in Sri Lanka Abul Monsur Md Abu MUSA Dr M W S De Silva
1979 PhD London, SOAS Chittagong Port: a study of its fortunes, 1892-1912 S H OSMANY Mr J B Harrison
1979 PhD Cambridge, St Cath’s Punjab peasants and politics: a study of the Lower Chenab Canal, 1890-1020 B J POFF Prof E Stokes
1979 PhD Cambridge, Clare Agrarian structure and capital formation: a study of Bangladesh agriculture with farm level data Atiqur RAHMAN
1979 PhD London, SOAS The non-official British in India, 1883-1920 R K RENFORD
1979 PhD Aberdeen The soils of the central Sarawak lowlands, Malaysia I M SCOTT
1979 PhD Durham The socio-cultural determinants of fertility and the population policy in India M SEKHRI
1979 PhD St Andrews Macroeconmic forecasting in developing countries with special reference to fiscal policy: a case study of India Dinesh K SRIVASTAVA Dr GK Shaw
1979 PhD London, SOAS Emergency powers in the Indian constitution Jahnavi K P SRIVASTAVA
1979 PhD London, LSE Democratic considerations and population policies in development planning: a survey of third world countries with case studies of Bangladesh and Pakistan B F M STAMFORD Prof D V Glass
1979 PhD Edinburgh The development of British Indology K B SWANSON
1979 PhD London, Royal Holloway Anglo-French diplomacy overseas, 1935-1845, with special reference to West Africa and the Indian Ocean Rosalind M WALLER Prof G N Sanderson
1979/80 PhD Cambridge, St John’s Some aspects of the monetary and financial experience of a mixed economy: the case of Ceylon, 1950-1970 S W R D SARMARASINGHE Mr M G Kuczynski
1980 MPhil/PhD London, LSHTM Sex differential mortality: a study of the status of women in Pakistan A AHMAD
1980 DPhil Sussex Overseas aid and the transfer of technology – agricultural mechanisation in Sri Lanka D F BURCH E Brett
1980 PhD Aberdeen Aspects of population changes in British colonial Malacca: a study in social geography Kok Eng CHAN
1980 PhD London, SOAS Rural power and debt in Sind in late 19th century, 1865-1901 David CHEESMAN Dr Zaidi
1980 PhD London, UC Optimal development and various public policies: a case study of Bangladesh Omar H CHOWDHURY Mr Lal
1980 PhD Cambridge The agrarian economy of northern India, 1800-1880: aspects of growth and stagnation in the Doab S J COMMANDER Prof Stokes
1980 PhD Leeds Methodism and Sinhalese Buddhism: the Wesleyan-Methodist missionary encounter with Buddhism in Ceylon, 1814-1868, with special reference to the work of Robert Spencer Hardy Barbara A R COPLANS Dr E M Pye; Dr R C Towler
1980 PhD London, King’s British and Indian strategy and policy in Mesopotamia, November 1914-May 1916 P K DAVIS Dr M L Dockrill
1980 MPhil Edinburgh Use of technology: rural industrialization in Sri Lanka A DE WILDE
1980 PhD Cambridge, Trinity The Indian Civil Service. 1919-1947 H A EWING Dr A Seal
1980 PhD Edinburgh Devotional music in Mysore Gordon GEEKIE
1980 MPhil CNAA An approach to the assessment and control by developing countries of the economic costs and benefits of their national fleets, with particular reference to Sri Lanka M D H GUNATILLAKE
1980 DPhil Sussex Development of capitalism in agriculture in Pakistan with special reference to the Punjab Province S A HUSSAIN
1980 PhD Cambridge Popular Christianity, caste and Hindu society in south India, 1800-1915: a study of Travancore and Tirunelveli Susan Banks KAUFMANN
1980 PhD Edinburgh The cost and effictiveness of export incentive schemes in Pakistan, 1950-1970 Mohammad KHAYRAT
1980 PhD London, SOAS The city of Lucknow before 1856 and its buildings Rosaleen M LLEWELLYN-JONES Dr Chaudhuri
1980 PhD Manchester Domestic worship and the festival cycle in the south Indian city of Madurai Penelope LOGAN
1980 PhD Leeds The policy of the government of India towards Afghanistan, 1919-1947 C MAPRAYIL Prof D Dilks
1980 PhD Strathclyde Appropriate products, employment and income distribution in Bangladesh and Ghana: a case study of the soap industry A K A MUBIN
1980 PhD Manchester Choice and transfer of technology: the case of modernization of dairying in India S K MUKERJI
1980 DPhil Oxford The rebellion in Awadh, 1857-1858: a study in popular resistance R MUKHERJEE
1980 DPhil Sussex The Muriya and Tallot Mutte: a study of the concept of the earth among the Muriya Gonds of Bastar District, India Terrell POPOFF
1980 DPhil Oxford Saving in Pakistan, 1950-1977: estimation and analysis M Z M QURESHI
1980 PhD Durham A study of the status of women in Islamic law and society with special reference to Pakistan S F SAIFI
1980 PhD London, SOAS The political economy of rural poverty in Bangladesh K U SIDDIQUI Mr T J Byres
1980 DPhil Sussex Export led industrial development: the case of Sri Lanka Upanda VIDANAPATHIRANA Mr Godfrey
1980 PhD London Foreign investment law and policy of India: the control of private direct foreign investment S L WATKINS
1980 PhD Kent The little businessman of Bukit Timah: a study of the economic, social and political organisation of traders in a market complex in Singapore C W WONG
1981 PhD London, External An analysis of academic libraries in the Punjab (Pakistan)and proposals for their future development Nazir AHMAD
1981 DPhil Sussex Institutional structure, income distribution and economic development: a case study of Pakistan S E AHMAD R Jolly; P Chaudhuri
1981 DPhil Oxford, Wolfson Productivity, prices and distribution in Pakistan’s manufacturing sector, 1955-1970 Meekal A AHMED Mr Z A Silberston
1981 PhD Birmingham Pakistani entrepreneurs, their development, characteristics and attitudes Zafar ALTAF
1981 MPhil Reading Approaches to the optimisation of calving interval in large dairy herds in Sri Lanka V ARIYAKUMAR
1981 DPhil Sussex Adoption of high-yielding varieties of paddy: a case study of Bangladesh agriculture M ASADUZZAMAN
1981 MPhil Oxford Alternative approaches to the analysis of Indian agriculture: an evaluation P BALAKRISHNAN
1981 MLitt Oxford, Balliol The Indian state and the state of emergency Ashis BANERJEE Mr N Maxwell
1981 DPhil Oxford, St Cath’s Migration theory with special reference to Delhi B BANERJEE Prof I M D Little
1981 PhD London, SOAS Evaluation of changes brought about by resettlement scheme in Sri Lanka G S BETTS
1981 PhD Newcastle Genetic variation and structure in selected populations of India S M S CHAHAL
1981 PhD London, LSE Commercial policy and industrialization with special reference to India since independence S CHATTERJEE Prof T Scitovsky
1981 PhD Edinburgh The politics and technology ofsharing the Ganges B CROW
1981 PhD Hull Karst water studies and environment in West Malaysia J CROWTHER
1981 DPhil Sussex Land and politics in West Bengal: a sociological study of a multicaste village A S DASGUPTA
1981 DPhil Sussex Population trends and changes in village organisation – Rampur revisited M DASGUPTA S Epstein; R Cassen
1981 MPhil London, King’s A study of female offenders in Sri Lanka and England S S H DE SILVA
1981 MPhil Oxford Educated unemployment in India D J DONALDSON
1981 DPhil Sussex Rules and transactions: some aspects of marriage among the Dhund Abbasi of North East Pakistan H DONNAN
1981 PhD London India’s relations with developing countries: a study of the political economy of Indian investment, aid, overseas banking and insurance S K DUTT
1981 DPhil Oxford, Wolfson Geomorphology and environmental change in South India and Sri Lanka Rita A M GARDNER Dr A S Goudie
1981 PhD Aberdeen A study of Bangladesh tea soils with particular reference to the efficiency of phosphatic fertilizers A K M GOLAM KIBRIA
1981 MPhil Oxford Some early British socialists in India N GOPAL
1981 PhD Cambridge, Churchill The agrarian economy of the Bombay Deccan, 1818-1941 Sumit GUHA
1981 PhD Cambridge, Trinity Planning for growth and structural change in an under-nourished economy: the case of India U R GUNJAL Dr D M Nuti
1981 PhD Manchester Buddism, magic and society in a southern Sri Lankan town M C HODGE
1981 PhD Cambridge, Churchill An investigation of the impact of British rule in India, c 1820-1860 in the context of political, social and economic continuity and change D J HOWLETT Dr G Johnson
1981 DPhil Oxford, St Antony’s The origins of the partition of India, 1936-1947 Anita INDER SINGH
1981 PhD Cambridge Jinnah, the Muslim League and the demand for Pakistan A JALAL
1981 PhD London, Imperial Supervisory style and work group satisfaction: an empirical study in the textile industry in Sri Lanka N W N JAYASIRI
1981 MPhil Sussex The effect of proximity to urban influence on rural leadership in Sri Lanka s JAYATILAKE R Dore
1981 MPhil London, LSHTM Relations between estimation biases and response errors in the analysis of a retrospective demographic survey of Bangladesh Mokbul Ahmed KHAN Prof W Brass
1981 MTh Aberdeen Salvation in a Malaysian context Boo Wah KHOO
1981 MPhil Edinburgh British and Indian post-war new towns: a comparative analysis D KUMER
1981 PhD London, LSE Bhutto, the People’s Pakistan Party and political development in Pakistan,1867-1977 M LODHI
1981 PhD Bradford The economics of railway traction with particular reference to India J MAJUMDAR
1981 PhD London, SOAS Law and development in Sri Lanka: an historical perspective, 1796-1989 M L MARASINGHE
1981 PhD Glasgow The techno-economic development of the Indian machine tool industry, with special emphasis on aspects affecting efficiency Ronald G MATTHEWS
1981 PhD Durham Spatial patterns of population growth and agricultural change in the Punjab, Pakistan, 1901-1972 M A MIAN
1981 PhD Cambridge Patterns of long-run agrarian change in Bombay and Punjab, 1881-1972 S C MISHRA
1981 PhD Edinburgh An empirical analysis of export promotion in Pakistan, 1959-1977 K MOHAMMAD
1981 DPhil Sussex The state and peasantry in Sri Lanka M P MOORE
1981 PhD Warwick Rural factor markets in Pakistan I NABI Prof Stern
1981 PhD Wales, UCNW Basic needs fulfillment and the evaluation of land use alternatives with special reference to forestry in Kerala State, India C T S NAIR
1981 MPhil Oxford The structure of Indian society: a study of some aspects of the work of Louis Dumont S S RANDERIA
1981 DPhil Sussex The historical problems of agricultural productivity with special reference to the use of modern technology inputs: a case study of Meerut district in western Uttar Pradesh Sumit ROY B Dasgupta
1981 PhD London, SOAS The thakur and the goldsmith: aspects of legitimation in an Indian village Christopher Thomas SELWYN
1981 PhD Cambridge, Trinity Hall The agrarian constraint to economic development: the case of India Abhijit SEN Mr J A Rowthorn
1981 MPhil London, LSE Control and regulation of cotton marketing in India, 1950-1975 J SENGUPTA Prof B S Yamey
1981 MPhil Kent Patani nationalism O bin SHEIKH AHMAD
1981 PhD Cambridge, St Edmund’s Canal irrigation and agrarian change under colonial rule: a study of the UP Doab, India, 1830-1930 Ian Edward STONE
1981 PhD London The growth of the Muslim League in the Punjab, 1937-1946 I A TALBOT
1981 MPhil Brunel A study of financing of small industries in UK and India J P TEWARI
1981 DPhil Sussex Population, growth and labour utilisation in a rural/urban context: a Sri Lanka case study W TILAKARATNE
1981 PhD London, SOAS Determinants of change in population resource relationships at village level: a study of two south Indian villages Christopher Louis WILDE
1981 PhD Bath Class formation, state intervention and rural development in South Asia G D WOOD
1981 PhD London, LSE The identification of developing Soviet strategy interests in the Indian Ocean, 1968-1974 Rashna Minoo WRITER Mr P Windsor
1981 PhD London, SOAS The impact of canal irrigation on the rural structuresof the Punjab: the canal colony districts, 1880 to 1940 Fareeha ZAFAR
1982 DPhil Sussex Capital accumulation, land productivity and agrarian structure in Bangladesh agriculture M ALAM
1982 PhD Warwick Effects of taxation on business in less developed countries with special reference to Sri Lanka P BENNETT
1982 DPhil Sussex Agrarian structure, economic change and poverty: the experience of central Gujerat BHANWARSINGH
1982 PhD London, Imperial Development of the labour process in the Indian electrical industry B BHUSHAN
1982 PhD Edinburgh Energy flows in subsistence agriculture: a study of a dry zone village in Sri Lanka Jan Roderic BIALY
1982 PhD Cambridge Conjugal units and single persons: an analysis of the social system of the Naiken of the Nilgirirs (South India) Nirut BIRD
1982 PhD Aberdeen A sociological study of the development of social classes and social structure of Bangladesh B M CHODWHURY
1982 PhD Salford Foreign aid and economic development: a case study of Pakistan with special reference to poverty and income distribution M K CHOUDHARY
1982 PhD Cabridge A study of cotton-weaving in Bangladesh: the relative advantages and disadvantages of handloom weaving and factory production Nuimuddin CHOWDHURY
1982 DPhil Sussex Technological innovation in agriculture in India: an analysis of economic policy and political pressures F C CLIFT
1982 DPhil Sussex Open unemployment and poverty in the rural sector in Sri Lanka I COOMARASWAMY
1982 DPhil Oxford, Balliol The jute economy of Bengal, 1900-1947: unequal interaction between the industrial, trading and agricultural sectors O GOSWAMI Dr Raychaudhuri
1982 DPhil Sussex Changing socio-economic relations in a Kandyan countryside P N GUNASINGHE S Epstein
1982 MPhil Leeds Recovery of gemstones from river gravels in Sri Lanka S M HERATH BANDA
1982 DPhil Oxford, St Antony’s The changing structure of cotton textile production in Bengal under the impact of the East India Company, 1750-1813, and the textile producers of Bengal Hameeda HOSSAIN Dr T Raychaudhuri
1982 MPhil Sussex The difference between ideological planning and service performance and the problems of differential access to agricultural credit in Bangladesh: the case of the integrated rural development programme Sajjad HUSSAIN
1982 PhD London, LSE Boundary problems in South Asia K H KAIKOBAD Prof I Brownlie
1982 DPhil Sussex Spring Valley: a social, anthropological and historical enquiry into the impact of the tea estates upon a Sinhalese village in the Uva Highlands of Sri Lanka C P KEMP
1982 DPhil Oxford, Trinity Pakistan’s relations with the USA, the USSR, China and India from the Sino-Indian war of 1962 to the Simla Pact Mohamed Jameelur Rehman KHAN Dr S Rose
1982 PhD London Aspects of the urban history, social, administrative and insttitutional of Dacca City, 1921-1947 Nazia KHANUM Mr J B Harrison
1982 MPhil Cambridge, Magdalene The British policy of withdrawal from India: in particular with reference to its impact on the subsequent political development of India S W KIM Mr C Barnett
1982 DPhil Oxford, New The Indian coal industry after nationalisation Rajiv KUMAR Mr S Lall
1982 PhD Lonon, SOAS Industrial location and regional policy in south India James William MACKIE Dr Bradnock
1982 PhD Cambridge Women’s work and economic power in the family: a study of two villages in West Bengal Linda Catherine MAYOUX
1982 PhD Wales, Aberystwyth Construction of capital and labour coefficient matrices for the India economy and their use in framing a development plan Deba Kumar Datt MAZUMDAR Prof F N Mathur
1982 PhD Edinburgh Relativization in Bengali A K M MORSHED
1982 PhD London, LSE India and the EEC, 1962-1973 Bishakha MUKHERJEE
1982 PhD Keele Social aspects of production and reproduction in Bonda society Bikram N NANDA
1982 MPhil Reading The evaluation and control of constraints on the development of dairying in the Jaffna District of Sri Lanka A NAVARATNARAJAH
1982 DPhil Sussex Social change and class relations in rural Sri Lanka U L PERERA R Dore
1982 PhD Manchester An evaluationof the problems of measuring the profit performance of multinational enterprise in less developed countries: a case study of Bangladesh M Z RAHMAN
1982 DPhil Sussex Villagers education aspirations and their relationship to rural development: a south Indian case study Sudha V RAO S Epstein
1982 PhD Cambridge, Corpus On liberty and economic growth: preface to a philosophy for India Subroto ROY Prof F Hahn
1982 PhD London, LSHTM Education and fertility in Pakistan Zeba A SATHAR
1982 PhD London, LSE Maintaining non-alignment: India’s political relations with the superpowers in the 1970s Muhammad Azher Zafar SHAH Mr C J Hill
1982 DPhil Sussex The process of rural change and its impact on income distribution in Gujerat Bhanwar SINGH R Cassen
1982 PhD Leeds Analytical techniques in agricultural development planning: a critical appraisal of a project for the modernization of an irrigation scheme in Sri Lanka Nelson VITHANAGE Mr I G Simpson
1982 PhD Reading A biological study of the benefits of intercropping in England and India N VORASOOT
1982/83 PhD Birmingham Pakistan: the energy sector: a study in sector planning Tariq RIAZ
1982/83 PhD Cambridge A study of the development of the sugar industry in Ahmednagar Diustrict, Maharashtra, (with particular reference to the harvesting and carting labourers employed in the industry Joy RICHARDSON
1982/83 PhD London, SOAS Politics and the state in Pakistan, 1947-1975 Mohammad WASEEM
1983 PhD London, LSHTM Dimensions of intra-household food and nutrient allocation: a study of a Bangaldeshi village M ABDULLAH Ms Wheeler
1983 PhD Aberdeen Inter-religious controversy in India: the interpretation of Jesus in the works of Rammohun Roy and Sayyid Ahmad Khan Muda Ismail bin AB-RAHMAN
1983 DPhil Oxford Emerson and India S ACHARYA
1983 DPhil Oxford, Wolfson The contribution of Elphinstone College to higher education and political leadership in the Bombay Presidency. 1840-1940 Naheed AHMAD Prof R E Robinson
1983 PhD London, Inst Comm The Mujib regime in Bangladesh, 1972-75: an analysis of its problems and performance A U AHMED
1983 PhD London, King’s Chromite deposits of the Sakhakot-Qila ultramafic complex, Pakistan Zulfiqar AHMED
1983 PhD Cambridge, St Cath’s Rural society and politics in Bengal, 1900-1950 Sugata BOSE Prof T E Stokes
1983 PhD City Conflict and communication in the Third World: a study of class and ethnic bases of conflict and relationships between these and the mass media in Pakistan and Nigeria C M BRYNIN
1983 PhD London, SOAS Contemporary problems in Hindu religious endowments Nihar Ranjan CHAKRABARTI
1983 PhD Cambridge Labour and society in Bombay, 1918-1940: workplace, neighbourhood and social organization R S CHANDAVARKAR Dr A Seal
1983 MLitt Oxford, Trinity The Congress ministers and the Raj, 1937-1939: a style of British policy and Indian politics Sunil CHANDER Dr T Raychaudhuri
1983 PhD London, King’s Transforming a traditional agriculture: the change from subsistence to commercial cropping in a part of Hazara District, Pakistan K L COOK
1983 PhD London, SOAS Family and business in a small town of Rajasthan C COTTAM Dr L Caplan
1983 MPhil Edinburgh Towards a national human settlements strategy for Pakistan M CRAGLIA
1983 PhD London, SOAS The urban demography of industrialization and its economic implications, with particular reference to a region of India from 1951 to 1971 Nigel Royden CROOK
1983 PhD Newcastle Agricultural export diversification and earnings instability of Sri Lanka Maxwell Peter DE SILVA
1983 PhD London, SOAS British firms and the economy of Burma, with special reference to the rice and teak industries Maria Serena Icaziano DIOKNO
1983 MPhil London, UC Jammu and Kashmir: a selected and annotated bibliography of manuscripts, books and articles together with a survey of its history, languages and literature from Rajatarangini, 1977/8 Ramesh Chander DOGRA
1983 PhD London, SOAS Trade unionism in Bengal before 1922: historical origins, development and characteristics Stephen N GOURLAY Dr K chaudhuri
1983 PhD Exeter Forms of Chhou: an investigation of an Indian theatre tradition S J HAWKES
1983 PhD London, Wye Food production and food entitlement in rural Bangladesh: five year outlook for a small community in an irrigated area Walza Md Hossaine JAIM Mr G Allanson
1983 PhD Cambridge The economic and social bases of political allegiance in Sri Lanka, 1947-1982 D J JAYANNATHA Mr G P Hawthonr
1983 PhD London, SOAS Domestic terms of trade and agricultural taxation policy in Pakistan, 1970-1977 Shahnaz KAZI Mr T Byres
1983 PhD Wales Production technology and industrial development: India’s planning period Edward Lawrence LYNK
1983 PhD London, SOAS Transport systems and urban growth in Punjab, Pakistan M K MALIK Dr R W Bradnock
1983 PhD Cambridge, Churchill Peasant society and agricultural development: a case study from coastal Orissa S MITRA Prof J A Barnes
1983 PhD London A general information programme for Pakistan: some problems and prospects with special reference to the promotion of cultures in the libraries and other information centres Rafia MOHADADALLY
1983 PhD London, UC A general information programme for Pakistan: some problems and prospects with special reference to the promotion of culture in the libraries and other information centres Rafia MOHAMMADALLY
1983 PhD Cranfield Smallholder mechanization in Pakistan A Q A MUGHAL
1983 DPhil Oxford Madrasahs, scholars and saints: Muslim response to the British presence in Delhi and the Upper Doab, 1803-1857 Farhan Ahmed NIZAMI Dr T Raychaudhuri
1983 MPhil Edinburgh Social consequences of rural economic change in South Asia O NOTE
1983 PhD London, SOAS A study of low caste consciousness and social protest in Western India in the later 19th century Rosalind O’HANLON Prof K Ballhatchet
1983 PhD Bradford Gandhi as a political organiser; an analysis of local and national campaigns in Inda B OVERY
1983 PhD London, SOAS Contact and controversy between Islam and Christianity in northern India, 1833-1857: the relations between Muslim and Protestant missionaries in the north-western provinces and Oudh Avril Ann POWELL Prof K Ballhatchet
1983 DPhil Sussex Technological capacity and production performance in the fertilizer and the paper industries in Bangladesh H A QUAZI
1983 PhD London, SOAS Differrentiation of the peasantry in Bangladesh: an empirical study with micro-level data A RAHMAN Mr T J Byres
1983 MPhil Edinburgh Planning for rural development with particular reference to Bangladesh A H S RAHMAN Mr J B Leonard; Prof P Johnson-Marshall
1983 PhD Birmingham A study of small indigenous church movements in Andra Pradesh S RAJ
1983 PhD London, InstiComm Problems of organisation, policies and mobilisation in the development of the Bengal Provincial Muslim League, 1936-1947 Mohammed Harun-Or RASHID Prof W H Morris-Jones
1983 PhD London, UC Commodity taxes and employment policy in developing countries (with special reference to India) B RAYCHAUDHURI
1983 PhD Edinburgh Responsiveness and rules: parent-child interaction in Scotland and India V REDDY
1983 MPhil Sueery Alignment in Pakistan’s foreign policy, 1954-1977 Arif H SYED Prof C Pick
1983 MLitt Aberdeen The 1853 Government of India Act Jane THOMAS Miss R M RTyzack; Dr E C Bridges
1983 PhD Cambridge, Corpus Labour migration and economic development in an Indian hillarea W WHITTAKER Mr B H Farmer
1983 PhD Warwick Some experiments with a multisectoral intertemporal optimization model for Sri Lanka D E WIJESINGHE
1984 PhD Bristol The socio-economic aspects of the population age structure of Uttar Pradesh, India Mhammed ABUZAR Dr Morgan
1984 PhD Cambridge, Churchill Peasant production and capitalist development: a model with reference to Bangladesh Abu M S ADNAN
1984 PhD London, LSE Squatter settlements of Karachi: a comparative perspective of the culture of activism M O L AZAM
1984 PhD Cambridge, Sidney Regional dependence and rural development in Central India, 1820-1930 C N BATES Dr D A Washbrook
1984 DPhil Oxford Agricultural growth in Bangladesh and West Bengal J K BOYCE
1984 PhD Edinburgh The Vellore Mutiny, 1806 Alan D CAMERON Prof G Shepperson
1984 PhD Cambridge, Jesus Opening up the interior: the impact of railways on the north Indian economy and society, 1860-1914 Ian David DERBYSHIRE
1984 PhD Reading Technology, growth and distribution in Sri Lanka’s paddy sub-sector J FARRINGTON
1984 PhD Cambridge, Churchill Non capitalist land rent: theories and the case of North India J GHOSH Mr T Byres
1984 PhD Ulster The 1st Marquess of Dufferin and Ava: Whig Ulster landlord and imperial statesman A T HARRISON Dr T G Fraser
1984 PhD Edinburgh The cultural determinants of fertility in a region of South India Heather M JACKSON
1984 PhD London, SOAS Human rights – the Sri Lanka experience N JAYAWICKRAMA
1984 PhD London, Bedford Urban transport problems: the case of Bombay P JOSHI Dr D Hilling
1984 PhD London, LSE Caste and temple service in a Sinhalese highland village Andrew John KENDRICK Dr J P Perry
1984 PhD London, SOAS Tribal settlement and socio-economic integration: a case study of the Bannu lowlands, Pakistan Gul Mohammad KHAN Dr R Bradnock
1984 MPhil Sussex The effects of the changing patterns of leadership on succession problems and the use of ideology: a comparative study of India (1962-1969)and Japan (1929-1936) H KINASE-LEGGETT B D Graham
1984 PhD London, SOAS The British administaration of the Kandyan provinces of Sri Lanka, 1815-1833 K M P KULASEKERA Prof K A Ballhatchet
1984 PhD Cambridge, Clare Studies in the development of India’s non-traditional manufactured exports, 1957-1980 A KUMAR Prof W B Reddaway
1984 DPhil Sussex Implications of international mobility of labour for trade and development with particular reference to Bangladesh Raisul MAHMOOD Mr Godfrey
1984 MLitt Oxford, St Antony’s The Communist Movement in West Bengal. 1962-1980 Ross MALLICK Dr T Raychaudhuri
1984 PhD London, SOAS Role and ritual in Hindu marriage Werner F MENSKI Prof J D M Derrott
1984 DPhil Oxford, Magdalen Political mobilisation and the nationalism movement in India – a study of eastern Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, 1936-1942 Chandan S MITRA Dr T Raychaudhuri
1984 PhD Cambridge, Christ’s Instability in food grain production: causes, adjustments, policies: a case study of Bangladesh K A S MURSHID Prof A Robinson
1984 DPhil Sussex Poverty and inequality in rural India: a state-wide analysis of trends since 1950 R NAYYAR P Chaudhuri
1984 PhD Edinburgh Productivity and innovation in traditional agriculture: a comparative study of agricultural development in the Forth Valley, 1760-1841 and the Bengal Presidency, 1870-1914 Alastair William ORR
1984 DPhil Oxford, St Antony’s Alliance and elopement: economy, social order and sexual antagonism the Kalasha (Kalash Kafirs) of Chitral Peter S C PARKES Dr Schuyler-Jones
1984 PhD Leicester The structure, petrology and geochemistry of the Kohistan batholith, Gilgit, Kashmir, North Pakistan Michael George PETTERSON
1984 PhD Cambridgew Respecting power: temples, resources and authority in southern Tamilnadu, India Gordon Darge PRAIN
1984 PhD Cambridge, Churchill The evolution of the agrarian economy of western India, 1860-1940: a case study of selected Gujerat and Deccan districts S PRAKASH Dr G Johnson
1984 PhD London, LSE Rural protest and politics: a study of peasant movements in Western Maharashtra, 1875-1947 Livi Nancy Mary RODRIGUES
1984 PhD London, SOAS Crime and society in the Sinhala speaking areas of Sri Lanka, 1865-1905 John D ROGERS Prof K Ballhatchet
1984 MPhil Nottingham The right to property under the Indian independence constitution J S SANGHIA Prof Pear
1984 PhD Cambridge Rural organizations in Sri Lanka: official policy and institutional reform in the peasant agricultural sub-sector, 1948-1977 S SATHANANDAN
1984 PhD London, SOAS Muslim society and politics in the Punjab P SCRAGG Dr Zaidi
1984 MPhil London, LSE Bengal economic development, 1790-1830 P SEN Mr M E Falkus
1984 PhD Reading Tropical forest monitoring using digital Landsat data in northeastern India Ashbindu SINGH
1984 PhD Cambridge Temple “prostitution” and community reform: an examination of the ethnographic, historical and textual context of the devadasi of Tamil Nadu, south India A SRINAVASAN
1984 PhD Edinburgh Technology transfer in the Indian and Indonesian pharmaceutical industries A J STOKER
1984 PhD London, SOAS, British Attitudes to Indian Nationalism, 1922-1935. Pillarisetti SUDHIR. Professor Kenneth A. Ballhatchet.
1984 PhD London, SOAS Ritual status in the life cycles of women in a village of central India catherine S THOMPSON Prof A Mayer
1984 DPhil Sussex Gender as a variable in the political process: a case study of women’s participation in state-level electoral politics, Andhra Pradesh, India C WOLKOWITZ
1985 PhD Strathclyde The development of small-scale enterprises: a study of the agriculture-related engineering industry in Pakistan Punjab K AFTAB
1985 PhD London, Royal Holloway The emergence of Muslim socialists in North India, 1917-1947 Khizar H ANSARI Dr F C R Robinson
1985 PhD Salford The impact of farm mechanization on productivity and employment: a case study of Punjab, Pakistan M ASHRAF
1985 PhD Durham Blue-green algal nitrogen fixation associated with deepwater rice in Bangladesh A AZIZ
1985 PhD London, SOAS Indian opium and Sino-Indian trade relations F BAKHALA Prof K N Chaudhuri
1985 PhD Cambridge On the Srawacs or Jains: processes of division and cohesion among two Jain communities in India and England M J BANKS
1985 PhD London, SOAS Martial law in Bangladesh, 1975-`979: a legal analysis M E BARI
1985 PhD London, SOAS Thomas Munro: the decision making process in Madras, 1795-1830 H BREITMEYER Prof K A Ballhatchet
1985 PhD London, LSE Political radicalism and middle class ideology in Bengal: a study of the politics of Subhas Chandra Bose, 1928-1940 B CHAKRABARTY
1985 PhD Cambridge, Girton The behaviour of industrial prices in India, 1947-1977 Ruchira CHATTERJI Dr G Meeks
1985 PhD Edinburgh Lateritic soils and their managment in parts of West Bengal Sandip K CHAUDHURI
1985 PhD London, SOAS Social change and the development of “modern” politics in Travancore from the late 19th century to 1938 James L CHIRIYANKANDATH Dr P G Robb
1985 PhD Manchester The role of exchange rate policies in the balance of payments and adjustment process in a small open developing economy: a case study of Sri Lanka S S COLOMBAGE
1985 DPhil Sussex Sharecropping and sharecroppers’ struggles in Bengal, 1930-1950 Adrienne J COOPER Mr R Guha
1985 MSc Stirling The mechanism of distribution of marketed surplus in the models of dual economies through the Soviet, Chinese and Indian practice towards economic development Z COTTI
1985 PhD Sheffield Vegetation and land use studies in the Udawalawe Basin, Sri Lanka D S EPITAWATTA
1985 PhD Newcastle Analysis of the lactation curve of Pakistani dairy buffaloes K Z GONDAL
1985 DPhil Oxford, St Edmund Hall The relations between Britian, India and Burma in the formulaton of imperial policy, 1890-1905 G P GUYER
1985 PhD Lancaster The continuity of Madhyamaka and Yogacara in Indian Mahayana Buddhism I C HARRIS
1985 PhD London, LSE Women in the urban labour force in Pakistan: the case of Lahore Emma HOOPER
1985 PhD Strathclyde The choice of technique in cotton textiles and its impact on employment in Bangladesh M R ISLAM
1985 DPhil Sussex The impact of male outmigration on intra-village social relationships: a case study of Meharabad, a Punjabi village in Pakistan Naveed-I-Rahat JAAFRI
1985 PhD Edinburgh Health and the state in India Roger JEFFERY
1985 PhD Oxford Limites and renewals: transformations of belief in Kipling’s fiction S KEMP
1985 PhD Queen’s, Belfast The traditional tabla drumming of Lucknow in its social and cultural context J R KIPPEN
1985 MPhil CNAA, Kingston Poly The rubber industry in India: a vital industry in the planned economy P A MARS
1985 PhD Cambridge Economic relations between a centrally planned and a developing market economy: Indo-Soviet trade (1970-1982)and technology transfer (post 1955) Santosh Kumar MEHROTRA Dr P Nolan
1985 DPhil Oxford The Bengal Muslim intelligentsia, 1937-1977: the tension between the religious and the seccular Tazeen Mahnaz MURSHID
1985 PhD Kent The impact of colonial rule in Johore: a case of social and political adjustment M S H MUSTAJAB
1985 PhD London, LSE The sacred city of Anuradhapura: aspect of Sinhalese Buddhism and nationhood Elizabeth NISSAN Dr C J Fuller; Dr J P Parry
1985 MPhil Manchester Land ownership and irrigation development in the Sind region of Pakistan: institutional constraints on technical change Meherunissa M K PANWHAR
1985 PhD Cambridge, Darwin Social and political implications of changing land and labour relations in rural Bangladesh: a village level study Tanyal RAHMAN VIROOMAL
1985 DPhil Oxford, Lincoln The Naxalites and their ideology: a study in the sociology of knowledge Rabindra RAY Dr F Parkin
1985 PhD Cambridge Honour, nurture and festivity: aspects of female religiosity amongst Jain women in Jaipur J REYNELL
1985 PhD Queen’s, Belfast An analysis of the structure, conduct and performance of the date marketing system in Sind-Pakistan Muneer Ali Shah RIZVI
1985 PhD Brunel The influence of the state in the industrial relations systems of third world countries with special reference to Bangladesh S A SIDDIQ
1985 MPhil London, LSHTM Refugees, health and development: a case study of Tibetan refugees in India Staphanie Pietre Pardoe SIMMONDS
1985 PhD Durham Ritual tradition of Berava caste of southern Sri Lanka Robert SIMPSON Mr D Brooks
1985 DPhil Oxford, Christ Church Some aspects of implementing appropriate technology with special reference to cotton textiles in India Harsha Vardhana SINGH Mrs F J Stewart
1985 PhD Aston Nations and organisations: a comparative study of English and Indian work-related values and attitudes in matched manufacturing firms M H TAYEB
1985 PhD London, SOAS Planned language and Penang Hokkien: the socioeconomic effects of language planning on an urban Chinese community in West Malaysia Diane Arnauld de TERRA
1985 PhD London, Inst Ed Education and rural development in India since independence in 1947: with special reference to Kerala Joseph THAIKOODAN Prof B holmes
1985 PhD London, Queen Elizabeth Class, nutrition education and growth: a class analysis of the impact on infant nutritional status of maternal education concerning early supplementation in Bangladesh Katharine J WILSON Dr C Greissler
1985 PhD Edinburgh Upholding the veil: Hindu women’s perceptions of gender and caste identity in rural Pakistan Caroline Sara Lindsay YOUNG
1986 PhD Bradford Higher education in developing countries M A ADEEB
1986 DPhil Oxford, St Cath’s Information, uncertainty and rural credit markets in Pakistan Irfan ALEEM Prof J A Mirrlees
1986 MPhil Edinburgh Housing and the state in Lahore, Pakistan I U BAJWA
1986 MPhil Edinburgh Visual patterns and the landscape of wet zone Sri Lanka S I BALASURIYA
1986 MPhil Ulster Russio-Afghan boundary demarcation. 1884-1895 Anila BALI Dr T G Fraser
1986 PhD London, SOAS The devolution of government in Sri Lanka: legal aspects of the relationship between central and local government: an historical and comparative study S A BANDARANAYAKE
1986 PhD Keele Migrant employment in the urban formal sector: the jute industry in Dacca, Bangladesh Salma BANU Prof D Dwyer
1986 PhD Sheffield The economic impact of a regional economy: the case of Bhilai Steel Plant (India) S BHATARA Mr W D Watts
1986 PhD Open Implementation across national boundaries: implementing the Government of India Act, 1935 V BOROOAH
1986 PhD Wales, Aberystwyth British politics and the East India Company, 1767-1773 H V BOWEN Prof P D H Thomas
1986 PhD London, LSHTM Evaluation of a community based oral rehydration programme in rural Bangladesh Ahmed M R CHOWDHURY
1986 PhD Exeter Household, kin and community in a Bangladesh village M A M CHOWDHURY
1986 PhD Cranfield Rice by-product production, disposal and utilisation in Sri Lanka S ELIAS
1986 PhD London Trade, kinship and Islamisation: a comparative study of the social and economic organisation of Muslim and Hindu traders in Tirunelveli District, South India Frank Sylvester FANSELOW
1986 PhD Aberdeen Inter-religious conflict in India – the dynamics of Hindu-Muslim relations in North Malabar, 1498-1947 Theodore Paul Christian GABRIEL Prof A Walls
1986 DPhil Sussex Rice in Bangladesh: post harvest losses, technology and employment M T GREELEY
1986 MSc Cambridge The impact of Sri Lankan land reform measures, 1972-1975, on the tea sub-sector S A P JAYATILAKA
1986 MLitt Oxford, Trinity The nature of Indian state: an investigation into the interrelationship between economic and political crisis (1965-75) A K JHA
1986 PhD London, LSE The functions of children in the household economy and levels of fertility: a case study of a village in Bangladesh N KABEER Mr C M Langford
1986 MPhil Edinburgh The role of incentives for paddy cultivation in developing countries with reference to Bangladesh and Sri Lanka G A M KARUNARATNE
1986 PhD Reading Obstacles to the adoption of modern rice cultivation practices by small farmers in Bangaldesh Md Abul KASHEM
1986 PhD Glasgow Handling of industrial disputes in the public sector industries in Bangladesh M A A KHAN
1986 DPhil York The state, village society and political economy of agricultural development in Bangladesh. 1960-1985 S A KHAN
1986 DPhil Oxford, Corpus Instability of jute prices and supplies: the impact on and implications for jute fibre production in Bangladesh Reza KIBRIA Mr M F G Scott
1986 MPhil Essex Selected aspects of India’s foreign trade in the 1970s S LAKRA
1986 MTh Wales, Aberystwyth The life of the people of north Mizoram prior to and subsequent to the advent of Christianity, up the the year of the Mizo Church’s jubilee in 1944 J M LLOYD
1986 PhD Bradford The modelling and analysis of national development strategies for India P MANDAL
1986 PhD Cambridge, Emmanuel Financial and manpower aspects of the Dominions and India’s contribution to Britain’s war effort, 1914-1919 G W MARTIN Dr Z S Steiner
1986 PhD Leicester Fulfilment theology: the Aryan race theory and the work of British Protestant missionariesin Victorian India Martin MAW
1986 PhD London, LSHTM Patterns of adult energy nutrition in a south Indian village G McNEILL
1986 PhD Dundee Estimates of gross domestic product by provinces in Pakistan A M MIRZA
1986 DPhil Oxford, New Caste, Christianity and Hinduism: a study of social organisation and religion in rural Ramnad C MOSSE Dr N J Allen
1986 MPhil East Anglia Go plough and eat: the impact of Gandhian intervention in a Bihar village between 1954 and 1974 Ivan Charles NUTBROWN
1986 PhD Londonb, SOAS A history of the London Missionary Scoiety in the Straits Settlements, 1815-1847 Ronnie Leona O’SULLIVAN Prof K Ballhatchet
1986 PhD Aston Investigation of relationship betrween product design and production departments in manufacturing companies (India) K PAWAR
1986 PhD Manchester Landed property and dynamic of instability: Bengal: the property-power nexus: state formation under colonialism and its contemporary siginificance H Z RAHMAN
1986 PhD Cranfield Appropriateness of incentives for small scale enterprise location in less developed areas: the experience of the UK, Japan and India K RAMACHANDRAN
1986 DPhil London, St Antony’s Exchange rate and commercial policy in a controlled trade regime: a case study of India Narhari RAO
1986 PhD City The social and economic conditions of export orientated industrialisation as a strategy of development [Sri Lanka] K RUPESINGHE
1986 PhD City British press coverage and the role of the Pakistan press from independence to the emergence of Bangladesh M SHAMSUDDIN
1986 PhD London SOAS Vallabhbhal Patel: his role and style in Indian politics, 1928-1947 R D SHANKARDASS
1986 PhD Sheffield Transport and regional development in Bangladesh: a geographical study A H M Raihan SHARIF
1986 PhD London, SOAS Sri Lanka: an examination of economic and social development associated with recolonisation on an irrigation scheme Richard Paul SLATER Dr A Turton
1986 PhD Leeds Pakistan’s relations with Britain, 1947-1951: with particular reference to some problems of partition M SOHAIL
1986 DPhil Oxford, Linacre Tenna: peasant, state and nation in the making of a Sinhalese rural community Jonathan R SPENCER
1986 PhD Salford Rural-urban population mobility in Bangladesh: its implications for rural areas with particular reference to two villages R M TALUKDAR
1986 PhD London, LSE Sacrifice and divine power: Hindu temple rituals and village festivals in a fishing village, Sri Lanka Masakazu TANAKA
1986 DPhil Oxford, St Peter’s India: colonialism, nationalism and perception sof develeopment Kevin WATKINS
1986 PhD Manchester Agrarian change in India: a case study of Bundwan District, West Bengal Neil Anthony WEBSTER
1986 MLitt Oxford, Wolfson A critical examination of Aurobindo’s contribution to the tradition of Vedanta Yvonne WILLIAMS Prof B K Matilal
1986 PhD East Anglia Cyclone vulnerability and housing policy in the Krishna Delta, South India, 1977-83 Peter WINCHESTER Dr P M Blaikie
1986 MPhil East Anglia Urban unemployment in peninsular Malaysia S R YAHYA Dr J T Thoburn
1986 PhD Edinburgh The realities of life from a Hindu Sindi perspective John Nicol YOUNG
1986 PhD London, LSE Sacrifice and the sacred in a Hindu “t-irtha”: the case of Pushkar, India Sushila Jane ZEITLYN Dr J R Parry
1986/87 PhD Cambridge, Wolfson Surplus appropriation and accumulation by rural households in India: a case study based on fieldwork in Uttar Pradesh Ravi Shankar SRIVASTAVA
1987 PhD London Royal Holloway All India Muslim League, 1906-1919 M S AHMAD
1987 PhD Sheffield Formulation of design criteria for industrial architecture in Bangladesh in light of the developments made in the United Kingdom and other developed countries N AHMED
1987 MPhil CNAA Sheffield Poly The effects of climate on the design and location of windows for buildings in Bangladesh Z N AHMED
1987 PhD Nwecastle Housing for the lower income people of Dhaka,Bangladesh: a peri-urban development approach S AMEEN
1987 MPhil City Personality, leadership and subordinate satisfaction: an empirical study in the civil service of Singapore C T ANG
1987 PhD London, RHBNC The Pirs of Sind and their relationship with the British, 1843-1947 Sarah Frances Deborah ANSARI Dr F R C Robinson
1987 MPhil Strathclyde The development of sugar manufacturing in Pakistan M AURANGZEB
1987 PhD Keele The growth and development of trade unionism in Bangladesh, 1947-1986 M Z BADIUZZAMAN
1987 PhD Loughborough A strategy for the integrated development of squatter settlements: a Karachi case study Q A BAKHTEARI
1987 PhD Edinburgh State and indigenous medicine in nineteenth and twentieth-century Bengal, 1800-1947 Poonam BALA
1987 PhD Cambridge Sectoral price determination and the inflationary process in the Indian economy, 1950-1980 P BALAKRISHNAN
1987 PhD East Anglia Draught animal power in Bangladesh D BARTON Dr D P Gibbon
1987 MPhil Manchester The role and contribution of the Alilgarh Muslim University in modern Indian Islam, 1877-1947 G N BUDDHANI
1987 PhD Cambridge, Magdalene From a pre-colonial order to a princely state: Hyderabad in tranition, c.1748-1865 S CHANDER
1987 PhD Dundee Financial development and agricultural development in Pakistan, 1952-1982 Mohammad Jamil CHAUDHARY
1987 PhD Leicester Conflict and change among the Khyber Afridis: a study of British policy and tribal society on the North-West Frontier, 1839-1947 R O CHRISTENSEN
1987 PhD Cambridge, Sidney State, tribe and region: policy and politics in Indiaa’s Jharkhand, 1900-1980 S E CORBRIDGE Mr B H Farmer
1987 DPhil Oxford, St Antony’s Communal riots in Bengal, 1905-1947 Suranjan DAS Dr T Raychoudhuri
1987 PhD Cambridge Money and finance in an underdeveloped economy: some themes from Indian economic history, 1914-1917 T DATTA Mr M G Kuczynki
1987 PhD London, SOAS Images and metaphor: an analysis of Iban collective representations J DAVISON
1987 PhD Keele The United Nations Military Observer Group in India and Pakistan (UNMOGIP), 1948-1965, with postscript on the impact of UNMOGIP on the Indo-Pakistan war of 1971 Pauline DAWSON Prof A M James
1987 PhD London, SOAS The changing role of women in Bengal, c.1890-c.1930, with special reference to British and Bengali discourse on gender Dagmar ENGELS Prof K Ballhatchet
1987 PhD London, SOAS Psychiatry and colonialism: the treatment of European lunatics in British India, 1800-1858 Waltraud ERNST Prof K A Ballhatchet
1987 PhD Manchester The origins of inflation in Pakistan, 1959-1982: an evaluation of alternative hypotheses Faiz B FIROZE
1987 PhD Cambridge The brick trade in India: energy use, tradition and development S GANDHI
1987 DPhil Oxford Money and the real economy: a study of India, 1960-1984 S E GHANI
1987 PhD Cranfield Computer simulation of runoff and soil erosion from small agricultural catchments in Sri Lanka E GUNAWARDENA
1987 PhD Exeter Tariqah-i-Muhammadiyah movement and its contribution to creating a separatist political consciousness among the Muslims of India, 1818-1872 Ghulam Muhammad JAFFAR
1987 PhD Salford Agricultural marketing and agrarian relations in Pakistan: a case study of the Nawahshak districrt, Sind M A KAMDAR Dr C P Simmons
1987 MLitt Cambridge, Trinity Hall Communal politics in the United Provinces, 1935-1947 Mukul KESAVAN Dr C A Bayley
1987 DPhil Oxford, Balliol Poverty and public policy: government intervention and levels of living in Kerala, India Bhaskar Gopalakrishna KUMAR Prof A K Sen
1987 DPhil Oxford, Hertford The rise and fall of the Indian cotton mill industry, 1900-1985: the Swadeshi movement and its political legacy Simon Robert Bough LEADBEATER Mr G P Williams
1987 DPhil Oxford, Oriel British architecture in Victorian Bombay Christopher W LONDON Dr R A Beddard
1987 PhD Cambridge West Bengal government policy, 1977–1985 Ross MALLICK
1987 PhD London, LSE Muslims, work and status in Aligargh Elizabeth Ashley MANN
1987 PhD London, SOAS Migration and the international Goan community Stella V MASCARENHAS-KEYES
1987 MPhil Edinburgh Women and the housing process: observations in a Katchi Abadi in Pakistan F McCLUNEY
1987 PhD Leicester The mineralogy and geochemistry of the carbonatites, syenites and fenites of North West Frontier Province, Pakistan Ihsanullah MIAN
1987 MPhil Sussex Linguistic nationalism in Pakistan (with special reference to the role and history of Urdu in the Punjab) Yameema MITHA Dr R I Duncan
1987 PhD Stirling Food retailing in Malaysia: a study of supermarket use in peninsular Malaysia K B OTHMAN
1987 DPhil Oxford British rule and the Konds of Orissa: a study of tribal administration and its legitimating discourse Felix J PADEL
1987 PhD Reading Extension needs of a plantation industry with special reference to the tea industry in Sri Lnaka W A PADMASIRI WANIGASUNDARA
1987 PhD Wales, UWIST The role of government in the administration and management of major ports in developing countries with special reference to India Jose PAUL
1987 PhD London, LSE Time, work and the gods: temporal strategies and industrislisation in central India Christopher PINNEY
1987 DPhil York The political dynamics of Indo-Soviet relations, 1930-1977 S S RAI
1987 PhD London, SOAS Islamization of laws in Pakistan with particular reference to the status of women Abdur RASHID
1987 PhD Aberdeen Availability and retention of zinc, especially in relation to the soils of Bangladesh H M RASHID
1987 DPhil York Indo-Soviet relations during the period 1955-1974 S S ROY
1987 PhD Liverpool The role of small towns in rural development: a case study of Bangaldesh Toufiq Mohammad SERAJ
1987 PhD Liverpool An analysis of squatter settlements in Dhaka, Bangladesh M T SHAKUR
1987 PhD London, LSE Communism in Punjab up to 1867 Gurharpal SINGH
1987 PhD Edinburgh The implementation of systematic nursing in selected hospsitals in India: a chronicle of the change process Esther SIRRA
1987 DPhil Sussex Sri Lankan traders: a case study of credit relations and coconut marketing in a rural economy sARAH lLEWELLYN SOUTHWOLD
1987 PhD Leeds The life and influence of Shapurji Saklatvala Michael John SQUIRES
1987 PhD Leicester Evolution of the southern part of the Aravalli-Delhi orogen western India Tim J SUGDEN
1987 MSc Aberdeen Supply response analysis of palm oil in Malaysia, 1961-1985 B A TALIB
1987 PhD Leicester Communication and development in South India Pradip Ninan THOMAS
1987 PhD Southampton Developing a critical success factor approach to a holistic institutional evaluation for polytechnics in the states of Gujerat and Madhya Pradesh, 1977-1984 V N TRAFFORD
1987 PhD Cranfield The social relevance of postgraduate management education: a case study of India S VYAKARNAM
1988 PhD London Breast feeding, weaning and infant growth in rural Chandpur, Bangladesh S AHMED
1988 PhD London, External Islam in contemporary Bangladesh Umne Asman Begum Razia AKEER BANU Dr D Taylor
1988 PhD Bradford The impact of public policy on the poor in Sri Lnaka, 1970-1982 Pat ALAILIMA C Dennis; S Curry
1988 PhD Manchester Makran and Baluchistan from the early Islamic times to the Mongol invasion S S M AL-HUMAIDI Prof Bosworth
1988 PhD Birmingham The British iron and steel industry and India, 1919-1939 H J ANDERSEN
1988 PhD Edinburgh Some aspects of the political and commercial history of the Muslims of Sri Lanka with special referenmce to the British period Mahmudu Naina Marikar Kamil ASAD
1988 MPhil Kent The image of women in selected Malaysian novels Rosnah BAHARUDIN
1988 PhD Wales, UCNW Ecology, management and conservation of Pinus roxburghii forests in Kumaun Himalaya, India Bhagat Singh BURFAL
1988 PhD Wales, Aberystwyth The nineteenth-century book trade in Sind Allah Rakhio BUTT
1988 PhD London, King’s Soldiers of Christ: evangelicals and India, 1784-1833 Penelope S E CARSON
1988 DPhil Oxford, Exeter Punjab politics, 1909-1923 Amrita CHEEMA Dr T Raychaudhuri
1988 MSc Wales Economic appraisal of irrigated plantations of the Punjab, Pakistan: Changa Manga case study Faqir Ahmad CHOUDHRY
1988 PhD Reading State sponsrship of investment credit to promote rural development in India J G COPESTAKE
1988 PhD Leicester Leucogranites of the North West Himalaya: crust-mantle interaction beneath the Karakoram and the magmatic evolution of collisional belts Mark B CRAWFORD
1988 MPhil Brunel Aspects of the development of manufacturing industries of India Parviz DABIR-ALAI
1988 MLitt Oxford, Keble An ecumneical episcopate: Edwin James Palmer, seventh Bishop of Bombay and the reunion of the churches, with special reference to the church of South India R W DAVIS
1988 PhD Cambridge The irrigation and water supply systems of the city of Vijayanagara D J DAVISON-JENKINS
1988 PhD Kent Law, nation and cosmology in Sri Lanka: deconstructioni and the failure of closure Rochan DE SILVA Prof F Fitzpatrick
1988 DPhil Oxford, St Antony’s Application of social accounting matrix framework to agricultural policy analysis in Pakistan Shafique DHANANI Mr G H Peters
1988 DPhil Sussex Rural commerce in Sri Lanka: commercialisation and farm credit in the Uva highlands E DUE
1988 PhD Nottingham Environmental upgrading and intra-urban migration in Calcutta Margaret Sylvia FOSTER Prof J C Moughton; Dr T Oc
1988 PhD Southampton Catholic education in Sri Lanka during its first century as a British colony, 1796-1901 J B GNANAPRAGASAM
1988 PhD East Anglia Inter- and intra-household analysis in North Bihar village: implications for agricultural research Ruth GROSVENOR-ALSOP Dr S D Biggs
1988 PhD Cambridge Conservation and colonial expansion: a study of the evolution of environmental attitudes and conservation policies on St Helena, Mauritius and in India, 1660-1860 R H GROVE
1988 DPhil Oxford, St Antony’s Art, artists and aesthetics in Bengal, c.1850-1920: westernising trends and nationalist concerns in the making of new “Indian” art Tapati GUHA-THAKURTA Dr T. Raychaudhuri
1988 MSc Manchester Science and technology policy in developing countries of South Asia and South East Asia K R GUPTA
1988 PhD Queen’s, Belfast The sitar music of Calcutta: a study of two gharanas J S HAMILTON
1988 PhD London, UC Inbreeding and fertility in a South Indian village population Katherine Louise HANN Dr J Landers
1988 PhD London, Inst Ed Education and political instability in Pakistan, 1937-1971 M HAQUE
1988 PhD Strathclyde Tubewell irrigation and green revolution: impact on productivity and income distribution A IKRAMULLAH
1988 MPhil Edinburgh Marketing problems of farmers in Punjab, Pakistan: a case study Qamar-ul ISLAM
1988 PhD Edinburgh The reawakening of Islamic consciousness in Malaysia, 1970-1987 Fadzillah bin Mohd JAMIL
1988 PhD Cambridge, King’s Clientelism, corruption and capitalist development: an analysis of state intervention with special reference to Bangladesh Mushtaq Husain KHAN
1988 DPhil Oxford, St Antony’s External developments and policy choices facing the non-oil developing countries in the post 1973 period Faizullah KHILJI Mrs F J Stewart
1988 DPhil Sussex Political and economic organisation in a Sri Lanka market town Colin KIRK
1988 PhD Leicester Media education, communications and public policy: an Indian perspective K J KUMAR
1988 PhD Leeds R K Narayan and V S Naipaul: a comparative study of some Hindu aspects of their work P LANGRAN
1988 DPhil Oxford Orientalism, utilitarianism and British India: James Mill’s “The history of British India” and the romantic orient Javed MAJEED Dr N G Shrimpton
1988 MPhil Edinburgh Policy issues for conservation: the case of Lahore walled city M I MIAN
1988 PhD Sheffield Development of small and medium sized towns in Bangladesh: a regional planning approach Mohammed A MOHIT
1988 DPhil Oxford, St Antony’s The question of nuclear weapons proliferation in the Indian sub-continent Ziba MOSHAVER Mr E A Roberts
1988 PhD London, UC The theoretical modelling and empirical measurement of the shadow economy with application to India U MUKHERJEE
1988 MPhil Reading Farming systems and information needs of tea smallholders in Sri Lanka D K NAWARATNA
1988 PhD London, SOAS A social history of a colonial steroetype: the “criminal tribes and castes” of Uttar Pradesh S B L NIGAM
1988 PhD London, LSE Policy making in the Indian offshore oil industry with reference to the period 1974-1986 M L NORONHA Prof D C Watt
1988 PhD London, LSE The Asiatic mode of production, historical materialism and Indian historiography Denis Brendan O’LEARY
1988 PhD Leicester Terraces, uplift and climate, Karakoram Mountains, Northern Pakistan Lewis Andrew OWEN
1988 MPhil London, LSE The tea plantation labour movement in the “Dooars” region of north Bengal, 1900-1951 Nayantara PALCHOUDHURI
1988 PhD Oxford, St Antony’s Decline of the Bengal zamindars: Mindapore, 1870-1920 C PANDA Dr T Raychaudhuri
1988 PhD London, King’s Between Mars and Mammon: the military and the political economy of British India at the time of the first Burma war, 1824-1826 Douglas M PEERS
1988 PhD Cambridge, Corpus British intelligence and Indian subversion: the surveillance of Indian revolutionaries in India and abroad R J POPPLEWELL
1988 PhD London, SOAS Socio-economic change in Bihar (India) in the later 19th and early 20th century Bihdeshwar RAM Dr P Robb
1988 PhD Kent Figuring Naipaul: the subject of the post-colonial world Dulluri Venkat RAO
1988 PhD Cambridge, Newnham Aspects of the ethnoarchaeology of Adilabad (Andhra-Pradesh), India Nandini Rameshwar RAO
1988 DPhil Oxford, Wolfson The determinants of India’s manufactured export performance: industry-level and firm-level evidence Amit Shovon RAY
1988 DPhil Sussex Religion, class and function: the politics of communalism in twentieth century Punjab Mark ROBINSON Dr R I Duncan
1988 PhD London, SOAS The evolution of the printed Bengali character from 1778 -1978 Fiona Georgina Elizabeth ROSS
1988 PhD Keele Marginality, identity and the politicisation of the Bhangi community, Delhi Rama SHARMA
1988 PhD Kent Class, kinship and ritual: Islam and the politics of change in Pakistan S R SHERANI
1988 PhD De Montfort Temple architecture of the Marathas in Maharashtra A SOHONI
1988 PhD London, SOAS Nalanda Mahayihara, 1812-1939: some aspects of the study of its art and archaeology M L STEWART
1988 PhD Wales, Cardiff White-collar crime: a study of the nature, extent and control of income tax evasion in Pakistan Muhammad Shoaib SUDDLE
1988 PhD CNAA, Westminster A critical and comparative study of the practice and theology of Christian social witness in Indonesia and India between 1974 and 1983 with special reference to the work of Wayan Mastra in the Protestant Christian Church of Bali and of Vinay Samual in the Church of South India C M N SUGDEN
1988 PhD Leeds Some aspects of Muslim politics in the Pubab, 1921-1947 Qalb-i-Abid SYED Prof D N Dilks
1988 PhD Wales, UCNW Utility-based social shadow pricing and its comparison with other evaluation techniques: a cost-benefit study of fuelwood plantations in Bihar, India Satyendra Nath TRIVEDI
1988 PhD Glasgow Characteristics of public enterprise management in Bangladesh Syed J UDDIN Dr D Buchanan
1988 PhD Cambridge, Trinity Hall The economic and political context of Indian independence R P WANCHOO Dr C A Dayly
1988 PhD Bath In the teeth of the crocodile: class and gender in rural Bangladesh Sarah C WHITE
1988 PhD Nottingham Presenting the Raj: the politics of representation in recent fiction on the British empire R J F WILLIAMS
1988 PhD East Anglia Sources of growth and its beneficiaries in Pakistan’s large-scale manufacturing sector, 1955-1981 S WIZARAT
1988/89 PhD Cambridge, Darwin Household energy in rural Pakistan: a technical, environmental and socio-economic assessment A N QAZI
1988/89 PhD Cambridge, King’s Administration, classification and knowledge:land revenue settlements in the Panjab at the start of British rule R W SAUMAREZ-SMITH
1989 PhD Cambridge Sedimentology and structure of the Southern Kohat, Trans Indus Ranged, Pakistan Iftikhar AHMED
1989 PhD York Pakistan since independence: the political role of the Ulama Safir AKHTAR Dr T V Sathyamurthy
1989 PhD Strathclyde Growth of tubewell irrigation and agricultural development in the North West Frontier Province of Pakistan M AKRAM
1989 PhD London, Wye A quantitative analysis of marketable surplus of paddy and food policy in Bangladesh S AKTER
1989 MA Leeds Communication influences on the political socialisation of Bangladeshi adolescents A M ALI Prof J G Blumer; Dr T J Nossiter
1989 MPhil London, LSE The India League and the Indian reconciliation group as factors in Indo-British relations, 1930-1949 Keshava Chand ARORA Prof I H Nish
1989 PhD London, King’s Pakistan crisis 1971: its political and strategic causes F J AZIZ
1989 PhD London, SOAS Indian monetary policy and the international liquidity crisis during rthe inter-war years (1919-1939) Gopalan BALACHANDRAN
1989 PhD London, LSE Communism in Tripura up to 1965 Harihar BHATTACHARYYA Dr T J Nossiter
1989 DPhil Oxford The evolution of classical Indian dance literature: a study of the Sanskritic tradition M BOSE
1989 PhD Kent An ethnographic account of the religious practice in a Tibetan Buddhist refugee monastery in Northern India Catherine Mary CANTWELL Dr J Endes
1989 MPhil Reading Cropping systems research in North West Frontier Province, Pakistan E W CHARLES
1989 PhD Glasgow The inter-war depression in British India: aspects of its economic and social impact, 1929-36 P S COLLINS
1989 DPhil Sussex Paliamentary representation in Sri Lanka, 1931-1986 R COOMARASWAMY Prof Lloyd
1989 PhD London, LSE Ideology and urban planning: the case of Hong Kong A R CUTHBERT Dr D R Diamond
1989 PhD Cambridge, Sidney Unfulfilled promises, popular protest, the Congress and the national movement in Bihar V DAMODARAN
1989 PhD London, LSE Embodying spirits: village oracles and possession rituals in Ladakh, North India Sophia Elizabeth DAY Dr J P Parry
1989 PhD London, SOAS Discourses of ethnicity: the adivasis of Jharkhand S B C DEVALLE
1989 MPhil Wales, Cardiff Rice leaffolders: natural enemies and management ractices in Sri Lanka Malgaha Gamage DHANAPALA
1989 PhD London, SOAS The growth of Buddhist monastic institutions in Sri Lanka as depicted in the Brahmi inscriptions K D M DIAS
1989 PhD Cambridge The socio-economic impact of a minor flood control project in rural Bangladesh B J DODSON
1989 PhD Bath Water to the swamp ? Irrigation and patterns of accumulation and agrarian change in Bangladesh M GLASER
1989 MPhil Cranfield Vocational training and self employment in developing countries: aspects of the design and approach of sucessful programmes John Patrick GRIERSON Prof M H Harper
1989 MPhil CNAA, Poly NLondon British women and the British empire in India, 1915-1947 Florence HAMILTON Mr E Wilson; Dr D Judd
1989 MPhil London, LSE The problem of federalism and regional autonomy in Pakistan Fayyaz Ahmad HUSSAIN P Dawson
1989 PhD Bradford The monetary transmission mechanism in Sri Lanka, 1977-1985 Ranee JAYAMAHA P Wilson; J Weiss
1989 DPhil Sussex The impact of international labour migration on the rural “Barani” areas of Northern Pakistan A F KHAN
1989 PhD Sheffield The implementation of rural poor programmes in Bangladesh T A KHAN
1989 PhD Manchester Perception and response to floods in Bangladesh M S KHONDAKER
1989 PhD Wales, Bangor, Cost benefit analysis and sustained yield forestry in India Periyapattanam Jayapal Dilip KUMAR
1989 DPhil Oxford, Wolfson Medical knowledge in rural Rajasthan: popular constructions of illness and therapeutic practice Helen Susanna LAMBERT Dr N J Allen
1989 MPhil London The expansion of the Indian Army during the Great War I D LEASK Prof M E Yapp
1989 Bath Technologies and transactions: a study of the interaction between new technology and agrarian structure in Bangladesh D J LEWIS
1989 PhD Edinburgh One or two sons: class, gender and fertility in north India Andrew LYON
1989 DPhil Sussex Capital accumulation in agriculture in the Punjab (Pakistan) Moazam MAHMOOD Prof M Lipton
1989 DPhil Oxford The performance of selected public sector industries in Bangladesh, 1972-1985 Syed A MAHMOOD
1989 PhD Cambridge, Trinity Hall Missionary of the Indian Road: a study of the thought and work of E Stanley Jones between 1915 and 1948 in the light of certain issues raised by M K Gandhi for Anglo-Saxon Protestant missionaries during the period P A J MARTIN Dr J J Lipner
1989 PhD Glasgow Exchange rate regimes of less developed countries: the cxase of India M J MELAZHAKAM
1989 PhD London, UC Appropriate evaluation techniques for urban planning in Sri Lanka N S P MNEDIS
1989 PhD Cambridge, Magdalene The Harappan civilisation: a study in variation and regionalisssssssation in Haryana, India V MOHAN Dr F R Allchin
1989 PhD Lancaster Three Hindu philosophers: comparative philosophy and philosophy in modern India Paul Martin MORRIS Prof N Smart; Dr D Smith
1989 PhD Manchester The role of financial information in collective bargaining in a developing country: the case of Bangladesh A J M H MURSHED
1989 PhD East Anglia Agrarian structure and rural poverty in Western India Thomas PALAKUDIYIL Dr J C Harriss
1989 PhD Wales, Cardiff The role of accounting in the economic development of Bangladesh Michael John PARRY
1989 PhD London, LSE Household organisation and marriage in Ladakh Indian Himalaya Maria Christina PHYLACTOU Dr C J Fuller
1989 PhD London, LSE Social representations of birth control and family welfare: an Indian study Ragini PRAKASH Prof R Farr
1989 PhD London, LSHTM Household food insecurity and its implications on health, nutrition and work – a study of a dry land farming community in Sri Lanka M K RATNAYAKE
1989 DPhil Oxford, St Antony’s Colonial policy, ethnic politics and the minorities in Ceylon Nira Konjit SAMARASINGHE Dr T Raychaudhuri
1989 PhD Cambridge Administration, classification and knowledge: land revenue settlements in the Panjab at the start of British rule R S SMITH
1989 DPhil Oxford, Somerville Inequality and economic mobility: an analysis of panel data from a south Indian village Madhura SWAMINATHAN Dr S Anand
1989 DPhil Oxford Art, artists and aesthetics in Bengal, c. 1850-1920: westernising trends and nationalist concerns in the making of a new “Indian” art Tapati G THAKURTA
1989 PhD Middlesex Polytechnic The impact of flood control on agricultural development in India: a case study in north Bihar P M THOMPSON Prof E Penning-Rowsell
1989 MPhil East Anglia The state and the determinants of the fiscal process in India: an application of James O’Connor’s Theory of the Fiscal Crisis of the State Sarah VARKKI
1989 PhD Aberdeen Some aspects of the chemistry and mineralogy of soil potassium in Sri Lanka acid tea soils and Scottish soils under a range of crops G WIMALADASA
1989 PhD Strathclyde Marketing implications of intermediate technology in the textile industry in Pakistan M ZAFARULLAH
1989 PhD Edinburgh Strategic planning: an exploratory study of its practice by agro-based public enterprises in Malaysia M ZAINAL ABIDIN
1990 PhD Cambridge, Wolfson The politics of pollution control: the Ganges at Varanasi Sara AHMED Prof T O’Riordan
1990 PhD London, LSE The budgetary process in uncertain contexts: a study of public sector corporations in Bangladesh Mansurai ALAM
1990 PhD Aberdeen Petroleum geochemistry of the tertiary sediments and oil samples from the Bengal Basin, Bangladesh M ALAM
1990 PhD Glasgow Size and management characteristics in the public sector: a case of Pakistan International Airlines A H M H H AL-ESHAIKER
1990 PhD CNAA Birmingham Poly The low-income housing production process in Lakore, Pakistan M I A ALVI
1990 PhD Aberdeen Theological education in relation to the identificaton of the task of mission and the development of ministries in India: 1947 to 1987 with special reference to the Church of South India Siga ARLES
1990 MPhil London, QMW A study of some influences on the development of Ruth Jhabvala’s Indian fiction Jayanti BAILUR
1990 PhD London, LSE Pakistan and the birth of the regional pacts in Asia, 1947-1955 Farooq Naseem BAJWA Prof I H Nish
1990 PhD Cam,bridge, King’s Procedural rationality in public expenditure decision making with specific reference to India A BASU
1990 PhD Cambridge Inter-urban and rural-urban linkages in terms of migration and remittances J R CHAUDHURI
1990 MPhil Bradford Kashmir and the partition of India: the politicians and the personalities involved in the partition of India, particularly in relation to the position of Kashmir at the moment of independence on 15th August, 1947 S CHOUDHRY Dr M J LeLohe
1990 PhD Aberdeen An Indian perspective on the church in the context of poverty and religious pluralism, with special reference to the works of M M Thomas Ashish J CHRISPAL Prof. Terrance
1990 PhD London, LSE Petty-trading in Calcutta: a socio-political analysis of a third world city Nandini DASGUPTA
1990 PhD London, King’s Rural Bengal: social structure and agrarian economy in the late eighteenth century Rajat DATTA Prof P Marshall
1990 PhD London, SOAS Development of Sinhala drama: a socio-cultural analysis (from Nadagama to modern theatre, up to 1922) T R G DELA BANDARA
1990 DPhil Oxford, Wolfson Indian death rituals: the enactment of ambivalence Gillian A EVISON Prof R F Gombrich
1990 PhD Bradford Financial reforms in Sri Lanka, 1977-1987 D J G FERNANDO
1990 PhD London, SOAS Discussions of polygamy and divorce by Muslim modernists in South Asia, with special reference to their treatment in Qur’an and Sunna Rehana FIRDOUS
1990 PhD Kent The six-nation initiative C FRANGONIKOLOPOULOS Prof A J R Groom
1990 PhD Sheffield Man mosquito interaction: the social context of Malaria transmisson in Sri Lanka Jayaratne Pinnikamaha GAMAGE Ms J M M Hoogvelt; Dr R A Dixon
1990 PhD London, LSE Paddy fields and jumbo jets: overseas migration and village life in Sylhet district, |Bangladesh Katherine Jane GARDNER
1990 PhD York The politics of British aid policy formation: the case of Bangladesh, 1972-1986 M GUHATHAKURTA
1990 DPhil Oxford Exports and exchange rate policy: the case of India B D GUPTA
1990 PhD London, SOAS The short story in Pakistan Panjab, 1947-1980 Salim Ullah HAIDRANI
1990 PhD London, External The phenomenonology of religious change in Bangladesh in relation to the theology and practice of conversion Ian McLaurin HAWLEY
1990 PhD London, UC The single dominant party system and political development: case studies of India and Japan Takako HIROSE
1990 MPhil London, External The economy and development of education in Bangladesh with particular reference to cost and some aspects of efficiency and effectiveness of higher education for the period 1972-1985 Mohammad Tazammul HUSSAIN
1990 PhD London Variations in mountain front geometry across the Potwar Plateau and Hazara/Kalachitta Hill ranges, North Pakistan C N IZATT
1990 PhD Open Charnockite formation in Southern India D H JACKSON
1990 PhD Leeds The effects of agrarian development on class formation and production relations in Pakistan Muhammad Siddique JAVED Mr J V Hillard
1990 MPhil Manchester Poly Ethnic identity and contemporary female costumes of Sri Lanka V R JAYASURIYA
1990 PhD London, UC Transfer of private external capital to LDCs with special reference to India in comparison to Brazil Veena JHA
1990 PhD Salford The impact of decentralisation on development, with special reference to the experience of Bangladesh since 1982 A K M A KALAM Prof M B Gleave; Dr B Ingham
1990 PhD Exeter Some statistical aspects of child health and growth modelling in Pakistan S KAMAL
1990 MSc Wales, Cardiff Analysis of the provision of sites and services schemes as a solution to low income housing in Colombo, Sri Lanka Somas Kandarajah KANDIAH
1990 PhD London, LSE Gender, caste and class in rural South India Karin KAPADIA
1990 DPhil Oxford, St Cath’s The consequence of economic liberalisation in Sri Lanka Saman B KELEGAMA Dr S Anand
1990 PhD London, SOAS Revenue, agriculture and warfare in North India: technical knowledge and the post-Mughal elites from the mid-18th century to the early 19th century Iqbal Ghani KHAN
1990 PhD Kent Bengali elites’ perceptions of Pakistan – the road to disillusionment: uneven development or ethnicity Alqama KHAWAJA Prof A J R Groom
1990 PhD Bath Impact of irrigation upon the rural political economy in Bangladesh David LEWIS Dr G D Wood
1990 DPhil Oxford, Magdalen United States-Indian relations, 1961-1989: the pursuit and limits of accommodation Satu P LIMAYE Dr G Rizvi
1990 PhD London, UC Hydrogeology of part of South-Eastern Bangladesh S M MAHABUB-UL-ALAM
1990 PhD Lancaster The atavara myth in the in the Harivamsa, the Visnupurana and the Bhagavatapurana Freda MATCHETT Prof N Smart; Dr D Smith
1990 PhD Open East India patronage and the political management of Scotland, 1720-1774 G K McGILVARY Dr A L R Calder; Mr J Riddy
1990 PhD London, UC Epidemiology of coronary heart disease in Asians in Britain Paul Matthew McKEIGUE
1990 PhD Hull The fiction of Ruth Prawer Jhabvala: irony within a dual philosophical framework F F MERICAN
1990 PhD Leicester A thermotectonic evolution for the main central thrust and higher Himalaya, Western Garhwal, India Richard Paul METCALFE
1990 PhD Leeds A history of Nandyal Diocese in Andhra Pradesh, 1947-1990 Constance Mary MILLINGTON Prof A Hastings
1990 PhD Newcastle Becoming bilingual: a sociolinguistic study of the communication of young mother tongue Panjabi-speaking children S MOFFAT
1990 PhD Wales, BBangor Ecology and silviculture of Malamus manan in peninsular Malaysia A B MOHAMAD
1990 DPhil Oxford, St Antony’s The politics of Oriya nationalism, 1903-1936 Bishnu Narayan MOHAPATRA Dr G Rizvi
1990 PhD London, UC Rural development and the problem of access: the case of the integrated rural development programme in Bangladesh Salim MOMTAZ Prof R J C Munton
1990 PhD CNAA, Oxford Poly Geology and geochemistry of the Closepet granite, Karnataka, South India K A OAK
1990 PhD London, SOAS Indian Muslims and the Ottomans (1877-1914): a study of Indo Muslim attitudes to Pan-Islamism and Turkey Azmi OZCAN
1990 PhD London, Inst Ed The cooperative movement in the Jaffa district of Sri Lanka from 1911 to 1970 Kanthappoo PARAMOTHAYAN
1990 PhD Sheffield Man-mosquito interaction: the social context of malaria transmission in Sri Lanka J PINIKAHANAN GAMAGE
1990 PhD London, SOAS The mercantile community of Penang and the changing pattern of trade, 1890-1941 Chuleeporn PONGONGSUPATH Dr I Brown
1990 PhD Salford Gandhi and deep ecology: experiencing the nonhuman environment S A POWER
1990 PhD London, External Socio-economic and environmental aspects of under nutrition and ill health in an urban slum in Bangladesh Jane Allison PRYER
1990 PhD London, External Impact of zinc supplementation on Bangladeshi children suffering from acute and persistent diarrhoea Swapan Kumar ROY
1990 PhD London, Wye Persistent poverty among rice farmers in the major irrigated colonization scheme of Sri Lanka Madar SAMAD I Carruthers
1990 PhD London, Wye Persistent poverty among rice farmers in the major irrigated colonization schemes of Sri Lanka Madar SAMAD
1990 PhD St Andrews Political violence in the Third World: a case study of Sri Lanka, 1971-1987 Gemini SAMARANAYAKE Prof P Wilkinson
1990 PhD London, QMW The use of Hindu mythology in some novels of R K Narayan and Raja Rao Chitra SANKARAN
1990 PhD Liverpool State intervention in rural development: a case study of Bangladesh A E SARKER
1990 PhD London, SOAS The emergence of a Muslim “middle class” in Bengal: attitudes and rhetoric of communalism, 1880-194 Mohammad SHAH Dr P G Robb
1990 PhD Edinburgh Socioeconomic planning in social forestry with particular reference to Orissa State, India Ran Avtar SHARMA
1990 PhD Cambridge A “despotism of law”: a British criminal justice and public authority in north India, 1772-1837 Radhika SINGHA Dr C A Bayley
1990 PhD Wales, Swansea Indian merchant communities in 19th century western India Sheila M SMITH Dr R K Newman
1990 PhD London, LSHTM The estimation of fertility from incomplete birth registration records, with application to India Govind Singh SOMAWAT B Brass
1990 PhD Cranfield The role of industrial extension for the local production of agricultural machinery in developing countries with particular reference to Sri Lanka K-H STEINMANN I Crawford; F Inns
1990 PhD North London Poly The Viceroyalty of Lord Reading, 1921-1926, with particular reference to Indian political constitutional problems and progress Christine TURNBULL Dr D Judd
1990 PhD Cambridge Constructing difference: social categories and Girahya women: social kinship and resources in south Rajasthan Maya UNNITHAN Dr C Humphrey
1990 MPhil Essex An analysis of the effects of salinity on the growth of Sri Lankan rice cultivars S C WANIGASURIYA
1990 PhD London, Imperial The structure and metamorphism of the northern margin of Indian Plate, North Pakistan Mathew Philipps WILLIAMS
1991 MPhil Trinity College, Bristol Identity, Islam and Christianity in rural Bangladesh D W ABECASSSIS
1991 MPhil London, LSHTM Fertility trends in Pakistan: a birth order analysis Mohamed AFZAL J Blacker
1991 PhD Sheffield Intraurban residential mobility in the city of Karachi N AHMAD
1991 PhD Wales, Swansea Decentralisation and the local state under peripheral capitalism: a study in the political economy of local government in Pakistan Tofail AHMAD
1991 PhD Newcastle upon Tyne The effects of price and non-price factors on the production of major crops in Bangladesh S ALAM
1991 PhD Cambridge, St Cath’s North Indian military culture in transition, 1770-1830 S ALAVE Dr C A Bayly
1991 PhD Cambridge, Trinity Inheriting then earth: Pakistan People’s Party: popular mobilisation and political conflict in Pakistan, 1967-1971 R F ALI Mr P G Hawthorn
1991 PhD London, LSHTM Anti-microbial chemotherapy of leprosy: a quantitiave theoretical basis for trial regimens with particular reference to India J E ALMEIDA
1991 PhD London, King’s The international arms trade: case studies of India and Pakistan, 1947-86 I ANTHONY
1991 PhD Manchester The role of the housing market in the development of Jaffna City and its fringe Krishnapillai ARUMUHAM Prof B Robson
1991 PhD London, SOAS Agricultural production in six selected Qasbas in eastern Rajasthan (c. 1700-1780) Madhavi BAJAKAL
1991 PhD LondonSOAS Agricultural production in six selected qasbas of eastern Rajastan (c.1700-1780) Madhavi BAJEKAL Prof K N Chaudhuri
1991 PhD Salford Some environmental implications of agricultural and agro-industrial developments in rural India S K BARAT
1991 PhD Newcastle upon Tyne Swami Vivekananda’s practical vedanta Vivienne BAUMFIELD Dr D H Killingley
1991 PhD Wales, Swansea The significqance of “Ostindien” in the evolution of German colonial thought, 1840-1885 Theodore Robert Maria BOSKE Prof M E Chamberlain
1991 PhD Cambridge, Trinity Communal politics and the partition of Bengal, 1932-1947 Joya CHATTERJI Dr A Seal
1991 PhD Cambridge A study of subsistance and settlement patterns during the late prehistory of northcentral India U C CHATTOPADHYAYA
1991 PhD London, King’s Indian nuclear strategy Mohammad Zafar Iqbal CHEEMA Prof L D Freedman
1991 MPhil Bradford Kashmir and the partition of India S CHOUDRY
1991 PhD London, UC The social implications of thalassaemia major among Muslims of Pakistani origin: family experience and service delivery Aamra Rashid DARR
1991 MPhil CNAA, Architectural Assoc The roots of power and root power: an enquiry into negotiations for the consolidation of illegal settlements in New Delhi, India S DASAPPA
1991 PhD London, SOAS Strategy and structure: a case study in imperial policy and tribal society in British Baluchistan Simanti DUTTA
1991 PhD Loughborough The Revd A G Fraser: his ecclesiastical, educational and political activity in Ceylon, 1904-1924 Brian EATHARD Dr Avril Powell
1991 PhD Cambridge, Churchill The political culture of the urban poor: the United Provinces between the two World Wars N GOOPTU Dr R S Chandavarkar
1991 DPhil Oxford, Balliol Azariah and Indian Christianity in the late years of the Raj S Bharper HARPER, s b
1991 DPhil Oxford, Green College Public health and medical research in India, c. 1860-1914 Mark HARRISON Miss M H Pelling; Dr P J Weindling
1991 PhD London, King’s College Rhizolith occurrence and formation within the quartnary coastal deposits of Tamil Nadu State, South East India Derek Albert HENDRY Dr R Garner
1991 PhD London, Wye Economic analysis of production opportunities, constraints and improvement policies in coconut-based farming systems in Sri Lanka Mudiyanselage Anura Lokubandara HERATH
1991 MPhil Wales Performance, problems and potential of irrigated land settlements in Sri Lanka: an analysis of past policies Thosapala HEWAGE
1991 PhD Cambridge Tax reform, public pricing and trade protection in Bangladesh S M HOSSAIN
1991 PhD London, SOAS The production and use of ritual terracottas in India Stephen Porter HUYLER
1991 DPhil Oxford, St Antony’s Defence production in a third world country: the case of the Indian aircraft industry 1940-1980 Shireen Karim Alimohamed JANMOHAMED Prof E A Roberts
1991 PhD London, LSE Rice, work and community among the Kelabit of Sarawak, East Malaysia Monica Rachel Hughes JANOWSKI
1991 PhD Stirling Fishery, population dynamics and breeding biology of Panulirus homarus (L.)on the south coast of Sri Lanka D S JAYAKODY
1991 PhD Stirling The utilisation of acid sulphate on soils for shrimp (Oenaeus monodon)culture on the west coast of Sri Lanka J JAYASINGHE
1991 PhD Durham Perception of, and adjustment to. drought hazard by farmers in southern Sri Lanka N L A KARUNARATNE
1991 DPhil Oxford, Trinity Competing through technology and manufacturing: a study of the Indian commerical vehicles industry Sanjay KATHURIA Dr J L Enos
1991 PhD Leicester Primary geochemistry and secondary dispersion from gold prospects in the Karkoram and Hindu Kush, northern Pakistan Abdul KHALIQ
1991 PhD London, RHBNC The contribution of the All India Muslim Educational Conference to the educational and cultural development of Indian Muslims, 1886-1947 Abdul Rashid KHAN Dr F C Robinson
1991 PhD Sheffield Low income settlement in city fringes: a case study of eastern fringe Dhaka R A KHAN Dr C Choguill
1991 PhD Edinburgh Women’s work and rural transformation in India: a study from Gujerat Uma KOTHARI
1991 DPhil Sussex The role of women in household survival strategies: a case study from an urban low-income settlement in Colombo, Sri Lanka Chandrika KOTTEGODA Dr K Young
1991 PhD Warwick Critical reflections on law and public enterprises in Bangladesh A K MASUDAL HAQUE
1991 PhD Sheffield Urban services in the national cities of India: organisation, financing, planning and delivery B MATHUR
1991 DPhil Oxford The ecological interaction between habitat composition, habitat quality and abundance of some wild ungulates in India V B MATHUR
1991 PhD Bath Poverty and patronage: a study of credit, development and change in rural Bangladesh James Allister McGREGOR Dr D G Wood
1991 PhD Cambridge, Trinity Caste, nationalism and communism in Malabar, 1900-1948 D M MENON Dr R S Chandravarkar
1991 PhD Southampton Municipal finance and local self government: the Indian experience Rajalakshmi MISHRA Dr D M Hill
1991 PhD Durham Industrial water pollution in a surface water system in Colombo, Sri Lanka S K MOHAMMED-ALI Prof I G Simmons
1991 PhD Warwick The migration and racialisation of doctors fromthe Indian subcontinent P J MOSS
1991 PhD London, LSE India and the Middle East: constancy of policy in the context of changing perspectives, 1947-1986 Prithvi Ram MUDIAM Dr G Sen
1991 PhD Surrey The impact of industrialisation and urbanisation on Patidar women in the Khada District of Gujerat P R NATTRESS
1991 PhD Cambridge, Clare Hall People and trees: gender relations and participation in social forestry in West Bengal, India C A NESMITH Dr T P Bayliss-Smith
1991 PhD Nottingham Urban lower-middle class and middle income housing: an investigation into affordability and options, Dhaka, Bangladesh Mohammed Mahbubur RAHMAN Prof J C Moughton; Mr S Jalloh
1991 PhD Exeter Location-allocation modelling for primary health provision in Bangladesh S-U RAHMAN
1991 MSc Kent On the systematics and ecology of some freshwater turtles of Bangladesh S M A RASHID
1991 PhD London, SOAS Structure and performance: a case study of Pakistan’s large scale manufacturing sector (1950-1987) Shahnaz RAUF
1991 PhD Cambridge, Newnham Inter-urban and rural-urban linkages in terms of migration and remittances: case study – Durgapur (West Bengal) J RAY CHAUDHURI Prof G P Chapman
1991 PhD London, King’s A comparison of the diet and health of pre-menopausal Indian and Caucasian vegetarian women Sheela REDDY
1991 Cranfield, Silsoe A case study on training and development of cooperative managers in implementing “Irrigation management programme” of Bangladesh Rural Development Board in Hossainpur Upazila, Bangladesh M A SADEQUE
1991 PhD Warwick Towards a definition of Indian literary feminism: an analysis of the novels of K Markandaya, N Sahgal and A Desai Minola K SALGADO Ms P Dunbar
1991 DPhil Oxford, St Antony’s South Asian Muslim politics, 1937-1958 Ahmad Y SAMAD Dr T Raychaudhuri
1991 PhD London, SOAS Poverty, growth and stagnation in north Indian agriculture: a comparative study in the political economy of poverty generation in western and eastern Uttar Pradash in the early 1970s Jean Diana SARGENT
1991 PhD CNAA, Leicester Poly Speech in Sri Lankan cleft palate subjects with delayed palatoplasty D A SELL
1991 DPhil Oxford, Wadham The biology of vitex (verbenaceae)in Sri Lanka Balangeda M P SINGHAKUMARA Dr C Huxley-Lambrick
1991 PhD London, King’s Nabob, historian and orientalist: the life and writing of Robert Orme (1728-1801) Asora SW TAMMITA-DELGODA Prof P J Marshall
1991 PhD London, LSE Donors, development and dependence: some lessons from Bangladesh, 1971-1986 Peter Graeme Rugge THOMSON Prof M Desai
1991 PhD East Anglia Errant males and the divided woman: melodrana and sexual difference in the Hindi social film of the 1950s Ravi VASUDEVAN
1991 DPhil Oxford, Wolfson The uplift history of the Western Ghats in India Mike WIDDOWSON Dr K G Cox; Prof A S Goudie
1991 PhD Salford The causes and processes of rural-urban migration in 19th and early 20th century India: the case of Ratnagiri district G M YAMIN
1992 PhD East Anglia Models of household behaviour in subsistence agriculture: a case study of NWFP in Pakistan Farman ALI Prof A Parikh
1992 PhD London, King’s Nation-building and the nature of conflict in South Asia: a search for patterns in the use of force as a political instrument within and between the states of the region Syed Mahmud ALI
1992 PhD Aberdeen Aspects of Islamic revival and consciousness in Bangladesh, 1905 AC and 1975 AC A N M AMIN
1992 PhD Cambridge, Trinity Colonialism and the transformation of matriliny in Malabar, 1850-1940 G ARUNIMA Dr R S Chandavarkar
1992 LLD Edinburgh Dravidian studies Ronald ASHER
1992 PhD Kent The political implications of migration: a study of the British Sikh community S BALI Mr K Webb
1992 PhD Manchester A study of aspects of Indian theatre and its role: consideration and strategies for developing theatre in education in India S N BARHANPURKAR Dr Jackson
1992 PhD London^hUC The temples of the interface: a study of the relation between Buddhism and Hinduism at the Munnervaram temples, Sri Lanka Rohan Neil BASTIN
1992 PhD London, SOAS Poverty and power: survival strategies of the poorest in three villages of West Bengal, India Anthony BECK Dr R W Bradnock
1992 DPhil Oxford, St Anne’s The English East India Company and Hindu laws of property in Bengal, 1765-1801: appropriation and invention of tradition Nandini BHATTACHARYYA-PANDA Dr T Raychaudhuri
1992 MLitt Oxford, Magdalen South Asian women, midwives and the maternity system: the role of cultural differences in the creation of inequality Isobel M W BOWLER Dr R W Dingwall
1992 PhD London, LSE Agricultural pricing in developing countries: Pakistan 1960-1988 David Patrick COADY Prof N H Stern
1992 PhD St Andrews Alexander Dalrymple (1737-1808), hydrographer to the East India Company and to the Admiralty, as publisher: a catalogue of books and charts. Andrew COOK Dr B P Lenman
1992 PhD Cambridge, Selwyn Cross cultural conflict analysis: the “reality” of British victory in the second Anglo-Maratha War, 1803-1805 Randolf G S COOPER Dr G Johnson
1992 DPhil Sussex The determinants of private consumption and the impact of fiscal policy: a study of Sri Lanka Ginige A C DE SILVA Prof M T Sumner
1992 DPhil Oxford, St Antony’s Aspects of community participation among the slum dwellers in achieving housing in Bombay Vandana DESAI Dr M J Banks; Dr G C K Peach
1992 DPhil Sussex Biomass entitlements and rural poverty in India: a village study of crop residues in south Gujerat Priyamwada DESHINGKAR Dr M Greeley
1992 PhD Cambridge, Girton Indian thought, myth and folklore in the fiction of Rudyard Kipling and E M Forster C R DEVADAWSON Prof J B Beer
1992 PhD London, UC Residential location of low-income households in Hyderabad, India Pothuia Jonathan DHARMARAJ
1992 PhD London, UC Residential location of low-income households in Hyderabad, India J P DHARMARAT
1992 PhD Cambridge, Churchill Religion, identity and authority among the Satnamis in colonial central India S DUBE Dr R O’Hanlon
1992 DPhil Oxford, Wolfson College Continuity and recreation in the performing arts of India: a study of two artistic traditions Anne-Marie GASTON Mr B R Wilson
1992 PhD Cambridge, Wolfson The institutional politics of gender in development policy for rural development in Bangladesh A M M GOETZ Mr G P Hawthorn
1992 PhD CNAA, Central England The “Karnata Dravida” tradition: development of Indian temple architecture in Karnataka 7th to 13th centuries C A HARDY
1992 PhD Open State policy, liberalisation and the development of the Indian software industry Richard Brendan HEEKS
1992 DPhil Oxford Entreprenurial decline and the end of Empire: British business in India, 1919-1949 A-M HISRA
1992 PhD Cambridge, King’s Music of Northern Pakistan C E HUEHNS Dr R F Davis
1992 PhD London, SOAS Female migrants’ adaptation in Dhaka: a case study of the processes of urban socio-economic change Shahnaz HUQ-HUSSAIN Dr R W Bradnock
1992 PhD Bristol Hindu Muslim inter group relations in Bangladesh: a cognitive inter group analysis Mir R ISLAM Prof M R C Hewstone
1992 MLitt Cambridge, Christ’s Medical choice in an urban village: a study of Zamrudpur, Delhi R JALOTA
1992 MPhil London, Wye The economics of tea investments: an assessment of factors influencing the profitability of management and rehabilitation of tea establishments in Sri Lanka Jayakodi Arachchige Maikanthi JAYAKODY
1992 MPhil Liverpool The response of democratic governments to armed resistance: India, Argentina, Peru, Colombia and Northern Ireland J KARUMBIAH
1992 PhD Leicester Plume-lithosphere interaction: petrology of Rajmahal continental flood basalts and associated lamproites, Northeast India Raymond William KENT
1992 PhD Nottingham Housing and landslides: a case study in Murree, Pakistan Amir Nawaz KHAN Prof J C Moughtin; Mr S Jalloh
1992 MPhil Bradford Investment in human capital in Pakistan M N KHAN
1992 PhD Strathclyde Foreign aid, domestic saving and economic growth in retrospect: the case of Pakistan (1960-1988) Naheed Zia KHAN Dr E Rahim
1992 PhD Strathclyde Settlement processes and strategy in metropolitan areas: policy options for improvements of slums in Pakistan Dost-Ali KHOWAJA A Ramsey
1992 PhD London, Wye Irrigation systems management under diversified cropping in Sri Lanka: a multiple objective economic assessment on performance of main-water management Hemesiri Bandara KOTAGAMA
1992 DPhil Oxford, St Cath’s A description of the trade in readers for children by Longmans to British India and by Thomas Nelson to the British West Indies (1900-1939)and an examination of the structure of motifs in the readers’ texts Wayne Barry KUBLALSINGH Dr T F Eagleton
1992 PhD Cambridge, Churchill College State power and the erosion of colonial authority in Uttar Pradesh, India, 1930-42 G KUDAISYA Prof D A Low
1992 PhD Cambridge The public career of G D Birla, 1911-1947 M Mlf G S KUDAISYA Prof D A Low
1992 PhD London, LSE An anthropological account of Islamic holy men in Bangladesh Samual Peter LANDELL-MILLS Dr A A F Gell
1992 PhD London, LSE Inequality, poverty and mobility: the experience of a north Indian village Peter Frederik LANJOUW Prof N Stern
1992 PhD Wales, Cardiff Planning education in small dispersed island states with particular reference to the Maldives Mohamed LATHEEF
1992 PhD London, LSE The demography of Indian famines: a historical perspective A MAHARATNA
1992 MPhil London, King’s The British in Bihar, 1757-81 Paramita MAHARATNA Prof P J Marshall
1992 MPhil London, King’s The establishment of British rule in Bihar, 1757-1981 Paraamita MAHARATNA Prof P J Marshall
1992 MPhil East Anglia Rural development in Pakistan: role and some effects of public sector Abrar Ahmad MALIK
1992 DPhil Sussex A study of rural poverty in Pakistan with special reference to agricultural price policy Shahnawaz MALIK Mr P Chaudhuri
1992 PhD Liverpool Prevalence and genetics of resistance of antimicrobial agents in faecal enterobacteriaceae from children in Bangladesh K Z MAMUM
1992 PhD Bradford Foreign joint ventures in Bangladesh: an empirical investigation of joint ventures in a less developed country between foreign multinational countries and local enterpirses: the case of Bangladesh G S MAOLA Prof P J Buckley
1992 DPhil Oxford, St Hilda’s Entreprenurial decline and the end of the Empire: British business in India, 1919-1949 Anna-Maria MISRA Dr T Raychaudhuri; Dr D R Tomlinson
1992 PhD London, Birkbeck Languages as identity symbols: an investigation into language attitudes and behaviour amongst second-generation South Asian schoolchildren in Britain including the special case of Hindi and Urdu M C MOBBS
1992 PhD Cambridge, Gonville From cattle to cane: the economic and social transformation of a Tarai village, North India R H MONTGOMERY Dr C Humphrey
1992 MPhil Leicester British newspaper coverage of Pakistan Ahmad MUKHTAR P Golding
1992 DPhil Oxford, Balliol Food Engel curves and equivalence scales in Sri Lanka M MURTHI
1992 PhD Glasgow The institution of cooperation, credit and the process of of development in the Indian and Pakistan Punjabs K MUSTAFA
1992 PhD CNAA, Huddersfield Hindu students in a further education college: an ethnographic enquiry P OLIVER
1992 DPhil Oxford , Hertford College Distress sales and exchange relations in a rural area of Rayalaseema Andhra Pradesh Wendy K OLSEN Mrs J U Heyer
1992 PhD Newcastle Vulnerability, seasonality and the public distribution system in western India: a micro-level study E A OUGHTON
1992 PhD Warwick Education and community in colonial Jallandhar, 1880-1935 Rajvinder S PAL Dr D A Washbrook
1992 PhD London, LSE Electricity demand and pricing in India, 1947-1986 Kirtida Vimai PARIKH Dr M S Morgan
1992 PhD London, Wye Micropropogation of the Sri Lankan anthurium cultivar “Crinkled Red” (Anthurium andreanum Lind) Sriyani Edussuriya PEIRIS
1992 MPhil CNAA, St John’s College, Nottingham The extended family in spouse selection: a critical study and theological evaluation of the patterns of Christian family life in India (especially in the churches of South India) P S C POTHAN
1992 PhD Sheffield A study of rainfall fluctuations in the homogeneous rainfall regimes in Sri Lanka M PUVANESWARAN
1992 PhD Stirling Studies of filter feeding carps of commerical importance in Bangladesh with particular emphasis on the use of automated counting methods S RAHMATULLAH
1992 PhD Strathclyde Solar radiation assessment in Pakistan I A RAJA
1992 DPhil Oxford, Nuffield Forest policy in the Central Provinces, 1860-1914 Mahesh RANGARAJAN Dr T Raychaudhuri
1992 DPhil Oxford, Linacre College Ecophysiology of natural regeneration of “Abies pindrow” in the moist temperate forest of Pakistan RAZA-UL-HAQ Mr F B Thompson; Dr P S Savill
1992 PhD London, External Recent Christian-Hindu dialogue with reference to Christology Robert Arthur ROBINSON
1992 MPhil Newcastle upon Tyne Changing the attitudes of staff in a residential setting in India – a case study N ROTTON
1992 PhD Cambridge, Fitzwilliam The effect of regular deworming on the growth, health and nutritional status of pre-school children in Bangladesh Emily Kate ROUSHAM Dr C G Mascie-Taylor
1992 PhD South Bank Effects of psycho-cultural factors on the socialization of British born Indian and indigenous British children living in England D SACHDEV
1992 PhD Birmingham An ecumenical ecclesiology: an historical and systemaic theological enquiry into the Church of North India D K SAHU
1992 PhD Reading A systems approach to the study of potential production of boro rice in the Haor region of Bangladesh M U SALAM
1992 PhD Aberdeen Farm level approaches to tree growing in agroforestry in Haryana, India P K SARDANA
1992 DPhil Oxford, Green Adoption and rejection of eucalyptus on farms in North-West India Naresh C SAXENA Dr B Harriss; Mr J E M Arnold
1992 PhD Cambridge, Trinity Women workers in the Bengal jute industry, 1890-1940: migration, motherhood and militancy S SEN Dr R S Chandabarkar
1992 PhD Cambridge^hTrinity Literary representation of national identity and the rhetoric of nationalism in Raja Rao’s Kanthapura R SETHI Mr T J L Cribb
1992 DPhil Sussex The determinants of private consumption and the impact of fiscal policy: a study of Sri Lanka G A C de SILVIA
1992 PhD Cambridge, Gonville A forest policy for Western India: the Dangs, 1800s-1920s A SKARIA Prof C A Bayly
1992 MPhil Birmingham The encounter between Christianity and Buddhism in Sri Lanka from the perspective of the Lausanne Movement S F SKUCE
1992 MPhil Birmingham The development of Gandhi’s moral and religious philosophy from 1888-1921 G E SMITH
1992 PhD Leicester The geology of the roof-zone of the Kohistan Batholith, Northwestern Pakistan Michael A SULLIVAN
1992 PhD Cambridge, Churchill The military and the state in colonial Punjab, 1900–1939 T Yong TAN Prof D A Low
1992 PhD London, SOAS Competing identities: the problem of what to wear in late colonial and contemporary India Emma Josephine TARLO
1992 DPhil Oxford, St John’s College Studies in English and European writing on India, 1600-1800 Kate ( Katherine S) TELTSCHER Prof J Carey; Mr J B Katz
1992 PhD London, LSE Health attitudes and personal health care decisions in Bombay, India Bayjool THAKKER Dr J E Stockdale
1992 PhD London, LSE Personal health care decisions in Bombay, India B THAKKER
1992 PhD East Anglia NGOs and rural development process in India: case studies from Rayalaseema V UMA
1992 PhD London, SOAS The personal pronouns and their related clitics in six Khasi dialects: a grammatical and sociolinguistic study B WAR
1992 PhD CNAA, North London Sir Walter Lawrence and India, 1879-1918 Catherine Mary WILSON Prof D Judd; Dr P Mercer
1993 PhD Open Women’s home-based income generation as a strategy towards poverty survival: dynamics of the “Khannawalli” (mealmaking)activity of Bombay D ABBOTT Mr A Thoms
1993 PhD Wales, Cardiff The role of communication in the rise of the Islamic movements in the Muslim world with special reference to Egypt, Kuwait, Afghanistan, Pakistan and Turkey K ABU-ALKHAIR
1993 PhD Cambridge, Girton The People’s Party, the National Awami League and the political dynamics of federalism in Pakistan S J AHMED Mr G P Hawthorn
1993 PhD Dundee E M Forster at home and abroad: British and non-British elements in his fiction A AL-HOUT
1993 PhD Reading Farmer-extension worker interaction and upstream information transfer in the T V extension system in Bangladesh Md. Mozahar ALI Prof M J Rolls
1993 PhD London, Ext (LSHTM) Cultural influences on contraceptive behaviour in rural Bangaldesh A AL-SABIR J Simons
1993 PhD Bradford Agricultural credit for small farmers in Northern Pakistan: an analysis of access and productivity impact Shehla Nasreen AMJAD Dr Allan Low; Dr Behrooz Morvaridi
1993 PhD East Anglia Women’s experiences of a survival strategy: commoditisation of folk embroidery in Gujarat, India J B ANDHARIA
1993 PhD Liverpool Seaweed resources in Sri Lanka: culture of Gracilaria and intertidal surveys P ANNESTY JAYASURIYA
1993 PhD Sheffield A study of significant historic buildings in Lahore, leading towards the formulation of a national conservation policy for Pakistan M Y AWAN A Craven
1993 DPhil York The management of ethnic secessionist conflict with special reference to devolution of government: the external dimension and the big neighbour syndrome Abersinghe BANDARA Prof A Dunsire; Dr A Leftwich
1993 DPhil Oxford, Somerville A study of the Khudai Khidmatgar movement 1930-1947, North West Frontier Province, British India Mukulika BANERJEE Prof J Davis
1993 MPhil Eales, Cardiff A survey of the Pakistani Muslim community in Cardiff P G BATEMAN
1993 PhD Cambridge, Churchill Agrarian reforms and the politics of the Left in West Bengal D BHATTACHARYYA Mr G P Hawthorn
1993 PhD Leeds Salisbury at the India Office, 1866-67 and 1874-78 Paul R BRUMPTON Dr E D Steele
1993 PhD London, SOAS Contesting the resource: the politics of forest management in colonial Burma Raymond Leslie BRYANT
1993 PhD London, UC The incompatability between the the needs of low-income households and the perceptions and attitudes of architects and planners: a case study of Lahore, Pakistan Arif Qayyum BUTT
1993 PhD Kent Confidence building measures in South Asia Navnita CHADHA Prof A J R Groom
1993 DPhil Oxford The changing nature of the Indian hill station A CHATERJI
1993 MLitt Oxford, St Hilda’s The changing nature of the Indian Hill Station Aditi CHATTERJI Dr D I Scargill
1993 PhD Keele Paul Scott’s “Raj Quartet”: historical approaches and Bakhtinian readings P CHILDS
1993 MPhil Sheffield Applicability of the CDS-ISIS package in the automation of University libraries with partciular reference to India S CHOWDHURY
1993 PhD London, SOAS Colonialism and cultural identity: the making of a Hindu discourse, Bengal, 1867-1905 Indira CHOWDHURY-SENGUPTA Prof D J Arnold
1993 MPhil London, SOAS The rhythmic organisation of North Indian classical music: tal, lay and laykari Martin Richard Lawson CLAYTON
1993 PhD London, SOAS From Bhakti to Buddhism: early Dalit literature and ideology Philip John CONSTABLE Prof D J Arnold
1993 PhD London The relevance and feasibility of community-based production of leaf concentrate as a supplement for pre-school children in Sri Lanka David Nicholas COX
1993 PhD Edinburgh Size isn’t everything: an anthropologist’s view of the cook, the potter, her engineer and his donor in appropriate technology development in Sri Lanka, Kenya and UK Emma CREWE Dr A Good; Dr M Noble
1993 PhD Essex An empirical study of technical and allocative efficiency of wheat farmers in the Indian village of Palanpur A CROPPENSTEDT
1993 DPhil Oxford, St Antony’s Privilege and policy: the indigenous elite and the colonial education system in Ceylon, 1869-1948 Lakshmi K DANIEL Dr T Raychaudhuri
1993 PhD REading Weed ecology studies in Sri Lanka: competition studies with maize, barley and oilseed rape N P DISSANAYAKER
1993 M.Phil Edinburgh A study of the indigenous contribution to Tamil Saiva bhakti C J EDEN
1993 PhD Lancaster Epic naratives inthe Hoysala temples: the Ramayana, Mahabharata and Bhagavata Purana in Halebid, Belur and Amrtapura Kirsti Kaarina EVANS Dr David Smith
1993 PhD CNAA, Brighton Poly Sport and South Asian male youth S FLEMING
1993 PhD Manchester Intermarriage of Zoroastrian women in bombay H K FRASER
1993 PhD Brunel TV talk in a London Punjabi peer culture M GILLESPIE
1993 PhD Keele Occasions of grace: interpretations of truth in Paul Scott’s “The Raj Quartet” P A GLOVER
1993 PhD London, LSE The multiplicity of agencies promoting the health of refugees, with a case study of the Afghans in Pakistan, 1978-1989 Nancy GODFREY Prof B Abel-Smith
1993 PhD Open The Gujeratis of Bolton: the leaders and the led K G HAHLO
1993 PhD Loughborough Acquiring foreign language materials for Pakistani libraries: a study Syed Jalaluddin HAIDER Prof J P Feather
1993 Phil East Anglia The implications of tourism for the environment: a Maldives case study H HAMEED
1993 PhD London, SOAS Eurasians in British India, 1773-1833: the making of a reluctant community Christopher John HAWES Prof D J Arnold
1993 PhD Aberdeen Some aspects of the chemistry and mineralogy of soil magnesium in relation to Camellia growth on Sri Lankan acid tea soils L HETTIARACHCHI
1993 PhD Manchester Management control in public sector enterprises: a case study of budgeting in the jute industry of Bangladesh A K M Z HOQUE Prof T Hopper
1993 PhD Salford Rural accessibility and agricultural development in Bangladesh N A HUQ Dr R D Knowles
1993 PhD London, LSE Decentralized resource allocation in primary health care: formal methods and their application in Britain and Pakistan M ISHFAQ
1993 PhD Manchester Transnational corporations and economic development: a study of the Malaysian electronics industry M N ISMAIL
1993 PhD Edinburgh Rice marketing in Pakistan: the case for liberalisation ? Amanat Ali JALBANI
1993 DPhil York Language maintenance and bilingualism in Darbhanga Shailjanand JHA Dr C Verma
1993 PhD Cambridge Industrial concentration and performance: an empirical study of the structure, conduct and performance of Indian industry (1970-1985) U S KAMBHAMPATI
1993 PhD London A genetic analysis of diabetes mellitus in subjects of Indian origin Parminder Kaur KAMBO
1993 MPhil Strathclyde Famine and poliocy in the Central Provinces of India: the crises of 1896/97 and 1899/1900 Nicalas W KEYS Dr P S Collins
1993 PhD Kent Regional conflict in South Asia: the route to intractability in the Kashmir conflict, 1947-1990 A Robert KHAN Prof A J R Groom
1993 MPhil Wales, Bangor Wood production through agroforestry in Charsadda district, North West Frontier Province, Pakistan F S KHAN
1993 DPhil Oxford, St Hilda’s Indian Muslim perceptions of the West during the 18th century Gulfishan KHAN Dr I Malik
1993 PhD Wales, Bangor Ex-post cost benefit analysis of village woodlots of Gujarat, India J A KHAN
1993 PhD London, External The history of printing and publishing in Ceylon, with special reference to Sinhalese books, 1737-1912 Egodahettiarachchige Don Tilakapala KULARATNE
1993 MLitt Cambridge The security of new states, Pakistan and Singapore: a study in contrast and compulsion A UL I LATIF
1993 MLitt Glasgow The imperial eye: perceptions in British photography (1850-1870)of India and the Near East Alison J LINDSAY Dr C A Wilson
1993 DPhil Oxford, Somerville The role of culture in India’s international relations V MANI
1993 PhD London, SOAS Caring women: power and ritual in Gujerati households in East London Merryle Ann McDONALD Dr N Lindisfarne
1993 PhD Cambridge Governance and resistance in north Indian towns, c.1860-1900 Patrick M McGINN Prof C A Bayly
1993 PhD City Gamaka and Alamkara: concepts of vocal ornamentation with reference to Bara Khayal S M McINTOCH
1993 PhD Aston Management role in employee participation: a comparative study of multination enterprisei n India and the UK Santrupt MISRA Dr R Lumley
1993 PhD Aston Management role in employee participation: a comparative study of multinational enterprises in India and the UK Santrupt MISRA Dr R Lumley
1993 PhD London, LSE Inside and outside: conceptual continuities from household to region in Kumaon, North India Joanne MOLLER Dr C Fuller
1993 MPhil Loughborough Performance of concrete buried pipe distribution systems of surface irrigation under farm manager’s management in Tangail, Bangladesh Mohammed Abdul Karim MRIDHA Mr I K Smout
1993 PhD London, Wye The economic evaluation of agricultural research in Sri Lanka Jeyaluxmy NADARAJAH
1993 PhD Cambridge, St Edmund’s Co-option and control: the role of the colonial army in India, 1918-47 Namrata NARAIN Dr R S Chandavarkar
1993 PhD London, LSE Kinship, marriage and womanhood among the Nakarattars of South India Yuko NISHIMURA Dr C Fuller
1993 PhD Guildhall The determinants of direct overseas investment from Singapore Samual Bassey OKPOSEN M Cowen
1993 PhD Hull British policy and Chinese policy in Malaya, 1942-1955 HAK CHING OONG C J Christie
1993 PhD London, LSE Making hierarchy natural: the cultural construction of gender and maturity in Kerala, India Caroline OSELLA Dr C Fuller; Dr J P Parry
1993 PhD London, LSE Caste, class, power and social mobility in Kerala, India Filippo OSELLA Dr C Fuller; Dr J P Parry
1993 DPhil Oxford, Christ Church The confusions of an imperialist inheritance: the Labour Party and the Indian problem, 1940-1947 Nicholas J OWEN Dr J G Darwin
1993 DPhil York Imperialism, insularity and identity: the novels of Paul Scott G Martin PATERSON Mr Landig White
1993 PhD London, UC Effects of land use policies on land prices in middle income housing, Hyderabad, India Padmavathi PERVAR
1993 PhD London, UC Sir Leonard Rogers F.R.S. (1868-1962): tropical medicine in the Indian Medical Service Helen Joy POWER Prof WF Bynum
1993 DPhil Oxford, Campion Hall Satnamis: the changing status of a scheduled caste in Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradash Gnana PRAKASAM Dr N J Allen
1993 MPhil Wales, Aberystwyth The career of Robert, first baron Clive (1725-1764) with special reference to his administrative and political career David Livett PRIOR Prof P D G Thomas
1993 PhD London, QMW Belonging and not belonging: understanding India in novels by Paul Scott, Ruth Prawer Jhabvala and V S Naipaul Janet Mariana PUGH
1993 PhD Newcastle upon Tyne Coping strategies of domestic workers: a study of three settlements in Delhi metropolitan region, India P RAGHURAM Dr J D Jones
1993 MPhil Leicester Conceptions of health and health care among two generations of Gujerati-speaking Hindu women in Leicester V RAJA
1993 PhD London, LSE The political economy of agrarian policies in Kerala: a study of state intervention in agricultural commodity markets with particular reference to dairy pmarkets Velayudhan RAJAGOPALAN Prof T J Nossiter
1993 PhD Hull Religion, politics and the secular state in India after independence C S RANGANATHAN
1993 PhD London, LSE Construction of female gender in rural north India Deborah Edith RUTTER Dr J P Parry
1993 MPhil Newcastle-upon-Tyne Modelling growth of rainfed and irrigated sugarcane in the dryzone of Sri Lanka K SANMUGANATHAN
1993 PhD Hull Tribes, politics and social change in India: a case study iof the Mullukurumbas of the Nilgiri Hills S SATHIANATHAN
1993 PhD Keele The sources and supply of basic foods in Dhaka City Sayeed SAYEED
1993 PhD London, SOAS Pollution theory and Harijan strategies among south Indian Tamils Yasumasa SEKINE
1993 PhD London, Inst Comm The linkages between Pakistan’s domestic policies and its foreign policy, 1971-1991 Mehtab-Ali SHAH Dr P H Lyon
1993 PhD UEA Various approaches to the measurement of inefficiency in Pakistani agriculture: an empirical investigation M K SHAR
1993 PhD London, SOAS Consumer protection law in India: a socio-legal study Gurjeet SINGH
1993 PhD Cambridge, Darwin Quarternary alluvial sedimentology in Bihar, India Rajeev SINHA Dr P F Friend
1993 PhD Cambridge, King’s On religion and renunciation: the case of the Raikas of western Rajahastan Vinay Kumar SRIVASTAVA Dr C Humphrey
1993 PhD Leicester The empire aggrandized, a study in commemorative portrait statuary exported from Britain to her colonies in South Asia, 1800-1939 M A STEGGIES
1993 MPhil Warwick South Asians and employment in Great Britain with particular reference to agriculture R H G SUGGETT
1993 OhD London, SOAS Peasant agriculture and tenancy in Orissa (India): a study of three villages at different levels of development, with special reference to share tenancy M SWAIN
1993 PhD Warwick The politics of homeland: a study of ethnic linkages and political mobilisation amongst Sikhs in Britain and North America D S TALLA
1993 PhD Edinburgh Lakshmi in the market place: traders and farmers in a north Indian market M S TOMAR Dr P M Jeffrey; Dr R Jeffrey
1993 PhD Hull Nagas in the museum: an anthropological study of the material cculture of the Hill People of the Assam-Burnma border Andrew OChristopher WEST Mr L G Hill
1993 PhD London, SOAS The politics of moderation: Britain and the Indian Liberal Party, 1917-1923 Philip Graham WOODS Prof D J Arnold
1993 PhD Leeds Afghanistan in the defence of India, 1903-1915 Christopher Mark WYATT Dr K M Wilson
1993 PhD Exeter The correlates of contraceptive and fertility behaviour withon the framework of sociocultural ideology: a case study of two urban centres of Pakistan M I ZAFAR
1994 PhD Glasgow The non-compliant behaviour of the small states of South Asia: Nepal and Bangladesh in relation to India S AFROZE
1994 MPhil Lancaster The status of women and fertility: a case study of Pakistani women in Rochdale Salma AHMAD Dr Suzette Heald; Dr Sarah Franklin
1994 PhD London, UC The hydrogeology of the Dupi Tila sands acquifer of the Barind tract, NA Bangladesh Kazi Matin Uddin AHMED Dr W G Burgess
1994 PhD Cambridge, Wolfson Behavioural ecology of the Hoolock gibbon (Hylobates Hoolock)in Bangladesh M F AHSAN Dr D J Chivers
1994 PhD Cambridge, King’s Violence and the state in the partition of Punjab, 1947-48 Swarna AIYAR Prof D A Low
1994 PhD Manchester Taxation and economic development in Bangladesh with special reference to indirect taxation Sofia H J ALI Ms W Olsen
1994 PhD Salford Environmental assessment for wetlands management in Sri Lanka M D AMARASINGHE
1994 PhD Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Residential land price changes in selected peripheral colonies of Lucknow City, India, 1970-1990 F AMITABH Dr S E Corbridge
1994 PhD Cranfield, Silsoe Mechanisation of grain harvesting in Pakistan Nadeem AMJAD
1994 PhD London, SOAS Women’s consciousness and assertion in colonial India: gender, social reform and politics in Maharashtra, c.1870-c.1920 P ANAGOL-McGINN
1994 PhD London, SOAS Women’s consciousness and assertion in colonial India: gender, social reform and politics in Maharashtra, c.1870-1920 Padma ANAGOL-McGINNnagol Prof D J Arnold
1994 PhD Strathclyde Tourism in developing countries: a case study of Pakistan M I ANWAR
1994 PhD Bradford The understanding of truth and the human person in Gandhi’s thought C ARBER
1994 PhD Leicester Mineralogy, geochemistry and stable isotope studies of the ultramafic rocks from the Swat Valley ophiolite, North Western Pakistan: implications for the genesis of emerald and nickeliferous opaque phases Mohammad ARIF
1994 PhD Edinburgh The understanding of pastoral care and counselling in the Church of South India, with special reference to the work of the Christian Counselling Centre, Velore Nalini ARLES Prof A F Walls; Dr D Lyall
1994 PhD Birmingham Bangladeshi community organisations in East London: a case study analysis M A ASGHAR
1994 PhD London, SOAS Naqshbandi Sufis in a western setting A T ATAY
1994 PhD London, LSHTM Cost effectiveness of anti-malaria activities in Sri Lanka A M G G N K ATTANAYAKE
1994 PhD Cambridge, Trinity Is education beneficial ? A microeconomic analysis of the impact of education on the economic welfare of a developing country, Sri Lanka D H C ATURUPANE Dr P B Seabright
1994 PhD Leicester The Koga feldspathoidal syenite, North Western Pakistan: mineralogy and industrial applications Iftikar Hussain BALOCH
1994 PhD Cambridge, Darwin Workers’ politics in Bengal, 1890-1929: mill-towns, strikes and nationalist agitations Subho BASU Dr R S Chandavarkar
1994 BLitt Oxford, Lady Margaret The famine of 1899-1900 and the government of India M BHABA
1994 PhD Essex A comparative sociolinguistic study of urban and rural Sindhi M Q BUGHIO
1994 PhD Southampton India, Sri Lanka and the Tamil crisis, 1976-1990 A J BULLION
1994 PhD Cambridge, Darwin Fluvial landforms and sediments in the North-Central Gangetic plain, India S CHANDRA Dr K S Richards
1994 PhD London, LSE Legislators in India: a comparison of MLAs in five states Virender Kumar CHOPRA Prof T J Nossiter
1994 PhD London, King’s The development of Singapore land law as influenced by English and Australian law Panicker Alice CHRISTUDASON
1994 PhD Cambridge, King’s Urban texts: an interpretation of the architectural, textual and artefactual records of a Sri Lankan early historic city R A E CONINGHAM Dr F R Allchin
1994 PhD Kent Indias of the mind: the construction of post-colonial identity in Salman Rushdie’s fiction C P CUNDY
1994 MLitt Bristol British Baptist missionary activity in Orissa, 1822-1914 P K DAS
1994 PhD Cambridge, St Cath’s The making of a Jat identity in the Southeast Punjab circa 1880-1936 Monica DATTA Prof C A Bayly
1994 MPhil Wales, Cardiff An evaluation of the attractiveness to Apia cerana F. of the honeybee flora growing in the Dhaka region of Bangladesh and the socio-economic value of these plants to the local community R J DAY
1994 DPhil Oxford, New Indian industry 1950-1990: growth, demand and productivity Ranu DAYAL
1994 DPhil Oxford, Wolfson Technical change and efficiency in Sri Lanka’s manufacturing sector Sonali D P DERANIYAGALA Mrs F J Stewart
1994 PhD Edinburgh Energy resources and the role of mini and micro hydro power in Northern India Alison DOIG
1994 PhD London, Wye Reaching the poor ? The identification and assessment of rural poverty by a non-governmental organisation (NGO)in Gujerat, India Talib Baahadurail Karmali ESMAIL
1994 PhD London, LSE Defence industrialization in the NICs: case studies from Brazil and India Carol Vervain EVANS
1994 PhD London Dying: death and bereavement in a British Hindu community Shirley Jean FIRTH
1994 MPhil Bristol Pakistan: a power in central Asia N GHUFRAN Dr V Hewitt
1994 PhD Hull Construction of the European Union: implications for the developing countries: case study of India D K GIRI
1994 PhD London Sufism and its development inthe Panjab Shuja Ul HAQ
1994 PhD Aberdeen Export performance and marketing strategy for Malaysian palm oil A HASHIM
1994 PhD Bradford Microenterprises in Pakistan: an efficiency and performance analysis of manufacturing microenterprises in North West Frontier Province, Pakistan Syed Amjad Farid HASNU Mr Michael Yaffey
1994 PhD Birmingham The quest of Ajneya: a theological appraisal of the search for meaning in his three Hindi novels R H HOOKER
1994 PhD Newcastle Mechanisation of wheat production in Bangladesh based on a growth modelling approach A H M S HOSSAIN
1994 PhD Newcastle Some factors affecting the performance of draught buffaloes in wetland rice cultivation in Sri Lanka S M HULANGAMUWA
1994 PhD Edinburgh The scented garden in Deccani Muslim literature S A A HUSAIN
1994 PhD Durham Rural-urban integration in Bangladesh: a study of linkages between villages and small urban centres M N ISLAM Dr P J Atkins
1994 PhD Nottingham Standards of safety in the underground coal mining industry of Pakistan K G JADOON
1994 PhD Bradford Trade liberalization and performance: the impact of trade reform on manufacturing sector performance: Sri Lanka, 1977-89 Kangesu JAYANTHAKUMARAN Prof C Kirkpatrick; Mr Michael Yaffey
1994 PhD Reading Changing patterns ofinformal and formal finance in a Rajasthan village J Howard M JONES Mr A Harrison
1994 PhD London, SOAS Polygamy and purdah in the royal households of Rajastan – 13th-19th centuries Varsha JOSHI Prof D J Arnold
1994 MPhil Oxford, St Cath’s Sustainability of public debt: an application to India Alka KACKER Dr E V K Fitzgerald
1994 PhD Reading Comparison of extension provision for the smallholder and estate tea sectors in Sri Lanka H R K K KARUNADASA Dr C J Garforth
1994 PhD Glasgow Factor price distortions, underutilisation of capacity and employment in the large-scale manufacturing sector of Pakistan R KAUSER
1994 PhD London, SOAS Missionaries: the Hindu state and British paramountcy in Travancore and Cochin, 1858-1936 Koji KAWASHIMA Prof D J Arnold
1994 MPhil Strathclyde Famine and famine policy in the central provinces of India: the crises of 1896-7 and 1899-1900 N W KEYS
1994 PhD Wales, Lampeter Indian Muslims in the political process O KHALIDI
1994 PhD Strathclyde Poverty, uneven development, urbanisation and economic planning policies in Pakistan: a case study of Peshawar, North West Frontier Province Assmatullah KHAN Prof U Wannop
1994 PhD Strathclyde Interlinkages between land-lease and credit markets: impact on the introduction of modern technology in the North West Frontier Province (Pakistan) H KHAN
1994 PhD Lancaster Saiva priests of Tamil Nadu G LAZAR
1994 PhD London Fertility transition in Malaysia: an analysis by state and ethnic group R LEETE
1994 PhD London, Inst Ed A comparative study of educational disadvantage in India within the Anglo-Indian community: a historical and contemporary analysis Antoinette Iris Grace LOBO Mr C Jones
1994 PhD London, SOAS The transformation of colonial perceptions into legal norms: legislating for crime and punishment in Bengal, 1790s to 1820s Shahdeen MALIK
1994 PhD Central England Housing finance in developing countries: a case study of Lahore, Pakistan T H MALIK
1994 PhD Open Thermal comfort for urban housing in Bangladesh F H MALLICK
1994 PhD London, Bedford Consciousness and the actors: a re-assessment of Western and Indian approaches to the actor’s emotional involvement from the perspective of Vedic psychology Daniel MEYER-DINKGRAFE
1994 DPhil Sussex The comprehensive crop insurance scheme in India, 1985-1991: a study of its working with special reference to Gujerat Pramod K MISHRA Prof M Lipton
1994 PhD London, SOAS From patriarchy to gender equity: family law and its impact on women in Bangladesh Taslima MONSOOR
1994 DPhil Sussex Re-reading the Raj: narrative and power in British fictions of India P G MOREY
1994 PhD Reading An effective communication model for the acceptance of new agricultural technology by farmers in the Punjab, Pakistan Sher MUHAMMAD Dr C J Garforth
1994 DPhil Sussex Brother, there are only two Jatis – men and women: the construction of gender identity, women, the state and personal laws in India M MUKHOPADHYAY
1994 PhD London, LSHTM Visceral leishmaniasis vectors in Pakistan Mohammad Arif MUNIR
1994 PhD Leeds Ramayana and Mahabharata: contemporary theatrical experiments in English with Indic oral traditions of storytelling V NAIDU
1994 PhD Durham Rural-urban interaction in Bangladesh: a study of linkages between villagers and small urban centres M N I NAZERN
1994 PhD Queen’s, Belfast Rukmini Devi and the Bharata Natyam – the revival of classical dance in India K OHTANI
1994 PhD London, SOAS Bauls of West Bengal: with special reference to Raj Khyapa and his followers Jeanne OPENSHAW Dr A Cantlie
1994 DPhil Sussex Agrarian structure, new technology and labour absorption in Indian agriculture: an empirical investigation of Gujerat Kirankumar Manubhai PANDYA
1994 PhD London Gender, discipleship and charismatic authority in the Rajneesh movement Marie Elizabeth PUTTICK
1994 PhD Durham Social change and fertility transition in Sri Lanka P PUVANARAJAN Prof J I Clarke; Mr A R Townsend
1994 PhD London, LSHTM Epidemiology of visceral leishmaniasis in northern areas of Pakistan with particular reference to the reservoir(s) Mohammed Abdur RAB
1994 PhD Brunel Management education and development strategies in Bangladesh A S M M RAHMAN
1994 PhD Wales, Swansea Decentralisation and rural society in Bangladesh: a study of bureaucratic restraints on access in the UPAZILA structure Mohammed Halibur RAHMAN Dr C Gerry
1994 DPhil Oxford, Worcester India and the north-south politics of global environmental issues: the case of ozone depletion, climate change and loss of biodiversity Mukund G RAJAN Dr A J Hurrell
1994 PhD Kent Causal factors and transmission mechanisms of inflationary impulses in Sri Lanka, 1970-1989 Purnima RAJAPAKSE Prof Thirlwall
1994 MPhil London, SOAS Remembering Burma: Tamil migrants and memories Audrey Beatrice Stephanie RAMAMURTHY Dr N Lindisfarne
1994 PhD Reading The analysis of farmer information systems for feeding dairy cattle in two villages of Kerala State, India S N RAMKUMAR
1994 PhD City Perception-production in relation to fronting of velars in Hindi and Marati speaking children M E RAO
1994 PhD London, UC Socio-economic status, channels of recruitment and the rural to urban migration of labour: a case study of the squatter settlements of Delhi, India Himmat Singh RATNOO
1994 PhD London, UC Haemoglobin disorders among the tribal population of Madhya Pradesh, India P H REDDY
1994 PhD Cambridge, Sidney Mohajir subnationalism and the Mohajir Qaumi Movement in Sindh Province, Pakistan J J RICHARDS Dr S Corbridge
1994 PhD Cambridge, Trinity Conversion and catholicism in Southern Goa, India R T ROBINSON Dr C Humphrey
1994 DPhil Oxford, St Antony’s Rural labour arrangements in West Bengal, India Benjamin N ROGALY Dr B Harriss
1994 PhD Cambridge, St John’s The politics of fiscal policy: some reflections on fiscal policy and state intervention in developing economies with special reference to India R ROY
1994 PhD Reading The taxonomy and ecology of the genus Licuala (Palmae)in Malaya L G SAW
1994 PhD Cambridge, Clare Hall Politics in Orissa, 1900-1956: regional identity and popular movements Jayanta SENGUPTA Dr R S Chandavarkar
1994 MPhil Newcastle Public participation in the Malaysian structure plan system practice, response and impact studies K SHAMSUDIN
1994 PhD Aberdeen Attitudes of tribal people towards social forestry with reference to Madhya Pradesh, India A SHUKLA
1994 PhD Manchester Decentralisation, participation and rural development in Bangladesh: an analysis pf the Upazila system N A SIDDIQUEE Dr D Hulme
1994 PhD Bradford The political economy of agricultural change in India Kalim U SIDDIQUI Dr Carolyn Dennis; Dr Behrooz Morvaridi
1994 PhD Leicester Electoral campaigns and the media: the coverage of India’s 1991 general election in the Indian and the British press Balwinder SINGH Ms O Linne
1994 DPhil York Case and agreement in Hindi: a GB approach Joga SINGH Mr M K Verma
1994 PhD Manchester Historical relations: representing collective identities. Small group portraiture in eighteenth-century England, British India and America K S STANWORTH
1994 PhD London, SOAS The symbolic construction of the Sri Lankan Hindu Tamil community in Britain D A TAYLOR
1994 PhD Leeds The development of the Bangladesh jute industry since 1971 F TERKELSEN
1994 PhD Reading Exploring media non-professionals’ participation in access television: towards a participatory production model for development broadcasting in India Korula VARGHESE Dr P Norrish
1994 PhD London, Goldsmiths’ What the neighbours say: gender and power in two low-income settlemets in Madras Penny VERA-SANSO Prof P Caplan
1994 PhD Queen’s, Belfast Creation in Santal tribal religion and Christian faith: a study in comparative religion W WALKER
1994 PhD Manchester Growth and adjustment after trade liberalisation: Sri Lanka, 1977-1992 D N WEERAKOON
1994 PhD London, UC The management of official records in Sri Lanka and its impact on public administration Sarath Sisira Kumara WICKRAMANAYAKA
1994 PhD REading The solubility of rice straw silica and its use as a silicon source in paddy cultivation D E WICKRAMASINGHE
1994 PhD London Effect of climatic factors on the growth of tea (“Camellia sinensis”)in the low country wet zone of Sri Lanka Madawala Arachchillage WIJERATNE
1994 PhD Leeds Young British Hindu women’s interpretation of the images of womenhood in Hinduism S M WILKINSON
1994 PhD Bradford Interlocking directorates in Hong Kong business organizations: a longitudinal study of their changing patterns G Y-Y WONG
1994 PhD London, SOAS Mission-conversion-dialogue: the process of Christianization of the Richi in south-West Bangladesh Cosimo ZENE Dr A Cantlie
1995 PhD London, King’s The implications of the Falklands War for the defence of India’s island territories Biju ABRAHAM Prof G Till
1995 PhD Exeter An investigation into programme factors and providers and providers’ perceptions of family welfare centres in Faisalabad district of Pakistan A AHMAD
1995 PhD Exeter An initiative into programme factors and providers’ perceptions at family welfare centres in Faisalbad district of Pakistan Ashfaq AHMED
1995 PhD Wales, Cardiff Aspects of influence over accounting and accounting for currency devaluation in Bangladesh J AHMED
1995 PhD Birmingham Social relations and migration: a study of post-war migration with particular reference to migration from Bangladesh to Britain F ALAM
1995 PhD Hull Keralites in Abu Dhabi: a study of skilled and unskilled Keralite migrant workers in the city of Abu Dhabi S A S ALKOBAISI
1995 PhD Reading The effect of a prolonged release formulation of bovine somatotropin (sometribove)on milk production of Bos Taurus and dairy crossbred cows in Malaysia A AZIZAN
1995 PhD Stirling Scholarly publishing in Malaysia: a study of marketing environment and influences on readership behaviour Firdaus Ahmad AZZAM
1995 PhD Strathclyde The role of the private sector in the provision of sites and services schemes for low income groups: a case study of Lahore, Pakistan Ihsan-Ullah BAJWA P Green
1995 PhD Open Crustal evolution and metamorphism in the high-grade terrain of South India J M BARTLETT
1995 PhD Lancaster A study of continuity within the Ramakrishna Math and Mission with reference to the practice of seva, service to humanity G T BECKERLEGGE
1995 MPhil Wales Population planning and its effect upon the development of agricultural policies in India since 1947 Austin BICKERS
1995 PhD London, SOAS An Indian cloth painting and its art worlds: perceptions of Orissan “patta” paintings Helle BUNDGAARD Dr C Pinney
1995 PhD London, LSE Gender, exchange and person in a fishing community in Kerala, South India Cecilia Jane BUSBY Dr Henrietta Moore
1995 PhD Cambridge, Clare Hall Britain, India and the genesis of the Colombo Plan, 1945-51 Philip J CHARRIER Prof D A Low
1995 MPhil Warwick Such a long journey: the Anglo-Indian literary tradition: a study in duality Mithu CHATTOPADHYAY
1995 DPhil Oxford, Somerville Orientalist themes and English verse in nineteenth century India Rosinka CHAUDHURI Dr R Young
1995 MPhil London, King’s College So peculiarly formed a corps: the beginnings of Gorkha service with the British A P (Jim) COLEMAN Prof B J Bond
1995 PhD London The elites of the Maldives: sociopolitical organisation and change Elizabeth Overton COLTON
1995 PhD Cambridge, Gonville Origins, development and organisation of national Antarctic programmes with special reference to the United Kingdom and India A DEY-NUTTALL
1995 PhD London The control of Callosobruchus maculatus (Fab.)in cowpeas in Sri Lanka: effect of varietal resistance, conventional insecticides and locally available bontanicals C M D DHARMASENA
1995 PhD London, SOAS The Gujerati lyrics of Kavi Dayarambhai R M J DWYER
1995 PhD Edinburgh Community health care the NGO way: an anthropological study of a maternal-child health and family planning programme in rural Bangladesh R V EBDON Dr A Good; Dr M C Jedrej
1995 DPhil Oxford, Balliol Co-option and exclusion: a study of Indian MPs Paul C R FLATHER Dr A F Heath
1995 PhD Strathclyde Solar based technology for crop drying in rural Pakistan Mohammad GHAFFAR Dr G Zawdie
1995 PhD Cambridge, St Edmund’s The enforcement of the zini ordinance by the Federal Shariat Court in the period 1980-1990 and its impact on women E GIUNCHI Dr B F Musallam
1995 PhD London, SOAS Popular resistance to Zamindari oppression in the Eastern Uttar Pradesh, Northern India, 1920-1960 Kusum GOPAL Prof D J Arnold
1995 PhD London, SOAS Geology in India, 1770-1851: a study in the methods and motivations of a colonial science Andrew GROUT Dr P G Robb
1995 PhD London Carbon dioxide abatement in an empirical model of the Indian economy: an integration of micro and macro analysis S GUPTA
1995 DPhil Oxford The Kishangarh school of painting, c 1680-1850 N N HAIDAR
1995 PhD Cambridge, King’s The implications of resettlement on Vasava identity: a study of a community displaced by the Sardar Sarovar (Narmada)Dam project R P HAKIM Mr G P Hawthorn
1995 PhD Keele Dimensions and types of Malay family interaction in Malaysia: a humanistic approach L M H HARUN
1995 PhD London, LSE Management practices and business development in Pakistan, 1950-1988 Naveed HASAN Dr G M Austin
1995 PhD London, Wye Factors influencing post-harvest longevity of embul bananas K S HEWAGE
1995 PhD Durham Singapore’s experience in ASEAN: the nature of trade and inward investment M A HILEY Dr R J A Wilson
1995 PhD East London Women’s right to divorce in rural Bangladesh Naima HUQ Mr J Roche; Dr J Cooper; Dr J Eade
1995 MPhil Wales, Lampeter Resistance, reformation and rejection: modernity and tradition in ninteenth century Hinduism S B JACOBS
1995 PhD London, LSHTM Gynaecological and mental health of low-income urban women in India Surinda Kaur Parmar JASWAL
1995 PhD Edinburgh Estate Tamil: a morphosyntactic study Nagita KADRURGAMUWE
1995 PhD Leeds Provision of corporate financial information in Bangladesh A K M Waresul KARIM Prof P Moizer; Ms H Short
1995 PhD East London Changing responses to child labour: the case of female children in the Bangladesh garment industry Sumaiya KHAIR Dr H Lim; Prof M Freeman
1995 PhD London, Imperial Inclincations towards enterprise – a typology of poor, enterprising and non-enterprising women in India U E KRAUS-HARPER
1995 PhD London, SOAS Metropolitan encounters: a study of Indian students in Britain, 1880-1930 Shompa LAHIRI Dr P G Robb
1995 PhD Exeter How to measure default risk: an empirical study on India’s operations in the loan and bond markets Geeta LAKSHMI Mr J Matatko; B Pearson
1995 DPhil Oxford, Nuffield Financial development, economic growth and the effect of financial innovation on the demand for money in an open economy: an econometric analysis for Singapore Lamin LEIGH Dr J Muellbauer; Prof D F Hendry
1995 PhD Kent Structured dependency: lone mothers and social security in Hong Kong L C LEUNG
1995 PhD London, RHBNC Sufism, sufi leadership and modernisation in South Asia since c.1800 Claudia LIEBESKIND Prof F R C Robinson
1995 PhD Wales, Swansea Planning for the participation of vulnerable groups in communal management of forest resources: the case of the Western Ghats forestry projects Catherine LOCKE Prof Alan Rew
1995 PhD Wales, Cardiff Aspects of urban design with special reference to image and identity in built form – case study of Kuala Lumpur B S MAHBOB
1995 DPhil Oxford, St Antony’s Pakistan’s foreign policy, 1971-1981: the search for security Niloufer Q MAHDI Dr G Rizvi
1995 DPhil Oxford, St Peter’s Impact of highland-lowland interaction on agriculture in the Hunza Valley: the socio-economic transformation of mountain societies Arif MAHMUD Prof G C K Peach
1995 DPhil Oxford, Oriel Contractual arrangements in Pakistani agriculture : a study of share tenancy in Sindh Nomaan MAJID Dr B Harriss
1995 MD Manchester Maternal and environmental factors and the development of Pakistani children (6-18 months) S MAQBOOL
1995 PhD Nottingham Resource partitioning and productivity of perennial pigeonpea/groundnut agroforestry systems in India F M MARSHALL
1995 PhD Essex Social factors shaping fertility behaviour in Pakistan Rukhsana MASOOD Dr Joan Busfield; Mr? Sullivan
1995 PhD Kent Toward an integral ecotheology relevant for India MATHEW
1995 PhD Edinburgh Alexander Duff and the theological and philosophical background to the General Assembly’s mission in Calcutta to 1840 Ian Douglas MAXWELL Prof A F Walls; Dr A C Ross
1995 PhD London, SOAS Tibet and the British Raj, 1904-47: the influence of the Indian political department officers Alexander Colin McKAY Dr P G Robb
1995 PhD Cambridge, New Hall The politics of nationalism: the cast of the Chittagong Hill Tracts, Bangladesh A A MOHSIN Mr G P Hawthorn
1995 PhD Leicester Media, state and political violence: the press construction of terrorism in the Indian Pubjab Vipul MUDGAL Anders Hansen
1995 PhD Leicester Media, state and political violence: the press construction of terrorism in the Indian Punjab Vipul MUDGAL
1995 PhD Manchester An analysis of factors affecting farmers’ participation in two rice irrigation schemes in Sri Lanka S H MUDIYANSELAGE
1995 PhD Edinburgh Evolution of the early Himalayan Foreland Basin in North West India and its relationship to orogenesis Y M R NAJMAN
1995 PhD Lancaster The Mills and Boon memsahibs: women’s romantic Indian fiction, 1877-1947 Dominic OMISSI Prof J M MacKenzie
1995 PhD Surrey Consumption, fiscal policy and endogenous growth: the case of India I PATNAIK
1995 PhD Durham A theological reappraisal of the mission of the Christian church in Tamilnadu in the light of the challenge presented by the Dravida Kazhagam Movement (a secular humanistic)movement R PAULRAJ
1995 PhD Bradford A cointegration analysis of money demand in a developing country: a case study of Pakistan A QAYYUM
1995 PhD Edinburgh A comparative study of native and Pakistani geology research articles Mujib RAHMAN
1995 PhD Newcastle Eco-engineering prtactices in Malaysia N RAHMAN
1995 PhD Edinburgh Activating vs. resetting functional categories in second language acquisition: the acquisition of AGR and TNS in English by Sinhalese first language speakers Hemamala Vajira RATWATTE
1995 PhD Edinburgh George Orwell, the BBC and India: a critical study Abha S RODRIGUES Mr G D Carnell; Dr R C Craig
1995 PhD London, LSE Socio-cultural changes in an Indian peasant society Arild Engelsen RUUD Dr J Harries
1995 PhD London, UC Public transport in Kuala Lumpur: a model based approach A F SADULLAH
1995 MPhil Loughborough The macroeconomic impact of foreign capital inflows: a case study of Pakistan T SAEED
1995 PhD Strathclyde The lessons from privatization experience for privatization in Pakistan: from public sector enterprises to monopolistic utilities Mushtaq A SAJID
1995 PhD Leicester Mineralogy, geochemistry and possible industrial applications of illite-smectite rich clays from Karak, Northwestern Pakistan Akhtar Ali SALEEMI
1995 PhD Stirling Small enterprise development in Bangladesh: a study of the nature and effectiveness of support services J H SARDER
1995 PhD Cambridge Histological techniques for estimating age at death from human bone:an Indian case study A SAXENA
1995 MPhil Newcastle An analysis of prices and marketing margins for potatoes and onions in Pakistan S SHAH
1995 MPhil Leeds The development of an environmentally sensitive information system in the water industry in Bangladesh Mohammad Taslim Uddin SHARIF Prof T Moizer
1995 PhD Open A comparative study of Milton Keynes (UK)and Islamabad (Pakistan) M I H SIDDIQI Mr R Thomas; Mr J B Harison
1995 PhD Newcastle The reproductive biology and histology of three species of sceractinian corals from the Republic of Maldives, India Ocean C J SIER
1995 PhD Wales, Bangor Economic evaluation of agroforestry, forestry and agriculture projects in Orissa, India: with particular reference to financial profitability and basic needs fulfilment Jitendra Prasad SINGH Mr T H Thomas
1995 DPhil Oxford, Linacre The impact of migration, environment and economic conditions on the biological growth and physique of Sikhs Lakhwinder P SINGH Prof G A Harrison
1995 PhD London, Inst Ed Design and standardisation of a developmental test for Indian children: the Indian picture puzzle test R SINGHANIA
1995 DPhil Oxford, Wolfson The stylistic development of the sculpture of Kashmir John E C SIUDMAK Mr G J S Sanderson
1995 MPhil London, LSE Auctioning the dreams: economy, community and philanthropy in a North Indian city Roger Graham SMEDLEY Dr C Fuller; Dr J P Parry
1995 DPhil Oxford, Wolfson The stylistic development of the sculpture of Kashmir J E C SUIDMAK
1995 PhD Lancaster I see all the gods in your body: a study of religious doctrine in the Mahabharata N SUTTON
1995 PhD Sussex Utilisation of industrial R & D findings in Malaysia: a case study of selected public research institutions, universities and industry K THIRUCHELVAM
1995 PhD Middlesex A regional power : United States policy in the Indian Ocean and the definition of national security, 1978-1980 Paul TODD T Putnam; Prof F Halliday
1995 PhD London, LSE Sacred grove (kaavu): ancestral land of “landless agricultural labourers” in Kerala, India Yasushi UCHIYAMADA Dr C Fuller
1995 PhD East Anglia Employment and the small enterprise economy in India: an inquiry into its growth and significance for development Nalini VITTAL
1995 PhD Edinburgh Social control and deviance in Edinburgh’s Pakistani community Abdul Ali WARDAK
1995 MLitt Aberdeen From Banff to Bengal and beyond: the list, travel and writings of a remarkable north-east loon: Robert Wilson, M D. (1787-1871) Thelma G WATT Prof R Bridges
1995 phD Edinburgh Environmental effects on the growth of broad-leaved trees introduced under pine stands in Sri Lanka N D R WEERAWARDANE
1995 DPhil Oxford, Magdalen Manufactured exports, outward-orientation, and the acquisition of technological capabilities in Sri Lanka, 1997-1989 Ganeshan WIGNARAJA Dr S Lall
1995 PhD Birmingham A study of recent conversion to and from Christianity in the Tamil area of South India A D C WINGATE
1995 PhD Bradford The economic impact of temporary migrant workers remittances on the Pakistan economy: estimates from a macro economic model K U ZAMAN
1996 MLitt Oxford, Exeter The women’s movement in Pakistan in the 1980s and 1990s Nilofer AFRIDI-QAZI Dr M W Lau
1996 PhD Leicester Paleoenvironments, diagenesis and geochemical studies of the Dungan formation (Palaocene)eastern Sulaiman Range, Pakistan Nazir AHMAD
1996 PhD Sheffield A study of changes occurring in valuable aspects ofthe built environment of the core areas of historic settlements in Pakistan T AHMAD A Craven
1996 PhD Open Approaches to bioclimatic urban design for the tropics with special reference to Dhaka, Bangladesh K S AHMED
1996 DPhil Oxford, Linacre Oral traditions in Ladakh Monisha AHMED Dr R Barnes Dr N J Allen
1996 PhD London, RHBNC The emergence of Muslim feminism in South Asia, 1920-1960 Azra Asghar ALI Prof F R C Robinson
1996 MPhil Liverpool Molecular epidemiology of human and environmental enterobacteriaceae in rural Bangladesh K S ANWAR
1996 DPhil Sussex The spread of technology and the level of development: a comparative study of steel mills using electric arc furnace technology in India and Britain S S ATHREYE
1996 PhD Londond, SOAS A garland of razors: the life of a traditional musician in contemporary Pakistan Khalid Manzoor BASRA
1996 PhD Cambridge, St John’s Bharat versus India: peasant politics and rural-urban relations in North West India M J R BENTALL Dr S E Corbridge
1996 DPhil Oxford, Wolfson Four essays on the labour market in India Sonia R BHALOTRA Prof S J Nickell
1996 MPhil York Women writing India: a study of prose fiction by Ruth Prawer Jhabvala, Nayantara Sahgal and Sashi Deshpanda Shivani BHARGAVA Dr Joe Bristow
1996 PhD London, SOAS A necessary weapon of war: state policies towards propaganda and information in Eastern India, 1939-1945 Sanjoy BHATTACHARYA Dr P G Robb
1996 PhD Birmingham Rich pickings ? the political economy of solid waste management in Calcutta, India A BOSE I C Blore
1996 PhD Glasgow Cultural strategies of young women of south Asian origin in Glasgow, with special reference to health H BRADBY
1996 PhD Cambridge, Corpus European authority and caste disputes in South India, 1650-1850 N BRIMNES Prof C A Bayly
1996 PhD London, SOAS Contemporary uses of Vastu Vidya, the traditional Indian knowledge of architecture Vibhuti CHAKRABARTI Dr Giles Tillotson
1996 PhD Strathclyde Waterlogging and salinity in the Sukkur region of Sindh: causes and remedies Mohammed Nawaz CHAND Prof A I Clunies Ross
1996 PhD London, SOAS Slavery and the household in Bengal, 1770-1880 Indrani CHATTERJEE Prof D J Arnold
1996 PhD Wales, Aberystwyth A comparative analysis of centre-local relations in government with special reference to Pakistan and Britain Ishtiaq Ahmed CHOUDHRY
1996 PhD Dundee Audit expectations gap in the public sector of Bangladesh R R CHOWDHURY
1996 PhD Cambridge, Churchill Gujjars in Garhwal – parallel lives: situational identity and exchange B DALAL Dr C Humphrey
1996 PhD Cambridge, Churchill The Europeans of Calcutta, 1858-1883 Damayanti DATTA Prof C A Bayley
1996 MPhil Reading The effectiveness of different radio programme formats for the dissemination of information on safe use of insecticides in paddy cultivation in Mahaweli system C in Sri Lanka N DE SILVA
1996 PhD Cranfield Estimating groundwater recharge with limited resources with special emphasis on spatial variability: a study in the dry zone of Sri Lanka Roshan Priyantha DE SILVA R C Carter
1996 PhD London, LSE Religion and nationalism in India: the case of Punjab, 1960-1990 Harnick DEOL Prof A Smith
1996 MPhil London, SOAS Love and mysticism in the Punjabi Qissas of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries Jeevan Singh DEOL Prof C Shackle
1996 PhD Lancaster The development of Bhuddist monastic education in Sri Lanka with special reference to the modern period Naimbala DHAMMADASSI Prof G Samuel; Dr H Kawanami
1996 PhD Strathclyde Solar-based technology for crop drying in Pakistan M G DOUGGAR
1996 PhD Lancaster Touring the Taj: tourist practices and narratives at the Taj Mahal and in Agra T EDENSOR
1996 PhD London Indian music and the west: a critical history GJ FARRELL
1996 PhD Hull Standarisation versus adaptation of marketing strategies: British multinationals in Pakistan G GHOUS
1996 PhD Hull The religious and political thought of Swami Vivekananda A HARILELA
1996 PhD Leicester Cross cultural interpretatioins of television: a phenomenonological hermeneutic enquiry [India] Ramaswami HARINDRANATH Mr R Dickinson
1996 PhD Cambridge, Corpus Pre-cursors to post-colonialism : Leonard Woolf, E. J. Thompson, and E. M. Forster and the rhetoric of English India R B P HARRISON Prof J B Beer
1996 PhD Wales, Bangor Farmers’ knowledge and the development of complex agroforestry practices in Sri Lanka H HITINAYAKE
1996 PhD Aberdeen Effects of periodic drought on Acacia magum Willd. and Acacia auriculiformis A.Cunn.ex Benth growing on sand tailings in Malaysia A L HOE
1996 DPhil Sussex Replacing market with government: the Indian experience in credit control R KOHLI
1996 DPhil Oxford, Wadham Indian civil servants, 1892-1937: an age of transition Takehiko HONDA Prof J M Brown; Dr M C Curthoys
1996 PhD London, SOAS Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain, 1880-1932: the status of Muslim women in Bengal H Y HOSSAIN
1996 PhD East London Born to be wed: Bangladeshi women and the Muslim marriage contract Shahnaz HUDA Dr K Green; Ms A Stewart
1996 PhD Manchester Social, psychological and economic factors in the growth of a small firm: a study of the small scale furniture and footwear firms in Pakistan S A HUSSAIN
1996 PhD Cambridge, Jesus Fluvial sedimentology of the Kamial Formation (Miocene)Himalayan Foreland, Pakistan J A HUTT Dr P F Friend
1996 DPhil York Development through conservation: a sustainable development strategy with special reference to a heritage zone in Madras R V ISIAH
1996 PhD Reading Improvement of Erythrina variegata L.: a multipurpose fast growing tree species in Bangladesh S ISLAM
1996 PhD East Anglia Constraints to the adoption of modern rice varieties during the Aman season in Bangladesh Md Abdul JABBER Dr Richard Palmer-Jones
1996 PhD London, UC Modern agricultural production and the environment: the case of wheat production in the Indian Punjab, 1971-1988 Amballur Jospeh JAMES
1996 PhD Cambridge, Newnham Agro-ecological knowledges and forest managment in the Jharkhand, India: tribal development or populist impasse ? S L JEWITT Dr T P Bayliss-Smit
1996 PhD Glasgow A study of human rights organizations and issues in India M JHA
1996 PhD London, UC Early iron and steel in Sri Lanka: a study of the Samanalawewa area G JULEFF
1996 PhD London, LSHTM Areal variations in use of modern contraceptives in rural Bangladesh Nashid KAMAL A Sloggett
1996 PhD Cambridge, Churchill A longitudinal anthropometric study of mother-infants pairs in Dhaka, Bangladesh E KARIM
1996 PhD Southampton Development of dietary assessment methods for use in the South Asian community N A KARIM
1996 DPhil Oxford, St Edmund Hall Capital market liberalization in Pakistan: 1980-1992 Bashir A KHAN Mr C J Cowton
1996 PhD Bradford Public sector accounting and financial reporting oractices in Bangladesh M A S KHAN
1996 PhD Leicester Genesis of stratabound scheelite and stratiform Pb-Zn mineralisation, Chitral, Northern Pakistan, and its comparison with South West England tin-tungsten deposits Mohammad Zahid KHAN
1996 PhD Wales, Swansea A political economy of forest resource use: case studies of social forestry in Bangladesh Niaz Ahmed KHAN Prof A Rew
1996 PhD Loughborough An analysis of risk sharing in Islamic finance with reference to Pakistan T KHAN
1996 PhD Leeds Central-local government relations in Pakistan since 1979 T KHAN Dr Owen Hartley
1996 PhD London, UC Economic values of resource depreciation and environmental degradation in Bangladesh Fahmida Akter KHATUN
1996 PhD Warwick Analysis of tariff and tax policies in Bangladesh: a computable general equilibrium approach B H KHONDKER
1996 PhD London, UC Subsistence and petty-capitalist landlords: an enquiry into the petty commodity production of rental housing in low-income settlements in Madras, India S KUMAR
1996 PhD London, LSE Civil-military relationships in British and independent India, 1918-1962, and coup prediction theory Apurba KUNDU Prof T J Nossiter
1996 PhD London, King’s Marketing and economic development: a case study of maize marketing in Mardan District, North West Frontier Province, Pakistan Teshome LEMMA R Black; M Byron; M E Frost
1996 PhD London, Imperial The effects of ozone and nitrogen dioxide on Pakistan wheat (“Triticum aestivum”l.)and rice (“Oryza sativa”L) cultivars R MAGGS
1996 PhD Keele The European Community and South Asia: development, economic cooperation and trade policies with India, Bangladesh and Bhutan, 1973-1993 M MARWAHA Christopher Brewin
1996 PhD Hull Corporate management styles of Malaysian parent companies in managing their local subsidiaries in the manufacturing sector N A MAZELAN
1996 PhD Cambridge Fertility and frailty: demographic change and the health and status of Indian women K McNAY
1996 MPhil Leicester Constraints to professionalism in Sri Lankan newspaper journalism Mahim MENDIS Anders Hansen
1996 PhD Wales, Bangor The ecology and management of traditional home gardens in Bangladesh M MILLAT-E-MUSTAFA
1996 PhD East London Land reform and landlessness in Bangaldesh M A MOMEN
1996 PhD London, King’s Passing it on: the army in India and the development of frontier warfare, 1849-1947 Timothy Robert MOREMAN Prof B J Bond
1996 MPhil London, SOAS Legal and penal institutions within a middle class perspective in colonial Bengal, 1854-1910 Anindita MUKHOPADHYAY Prof D J Arnold
1996 DPhil Oxford Space, class and rhetoric in Lahore R McG MURPHY
1996 PhD Cambridge, Trinity The crisis of the Burmese State and the foundations of British colonial rule in Upper Burma (1853-1900) T MYINT-U Prof C A Bayly
1996 PhD Nottingham Open distance learning aspects of adult basic educastion in the UK and their implications for Kerala (India) Chandrasekharan NAIR-MADHAVEN W J Morgan
1996 PhD Cambridge, Churchill Chidambaram – city and people in the Tamil tradition V NANDA Dr F R Allchin
1996 PhD Cambridge, Churchill Chidambaram: temple and city in the Tamil tradition Vivek NANDA Dr F R Allchin
1996 PhD London, Inst Ed Manpower planning in Pakistan: a study of its assumptions concerning the education-occupation relationship H K NIAZI
1996 PhD Southampton Exploring a bottom up approach to networking for open learning in India Asad Mohd NIZAM Dr A P Hart
1996 MPhil East Anglia Contradictions of organisation: a case study of a rural development NGO in Rajasthan, India Jane Elizabeth OLIVER
1996 PhD Reading Studies of black pepper (Piper nigrum L)virus disease in Sri Lanka D PADMINI DE SILVA
1996 PhD Sheffield The role of small towns and intermediate cities in regional development in India A PANNEERSELVAM C L Chogull
1996 PhD Birmingham The word of God is not bound: the necounter of Sikhs and Christians in India and the United Kingdom J M PARRY
1996 DPhil Oxford, Green College Regeneration and sucession following shifting cultivation of dry tropical deciduous forests of Sri Lanka Gamaralalage A D PERERA Dr N D Brown; Dr P S Savill
1996 PhD London Bureaucrats, development and decentralisation in India: the bureau-shaping model applied to Panchayati in Karnataka, 1987-1991 H J PERRY
1996 PhD London, LSHTM Linear growth retardation (stunting)in Sri Lankan children and the role of dietary calcium Ambegoda Geekiyanage Damayanthi PIYADASA
1996 DPhil Sussex English studies and the articulation of the nation in India P K PODDAR
1996 MPhil REading Village organisations and extension: a case study of Balochistan rural support programme A R QAZI
1996 PhD Cambridge Lactational amenorrhoea, infant feeding patterns and behaviours in Bangladeshi women M RAHMAN
1996 PhD Cambridge Relation between energetics, body composition and length of post-partum amenorrhoea in Bangladeshi women M RASHID
1996 MPhil Leicester Thermobarometry of the garnet bearing rocks of the Jijal complex (western Himalayas, northern Pakistan) Lucie RINGUETTE
1996 PhD London, SOAS The devotional poetry of Svami Haridasa Ludmila Lupu ROSENSTEIN Dr R Snell
1996 PhD London, SOAS Local perceptions of environmental change in a tropical coastal wetland: the case of Koggala Lagoon, Galle, Sri Lnaka V N SAMARASEKARA
1996 PhD Newcastle The production of seed potato (Solanum tuberosum L)tubers from stem cuttings in Sri Lanka P W S M SAMARASINGHE
1996 PhD London, SOAS Mangrove ecology in Sri Lanka V SAMARESKARA Prof P Stott
1996 PhD London, King’s Agrarian impacts on manufacturing expansion in the Indian Punjab Jagpal Kaur SANGHA Dr L Hoggart
1996 DPhil York A sociolinguistic study of Panjabi Hindus in Southall: language maintenance and shift Mukul SAXENA C Wallace
1996 PhD Cambridge, Darwin Political alignments, the state and industrial policy in Pakistan: a comparison of performance in the 1960s and 1980s A U SAYEED Dr M H Khan
1996 PhD Manchester The role of agriculture in the Indian economy: an analysis using a general equilibrium model based on a social accounting matrix Sabyasachi SEN Prof D Colman; Dr A Ozanne
1996 PhD London, SOAS Famine, state and society in North India, c.1800-1840 Sanjay Kumar SHARMA Dr P G Robb
1996 PhD Wales, Bangor Project appraisal under risk, threat and uncertainty: a case study of the afforestation project of Bihar, India Devendra Kumar SHUKLA Dr C Price
1996 PhD London Pakistan’s arms procurement decision-making A SIDDIQA
1996 PhD London, SOAS Political prisoners in India, 1920-1977 Ujjwal Kumar SINGH Dr Taylor
1996 PhD Liverpool Molecular and seroepidemiological studies of rotavirus from children in Bangladesh S TABASSUM
1996 PhD Beradford Environmental education and distance teaching: a case study from Pakistan F TAHIR
1996 MPhil Liverpool John Moores The demand for money in Pakistan: simple-sum versis Divisia S M TARIQ
1996 PhD Cambridge, Corpus Property rights and the issue of power: the case of inland fisheries in Bangladesh Kazi Ali TOUFIQUE Dr M H Khan
1996 MPhil Open Gender issues and social change: evaluating programme impact in rural Bangladesh A M VAN SWINDEREN Mr A Thomas
1996 PhD Cranfield The performance in public enterprises in a developing country: Sri Lanka’s experience in perspective Tillaka S WEERAKOON Prof Chris Brewster
1996 PhD Reading Evaluation of the effectiveness of radio and television in changing the knowledge and attitudes of cinnamon growers in Sri Lanka J WEERASINGHE
1996 PhD Manchester Rationales of accounting controls in a developing context: a mode of production theory anaysis of two Sri Lankan case studies D P WICKRAMASINGHE Prof T Hopper
1996 PhD Cambridge, St Cath’s Socialist development ? Economic and political change in rural West Bengal under the Left Front G O WILLIAMS Dr S Corbridge
1996 PhD Bristol The politics of caste in India with special reference to the Dalit Christian campaign for scheduled caste reservations Andrew K J WYATT Dr D Turner; Dr V Hewitt
1997 PhD Stirling Strategic planning and strategic awareness in small enterprise: a study of small engineering firms in Bangladesh A F M ABDUL MOYEEN
1997 PhD Loughborough A strategy for managing brickwork in Sri Lanka W V K M ABEYSEKERA Dr A Thorpe
1997 PhD East Anglia Sex ratio imbalances in India: a disaggregated analysis S B AGNIHOTRI
1997 PhD Lancaster Gender roles and fertility: a comparative analysis of women from Britain and Pakistan S AHMAD
1997 PhD Nottingham Modelling the impact of agricultural policy at the farm level in the Punjab, Pakistan Z AHMAD
1997 PhD London, Imperial Particulate air pollution and respiratory morbidity in New Delhi, India S AKBAR
1997 PhD East London Keeping a wife at the end of a stick: law and wife abuse in Bangladesh Nusrat AMEEN Dr Kate Green; Ms N Lacey
1997 PhD Birmingham The generation of a tool for screening the early grammatical development of Bangla-speaking children and the potential useof this instrument in classes of hearing-impaired children N ANAM
1997 PhD Durham A mission for India: Dr Ellen Farrer and India, 1891-1933 Imogen S ANDERSON A J Heesom
1997 DPhil Sussex Changes in poverty and inequality in Pakistan during the period of structural adjustment (1987-88 to 1990-91) T ANWAR
1997 PhD Cranfield Sustainable farming systems and the role of change agents: Moneragala District, Sri Lanka J P ATAPATTU
1997 PhD Edinburgh Common property resource management in Haryana State, India: analysis of the impact of participation in the management of common property resources and the relative effectiveness of common property regimes Pasumarthy Venkata Subhash Chandra BABU
1997 MPhil Oxford, Nuffield Recognising minorities: a study of some aspects of the Indian Constituent Assembly debates, 1946-1949 Rochana BAJPAI Dr N Gooptu; Prof M S Freeden
1997 PhD London, SOAS The transformation of domesticity as an ideology: Calcutta, 1880-1947 Sudeshna BANERJEE Prof D J Arnold
1997 PhD Cambridge, Darwin Decentralising forest management in India: the case of Van Panchayats in Kumaun P C BAUMANN Mr G P Hawthorn
1997 PhD London, LSE Households, livelihoods and the urban environmental social development perspectives on solid waste management in Faisalabad, Pakistan J D BEALL
1997 PhD London, SOAS Tribe and state in Waziristan, 1849-83 Hugh BEATTIE Prof M E Yapp
1997 DPhil Sussex A study of small-scale community tank irrigation systems in the dry zone of Sri Lanka Saleha BEGUM Dr M Moore
1997 PhD Aberdeen The “empire of the raj:” conflict and cooperation with Britain over the shape and function of the Indian sphere in Eastern Africa and the Middle East, 1850s-1930s Robert J BLYTH Prof R C Bridges; Ms Rosemary M Tyzack
1997 PhD Manchester Comparative human resource managment: a cross national study of India and Britain P S BUDHWAR
1997 PhD Wales, Lampeter Decision making and idjtihad in Islamic environments: a comparative study of Pakistan, Malaysia, Singapore and the United Kingdom G L R BUNT
1997 DPhil Oxford, St Hilda’s A history of the trade to South Asia of Macmillan Co and Oxford University Press, 1875-1900 Rimi B CHATTERJEE Mr M Turner; Mr L W St Clair
1997 PhD East Anglia Innovation paths in developing country agriculture: true potato seed in India, Egypt and Indonesia a CHILVER
1997 PhD Cambridge, Clare Hall From nabob to sahib: the construction of the British body in India, c.1800-1914 Elizabeth M COLLINGHAM Prof C A Bayley
1997 PhD London, UC Of moths and candle flames: the aesthetics of fertility and childbearing in the Northern areas of Pakistan Teresa Mary Helen COLLINS Dr N Redclift; Dr Murray Last
1997 PhD London, UC Environmental aspects of industrial location policy in India Mala DAMODARAN
1997 PhD Cambridge, Pembroke A comparative analysis of sharecropping and mudaraba business in Pakistan: a study of PLS in the context of the new theory of the firm M H A DAR Dr A M M McFarquhar
1997 PhD Open Multiple realities, multiple meanings: a reception analysis of television and nationhood in India S DAS
1997 PhD Portsmouth Control of mycotoxins in major food commodities in Bangladesh M DAWLATANA
1997 PhD Liverpool Evidence based decision making and managerial chaos in population displacement emergencies: a case study of Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, 1992-93 P M DISKETT
1997 PhD Hull An investigation into effective management structure for tuna resources in the West Indian Ocean EDALY
1997 PhD London, External Parasitical clinical and sero-epidemiological studies of visceral leishmaniasis in Bangladesh Md A EL-MASUM
1997 PhD Manchester Production, consumption and labour supply linkages of farm households in the rice-wheat zone of Punjab, Pakistan U FAROOQ
1997 PhD Aberdeen An economic analysis of factors affecting the adoption of coconut-based intercropping systems in Sri Lanka M T N FERNANDO
1997 PhD Edinburgh Varieties of pilgrimage experience: religious journeying in central Kerala Alexander David Hanson GATH
1997 PhD Warwick Against purity, identity, Western feminism and Indian complications I GEDALOF
1997 PhD Oxford Brookes Spatial setting for household income generation: The case of intermediate sized cities, Bangladesh Shayer GHAFUR
1997 PhD Cambridge, Clare Literature, language and print in Bengal, c.1780-1900 Anindita GHOSH Dr R O’Hanlon
1997 PhD Cambridge, Darwin Conservation ecology of primates and human impact in North East India A K GUPTA Dr D J Chivers
1997 DPhil Oxford, New College The monetary system of Mughal India Syed N HAIDER Dr D A Washbrook
1997 PhD London Diet, exercise and CHD risk: a comparison of children in the UK and Pakistan Rubina HAKEEM
1997 PhD London, LSE India’s information technology industry: adapting to globalisation and policy change in the 1990s Gopalakrishnan HARINDRANATH
1997 PhD Cambridge, Girton State and local power relations in the towns of Gujerat, Surat and Cambray, c.1572-1740 F HASAN Dr G Johnson
1997 PhD Exeter The organisation, development and management of the population training programmes: a case study in Bangladesh Md Akhter HOSSAIN Dr A Ankomah; C Allison
1997 PhD Reading Involving women in the process of rural development: a project case study from Balochistan, Pakistan U HUBNERR
1997 MPhil London, Goldsmith’s Significant other: Anglo Indian female authors, 1880-1914 Karyn Marie HUENEMANN Dr B Moore-Gilbert
1997 PhD Cambridge, Queens’ Public housing in Hong Kong E C M HUI Dr B J Pearce
1997 PhD East London Law as a site of resistance: recourse to the law by “garments women” in Bangladesh Farmin ISLAM Dr Hilary Lim; Prof J Cooper
1997 PhD Middlesex The impact of flooding and methods of assessment in urban areas of Bangladesh K N ISLAM
1997 DPhil Sussex Democratic adjustment: explaining the political sustainability of economic reform in India Robert S JENKINS Prof J Manor
1997 PhD Cambridge, Newnham Labour and nationalism in Sholapur: conflict, confrontation and control in a Deccan city, Western India, 1918-39 M N KAMAT Dr R S Chandavakar
1997 PhD London, LSE Political communication in India Kavita KARAN Prof T J Nossiter
1997 PhD Cambridge, Churchill The social history of the Rajput clans in colonial North India circa 1800-1900 Malavika KASTURI Prof C A Bayley
1997 PhD Aberdeen Sustainability of small-holder sugar cane based production systems in Sri Lanka Adhikari P KEERTHIPALA
1997 PhD Manchester The market for local capital for small firms in Bangladesh: loan evaluation, monitoring and contracting practices Mohammed Hassanul Abedin KHAN P Taylor
1997 PhD Reading Improving precision of agricultural field experiments in Pakistan M I KHAN
1997 PhD London, Wye The mango production and marketing system in Sindh Pakistan: constraints and opprtunities A M KHUSHK
1997 PhD Aberdeen Factors influencing adoption of farm level tree planting in social forestry in Orissa, India A K MAHAPATRA
1997 PhD Bradford The quality of higher education in Pakistan: an exploration into the quality of curriculum taught in the universities M J MALIK
1997 PhD Surrey Management consultancies in developing countries: strategies for a competetive era – the case of Pakistan S H MALLICK
1997 PhD Cambridge, St John’s Non-seccessionist regionalism in India: the demand for a separate state of Uttarakhand E E MAWDSLEY Dr S E Corbridge
1997 PhD Cambridge Sadhana and salvation: soteriology in Ramanuja and John Wesley P R MEADOWS
1997 PhD Wales, Cardiff The unit head nurse in Pakistani hospitals: current and desired levels of practice G P MILLER
1997 PhD Edinburgh The lunatic asylum in British India, 1857-1880: colonialism, medicine and power James Henry MILLS Dr C N Bates; Dr P J Bailey
1997 PhD London, SOAS The making of a cultural identity: language, literature and gender in Orissa in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries Pragati MOHAPATRA Dr P G Robb
1997 PhD Leicester Conceptualising post-colonial policing: an analysis and application of policing public order S C MUKHOPADHYAY
1997 DPhil Sussex Small firm industrial districts in Pakistan Khalid M NADVI Dr H Schmitz
1997 DPhil Oxford, St Antony’s British and American Army counterinsurgency learning during the Malaysian emergency and the Vietnam War J A M NAGL
1997 PhD London, External Constitutional breakdown and the judiciary in Pakistan M F NASEEM
1997 PhD Sheffield The external environment of housing in the third world: sustainability and user satisfaction in planned and unplanned low-income housing in Lahore, Pakistan N NAZ
1997 PhD London, UC Dynamics of urban spatial and formal changes of old Dhaka: a developmental influence on a historical city of the Third World Farida NILUFAR Alan Penn
1997 PhD London, SOAS The Hindi public sphere, 1920-1940 Francesca ORSINI Dr A S Kalsi
1997 PhD London, InstChild Health Iodine deficiency in the Northern Pujab of Pakistan M POULTON
1997 PhD REading Studies on weed management during early establishment of tea in low-country of Sri Lanka K G PREMATILAKA
1997 PhD Reading The effect of defoliation of vetch, barley and their mixtures on forage yield, quality and residual effects on succeeding crops in the rainfed areas of Pakistan I A QAMAR
1997 PhD Cambridge, Lucy Shifting culture in the global terrain: cultural identity constructions amongst British Hindu Punjabis D S RAJ Dr S N Bensen
1997 PhD Manchester The rural poor and technological change: an enquiry into agricultural extention in Sri Lanka T T RANASINGHE Dr J Mullen
1997 PhD Bradford Environmental education and agricultural education in Pakistan G RASUL
1997 PhD London, SOAS Social history of North Bengal, c.1870-1949 Rubhajyoti RAY Dr P G Robb
1997 PhD Cambridge, St Cath’s Indian elites, urban space and the restructuring of Ahmedabad city, 1890-1947 Siddhartha RAYCHAUDHURI Prof C A Bayly
1997 PhD City Military rule and the media: a study of Bangladesh REZWAN-UL-ALAM
1997 PhD London, LSE The Kalbelias of Rajasthan: Jogi Nath snake charmers, an ethnography Miriam ROBERTSON Dr J Parry; Dr J Woodburn
1997 MPhil Open The role of caste in prostitution: culture and violence in the life histories of prostitutes in India M R ROZARIO
1997 PhD Hull A socio-economic assessment of collective choices in the coastal trawl fishery of Malaysia K H SALIM
1997 PhD London, LSHTM Contraception following birth in Bangladesh S M SALWAY Prof J Cleland
1997 PhD Nottingham People’s participation in community development and community work activities: a case study in a planned village settlement in Malaysia Asnarulkhadi Abu SAMAH
1997 PhD Bristol A basket of resources: women’s resistence to domestic violence in Calcutta P SEN
1997 MPhil Reading Evaluation of adoption levels of innovations in coffee in relation to technology transfer process in the Central Province of Sri Lanka M A P K SENEVIRATNE
1997 PhD Kent Choice and collection of agricultural survey data in Punjab and its use in planning improved food supply Javid SHABBIR Mr G M Clarke
1997 DPhil Sussex Participatory village resource management: case study of Aga Khan Rural Support Programme (AKRSP), India Parmesh SHAH Dr M T Howes
1997 PhD London, SOAS The formation of the Indo-European telegraph line: Britain, the Ottoman Empire and Persia, 1855-1865 Sulieman SHAHVAR R M Burrell
1997 PhD Cambridge, Emmanuel The development of an Indian nuclear doctrine since 1980 W P S SIDHU Dr I Clark
1997 PhD Leeds Gender and nation in selected contemporary writing from Sri Lanka, India and Pakistan N M S SILVA
1997 PhD York Changing attitudes to design with nature: the urban Indian context P SINGH
1997 PhD Cambridge, Emmanuel Pollution and environmental policy in the Ganga Basin: a case study of heavy metal pollution by tanneries near Kanpur, India S SINHA Dr K S Richards
1997 PhD East Anglia Framing the nation: languages of “modernity” in India Ajanta SIRCAR
1997 PhD London, UC Islamic anthropology and religious practice among Muslims in a southern Sri Lankan town Llyn Frances SMITH Prof B Kapferer
1997 PhD Sussex The formal and informal sector of solid waste management in Hyderabad, India Marielle SNEL Dr T Binns
1997 PhD London, UC Urban development and the information technology industry: a study of Bangalore, India Sampath SRINIVAS Ms Julie Davila
1997 PhD London Land policies in Delhi: their contribution to unauthorised land development K SRIRANGAN
1997 PhD Southampton Coronary heart disease, diabetes, serum lipid concentrations and lung function in relation to fetal growth in South India C E STEIN
1997 PhD Open The involvement of the Church of Pakistan in development P SULTAN
1997 PhD Salford Off-farm activities in India: a case stury of rural househlds in Rurka Kalan Development Block, Punjab, c. 1961-1993 S S SUPRI
1997 PhD Cambridge, Robinson Gandhara art in the Swat Valley, Pakistan: a study based on the Peshawar University collection M F SWATI Dr J R Knox
1997 PhD Reading The compound verb in Assamese J TAMULI
1997 MPhil Newcastle Socio-economic problems of second genertion settelrs in Mahaweli irigation settlement in Sri Lanka T M P B TENNAKOON
1997 PhD London, SOAS The political economy of Burma TIN MAUNG MAUNG THAN Prof R Taylor
1997 PhD Warwick Reconstructing the history of women’s participation in the nationalist movement in India, 1905-1945: a study of women activitists inUttar Prqdesh Suruchi THAPAR-BJORKERT Dr C Wolkowitz; Ms Joanna Liddle
1997 PhD London, LSE Spiritual communities in India Dimitrios THEODOSSOPOULOS Dr P Loizos
1997 DPhil Oxford, New Rajput painting in Mewar A S TOPSFIELD
1997 PhD Manchester The role of management control systems in privatisation: a labour process analysis of a Bangladeshi case study S N UDDIN
1997 PhD Cambridge, Clare Hall Distribution improving development policies for Bangladesh: applying the equilibrium framework W J A VAN DER GEEST Prof D M G Newbery
1997 MPhil City Women, gender and news values: a case study of Bangladesh F R VEENA
1997 PhD Kingston Miocene-aged extension within the main mantle thrust zone, Pakistan Himalaya K J VINCE Dr P Treloar; Dr J Grocott
1997 PhD London, SOAS The development of Siraiki language in Pakistan M A WAGHA
1997 PhD Cambridge, King’s Worth its weight: gold, women and value in North West India H WARD Dr C Humphrey
1997 PhD London, Birkbeck Colonialism and culture in nineteenth century British India Caroline L WEAVER
1997 PhD Cambridge Hedgerow intercropping for soil improvement in Sri Lanka S M WEERASINGHE
1997 PhD London, LSHTM Control of anopheline vectors in a gem mining area in Sri Lanka A M G M YAPABANDARA
1998 PhD Liverpool Malaria and malarial control in Jeli Peninsular Malaysia M R ABDULLAH
1998 PhD Reading The management practices and organisational culture of large Malaysian construction contractors R ABU BAKER
1998 MPhil Aberdeen The determination of sheep and goat prices in the markets of Balochistan – Pakistan M AFZAL
1998 PhD London, SOAS Litigating in the name of the people: stresses and strains of the development of public interest litigation in Bangladesh Naim AHMED
1998 PhD London, UC An approach for the prevention of thalassaemia in Pakistan S AHMED
1998 PhD Leeds Foreign direct investment in Pakistan M AKHTAR Hugo Radice
1998 PhD Durham Water rationality: mediating the Indus Waters Treaty U Z ALAM Dr J D Rigg
1998 PhD Bath Fish consumption behaviour in Bangladesh Zulfiqar ALI Prof Chris Heady; Dr J A McGregor
1998 DPhil Oxford Operationalizing Amartya Sen’s capability approach to human development: a framework for identifying valuable capabilities Sabina ALKIRE
1998 PhD Reading The impact of Anand Pattern Cooperative Societies on the status of women in dairying households in Kerala, India S S ANIL
1998 PhD London, SOAS The politics of time: “primitives” and the writing of history in colonial Bengal Prathama BANERJEE Prof D J Arnold
1998 PhD Bristol Scripture as empowerment for liberation and justice: the experience of Christian and Muslim women in Bangaldesh Mukti BARTON Prof U King
1998 PhD Nottingham The protection of human rights in Islamic Republic of Pakistan with special reference to Islamic Shari’ah under 1973 Constitution A H BOKHARI
1998 PhD Wales, Cardiff A comparison of vocational schools and industrial training institutes in Malaysia A BRAHIM
1998 PhD London, SOAS The Nayak temple complex: architecture and ritual in southern Tamilnadu, 1550-1700 Crispin Peter C BRANFOOT Dr G Tillotson
1998 PhD Bristol Studies in early Indian Madhyamaka epistemology David F BURTON Dr P Williams; Dr R Gethin
1998 PhD Cambridge Agency, animacy and personification in “A passage to India” R BUZZA
1998 MPhil Birmingham Identifying the requirements of a parent education programme for the primary prevention of child physical abuse in the Indian State of Maharashtra M CAESAR
1998 PhD Birmingham Recent structural reforms in India: the role of the government S CHATTERJEE
1998 PhD Manchester Gender implications of industrial reforms and adjustment in the manufacturing sector of Bangladesh Salma CHAUDHURI ZOHIR Ms D Elson
1998 PhD Wales, Swansea Order and diversity: representing and assisting organisational learning in non government aid organisations [Bangladesh] Richard J DAVIES Prof A Rew
1998 PhD Kent Law, nation and cosmology in Sri Lanka: deconstruction and the failure of closure B R DE SILVE WIJEYERATNE
1998 PhD Cambridge, Darwin Muslim women in colonial North India, c.1920-1947: politics, law and community identity Karin A DEUTSCH Dr R O’Hanlon
1998 PhD Bath Factors influencing the growth of sustainable people’s organisations at grassroots level: the case of Caritas DEEDS and Sangathan in Bangladesh Benedict D’ROZARIO
1998 PhD Aberdeen South Asia: a case study of a subordinate internaltional system approach with a speicla reference fo India’s security policy during the Cold War B DUSADEEISARIYAWONG
1998 PhD London Childhood cataract in South India: aetiology, management and outcome M B ECKSTEIN
1998 PhD Leeds Neighbourhood perceptiopns of health and the value placed on health care deliverers in the slums of Mumbai Nick EMMEL Dr Ray Bush; J Soussan
1998 PhD Strathclyde Patrick Geddes, education and society in colonial India Michael EYRE Prof B R Tomlinson
1998 PhD London, LSE Migrants to citizens: changing orientations among Bangladeshis of Tower Hamlets, London K S GAVRON
1998 PhD Bradford Evaluating the performance of public infrastructure: the case of electric power and telecommications in Pakistan A G GHAFOOR
1998 PhD Bradford Budget deficits and the economy: the macro-economic effects of budget deficits in Sri Lanka, 1978-1996 Nandana Wijesiri GOONEWARDENA Prof C Kirkpatrick; Mr Roland Clarke
1998 MPhil Bradford An assessment of the survival of dairy residues associated with archaeological and ethnographic ceramics: GC and GC/MS analysis of lipid residues extracted from archaeological (Bronze Age Harappa)and ethnographic (modern Pakistan and India)ceramic vessels S M GRAYSON
1998 PhD Southampton Household structure, health and mortality in three Indian states Paula L GRIFFITHS Dr P Hinde
1998 PhD London, Goldsmiths Local politics in the Suru Valley of northern India Nicola GRIST Dr Sophie Day
1998 PhD London, LSHTM The impact of peer counsellers on breast feeding practices in Dhaka, Bangladesh Rukhsana HAIDER
1998 PhD Oxford Brookes Spatial setting of manufacturing activities in the metropolitan cities of developing countries: the example of Dhaka, Bangladesh Mahmudul HASAN
1998 DPhil Oxford, Jesus The Hindu Kush of Pakistan: mountain range evolution from an active margin to continent-continent collision P R HILDEBRAND Prof J F Dewe; Dr M P Searle
1998 PhD London, Institute of Child Health Iodine nutrition, cognition and school achievement of Bangladeshi schoolchildren S N HUDA
1998 PhD Open Education as a missionary tool: a study in Christian missionary education by English Protestant missionaries in India with special reference to cultural change J C INGLEBY
1998 PhD London, SOAS Urban planning in new Bombay: physical and socio-economic growth and development of a counter-magnet in India Alain JAQUEMIN
1998 PhD Open A critical and comparative study of the relationship between missionary strategy, Dalit consciousness and socio-economic transformation in the missionary work by SPG among the Nadar and Paraiya communities of Tirunelveli District between 1830 and 1930 S JAYAKUMAR
1998 PhD Birmingham Portfolio behaviour ofIslamic banks: case studies for Pakistan, 1974-1994, and Iran, 1984-1994 K A A KAGIGI
1998 PhD London, SOAS Performative politics: artworks, festival praxis and nationalism with reference to Ganipatil Utsav in western India Raminder Kaur KAHLON Dr C Pinney
1998 PhD London, SOAS The Vishnu Hindu Parishad in the rise of Hindu militancy in India Manjari KATJA Dr Taylor
1998 PhD Bradford Foreign aid as a determinant of health expenditure, life expectancy at birth and infant mortality rate in Pakistan, 1971-1990 S G H KAZMI
1998 PhD Reading Farmers’ objectives and the choice of new crops in the irrigated farming systems of Pakistan’s Punjab M A KHAN
1998 PhD Reading Improving the potential for adoption of agricultural technology through enhanced use of the mass media and the religious community in disadvantaged environments in Pakistan N KHAN
1998 MPhil Salford Pakistan’s and international textile and clothing trade regime S M KHAN
1998 MPhil Manchester Women’s access to credit and gender relations in Bangladesh Mubina KHONDKAR Dr D Hulme; Dr U Kothari
1998 PhD London, SOAS Politics of mass literacy in India; a case study of two North Indian villaages under the “Total Literacy” campaign (198-1995) Ajay KUMAR Dr S Kaviraj
1998 PhD London, SOAS Contesting seclusion: the political emergence of Muslim women in Bhopal, 1901-1930 Siobhan LAMBERT-HURLEY Dr A A Powell
1998 PhD Cambridge, Clare Prosodic prominence in Singapore English E L LOW Dr F J D Nolan
1998 PhD London, SOAS Pativratas and Kupattis: gender, caste and identity in Punjab, 1870-1920 Anshu MALHOTRA Dr A A Powell
1998 PhD Warwick Modelling macroeconomic adjustment with growth in developing economies: the case of India Sushanta Kumar MALLICK
1998 PhD London, UC Religion, ritual and the pantheon amongst the Sinhalese Buddhist traders of Kandy City, Sri Lanka Desmond MALLIKARACHCHI Prof Bruce Kapferer; Dr Danny Miller
1998 DPhil Sussex Rapid credit deepening and the joint liability of credit contract: a study of Grameen Bank borrowers in Madhupur Imran MATIN
1998 PhD Leeds Spatial and temporal change in the caste system: the Punjab to Bradford D J MEDWAY
1998 DPhil Sussex Contexts of scarcity: the political economy of water in Kutch, India Lyla MEHTA Dr M Greeley
1998 DPhil Oxford, Balliol Popular princes: kingship and social change in Travancore and Cochin, 1870-1930 Vikram MENON Prof J M Brown; Dr D A Washbrook
1998 PhD Manchester Perception of adolescent problems by form four malay students in Sarawak, Malaysia Z MERAWI
1998 DPhil Sussex The peculiar mission of Christian womanhood: the selection and preparation of women missionaries of the Church of England Zenana Missionary Society, 1880-1920 Jennifer MORAWIECKI C A Dyhouse; Prof P M Thane
1998 PhD Dundee Approaches to the integrated management of potato cyst nematode in Pakistan A MUNIR
1998 PhD Wales A study of the relation between Christianity and Khasi-Jaintia culture, 1899-1969, with particular reference to the theology and practice of the Khasi-Jaintia Presbyterian Church L MYLLIEMNGAP
1998 PhD London, Wye The pineapple industry in Sri Lanka: constraints and opportunities for its future development Arumugam NAGENDRAM
1998 PhD Southampton Study of rice blast fungus Magnaporthe grisea (Herbert)of Bangladesh N S NAHAR
1998 PhD London, LSHTM A study of policy process and implementation of the national tuberculosis programme India Thelma NARAYAN
1998 PhD London, SOAS English in the colonial university and the politics of language: the emergence of a public sphere in western India, 1830-1880 Veena NAREGAL Dr S Kaviraj
1998 PhD Southampton Women in Bangladesh: a study of the effects of garment factory work on control over income and autonomy M H NEWBY
1998 MPhil Oxford, Hertford Homeward bound ? the influence of the national norm on voluntary repatriation on the construction of Indian refugee policy with reference to the Bangladeshi Jumma refugees and the Sri Lanka Tamil refugees Pia A OBEROI
1998 PhD Southampton Theorising nuclear weapons proliferation: understanding the nuclear policies of India, South Africa, North Korea and Ukraine T OGILVIE-WHITE
1998 PhD Queen’s, Belfast Credit and women’s relative well-being: a case study of the Grameen Bank, Bangladesh L N K OSMANI
1998 PhD Warwick Pakistani children in Oslo: Islamic nurture in a secular context Sissel OSTBERG
1998 PhD London, UC Control of childhood epilepsy in rural India D K PAL
1998 PhD London, SOAS The politics of development and identity in the Jharkhand Region of Bihar (India), 1951-1991 Amit PRAKASH
1998 PhD Bristol The Assam Movement and the construction of Assamese identity G PRICE
1998 PhD Lancaster Social access to housing: a study of low-income settlements around the walled city of Amritsar, Punjab, India N K PUREWAL
1998 PhD Aberdeen An analysis of beef and bovine marketing systems in Pothwar Plateau of Punjab, Pakistan A H QURESHI
1998 PhD Aberdeen An analysis of beef and bovine marketing systems in Pothwar Plateau of Punjab, Pakistan A H QURISHI
1998 PhD Reading The role of the migrant moneylenders in North East India: the Kabuliwallahs of Assam S RAFIQUE
1998 MPhil Newcastle Integrated crop growth modelling system for Barind in Bangladesh M S RAHMAN
1998 PhD Kent Socio legal status of Bengali women in Bangladesh: implications for development S RAHMAN
1998 PhD Wales, Bangor Risk, store of wealth and land use choice: a socio-economic analysis of farmer adoption of woodlots in Karnataka, India D RAVINDRAN
1998 PhD London, SOAS Idealizing motherhood: the brahmanical discourse on women in ancient India (c500 BCE-300CE) Ujjayini RAY Dr I J Leslie
1998 DPhil Oxford, Somerville British women writers on India between the mid-eighteenth century and 1857 Rosemary A RAZA Prof J M Brown; Mr J M Prest
1998 PhD London, LSE Organisational identification of managers in multinational corporations: a quantitative case study in India and Pakistan C E W READE
1998 PhD London, RHBNC Intense weathering regimes of Deccan basalts Jennifer Lesley REEVES Dr J N Walsh
1998 PhD Leeds Sedimentology and dynamics of mega-dunes, Jamuna River, Bangladesh Julie Elizabeth RODEN Prof P Ashworth
1998 PhD Newcastle Owner-occupiers’ transformation of public low-cost housing in Peninsular Malaysia Azizah SALIM Dr A G Tipple
1998 PhD Strathclyde A study in inter-sectoral relations of linkages, trade and technology: the case of Bangladesh (an application of input-output analysis) Mohammed SALIMULLAH Prof I McNicoll
1998 PhD Wales, Swansea Contraband trade between Sri Lanka and India M SARVATHAN Mr J Whetton
1998 PhD London, SOAS The transitional state: Congress and government in Uttar Pradesh, India, 1947-1955 Suhit Kumar SEN Dr P G Robb
1998 PhD Manchester Gender implications of economic reforms in the education sector in India-care of Haryana abd Madhya Pradesh Manju SENAPATY Ms D Elson
1998 PhD Cambridge, St Cath’s The creation of religious identities in the Punjab, c,1850-1920 Anil SETHI Prof C A Bayly
1998 PhD Reading Relative efficiency of crop production n the cotton-wheat cropping system of Pakistan’s Punjab M SHAFIQ
1998 PhD Nottingham Educational management: an exploratory study of management roles and possibilities of management development at college level in AJK, Pakistan Saeeda Jahan Ara SHAH Dr M Parker-Jenkins; Dr M Griffiths
1998 DPhil Oxford, Worcester Muslim politics in the North West Frontier Province, 1937-1947 Sayed W A SHAH Prof J M Brown
1998 PhD Reading Economic and non-economic factors that influence the adoption of no-tillage technologies at farm level in rice-wheat and cotton-wheat areas of Pakistana’s Punjab A D SHEIKH
1998 PhD Bradford Project performance and the impact of official development assistance: aid to agricultural development in Pakistan M K SHEIKH
1998 MLitt Aberdeen Selective evaluation of the cycle of women’s status through religious and social practices with special reference to Bengal S K SIRKAR
1998 DPhil Oxford, Balliol Transplanting liberal education: higher education in 19th century Bombay Presidency, India Anne H E SLIWKA Prof J M Brown
1998 MPhil Newcastle The Permatent emergency shelter cum roofing unit for Bangladesh David SORRILL Dr A G Tipple
1998 PhD Cambridge, Queens’ Colonialism and linguistic knowledge: John Gilchrist and the representation of Urdu in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries R D STEADMAN-JONES Dr V A Law
1998 PhD London, LSHTM Child work and school attendance in urban India H TAYLOR Prof I Timaeus; N Crook (SOAS)
1998 PhD Edinburgh Building Christianity on Indian foundations: the theological legacy of Brahmabandav Upadhyay (1861-1907) Timothy Craig TENNENT
1998 PhD Leeds Homelands and the representation of cultural and political identity in selected South Asian texts, 1857 to the present g f h TICKELL
1998 DPhil Oxford, Balliol Between two civilisations: history and self representation of Bangladeshi Buddhism Paola G TINTI Prof R F Gombrich
1998 PhD Kent Readings in the works of Michael Ondaatje (1963-1982) Monica TURCI Prof C L Innes
1998 PhD Queens, Belfast Formal and de facto states of emergency: the Indian experience, 1947-1997 K S VENKATESWARAN
1998 PhD Wales, Cardiff Studies on the biology and control of Tropilaelaps clareae: Asian parasitic brood mite in Apis mellifera colonies in Islamabad, Pakistan Camphour E S WAGHCHOURE
1998 PhD Wales, Cardiff Studies on the biology and control or Tropilaelaps clareae: Asian parasitic brood mites in Apis mellifera colonies in Islamabad, Pakistan Elizabeth S WAGHCHOURE-CAMPHOR
1998 PhD London, SOAS India’s small scale industry policy: an evaluation and a case study Trevor L WILLIAMS
1998 PhD Aberdeen Studies on weed populations in sugar cane in Sri Lanka W R G WITHARAMA
1998 PhD Strathclyde Industrialization and economic growth: a case study of Bangladesh A K M ZASHEEM UDDIN AHMED Dr M M Huq
1998 PhD Bristol Sangathan: the pursuit of a Hindu ideal in colonial India: the idea of organisation in the emergence of Hindu nationalism, 1870-1930 John ZAVOS Prof U King
1998 PhD Ulster Groundwater pollution and its environmental impact in Karachi Region (Pakistan) A ZUBAIR
1999 PhD London. LSE Banking and debt recovery: a comparative study of the law and practice in India, Sri Lanka and Malaysia Sonil G ABEYRATNE
1999 PhD Oxford Brookes A micro-level view of low-income rural housing in Bangaldesh K I AHMED
1999 PhD Cambridge A political economy of industrial policy and development: a comparative study of Pakistan and Malaysia A AKHLAQUE Industrial productivity
1999 MPhil Newcastle An appraisal of processes of soil degradation in the Barind Tract, Bangladesh S M M ALAM
1999 PhD Leeds Urban women in households and in the labour market under structural adjustment policy and programmes: a case study of Pakistani working women K ALI
1999 DPhil Oxford, Magdalen Operationalising Amartya Sen’s capability approach: a framework for identifying valuable capabilities S M ALKIRE Prof F J Stewart; Prof J M Finnis
1999 PhD Manchester Economic reform in India since 1991 with particular reference to direct foreign investment and privatisation Thanhkom ARUN Prof F Nixson
1999 PhD Hull Opium and heroin production in Pakistan A Z ASAD
1999 DPhil York Biodiversity and community ecology of mangrove plants, molluscs and crustaceans in two mangrove forests in Peninsular Malaysia in relation to local management practices E C ASHTON
1999 PhD Southampton A multilevel model of the impact of health services on child mortality in Bangladesh Michael Dennis ASHTON Dr J McDdonald
1999 PhD Southampton Genetic diversity of jackfruit in Bangladesh and development of propagation methods A K AZAD
1999 PhD London, King’s Nuclear weapons in the Indo-Pakistan conflict Sanjay BADRI-MAHARAJ
1999 PhD Leicester The growth of farm firms through production,investment and capital formation in the rice-wheat zone of the Punjab Province of Pakistan K A BAJWA
1999 PhD Aberdeen An economic analysis of farm household pluriactivity in Sri Lanka G BALASURIYA
1999 DPhil Oxford, St Cross This work on Oriya literature and the Jagannath cult, 1866-1936: quest for identity Subhakanta BEHERA Dr F A Nizami
1999 PhD London, UC Structure of the DP in Bangla Tanmoy BHATTACHARYA
1999 DPhil Oxford, Wolfson The politics of religious identity in South Asia in the late nineteenth century Torkel BREKKE Prof R F Gombrich
1999 MSc Stirling Investigations to the biology and ecology of an unidentified isopod affecting the CARE CAGES aquaculture programme, Bangladesh P BULCOCK
1999 DPhil Sussex The global and the local in the post-colonial: popular music in Calcutta (1992-1997) R CHAKRAVARTY
1999 PhD London, SOAS Change and continuity in Naqshbandi Sufism: Mujaddidi branch and its Hindu environment T W P DAHNHARDT Prof C Shackle
1999 PhD Ulster Traveller acts: a critical ethngraphy of backpacker India K J DAVIDSON
1999 PhD London , LSE Tamil warps and wefts: an anthropological study of urban weavers in South India Geert Raymond DE NEVE Prof C Fuller; Prof J Parry
1999 PhD London, Wye Amelioration of the physical conditions of sandy soils with organic amendments under tropical conditions S H S A DE SILVA
1999 PhD Cambridge, Jesus Youth, gender and community change: a case study of Bangladeshi students in an inner city Eva DEBNATH Dr M M Arnot
1999 PhD Bath One foot in each boat: the macro politics and micro sociology of NGOs in Bangladesh Joseph DEVINE Dr G D Wood; Dr A McGregor
1999 PhD London, RHUL The image of the prophet in Bengali Muslim piety, 1850-1950 Amit DEY Prof F C R Robinson
1999 PhD London, RHBNC Images of the Prophet in Bengali Muslim piety, 1850-1950 Amit DEY Prof F R C Robinson
1999 PhD London, LSE Women and gold: gender and urbanisation in comtemporary Bengal Fentje Henrike DONNER Dr J F Parry; Dr C Fuller
1999 DPhil Oxford, Linacre A study of the origin, evolution and role in society of a group of chiselled steel Hindu arms and armour from Southern India, c.1400-1800 A D Robert F W ELGOOD Dr Schuyler Jones
1999 PhD Cambridge, Churchill Caste, ethnicity and nation in the politics of the Muslims of Tamil Nadu, 1930-1967 S M A K FAKHRI Dr R S Chandravarkar
1999 PhD Cambridge, Selwyn The ecology and behaviour of the pig-tailed macaque (Macaca Nemestrina Leonina)in Bangladesh M M FEEROZ
1999 PhD Wales At the feet of the goddess: a comparative study of local goddess worship in Khurdapur, a village settlement in Orisssa and Cholavandan, a small town in Tamil Nadu L F FOULSTON
1999 PhD Leeds Socio-economic changes in the peri-urban villages in Penang, Malaysia Suriati GHAZALI Dr D Preston
1999 PhD London, SOAS The dynamics of scientific culture under a colonial state: Western India, 1823-1880 Vaswati Bidhan Chandra GHOSH Prof P G Robb
1999 PhD Southampton A passage from India: British women travelling home, 1915-1947 Georgina GOWANS
1999 PhD London, External Solid waste management: a case study of Delhi V I GROVER
1999 PhD Aberdeen A study of factors influencing participation in joint forest management in the northwest Himalayas, India H K GUPTA
1999 PhD Southampton British relations with the Marathas under the Wellesley regime William A C HALLIWELL Dr C M Woolgar
1999 PhD Leeds A corpus-based study of apposition in written Malay H A HAROON
1999 PhD London, UC The vulnerability of the Dupi Tila Aquifer, Daka, Bangladesh Muhammed Kamrul HASAN Dr W G Burgess; Dr J Dottridge
1999 PhD London, LSHTM The prevalence of reproductive tract infections in rural Bangladesh Sarah Jane HAWKES
1999 PhD Warwick The colonial city and the challenge of modernity: urban hegemonies and civic contestations in Bombay City, 1905-1925 H HAZAREESINGH
1999 PhD Warwick Gandhi and the Muslim question Sandip HAZARIESINGH Dr D A Washbrook
1999 PhD London Malaria in Afghan refugee communities in North-Western Pakistan: appropriate strategies for vector control and personal protection S E HEWITT
1999 PhD London, SOAS Kings, things and courtly ideal in pre-colonial south India, 1500-1800 Jennifer Anne HOWES Dr Giles Tillitson
1999 PhD Cambridge, Clare The Gujerati literati and the construction of a regional identity in the late 19th century Riho ISAKA Dr R S Chandavarkar
1999 DPhil Sussex The Grameen Bank: rhetoric and reality Sanae ITO Dr M T Greeley
1999 PhD Stirling Gender and management: factors affecting career advancement of women in the federal civil service of Pakistan N JABEEN
1999 PhD Wales, Aberystwyth Hindu identity, nationalism and globalization S R JACOBS
1999 PhD Reading Residual effect of phosphate fertiliser measured using the Olsen method in Pakistani soils Shahid JAVID
1999 PhD Edinburgh When horizons darken: the process and experience of religious conversion among Sri Lankan Tamil refugees in London A W JEBANESAN
1999 DPhil Oxford, Nuffield Press and Empire: the London press, government news management and India, c.1900-1922 Chandrika KAUL Dr J G Darwin
1999 PhD Edinburgh Informal Islamic leadership in a Bangladeshi village Jeffrey William John KEMP
1999 PhD Wales, Aberystwyth The economics of milk production and marketing in the development of Pakistan with special reference to Peshawar District M KHAN
1999 PhD Essex Narratives of rise and fall: family, memory and mobility in Jaipur City Ajay K KHANDELWAL Prof P Thompson
1999 PhD Durham The provision of infrastructure services in Rohtak and Bhiwani Districts, Haryana, India, 1981-1998: a geographical analysis N KUMAR
1999 PhD Edinburgh From people’s theatre to people’s Eucharist: resources from popular theatre for Eucharist reform in the Church of South India, Kerala State. George KURUVILLA
1999 PhD Nottingham Spectrohistory: new historicism and beyond in Salman Rushdie’s novels C-H LAI
1999 PhD London, SOAS Institutional and social change among the Muslims of Malabar, with special refernce to Calicut, 1870-1947 Lakshminarayayanapuram R S LAKSHMI Dr Avril A Powell
1999 PhD London, LSE India’s relationship with the non-resident Indians, 1947-1996: a missed opportunity ? Marie-Carine LALL
1999 PhD London, SOAS The Islamic marble carving and architecture of Cambay in Gujerat between 1200 and 1350: a collection of merits from difference sources E A LAMBOURN
1999 DPhil Oxford, St Antony’s Science and related consciousness: a study of the response to modern science in colonial Bengal. c 1870-1930 John Bosco LOURDUSAMY Dr D A Washbrook
1999 PhD Manchester Runoff modelling from large glacierised basins in the Karakoram Himalayas using remote sensing of the transient snowline A LOWE
1999 MPhil Edinburgh The influence of light availability on attack by the mahogany shoot-borer (Hypsipyla rubusta Moore)in Sri Lanka M R MAHROOF
1999 PhD Kent The interpretation of Islam and nationalism by the elite through the English language media in Pakistan A L MAJOR
1999 PhD Hull Ethnicity and politics in the Kashmir Valley I S MALIK
1999 PhD London, LSHTM Undernutrition and impaired functional ability amongst elderly slum dwellers in Mumbai, India Mary C MANANDHAR
1999 PhD East Anglia Cotton leaf curl disease in Pakistan: molecular characterisation, diagnostics and genetically engineered virus resistance S MANSOOR
1999 PhD Birmingham Some historical responses to disability in South Asia and reflections on service provision, with focus on mental retardation in India, Pakistan and Bangladesh, and some consideration of blindness M MILES
1999 PhD Kent Sacred anthropology: a study of nondual conceptions of man in Hinduism and Christianity J R MILNE
1999 PhD Hull Perception of Islam in Indian nationalist thought A MISRA
1999 PhD London, Inst Comm The politics of privatisation in Bangladesh Mobasser MONEM Prof J Manor
1999 PhD Cambridge, King’s The Kisan world abd human rights: a displaced people of eastern India Ranjit NAYAK Dr K J Hart
1999 PhD Salford An analysius of information systems development across time and space: the case of outsourcing to Infia Brian NICHOLSON
1999 MLitt Oxford, St Anne’s Shaikh Mohammad Abdulllah and the movement for Muslim female education in North India (1890-1945) Farah NIZAMI Prof J M Brown; Prof F Robinson
1999 DPhil Oxford, Lincoln India, parliament and the press under George III: a study of British attitudes towards the East India Company amd empire in the later 18th and early 19th centuries Jeremy R OSBORN Dr D A Washbrook
1999 DPhil Oxford, Brasenose Identity and institutions in ethnic conflict:the Muslims of Sri Lanka Meghan L O’SULLIVAN Dr N Gooptu
1999 PhD Warwick Labour and land rights of women in rural India with particular reference to Western Orissa Reena PATEL
1999 PhD Edinburgh Legislating forests in colonial India, 1800-1880 Akhileshwar PATHAK
1999 DPhil York An environmental Leibenstein framework: population pressure, agricultural land use and and environmental change in Orissa (India) Lopamudra PATNAIK Prof C Perrings
1999 PhD Edinburgh Social and cultural processes of healing and rehabilitation in Sri Lanka Abigail PENNY Dr J Spencer
1999 PhD City Development and international business: an application to India M RAMAN
1999 PhD Liverpool Fertility in Kerala: the impacts of social development policies and gender relations Linda REICHENFELD Prof R I Woods; Mr W T S Gould
1999 PhD London Paleoclimate of South Asia over the last 80 ka: luminescent ages of sediments from former glaciations in Nepal and Pakistan B W M RICHARDS
1999 PhD Nottingham Fiscal response to foreign aid: applications to Pakistan and Costa Rica S E RODRIGUEZ
2000 PhD Cambridge, Newnham Religion and the economics of fertility in South India S IYER
2000 MPhil London, Inst Ed Privatisation and equity: the case of Pakistan urban secondary schools B R JAMIL
2000 PhD Exeter The Penjdeh crisis and its impact on the Great Game and the defence of India, 1885-1897 Robert A JOHNSON Prof J Black
2000 PhD Cambridge, Darwin The state and the political economy of industrial development in India: the automobile industry circa 1980-1996 Indraneel KARLEKAR Dr S E Corbridge
2000 DPhil Oxford, St Antony’s Gender, identity and development among the Wakhi of northern Pakistan Sabrina KASSAM-JAN Dr D Parkes; Dr N J Allen
2000 PhD Exeter Drug addiction syndrome among university students in Pakistan W KAUSAR
2000 PhD Bath Struggle for survival: networks and relationships in a Bangladesh slum M Iqbal Alam KHAN Prof G Wood; Dr J A McGregor
2000 PhD Cambridge, Queens’ An empirical study of human resource management in a developing country – the case of the banking industry of Pakistan Shaista Ensan KHILJI Mr C G Gill
2000 PhD Cambridge. Queens Human resource management in a developing country: the case of banking industry in Pakistan S E KHILJI Mr C G Gill
2000 PhD Cambridge, Fitzwilliam A study of debates on Christian conversion in India, 1947-1999 from the perspective of Christian mission Sebastian Chang-Hwan KIM Dr B Stanley
2000 DPhil Oxford, St Edmund Hall The “domestic” world of the Mughals in the reigns of Babar, Humayan and Akbar (1500-1605) Ruby LAL Dr D A Washbrook; Dr J D Gurney
2000 PhD East Anglia Perceiving disability and practising community-based rehabilitiation: a critical examination with case studies from south India R P LANG
2000 PhD Keele The internationalisation of Malaysian business and its relevance to Malay entrepreneurs A J MAHAJAR
2000 PhD Birmingham The administration of waqf, pious endowment in Islam: a critical study of the State Islamic Religious Councils as the sole trustees of awqaf assets and the implementation of istibdal in Malaysia with special reference to the Federal Territory of Kuala Lumpur S M MAHAMOOD
2000 PhD Strathclyde Price competetitiveness and performance of manufactured exports: the case of Pakistan Seema K MAKHDOOMI Dr M Huq; Prof J Love
2000 MPhil Nottingham Levels of flat ownership by middle-income households in Dhaka, Bangladesh Nasima MATIN Mr S Jalloh; Prof J C Moughtin
2000 MPhil London, LSE European images of India before the rise of orientalism in the late eighteenth century Kyoko MATSUKAWA Dr G Wilson
2000 PhD East London Thermal comfort in havelis of Jaisalmer Jane MATTHEWS
2000 DPhil Sussex Distress diversification or growth linkages ? Explaining rural non-farm employment variations in Andhra Pradesh, India Prasado R MECHARIA D M Hunt
2000 PhD Bradford Social policy in Malaysia: a study of social support for the elderly in a rural area N MOHAMED
2000 PhD Oxford Brookes Seismic interpretation and sequence stratigraphy of the offshore Indus basin of Pakistan S MOHAMMAD
2000 PhD London Nationalism, literature and ideology in colonial India and occupied Egypt A A MONDAL
2000 MPhil Manchester Burma and British Cold War policy, 1946-1951 Benjamin John MORRIS Dr P C Lowe
2000 PhD Cambridge, Trinity Gender, work and familial ideology: women workers in the unorganised garment export industry, New Delhi, India T MUKHOPADHYAY Prof G P Hawthorn
2000 PhD Newcastle Supply reponse of major agricultural commodities in Pakistan K MUSHTAQ
2000 MPhil London, SOAS Political economic dimensions of East Asian development: South Korea, India Rajiv Chitazhi NARAYAN Dr R H Taylor
2000 DPhil Oxford, Christ Church Conservation management of the tiger, Panthera Tigris Tigris, in Bandhavgarh National Park, India Latika NATH Dr D W MacDonald
2000 PhD LSHTM Epidemiological immunochemistry of Helicobacter pylori in Jessore, BBHangladesh J NESSA
2000 PhD Wales, Aberystwyth An operational evaluation test of MEDLINE on CD-ROM in Malaysia with special reference to investigating practicable relevance-based perfoormance measures Roslina OTHMAN
2000 PhD Hull Changing dimensions of single European Market: implications for the non-member countries – a case study on India’s textile and clothing exports S Gnanasekara PANDIAN
2000 PhD Cambridge, St John’s Technology and environmental leapfrogging: three case studies from India R M PERKINS Dr B Vira
2000 PhD London, LSE Legal systems as a determinant of foreign direct investment: the case of Sri Lanka Amanda Joan PERRY Mr P Muchlinski
2000 PhD Lancaster A critical ethnography on the production of the Indian MBA discourse E PRIYADHARSHINI
2000 PhD Nottingham Trent Douglarisation and the politics of Indian/African relations in Trinidad writing Sheila RAMPERSAD
2000 PhD Edinburgh Another member of our family: aspects of television culture and social change in Varanasi, North India Simon William ROBERTS Dr A Good; Dr J Spencer
2000 PhD Cambridge, Trinity Communal conflict in Bengal, 1930-1947: political parties, the Muslim intelligentsia and the Pakistan Movement Sulagna ROY Dr R S Chandavarkar
2000 PhD Cambridge Matrilineal comunities, patriarchial realities: female headship in eastern Sri Lanka – a feminist economic reading K N RUWANPURA Mrs S Fennell
2000 MPhil Newcastle Modelling privatised minor irrigation systems in Bangladesh: an economic analysis F I M G W SARKER
2000 PhD Durham The influence of British political thought in China and India: the cases of Sun Yat-Sen, Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru N A SCOTT
2000 PhD Wales, Bangor The influence of farmer knowledge, shade and planting density on smallholder rubber/banana intercropping in Sri Lanka A M W K SENEVIRATHNA
2000 DPhil Sussex Mother/child health and health care in Pakistan Shafqat SHEHZAD Mr P Chaudhuri; Dr A Wagstaff
2000 PhD Southampton Constitutional rights relating to criminal justice in South Asia: a comparison with the European Convention on Human Rights Kabiniyage Buddhappriya Asola SILVA
2000 PhD Warwick Gendered labour process and flexibility: a study of jewellery production in India U SONI-SINHA
2000 PhD London, SOAS The impact of Islamization on the Christian community of Pakistan P SOOKHDEO
2000 PhD Southampton The impact of rural-urban migration on child survival in India Robert STEPHENSON Dr J McDdonald
2000 PhD Open Coproducing universal primary education in a context of social exclusion: households, community organisations and state administration in a district of Karnataka, India R SUBRAHMANIAN
2000 PhD Edinburgh Development of a range management decision support system (RAMDSS)for forest planning in the Banavasi Range of the Western Ghats, India Ramanathan SUGUMARAN
2000 PhD Cambridge, Trinity Women’s political strategies to combat poverty: a study of a squatter settlement in Dhaka S M SULTAN Dr R S Chandavarkar
2000 PhD Cambridge, Wolfson Mapping hinduism: “Hinduism” and the study of Indian religions, 1630-1776 Barry W H SWEETMAN Dr J Lipner
2000 PhD Essex The perception of social support and the experience of depression in Pakistani women E TAREEN
2000 PhD Southampton Rural poverty and the role of the non-farm sector in economic development: the Indian experience M TIWARI
2000 PhD Portsmouth Illiteracy in India: a multi-level analysis S VENKATASUBRAMANIAN
2000 PhD Warwick The influence of culture and politics on accounting change in India from 1947 to 1998 Shradda VERMA
2000 PhD Cambridge, Corpus Cranial diversity and the evolutionary history of South Asians Samanti Dineshkumari WARUSAWITHANA KULATILAKE
2000 MPhil Wales, Aberystwyth Britain and the Muslims: imperial perceptions of Indian Muslims, 1914-1922 R A J WHITE
2000 MPhil Oxford, St Cross Released on both sides ? The origin and position of formless meditation in early Indian Buddhism Alexander WYNNE Prof R F Gombrich
2000 PhD Edinburgh The forest cooks and the people eat: nature and society in Mayurbhanj, Orissa Hannele Kirsi Aija YLO’NEN
2000 PhD Bradford Agriculture and pastorarlism in the late Bronze Age, North West Frontier, Pakistan R L YOUNG
2001 MPhil Glasgow Colonisation and Hijab: a case study of Egypt and India N AHMAD
2001 PhD Stirling Socio-economic aspects of freshwater prawn culture development in Bangladesh N AHMED
2001 PhD Leeds Thalassaemia carrier testing in pregnant Pakistani women: perceptions of “information ” and “consent” Shenaz AHMED
2001 PhD London, SOAS Early Indian moulded terracotta: the emergence of an iconography and variations in style, circa second century BC to first century AD Naman Parmeshwar AHUJA
2001 PhD Essex Pakistan’s export performance, 1972-1998 M AKBAR
2001 PhD Durham Slaves of water: indigenous knowledge of fisheries on the floodplain of Bangladesh M ALAM
2001 PhD Aberdeen Evaluation of environmental sustainability of forest land use policies of Bangladesh Mohammad ALI
2001 PhD Aberdeen The effects of low temperature and seed quality on the germination of fifteen rice (Oryza sative L)cultivars from Bangladesh M G ALI
2001 PhD Portsmouth The rise of a service class culture in India: the software industry in Bangalore Elaine ASSAR
2001 PhD Portsmouth The emergence of a new culture class: the software industry in Bangalore, India Elain Risa ASSER Dr P Churmer-Smit
2001 PhD Brunel The development of India’s crafts and their implication upon Indo-European furniture N W BAMFORTH
2001 PhD Strathclyde A critique of tourism development planning: a case of Sri Lanka H M BANDARA
2001 PhD Wales, Bangor Developing fodder resources on the forest grassland of tribal areas in western India Peter George BEZKOROWAJNYI
2001 PhD Bristol Conceptions: an exploration of infertility and assisted conception in India A BHARADWAJ
2001 PhD Oxford, St Antony’s The emergence of the Bombay film industry, 1913-1937 Kaushik BHAUMIK Dr D A Washbrook
2001 PhD Strathclyde Consumer preferences and public policy: a case study of water supply and waste management in Madras (Chennai), India A P BHAYAN KARAM
2001 PhD Strathclyde Contingent variation in a developing metropolis: an exploration of water and waste management in Madres Anand Prathivadi BHAYANKARAM Mr R Perman
2001 PhD Kingston The initiation and magmatic evolution of a juvenile island arc: the Kohistan arc, Pakistan Himalaya S M BIGNOLD
2001 PhD London, LSHTM The rational use of blood in India: intervention to promote good transfusion practice Timothy John BRAY
2001 PhD Aberdeen Chipko and crofter: land movements in northern India and the Highlands of Scotland Nandini B CHADHA Mr W T C Brotherstone; Dr J Forster
2001 PhD Strathclyde The impact of trade policy on growth in India Ramesh CHANDRA Prof J Love
2001 PhD Cambridge, Girton Colonial power and agrarian politics in Kheda District (Gujarat), c.1890-1930 Vinayak CHATURVEDI Prof C A Bayly
2001 PhD Leeds Appropriate disposal of sewage in urban and suburban Sri Lanka E J H COREA
2001 PhD London, RHUL Faith, unity, discipline: the making of a socio-political formation in urban India, Lahore,1935-1953 Markus DAECHSEL Prof F C R Robinson
2001 PhD Cambridge, Sidney Whither urban governance ? Self-help civil society, political conflicts and environmental services in Chennai, India S L DAHIYA Dr B J Devereux
2001 PhD Glasgow The Bengal Army and the outbreak of the Indian Mutiny, 1856-1857 Julian Saul Markham DAVID Prof H F A Strachen
2001 PhD London Air pollution and agricultural insect pests in urban and peri-urban areas of India C DAVIES
2001 PhD Essex No time to play: social, economic and legal dimensions of child labour practices in India Rie DEBABRATA
2001 PhD Cambridge, St John’s Sikh discourses of community and sovereignty in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries Jeevan S DEOL Prof C A Bayley
2001 PhD Exeter The effects of marital dissolution, fertility and contraceptive behaviour among men and woimen in Addu Atoll, Maldives Aminath Mohamed DIDI Dr N Ford; Dr A Ankomah
2001 PhD Cambridge, Queens’ The scars of piety: Islam and the dynamics of religious dispute on Androth Island, South India Brian John DIDIER Dr J A Laidlaw
2001 PhD London, RHUL Traditional rule and western conventions: the Maharajas of Bikaner and their partnership with the Raj, 1887-1947 Paolo DURISOTTO Prof F C R Robinson
2001 PhD Loughborough Venture capital financing in India: a study of venture capitalist’s valuation, structuring and monitoring practices Mansoor DURRANI
2001 PhD Cambridge, Clare Hall Commerce and diaspora: locating the business practices of Hindu Sindhis Mark Anthony FALZON Dr J A Laidlaw
2001 PhD London, SOAS Buddhist narratives in Burmese murals Alexandra Raissa GREEN Dr E H Moore; Dr G H R Tillitson
2001 PhD Lancaster A critical review of ecological impact assessment in Sri Lanka: with particular reference to the shrimp aquaculture industry Miriya Prasanni GUNAWARDENA
2001 DrPH London, LSHTM Regulation of the private health care sector in Pakistan Ajmal HAMID
2001 PhD South Bank Social exclusion and women’s health in Lahore, Pakistan N A HAMID
2001 PhD Liverpool Identity, conflict and nationalism: the Naga and Kuki peoples of northeast India and northwest Burma Seilen HAOKIP
2001 MPhil London, LSE Humanitarian assistance: the relationship between NGOs and the government of Sri Lanka Marit HAUG Prof C Fuller; Prof M Light
2001 PhD Durham The engineering behaviour of the tropical clay soils of Dhaka, Bangladesh A S HOSSAIN
2001 PhD London, Imperial The nitrogen economy of rice-based cropping systems in Bangladesh F HOSSAIN
2001 PhD Southampton Assessment of family planning outreach workers’ contact and contraceptive use dynamics in rural Bangladesh using multilevel modelling M B HOSSAIN
2001 DPhil Oxford, St Antony’s Essays on consumption and asset mobility in rural Pakistan: a microeconomic approach Taimur HYAT Prof B Harriss-White
2001 PhD Leeds Internet implementation and strategic subsidiary context of Malaysias subsidiaries located in the UK Azizi Ali IBRAHIM
2001 PhD Edinburgh The scent of jasmine: experiencing knowledge and emotion in cross cultural contextrs of South Indian classical dance Joanna Rose JACOBSON
2001 PhD Stirling Fishery biology and population dynamics of shrimps (Penaeua indicus)and Metapenaeus dobsoni)in the lagoon and coastal area of Negombo, Sri Lanka P A A T JAYAWARDANE
2001 PhD Birmingham A cluster randomised controlled trial of reorganising maternal health services in Sindh, Pakistan A H JOKHIO
2001 DPhil Oxford, St Edmund Hall Christian and non-Christian Angami Nagas with special reference to traditional healing practices Vibha JOSHI Dr N J Allen
2001 PhD London, SOAS The making of colonial psychiatry, Bombay Presidentcy, 1849-1940 Shruti KAPILA Prof D J Arnold
2001 PhD London, Inst Comm. Security, development and political accommodation in Bangladesh Shahnaz KARIM Prof J Manor; Prof R F Holland
2001 PhD Southampton Maternal health care utilisation among the urban poor of Maharashtra, India F KAUSAR
2001 DPhil Oxford Echo words in Tamil Elinor KEANE
2001 PhD Newcastle Enhancement of nutritional quality of straw-based diets in Pakistan by urea treatment or suppementation with protein or energy Muhammad Aslam KHAN
2001 PhD Nottingham Environmental hazards, risk perception and general environmental beliefs: a cross cultural study between UK and Pakistan N R KHAN
2001 DPhil Oxford, Wadham Poverty in Pakistan: a study on health, nutrition, income and consumption Salman H KHAN Dr C Muller
2001 DPhil Oxford, Wadham State, society and labour in colonial Bombay, 1893-1918 Prashant K KIDAMBI Dr D A Washbrook
2001 PhD Birminghm Mission pneumatology with special reference to the Indian theologies of the holy spirit of Stanley Samartha, Vandana and Samuel Rayan K KIM
2001 PhD Reading Sociolinguistic variation in urban India: a study of Marathi-speaking adolescents in Pune Sonal KULKARNI
2001 PhD Birmingham British South Asian identities and the popular cultures of British Bhangra music, Bollywod films and Zee TV in Birmringham r KUMAR DUDRAH
2001 PhD London, External Sarangi style in North Indian art music Nicolas Fairchild MAGRIEL Dr R Widdess
2001 PhD Lancaster Economic reforms in India: impact on savings and productivity of the manufacturing sector Vidya MAHAMBARE Prof V N Balasubramanyam
2001 PhD Stirling Small scale multispecies demersal fishery off Negombo, Sri Lanka R R P MALDENIYA
2001 PhD Oxford, St Antony’s A reluctant warrior: Hong Kong in Anglo-American interactions, 1949-1957 Chi Kwan MARK Dr R J Foot
2001 PhD Brunel Rushdie’s legacy: the emergence of a radical British Muslim identity G A McROY
2001 PhD Cambridge, Trinity African NGOs: turning knowledge and experience into power Sarah G MICHAEL Dr C Elliott
2001 PhD London, SOAS Painting awareness: a study in the use of exotic cultural traditions by the artists of the Emperor Akbar’s Khamsa of Nizami Gregory B MINISSALE
2001 PhD Leeds Weak market efficiency and the determinants of share returns: a study of the listed companies on the Dhaka Stock Exchange Asma MOBAREK Prof K Keasey; Dr H Short
2001 PhD Cambridge, Trinity Love and marriage in Delhi Perveez MODY SPENCER Dr J A Laidlaw
2001 PhD Wales, Aberystwyth Dispute settlement mechanism in the ASEAN free trade area (AFTA} Rahmat MOHAMAD
2001 PhD Leeds Dividend policy and behaviour and security price reaction to the announcement of dividends in an emergency market: a study of companies listed on the Dhaka Stock Exchange A Sabur MOLLAH Prof K Keasey
2001 PhD Cambridge, St John’s Writing crime, writing empire: representing the colony in nineteenth century fiction fo crime Upamanyu Pablo MUKHERJEE Prof C I Donaldson
2001 PhD Kent On the strength of a likeness: Kipling and the analogical connections between India and Ireland Kaori NAGAI
2001 PhD Leeds Perceptions of empowerment and reproductive health decisions amongst rural India women Ann Marie NICHOLS Dr Ray Bush; Dr Z Aydin
2001 PhD London, LSE The Singapore entrepreneurial state in China: a sociological study of the Suzhou industrial park, 1992-1999 Alexius A PEREIRA Dr A Power
2001 PhD Hull Population biology and management of hilsa shad (Tenualosa ilisha)in Bangladesh Md Jalilur RAHMAN
2001 PhD London, LSHTM Utilisation of primary health care services in rural Bangladesh: the population and provider perspectives S A RAHMAN
2001 PhD Manchester Modelling demand and supply in Bangladesh agriculture: a computable general equilibrium approach to public policy and economic welfare S M Osman RAHMAN Dr N Russell
2001 PhD City The evolving devi: education, employment and British Hindu Gujerati women’s identity Hasmita RAMJI
2001 DPhil Oxford, Christ Church Constrictions of identity and cultural translation in relation to origin and destination: a generational comparison of South Asian expatriate and immigrant writers in Britain (1937-present) Ruvani RANASINHA Dr J A Mee
2001 PhD London, QMW Public interest environmental legislation in India, Pakistan and Bangladesh J RAZZAQUE
2001 PhD Manchester Participation and protected area conservation in India: ecodevelopment theory and practice Trevor Pritchard REES Prof D Hulme
2001 PhD Cambridge, Clare Hall The making of ethnoHinduism: communalism, reservations and the Ahmedabad riot of 1985 Ornit SHANI Dr R S Chandravarkar
2001 PhD London, LSE Merchants, “saints” and sailors: the social production of islamic reform in a port town of western India Edward Lawrence SIMPSON
2001 PhD Wales, Swansea Gender participation and community forestry: the case of joint forest management in Madhya Pradesh, India R SINGH
2001 PhD Reading International experience of plant variety protection: lessons for India Chittur SSRINIVASAN Prof C G Thirtle
2001 PhD Cambridge, Sidney Sussex Ecological institutions: joint forest management in Bihar (Jharkhand)and West Bengal, India M TIWARY Dr S E Corbridge
2001 PhD Cambridge, Gonville Contested notions of sovereignty in Bengal under British rule, 1765-1785 Thomas R TRAVERS Prof C A Bayly
2001 MPhil Open The legacy of the controversies: the continuing impact on interfaith encounters in Sri Lanka of nineteenth century controversies between Buddhists and Christians M S VASANTHAKUMAR
2001 PhD Cambridge, Newnham The appeal of a modern god-person in contemporary India: the case of Mata Amritanandamayi and her mission M WARRIER Dr S B Bayley
2001 PhD Hertfordshire Identifying potential barriers to business process and information systems reengineering in Sri Lanka V WEERAKKODY
2001 PhD Southampton Short birth intervals and infant health in India Alison K WHITWORTH
2001 DPhil Oxford, St Hughes Governing property, making law: British conceptions of agrarian society and the administration of rural Bengal, c.1785-1835 Jon E WILSON Dr D A Washbrook
2001 DPhil Oxford, St Cross Process analysis of a total literacy campaign in India: a case study of Udaiput District Rie YAGI Dr C Brock
2001 PhD Loughborough The globalisation of Western advertising: a case study of the impact of imported advertising on cultural values Azizul Halim YAHYA
2001 PhD London, SOAS The intertextuality of women in Urdu litterature: a study of Fahmida Riaz and Kishwar Naheed Amina YAQIN
2002 PhD Wales, Bangor Basic needs analysis of social forestry participants in northwest Bangladesh S AKHTER Prof C Price
2002 PhD Cambridge, Trinity Child labour in the Bombay Presidency, 1850-1920 Emma Catherine ALEXANDER Dr R S Chandavarkar
2002 PhD London, Imperial Biological variation and chemical control of Rhizoctonia solani causing rice sheath blight disease in Bangladesh Md Ansar ALI
2002 PhD LSHTM An analysis of private hospital markets in Bangladesh M A AMIN
2002 PhD Stirling A question of “Chineseness”: the Chinese diaspora in Singapore, 1819-1950s Lynn Ling-Yin ANG Dr S Mishra
2002 MPhil Newcastle Trophy hunting and conservation: Himalayan Ibrex Capra Ibex sibirica in northern Pakistan Masood ARSHAD
2002 PhD London The political economy of policy reform: labour market regulation in India Roli ASTHANA
2002 PhD Sheffield Children’s drawings as research tool: establishing children’s environmental concepts and preferences with reference to urban openspace planning design in Johore Bahru, Malaysia M S A BAKAR
2002 PhD London, SOAS Buddhism and shamanism in village Sikkim A BALIKCI
2002 DPhil Oxford, Somerville The other side of the Raj: representation of colonial India in the writings of Edward John Thompson Nilanjana BANERJI Prof R J C Young
2002 PhD London, SOAS An investigation into the 56 Vinayakas in Banares and their origins Isabelle O T BERMIJN
2002 DPhil Oxford, Linacre Biodiversity and conservation of a cultural landscape in the Western ghats of India Shonil A BHAGWAT Dr N D Brown; Dr P S Savill
2002 DPhil Oxford, St Anne’s Stylistic features of Sanskrit in the Upanisads and Pali in early Buddhist texts with special reference to prose word order Pathompong BODHIPRASIDDHINAND Prof R F Gombrich
2002 PhD Cambridge, Wolfson Archaeological science as anthropology: time, space and matreriality in rural India and the ancient past Nicole Lise BOIVIN Dr C A French
2002 MPhil London, Birkbeck Religion and the experiences of Indo-Pakistani women in the fiction of Bharati Mukherjee, Bapsi Sidhwa, Hanif Kureishi and Salmon Rushdie N H BOWEN
2002 PhD London, SOAS Baloch nationalism: its origin and development up to 1980 Taj Mohammad BRESEEG
2002 PhD London Asakta Karman in the Bhagavadgita Simon Pearse BRODBECK
2002 PhD London, SOAS Indian religions Simon Pearse BRODBECK
2002 PhD Newcastle The integration of poverty-focused aquaculture in large-scale irrigation systems in South Asia Cecile D BRUGERE
2002 PhD London Local governance in Calcutta: bureaucratic performance and health care delivery Indranil CHAKRABARTI
2002 MLitt Oxford, St Antony’s Ashraf identity in early Urdu fiction Shardul Kumar CHATURVEDI Dr D A Washbrook; Dr N Gooptu
2002 PhD Bristol Towards the socialisation of children’s learning: pupils, parents and primary education in an Indian district – an ethnographic survey Rita CHAWLA-DUGGAN
2002 PhD London, UC The influence of ethnicity and beliefs on the course and outcome of schizophrenia in Singapore J L CHUA
2002 PhD London, LSE Social mobility in a Chamar community in eastern Uttar Pradesh, northern Indian Manuela CIOTTI
2002 DPhil Sussex Rural poverty in Bangaldesh: a comparative study of determinants of economic well-being and inequality Maria Jose A CORTIJO
2002 PhD Open Environmental impact of Deccan Trap flood basalt volcanism: assessment of regional floral responses to late Cretaceous-early Tertiary activity Jennifer Ann CRIPPS
2002 PhD De Montfort Maharashtra and the cross-fertilisation of style of Brahmanical caves in India Deepanjana DANDA
2002 PhD London, LSHTM The long term effect of child bearing on adult mortality in Matlab, Bangladesh Lisa Sioned DAVIES
2002 DPhil Oxford, Wolfson British policy in Bengal: 1939-1954 Bikramjit DE Prof J M Brown; Prof T Raychaudhuri
2002 PhD London, SOAS Institutionalizing education: colonial government, missionary and household education in British colonial Punjab Jeffrey Mark DIAMOND Dr A A Powell
2002 PhD Oxford Brookes The molecular basis of thalassaemia in Sri Lanka Christopher A FISHER
2002 PhD Cambridge, St John’s Globalization and religious revival in the imperial cities of the Indian Ocean rim, 1870-1820 Mark Ravinder FROST Dr T N Harper
2002 PhD Durham Indigenous knowledge, livelihood and decision -making strategies on floodplain farmers in Bangladesh G P GHOSH
2002 PhD Bath Competing interests and institutional ambiguities: problems of sustainable forest management in the northern areas of Pakistan A GOHAR
2002 PhD Edinburgh Untouchable citizens: an analysis of the Liberation Panthers and democratistion in Tamil Nadu Hugh GORRINGE
2002 PhD London, SOAS The Sufi saints of Awrangabad: narratives, contexts and identities Nile S GREEN
2002 PhD Cambridge. St John’s Mantle plumes and depositional sequences: onshore/offshore India A R W HALKETT Dr N J White
2002 DPhil Oxford, St Antony’s Famine process and famine policy: a case study of Ahmednagar District, Bombay Presidency, 1870-84 David N J HALL-MATTHEWS Dr D A Washbrook; Dr B Harriss
2002 PhD Leeds Computer misuse within the organisation: an evaluation of computer misuse legislation in Britain and Malaysia Zaiton HAMIN
2002 PhD London, Imperial Characterisation of Bacillus cereus strains in Bangladeshi rice Md Anwarul HAQUE
2002 PhD Edinburgh Growing gods: bidayuh processes of religious change in Sarawak, Malaysia F M A HARRIS
2002 DPhil Sussex British collecting of Indian art and artifacts in the 18th and 19th centuies Lucian G HARRIS
2002 PhD Reading Understanding farmers’ attitudes and behaviours towards the use of pesticides on cotton crop in Pakisdtan’s Punjab Tariq HASSAN
2002 PhD London The curriculum for health education in schools: issues of definition, choice and implementation: an illuminative study based on Uganda, Zambia and India Hubert William Richmond HAWES
2002 PhD Strathclyde The significance of ethnic ties and entreprenurial networks in the internationalisation of the firm: case study: the internationalisation of UK Indian enterprises Jaswinder Singh HAYER
2002 PhD Leeds The expression of syntax in Sri Lankan English: speech and writing S M F HERAT
2002 PhD Hull US – Pakistan partnership in response to the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, 1979-1988: causes, dynamics and consequences A Z A HILALI
2002 PhD Strathclyde An integrated performance measurement system of health care services: an empirical study of public and private hospitals in Malaysia Abdul Razak IBRAHIM
2002 PhD Cambridge, Churchill Alternative methods and sources for measuring vaccination coverage in rural Bangladesh MdD Shafiqul ISLAM Dr C G N Mascie-Taylor
2002 DPhil Sussex Voice, responsiveness and collaboration: democratic decentralization and service delivery in two Indian cities Jennifer JALAL J P Gaventa
2002 PhD Wales, Bangor Drivers of land use change and policy analysis: the case of Bangladesh Mohammed JASHIMUDDIN Prof G Edwards-Jones
2002 PhD Open An investigation of teaching and learning biology at a distance: with special reference to Sri Lanka B G JAYATILLEKE
2002 DPhil York Cultural construction of the “Sinhala woman” and women’s lives in post-independence Sri Lanka J D JAYAWARDENA Dr J de Groot
2002 DPhil Oxford, St Antony’s Greeks, Saracens and Indians: imperial builders in south India, 1800-1880 Ioma Shanti JAYEWARDENE-PILLAI Dr D A Washbrook
2002 PhD London, RHUL Being Sri Lankan: three cultural geographies Tariq JAZEEL Dr C Nash; Prof D Gower
2002 PhD Southampton The rhetoric and reality of gender issues in the domestic water sector: a case study from India Deepa JOSHI
2002 PhD Cambridge, Selwyn Behavioural ecology of sympatric langures in Bangladesh Md Mofizul KABIR Dr D J Chivers
2002 MD Leeds Genetic and environmental determinants of cardiovascular risk factors in South Asian patients with cerebrovascular disease and their first degree relatives K KAIN
2002 PhD Nottingham The categories of Hindu nationalism: a neo-structuralist analysis of the discourse of Hindutva Christian KARNER
2002 PhD Manchester Metropolitan Public participation in environmental impact assessment in the developing and developed worlds: Pakistan and UK perspectives Amjad Ali KHAN
2002 PhD Kent Memory, dis-location, violence and women in the partition literature of Pakistan and India Furrukh Abbas KHAN Dr A S Gurnah
2002 MPhil London, UC Vitamin A deficiency in children in the North West Frontier Province (NWFP)of Pakistan M A KHAN
2002 PhD Manchester An evaluation of the performance of small and medium enterprises in Bangladesh with special reference to finance Md Saiful Amin KHAN Prof F Nixson
2002 PhD Durham Women’s voices: the presentation of women in the fiction of South Asian women Lisa Ee Jia LAU Dr M A Crang; Dr E E Mawdsley
2002 PhD London The role of Islam in the legal system of Pakistan Martin Wilhelm LAU
2002 PhD Kent Power and patronage in Pakistan Stephen M LYON Mr R S Edmond
2002 PhD Reading The role of English in higher education in Pakistan S MANSOOR
2002 PhD Bristol The global regulation of marine fisheries and its impact on two developing states: Namaibia and Kerala Leonarda Enrica Camilla MARAZZI
2002 DClinPsy Leicester Illness representations, coping and locus of control in breast cancer: a comparative study amongst South Asian Indian women and white indigenous women R MARTYN
2002 PhD Durham Sowing new ideas; an investigation of anthropology’s contribution to rural development in south east Sri Lanka M MARZANO
2002 DPhil Oxford, St Antony’s The sepoy army and colonial Madras, c1806-57 Carina Anne MONTGOMERY Dr D A Washbrook
2002 PhD London, SOAS A lot of history: sexual violence, public memory and the Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971 Nayanika MOOKHERJEE Dr C Pinney; Dr C Osella
2002 PhD London, SOAS Hindi film songs: and the cinema Anna Frances MORCOM Dr R Widdess
2002 PhD Bristol A study of the late Madhyamaka doxography Jundo NAGASHIMA
2002 PhD East Anglia Between work and school: children in rural Andhra Pradesh Masako OTA Prof J D Seddon; Dr R Palmer-Jones
2002 DPhil Oxford, Wolfson The fragile web of order: conflict avoidance and dispute resolution in Ladakh Fernanda PIRIE Dr M J Banks; Prof D Parkin
2002 PhD Glasgow Morphological and molecular systematic studies of Asian caecilians (Amphibia: Gymnophiona) Bronwen PRESSWELL
2002 PhD London, LSE US foreign policy to Pakistan, 1947-1960: reconstructing strategy Saqib Iqbal QUERESHI Dr C Coker
2002 PhD Essex India in the making of liberal identities: the case of Mary Carpenter and Harrier Martineau Brenda A QUINN Prof C M Hall
2002 PhD Wales, Bangor Muslims and crime: a comparative criminological study of South Asian Muslims in Britain and Pakistan Muzammil QURAISHI Dr J Wardhaugh
2002 PhD London, LSE US foreign policy to Pakistan, 1947-1960: re-constructing strategy Saqib Iqbal QURESHI Dr C Coker
2002 PhD Aberdeen Seasonal availability and utilisation of feed resources and their impact on the nutrition of livestock in an agro pastoral system of the Hindu Kush Karakoram Himalayan region of Pakistan Abdur RAHMAN
2002 PhD East Anglia Standing one’s ground: gender, land and livelihoods in the Santal Parganas, Jharkhans, India Nitya RAO Prof C Jackson; Dr B Rogaly
2002 PhD Bradford Opening up spaces: engendering protracted social conflict and conflict transformation: an analysis with special reference to Sri Lanka C REIMANN
2002 PhD London, LSHTM Sustaining menstrual regulation policy: a case study of the policy process in Bangladesh Gabrielle Catherine ROSS
2002 PhD Aberdeen The economic viability of shrimp farming in the coastal areas of Pakistan Nizam SABIR
2002 PhD Wales, Cardiff Raj Bhakta Marg: the path of devotion to Srimad Rajcandra: a Jain community in the twenty first century E K SALTER Dr Johnson
2002 PhD Edinburgh Negotiations and contradictions: local perceptions of tourism on Langkawi Island, Malaysia Nor Hafizah SELAMAT
2002 PhD London, UC A study to determine the effects of the status of women on child growth undertaken in the Mysore region of Karnataka, India K SETHURAMAN
2002 PhD Wales, Aberystwyth The resolution of environmental disputes in India D SHANNUGANATHAN
2002 PhD Newcastle Application of information technology to improve the design process in the construction sector in Pakistan: a case of the specification management process B K SHAR
2002 PhD London, SOAS Communism in India Shalini SHARMA Dr S Kaviraj
2002 PhD Cambridge, Darwin The sacred geography of Sanchi Hill: the archaeological setting of Buddhist monasteries in central India J SHAW Dr D K Chakrabarti
2002 PhD Wales, Cardiff Metaphysical psychology: an analysis of Sri Aurobindo Ghose’s theory of psychological consciousness development with special reference to his concepts of integral Brahman and the psychic entity Girija SHETTAR Dr Johnson
2002 MPhil/PhD Reading Credit constraints on the growth of rural non-farm sector in India Anchita SHUKLA (TRIPATHI) Dr S L Wiggins
2002 PhD Bath Escape and “struggle”: routes to women’s liberation in Bihar Indu B SINHA Dr G Wood; Dr J A McGregor
2002 PhD Wales, Cardiff Representative agent modes and macroeconomic poliocy: an application to the UK Naveen SRINIVASAN
2002 DPhil Oxford, Trinity Bhuvanekabahu VII and the Portuguese: temporal and spiritual encounters in Sri Lanka, 1521-1551 Alan Leiper STRATHERN Dr P B R Carey; Prof T F Earle
2002 PhD Cranfield, Silsoe An evaluation of public and private groundwater irrigation systems in Bangladesh and Pakistan David SUTHERLAND Dr R Carter
2002 DPhil Oxford Clothing culture: sex, gender and transvestism with reference to UK transvestites and the hijras of India Charlotte SUTHRELL Prof M Banks
2002 DPhil Oxford, Wolfson A study of consecration ritual in Indian Buddhist tantrism: a critical and annotated transslation of selected sections of the Kriyasagrahapanjika of Kuladatta Ryugen TANEMURA Prof A G J Sanderson
2002 PhD Wales, Bangor Influence of crop profitability, market, labour and land on smallholder cropping systems in rubber-growing areas of Sri Lanka Sunethra Pushpa Kumri Thennakoon THENNAKOON-MUDIYANSELAGE Dr F Sinclair
2002 DPhil Oxford, Hertford Negotiating the boundaries of gender and empire: Lady Mary Curzon, Vicereine of India Nicola J THOMAS Dr P Coones; Dr J R Ryan
2002 PhD Cambridge, Fitzwilliam The institutional responses to the water needs of peri-urban communities in Delhi, India Kathryn Signe TOVEY Dr B Vira
2002 PhD Cambridge, Christ’s Crafting discourse: mat weaving in Pattamadai, South India S VENKATESAN Dr D A Swallow
2002 PhD East Anglia Foreign aid, power and elementary education reform in Pakistan from 1992 to 1999 Michael WARD Dr R McBride
2002 PhD Nottingham Salman Rushdie: imagining the other name foe Islam Y YACOUBI
2002 PhD London, SOAS The Vinaya in India and China: spirit and transformation Jing YIN Dr T Skorupski
2002 PhD Reading An application of theory of planned behaviour and logistic regression models to understand farm level tree planting and its determinants in the district of Dera Ismail of Pakistan’s North West Frontier Province Muhammad ZUBAIR
2003 PhD Birmingham Women empowerment and intrahousehold resource allocation through micro-finance: a comparative study of two micro-finance institutions in Bangladesh Shahnaz Tarannum ABDULLAH
2003 PhD Glasgow An ethnographic study of violence experienced by Dalit Christian women in Kerala State, India, and the implications of this for feminist theology S ABRAHAM
2003 PhD London, LSE Federal formation and consociational stabilisation: the politics of national identity, articulation and ethnic conflict regulation in India and Pakistan Katharine ADENEY Prof B O’Leary
2003 PhD Stirling An empirical study of employee share ownership in Malaysia Mohmad ADNAN B ALIAS
2003 PhD Exeter Linking India with Britain: the Persian Gulf cable, 1864-1906 Farajollah AHMADI Prof J Black; Dr L P Morris
2003 PhD London, UC Ethnicity and environment in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. Bangladesh Farid AHMED Dr M Banerjee
2003 DPhil Sussex The construction of childhood in Monipur: negotiating boundaries through activities Iftikhar AHMED
2003 PhD Manchester Sri Lankan export-orientated clothing manufacturing industry: a comparison of management development practices across foreign, joint venture and local companies Vathsala AKURATIYAGAMAGE B Cooke; A Mamman
2003 PhD Queen’s, Belfast We are fighting for the women’s liberation also: a comparative study of female combatants in the national conflicts in Sri Lanka and Northern Ireland M ALISON
2003 PhD London, SOAS Dominant texts, subaltern performances: two tellings of the Ramayan in central India S ANITHA
2003 PhD Cambridge, Wolfson A political biography of Don Stephen Senanyake, (1931-1952): the former prime minister of Sri Lanka Drene Terana APONSO Dr G Johnson
2003 DPhil Oxford, St Cross Education reform in developing countries:decentralisation with reference to India and Pakistan Linda F C ARTHUR Dr C Brock
2003 PhD London, UC Childhood epilepsy in Bangladesh: clinical profile, predictors of outcome and randomised controlled trial of efficacy and side effects of treatment S H BANU
2003 MPhil Birmingham A comparative examination of critical, religious and interreligious ingredients contributing to intercommunal harmony and disharmony in Sri Lanka: Sri Lankan Tamil Hindu dynamism, British Christian evangelism and the rise of 20th century Sinhalese Buddhist militancy A R BECKETT
2003 PhD Manchester Perceptions of user education in the university libraries of Pakistan Rubina BHATTI T Christie; G Price
2003 PhD Oxford Brookes Revolution, military personnel and the war of liberation in Banglaldesh O A BIR BIKRAM
2003 MPhil London, SOAS Hindustani music in the reign of Aurangzeb Katherine Ruth BROWN Dr R Widdess
2003 PhD London, SOAS We Nelpalis: language, lliterature and the formation of a Nepali public sphere in India, 1914-1940 Rhoderick Alasdair MacDonald CHALMERS Dr M Hutt
2003 PhD Leeds The relationship between knowledge and power in the work of Amitav Ghosh C G CHAMBERS
2003 PhD Cambridge, Trinity Hall Mysore: the making and unmaking of a model state, c. 1799-1834 Nigel Hugh Mosman CHANCELLOR Prof C A Bayly
2003 PhD Edinburgh Rishtas: transational Pakistani marriages Katharine CHARSLEY
2003 PhD Sheffield Birth for some women in Pakistan: defining and defiling M CHESNEY
2003 PhD Edinburgh Admitted truths in Muslim-Christian dialogue: a study of William Muir, Sayyid Ahmad Khan and William Goldsack in 19th century India David Otis COFFEY
2003 DPhil Oxford, Queen’s Marxism and middle class intelligentsia: political ideology and culture in Bengal, 1920-1950 Rajarshi DASGUPTA Dr N Gooptu
2003 DPhil Oxford, St Hugh’s Bridging educational and social divides ? private school outreach for out-of-school children in India Laura L DAY Dr C Brock
2003 PhD London, SOAS Local brokers: knowledge and trust and organisation in the practice of agricultural extension for small and marginal farmers in Rajasthan, India Bina DESAI Dr D Mosse
2003 PhD Newcastle The regulation of private schools for low-income families in Andrha Pradesh,India: an Austrian economic approach P DIXON
2003 PhD Cambridge, Girton Orientalism, Sanskrit scholarship and education in colonial north India, ca 1775-1875 Michael Sinclair DODSON Prof C A Bayley
2003 PhD Wales, Cardiff Sri Ramakrishna, Swami Vivekananda and the Ramakrishna movement: the question of continuity Paul W EATON Dr Johnson
2003 PhD London, SOAS Jews and Judaism in modern Indian discourse Yulia EGOROVA Prof C Shackle
2003 PhD Cambridge, Clare Hall Behind the scenes at the magic house: an ethnoggraphy of the Indian Museum, Calcutta M J ELLIOTT Dr D A Swallow
2003 PhD Cambridge, Jesus A study of agricultural production at the level of household, community and region: long term trends in India and China Shailaja FENNELL Dr P H Nolan
2003 PhD London, SOAS Sinhala Buddhist nationalism from revivalism to militant political ideology: the struggle to shape public culture in Sri Lanka Yolanda FOSTER Dr DTaylor
2003 PhD Gloucestershire Exiled from glory: Anglo-Indian settlement in nineteenth century Britain with special reference to Cheltenham S FRASER Dr C R V More; Dr J M Bourne
2003 PhD Gloucestershire Exiled from glory: Anglo-Indian settlement in nineteenth century Britain with special reference to Cheltenham Stuart J FRASER Dr C R V More; Dr J M Bourne
2003 PhD London, LSE From local tensions to ethnic conflict: the emergence of Hindu nationalism in a Christian/Hindu “tribal” community in Chhattisgargh, northern India Peggy FROERER Dr L Sklar
2003 PhD Cambridge, Churchill An economic perspective on resettlement of populations displaced by large dams: the case of the Sardar Sarovar Project displaced, India Supriya GARIKIPATI
2003 PhD London, SOAS The origins and early development of anthropomorphic Indian iconography Madhuvanti GHOSE Dr G H R Tillotson
2003 DPhil Oxford, St Edmund Hall Subduction-related metamorphism, structure and tectonic evolution of the Kohistan arc and main mantle thrust zone, Pakistanm Himalayas Simon J GOUGH Dr D J Waters; Dr M P Searle
2003 PhD Birmingham Islamic activism in South Asia: the reasons for the electoral under-achievement of the Jama’at Islami Party of Pakistan, 1947-1977 F HAMEED
2003 PhD Derby A critical analysis of policy initiatives involving small and medium enterprises in Malaysia A B A HAMID
2003 PhD Sunderland Identity and the Bengal Muslims: mapping changing perspectives (1905-1971) F HASHEM
2003 PhD London, External Patterns and dynamics of loan use: a study of BRAC borrowers in Bangladesh F HASIN
2003 PhD Durham Arsenic toxicity in Bangladesh: health and social hazards Md Manzarul HASSAN
2003 DPhil Sussex Elite public discourses of poverty and the poor in Bangladesh Naomi T HOSSAIN M P Moore
2003 PhD Southampton Quality of care in maternity services: childbirth among the urban poor of Mumbai, India Louise A HULTON
2003 PhD Cambridge, Churchill Effect of weekly iron supplementation and antihelminthic treatment on the physical growth and development of Bangladeshi children Mohammad Mushtuq HUSAIN
2003 PhD Essex Factors limiting productivity and adoption of rubber tea intercropping in the low country wet zone of Sri Lanka S M M IQBAL
2003 MPhil Birmingham A call to Christian discipleship in a situation of conflict: a study of Christian mission in the socio-ethnic conflict of Sri Lanka, with special reference to the life witness and theoleogy of Dietrich Bonhoefer M B JEYAKUMAR
2003 PhD Cambridge, Queens’ Novels of the South Asian diaspora in East Africa Stephanie Jillian JONES Mr T L J Cribb
2003 PhD London, LSE Governing morals: state, marriage and householfd among the Gaddis of north India Kriti KAPILA
2003 MPhil London, SOAS The power behind the throne: relations between the British and Indian states, 1870-1909 Caroline J KEEN Dr A A Powell
2003 PhD Cambridge, Corpus Representing children: power, policy and the discourse on child labour in the football manufacturing industry of Sialkot Ali KHAN Dr D Sneath
2003 PhD Manchester The impact of privatisation in Pakistan Iram Anjum KHAN Dr P Cook
2003 PhD Cambridge, Hughes Hall A social and political history of the telegraph in the Indian empire, circa 1850-1920 Deep Kanta LAHIRI CHOUDHURY Prof C A Bayley
2003 PhD Cambridge,Fitzwillliam Colonial governmentality: spaces of inperialism and nationalism in India’s new capital, New Delh S I LEGG Dr J S Duncan
2003 PhD London, SOAS Women, equality, autonomy: study of women’s rights in India Sumi MADHOK Dr S Kaviraj
2003 PhD Aberdeen The performance of agricultural institutions in disseminating new technologies: a case study of modern rice variety BR 32 in Bangladesh’ B MAJUMDER
2003 PhD Reading Vegetation mapping in the north west of Pakistan R N MALIK
2003 DPhil Sussex Gendered places, transnational lives: Sikh women in Tanzania, Britain and Indian Pubjab K P K MAND
2003 PhD Stirling Policy transfer and policy translation: day care for people with dementia in Kerala, India L F M McCABE
2003 PhD Southampton Barriers and opportunities in effective contraceptive management in Bangladesh Juliet McEACHRAN
2003 PhD Wales, Aberystwyth Federalism in Malaysia: a constitutional study of the federal institutions established by the Federal Constitution of Malaysia and their relationships with the traditional institutions in the constitution (with special reference to the Islamic religious power and bureaucracy in the states) K A MOKHTAR
2003 PhD Leeds The levels of integration of people with spinal cord lesion in Bangladesh Abdul Khair Mohammed MOMIN
2003 PhD Loughborough Modelling a flow of funds and policy simulation experiments in the financial sector in India Tomoe MOORE
2003 PhD London, LSE Tradition and modernity: a sociological comparison between Sri Lankan women in Colombo and in London in the late 1990s Fathima Fatheena MUBARAK
2003 PhD London, Goldsmiths Doing development: voluntary agencies in the Sundarbans of West Bengal Amites MUKHOPADHYAY Prof P Caplan
2003 PhD London, LSHTM Gender and reproductive health in Pakistan: a need for reconceptualisation Z MUMTAZ
2003 PhD London, SOAS Romance and pleasure in a restrictive society: understanding the sexual conduct of unmarried middle class young people in Bangladesh Lazeena MUNA Prof J Cleland (LSHTM)
2003 PhD London, LSE Marxism and beyond in Indian politicval thought: J P Narayan and M N Roy’s theory of radical democrary Eva-Maria NAG Dr Chun Lin
2003 PhD London, SOAS The museum in colonial India (1770-1936): a history of collecting, exhibiting and disciplining of knowledge Savithri Preetha NAIR De G H R Tillotson
2003 PhD Wales, Aberystwyth Second World War Japanese atrocities and British minor war crimes trials: the issue of fair trial in four selected British war crimes trials in Malaysia and Singapore in 1946-1947 Arujanan NARAYANAN
2003 PhD London, UC The life cycle of clothing: recycling and the efficacy of materiality in contemporary urban India Katherine Lucy NORRIS Dr S Kuechler-Fogden
2003 DPhil Oxford, St Antony’s Refugees on the Indian sub-continent, 1947-1998: state policy and practice Pia A OBEROI Dr G S Goodwin-Gill
2003 PhD Aberdeen The classification and efficiency of use of forage resources under semi-arid conditions in the Hindukush, Karakoram and Himalayan region of Pakistan R M OMER
2003 PhD Birmingham The echoes of a faded memory: a contribution to a history of the Tamil Coolie Mission P J T PEIRIS
2003 PhD London, SOAS The formation of a divided public: print, language and literatuire in colonial Goa R PINTO
2003 PhD Greenwich A tapestry of resistance: Afghan educated refugee women in Pakistan: “Agency” identity and resistance in war and displacement N POURZAND
2003 PhD Dundee Quality assurance in undergraduate medical education: a multiple case study in Bangladesh, Thailand and Indonesia Titi Savitri PRIHATININGSIH
2003 PhD Reading International joint ventures in developing economies: an analysis of Indo-British ventures in India Raji RAJAN Prof M Utton; Dr U Kambhampati
2003 PhD London, SOAS Law and social change in India Gopalan RAMAN
2003 PhD London, LSHTM The consequences of health insurance for the informal sector: two non-governmental, non-profit schemes in Gujerat Michael Kent RANSON
2003 PhD Durham A study of land transformation in Savar Upazila, Bangladesh, 1915-2001: an integrated approach using remore sensing Md Shahedur RASHID Dr P J Atkins
2003 PhD Cambridge, Sidney Sussex Auditing “development”: an anthropological study of “audit culture” within a “participatory rural development” project in eastern India M J REW
2003 MPhil Newcastle Development and land relations in tribal India: a study of Chotanagpur Richard ROBERTS P W Kellett
2003 PhD Edinburgh William Roxburgh (1751-1815)the founding father of Indian botany Timothy Francis ROBINSON
2003 DPhil Sussex Representing rebellion: visual aspects of counter-insurgency in colonial India Daniel J RYCROFT
2003 PhD Wawick Malaysian pre-school children with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) in inclusive settings S SAAD
2003 PhD Bristol Voices from an island: a reading of four Sri Lankan novelists in English D SAIKIA
2003 PhD Bradford A social constructionist account of children’s rights under the conditions of globalisation: the issue of child labour in India G SANGHERA
2003 PhD Warwick The knowledge and perspectives about Educational Management Information System (EIS/SMPP) of decision makers in the Malaysian Ministry of Education (MMOE): an enquiry into the implementation of an EMIS M W SARWANI
2003 PhD Manchester Institutions and poverty reduction: a case study of rural Bangladesh Md Golam SARWAR Dr J Mullen
2003 PhD London, SOAS Woman and communal violence in India Atreyee SEN Dr D Mosse
2003 PhD Manchester Information technology and the construction industry in Pakistan Ali SHAR Prof S Guy
2003 PhD Cambridge, St Cath’s The making of modern Assam, 1826-1935 Jayeeta SHARMA Prof C A Bayley
2003 PhD Wales, Cardiff Arsenic mobility in sediments and contamination of he Bengal Basin Darren SHAW
2003 PhD Bradford Microfinance and social change: a case study of household finance, development and change in gender relations in rural Bangladesh M N I SHEKH
2003 DPhil Sussex Resisting stigma and interventions: situating trafficked Nepali women’s struggles for self-respect, safety and security in Mumbai and Nepal M M SHIVADAS
2003 PhD Leicester Violence as non communication: the news differential of Kashmir and north east conflicts in the Indian national press Prasun SONWALKAR Prof A Sreberny
2003 PhD Aberdeen Factors affecting tree growing in traditional agriforestry systems in Werstern Himalaya, India K K SOOD
2003 PhD Brunel Moral continuity: Gujerati kinship, women, children and rituals Alison SPIRO, Mary
2003 PhD London, SOAS Social exclusion and cohesion: the case of leprosy in South India James STAPLES Dr D Mosse
2003 PhD London, LSE Bringing the Empire back in: patterns of growth in the British imperial state, 1890-1960 (with special reference to Indian and Africa) Gita SUBRAHMANYAM
2003 PhD Birmingham Imagining Hinduism: a post colonial perspective S SUGIRTHARAJAH
2003 PhD Manchester A feminist analysis of “white-ness” in an Indian research context Maria SUMMERSON Prof L Stanley
2003 PhD London, SOAS Prostitution and the law in Pakistan: a case study of Lahore’s Hira Mandi R TAK
2003 PhD Open South Asian women and the construction of political identity S TAKHAR
2003 PhD Warwick Foreign music: linguistic estrangement and its textual effects in Joyce, Beckett, Nabokov and Rushdie J TAYLOR
2003 DPhil Oxford, Wadham Monetary remedy for breach of constitutional rights in the United States, India, New Zealand and the United Kingdom Lisa Anne TORTELL Prof P P Craig
2003 PhD London, SOAS Literature and the politics of identity in Orissa Lopamudra TRIPATHY Dr S Kaviraj
2003 DPhil Oxford, Nuffield Growth empirics within a low income country: evidence from states in India,1960-1992 Kamakshya D TRIVEDI Dr G M F Cameron
2003 PhD London, LSE Rebels and devotees of Jharkhand: social, religious and political transformation among the Adivasis of northern India Barbara VERARDO
2003 PhD Cambridge, St John’s Institutional change and natural resource management: the case of forest policy reform in India Bhaskar VIRA Prof P H Nolan
2003 PhD East Anglia Embodied working lives: manual labouring in Maharashtra, India Louise WAITE Dr C Jackson; Dr R Palmer-Jones
2003 PhD Warwick Pakistan’s teaching hospitals: present measures quality and proposed quality improvement programmes G WAJID
2003 DPhil Oxford, St Cross Bangladeshi pupils: experiences, identity and achievement Sue WALTERS Dr C W R Davies; Prof S Tomlinson
2003 PhD East Anglia The growth of the Indian software industry: a social history Meera WARRIER Dr K Sen
2003 PhD Edinburgh Stereotyped Scots: representations and realities of Scottish missionary and military experience in colonial and post-independence Pakistan Jeremy WESTON
2003 PhD Wales Pandita Ramabai (1858-1922): a re-evaluation of her life and work Keith J WHITE
2004 PhD Cambridge, Lucy The world is established through the work of existence: the performance of Gham-Khadi among Pukhtun Bibiane in northern Pakistan: Amineh A AHMED Dr S B Bayly
2004 PhD Hull Political regime change and local government in Bangladesh Tariq AHMED L Summers
2004 MPhil Bradford Community level conflict transformation for sustainable peace: a Barefoot University for peace education in Sri Lanka Monica ALFRED
2004 MPhil De Montfort Arsenic speciation in foodstuffs from Bangladesh and a method for arsenic removal from water Shaban W AL-RMAILLY
2004 PhD Wales, Cardiff The portfolio behaviour of the GCC islamic and conventional banks Abdulaziz Mohammad N AL-SAEED
2004 DPhil Oxford, Linacre Just a pile of stones ! The politicization of identity , indigenous knowledge and sacred landscapes among the Lepcha and the Bhutia tribes in contemporary Sikkim, India Vibha ARORA Prof D Parkin; Prof M J Banks
2004 DPhil Oxford, Campion Hall From outcaste to caste: the use of symbols and myths in the construction of identity: a study of conflict between the Paraiyars and the Vanniyars in Tamil Nadu, South India Chockalingam Joe ARUN Dr M J Banks
2004 PhD Durham Economic and structural reforms and bank efficiency: a comparative analysis of India and Pakistan, 1990-1998 A ATAULLAH
2004 PhD Bradford Quality assurance in the basic nurse education programme in Pakistan: a case study aimed at improving the quality assurance practices in the basic nurse education in Pakistan A AZIZ
2004 PhD Greenwich A sustainable competitiveness model for strategic alliances: a study of rural entrepreneurs and commercial organisations in Malaysia with special emphasis on Malaysian farmer’s organisations S A BAHARUM
2004 DPhil Oxford, Nuffield The legisimating vocabulary of group rights in contemporary India Rochana BAJPAI Prof M S Freedom; Dr N Gooptu
2004 PhD Reading Farmers’ risk and uncertainty perceptions and their influence on farm level decision-making in the cotton-wheat zone of Pakistan’s Punjab K A BAJWA Dr T Rehman
2004 PhD London, InstEd An evaluation of the impact of school-based resource management and formula funding of schools and on the efficiency and equity of resource allocation in Sri Lanka Balasooriya Mudiyanselage Jayantha BALASOORIYA Prof A Little; Prof R Levacic
2004 PhD Cambridge, Downing Skill upgrading within informal training: lessons from the Indian auto mechanic J C BARBER Dr L Caley
2004 DBA Strathclyde The competitive advantage of Pakistan: empirical analysis of the textile/apparel industry K M BARI
2004 PhD London, Goldsmiths In service in India: the ethics of rule and conduct of British administrators and army officers in late nineteenth and early twentieth century India Jatinder BARN N Rose
2004 MPhil SOAS The dispensary movement in Bombay Presidency: ideology and practice, 1800-1876 Jennifer BLAKE Prof D Arnold
2004 PhD Middlesex The “divine heirarchy”: the social and institutional elements of vulnerability in South India B BOSHER
2004 PhD London, SOAS Challenging development: western discourses and Rajasthan women Tamsin Jane BRADLEY
2004 PhD Cambridge, Queens Tectono-metamorphic evolution of the central and western Himalayas M CADDICK Dr T J B Holland
2004 PhD Coventry Empire and authority: Curzon, collisions, character and the Raj, 1899-1906 M CARRINGTON
2004 DPhil Sussex Bringing citizens back in: public sector reform, service delivery performance and and accountability in an Indian state Jonathan CASELEY Dr A Joshi
2004 PhD Sheffield Site-formation studies and paleolithic investigations in the Siwalik Hill of northern India: reconsidering the Soanian history P R CHAUHAN
2004 PhD London, SOAS Buddhist nuns in Sri Lanka and Taiwan W-Y CHENG
2004 PhD Warwick Uncovering injustice: towards a Dalit feminist politics in Bangladesh Shraddha CHIGATERI C Wright
2004 PhD London, SOAS The Da’sanami-Samnyasis: the integration of ascetic lineages into an order Matthew James CLARK
2004 PhD Manchester We are the kings: the children of Dhaka’s streets Alessandro CONTICINI D Hulme
2004 PhD Anglia Adaptation and change in a traditional society: sustainable development in the context of a Ladakhi village Robert COOK
2004 PhD Cambridge, Darwin The Irish expatriate community in British India, c1750-1900 Barry James Conleth CROSBIE Prof C A Bayley
2004 DPhil Oxford, Balliol Much ado about religion: a critical and annotated translation of the Agamadambara, a satirical play by the 9th century Kashmirian philosopher Bhatta Jayanta Csaba DEZSO Prof J A Sanderson
2004 PhD Manchester Marginal Indian Punjabi Sikh men; a psychotherapeutic perspective Kamaldeep Singh DHILLON Dr C Bates
2004 PhD Nottingham Inherited factors in pre-eclampsia: molecular genetic and epidemiological studies in a Sri Lankan population V H W DISSANAYAKE
2004 PhD Bristol Gender and human rights: a discursive study of “violence against women” in Mexico and Pakistan Silvie DRESSELHAUS Dr J Weldes; Dr V Hewitt
2004 PhD Portsmouth The growth and applicationof Shari’ah in India: a legislative and judicial interpretation since 1947 E EHSANULLAH
2004 PhD London, SOAS Portugal and Portuguese India, 1870-1961 Bernard Dale ETHELL Prof P G Robb
2004 PhD Bradford Ceramic specialisation and standardisation in early historic South Asia: an interdisciplinary investigation of rouletted ware, grey ware and Arikamedu Type 10 L A FORD
2004 PhD Hull Identity, war and the state in India: the case of the Nagas Mr T FRANKS
2004 PhD London, King’s Improving the quality management systems for pharmaceutical services in developing countries: a case study in Sri Lanka Piyadasa Galalla GAMAGE
2004 PhD Oxford, Blackfriars The Vedantic cosmology of Ramanuja and its western parallels Robindra GANERI Prof J S K Ward
2004 PhD Nottingham Slavery in ancient Greek poleis and ancient Sri Lanka: a comparison W M W GEDARA
2004 PhD Cambridge, Queens’ Of poverty and markets: the political economy of informal waste recovery and plastic recycling in Delhi K GILL Dr B Vira
2004 PhD St Hugh’s Caitanya Vaisnava Vedanta: acintyabhedabheda of Jiva Gosvani’s Catusutri Tika Ravi Mohar GUPTA Dr S Gupta-Gombrich; Prof J S K Ward
2004 PhD London, SOAS Samaj and unity: the in Bengali literati’s discourse on nationhood, 1867-1905 Swarupa GUPTA Prof P G Robb
2004 PhD London, SOAS The politics of language and nation-building: the Nehruvian legacy and representations of cultural diversity in Sahgal, Rushdie and Seth A M GUTTMAN
2004 PhD East Anglia Understanding gender and intra-household relations: a case study of Shaviyani Atoll, Maldives Hala HAMEED Prof C Jackson
2004 DPhil Oxford, St Antony’s The dynamics of low-caste conversion movements: rural Punjab c 1880-1935 Christopher Gerard Michael HARDING Prof J M Brown
2004 PhD London, SOAS Religious mobilisation and the construction of political space in the Indian North West Frontier tribal areas in the early twentieth century Sana HAROON
2004 MPhil Leicester Lord Lake of Laswaree and Delhi, 1744-1808 Roger HARRIS Dr H V Bowen
2004 PhD Durham Detection, monitoring and management of small water bodies: a case study of Shahjadpur Thana, Bangladesh Khondaker Mohammod Shariful HUDA Dr P J Atkins; Dr D Donaghue
2004 PhD Warwick Problem of national identity of the middle class in Bangladesh and state-satellite television Zeenat HUDA Dr P Mukta
2004 PhD Essex Initial public offerings in Pakistan T IMTIAZ
2004 PhD South Bank Parental involvement, attitudes and responsibilities in educaton: a case study of parents in Britain and Pakistan N INAYAT
2004 PhD Cranfield Technology catch-up actions for manufacturing companies in Pakistan N IQBAL
2004 PhD London, SOAS Protestant translations of the Bible (1714-1995) and defining a Protestant Tamil identity Hephziba ISRAEL
2004 PhD London, LSE People and tigers: an anthropological study of the Sundarbans of West Belgal, India A JALAIS
2004 PhD Cambridge, Queens’ The agency of normal food: performing normality in contemporary urban Bengal Manpreet Kaur JANEJA Prof C Humphrey
2004 DPhil Oxford, Nuffield Bridging the digital divide: regulating universal access in India Akash K KAPUR Ms B Morgan
2004 PhD Reading Constraints and opportunities for sustainable livelihoods and forest management in the mountains of North West Frontier Province, Pakistan Jahangir KHAN Dr H M Jones
2004 PhD Cambridge, Selwyn Ecology and conservation of the Bengal tiger in the Sundarbans mangrove forest of Bangadesh M M H KHAN Dr D J Chivers
2004 PhD De Montfort Temple architecture of Bengal 9th to 16th centuries A KHARE
2004 PhD Keele Reconstructing rights: an analysis of the role of rights in reconstructing gender relations in the earthquake affected area, Maharashtra, India Jane KRISHNADAS
2004 PhD London, SOAS Resolution and rupture: the paradox of violence in witch accusations in Chhatisgarh, India Helen M MACDONALD Dr D Mosse
2004 PhD London, SOAS Resolution and rupture: the paradox of violence in witch accusations in Chhattisgarh, India Helen M MacDONALD
2004 PhD Edinburgh Pious flames: changing Western interpretations of widow burning in India to 1860 Andrea MAJOR Dr C Bates; Dr I Duffield
2004 PhD Oxford, St John’s Cricket in colonial India, 1850-1947 Boria MAJUMDAR Dr D A Washbrook
2004 PhD Nottingham Land tax administration and compliance attitudes in Malaysia N A A MANAF
2004 PhD London, King’s Countering hegemony: the geopolitics of agrobiotechnology and the regulatory role of the Indian state Martin MANSKI M Mulligan
2004 PhD Birmingham The interdependency and the relationship between the government and private sector and their changing role in the development of micro island tourism in the Maldives Abdulla MAUSOOM
2004 PhD Durham Travelling knowledges: urban poverty and slum/shack dwellers international Colin McFARLANE Dr G Macleod
2004 PhD Wales, Aberystwyth The establishment and growth of selected pioneer tree species from disturbed tropical rainforest sites in Malaysia H MD NOOR
2004 PhD London, King’s Reterritorialising transnational corporate hegemony: the geopolitics of agribiotechnology and the regulatory role of the state in India Martin MENSKI
2004 PhD London, SOAS Zorastrian music Raiomond MIRZA Prof O Wright; Dr R Widdess
2004 PhD London, SOAS Space, borders and histories: identity in colonial Goalpura (India) Sanghamitra MISRA Prof P G Robb
2004 PhD Cambridge, St John’s Crystal structure of north east India and southern Tibet and a comparison with thelithosphere of the stable Indian shield S MITRA Dr K F Priestley
2004 DPhil Oxford, St Antony’s The British in India and their domiciled brethern: race and class in the colonial context, 1858-1930 Satoshi MIZUTANI Dr D A Washbrook
2004 MPhil Leeds Enabling and disabling factors of community cohesion among Pakistani Muslims in Bradford Dominic J MOGHAL Dr K Knott
2004 PhD London , UC Reworking modernity: the impact of resettlement in the Narmada valley, India Kuheli MOOKERJEE Dr C Dwyer; Dr A Varley
2004 PhD London, InstArch An examination of the spatial and temporal variation of lithic technology throughout the early Bronze Age of Pakistan Justin Collard MORRIS K Thomas
2004 PhD London, UC Lithic technology and cultural change during the late prehistoric period of northwest South Asia J C MORRIS
2004 PhD Cambridge, Lucy Markets, transport and the state of Bengal economy, c.1750-1800 T MUKHERJEE Prof C A Bayley
2004 PhD London, SOAS The perception of the “medieval” in Indian popular films, 1920s -1960s Urvi MUKHOPADHYAY Dr D Ali; Dr R Dwyer
2004 PhD Cambridge Impact of food supplementation on pregnancy weight gain and birth weight in rural Bangladesh Shamsun NAHAR
2004 PhD Cambridge. Sidney Caught in the digital divide: transforming meanings of space, gender and identity for high tech professionals in Bangalore city, India Roopa NAIR Prof S E Corbridge
2004 PhD Reading The motivation of masons in the Sri Lankan construction industry Leyon NANAYAKKARA
2004 PhD Wales, Aberystwyth Second World War Japanese atrocities and British minor war crimes trials: the issue of fair trial in the four selected British minor war crimes trials in Malaya and Singapore A NARAYAN
2004 PhD London, SOAS The Gandavyuha-sutra: a study of wealth, gender and power in an Indian Buddhist narrative Douglas Edward OSTO
2004 PhD London, SOAS Archaic knowledge, tradition and authenticity in colonial north India Rakesh PANDEY Dr D Ali
2004 PhD West of England Performance measurement and evaluation of supply chain: the Indian automobile industry B PATEL
2004 PhD Aberdeen Emergency obstetric care: needs of poor women in Bangladesh E PITCHFORTH
2004 PhD London, LSE Multinationals, local firms and economic reforms in Indian industry Tushar PODDAR
2004 PhD Birmingham Mineral chemistry and metal extraction of Sri Lanka beach sands W A P PREMARATNE
2004 PhD London, LSE A micro-econometric analysis of alcohol prohibition in India L RAHMAN
2004 PhD London, Wye Measurement of productivity and efficiency of rice farmers in Bangladesh: an empirical study Mohamed Mizanur RAHMAN
2004 PhD Cambridge, Wolfson Seismic characteristics of the southern Indian and the adjacent pan-African high grade terranes of Gondwanaland Abhishek Kumar RAI Dr K F Priestley
2004 PhD Leeds Nation, celebration and selected works of Michel Ondaatje and Carol Shields Gillian Marie ROBERTS
2004 PhD Cambridge, Gonville HLA-DBQ1 – reproduction and health in consanguinous and non consanguinous families in Bangladesh S ROY CHOUDHURY Dr L A Knapp
2004 PhD Leeds The Sixteenth Landers, 1822-1846: the experience of regimental soldiering in India J H RUMSBY
2004 PhD Newcastle Trade reforms: total factor productivity and profitability of manufacturing sectors in Pakistan Naveeda SALAM
2004 PhD Open Psychedelic whiteness: rave tourism and the materiality of race in Goa Joseph Johannes Arun SALDANHA Dr J D Robinson; Prof D B Massey
2004 PhD Manchester The effect of globalisation on the grassroots women in Bangladesh Nasreen SATTAR Ms S Rowbotham
2004 PhD London, LSE Understanding the state: an anthropological study of rural Jharkhand, India A SHAH
2004 PhD London, SOAS The Balochi verb: an etymological study Azim SHAHBAKHSH
2004 DPhil Oxford, Wolfson State and society in: Gujerat, c.1200-1500: the making of a region Samira SHEIKH Dr D A Washbrook
2004 PhD Edinburgh Living with HIV/AIDS: turning points, transitions and transformations in the lives of women in Bombay and Edinburgh Dina Pervez SIDHVA
2004 PhD Cambridge Exploring inclusive education in an Indian context N SINGAL
2004 PhD Birmingham The question of method in Dalit theology: in search of a systematic approach of an Indian liberation theology Charles SINGARAM
2004 MPhil Wales, Swansea Policy and practice of forest management through local institutions in Himachal Pradesh, India M P SOOD
2004 PhD South Bank Health beliefs and health practices of South Asian and British white adults with and without myocardial infarction Dooroowadave SOOKHOO
2004 DPhil Oxford, Linacre Secularism in Salman Rushdie’s “Midnight’s children” and Vikram Seth’s “A suitable boy”: history, nation, language Neelam F R SRIVASTAVA Dr J A Mee
2004 PhD Cardiff Crossing boundaries: an ethnography of occupational socialization of post-diploma baccalaureate nursing students in Pakistan Grace D STANLEY
2004 PhD Cardiff Crossing boundaries: an ethnography of occupational socialization of post-diploma baccalaureate student nurses in Pakistan Grace Dianne STANLEY M Neary; G A Donald
2004 PhD Cambridge, Downing From “Palestine” [poem] to India: Bishop Heber’s poetic pilgrimage I TAKAHASHI Dr N J Leask
2004 PhD London, SOAS Towards a definitive grammar of Bengali: a study and critique of research on selected grammatical structures Hanne-Ruth THOMPSON Dr W Radice
2004 PhD Birmingham Support and supervision of secondary school teachers in Bangladesh H THORNTON
2004 DPhil Oxford, Worcester Tectonic, metamorphic and magmatic evolution of the central Karakoram crust, northern Pakistan aNDREW THOW Dr D J Waters; Prof R R Parrish; Dr M P Searle
2004 DPhil Oxford, St Cross The grammar and poetics of Murti-Seva: Caitanya Vaisnava image worship as discourse, ritual and narrative Kenneth R VALPEY Dr S Gupta-Gombrich; Prof J S K Ward
2004 PhD Birmingham Differences in school performance between Tamil Brahmin and Malabar Muslim children in Kerala, India: a socio-cutural approach V P VAZHALANICKAL
2004 PhD Open Science, technology and agency in the development of drought prone areas: a cognitive history of drought and scarcity Linden Faith VINCENT Prof D V Wield
2004 PhD Coventry Partition and locality: case studies of the impact of partition and its aftermath in the Punjab region, 1947-1961 Pritpal VIRDEE Prof I A Talbot
2004 PhD Cambridge, St Edmund’s Eating and identity in the novels of V S Naipaul, Anita Desai, Timothy Mo and Salman Rushdie Paul Matthew John VLITOS Dr A D B Poole
2004 PhD Cambridge, Churchill Thuggee and the “construction” of crime in early nineteenth century India Kim Ati WAGNER Prof C A Bayley
2004 PhD Cambridge, Emmanuel Between bureaucrats and beneficiaries: the implementation of eco-development:in Pench tiger reserves, India Jo L WOODMAN Dr B Vira
2004 PhD Glasgow The analysis of human mitochondrial DNA in peninsular Malaysia Z ZAINUDDIN
2004 PhD London, King’s Remote sensing and GIS based assessment of El-Nino related fire activity on Borneo, 1982-1998 Athanossios ZOUMAS
2005 PhD Loughborough Alternative arrangements for water supply in urban areas: case studies in Karachi, Pakistan Noman AHMED
2005 PhD London, UC Through “spirits”: cosmology and landscape ecology among the Nyishi tribe of upland Arunachal Pradesh, northeast India Alexander AISHER Dr C Pinney; Dr M Banerjee
2005 PhD Keele The cultural politics of production: ethnicity, gender and the labour process in Sri Lanka tea plantations Chandana G ALAWATTAGE
2005 PhD London, King’s Studies on slected Malaysian plants as antidiabetic agent H M ALI
2005 DPhil Oxford, St Antony’s Equality of educational opportunity and public policy in Bangladesh Mohammad Niaz ASADULLAH Dr R Kingdon; Dr S Dercon
2005 PhD London, LSE Structural changes in East Asia: factor accumulation, technological progress and economic geography Shuvojit BANERJEE
2005 PhD Manchester The politics of market space in Calcutta, India: past and present Martin BEATTIE Prof S Guy
2005 DPhil Oxford, St Antony’s Missionary education knowledge and and north Indian society, c 1880- 1915 Hayden John-Andrew BELLENOIT Dr D A Washbrook
2005 PhD London, King’s The changing goddess: the religious lives of Hindu women in West Bengal Cynthia BRADLEY Prof F Hardy
2005 PhD London, UC Mental illness, medical pluralism and Islamism in Sylhet, Bangladesh Alyson Fleur CALLAN Prof R Littlewood
2005 PhD London, SOAS Muzaffar Ahmad, Calcutta and socialist politics, 1913-1929 Suchetana CHATTOPADYHYAY Prof P G Robb
2005 PhD East Anglia Surface tension: water and agrarian change in a rainfed village, West Bengal, India Daniel COPPARD Dr B Lankford
2005 PhD Edinburgh Sri Pada: diversity and exclusion in a sacred site in Sri Lanka Delkandura Arachchige Premakumara DE SILVA
2005 PhD London, LSHTM Social capital and maternal mental health: a cross cultural comparison of four developing countries [Peru, India, Ethiopia, Vietnam] Mary Joan DE SILVA Ms S Huttly; Prof T Harpham
2005 PhD Cambridge. Trinity Hall Second language acquisition of articles and plural markings by Bengali learners of Engish Hildegunn DIRDAL Dr T Parodi
2005 MPhil London, UC The servant/employer relationship in19th century England and India Fae Ceridwen DUSSART Prof C M Hall
2005 PhD London, Royal Holloway Analysing the impact of labour and education laws on child labour in Pakistan during the 1990s T FASIH
2005 PhD London, Inst Ed Ways forward to achieve school effectiveness and school improvement: a case study of school leadership and teacher professional development in Sri Lanka B N A B FERNANDO
2005 PhD London, SOAS Surrendering to the earth: a feminine interpretation of Dharma worship in Bengal with special reference to ‘Sunya Purana Fabrizio FERRARI
2005 PhD Edinburgh Twentieth century South Asian Christian theological engagement with religious pluralism: its challenges for pentecostalism in India Geomon Kizhakkemalayil GEORGE
2005 MPhil Birmingham Sikhism and violence P GILL
2005 PhD Cambridge, Gonville Inverted metamorphism in the Sikkim-Darjeeling Himalay: structural, metamorphic and numerical studies S GOSWAMI Prof M J Bickle
2005 MPhil West of England A study of “enabling conditions” in primary schools in Negombo Education Zone in Sri Lanka with special reference to effective leadership and physical and material resources Egodawatte Arachchige Don GUNAWARDENA
2005 DPhil Oxford, St Cross Discourses of religion and development: agency, empowerment and choices or Muslim women in Gujerat, India Laila N HALANI Dr M J Banks
2005 PhD Reading Farmers’ decision-making in rice pest management: implications for farmer field school approaches in Bangladesh Mohammad Abdul HAMID Dr D D Shepherd
2005 PhD Manchester A fire of tongues: narrative patterning in the Sanskrit Mahabharata James Marcel HEGARTY
2005 PhD London, Queen Mary Intellectual property law and e-commerce in Sri Lanka: towards a jurisprudence based on consitution, Roman-Dutch law and Buddhist principles T S K HEMARATNE
2005 PhD Edinburgh Rights based development: formal and process approaches in Pakistan Shiona Mary HOOD
2005 PhD Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Ecology, economy and society in the eastern Bengal delta, c.1840-1943 Khondker Iftekhar IQBAL Prof C A Bayley
2005 PhD Plymouth International freight transport multimodal development in developing countries: the case of Bangladesh Dewan Mohammad Zahurul ISLAM Dr R Gray
2005 DPhil Sussex Women, employment and the family: poor informal sector women workers in Dhaka city Farzana ISLAM Dr H Standing
2005 PhD London, LSE Assessing the impact of Gujerat’s resettlement and rehabilitation policy on the livelihoods of women and their empowerment post-displacement Anupma JAIN
2005 PhD Open Volcanic architecture of the Deccan Traps, western Maharashtra, India: an integrated chemostratigraphic and paleomagnetic study Anne E JAY
2005 PhD Cambridge, Darwin Cross cultural perspectives in contemporary Sri Lankan writing in English Sharanya JAYAWICKRAMA Dr P Gopal
2005 DPhil Oxford, St Antony’s India divided: state and society in the aftermath of partitition: the case of Uttar Pradesh, 1946-1952 Yasmin KHAN Prof J M Brown; Prof I A Talbot
2005 PhD London, LSE Soldiers’ experience of war, Burma 1942-1945 Tatjana Genoveva Ursula KRALJIC Prof M Knox
2005 MPhil West of England An investigation of primary teachers’ professional attitudes in Sri Lanka with special reference to Negombo Educational Zone Nihil Tissa Kumara LOKULIYANA
2005 DPhil Oxford Implications of displacement and resettlement for the Gonds of central India Preeti MANN Dr D Chatty; Dr M J Banks
2005 PhD Queen’s, Belfast Women’s human rights in Islam and international human rights regime: the case of Pakistan N MIAN
2005 PhD London, SOAS Merchants, markets and the monopoly of the East India Company: the salt trade in Bengal under colonial control c. 1790-1836 Sayako MIKI Prof P G Robb
2005 PhD London, SOAS The transmission and performance for khyai composition in the Gwalior gharana of India vocal music A D MORRIS
2005 PhD Essex A case of interest maximisation? Military-civil bureaucratic behaviour and political outcomes in Bangladesh (1975-1990) Khairuzzaman MOZUMDER
2005 EdD Birmingham Exploring the potential for educational change through participatory and democratic approaches in Pakistan N MUHAMMAD
2005 PhD Nottingham United Nations charter and treaty-based international human rights monitoring in relation to the prohibition of torture and other cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment or punishment: a study of two states, the United Kingdom and the Republic of India A MUKHERJEE
2005 DPhil Sussex Knowledge, identity, place and (cyber)space: growing up male and middle class in Bangalore N C NISBETT
2005 PhD Edinburgh Case study of a health-oriented NGO in Pakistan Madeline PATTERSON
2005 PhD Edinburgh From medical relief to community health care: a case study of non-governmental organisation (Frontier Primary Health Care) in North Western Province, Pakistan Margaret Madeline PATTERSON
2005 dpHIL Oxford, Balliol Through district eyes: local raj and the myth of the Punjab tradition in British India, 1858-1907 Dara Milnes PRICE Dr D A Washbrook
2005 PhD London, SOAS The sant traditioin and community formation in the works of Guru Nanak and Dadu Dayal Susan Elizabeth PRILL Dr C Shackle
2005 PhD King’s, London Gender disadvantage as a risk factor for common mental disorder in women residing in Rawalpindi/Islamabad F QADIR
2005 EdD Durham Nurse education, foreign aid and development: a case study from Bangladesh Patricia ROBSON
2005 DPhil Sussex Tamil youth: the performance of hierarchical masculinities: an anthropological study of youth groups in Chennai, Tamil Nadu, India M C ROGERS
2005 PhD London, Insti Comm Socio-economic rights as constitutional human rights: Canada, South Africa and India compared Desa ROSEN Dr M Craven (SOAS); Dr P Gready
2005 PhD London, SOAS Early photography in India, 1850s-1870s Stephanie S ROY
2005 PhD Cambridge, Trinity Sentimental imperialism: British literature and India, 1770-1830 Andrew John RUDD Dr N J Leask
2005 PhD Edinburgh Conversion and communication: Christian communication and indigenous agency in conversion among the Kui people of Orissa, India, 1835-1970 Jagat Ranjan SANTRA
2005 PhD London, SOAS The formation of Islamic community identity in medieval north India Nilanjan SARKAR Dr D Ali
2005 PhD London, SOAS The political identity of the Delhi Sultanate, 1200-1400: a study of Zia ud-din Barani’s Fatawa-i-Jahandari Nilanjan SARKAR Dr D Ali
2005 PhD London, SOAS Globalization and identity: Sikh nationalism, diaspora and international relations Giorgiandrea SHANI
2005 PhD Sheffield Structure and composition of India’s exports with speial reference to India’s post- liberalisation period Abhijit SHARMA
2005 PhD De Montfort Colonial intervention and urban transformation: a case studyof Shahjahanabad, Old Delhi J P SHARMA
2005 PhD London, SOAS A study of the Amaravati stupa: the chronology and social contexts of an early historic Buddhist site in the Lower Krishna Valley Akira SHIMADA Dr D Ali
2005 DPhil Oxford, Green The business of schooling:the school choice processes, markets and institutions governing low-fee provate schooling for disadvantaged groups in India Prachi SRIVASTAVA Dr M Birbili; Prof G Walford
2005 DPhil Oxford The experience of four famines in NWP & O (1837-1838, 1860- 1861; 1868-1869; 1896-1897): the gainers and the losers Seema SRIVASTAVA
2005 MPhil Nottingham The effects of Asean on trade flows and assessing trade flows of the candidate country (case study: India) Puttachat SUWANKIRI
2005 PhD Edinburgh Prime time and prayer time: television, religion and the practices of everyday life of Marthoma Christians in Kerala, India Sham Padinjattethil THOMAS
2005 PhD Strathclyde Car dependency and traffic congestion: a case of a Malaysian city in Borneo L TSESED KONG
2005 MPhil Dundee Motivation and incentives in government organisations: a study of the Income Tax Department in India Mohanish VERMA
2005 PhD Cambridge, Jesus Seeking cultural safety: NGO responses to HIV/AIDS among South Asians in Delhi and London Hannah Jill WESTON Dr G Kearns
2005 MPhil London, King’s Sri Lankan perceptions of health and illness: quantitative and qualitative approaches Yapa Mudiyanselage Charitha Gothami WIJERATNE
2005 PhD Sunderland Women’s ordination in Theravada Buddhism:ancient evidence and modern debates L WILLIAMS
2005 PhD London, SOAS Literate networks and the production of Sgaw and Pwo Karen writing in Burma, c.1830-1930 William Burgess WOMACK Dr M Charney Professor Ian Brown
2005 PhD Nottingham Predictors of language learning success in Bangladeshi secondary education institutions Feroza YASMIN Prof Z Dornyel
2006 PhD London, LSHTM Quality of care for reproductive tract morbidities by rural private practitioners in north India Meenakshi GAUTHAM
2006 DPhil Sussex Poor women’s experiences of marriage and love in the city of New Delhi: every day stories of Sukh and Dukh Shalini GROVER
2006 PhD Newcastle Valuation techniques of protected areas: a case study of Gir, Gujarat, India Mohan Lal SHARMA
2006 PhD London, Imperial Contaminated irrigaton water and food safety in India Kerry Vivienne SWANTON
Table 2: List of theses with incomplete data, listed alphabetically by the University and College followed by the AUTHOR (in capital letters) followed by the Supervisor(s) where available and the thesis Title. The Year and/or Degree were not available in the public database. If you are an author or supervisor or other academic representative, please write in with these details if possible.
Aberdeen Sultan Ali ADIL An economic analysis of energy use in irrigated agriculture of Punjab PhD
Birmingham 0.365217391 S A KARUNANAYAKE An evaluation of the present system of local government in Ceylon in the light of national needs for unity and economic and social development and proposals for appropriate changes PhD
Birmingham 0.369264706 M G KANBUR Spatial equilibrium analysis of trhe rice economy of South India 2000
BradfordCambridge, Trinity Z KHAN The development of overt nuclear weapon states in South Asia PhD
Cambridge Katherine Helen PRIOR The British administration of Hinduism in India, 1780-1900 PhD
Cambridge G CHAKRAVARTY Imagining resistance: British historiography and popular fiction on the Indian Rebellion of 1857-1859 PhD
Cambridge 0.327375 Ajit Kumar GHOSE Production organisation, markets and resource use in Indian agriculture PhD
Cambridge 0.361285714 M J EGAN A structural analysis of a Sinhalese healing ritual PhD
Cambridge, King’s 0.301 J A LAIDLAW The religion of Svetambar Jain merchants in Jaipur PhD
Cambridge, Pembroke H T FRY Prof E E Rich Alexander Dalrymple, cosmographer and servant of the East India Company PhD
Cambridge, Trinity Magnus Murray MARSDEN Dr S B Bayly Islamization and globalization in Chitral, Northern Pakistan
Cambridge, Trinity Hall C J JEFFREY Dr S E Corbridge Reproducing difference: the accumulation strategies of richer Jat farmers in Western Uttar Pradesh, India 2002
Cambridge, Wolfson Gethin REES DrD K Chakrabarti Buddhism and trade: rock cut caves of the Western Ghats PhD
Cranfield, Silsoe Ariyaratne DISSANAYAKE J Morris Research and development and extension for agricultural mechanisation in Sri Lanka
De Montfort S JAIN The havelis of Rajasthan: form and identity PhD
Durham 0.401311475 M F A KHAN The arid zone of West Pakistan PhD
East Anglia John HARISS Technological change in agricultural and agrarian social structure in Northen Tamil Nadu, India PhD
Edinburgh N THIN High spirits and heteroglossia: forest festivals of the Nilgiri Irulas PhD
Edinburgh AKSHAY KHANNA Sexuality as a political object in civil society: active formations in India 2003
Edinburgh Rebecca WALKER Concepts of peace in conflict situations in Sri Lanka PhD
Glasgow Sana KHOKHAR Dr F Noorbakhsh; Dr A Paloni An evaluation of the structural adjustment and economic reform programme: a case study of Pakistan MPhil
Lancaster J A BURR Cultural stereotypes and the diagnosis of depression: women from South Asian communities and their experience of mental distress 1980
Leeds E K TARIN Health sector reforms: factors influencing the policy process for government initiatives in the Punjab (Pakistan) health sector, 1993-2000 PhD
Leeds 0.35375 A P A FERNANDO Agricultural development of Ceylon since independence (1948-1968)- an investigation into some aspects of agricultural development in Ceylon and an evaluation of major agricultural policies adopted in the peasant sector PhD
Leeds 0.35375 M S KHAN Policies and planning for agricultural development with a high population density: a case study of East Pakistan PhD
London F R M HASAN Ecology and rural class relations in Bangladesh: a study with special reference to three villages PhD
London B GHOSH Dr Anstey The Indian salt industry, trade and taxation PhD
London R L HATFIELD Management reform in a centralised environment: primary education administration in Balochistan, Pakistan, 1992-1997 MSc
London GAYAS-UD-DIN Medical library and information system for India PhD
London Sarmistha PAL Choice of casual and regular labour contracts in Indian agriculture: a theoretical and empirical analysis 2000
London, SOAS Pillarisetti SUDHIR Mr Chaudhuri British attitudes to Indian nationalism, 1922-1935 2001 (Apropos the author’s correction in the Comments section, this entry has been moved to the main list.)
London, External 0.357464789 A A KHATRI Marriage and family relationships in Gujerati fiction PhD
London, Imperial Sinniah JEYALINGAWATHANI Thr utilisation of indigenous and imported Bos indicus breeds in the dry zone of Sri Lanka 2002
London, LSE A KUNDU Prof Allen; Mr Booker Statistical measures of five year plans in India 2003
London, LSE Flora Elizabeth CORNISH Dr C Campbell Constructing an actionable environment: colelctive action for HIV prevention among Kolkata sex workers MPhil
London, LSE 0.423157895 B P DUTIA Economic aspects of production and marketing of cotton in India PhD
London, LSHTM Margaret J LEPPARD Obstetric care in a Bangladeshi hospital: an organisational ethnography PhD
London, LSHTM Steven RUSSELL Can households afford to be ill ? the role of the health system, maternal resources and social networks in Sri Lanka PhD
London, LSHTM Syed Mohd Akramuz ZAMAN Cohort study of the effect of measles on childhood morbidity in urban Bangladesh PhD
London, LSHTM Mrigesh Roopchandra BHATIA Economic evaluation od malaria control in Surat, India: bednets versus residual insecticide apray PhD
London, SOAS A B M MAHMOOD Mr Harrison The land revenue history of the Rajshahi zamindari, 1765-1793 PhD
London, SOAS Oliver David SPRINGATE-BAGINSKY Dr S I Jewitt Sustainable development through particpatory forest management: an analysis of the long term role of the cooperative forest societies of Kangra District, Himachal Pradesh, India PhD
London, SOAS Isabella NARDI Dr G Tillotson The Citrasutras: the Indian theory of painting 1929? MA
London, SOAS Angela ATKINS Dr R Snell The Indian novel in English and Hindi PhD
London, SOAS Angela C EYRE Land, language and literary identity: a thematic comparison of Indian novels in Hindi and English MA
London, SOAS Rajit Kumar MAZUMDER Prof P G Robb The making of Punjab: colonial power, the Indian army and recruited peasants, 1849-1939 MA
London, SOAS Lalita Nath PANIGRAHI Prof a l Basham The practice of female infanticide in India and its suppression in the North Western Provinces PhD
London, SOAS 0.318795181 Terumichi KAWAI Freedom of religion in comparative constitutional law with special reference to the UK, US, India and Japan MPhil
London, SOAS 0.3432 W P KINNEY Dr M Caldwell; P C Ayre Aspects of economic development in Malaya MA
London, SOAS 0.35375 K D GAUR Economic crimes relating to income tax in India: a critical analysis of tax evasion and tax avoidance PhD
London, SOAS 0.35375 A GHAFFAR Protection of personal liberty under the Pakistan constitution BLitt
London, SOAS 0.35375 K P MISHRA Dr J B Harrison The administration and economy of the Banaras region, 1738-1795 BLitt
London, SOAS 0.382153846 K M KARIM The provinces of Bihar and Bengal under Shabjahan 2003
Manchester A BERADLEY Prof Muir Settlement of the Madras Presidency, 1765-1827 MA
Manchester W A G HARRINGTON The theory and practice of non-formal education in developing countries with case studies from India PhD
Manchester Jane HAGGIS Professional ladies and working wives: female missionaries in the London Missionary Society and its South Travancoe District, South India, 1850-1900 MPhil
Manchester 0.401311475 S T G FERNANDO A historical and analytical account of export taxation in Ceylon, 1802-1958 PhD
Manchester 0.411864407 R L KUMAR India’s post-war balance of payments sincce 1945-1955 DPhil
Manchester 0.417413793 T S EPSTEIN A comparative study of economic change and differentiation in two South Indian villages PhD
Manchester Metropolitan S PAREKH Relationships between children with cerebral palsy and their siblings: an ethnography in Kolkata, India
Newcastle Alice MALPASS Dr P Phillimore Hibred kala: the hybrid age of choice, dissent and imagination: contract faming and genetically modified cotton in Karnataka, South India MSC
Newcastle 0.373432836 K K KHOSLA Conditions of labour and labour legislation of industrial workers in India since 1947 2001
North London Jasmin ARA Ms R Glanville Primary health care facilities in Bangladesh: a method of planning and design taking account of limited resources, local technology, future growth and change 2000
Oxford W M KHAN An economic evaluation of the alternative uses of land under state forests in Baluchistan 1999
Oxford, Campion Hall P EKKE Dr D F Brook An ethnogaphic survey of the Oraons and the Mundas of Chota-Nagpur 1991
Oxford, Nuffield Alistair McMILLAN Dr N Gooptu; Prof A F Heath Scheduled castes, scheduled tribes and party competition in India 1991
Oxford, St Hilda’s H Vinita TSENG Prof R F Gombrich The Nidanavagga of the Saratthappakasini: the first two vaggas 1993
Oxford, Wolfson Somadeva VASUDEVA Prof A G J S Sanderson The yoga of the Malinivijayottaratantra 1994
Reading 0.38671875 M A KAMAL Balances and unbalanced growth as exemplified by a decade of planning experience in India 1994
Salford S CHOWDHURY Mr E K Grime Housing in Bangladesh 1998
Sheffield RITA SAIKIA Prof M F Lynch The utility of object-oriented domain specification in the context of a large organisation in India 1998
Southampton 0.369264706 Mohammad A MONDAL A suggested approach to the solution of the profit measurement and asset valuation with reference to the developing economies of India and Pakisttan 1999
Strathclyde 0.37358209 T G GEHANI A critical review of the work of Scottish Presbyterian missions in India, 1878-1914 1999
Sussex R G HESELTINE The development and impact of jute cultivation in Bengal, 1870-1930 2000
Wales Animesh HALDER Potential diversification in India’s export pattern 2000
Wales, Swansea S S MUKHERJEE Urban process in Calcutta: some planning implications 2004
Wales, Swansea Julia CLEEVES Gender and reproductive health: issues in hormonal contraception in India 2004
Wales, University College of Swansea 0.346621622 E A KUMARASINGHE Information for health planning in Sri Lanka 1965
India’s “pork-barrel politics” needs a nice (vegetarian) Hindi name! “Teli/oily politics” perhaps? (And are we next going to see a Bill of Rights for Lobbyists?)
January 3, 2009 — drsubrotoroy“Pork barrel politics” has been known as a concept in America and other Western countries for more than a century. India is clearly playing catch-up here but advancing quickly. The so-called “second fiscal stimulus” announced yesterday by Dr Manmohan Singh’s chief economic policy aide no longer makes any pretence of any engagement with serious public finance economics at all and is instead a plain bill of rights for lobbyists, especially organised business (and with it, organised labour).
In fact New Delhi’s way seems to be for organised lobbies to deal directly with the higher bureaucracy with executive political approval or acquiescence; pork arising from legislative politics may be secondary.
Now “pork” is too ugly a term for our Indian sensibilities and not many people eat any in the country (though, believe it or not, pork-production literally speaking is still the recipient of a government subsidy!). So we do need a nice preferably vegetarian name for “pork-barrel politics” Indian-style. “Tel” or “oil” may provide some ideas, and as a rough approximation I would suggest “Teli politics” or “Oily politics” but suggestions are welcome.
There are groups in America known as “Porkbusters” :
Any similar resistance in India responding to our version of pork-barrel politics might have to be called “Tel busters” or “Oil busters” or just “Detergents”.
And finally, since there has been a complete takeover of the economic policy process (and the mainstream media) by organised business lobbies, are we going to be perhaps seeing next a formal Bill of Rights for Lobbyists?
Subroto Roy, Kolkata
Transparency & history: India’s archives must be opened to world standards (with Claude Arpi)
January 1, 2009 — drsubrotoroyTransparency & history: India’s archives must be opened to world standards
by Claude Arpi & Subroto Roy
First published in Business Standard New Delhi December 31, 2008, 0:26 IST
The Government of India continues to hide India’s history from India’s people using specious excuses. An example is the Henderson-Brook report on the 1962 war, a single copy of which is said to exist locked away in the Defence Ministry. An anti-Indian author like Neville Maxwell is among the few ever given access to it; he has reiterated his factually incorrect theory (accepted by Henry Kissinger and Zhou Enlai and the US and Chinese establishments since) that the 1962 war was due to Nehru’s aggressive policy and China had no choice but launch a “pre-emptive attack”.
In Parliament not long ago, Defence Minister A K Antony said: “Considering the sensitivity of information contained in the report and its security implications, the report has not been recommended to be declassified in the National Security interest.” This is nonsense. Nothing from as far back as 1962 can possibly affect anything significant to India’s security today. In any case the Defence Ministry’s official history of the 1962 war, though officially unpublished, is openly available.
Even the 2005 Right to Information Act goes against transparency of research into India’s history. Article 8 (1) (a) says, “there shall be no obligation to give any citizen,— (a) information, disclosure of which would prejudicially affect the sovereignty and integrity of India, the security, strategic, scientific or economic interests of the State, relation with foreign State or lead to incitement of an offence.” This can cover all files of the MEA, Defence and Home; there seems to be no right to academic freedom for India’s people to research their own history.
China itself is more open with its archives. Since 2004, the Foreign Ministry in Beijing has begun a systematic process declassifying more than 40,000 items from its diplomatic records for the period 1949-1960. The Cold War International History Project at the Woodrow Wilson International Center in Washington DC has recently published Inside China’s Cold War; the Project Director admits this has been possible due to China’s “archival thaw”.
In the USA, official documents are made available after 30 years or when a reasonable demand is made under the Freedom of Information Act. Numerous groups exist whose only work is to make sure the law is followed. The recently released Foreign Relations of the United States, Volume XVIII, China (1973-1976) published by the American foreign ministry reveals several interesting aspects of the India-USA-China relationship. Last year the National Archives and Records Administration (NARA) posted some 320,000 declassified cables on-line. The text of once-secret diplomatic cables indexed is today retrievable from the NARA Website. It also includes withdrawal cards for documents still classified, so these can be requested under the Freedom of Information Act. Out of 119,356 documents for 1973 and 200,508 for 1974, some 7,484 were related to India. Indians scholars today have to rely on US documents for their own history!
In an open society, the ordinary citizen has reasonably easy access to any and all information relating to the public or social interest— whether the information is directly available to the citizen himself/herself, or is indirectly available to his/her elected representatives like MPs and MLAs. Different citizens will respond to the same factual information in different ways, and conflict and debate about the common good will result. But that would be part of the democratic process. In an open society, both good news and bad news is out there in the pubic domain— to be assessed, debated, rejoiced over, or wept about. Citizens are mature enough to cope with both— the experience causes a process of social maturation in formulating the common good as well as responses to problems or crises the community may face. People improve their civic capacities, becoming better-informed and more discerning voters and decision-makers, and so becoming better citizens.
The opposite of an open society is a closed society— in which a ruling political party or self-styled elite or ‘nomenclatura’ keep publicly important information to themselves, and do not allow the ordinary citizen easy or reasonably free access to it. The reason may be merely that they are intent on accumulating assets for themselves in the dark as quickly as possible while in office, or that they are afraid of public anger and want to save their own skins from demands for accountability. Or it may be they have the impression that the public is better off kept in the dark— that only the elite ‘nomenclatura’ is in a position to use the information to serve the national interest. Bad news comes to be suppressed and so good news gets exaggerated in significance. News of economic disasters, military defeats or domestic uprisings gets suppressed. News of victories or achievements or heroics gets exaggerated. If there are no real victories, achievements or heroics, fake ones have to be invented by government hacks— though the suppressed bad news tends to silently whisper all the way through the public consciousness in any case.
Such is the way of government propaganda everywhere. Closed society totalitarianism permitted the general masses to remain docile and unthinking while the ‘nomenclatura’ make the decisions. Dostoevsky’s Grand Inquisitor said that is all that can be expected of the masses. Open society transparency was instead defined by Pericles for the Athenians: “Here each individual is interested not only in his own affairs but in the affairs of the state as well; even those who are mostly occupied with their own business are extremely well-informed on general politics— this is a peculiarity of ours: we do not say that a man who takes no interest in politics is a man who minds his own business; we say that he has no business here at all.”
The study of the subcontinent’s history using archival material is crucial to disentangle difficult problems like the Jammu & Kashmir issue or the border problem with China. Yet today nobody can access independent India’s primary sources locked in South Block and North Block in New Delhi. Most bizarrely, Jawaharlal Nehru’s papers are under control of his descendants like Priyanka Vadra and Sonia Gandhi, who claim copyright. Someone may need to tell them there is a universal principle that there can be no copyright on the public life-work of historical figures like presidents and prime ministers.
The Indian Revolution
December 8, 2008 — drsubrotoroyThe Indian Revolution
by
Subroto Roy
Prefatory Note Dec 2008: This outlines what might have happened if (a) Rajiv Gandhi had not been assassinated; (b) I had known at age 36 all that I now know at age 53. Both are counterfactuals and hence this is a work of fiction. It was written long before the Mumbai massacres; the text has been left unchanged.
“India’s revolution, when it came, was indeed bloodless and non-violent but it was firm and clear-headed and inevitably upset a lot of hitherto powerful people.
The first thing the Revolutionary Government declared when it took over in Delhi was that the rupee would become a genuine hard currency of the world economy within 18 months. This did not seem a very revolutionary thing to say and the people at first did not understand what was meant. The Revolutionaries explained: “Paper money and the banks have been abused by all previous regimes ruling in Delhi since 1947 who learnt their tricks from British war-time techniques. We will give you for the first time in free India a rupee as good as gold, an Indian currency as respectable as any other in the world, dollar, pound, yen, whatever. What you earn with your hard work and resources will be measured by a sound standard of value, not continuously devalued in secret by government misuse”.
The people were intrigued but not enlightened much. Nor did they grasp things to come when the Revolutionary Government abolished the old Planning Commission, sending its former head as envoy to New Zealand (with a long reading-list); attached the Planning Commission as a new R&D wing to the Finance Ministry; detached the RBI from the Finance Ministry; instructed the RBI Governor to bring proper work-culture and discipline to his 75,000 staff and instructed the Monetary Policy Deputy Governor to prepare plans for becoming a constitutionally independent authority, besides a possible monetary decentralization towards the States. India’s people did not understand all this, but there began to be a sense that something was up in Lutyens’ Delhi faraway.
The Revolutionary Government started to seem a little revolutionary when it called in police-chiefs of all States — the PM himself then signed an order routed via the Home Ministry that they were to state in writing, within a fortnight, how they intended to improve discipline and work-culture in the forces they commanded. Each was also asked to name three reliable deputies, and left in no doubt what that meant. State Chief Ministers murmured objections but rumours swirled about more to come and they shut up quickly. The Revolutionary Government sent a terse note to all CMs asking their assistance in implementation of this and any further orders. It also set up a “Prison Reform and Reconstruction Panel” with instructions to (a) survey all prisons in the country with a view to immediately reduce injustices within the prison-system; (b) enlarge capacity in the event fresh enforcement of the Rule of Law came to demand this.
The Revolutionary Government then asked all senior members of the judiciary to a meeting in Trivandrum. There they declared the judiciary must remain impartial and objective, not show favoritism even to members of the Revolutionary Party itself who might be in court before them for whatever reason. The judges were assured of carte blanche by way of resources to improve quality of all public services under them; at the same time, a new “Internal Affairs Department” was formed that would assure the public that the Bench and the Bar never forgot their noble calling. When a former judge and a former senior counsel came to be placed in two cells of the new prison-system, the public finally felt something serious was afoot. Late night comics on TV led the public’s mirth — “Thieves have authority when judges steal themselves”, waxed one eloquently.
The Revolutionary Government’s next step reached into all nooks and crannies of the country. A large room in the new Finance Ministry was assigned to each State – a few days later, the Revolutionary Government announced it had taken over control under the Constitution’s financial emergency provision of all State budgets for a period of six months at the outset.
Now there was an irrepressible outcry from State Chief Ministers, loud enough for the Revolutionary Government to ask them to a national meeting, this time in Agartala. When the Delhi CM sweetly complained she did not know how to get there, she got back two words “Get there”; and she did.
There the PM told the CMs they would get their budgets back some day but only after the Revolutionary Government had overseen their cleaning and restoration to financial health from their current rotten state. “But Prime Minister, the States have had no physical assets”, one bright young CM found courage to blurt out.
“That is the first good question I have heard since our Revolution began,” answered the PM. “We are going to give you the Railways to start with — Indian Railways will keep control of a few national trains and tracks but will be instructed to devolve control and ownership of all other assets to you, the States. See that you use your new assets properly”. There was a collective whoop of excitement. “During the time your budgets remain with us, get your police, transport, education and hospital systems to work for the benefit of common people, confer with your oppositions about how you can get your legislatures to work at all. Keep in mind we are committed to making the rupee a hard currency of the world and we will not stand for any waste, fraud or abuse of public moneys. We really don’t want to be tested on what we mean by that. We are doing the same with the Union Government and the whole public sector”. The Chief Ministers went home nervous and excited.
Finally, the Revolutionary Government turned to Lutyens’ Delhi itself. Foreign ambassadors were called in one by one and politely informed a scale-back had been ordered in Indian diplomatic missions in their countries, and hence by due protocol, a scale-back in their New Delhi embassies was called for. “We are pulling our staff, incidentally, from almost all international and UN agencies too because we need such high-quality administrators more at home than abroad”, the Revolutionary Foreign Minister told the startled ambassadors.
Palpable tension rose in the national capital when the Revolutionary Government announced that Members of Parliament would receive public housing of high quality but only in their home constituencies! The MPs would have to vacate their Delhi bungalows and apartments! “But we are Delhi! We must have facilities in Delhi!”, MPs cried. “Yes, rooms in nationalized hotels suffice for your legislative needs; kindly vacate the bungalows as required; we will be building national memorials, libraries and museums there”, replied the radicals in power. Tension in the capital did not subside for weeks because the old political parties all had thrived on Delhi’s social circuit, whose epicenter swirled around a handful of such bungalows. Now those old power-equations were all lost. A few MPs decided to boycott Delhi and only work in their constituencies.
When the Pakistan envoy was called with a letter for her PM, outlining a process of détente on the USSR-USA pattern of mutual verification of demilitarization, both bloated militaries were upset to see their jobs and perks being cut but steps had been taken to ensure there was never any serious danger of a coup. The Indian Revolution was in full swing and continued for a few years until coherence and integrity had been forced upon the public finances and currency of a thousand million people….”
see also
India’s Muslim Voices (Or, Let us be clear the Pakistan-India or Kashmir conflicts have not been Muslim-Hindu conflicts so much as intra-Muslim conflicts about Muslim identity and self-knowledge on the Indian subcontinent)
December 4, 2008 — drsubrotoroyIndia’s Muslim Voices
(Or, Let us be clear the Pakistan-India or Kashmir conflicts have not been Muslim-Hindu conflicts so much as intra-Muslim conflicts about Muslim identity and self-knowledge on the Indian subcontinent)
by
Subroto Roy
Ill-informed Western observers, especially at purported “think tanks” and news-portals, frequently proclaim the Pakistan-India confrontation and Jammu & Kashmir conflict to represent some kind of savage irreconcilable division between Islamic and Hindu cultures.
For example, the BBC, among its many prevarications on the matter (like lopping off J&K entirely from its recently broadcasted maps of India, perhaps under influence of its Pakistani staffers), frequently speaks of “Hindu-majority India” and “Indian-administered Kashmir” being confronted by Muslim Pakistan.
And two days ago from California’s Bay Area arose into the Internet Cloud the following profundity: “What we’re dealing with now, in the Pakistani-Indian rivalry, is a true war of civilizations, pitting Muslims against Hindus…. the unfathomable depths of the Muslim-Hindu divide….”.
Even President-elect Obama’s top Pakistan-specialists have fallen for the line of Washington’s extremely strong Pakistan lobby: “Pakistan… sees itself as the political home for the subcontinent’s Muslim population and believes India’s continued control over the Muslim-majority Kashmir valley and denial of a plebiscite for its inhabitants represent a lingering desire on India’s part to undo the legacy of partition, which divided the British Indian Empire into India and Pakistan.”
The truth on record is completely different and really rather simple: for more than a century and a half, Muslims qua Muslims on the Indian subcontinent have struggled with the question of their most appropriate cultural and political identity.
The starkest contrast may be found in their trying to come to terms with their partly Arabic and partly Hindu or Indian parentage (the words Hindu, Sindhu, Indus, Indian, Sindhi, Hindi etc all clearly have the same Hellenistic root).
For example, there was Wali Allah (1703-1762) declaring “We are an Arab people whose fathers have fallen in exile in the country of Hindustan, and Arabic genealogy and Arabic language are our pride”.
But here has been Mohammad Iqbal (1877-1938), in his 1930 Allahabad speech to the Muslim League, conceiving today’s Pakistan as a wish to become free of precisely that Arab influence: “I would like to see the Punjab, NWFP, Sind and Baluchistan amalgamated into a single state… The life of Islam as a cultural force in this living country very largely depends on its centralisation in a specified territory… For India it means security and peace resulting from an internal balance of power, for Islam an opportunity to rid itself of the stamp that Arabian Imperialism was forced to give it, to mobilise its law, its education, its culture, and to bring them into closer contact with its own original spirit and the spirit of modern times.”
In an article “Saving Pakistan” published last year in The Statesman and available elsewhere here, it was suggested Iqbal’s “spirit of modern times” may be represented most prominently today by the physicist/political philosopher Pervez Hoodbhoy: in a December 2006 speech Hoodbhoy suggested a new alternative to MA Jinnah’s “Faith, Unity, Discipline” slogan: “First, I wish for minds that can deal with the complex nature of truth…. My second wish is for many more Pakistanis who accept diversity as a virtue… My third, and last, wish is that Pakistanis learn to value and nurture creativity.” He has spoken too of bringing “economic justice to Pakistan”, of the “fight to give Pakistan’s women the freedom which is their birthright”, and of people to “wake up” and engage politically. But Pakistan’s Iqbalian liberals like Hoodbhoy still have to square off with those of their compatriots who sent the youthful squad into Mumbai last week with assault rifles, grenades and heroic Arabic code-names, as well as orders to attack civilians with the ferocity of the original Muslims attacking caravans and settlements in ancient Arabia.
What the extremely strong Pakistan lobbies within the British and American political systems have suppressed in order to paint a picture of eternal Muslim-Hindu conflict is the voice of India’s nationalist Muslims, who historically have had no wish to have any truck with any idea of a “Pakistan” at all.
Most eminent among them was undoubtedly Jinnah’s fiercest critic: Maulana Abul Kalam Azad whose classic 1946 statement on Pakistan is available in his India Wins Freedom, the final version published only in 1988.
“I have considered from every possible point of view the scheme of Pakistan as formulated by the Muslim League. As an Indian, I have examined its implications for the future of India as a whole. As a Muslim, I have examined its likely effects upon the fortunes of Muslims of India. Considering the scheme in all its aspects, I have come to the conclusion that it is harmful not only for India as a whole but for Muslims in particular. And in fact it creates more problems than it solves. I must confess that the very term Pakistan goes against my grain. It suggests that some portions of the world are pure while others are impure. Such a division of territories into pure and impure is un-Islamic and is more in keeping with orthodox Brahmanism which divides men and countries into holy and unholy — a division which is a repudiation of the very spirit of Islam. Islam recognizes no such division and the prophet says “God made the whole world a mosque for me”.
Further, it seems that the scheme of Pakistan is a symbol of defeatism, and has been built on the analogy of the Jewish demand for a national home. It is a confession that Indian Muslims cannot hold their own in India as a whole, and would be content to withdraw to a corner specially reserved for them.
One can sympathise with the aspiration of the Jews for such a national home, as they are scattered all over the world and cannot in any region have any effective voice in the administration.. The conditions of Indian Muslims is quite otherwise. Over 90 million in number, they are in quantity and quality a sufficiently important element in Indian life to influence decisively all questions of administration and policy. Nature has further helped them by concentrating them in certain areas.
In such a context, the demand for Pakistan loses all force. As a Muslim, I for one am not prepared for a moment to give up my right to treat the whole of India as my domain and to shape in the shaping of its political and economic life. To me it seems a sure sign of cowardice to give up what is my patrimony and content myself with a mere fragment of it.
As is well known, Mr. Jinnah’s Pakistan scheme is based on his two nation theory. His thesis is that India contains many nationalities based on religious differences, Of them the two major nations, the Hindus and Muslims, must as separate nations have separate States, When Dr Edward Thompson once pointed out to Mr. Jinnah that Hindus and Muslims live side by side in thousands of Indian towns, villages and hamlets, Mr. Jinnah replied that this is no way affected their separate nationality. Two nations, according to M Jinnah, confront one another in every hamlet, village and town, and he, therefore, desires that they should be separated into two States.
I am prepared to overlook all other aspects of the problem and judge it from the point of view of Muslim interest alone. I shall go still further and say that if it can be shown that the scheme of Pakistan can in any way benefit Muslims I would be prepared to accept it myself and also to work for its acceptance by others. But the truth is that even if I examine the scheme from the point of view of the communal interests of the Muslims themselves, I am forced to the conclusion that it can in no way benefit them or allay their legitimate fears.
Let us consider dispassionately the consequences which will follow if we give effect to the Pakistan scheme. India will be divided into two States, one with a majority of Muslims and the other of Hindus. In the Hindustan State there will remain 35 million Muslims scattered in small minorities all over the land. With 17 per cent in UP, 12 percent in Bihar and 9 percent in Madras, they will be weaker than they are today in the Hindu majority provinces. They have had their homelands in these regions for almost a thousand years and built up well known centres of Muslim culture and civilization there.
They will awaken overnight and discover that they have become alien and foreigners. Backward industrially, educationally and economically, they will be left to the mercies to what would become an unadulterated Hindu raj.
On the other hand, their position within the Pakistan State will be vulnerable and weak. Nowhere in Pakistan will their majority be comparable to the Hindu majority in the Hindustan States. ( NB Azad could hardly imagine even at this point the actual British Partition of Punjab and Bengal, let aside the later separation of Bangladesh from West Pakistan, SR. )
In fact, their majority will be so slight that will be offset by the economical, educational and political lead enjoyed by non-Muslims in these areas. Even if this were not so and Pakistan were overwhelmingly Muslim in population, it still could hardly solve the problem of Muslims in Hindustan. Two States confronting one another, offer no solution of the problem of one another’s minorities, but only lead to retribution and reprisals by introducing a system of mutual hostages. The scheme of Pakistan therefore solves no problems for the Muslims. It cannot safeguard their rights where they are in minority nor as citizens of Pakistan secure them a position in Indian or world affairs which they would enjoy as citizens of a major State like the Indian Union.
It may be argued that if Pakistan is so much against the interest if the Muslims themselves, then why should such a large section of Muslims be swept away by its lure? The answer is to be found in the attitude of certain communal extremists among the Hindus. When the Muslim League began to speak of Pakistan, they read into the scheme a sinister pan-Islamic conspiracy and began to oppose it out of fear that it foreshadowed a combination of Indian Muslim and trans-Indian Muslim States. The opposition acted as an incentive to the adherents of the League. With simple though untenable logic they argued that if Hindus were so opposed to Pakistan, surely it must be of benefit to Muslims. An atmosphere of emotional frenzy was created which made reasonable appraisement impossible and swept away especially the younger and more impressionable among the Muslims. I have, however, no doubt that when the present frenzy has died down and the question can be considered dispassionately, those who now support Pakistan will themselves repudiate it as harmful for Muslim interests.
The formula which I have succeeded in making the Congress accept secures whatever merits the Pakistan scheme contains while all its defects and drawbacks are avoided. The basis of Pakistan is the fear of interference by the Centre in Muslim majority areas as the Hindus will be in a majority in the Centre. The Congress meets this fear by granting full autonomy to the provincial units and vesting all residuary power in the provinces. It also has provided for two lists of Central subjects, one compulsory and one optional, so that if any provincial unit so wants, it can administer all subjects itself except a minimum delegated to the Centre. The Congress scheme threescore ensures that Muslim majority provinces are internally free to develop as they will, but can at the same time influence the Centre on all issues which affect India as a whole.
The situation in India is such that all attempts to establish a centralized and unitary government are bound to fail. Equally, doomed to failure is the attempt to divide India into two States. After considering all aspects of the question, I have come to the conclusion that the only solution can be on the lines embodied in the Congress formula which allows room for development both to the provinces and to India as a whole. The Congress formula meets the fear of the Muslim majority areas to allay which the scheme of Pakistan was formed. On the other hand, it avoids the defects of the Pakistan scheme which would bring the Muslims where they are in a minority under a purely Hindu government.
I am one of those who considers the present chapter of communal bitterness and differences as a transient phase in Indian life. I firmly hold that they will disappear when India assumes the responsibility of her own destiny. I am reminded of a saying of Mr. Gladstone that the best cure for a man’s fear of the water was to throw him into it. Similarly, India must assume responsibilities and administer her own affairs before fears and suspicious can be fully allayed.
When India attains her destiny, she will forget the chapter of communal suspicion and conflict and face the problems of modern life from a modern point of view. Differences will no doubt persist, but they will be economic, not communal. Opposition among political parties will continue, but it will based, not on religion, but on economic and political issues. Class and not community will be the basis oaf future alignments, and policies will be shaped accordingly. If it be argued that this is only a faith which events may not justify, I would say that in any case the 90 million Muslims constitute a factor which nobody can ignore and whatever the circumstances, they are strong enough to safeguard their own destiny.”
Next must be Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah’s classic February 1948 Speech to the UN Security Council, four months into the initial Pakistani attack on Kashmir:
“Aggression, not accession, is the issue: I have heard with patience, attention and respect the statements made by the representative of Pakistan and members of the Security Council, as well as the statements made on various occasions by the members of my own delegation. The Security Council will concede that I am probably the one man most concerned in the dispute because I happen to come from that land which has become the bone of contention between the two Dominions of India and Pakistan.
I have been quoted profusely on either side, and rightly so, because I have had the fortune-or, should I say, misfortune of leading my countrymen to freedom from 1931 onwards. In this task, I have suffered a great deal. I have been imprisoned not once or twice, but seven times, and the last imprisonment carried with it an aggregate sentence of nine years.
There are many troubles in Kashmir. I have heard patiently the debate in the Security Council, but I feel that I am rather confused. After all, what is the point in dispute? The point in dispute is not that the sovereignty of the Prince is in question, as the representative of Pakistan stated yesterday. After all, I have suffered the punishment of being sentenced to nine years imprisonment for saying what the representative of Pakistan said with regard to the Treaty of Amritsar of 1846. I am glad that he said in the Security Council, where he is immune from any punishment. Therefore, I am not disputing that point and that it is not the subject of the dispute before the Security Council.
The subject of the dispute before the Security Council is not the mal-administration of the Princely State of Kashmir. In order to set right that mal-administration, I think I have suffered the most, and today, when for the first time, I heard the representative of Pakistan supporting my case, it gave me great pleasure.
After all, what is the dispute between India and Pakistan? From what I have learned from the complaint brought before the Security Council by my own delegation, the dispute revolves around the fact that Kashmir acceded legally and constitutionally to the Dominion of India. There was some trouble about the demarcation of the Kashmir administration within the State, and the tribesmen from across the border have poured into my country. They have been helped and are being helped by the Pakistan Government, with the result that there is the possibility of a greater conflagration between India and Pakistan. India sought the help of Security Council so that Pakistan might be requested to desist from helping the tribesmen, and to desist from supporting the inside revolt, should I say, against the lawful authority.
I should have understood the position of the representative of Pakistan if he had come boldly before the Security Council and maintained: “Yes, we do support the tribesmen; we do support the rebels inside the State because we feel that Kashmir belongs to Pakistan and not to India, and because we feel that the accession of Kashmir to India was fraudulent.” Then we might have discussed the validity of the accession of the State of Kashmir to India. But that was not the position taken by the representative of Pakistan. He completely denied that any support was being given by the Government of Pakistan to either the tribesmen or those who are in revolt within the State against the constituted authority.
How am I to convince the Security Council that the denial is absolutely untrue? I am sitting before the Security Council at a distance of thousands of miles from my country. I have fought many battles, along with my own men, on the borders of Jammu and Kashmir. I have seen with my own eyes the support given by the Pakistan Government, not only in supplying buses but in providing arms, ammunition, direction and control of the tribesmen and I have even seen the Pakistan Army forces from across the border.
The denial has come so flatly that it becomes very difficult for me to disprove it here before the Security Council, unless the Security Council accedes to our request to send a commission to the spot and to find out first whether the allegations brought before the Security Council with regard to the aid given by the Government of Pakistan are correct or incorrect. If they are incorrect, the case falls; if they are correct, then the Security Council should take the necessary steps to advise the Government of Pakistan to desist from such support.
But then, this simple issue has been confused. On the one hand, the Pakistan Government says, “We are not a party to the trouble within the State. The trouble within the State exists because the people are fighting against the mal-administration of the Jammu and Kashmir Government.” Yes, we are fighting, we have been fighting against the mal-administration of that State since 1931. We have been demanding democratisation of the Government there. But how is it that today Pakistan has become the champion of our liberty? I know very well that in 1946, when I raised the cry “Quit Kashmir,” the leader of the Pakistan Government, who is the Governor-General now, Mr.Mohammed Ali Jinnah, opposed my Government, declaring that this movement was a movement of a few renegades and that Muslims as such had nothing to do with the movement.
The Muslim Conference, which has been talked about so much, opposed my movement and declared its loyalty to the Prince. The representative of Pakistan now says that Sheikh Abdullah, once the supporter of “Quit Kashmir”, has joined hands with the Maharaja of Kashmir, and that in one of my public speeches I declared that I wanted the Maharaja to be the Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir-not the Maharaja of Jammu only, but the Maharaja of entire State.
I should like to correct the misreporting of my speech. I did deliver that speech in Jammu, which is the winter capital of our country, but it was in a different context. As the members of the Security Council have already heard from the head of my delegation, some massacres did occur in the Jammu Province. After the Kashmir Province was raided by the tribesmen, and after thousands of Hindus and Sikhs were uprooted from the villages and towns in the Kashmir Province and found their way into the Jammu Province, there was some very bad retaliation. I could not go to Jammu Province to control that situation because I was busy with the raiders in Kashmir Province. However, as soon as I had some time, I flew down to Jammu Province, addressed a gathering of 60,000 Hindus and Sikhs in Jammu city, and gave them some plain advice.
I told them clearly that this policy of retaliation would bring no good to them as Hindus and Sikhs and would bring no good to their leader, because while they could retaliate in one or two districts where they formed the majority, and could even wipe out the Muslim population in these one or two districts, the State happens to have a population which is 80 per cent Muslim, and it would be impossible for them to wipe out the entire Muslim population. The result would be that the Prince, whom they wanted to support, would remain the Prince of only two districts, and not of the entire State of Jammu and Kashmir. I told them that if they wanted him to be the Prince of Jammu and Kashmir, they would have to change their behaviour. That was the speech I delivered, and that was the context in which it was made.
However, I have already stated how this trouble started. It is probable that the representative of Pakistan would admit that when India was divided into two parts, my colleagues and I were all behind prison bars. The result of this division of India was to start massacre on either side. Where Muslims in the West Punjab formed the majority, the killing of Hindus and Sikhs started and this was retaliated in East Punjab. All along our border, massacres of Hindus and Sikhs, on the one hand, and Muslims on the other hand were a daily occurrence. But the State of Jammu and Kashmir, and its people, kept calm. The result was that thousands of refugees, both Muslims and Hindus, sought refuge in our State and we rendered every possible help to all of them.
Why was that so? It was because I and my organisation never believed in the formula that Muslims and Hindus form separate nations. We do not believe in the two-nation theory, nor in communal hatred or communalism itself. We believed that religion had no place in politics. Therefore, when we launched our movement of “Quit Kashmir”, it was not only Muslims who suffered, but our Hindu and Sikh comrades as well. That created a strong bond of unity between all the communities, and the result was that while Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims were fighting each other all along the border, the people of Jammu and Kashmir State — Muslims, Hindus and Sikhs alike-remained calm.
The situation was worsening day by day and the minority in our State was feeling very nervous. As a result, tremendous pressure was brought to bear upon the State administration to release me and my colleagues. The situation outside demanded the release of workers of the National Conference, along with its leader, and we were accordingly set free.
Immediately we were liberated from prison we were faced with the important question of whether Kashmir should accede to Pakistan, accede to India, or remain independent, because under the partition scheme these three choices were open us as, indeed, they were open to every Indian State. The problem was a very difficult one, but I advised the people of my country that although the question was very important to us, it was a secondary consideration. The all important matter for us was our own liberation from the autocratic rule of the Prince for which we were fighting and had been fighting for the past seventeen years. We had not achieved that goal, and therefore I told my people that we must do so first. Then, as free men we should have to decide where our interest lay. Being a frontier State, Kashmir has borders with both Pakistan and India, and there are advantages and disadvantages for the people of Kashmir attached to each of the three alternatives to which I have referred.
Naturally, as I have indicated, we could not decide this all important issue before achieving our own liberation, and our slogan became “Freedom before accession”. Some friends from Pakistan met mein Srinagar. I had a heart- to- heart discussion with them and explained my point of view. I told them in plain words that, whatever had been the attitude of Pakistan towards our freedom movement in the past, it would not influence us in our judgement. Neither the friendship of Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru and of Congress, nor their support of our freedom movement, would have any influence upon our decision if we felt that the interests of four million Kashmiris lay in our accession to Pakistan.
I requested them not to precipitate this decision upon us but to allow us time, supporting our movement for the while. I added that once we were free they should allow us an interval to consider this all important issue. I pointed out that India had accepted this point of view and was not forcing us to decide. We had, in fact, entered into a standstill agreement with both Pakistan and India, but the leader of the Indian delegation has already explained to the Security Council what Pakistan did to us.
While I was engaged in these conversations and negotiations with friends from Pakistan, I sent one of my colleagues to Lahore, where he met the Prime Minister of Pakistan, Mr. Liaqat Ali Khan, and other high dignitaries of the West Punjab Government. He placed the same point of view before them and requested that they should allow us time to consider this vital question, first helping us to achieve our liberation instead of forcing us to declare our decision one way or the other. Then, one fine morning while these negotiations were proceeding, I received news that a full-fledged attack had been carried out by the raiders on Muzaffarabad, frontier town in the Kashmir Province.
The representative of Pakistan has stated that immediately upon my release I went down to Delhi to negotiate the accession of Kashmir to India. That is not a fact. He probably does not know that while in jail I was elected President of the All India States People’s Conference, and that immediately upon my release I had to take up my duties. Accordingly, I had called a meeting of the executive of that Conference in Delhi, a fact which I had conveyed to the Prime Minister of Pakistan. Indeed, I had told the Prime Minister of Pakistan that immediately upon my return from Delhi I should take the opportunity of meeting him personally to discuss my point of view with him. I did not go to Delhi to conclude any agreement on behalf of Kashmir because, although released, I was still considered a rebel.
I might inform the representative of Pakistan that although I am beyond doubt the head of the Administration of Kashmir State, I am not the Prime Minister. I am head of the Emergency Administration, and that not because the Maharaja of Kashmir wished it. In fact, I do not know whether the Maharaja wishes it even now. I hold the position because the people of my country wish me to be at the helm of affairs in Jammu and Kashmir State.
When the raiders came to our land, massacred thousands of people—mostly Hindus and Sikhs, but Muslims, too—abducted thousands of girls, Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims alike, looted our property and almost reached the gates of our summer capital, Srinagar, the result was that the civil, military and police administrations failed. The Maharaja, in the dead of night, left the capital along with his courtiers, and the result was absolute panic. There was no one to take over control. In that hour of crisis, the National Conference came forward with its 10,000 volunteers and took over the administration of the country. They started guarding the banks, the offices and houses of every person in the capital. This is the manner in which the administration changed hands. We were de facto in charge of the administration. The Maharaja, later on, gave it a legal form.
It is said that Sheikh Abdullah is a friend of Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru. Yes, I admit that. I feel honoured that such a great man claims me as his friend. And he happens to belong to my own country;he is also a Kashmiri, and blood is thicker than water. If JawaharLal Nehru gives me that honour, I cannot help it. He is my friend. But that does not mean that, because of his friendship, I am going to betray the millions of my people who have suffered along with me for the last seventeen years and sacrifice the interests of my country. I am not a man of that calibre.
I was explaining how the dispute arose—how Pakistan wanted to force this position of slavery upon us. Pakistan had no interest in our liberation or it would not also have opposed our freedom movement. Pakistan would have supported us when thousands of my countrymen were behind bars and hundreds were shot to death. The Pakistani leaders and Pakistani papers were heaping abuse upon the people of Kashmir who were suffering these tortures.
Then suddenly, Pakistan comes before the bar of the world as the champion of the liberty of the people of Jammu and Kashmir. The world may believe this, but it is very difficult for me to believe. When we refused the coercive tactics of Pakistan, it started full fledged aggression and encouraged the tribesmen in this activity. It is absolutely impossible for the tribesmen to enter our territory without encouragement from Pakistan, because it is necessary to pass through Pakistan territory to reach Jammu and Kashmir. Hundreds of trucks, thousands of gallons of petrol, thousands of rifles, ammunition, and all forms of help that an army requires, were supplied to them. We know this. After all, we belong to that country. What Pakistan could not achieve by the use of economic blockade it wanted to achieve by full-fledged aggression.
What do we request? We request nothing more than that the Security Council should send some members to this area to see for themselves what is happening there. If Pakistan comes forward and says, “We question the legality of accession”, I am prepared to discuss whether or not the accession of Jammu and Kashmir to India was legal. However, now they say, “We want a plebiscite, we want to obtain the free and unfettered opinion of the people of Kashmir. There should be no pressure exerted on the people and they should make the free choice as to the State to which they wish to accede.”
Not only this the offer that was made by the people of Kashmir to Pakistan long, long ago, but it is the offer made by the Prime Minister of India at a time, I think, he had not the slightest need for making it, as Kashmir was in distress.
We realised that Pakistan would not allow us any time, that we had either to suffer the fate of our kith and kin of Muzaffarabad, Baramulla, Srinagar and other towns and villages, or to seek help from some outside authority.
Under these circumstances, both the Maharaja and the people of Kashmir requested the Government of India to accept our accession. The Government of India could have easily accepted the accession and could have said, “All right we accept your accession and we shall render this help.” There was no necessity for the Prime Minister of India to add the proviso, when accepting the accession, that India does not want to take advantage of the difficult situation in Kashmir. We will accept this accession, without Kashmir’s acceding to the Indian Dominion, we are not in a position to render any military help. But once the country is free from the raiders, marauders and looters, this accession will be subject to ratification by the people. That was the offer made by the Prime Minister of India.
That was the same offer which was made by the people of Kashmir to the Government of Pakistan, but it was refused because at that time Pakistan felt that it could, within a week, conquer the entire Jammu and Kashmir State and then place the fait accompli before the world, just as happened some time ago in Europe. The same tactics were used.
But having failed in these tactics, Pakistan now comes before the bar of the world, pleading, “We want nothing, we only want our people to be given a free hand in deciding their own fate. And in deciding their own fate, they must have a plebiscite.”
They then continue and say, “No, a plebiscite cannot be fair and impartial unless and until there is a neutral administration in the State of Jammu and Kashmir.” I have failed to understand this terminology with reference to a “neutral administration”. After all what does “neutral administration” mean?
The representative of Pakistan has stated that Sheikh Abdullah, because he is a friend of Jawahar Lal Nehru, because he has had sympathy for the Indian National Congress, because he has declared his point of view in favour of accession to India, and because he is head of the Emergency Administration, cannot remain impartial. Therefore, Sheikh Abdullah must depart.
Let us suppose that Sheikh Abdullah goes, who is to replace Sheikh Abdullah ? It will be someone amongst the 4 million people of the State of Jammu and Kashmir. But can we find anyone among these 4 million people whom we can call impartial? After all, we are not logs of wood, we are not dolls. We must have an opinion one way or the other. The people of Kashmir are either in favour of Pakistan or in favour of India.
Therefore, Pakistan’s position comes down to this that the 4 million people of that State should have no hand in running the administration of their own country. Someone else must come in for that purpose. Is that fair ? Is that just ? Do the members of the Security Council wish to oust the people of Kashmir from running their own administration and their own country ? Then, for argument’s sake, let us suppose that the 4 million people of the State of Jammu and Kashmir agree to have nothing to do with the administration of their country; some one else must be brought into the country for this purpose. From where do the members of the Security Council propose that such a neutral individual may be secured? From India? No, from Pakistan? No, from anywhere in the world? No, frankly speaking, even if the Security Council were to request Almighty God to administer the State of Jammu and Kashmir during this interim period, I do not feel that He could act impartially. After all, one must have sympathy either for this side or that side.
If elections were to be held in the United Kingdom sometime after tomorrow with the Labour Government in power, would anyone say to Mr Attlee: “The elections are now going on. Because you happen to belong to Labour Party, your sympathies will be in favour of the Labour vote. Therefore, you had better clear out. We must have a neutral man as Prime Minister until our elections are finished?
However, we have been told that Sheikh Abdullah must walk out because he has declared his point of view in favour of India. Therefore, he cannot be impartial. We must have some impartial man we must have some neutral man.
As I have submitted to the members of the Security Council, Sheikh Abdullah happens to be there because the people wish it. As long as the people wish it, I shall be there. There is no power on earth which can displace me from the position which I have there. As long as the people are behind me, I will remain there.
We have declared once for all, that there shall be freedom of voting and for that purpose we have said, “Let anyone come in, we have no objection. Let the Commission of the Security Council on India come into our State and advise us how we should take a vote, how we should organize it, and how it can be completely impartial. We have no objection.” My Government is ready to satisfy, to the last comma, the impartiality of the vote.
But to have an impartial vote is one thing; to have a say in the administration of the State is a different thing entirely. After all, with what are we concerned? We are concerned only with the fact that no influence shall be exercised over the voters, either in one way or in another. The people shall be free to vote according to their own interests. We are ready to accede to that.
It is then said: “You cannot have freedom of voting as long as the Indian Army remains in the State of Jammu and Kashmir.” It is probably very difficult for me to draw a full picture of what is going on in that country. There is absolute chaos in certain parts of the country, fighting is going on and thousands of tribesmen are there ready to take advantage of any weakness on the part of the State of Jammu and Kashmir.
Once we ask the Indian Army, which is the only protective force in Kashmir against these marauders, to clear out, we leave the country open to chaos. After all, one who has suffered for the last seventeen years, in attempting to secure the freedom and liberation of his own country, would not like an outside army to come in and to remain in the country.
However, what is the present situation? If I ask the Indian Army to clear out, how am I going to protect the people from the looting, arson, murder and abduction with which they have been faced all these long months? What is the alternative? here need be no fear since the Indian Army is there, that this army will interfere in the exercise of a free vote. After all, a Commission of the Security Council will be there in order to watch. The Indian Army does not have to go into every village. It will be stationed at certain strategic points, so that in the event of danger from any border, the Army will be there to protect that border. The army is there to curb disorders anywhere in the State; that is all. The army will not be in each and every village in order to watch each and every vote.
It is then said: “Can we not have a joint control ? Can we not have the armies of Pakistan and India inside the State in order to control the situation ?” This is an unusual idea. What Pakistan could not achieve through ordinary means, Pakistan wishes to achieve by entering through the back door, so that it may have its armies inside the State and then start the fight. That is not possible. After all, we have been discussing the situation in Kashmir. I should say that we have been playing the drama of Hamlet without the Prince of Denmark. The people of Kashmir are vitally interested in this question. Four million people in Kashmir are keenly interested in this entire affair. I have sympathies with the people of Poonch and Mirpur. The representative of Pakistan will probably concede that I have suffered greatly for the people of Poonch as well as for the people of Mirpur. There is no difference on this part of international democratisation of the administration between me, my party and the people of Poonch. We are one, we want our own liberty, we want our own freedom, we do not want autocratic rule. We desire that the 4 million people in Jammu and Kashmir—Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims— shall have the right to change their destiny, to control their country, and to administer it as best as they can. On that point there is absolutely no difference.
However, it is not a question of internal liberation. The Security Council should not confine the issue. The question is not that we want internal freedom, the question is not how the Maharaja got his State, or whether or not he is sovereign. These points are not before the Security Council. Whether Kashmir has lawfully acceded to India—complaints on that score have been brought before the Security Council on behalf of Pakistan—is not the point at issue. If that were the point at issue, then we should discuss that subject. We should prove before the Security Council that Kashmir and the people of Kashmir have lawfully and constitutionally acceded to the Dominion of India and Pakistan has no right to question that accession. However, that is not the discussion before the Security Council.
Indian and Kashmiri forces are ready to deal with tribesmen, to come to an understanding with the people of Kashmir and to establish ademocratic form of government inside the State. We shall do all that. We do not want Pakistan to lend us support to suppress an internal revolt or to drive out the tribesmen. We do not seek any support from Pakistan in that connection. Since Pakistan is a neighbouring country, we desire to remain on the friendliest possible terms with this sister Dominion. But we do ask that Pakistan shall have no hand, directly or indirectly, in this turmoil in Kashmir. The Government of Pakistan has said: “We have no hand in this turmoil.” The only course left to the Security Council is to send out the commission and to see whether or not Pakistan has any hand in this turmoil. If Pakistan has had any hand in this turmoil, then the Government of Pakistan should be asked to desist from such activity. If Pakistan has had no hand in this turmoil, then that can be proved.
This issue has been clouded by very many other issues and interests. I suggested at informal talks that according to my understanding there are two points at issue, first, how to have this neutral impartial administration; second, whether or not the Indian Army shall remain. It is not at all disputed that we must have a plebiscite and that the accession must be ratified by the people of Kashmir, freely and without any pressure on this or that side. That much is conceded, there is no dispute about that. The dispute arises when it is suggested that in order to have the free vote, the administration must be changed. To that suggestion we say, “No.”
I do not know what course future events will take. However, I may assure the Security Council that, if I am asked to conduct the administration of this State, it will be my duty to make the administration absolutely impartial. It will be my duty to request my brothers, who are in a different camp at this time, to come to lend me support. After all, they are my own kith and kin. We suffered together, we have no quarrel with them. I shall tell them: “Come on; it is my country; it is your country. I have been asked to administer the State. Are you prepared to lend me support? It is for me to make the administration successful; it is for me to make the administration look impartial.” It is not for Pakistan to say “No, we must have an impartial administration.” I refuse to accept Pakistan as a party in the affairs of the Jammu and Kashmir State. I refuse this point blank. Pakistan has no right to say that we must do this and we must do that. We have seen enough of Pakistan. The people of Kashmir have seen enough. Muzaffarabad and Baramulla and hundred of villages in Jammu and Kashmir depict the story of Pakistan to the people of Jammu and Kashmir. We want to have no more of this.
In concluding, I again request that in order to settle this issue of Kashmir, the Security Council should not confuse the point in dispute. The Security Council should not allow various other extraneous matters to be introduced. Very many extraneous matters have been introduced. The representative of Pakistan gave us the history of the Jammu and Kashmir State. He read to us some letters from Viceroys of India, asking the Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir to behave, giving the Maharaja good advice, et cetera. However, we cannot forget that these States are the creation of British imperialism in India who has supported these states and this misrule for these 150 years? It is not going to convince me or the world for the representative of Pakistan to say: “These events have happened and these letters were written.” We know how the Princes have acted, how the states were brought into existence, and how the Princes were supported. This was all a game in the British imperialist policy. But this legacy has now fallen upon us. We are not here to discuss whether or not the Maharaja lawfully became the ruler of the State, whether or not there is moral administration in this State, whether or not the Maharaja is sovereign and whether or not Kashmir has legally acceded to India. These issues are not before the Security Council. The only issue before the Security Council is that Pakistan must observe its international obligations and must not support any outside raiders.
Pakistan should not encourage inside revolt. Pakistan has denied that it has in order to verify the statements made by the representatives of India and Pakistan, the Security Council must send a commission to the spot to see whether the complaint brought before the Security Council is valid or invalid. If the Security Council finds that the complaint brought before it by India is valid, then Pakistan should be asked to desist or India should be permitted to use its means to carry out the decision of the Security Council.
As far as I can speak on behalf of India, India does not want the help of the armies of Pakistan. What it wants from Pakistan is that Pakistan should not supply bases to the raiders on Pakistan territory across the border from Jammu and Kashmir State. All along the border on Pakistan territory, there are huge concentrations of these tribesmen who are Pakistani nationals. We request Pakistan not to allow its territory to be used by these raiders.
Pakistan should not provide ammunition, arms, direction and control to these tribesmen. It should stop the passage of these tribesmen through its territory. Pakistan should not supply arms and ammunition to the people who are fighting within the State because all these matters fall under an international obligation. Therefore, Pakistan should desist from that practice. That is all. We do not want any armed help from Pakistan. If Pakistan does what we have requested, the Indian Army, I am quite sure, will be capable of driving out the raiders and tribesmen. If Pakistan does not meddle in our affairs, we will be capable of solving all our own internal disputes with the Maharaja of Kashmir. However, as long as this unofficial war continues, it is very difficult for us to do any thing. Our hands are tied.
What is happening? The raiders are concentrated just across the border. They enter our State in large number—four or five thousand strong. They raid four or five villages, burn them, abduct women and loot property. When our army tries to capture them, they go across the border, and can not fire a single shot across the border, because if it does, there is the immediate danger of a greater conflagration. So our hands are tied.
We do not want to create this difficult situation without informing the Security Council and we felt honour-bound to inform it of the actual position. The Indian Army could easily have followed the raiders across the border and could have attacked the bases, which were all in Pakistan territory, but it desisted. We thought it would be better to inform the Security Council of the situation.
However, I did not have the slightest idea that when the case came before the Security Council, the representative of Pakistan would so boldly deny that Pakistan supplied all this help. Everybody knows that Pakistan is aiding these raiders and tribesmen and the people who are fighting with the State. However, Pakistan chose boldly to deny all these charges.
What is left for me to do? After all, I do not have any magic lamp so that I might bring the entire picture of Jammu and Kashmir State, along with the borders of Pakistan, before the eyes of the members of the Security Council so that they might see who is fighting and who is not fighting. Therefore, somebody must go to the spot. Then at that time it would be for us to prove that the charges we have brought before the Security Council are correct to the last word. That is the only help we want and no other help.”
Thirdly, though by no means lastly, may be placed the 14 August 1951 Memorandum of prominent Muslims led by Dr Zakir Hussain to the UN Representative Dr. Frank P. Graham:
“It is a remarkable fact that, while the Security Council and its various agencies have devoted so much time to the study of the Kashmir dispute and made various suggestions for its resolution, none of them has tried to ascertain the views of the Indian Muslims nor the possible effect of any hasty step in Kashmir, however well-intentioned, on the interests and well- being of the Indian Muslims. We are convinced that no lasting solution for the problem can be found unless the position of Muslims in Indian society is clearly understood.
Supporters of the idea of Pakistan, before this subcontinent was partitioned, discouraged any attempt to define Pakistan clearly and did little to anticipate the conflicting problems which were bound to arise as a result of the advocacy of the two-nation theory. The concept of Pakistan, therefore, became an emotional slogan with little rational content. It never occurred to the Muslim League or its leaders that if a minority was not prepared to live with a majority on the sub- continent, how could the majority be expected t o tolerate the minority.
It is, therefore, small wonder that the result of partition has been disastrous to Muslims. In undivided India, their strength lay about 100 million. Partition split up the Muslim people, confining them to the three isolated regions. Thus, Muslims number 25 million in Western Pakistan, 35 million to 40 million in India, and the rest in Eastern Pakistan. A single undivided community has been broken into three fragments, each faced with its own problems.
Pakistan was not created on a religious basis. If it had been, our fate as well as the fate of other minorities would have been settled at that time. Nor would the division of the sub- continent for reasons of religion have left large minorities in India or Pakistan.
This merely illustrates what we have said above, that the concept of Pakistan was vague, obscure, and never clearly defined, nor its likely consequences foreseen by the Muslim League, even when some of these should have been obvious.
When the partition took place, Muslims in India were left in the lurch by the Muslim League and its leaders. Most of them departed to Pakistan and a few who stayed behind stayed long enough to wind up their affairs and dispose of their property. Those who went over to Pakistan left a large number of relations and friends behind.
Having brought about a division of the country, Pakistan leaders proclaimed that they would convert Pakistan into a land where people would live a life according to the tenets of Islam. This created nervousness and alarm among the minorities living in Pakistan. Not satisfied with this, Pakistan went further and announced again and again their determination to protect and safeguard the interests of Muslims in India. This naturally aroused suspicion amongst the Hindus against us and our loyalty to India was questioned.
Pakistan had made our position weaker by driving out Hindus from Western Pakistan in utter disregard of the consequences of such a policy to us and our welfare. A similar process is in question in Eastern Pakistan from which Hindus are coming over to India in a large and large number.
If the Hindus are not welcome in Pakistan, how can we, in all fairness, expect Muslims to be welcomed in India ? Such a policy must inevitably, as the past has already shown, result in the uprooting of Muslims in this country and their migration to Pakistan where, as it became clear last year, they are no longer welcome, lest their influx should destroy Pakistan’s economy. Neither some of the Muslims who did migrate to Pakistan after partition, and following the widespread bloodshed and conflict on both sides of the Indo-Pakistan border in the north- west, have been able to find a happy asylum in what they had been told would be their homeland. Consequently some of them have had to return to India, e.g. Meos who are now being rehabilitated in their former areas.
If we are living honourably in India today, it is certainly not due to Pakistan which, if anything, has by her policy and action weakened our position. The credit goes to the broadminded leadership of India, to Mahatma Gandhi and Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, to the traditions of tolerance in this country and to the Constitution which ensures equal rights to all citizens of India, irrespective of their religion caste, creed, colour or sex.
We, therefore, feel that, tragically as Muslims were misled by the Muslim League and subsequently by Pakistan and the unnecessary suffering which we and our Hindu brethren have to go through in Pakistan and in India since partition, we must be given an opportunity to settle down to a life of tolerance and understanding to the mutual benefit of Hindus and Muslims in our country – if only Pakistan would let us do it. To us it is a matter of no small consequence.
Despite continuous provocations, first from the Muslim League and since then from Pakistan, the Hindu majority in India has not thrown us or members of other minorities out of Civil Services, Armed Forces, the judiciary, trade, commerce, business and industry. There are Muslim Ministers in the Union and State cabinets, Muslim Governors, Muslim Ambassadors, representing India in foreign countries, fully enjoying the confidence of the Indian nation, Muslim members in Parliament and state legislatures, Muslim judges serving on the Supreme Court and High Courts, high-ranking officers in the Armed Forces and the Civil services, including the police.
Muslims have large landed estates, run big business and commercial houses in various parts of the country, notably in Bombay and Calcutta, have their shares in industrial production and enterprise in export and import trade. Our famous sacred shrines and places of cultural interest are mostly in India.
Not that our lot is certainly happy. We wish some of the state Governments showed a little greater sympathy to us in the field of education and employment. Nevertheless, we feel we have an honourable place in India. Under the law of the land, our religious and cultural life is protected and we shall share in the opportunities open to all citizens to ensure progress for the people of this country.
It is, therefore, clear that our interest and welfare do not coincide with Pakistan’s conception of the welfare and interests of Muslims in Pakistan.
This is clear from Pakistan’s attitude towards Kashmir. Pakistan claims Kashmir, first, on the ground of the majority of the State’s people being Muslims and, secondly, on the ground, of the state being essential to its economy and defence. To achieve its objective it has been threatening to launch “Jihad” against Kashmir in India. It is a strange commentary on political beliefs that the same Muslims of Pakistan who like the Muslims of Kashmir to join them invaded the state, in October 1947, killing and plundering Muslims in the state and dishonouring Muslim women, all in the interest of what they described as the liberation of Muslims of the State. In its oft-proclaimed anxiety to rescue the 3 million Muslims from what it describes as the tyranny of a handful of Hindus in the State, Pakistan evidently is prepared to sacrifice the interests of 40 million Muslims in India – a strange exhibition of concern for the welfare of fellow- Muslims. Our misguided brothers in Pakistan do not realise that if Muslims in Pakistan can wage a war against Hindus in Kashmir why should not Hindus, sooner or later, retaliate against Muslims in India.
Does Pakistan seriously think that it could give us any help if such an emergency arose or that we would deserve any help thanks to its own follies ? It is incapable of providing room and livelihood to the 40 million Muslims of India, should they migrate to Pakistan. Yet its policy and action, if not changed soon, may well produce the result which it dreads.
We are convinced that India will never attack our interests. First of all, it would be contrary to the spirit animating the political movement in this country. Secondly, it would be opposed to the Constitution and to the sincere leadership of the Prime Minister. Thirdly, India by committing such a folly would be playing straight into the hands of Pakistan.
We wish we were equally convinced of the soundness of Pakistan’s policy. So completely oblivious is it of our present problems and of our future that it is willing to sell us into slavery – if only it can secure Kashmir.
It ignores the fact that Muslims in Kashmir may also have a point of view of their own, that there is a democratic movement with a democratic leadership in the State, both inspired by the progress of a broad minded, secular, democratic movement in India and both naturally being in sympathy with India. Otherwise, the Muslim raiders should have been welcomed with open arms by the Muslims of the State when the invasion took place in 1947.
Persistent propaganda about “Jihad” is intended, among other things, to inflame religious passions in this country. For it would, of course, be in Pakistan’s interests to promote communal rioting in India to show to Kashmiri Muslims how they can find security only in Pakistan. Such a policy, however, can only bring untold misery and suffering to India and Pakistan generally and to Indian Muslims particularly. Pakistan never tires of asserting that it is determined to protect the interests of Muslims in Kashmir and India. Why does not Pakistan express the same concern for Pathans who are fighting for Pakhtoonistan, an independent homeland of their own ? The freedom-loving Pathans under the leadership of Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan and Dr. Khan Sahib, both nurtured in the traditions of democratic tolerance of the Indian National Congress, are being subjected to political repression of the worst possible kind by their Muslim brethren in power in Pakistan and in the NWFP. Contradictory as Pakistan’s policy generally is, it is no surprise to us that while it insists on a fair and impartial plebiscite in Kashmir, it denies a fair and impartial plebiscite to Pathans.
Pakistan’s policy in general and her attitude towards Kashmir is particular thus tend to create conditions in this country which in the long run can only bring to us Muslims widespread suffering and destruction. Its policy prevents us from settling down, from being honourable citizens of a State, free from suspicion of our fellow-countrymen and adapting ourselves to changing conditions to promote the interests and welfare of India. Its sabre-rattling interferes with its own economy and ours. It expects us to be loyal to it despite its impotence to give us any protection, believing at the same time that we can still claim all the rights of citizenship in a secular democracy.
In the event of a war, it is extremely doubtful whether it will be able to protect the Muslims of East Bengal who are completely cut off from Western Pakistan. Are the Muslims of India and Eastern Pakistan to sacrifice themselves completely to enable the 25 million Muslims in Western Pakistan to embark upon mad, self-destructive adventures?
We should, therefore, like to impress upon you with all the emphasis at our command that Pakistan’s policy towards Kashmir is fraught with the gravest peril to the 40 million Muslims of India. If the Security Council is really interested in peace, human brotherhood and international understanding, it should heed this warning while there is still time.
Dr. Zakir Hussain (Vice Chancellor Aligarh University); Sir Sultan Ahmed (Former Member of Governor General’s Executive Council); Sir Mohd. Ahmed Syed Khan(Nawab of Chhatari, former acting Governor of United Provinces and Prime Minister of Hyderabad); Sir Mohd. Usman (Former member of Governor General’s Executive council and acting Governor of Madras); Sir Iqbal Ahmed (Former Chief Justice of Allahabad High Court); Sir Fazal Rahimtoola (Former Sheriff of Bombay); Maulana Hafz-ur-Rehman M.P.; Col. B.H. Zaidi M.P.; Nawab Zain Yar Jung (Minister Gcvernment of Hyderabad); A.K. Kawaja (Former President of Muslim Majlis); T.M. Zarif (General Secretary West Bengal Bohra Community)”.
Such have been the most eminent voices of India’s Muslims in times past. Sadly, they have no equivalent today when India’s Muslims need them with greater urgency. (Bollywood or cricketing celebrities hardly substitute!) This fault in the intellectual history of the modern subcontinent has been a principal factor causing the misapprehensions and distortions of Pakistan’s and J&K’s political reality to continue worldwide.
In international law, Pakistan has been the perpetrator, India the victim of aggression in Mumbai
November 30, 2008 — drsubrotoroyIn international law, the attacks on Mumbai would probably reveal Pakistan to have been the aggressor state, India the victim of aggression. It is standard law that a “master” is responsible for the misdeeds of his “servant”. E.g., “Where the relation of master and servant clearly exists, the employer is responsible for injury occasioned by the negligent conduct of the servant in carrying out his orders. And this rule is so extensive as to make the master liable for the careless, reckless and wanton conduct of his servant, provided it be within the scope of his employment”. President Zardari and Prime Minister Gillani may declare truthfully they had no prior knowledge of the attacks on Mumbai, that these were not in any way authorized by them or their Government. But it seems likely on the basis of current evidence that the young terrorists who attacked Mumbai were still in a “master-servant” relationship with elements of the Pakistani state and had been financed, trained, motivated and supplied by resources arising, directly or indirectly, from the Pakistani exchequer. Public moneys in Pakistan came to be used or misused to pay for aggression against India — in a quite similar pattern to the October 1947 attack on Kashmir, Ayub Khan’s 1965 “Operation Grand Slam”, and Pervez Musharraf’s 1999 attack on Kargil.
And to think that these youth who were made into becoming terroristic mass murderers were toddlers when the USSR withdrew from Afghanistan, in primary school when the 1993 WTC bombing happened and adolescents at the time of the 9/11 attacks.
Jews have never been killed in India for being Jews until this sad day
November 28, 2008 — drsubrotoroyJews have never been killed in India for being Jews until today. For two thousand years, in fact perhaps as long as there have ever been Jews in the world, there had been Jews living peacefully in India. I used to say that proudly to my Jewish friends, adding that the Indian Army had even had a Jewish general. Today, November 28 2008, or perhaps yesterday November 27 2008, that changed. Five Hasidic Jews who had been peaceful residents of Nariman House in Mumbai, came to be murdered by terrorists, merely for being Jews, or died in explosions or in the cross-fire between the terrorists and Indian security forces. The Israeli Government had offered India their well-known technical expertise in trying to save their fellow-nationals. I believe the Government of India made a tragic mistake by not accepting it. Yes certainly our national prestige would have taken the slightest of blows if Israeli commandos had helped to release Israeli hostages in India. But our national prestige has taken a much vaster and more permanent blow instead, now that we can no longer say that Jews have never in history been killed for being Jews in India. I am especially sad on this already very sad day to see that proud record destroyed.
Subroto Roy
Pre-Partition Indian Secularism Case-Study: Fuzlul Huq and Manindranath Roy
November 16, 2008 — drsubrotoroyThe 1940 Lahore Resolution of the Muslim League did not mention the word “Pakistan” but is considered its political blueprint. MA Jinnah’s political support lay among the Muslim elite in Muslim-minority areas of India — he needed a show of support from the Muslim-majority provinces of Punjab and Bengal too, and indeed Sikandar Hyat Khan and AK Fuzlul Huq came to draft and present the Lahore Resolution.
Fuzlul Huq was Prime Minister of undivided Bengal from 1937-1943. On 11 May 1942, he led the bridegroom’s procession when my father went to wed my mother. Here is Fuzlul Huq entering the car to do so, with my grandfather Manindranath Roy helping him into the car. My mother’s family were surprised; they were Bengali Brahmins from Jamshedpur and did not quite know what to make of all this. My mother, aged 16 at the time, remembers she was non-plussed to find Fuzlul Huq ‘s bulky frame seated for some reason between her and her new husband in the car on the return journey too!
Fuzlul Huq, having been a young colleague of Surendranath Roy in the Bengal Legislative Council, was a family friend and treated my grandfather, Manindranath Roy, with affection. (Manindranath was a Justice of the Peace, but unlike his father was not political.)
Fuzlul Huq would apparently make requests of my grandmother for delivered meals during political confabulations; my grandfather’s family had been forced to leave Behala as the family home had been requisitioned by the military to be a hospital during the war, and they lived instead in Ballygunge. My father recalls cycling from there with the requested food to the political confabulations in the middle of the wartime blackout (Japanese aeroplanes had apparently reached Calcutta on their bombing missions).
Here too is a note dated 9 August 1945 from Fuzlul Huq to my grandfather thanking him for food and sending his “best blessings” to my grandmother — a Muslim, one of the founders of Pakistan, sends his blessings to an orthodox Hindu Brahmin family and everyone remains completely cheerful and apolitical: such was normal Indian secularism in practice at the time. Partition between India and Pakistan and the ghastliness that accompanied it, and the hatred and bloodshed that has followed, were all quite beyond anyone’s imagination at the time.
see also https://independentindian.com/life-of-mk-roy-19152012-indian-aristocrat-diplomat-birth-centenary-concludes-7-nov-2016/
Of a new New Delhi myth and the success of the University of Hawaii 1986-1992 Pakistan project (with 2015 Postscript)
November 15, 2008 — drsubrotoroyA leading Indian commentator says in this morning’s paper (November 15 2008) about Manmohan Singh:
“His formulation on Kashmir (“I have no mandate to change borders, but we can make borders irrelevant”), became the obvious solution once he articulated it.”
Such may be how modern New Delhi’s myths and self-delusions get born — since in fact there is no evidence that Manmohan Singh or any of his acolytes had anything to do with originating the Pakistan-India peace process in recent decades, just as there has not been that Manmohan Singh or any of his acolytes had anything to do with originating the Congress Party’s new economic thinking in 1990-1991.
(Lest I be misunderstood I should add at the outset that I have the highest personal regard for Dr Singh, he has been in decades past a friend of my father’s, he at my father’s request consented to discuss economics with me in Paris in 1973 when I was a callow lad of 18, he himself has not claimed the originality that has been frequently mis-attributed to him by others for whatever reason, etc.)
The origins of the idea about India-Pakistan and J&K expressed by Manmohan Singh’s words are to be found in the last paragraph of the Introduction by the Editors of a book which arose from the University of Hawaii’s 1986-1992 Pakistan project, which read:
“Kashmir… must be demilitarised and unified by both countries sooner or later, and it must be done without force. There has been enough needless bloodshed on the subcontinent… Modern Pakistanis and Indians are free peoples who can voluntarily agree in their own interests to alter the terms set hurriedly by Attlee or Mountbatten in the Indian Independence Act 1947. Nobody but we ourselves keeps us prisoners of superficial definitions of who we are or might be. The subcontinent could evolve its political identity over a period of time on the pattern of Western Europe, with open borders and (common) tariffs to the outside world, with the free movement of people, capital, ideas and culture. Large armed forces could be reduced and transformed in a manner that would enhance the security of each nation. The real and peaceful economic revolution of the masses of the subcontinent would then be able to begin.”
The University of Hawaii’s Pakistan project, involving Pakistani and other scholars, including one Indian, led to the volume Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s published in Karachi, New Delhi and elsewhere. The book reached Nawaz Sharif and the Islamabad elite, including the most hawkish of Islamabad’s hawks, and Pervez Musharraf’s 2006 proposal on J&K, endorsed warmly by the US State Department, may have grown from that paragraph. The Editors of the book, as economists themselves, decried the waste of resources involved in the Pakistan-India confrontation, saying it had
“greatly impoverished the general budgets of both Pakistan and India. If it has benefited important sections of the political and military elites of both countries, it has done so only at the expense of the general welfare of the masses.”
Such words were impossibly bold in the late 1980s-early 1990s. However, as stated in a special editorial article “What to tell Musharraf” in The Statesman of December 16 2006, they seemed in recent years incomplete and rather naïve even to their author, who was myself, the only Indian in that project and the one who had conceived it. Most significantly, the position in international law in the context of historical facts had been wholly neglected. So had been the manifest nature of the Pakistani state (as it had become prior to the splendid 2008 elections).
The Hawaii project had involved top Pakistani economists, political scientists and other commentators but had deliberately chosen to keep the military and the religious clergy out of its chapters. And it was the military and religious clergy who in fact came to dominate Pakistan’s agenda in the 1990s, at least until the 9/11 attacks in America indirectly altered the political direction of the country.
The peaceful and mundane economic agenda outlined for Pakistan in the Hawaii project has come into its own by way of relevance ever since. A few weeks ago, the first trucks filled with fruit, woolens and many other goods traversed across the “Line of Control” in J&K for the first time in sixty years. The Pakistan project that James and I led at the University of Hawaii in the late 1980s may be now declared a success. Among other things, our book explained to Indians that there does exist a Pakistani point of view and perhaps explained to Pakistanis that there does exist an Indian point of view. That is something that had not existed before our book.
Postscript 18 Nov 2015: I have made clear at Twitter that I find the K.M. Kasuri book promoted and publicized in India by MS Aiyar, S Kulkarni, B Dutt and others in Delhi and Mumbai is mendacious where it is not merely self-serving. Its clear intent is to get India to accept the (false) ISI/Hurriyat narratives about 1947, Kashmir, Bangladesh, terrorism etc. Its purported ideas of demilitarisation and a borderless Kashmir are essentially lifted from my earlier 1980s work in America cited above — which I myself have rejected as naive since the Pakistani aggression in Kargil in 1999. More anon.
Protected: Jawaharlal Nehru invites my father to the Mountbatten Farewell 20 June 1948
November 7, 2008 — drsubrotoroyIndira Gandhi in Paris, 1971
October 18, 2008 — drsubrotoroy
This is a photograph of Indira Gandhi emerging with Andre Malraux for a press-conference at the Embassy of India in Paris in the Autumn of 1971. (My father, pictured in the centre, had been posted to the Embassy just a few weeks earlier in anticipation of the visit. [My father recalls her asking him during or between one of these meetings, “Mr Roy, I am very hungry, can you please get me something to eat?”, and he went and grabbed a small hotel plate full of peanuts which she devoured…]) Indira was making the serious diplomatic effort that she did in world capitals to avert war with West Pakistan over its atrocities in East Pakistan. War could not be averted and within a few weeks, in December 1971, Bangladesh was born.
“Indira Gandhi’s one and paramount good deed as India’s leader and indeed as a world leader of her time was to have fought a war that was so rare in international law for having been unambiguously just. And she fought it flawlessly. The cause had been thrust upon her by an evil enemy’s behaviour against his own people, an enemy supported by the world’s strongest military power with pretensions to global leadership. Victims of the enemy’s wickedness were scores of millions of utterly defenceless, penniless human beings. Indira Gandhi did everything right. She practised patient but firm diplomacy on the world’s stage to avert war if it was at all possible to do. She chose her military generals well and took their professional judgement seriously as to when to go to war and how to win it. Finally, in victory she was magnanimous to the enemy that had been defeated. Children’s history-books in India should remember her as the stateswoman who freed a fraternal nation from tyranny, at great expense to our own people. As a war-leader, Indira Gandhi displayed extraordinary bravery, courage and good sense.” (From my review article of Inder Malhotra’s Indira Gandhi, first published in The Statesman May 7 2006 and republished elsewhere here under “Revisionist Flattery”.)
“She had indeed fought that rarest of things in international law: the just war. Supported by the world’s strongest military, an evil enemy had made victims of his own people. Indira tried patiently on the international stage to avert war, but also chose her military generals well and took their professional judgement seriously as to when to fight if it was inevitable and how to win. Finally she was magnanimous (to a fault) towards the enemy ~ who was not some stranger to us but our own estranged brother and cousin. It seemed to be her and independent India’s finest hour. A fevered nation was thus ready to forgive and forget her catastrophic misdeeds until that time….” (From “Unhealthy Delhi” first published in The Statesman June 11 2007, republished elsewhere here).
Origins of India’s Constitutional Politics: Bengal 1913
October 12, 2008 — drsubrotoroy
This is a 1913 photograph of the Indian members of the first Bengal Legislative Council elected (in 1912) after the 1909 Morley-Minto reforms; the members apparently were being greeted by gentlemen of the sub-urban areas south of Calcutta. The Englishman sitting at the centre seems to be Sir Henry Cotton (1845-1915), the 1904 President of the Indian National Congress and a great political friend of India. To his right sits Surendranath Roy, who may have been the Council’s first President.
Academic studies include notably those by JH Broomfield, “The Vote and the Transfer of Power: A Study of the Bengal Election 1912-1913” Journal of Asian Studies, Feb 1962, his book Elite Conflict in a Plural Society: 20th Century Bengal (Berkeley 1968); and Rajat Kanta Ray, Social Conflict and Political Unrest in Bengal 1875-1927 (Oxford 1984). Professor Ray writes about the 1912 election: “Only a few candidates of the “Popular Party” — Surendranath Banerjea, Abul Kasim, Byomkesh Chakravarti and Surendranath Ray — scraped through…. (A) sympathetic moderate wrote in 1919: ‘The Popular Party is a bundle of disjoined units which cannot resist the slightest pressure from without.’ This charge was eventually disproved by the stand taken by (the Popular Party) in the Bengal Legislative Council. It showed no sign of wilting under the pressure exerted by the European group…”
Other studies of the period include John R McLane, Indian Nationalism and the Early Congress (Princeton 1977), Anil Seal, The Emergence of Indian Nationalism (Cambridge 1971), Gordon Johnson, Provincial Politics and Indian Nationalism (Cambridge 1973) etc.
By way of incidental reference, the young Jawaharlal Nehru had returned from his studies in England in 1912; MK Gandhi was still in South Africa and would not be returning until 1915. The Tilak-Gokhale clash though had been in full swing since 1907.
Subroto Roy
Nota Bene: The text and photograph in this post may be considered in the public domain and may be freely used for purposes of a Wikipedia article or any other publication in the common interest.
Monetary Integrity and the Rupee (2008)
September 28, 2008 — drsubrotoroyMonetary Integrity and the Rupee: Three British Raj relics have dominated our macroeconomic policy-making
First published in Business Standard 28 September 2008
Taxation via inflation “does not require detailed legislation, and can be administered very simply. All that it requires is to spend newly created notes. The resulting inflation automatically imposes a tax on cash balances by depreciating the value of money”. Philip Cagan said this in a pioneering 1956 study of hyperinflations worldwide. Britain’s Hugh Dalton observed how government deficits could be met by “use of the printing press to manufacture legal tender paper money” to pay government creditors either directly “with new paper money specially printed for the purpose” or indirectly “out of loans to itself from the Central Bank”. Milton Friedman and Anna Schwartz pointed to America’s wartime resort to inflation.
Government debt held by a central bank quickly filters through to appear as an asset in balance-sheets of commercial banks, causing expansion of bank-lending and hence of bank-deposits and broad money. After the attack on Pearl Harbour, the US Treasury could get from the Federal Reserve or commercial banks “any funds that it needed beyond those secured by taxation and by borrowing from non-bank sources”. America’s wartime banking system became “a mechanism for providing funds to finance government expenditure” — deposits grew because “bank buying of government securities increases bank deposits”.
In RF Harrod’s words: “There is a well-known aphorism that ‘bank loans create deposits’…. if the central bank has an increase of assets, whether through a gold inflow or its own increase of ‘lending’ (including the purchase of bills or bonds), some commercial bank will have an increase of assets of equal amount, in the form of claims on the central bank (deposits at it or notes issued by it) and an increase of deposit liabilities of equal amount to its customers”.
India has followed in peacetime over six decades what the USA and Britain followed during war. Our vast growth of bank-deposits in recent decades has been mostly a paper (or nominal) phenomenon caused by unlimited deficit-finance in a fractional reserve banking system. Policy-makers have widely misinterpreted it as indicating a real phenomenon of incredibly high savings behaviour. In an inflationary environment, people save their wealth less as paper deposits than as real assets like land, cattle, buildings, machinery, food-stocks, jewellery etc.
Almost 50% of annual public revenues in real terms may have been arising from inflationary finance in recent decades. To take a specific example, during Dr Manmohan Singh’s tenure as Finance Minister, Union Government expenditure net of operational income was some Rs. 1.3 trillion (Rs 1.3 lakh crore) in 1994-1995. Some Rs. 675 billion (1 bn= 100 crore) was raised from all taxation that year, Rs 183 billion from direct taxes. The remaining Rs. 620.8 billion was borrowed on behalf of future generations of citizens using the Government of India’s credit. What is termed “Gross Fiscal Deficit” is this additional or marginal annual borrowing — it adds itself to the ongoing stock of public debt every year and has been continually monetised insofar as our mostly nationalized banking system annually comes to hold government securities to that additional amount.
India’s inflation-history shows a first phase from the 1870s until the Second World War when money prices fluctuated in response to real shocks, positive and negative, domestic and international. E.g., the US Civil War and First World War caused demand surges for Indian manufactures like cotton textiles and steel railway-tracks, while the Great Depression saw Indian prices crashing with world prices.
During the Second World War, money prices in India rose at their fastest rate ever, caused by deliberate British policy to pay for war expenditure by printing money. The British resort to inflationary wartime finance saw the highest money supply growth rates in India ever to occur to date. This pattern came to be adopted and institutionalised by independent India’s socialist authorities, so there has been a third phase of steady inflationary finance from the 1950s until today, along with negative shocks like military and civil conflicts, droughts and oil price-rises, as well as happier developments like technological progress leading to growth of real income (see graph).
Two more relics from the wartime British Raj continue to dominate Indian macroeconomic policy to this day. One is unlimited spending on vast standing armies — our supposed adversary itself being a political remnant of the Raj with similar macroeconomic problems to ourselves. India’s army has some 19 divisions facing Pakistan, Pakistan’s army has 19 divisions facing India!
The other relic has been the Indian rupee becoming inconvertible as a world money ever since import quotas were imposed across the Sterling Area in 1940-1942. Lack of convertibility has made all government finance in India unlike that in modern Western economies. US government bonds are held freely in foreign portfolios so a Swiss household or Japanese bank may trade these as they please. Bond prices vary inversely with interest-rates, and yield curves would be attempted to be defined reflecting the maturity-structure and state of expectations. Competitive arbitrage in international capital markets may succeed in ensuring government debt is priced accurately.
A central bank with a convertible currency sells debt to raise monetary interest rates and attract capital flows, buys up its debt to lower rates and cause capital outflows. Money growth unwarranted by real growth depreciates the currency under floating exchange rates; a partial export of inflation occurs under fixed-rates. Debt instruments are liquid near-moneys, and it is because US Government debt has been liquid that debt instruments of its sub-sovereign divisions like States or municipalities are almost as liquid. If sovereign debt is not liquid, nor will be sub-sovereign debt.
In India, bank assets may be liquid domestically but are illiquid internationally. Government debt is not held by domestic households as voluntary savings nor has it been a liquid asset held worldwide in foreign portfolios. The same holds *a fortiori* for debt issued by more than two dozen State Governments. “Mutual funds” created in recent years do contain government debt on modern principles of portfolio-selection but amounts involved are small. The Rupee achieving monetary integrity after more than six decades of governmental misuse would be indicated only when any ordinary Indian resident can freely hold or trade India’s money for foreign moneys or precious metals as he/she pleases. India’s economy and money can begin to move towards coherence and integrity only when we put to rest the three relics from the wartime British Raj which we unthinkingly have allowed to dominate our macroeconomic policy-making ever since.
The Excel graphs built on my data were made into a nice picture by Business Standard but seem to have been removed from their website, and hence are reproduced here now for the first time today, Oct 2, 2011:
See also, more recently,
India’s Money, 2012,
Critical assessments of India’s economic policy, plus my 3 Dec 2012 Delhi talk on India’s money, Interview on Lok Sabha TV 2012, GDI Impuls Zürich Interview, Sunday Guardian Interview & Asian Age/Deccan Herald coverage
https://independentindian.com/2013/11/23/coverage-of-my-delhi-talk-on-3-dec-2012/
Govt of India: Please call in the BBC and ask them a question
September 27, 2008 — drsubrotoroyThe BBC has unilaterally decided that Jammu & Kashmir has nothing to do with India. On its 1530 Indian Standard Time broadcast of purported “World News” today, it unilaterally lopped off all of J&K from the map of the Republic of India (shown attached to mention of a Delhi bomb-blast). Usually, the BBC at least makes pathetic reference to something it has invented called “Indian-Administered Kashmir”.
There are senior BBC staff-members who are dual Pakistani/British nationals and who may be counted on to have been pushing such a line within the organisation, but lopping off all of J&K unilaterally may be a novelty. There are several “Indian-origin” staff-members too but perhaps they have renounced their Indian nationality, and apparently they have no ability to make any editorial protest.
Does the Government of India have the sense, and the guts, to call in the local BBC and ask them for an explanation about their insult of history? For that matter, what is the BBC’s formal position on the J&K problem? The same as that of the UK Government? What is that of the UK Government for that matter? Has it remained constant since Clement Attlee in October 1947?
BBC staff may like to refer to my articles “Solving Kashmir”, “Law, Justice and J&K”, “Pakistan’s Allies”, “History of Jammu & Kashmir”, etc for enlightenment.
Subroto Roy
MK Gandhi, SN Roy, MA Jinnah in March 1919: Primary education legislation in a time of protest
September 24, 2008 — drsubrotoroyIn March 1919, Indian politics were extremely tense over the draconian “anti-terrorist” law known as the Rowlatt Act. On March 23, MK Gandhi called for the general strike or hartal on April 6 that came to be known as the Rowlatt Satyagraha (and was soon to be followed by the Jallianwalla Bagh massacre in Amritsar on April 13). On March 28, MA Jinnah resigned his membership of the Viceroy’s Imperial Council in protest that the Rowlatt Act had not been amended as demanded by the Indian members of the Council. In midst of such tumultuous events, my great grandfather Surendranath Roy, on March 27 1919, seems to have quietly managed to get his “Bengal Primary Education Bill” passed in the Bengal Legislative Council.
From India in 1918: A Chronological Record of the Phases of Developments in Indian Polity During 1918, HN Mitra (ed), Annual Register Office, Sibpur, 1921.
Nuksaan-Faida Analysis = Cost-Benefit Analysis in Hindi/Urdu
June 30, 2008 — drsubrotoroyI have published about a half dozen or more articles, mainly in The Statesman‘s Editorial Page, on the India-US Nuclear Deal, e.g. “Imperialism Redux”14 March 2006, “Towards an Energy Policy” 2 April 2006, “India’s Energy Interests” 27-28 August 2006, “Need for Clarity”, 19 August 2007. One of my main complaints has been that the Prime Minister and his acolytes seem to have failed to do a proper cost-benefit analysis of the whole thing. The same currency-risk that made the Dabhol-Enron project instantly unviable is also faced a fortiori in the idea of importing nuclear fuel and reactors. The Finance Minister and Finance Secretary who failed to calculate that currency risk in the former project, and hence caused its failure, have now failed again as PM and Planning Commission chief while advocating the latter project. Is the Indian rupee destined to depreciate in the long run? Of course it is: just look at the long run trends and compare our money supply growth rates and inflation rates with those of the USA or EU. The cost of imported nuclear power in India must be recalculated under different scenarios for the exchange-rate of the Indian rupee including e.g. a 20% depreciation.
It is not as if the Government of India is ignorant of what Cost-Benefit Analysis is supposed to be! For example, look up
“*Ministry of Personnel, Public Grievances and Pensions* * *THE INDIAN ADMINISTRATIVE SERVICES (PROBATIONERS’ FINAL EXAMINATION) REGULATIONS, 1955* * *In pursuance of rule 7 of the Indian Administrative Service (Probation) Rules, 1954, the Central Government, in consultation with the State Governments and the Union Public Service Commission, hereby makes the following regulations, namely* *1. Short title:- These regulations may be called the Indian Administrative Service (Probationers’ Final Examination) Regulations, 1955.* *2. Definition:- 2(1) In these regulations, unless the context otherwise requires,-* *(a) `Academay’ (sic) means Lal Bahadur Shastri National Academy of Administration;* *(b) [ ];* *(c) `Director’ means the Director of the Academy; and * *(d) `Schedule’ means a Schedule appended to these regulations.* *2(2) All other words and expressions used in these regulations and not defined shall have the meanings respectively assigned to them in the Indian Administrative Service (Probation) Rules, 1954.* *3. Final examination.- 3(1) Every probationer shall, at or about the end of the period of training in the Academy appear at a final examination.* *3(2) The examination shall be conducted by the 4Director in the manner laid down in these regulations….4. PUBLIC ADMINSTRATION AND MANAGEMENT* *Essentials of Administration-Organisational Structure of Governments, Role of Civil Servants, Administrative Ethics and Accountability, Delegation and Decentralisation-District and Local Administration-Personal Administration, Police Administration-Jail Administration Panchayati Raj Administration- CalamityAdministration-Administration of Development and Welfare Programmes- Budget and Role of Audit and general financial principles-Role of District Officer/SDO-Conduct of Elections.* *Management and Organisation* *Behavioural Science Motivation, Leadership, Decision-Making, MBO, Management of Conflicts, Management of Change ,Transactional Analysis, -MIS-O&M & Work study-Pert-CPM, Time Management Methodology of Presentation of a subject-Financial Management Capital Budgeting, Discountal Cash Flow, Ratio Analysis, Project Formulation, Cost benefit Analysis, Project Evaluation Interpretation of Balance Sheets….” (emphasis added)
How come there has been none with the India-US nuclear deal then? I think we need a new more comprehensible term for Cost-Benefit Analysis, and that should be, most simply, its Hindi/Urdu equivalent: “Nuksaan-Faida Analysis”.
What is the estimated Nuksaan?
What is the estimated Faida?
How do they compare? It all becomes so much easier!
Subroto Roy
Surendranath Roy (1861-1929)
June 17, 2008 — drsubrotoroySurendranath Roy, b 14 April 1861, d 9 November 1929, was my paternal great grandfather. He was an eminent statesman of his time, sometime President of the Bengal Legislative Council, and close political friend of CR Das who led the Indian National Congress before MK Gandhi. SN Roy helped pioneer Indian constitutionalism under several British governments: Carmichael, Ronaldshay, Lytton, the Simon Commission too.
Lytton’s letter dated 1 May 1922 denied SN Roy appointment as President of the Bengal Legislative Council; instead, Lytton imported HEA (Evan) Cotton (1868-1939) from England in a classic case of British imperial racism in Indian governance.
SN Roy was a pioneer of primary education, and a legislative expert on local and general public finance as well as the federal politics of his time, authoring books on the “Princely” States of Gwalior and Kashmir, and proposing the origins of what became the Rajya Sabha. He also protested the Salt Tax as early as 1918. SN Roy Road in Kolkata is named after him. The first photograph is of him as a newly graduated advocate-at-law, the second may have been after his book on Gwalior was published in 1888. He also gave the Tagore Law Lectures in 1905, on the subject of customary law; these are available at India’s National Library. His friends included the academician Ashutosh Mukherjee and the scientist Jagdish Chandra Bose. His role in the development of the legislative process in Bengal after the Morley-Minto reforms will be described further here in due course, as will be his role as a pioneer of primary education.
. 
Postscript: We did not know until recently he was present and badly injured, along with Ardeshir Dalal, by Bhagat Singh’s bomb thrown in the Central Legislative Assembly on 8 April 1929 during the Simon Commission deliberations. He died seven months later.
see also
S N Roy hears from Lytton: A 1922 case of British imperial racism in Indian governance (with lessons for today) [Draft text 10 Feb 2018]
Origins of India’s Constitutional Politics: Bengal 1913
Carmichael visits Surendranath, 1916
MK Gandhi, SN Roy, MA Jinnah in March 1919: Primary education legislation in a time of protest
Bengal Legislative Council 1921
Jaladhar Sen writes to Manindranath at Surendranath’s death, c. Nov-Dec 1929
Sarat Chandra visits Surendranath Roy 1927
The Roys of Behala 1928
Manindranath Roy 1891-1958
Two scientific Boses who should have but never won Nobels
Pre-Partition Indian Secularism Case-Study: Fuzlul Huq and Manindranath Roy
Life of my father, 1915-2012
“I’m on my way out”: Siddhartha Shankar Ray (1920-2010)
Leadership vacuum
June 7, 2008 — drsubrotoroyFirst published in The Statesman, Editorial Page Special Article, June 7 2008, http://www.thestatesman.net
Leadership vacuum
Time & Tide Wait For No One In Politics: India Trails Pakistan & Nepal!
Subroto Roy
The Karnataka legislative elections, as well as to lesser extent the Bengal panchayat polls, have revealed the vacuum that exists across the leadership of India’s national-level politics today.
To start with the BJP: had India been a normal democratic country on the Western pattern, Mr Arun Jaitley would have rocketed to the top of his party’s leadership by now. Besides being articulate in both Hindi and English and in his fifties (the age-group of most leaders in democratic countries), Mr Jaitley’s political acumen and organisational skills have been acknowledged even by his Congress adversaries after the Karnataka result. He himself has been frank and expansive about his formula for winning in Karnataka, which was simply to focus on real issues, especially state-specific ones, as well as to project a single credible leader. Had the BJP been a normal political party in a normal country, Mr Jaitley would have been given the task of leading it to victory in the next General Election and, assuming he won a Lok Sabha seat, to become its prime ministerial candidate.
Dadagiri
Instead, the BJP chooses to remain backward, backward, backward in the majority of its thought-processes and behaviour-patterns ~ from its kneejerk anti-Muslim psychology via its hyperinflationary macroeconomics and protectionist trade to its embrace of astrology and bovine exclusiveness. The idea of uniting behind someone relatively modern-minded in his politics like Mr Jaitley would be simply unacceptable not merely to people in the party within his own age-cohort (including the present party president) but even more so to those in age-cohorts decades older (including the party’s present prime ministerial candidate).
The opposition of the first group would arise from, in a word, jealousy. The opposition of the second group would arise from, in a word, dadagiri, i.e. the gerontocratic idea that merely because one is older, one is owed respect, authority and the plums of office in precedence over someone who is younger. Jealousy is a universal emotion not something specific to Indian politics, but dadagiri and the lack of meritocracy in our political culture is one reason India remains an abnormal polity in the modern democratic world.
LK Advani, driven by his unfulfilled personal ambition, will likely lead the BJP in the next election and do so with Mr Jaitley’s explicit support; Mr Advani may lead it into defeat or even to a victory in which he, given his age, is not as successful a PM as a Jaitley might have been. Yet our sclerotic political culture is such that neither Mr Advani nor Mr Rajnath Singh will simply stand aside now and hand over the reins to a newer, more competent and progressive leadership.
The same idea of dadagiri pervades what passes for the official “Left” in India as exemplified by the CPI-M. Mr Jyoti Basu has in a recent letter to Harkishen Singh Surjeet reminisced of their times together, and in doing so remarked that he remained the Chief Minister of West Bengal for as many years as he did because the Party had instructed him to do so, and when he handed over power to Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, he did so with the Party’s agreement.
Those who believe in India’s parliamentary democracy might have thought that what our system requires is for a Chief Minister to hold the confidence of the legislative assembly from the bottom up but clearly that is not so because what a CM or PM seems to need are Party instructions from the top down. When Mr Bhattacharjee was anointed the new CM, the present author had remarked to the then Editor of The Statesman that the transition seemed to take place even without a formal vote of confidence in the Assembly. Does anyone in fact recall the last confidence vote debated and passed in the West Bengal Assembly? Democratic legislatures the world over routinely begin their new sessions with a debate and vote of no confidence being brought by the Opposition against the Government-of-the-day.
Does that happen with us, purportedly the world’s largest democracy? Let aside State legislatures, even our Parliament sees only the rare vote of confidence, and LK Advani specifically as Leader of the Opposition seems to have introduced none. Oppositions that do not wish to properly oppose are of course complicit in a government’s misdeeds.
It is the dadagiri culture shared by the official Communists that has caused the generational handover of power from Mr Basu and Mr Surjeet to the JNU coterie of the Karats and Mr Sitaram Yechuri. The “Left” like the “Right” and everyone else in Indian politics, can only handle cherubic “known” faces at the top ~ genuine grassroots activists like Binayak Sen or Medha Patkar must languish in jail or starve on hunger-strike in seeking to represent the politically and economically powerless in India while the entrenched dadas of Indian politics continue with their dissimulation.
Puppet-masters
In case of the Congress, it is an even deeper aspect of the Indian joint family system than dadagiri that has dominated its political culture, namely, the question who is the karta of the family and, if the karta is or seems too young or naïve or inexperienced, who will act as Regent on the karta’s behalf? Indira Gandhi was successfully guided in international politics for several years by a coterie led by PN Haksar. Rajiv Gandhi was attempted to be guided by several different competing coteries of senior party dadas ~ one of whom first brought up the name of Manmohan Singh in Indian politics on 22 March 1991 in a challenge addressed to the present author on liberalisation plans that Rajiv had authorised.
It is almost true to say that Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi have been in recent years played by puppet-masters of whose personal interests and intrigues they remain clueless. As has been said before by this author, the most salubrious thing Sonia Gandhi could have done for the Congress Party was to remain steadfast in her decision to stay out of Indian politics, and to have organised a fair, tough intra-party contest among its putative senior leaders based on differences of political and economic ideology.
Instead there is now paralysis in decision-making induced by Sonia Gandhi and Manmohan Singh each mistakenly relying upon the other’s purported economic wisdom and political acumen. This confusion came to be most clearly illustrated in the choice of Head of State last year though that was something politically costless ~ the failures of which Karnataka is the current example may lead the Congress to lose what it, like other Indian parties, loves most of all, namely political power in Lutyens’ Delhi.
Indians should make no mistake: our good neighbours in Pakistan and Nepal (Muslim in Pakistan, Hindu and Buddhist and communist in Nepal) have been through healthy cathartic political experiences in recent months and years of a kind we have not. There continues to remain a dangerous intellectual vacuum around the throne of Delhi.
Serendipity and the China-Tibet-India border problem
June 6, 2008 — drsubrotoroyOur carpenter completed some new book-cases and this led to our library being churned around a little. I found KPS Menon’s 1947 Delhi-Chungking: A Travel Diary about his 125-day 1944 journey from Delhi through Kashmir and Sinkiang/Xinjiang and “the 8th War Zone” to Chiang Kaishek’s capital at the time, Chung King/Chongqing. I had not read the book properly in decades. Looking at the contents, I found it said there were maps in the inside jacket — something I had never noticed before. Now I found the inner-jacket, put my hand in, and out came two Survey of India maps of Northern India (Kashmir, Baltistan), Sinkiang, China, Tibet….
I shall scan and upload them here within a day or so. It is clear that as of 1947 at least, China and Tibet were distinct on a map.
China’s force and diplomacy: The need for realism in India (2008)
May 31, 2008 — drsubrotoroyChina’s force & diplomacy: The need for realism In India
Subroto Roy
First published in The Statesman, Editorial Page Special Article, May 31, 2008
It is almost as large an error to overestimate Chinese military aims and capabilities as it has been to underestimate them. On 8 May 2008 at Tokyo’s Waseda University, China’s President Hu Jintao declared in a speech broadcast live “China has taken a defensive military policy and will not engage in any arms race. We will not become a military threat to any country and we will never assert hegemony or be expansionistic”. This was as clear and authoritative a reply as possible to the June 2005 statement in Singapore of the then American defence minister Donald Rumsfeld: “China appears to be expanding its missile forces, allowing them to reach targets in many areas of the world, not just the Pacific region, while also expanding its missile capacities here in the region. Since no nation threatens China, one must wonder: why this growing investment?”
By 2006, Rumsfeld’s generals were saying China had “the greatest potential to compete militarily with the United States,” and could “field disruptive military technologies that could over time offset traditional US military advantages absent US counter strategies”. The “sizing” of China’s military by American and other Western analysts became a parlour game ~ one with major business implications since the threat perceived or misperceived from China affects American decisions on the size of its own military.
As recently as 13 May 2008, the Wall Street Journal carried opinion that China’s military expansion demanded America have a 1000-ship navy not a 280-ship one, 40 aircraft-carriers not 11, 1000 F-22 aircraft not 183. Exaggerating China’s military and the threat posed by it to the world can mean big business for militaries opposing it!
Dominating India
Communist China’s physical, political and psychological domination of independent India since the 1950s has been achieved more by diplomacy, subterfuge and threat of force than actual military conflict. In its first phase, the policy was expressed clearly by the Chinese Ambassador to New Delhi on 16 May 1959 when he told India’s Foreign Secretary: “Our Indian friends, what is your mind? Will you agree to our thinking regarding the view that China can only concentrate its main attention eastward of China but not south-westward of China, nor is it necessary for it to do so?…. Friends, it seems to us that you, too, cannot have two fronts. Is it not so? If it is, here then lies the meeting point of our two sides. Will you please think it over?” (BN Mullick, Chinese Betrayal, p. 229).
At the time, Pakistan was in military alliances with the USA through CENTO and SEATO, and the Pakistan-China alliance was still years away. The Chinese had used subterfuge to construct their road linking Tibet and Sinkiang through Aksai Chin, ignoring India’s sovereignty, and were now suggesting they had no interest in fighting India because their major military interests were to their east as India’s were towards Pakistan.
The second phase was the short border conflict itself in 1962-63, which consolidated China’s grip on occupied territory in Aksai Chin while establishing its threat to the Brahmaputra Valley that has been perpetuated to this day. The third phase is represented by the 27 November 1974 conversation between Henry Kissinger and Deng Xiaoping, recently made publicly available:
“Deng : There’s something very peculiar about Indian policy. For example, that little kingdom Sikkim. They had pretty good control of Sikkim. Why did they annex it?
Kissinger : It is a good thing India is pacifist, I hate to think (of what they would do) if they weren’t. (Laughs).
Deng : Sikkim was entirely under the military control of India.
Kissinger : I haven’t understood Sikkim. It is incomprehensible.
Deng : After the military annexation, their military position was in no way strengthened.
Kissinger : They had troops there already.
Deng : And they haven’t increased their troops since. We published a statement about it. We just spoke for the cause of justice.
Kissinger : Is it true that you set up loudspeakers to broadcast to the Indian troops on the border? It makes them very tense. (Laughs)
Deng : We have done nothing new along the borders, and frankly we don’t fear that India will attack our borders. We don’t think they have the capability to attack our borders. There was some very queer talk, some said that the reason why the Chinese issued that statement about Sikkim was that the Chinese were afraid after Sikkim that India would complete the encirclement of China. Well, in the first place we never feel things like isolation and encirclement can ever matter very much with us. And particularly with India, it is not possible that India can do any encirclement of China. The most they can do is enter Chinese territory as far as the Autonomous Republic of Tibet, Lhasa. And Lhasa can be of no strategic importance to India. The particular characteristic of Lhasa is that it has no air-because the altitude is more than 3,000 metres.
Kissinger : It’s a very dangerous area for drinking mao tai (a Chinese hard liquor).
Deng : Frankly, if Indian troops were able to reach Lhasa, we wouldn’t be able to supply them enough air! (Laughter)
Kissinger : I don’t think their intention is with respect to Tibet, their immediate intention is Nepal.
Deng : That is correct. They have been recently exercising pressure on Nepal, refusing to supply them oil. It is the dream of Nehru, inherited by his daughter, to have the whole subcontinent in their pocket.
Kissinger : And to have buffer zones around their border…. It is like British policy in the 19th Century. They always wanted Tibet demilitarized.
Deng : I believe even the British at that time didn’t make a good estimate of whether there was enough air. (Laughter)
Kissinger : I think an Indian attack on China would be a very serious matter that cannot be explained in terms of local conditions, but only in terms of a broader objective….”
Our self-delusion
The attitude that is revealed speaks for itself, and has been essentially continued by Deng’s successors in the next decades, especially Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao. It is because China does not perceive a military threat from India that it has agreed to military exercises with us ~ exercises which, if anything, reinforce their psychological dominance by helping to spook our military’s morale. During this third phase also, China went about systematically creating a major military threat to India in its support of Pakistan’s military, exploiting our subcontinent’s communal conflicts fully to its own strategic advantage.
China has been engaged for more than a decade now in a massive exercise of modernisation of its armed forces, improving productivity, technology, organisation and discipline while trying to cut corruption. It has a right to do so, and such modernisation does not in and of itself signal aggressive intent. The last aggressive war China fought was almost 30 years ago against Vietnam. It is possible that what simply explains the military modernisation (besides conflict with Taiwan) is China’s awful history of being exploited by foreign powers over the centuries.
Indian analysts have expressed concern about nuclear submarines based in Hainan; but where else would China put them? We delude ourselves if we think we are the guardians of the Straits of Malacca. We may do better being concerned to try to modernise, improve productivity and reduce corruption in our own forces, as well as integrate them better with national goals as China has done instead of continuing to maintain them in a rather old-fashioned colonial / imperial manner.
“All India wept”: On the death of Rajiv Gandhi May 21 1991
May 21, 2008 — drsubrotoroy“All India wept” is a sentence from my “Rajiv Gandhi and the Origins of India’s 1991 Economic Reform”, one of the most viewed articles that is published at this site, and excerpted from below. I was in Singapore on my way to the USA to bring my young son back for his summer holidays with me. I heard it first on the radio at night while asleep in a hotel but the horror of what was reported did not register in my semi-conscious brain. It was only the next morning that I read the newspaper headlines at the airport and came to recall what had been said. I phoned my father and found him, at age 75, weeping.
Today, watching all the New Delhi dignitaries parade along Rajiv’s memorial, I wonder if he would have approved: almost certainly not. He would have wanted them to be at their jobs instead of wasting time like this; as for the young family he left behind, he has of course never left them.
Subroto Roy
from Rajiv Gandhi and the Origins of India’s 1991 Economic Reform (1995, 2001, 2005, 2007):
“Krishnamurty had prepared a draft dated March 18 of several pages of the economic aspects of the manifesto. After our discussions, Krishnamurty was hospitable enough to open the draft to improvement. That evening, the 19th, I worked through the night and the next morning to get by noon copies of a revised version with all the members of the group. At 4 p.m. on the 20th there was a meeting at Andhra Bhavan of the whole group except Pitroda, which went on until the night. The next day the 21st , Krishnamurty, Khusro and I met again at Andhra Bhavan for a few hours on the economic aspects of the draft. Then in mid-afternoon I went to Rasgotra’s home to work with him and Krishna Rao. They wanted me to produce the economic draft which they could then integrate as they wished into the material they were dictating to a typist. I offered instead to absorb their material directly on to my laptop computer where the economic draft was. Rasgotra was reluctant to let go control, and eventually I gave in and said I would get them a hard copy of the economic draft, which they then planned to re-draft via a stenographer on a typewriter. At this, Rasgotra gave in and agreed to my solution. So the work began and the three of us continued until late.
That night Krishna Rao dropped me at Tughlak Road where I used to stay with friends. In the car I told him, as he was a military man with heavy security cover for himself as a former Governor of J&K, that it seemed to me Rajiv’s security was being unprofessionally handled, that he was vulnerable to a professional assassin. Krishna Rao asked me if I had seen anything specific by way of vulnerability. With John Kennedy and De Gaulle in mind, I said I feared Rajiv was open to a long-distance sniper, especially when he was on his campaign trips around the country.
This was one of several attempts I made since October 1990 to convey my clear impression to whomever I thought might have an effect that Rajiv seemed to me extremely vulnerable. Rajiv had been on sadhbhavana journeys, back and forth into and out of Delhi. I had heard he was fed up with his security apparatus, and I was not surprised given it seemed at the time rather bureaucratized. It would not have been appropriate for me to tell him directly that he seemed to me to be vulnerable, since I was a newcomer and a complete amateur about security issues, and besides if he agreed he might seem to himself to be cowardly or have to get even closer to his security apparatus. Instead I pressed the subject relentlessly with whomever I could. I suggested specifically two things: (a) that the system in place at Rajiv’s residence and on his itineraries be tested, preferably by some internationally recognized specialists in counter-terrorism; (b) that Rajiv be encouraged to announce a shadow-cabinet. The first would increase the cost of terrorism, the second would reduce the potential political benefit expected by terrorists out to kill him. On the former, it was pleaded that security was a matter being run by the V. P. Singh and then Chandrashekhar Governments at the time. On the latter, it was said that appointing a shadow cabinet might give the appointees the wrong idea, and lead to a challenge to Rajiv’s leadership. This seemed to me wrong, as there was nothing to fear from healthy internal contests for power so long as they were conducted in a structured democratic framework. I pressed to know how public Rajiv’s itinerary was when he travelled. I was told it was known to everyone and that was the only way it could be since Rajiv wanted to be close to the people waiting to see him and had been criticized for being too aloof. This seemed to me totally wrong and I suggested that if Rajiv wanted to be seen as meeting the crowds waiting for him then that should be done by planning to make random stops on the road that his entourage would take. This would at least add some confusion to the planning of potential terrorists out to kill him. When I pressed relentlessly, it was said I should probably speak to “Madame”, i.e. to Mrs. Rajiv Gandhi. That seemed to me highly inappropriate, as I could not be said to be known to her and I should not want to unduly concern her in the event it was I who was completely wrong in my assessment of the danger. The response that it was not in Congress’s hands, that it was the responsibility of the V. P. Singh and later the Chandrashekhar Governments, seemed to me completely irrelevant since Congress in its own interests had a grave responsibility to protect Rajiv Gandhi irrespective of what the Government’s security people were doing or not doing. Rajiv was at the apex of the power structure of the party, and a key symbol of secularism and progress for the entire country. Losing him would be quite irreparable to the party and the country. It shocked me that the assumption was not being made that there were almost certainly professional killers actively out to kill Rajiv Gandhi — this loving family man and hapless pilot of India’s ship of state who did not seem to have wished to make enemies among India’s terrorists but whom the fates had conspired to make a target. The most bizarre and frustrating response I got from several respondents was that I should not mention the matter at all as otherwise the threat would become enlarged and the prospect made more likely! This I later realized was a primitive superstitious response of the same sort as wearing amulets and believing in Ptolemaic astrological charts that assume the Sun goes around the Earth — centuries after Kepler and Copernicus. Perhaps the entry of scientific causality and rationality is where we must begin in the reform of India’s governance and economy. What was especially repugnant after Rajiv’s assassination was to hear it said by his enemies that it marked an end to “dynastic” politics in India. This struck me as being devoid of all sense because the unanswerable reason for protecting Rajiv Gandhi was that we in India, if we are to have any pretensions at all to being a civilized and open democratic society, cannot tolerate terrorism and assassination as means of political change. Either we are constitutional democrats willing to fight for the privileges of a liberal social order, or ours is truly a primitive and savage anarchy concealed beneath a veneer of fake Westernization….
On March 23, our group was to meet Rajiv at noon. There was to be an event in the inner lawns of Rajiv’s residence in the morning, where he would launch Krishna Rao’s book on India’s security. Krishna Rao had expressly asked me to come but I had to wait outside the building patiently, not knowing if it was a mistake or if it was deliberate. This was politics after all, and I had ruffled feathers during my short time there. While I waited, Rajiv was speaking to a farmers’ rally being held at grounds adjoining his residence, and there appeared to be thousands of country folk who had gathered to hear him. When it was over, Rajiv, smiling nervously and looking extremely uncomfortable, was hoisted atop people’s shoulders and carried back to the residence by his audience. As I watched, my spine ran cold at the thought that any killer could have assassinated him with ease in that boisterous crowd, right there in the middle of Delhi outside his own residence. It was as if plans for his security had been drawn up without any strategic thinking underlying them.
Krishna Rao arrived and graciously took me inside for his book launch. The event was attended by the Congress’s top brass, including Narasimha Rao whom I met for the first time, as well as foreign military attaches and officers of the Indian armed forces. The attaché of one great power went about shaking hands and handing out his business card to everyone. I stood aside and watched. Delhi felt to me that day like a sieve, as if little could be done without knowledge of the embassies. One side wanted to sell arms, aircraft or ships, while the other wanted trips abroad or jobs or green cards or whatever for their children. And I thought Islamabad would be worse — could India and Pakistan make peace in this fetid ether?
Proceedings began when Rajiv arrived. This elite audience mobbed him just as the farmers had mobbed him earlier. He saw me and beamed a smile in recognition, and I smiled back but made no attempt to draw near him in the crush. He gave a short very apt speech on the role the United Nations might have in the new post-Gulf War world. Then he launched the book, and left for an investiture at Rashtrapati Bhavan. We waited for our meeting with him, which finally happened in the afternoon. Rajiv was plainly at the point of exhaustion and still hard-pressed for time. He seemed pleased to see me and apologized for not talking in the morning. Regarding the March 22 draft, he said he had not read it but that he would be doing so. He said he expected the central focus of the manifesto to be on economic reform, and an economic point of view in foreign policy, and in addition an emphasis on justice and the law courts. I remembered our September 18 conversation and had tried to put in justice and the courts into our draft but had been over-ruled by others. I now said the social returns of investment in the judiciary were high but was drowned out again. Rajiv was clearly agitated that day by the BJP and blurted out he did not really feel he understood what on earth they were on about. He said about his own family, “We’re not religious or anything like that, we don’t pray every day.” I felt again what I had felt before, that here was a tragic hero of India who had not really wished to be more than a happy family man until he reluctantly was made into a national leader against his will. We were with him for an hour or so. As we were leaving, he said quickly at the end of the meeting he wished to see me on my own and would be arranging a meeting. One of our group was staying back to ask him a favour. Just before we left, I managed to say to him what I felt was imperative: “The Iraq situation isn’t as it seems, it’s a lot deeper than it’s been made out to be.” He looked at me with a serious look and said “Yes I know, I know.” It was decided Pitroda would be in touch with each of us in the next 24 hours. During this time Narasimha Rao’s manifesto committee would read the draft and any questions they had would be sent to us. We were supposed to be on call for 24 hours. The call never came. Given the near total lack of system and organization I had seen over the months, I was not surprised. Krishna Rao and I waited another 48 hours, and then each of us left Delhi. Before going I dropped by to see Krishnamurty, and we talked at length. He talked especially about the lack of the idea of teamwork in India. Krishnamurty said he had read everything I had written for the group and learned a lot. I said that managing the economic reform would be a critical job and the difference between success and failure was thin.
I got the afternoon train to Calcutta and before long left for America to bring my son home for his summer holidays with me. In Singapore, the news suddenly said Rajiv Gandhi had been killed. All India wept. What killed him was not merely a singular act of criminal terrorism, but the system of humbug, incompetence and sycophancy that surrounds politics in India and elsewhere. I was numbed by rage and sorrow, and did not return to Delhi. Eleven years later, on 25 May 2002, press reports said “P. V. Narasimha Rao and Manmohan Singh lost their place in Congress history as architects of economic reforms as the Congress High command sponsored an amendment to a resolution that had laid credit at the duo’s door. The motion was moved by…. Digvijay Singh asserting that the reforms were a brainchild of the late Rajiv Gandhi and that the Rao-Singh combine had simply nudged the process forward.” Rajiv’s years in Government, like those of Indira Gandhi, were in fact marked by profligacy and the resource cost of poor macroeconomic policy since bank-nationalisation may be as high as Rs. 125 trillion measured in 1994 rupees. Certainly though it was Rajiv Gandhi as Leader of the Opposition in his last months who was the principal architect of the economic reform that came to begin after his passing.”
Assessing Manmohan: The Doctor of Deficit Finance should realise the currency is at stake
April 25, 2008 — drsubrotoroyAssessing Manmohan:
The Doctor of Deficit Finance should realise the currency is at stake
by Subroto Roy
First published in The Statesman, Editorial Page Special Article, April 25 2008,
The best thing that may be said of the Manmohan Singh premiership is that when it began in May 2004, it seemed, for a short while, refreshing in comparison to the dysfunctional arrogance and brutality displayed by its predecessor. By the last months of the Vajpayee-Advani Government, there were party appointees who had ended all pretence of purportedly Hindu values and were raking it in shamelessly. The Golden Rule of Democracy is “Throw the rascals out”, which is what Indian democracy upheld as it has done time and again. By 2009, India’s electorate will have the chance to decide whether the incumbent government deserves the same fate.
Lok Sabha
Manmohan Singh was seriously discussed as the Congress’s putative nominee for PM as early as 2001. The idea brewing at the time with the party’s next generation of wannabe leaders (in their 50s and 60s, where Manmohan was near 70) was that they needed to maintain good relations with the Great White Queen and wait out one term of an inevitable Singh premiership before having a shot at the top job themselves.
What is surprising is Dr Singh appeared never to feel it necessary to educate himself privately on how to retool himself for the necessary transformation from being the archetypal bureaucrat he had been in his working career to becoming the national statesman he wished to be after retirement. It is doubtful, for example, if he ever stood in front of a mirror and practised an extempore political speech in Hindi in preparation for the highest executive post in the country, let aside writing a clear-headed, original vision or mission statement of substance as to where he wished to lead it. As Narasimha Rao’s Finance Minister, he could meekly take orders from his PM; it seemed he wished to continue in the same mode even when PM himself.
Jawaharlal Nehru is supposed to have been a hero of Dr Singh’s ~ but Nehru was a thorough parliamentarian, among the finest anywhere, and someone who always respected the Lok Sabha immensely. Dr Singh, after he lost to VK Malhotra for the South Delhi seat in 1999, made not the slightest effort to enter the Lok Sabha again, even when the Akalis indicated they might not oppose him in a Punjab contest. When asked specifically at a large press conference about not entering the Lok Sabha, Dr Singh murmured words to the effect he had better uses of his time ~ a display, if anything, of the misplaced arrogance of many New Delhi academics and intellectuals. Dr Singh may be the first PM in any parliamentary democracy never to have won a seat in the lower house nor felt a need to do so.
Dr Singh’s bureaucratic expertise assisted him well in the first national crisis that came his way, which was the Tsunami of 26 December 2004. There appeared to be an air of efficiency about the Government’s response and he seemed in his element as commander of bureaucratic forces while working with Pranab Mukherjee in enlisting the military. George W. Bush (not a great geographer or historian) was apparently impressed to see on a map that India had naval forces deployed as far as the Andamans.
By 2005 though, Dr Singh’s bureaucratic mindset had its negative impact. Montek Ahluwalia had been his Finance Secretary when he was Finance Minister. Mr Ahluwalia’s spouse had been a main supporter of Dr Singh’s unsuccessful Lok Sabha attempt. During the Vajpayee Government, Mr Ahluwalia remained a Planning Commission Member for several years before moving to Washington. With Dr Singh as PM, Mr Ahluwalia returned from the USA in mid 2004 to become Deputy Chair at the Planning Commission. Simultaneously with his return, the idea that the American nuclear industry would like to sell “six to eight lightwater reactors” to India arose.
That is as much as is presently known in public. Dr Singh and Mr Ahluwalia may in the national interest want to frankly and precisely explain to the Indian people the full story of the sudden origins of this idea. Certainly, none of the lessons of the Dabhol fiasco a decade earlier seemed to have been learnt, and the Maharasthtra Government (and hence the Government of India) ended up paying some $300 million to General Electric and Bechtel Corporation for Dabhol before any nuclear talks with the USA could begin. Nor had any serious cost-benefit analysis been done or discussion taken place comparing nuclear energy with coal, hydro and other sources in the Indian case.
Indian foreign policy became frozen in its focus on nuclear negotiations with the USA, swirling around Dr Singh’s fife-and-drum welcome at the White House and President Bush’s return visit to India. At the same time arose the issue of Paul Volcker’s UN committee mentioning the name of India’s foreign minister. As The Statesman put it, regardless of the latter’s involvement, “the damage to India’s diplomatic reputation in the world” was done and it was inevitable a new foreign minister would be necessary. After dilly-dallying and much 10 Janpath to-and-fro, Dr Singh followed Nehru’s mistake of becoming his own foreign minister. The idea was that this would be temporary but it became almost a year.
Instead of transforming himself towards Indian political statesmanship, Dr Singh advanced other retired bureaucrats’ ambitions on similar career-paths. Foreign policy went out of the MEA’s control and seemingly into the control of the new “National Security Adviser”. Dr Singh, sometimes with MK Narayanan beside him, travelled a large number of countries from Brazil to Finland and Uzbekistan to South Africa and Japan. Dr Singh also found time and willingness to accept honorary degrees from British and Russian universities during these short months.
While Dr Singh seemed thus preoccupied, two of India’s main neighbours underwent massive democratic revolutions (leave aside magnificent Bhutan). Nepal’s people practically stormed their Bastille while Dr Singh and Mr Narayanan visited Germany to discuss BMWs. Pakistan’s democratic forces could hardly believe the cold indifference shown to them by a New Delhi merely following Bush’s support for Pervez Musharraf. While Pakistan and Nepal, and to lesser extent Bangladesh, saw movements towards better governance, Sri Lanka descended towards civil war ~ India’s PM remained obsessed with the magic wand that the nuclear deal was supposed to be.
Inflation
Then suddenly the magic vanished ~ Dr Singh seemed to finally come to a silent private recognition that the economics of the nuclear deal simply did not add up if it meant India importing “six to eight lightwater reactors” on a turnkey basis from the USA or anywhere else. Dr Singh seemed to come out of his self-imposed trance and return a little better to reality. By the time he visited China, although he was as deferential to Hu Jintao in his body language as he had been to Bush and Musharraf and even accepted an indoor guard of honour, he also seemed willing to stand up for India. The Arunachal visit was a reality-check.
Now there is inflation ~ and one year left in the UPA’s term. What the country needs is tough sensible macroeconomics and clean public finance. A pandering profligate budget in February was not a healthy sign. Instructing Mr Ahluwalia to close down the Planning Commission and make it a minor R&D wing of the Finance Ministry would be instead a good step. Instructing the RBI to clean up its bureaucratic wastefulness and prepare itself for institutional independence from the Finance Ministry would be even better. Getting proper financial control over every Union and State government entity spending public money and resources would be most important of all. Such major institutional changes in the policy-making process are what an economist might expect of an economist prime minister who wishes to lead India in the 21st Century. India’s currency is at stake.
(See also: “The Politics of Dr Singh”, May 2006; “Mistaken Macroeconomics”, June 2009, etc.)
Indian Inflation: Upside Down Economics from New Delhi’s Establishment (2008)
April 16, 2008 — drsubrotoroyIndian Inflation:
Upside Down Economics From The New Delhi Establishment
by
Subroto Roy
First published in two parts in
The Statesman, Editorial Page Special Article,
April 15-16, 2008
Suppose there are only three real goods and services in the economy, and their prices per unit expressed in terms of money were Rs 3, Rs 2, Rs 6 respectively. If those money prices per unit doubled to Rs 6, Rs 4, Rs 12 respectively, we would say inflation of 100% occurred during the relevant time-period. If the prices had gone instead to Rs 4.50, Rs 3, Rs 9, we would say inflation was 50%, and so on. Notice the ratios between the three prices have remained the same in these examples; i.e., while the money prices of the items have changed, relative prices between them remained constant. In reality, there are many hundreds of millions of differentiated real goods and services in any economy though the logic stays the same.
Decline of money
It is well within living memory that the monthly salary of a Government of India Joint Secretary was Rs 3,000. Middle class parents would wed their daughters respectably to a groom earning such a figure. A Joint Secretary today makes 20 times as much and Rs 3,000 is made by his driver or children’s nanny whose equivalent back then made perhaps Rs 150 per month. The relative distance between the Joint Secretary and his driver has not decreased but the absolute amount of rupees made by each has been multiplied by a factor of 20. That indicates the fall in the value of rupees or rise in prices of goods and services relative to rupees during that period.
One reason this has happened is that the monopoly issuer of rupees, namely the Government of India, has vastly enlarged the stock of rupees present in the economy, both paper-notes and bank-deposits. Inflation, strictly speaking, is uniform decline in the value of money or, what is the same thing, uniform increase in all rupee prices, including wages, with relative prices constant. The time-period could be a year or even a month; “hyperinflation” may start to be defined if the value of money falls at more than 10% per month.
The main problem with inflation is that rupee prices never expand uniformly and hence some classes of people gain unexpectedly while others suffer catastrophe. E.g., all those with debts expressed in rupee terms pay back less in real terms while their creditors go bankrupt. Those with fixed or slow-changing incomes (like old people, unorganised non-unionised workers etc) and those with paper assets (like currency rather than land or jewelry) are all made worse off by inflation. Unionized workers, like Government employees, do very well from inflation relative to others in society as their compensation is inflation-indexed. And the Government of India itself, as the largest debtor in the economy, gains massively from inflation; indeed, printing more paper is a standard way for all governments around the world to reduce their real debts by subterfuge.
The farmers at Singur or the SEZs who hand over their land for paper rupees from the Government will find the value of that paper declining and the value of that land rising over future years ~ which may help explain the recent keenness of city-people to take over rural India.
Rupee prices are one key variable that tend to expand via inflation with expansion of money stock. The other main change occurs in real income through growth. The Joint Secretary and his driver both use colour TVs for entertainment and gas-stoves for cooking these days; their earlier counterparts would have used transistor radios and coal-fired ovens.
To that extent, we have superior standards of living than we did in the past. There has been enormous technological progress, mostly through spontaneous learning and productivity increase, and that leads to vastly greater commerce and transactions between people, hence greater income and wealth through specialization. The vastly increased volume and value of commerce requires more money to expedite its turnover.
India’s money stock in recent decades has been growing at no less than 15% per annum, most recently reaching an all-time high of 22% per annum last year. Even if current Government estimates of growth of real income at some 9% are taken at face-value, that may mean growth in all rupee prices, i.e. inflation, near 22-9=13% per annum. TV economists parrot Government WPI inflation at 5% per annum, and now newspaper headlines are screaming WPI inflation is at 7.4% ~ more realistically, the decline in the value of India’s paper money has likely been in double-digits for years.
Paper money is a peculiar thing as it has no intrinsic value ~ even a hair pin or shirt-button has more usefulness as such. Paper money derives whatever value it has only because each of us in the economy believes everyone else will accept it in transactions in payment of wages or to purchase food and other items with.
Gold standard
The currency note in your pocket may carry the signature of the RBI Governor and his “promise to pay the bearer” the face-value ~ as if he is going to pay you its equivalent in gold held by the Government. But this is open humbug, a childish fiction. In 1931 the British pound, and the Indian rupee which linked to it at the time, went off the “gold standard” and there has been no backing of the Indian currency with gold ever since then.
In a pure gold standard, gold is money ~ interchangeable in the sense the central bank guarantees it will exchange gold for the paper it issues at an announced price. If that price changes up or down, there is devaluation or revaluation of the currency with respect to gold (depending on how you count it).
A gold exchange standard is similar except gold is not used as money and central banks of nations guarantee the announced prices of their paper moneys with respect to gold in transactions with one another. In the dollar exchange standard (or Bretton Woods system from 1944 to 1971), the US Government alone and uniquely undertook to guarantee the price of the dollar at $35 a troy oz of gold in transactions with all other central banks. That was the underpinning of the international financial system until Richard Nixon “closed the gold window” on 15 August 1971 because the US had largely financed the Vietnam War through money-creation, and other countries’ central banks (like France) had accumulated large dollar-balances.
The “gold standard”, “gold exchange standard”, and “dollar exchange standard” are all examples of “fixed” exchange rate systems which came to end in 1971-1972. The price of gold at $35 an oz was obviously unrealistically low, and it shot up at once, and has even reached $1000 an oz recently. Since 1972, the Western world has been on “floating exchange rates” where currencies find their own values and gold is merely one asset among many. Fixed exchange rate systems can lead to speculation, runs against currencies and the irresponsible international export of inflation which floating exchange rate systems tend to avoid because there will tend to be market-determined movement in the exchange-rate instead.
Elite capital flight
India today has neither a proper fixed nor a proper floating exchange-rate system but instead continues a system of highly discriminatory exchange controls. Twenty or thirty million people in our major cities know how to use the present system well enough to exchange their Indian rupees for as much as US $200,000 per annum to send their children and relatives settled abroad as foreign nationals. Plus Indian corporations have been allowed to convert rupees to buy sinking foreign companies. Foreign-currency reserves have vastly climbed too as domestic Indian companies have been allowed to incur foreign-currency denominated debt. Hence the thirty million special people are rather cleverly able to borrow foreign currency with one hand and then transmit it abroad with the other.
The net result is a clear policy of government-induced elite capital flight, unprecedented in its irresponsibility anywhere in world economic history ~ signed, sealed and delivered by the Montek-Manmohan-Chidambaram trio now just as Yashwant-Jaswant-KC Pant and friends had done a little earlier. The Communists would only be worse, as their JNU economists renounce all standard textbook microeconomics and macroeconomics in favour of street-shouting instead.
Outside the thirty million Indians with NRI connections, the average Indian today is disallowed from holding foreign exchange accounts at his/ her local bank or holding or trading in gold or other precious metals freely as he/she may please ~ the physical arrest of Mohun Bagan’s hapless Brazilian footballer by our inimitable Customs officers the other day reveals the ugliness of the situation most poignantly.
Every TV economist in Delhi, Bombay and Kolkata now seems to have a solution about India’s inflation and all sorts of fallacious reasoning is in the air. Some recommend the rupee appreciating or depreciating ~ as if anyone in the country has the faintest idea how elastic imports, exports and capital flows may be in fact to changes in the (controlled) exchange-rate. The Finance Minister and PM keep saying inflation is being “imported” because international commodity prices are high ~ someone should explain to them inflation is “imported” when fixed exchange rates allow transmission through the price-specie flow mechanism, and that is far from being India’s main problem. The extra-constitutional “Planning Commission” has, we may be thankful, remained silent about inflation, and seems to have abandoned earlier misconceptions about using forex reserves for “infrastructure”. The UPA Chair, we may be thankful, also has been silent and admits innocence of all economics, implicitly trusting her PM’s wisdom in all such matters instead.
What no one wants to talk about is the hippopotamus that is present in the room, namely, the chronically diseased state of accounts and public finances of the issuer of India’s paper-rupees, the Union Government, as well as the diseased accounts and finances of more than two dozen State Governments that are subservient to it. The macroeconomic and fiscal policy process that the Congress, BJP, Communists and everyone else in the political class in New Delhi and the State capitals have been presiding over for decades is one that turns normal economics upside down.
What happens in the West is that an estimate of technological progress and population growth is made by policy-makers, then an “acceptable” or “unavoidable” or “natural” rate of inflation is added (the figure of monetary change needed for efficiency in the real economy so relative prices adjust to equilibrium in response to demand and supply changes), then a monetary growth target is set, to which the fiscal authority ~ i.e. the legislature handling the Government’s budget ~ must adjust taxation and spending plans accordingly.
What has been happening in India every year for decades is that each of some two dozen state legislatures runs up a large deficit, which are all added up and passed on to the “Centre”; the “Centre” and its “Yojana Bhavan”, at the behest of every conceivable organised interest-group with access in Delhi especially government unions and the military, runs up its own vastly larger fiscal deficit, and then this grand total of fiscal-deficits is offered to the Reserve Bank at the end of a loaded pistol ~ to pay for one way or another via new public debt creation and money printing. Subtract the WPI rate from the Money Supply Growth rate and government spokesmen and their businessmen friends then exclaim that the economy must try to reach the difference as its “warranted” growth rate! It is all economics upside down from people who have either learnt nothing significant in the subject or forgotten whatever little they once did.
Fragile financial state
The net result has been a banking system (mostly nationalized) in which the asset side of banks’ balance-sheets is made up almost entirely of rather dubious government debt, interest payments on which are received every year from fresh money-printing. The liability side of those balance-sheets consists of course of customer-deposits. In this fragile monetary and financial state, a government-induced capital flight has been allowed to continue under pretence of liberalization ~ with Indian companies being allowed to borrow from foreign markets many times their domestic rupee-denominated net worth by which to acquire ailing foreign companies and brands. Furthermore, there has been a massive fiscal effect as vast new Government spending programs ~ like buying foreign aircraft carriers, fighter-jets or passenger aircraft or writing off farm loans ~ come to be announced and absorbed into expectations of future inflation. A monetary meltdown is what the present author cautioned against in 1990-1995 and again, publicly, in 2000-2005. Economics, candidly treated, tells us not only that there is no such thing as a free lunch but also that chickens come home to roost.
Articles of related interest include “Against Quackery”, “India’s Macroeconomics”, “Fiscal Instability”, “Indian Money and Credit”, “Indian Money and Banking”, “The Dream Team: A Critique” etc. See https://independentindian.com/2013/11/23/coverage-of-my-delhi-talk-on-3-dec-2012/
China’s India Example: Tibet, Xinjiang May Not Be Assimilated Like Inner Mongolia, Manchuria (2008)
March 25, 2008 — drsubrotoroyNote: My articles on related subjects recently published in The Statesman include “Understanding China”, “China’s India Aggression”, “China’s Commonwealth”, “Nixon & Mao vs India”, “Lessons from the 1962 War”, “China’s force & diplomacy” etc https://independentindian.com/2009/09/19/my-ten-articles-on-china-tibet-xinjiang-taiwan-in-relation-to-india/
China’s India Example: Tibet, Xinjiang May Not Be Assimilated Like Inner Mongolia And Manchuria
by
Subroto Roy
First published in The Statesman, Editorial Page Special Article March 25, 2008
Zhang Qingli, Tibet’s current Communist Party boss, reportedly said last year, “The Communist Party is like the parent (father and mother) of the Tibetans. The Party is the real boddhisatva of the Tibetans.” Before communism, China’s people followed three non-theistic religious cultures, Buddhism, Confucianism and Taoism, choosing whichever aspects of each they wished to see in their daily lives. Animosity towards the theism of Muslims and Christians predates the 1911 revolution. Count Witte, Russia’s top diplomatist in Czarist times, reported the wild contempt towards Islam and wholly unprovoked insult of the Emir of Bokhara by Li Hung Chang, Imperial China’s eminent Ambassador to Moscow, normally the epitome of civility and wisdom. In 1900 the slogan of the Boxer Revolts was “Protect the country, destroy the foreigner” and catholic churches and European settlers and priests were specifically targeted. The Communists have not discriminated in repression of religious belief and practice ~ monasteries, mosques, churches have all experienced desecration; monks, ulema, clergymen all expected to subserve the Party and the State.
Chinese nationalism
For Chinese officials to speak of “life and death” struggle against the Dalai Lama sitting in Dharamsala is astounding; if they are serious, it signals a deep long-term insecurity felt in Beijing. How can enormous, wealthy, strong China feel any existential threat at all from unarmed poor Tibetans riding on ponies? Is an Israeli tank-commander intimidated by stone-throwing Palestinian boys? How is it China (even a China where the Party assumes it always knows best), is psychologically defensive and unsure of itself at every turn?
The Chinese in their long history have not been a violent martial people ~ disorganized and apolitical traders and agriculturists and highly civilised artisans and scholars more than fierce warriors fighting from horseback. Like Hindus, they were far more numerous than their more aggressive warlike invading rulers. Before the 20th Century, China was dominated by Manchu Tartars and Mongol Tartars from the Northeast and Northwest ~ the Manchus forcing humiliation upon Chinese men by compelling shaved heads with pigtails. Similar Tartar hordes ruled Russia for centuries and Stalin himself, according to his biographer, might have felt Russia buffered Europe from the Tartars.
Chinese nationalism arose only in the 20th Century, first under the Christian influence of Sun Yatsen and his brother-in-law Chiang Kaishek, later under the atheism of Mao Zedong and his admiring friends, most recently Deng Xiaoping and successors. “Socialism with Chinese characteristics” is the slogan of the present Communist Party but a more realistic slogan of what Mao and friends came to represent in their last decades may be “Chinese nationalism with socialist characteristics”. Taiwan and to lesser extent Singapore and Hong Kong represent “Chinese nationalism with capitalist characteristics”. Western observers, keen always to know the safety of their Chinese investments, have focused on China’s economics, whether the regime is capitalist or socialist and to what extent ~ Indians and other Asians may be keener to identify, and indeed help the Chinese themselves to identify better, the evolving nature of Chinese nationalism and the healthy or unhealthy courses this may now take.
Just as Czarist and Soviet Russia attempted Russification in Finland, the Baltics, Poland, Ukraine etc., Imperial and Maoist China attempted “Sinification” in Manchuria and Inner Mongolia as well as Tibet and Xinjiang (Sinkiang, East Turkestan). Russification succeeded partially but backfired in general. Similarly, Sinification succeeded naturally in Manchuria and without much difficulty in Inner Mongolia. But it has backfired and backfired very badly in Tibet and Xinjiang, and may be expected to do so always.
In India, our soft state and indolent corrupt apparatus of political parties constitute nothing like the organized aggressive war-machine that China has tried to make of its state apparatus, and we have much more freedom of all sorts. India does not prohibit or control peasant farmers or agricultural labourers from migrating to or visiting large metropolitan cities; villagers are as free as anyone else to clog up all city life in India with the occasional political rally ~ in fact India probably may not even know how to ban, suppress or repress most of the things Communist China does.
Hindu traditions were such that as long as you did not preach sedition against the king, you could believe anything ~ including saying, like the Carvaka, that hedonism and materialism were good, spiritualism was bunkum and the priestly class were a bunch of crooks and idiots. Muslim and British rulers in India were not too different ~ yes the Muslims did convert millions by offering the old choice of death or conversion to vanquished people, and there were evil rulers among them but also great and tolerant ones like Zainulabidin of Kashmir and Akbar who followed his example.
India’s basic political ethos has remained that unless you preach sedition, you can basically say or believe anything (no matter how irrational) and also pretty much do whatever you please without being bothered too much by government officials. Pakistan’s attempts to impose Urdu on Bengali-speakers led to civil war and secession; North India’s attempts to impose Hindi on the South led to some language riots and then the three-language formula ~ Hindi spreading across India through Bollywood movies instead.
China proudly says it is not as if there are no declared non-Communists living freely in Beijing, Shanghai etc, pointing out distinguished individual academics and other professionals including government ministers who are liberals, social democrats or even Kuomintang Nationalists. There are tiny state-approved non-Communist political parties in China, some of whose members even may be in positions of influence. It is just that such (token) parties must accept the monopoly and dictatorship of the Communists and are not entitled to take state power. The only religion you are freely allowed to indulge in is the ideology of the State, as that comes to be defined or mis-defined at any time by the Communist Party’s rather sclerotic leadership processes.
Chinese passports
During China’s Civil War, the Communists apparently had promised Tibet and Xinjiang a federation of republics ~ Mao later reneged on this and introduced his notion of “autonomous” regions, provinces and districts. The current crisis in Tibet reveals that the notion of autonomy has been a complete farce. Instead of condemning the Dalai Lama and repressing his followers, a modern self-confident China can so easily resolve matters by allowing a Dalai Lama political party to function freely and responsibly, first perhaps just for Lhasa’s municipal elections and gradually in all of Tibet. Such a party and the Tibet Communist Party would be adequate for a two-party system to arise. The Dalai Lama and other Tibetan exiles also have a natural right to be issued Chinese passports enabling them to return to Tibet~ and their right to return is surely as strong as that of any Han or Hui who have been induced to migrate to Tibet from Mainland China. Such could be the very simple model of genuine autonomy for Tibet and Xinjiang whose native people clearly do not wish to be assimilated in the same way as Inner Mongolia and Manchuria. India’s federal examples, including the three-language formula, may be helpful. Once Mainland China successfully allows genuine autonomy and free societies to arise in Tibet and Xinjiang, the road to reconciliation with Taiwan would also have been opened.
Anarchy in Bengal
February 10, 2008 — drsubrotoroyAnarchy in Bengal
Intra-Left bandh marks the final unravelling of “Brand Buddha”
First published in The Sunday Statesman, 10 February 2008, Editorial Page Special Article http://www.thestatesman.net
by
SUBROTO ROY
Once upon a time, not very long ago, there was something called “Brand Buddha”. The basic idea was that the CPI-M had quietly reformed itself, passing the baton from old unreconstructed communists like Jyoti Basu and Harkishan Surjeet to a new generation of pragmatists and modernists represented by Prakash Karat’s JNU coterie at the national level and the smartly dressed bhadralok persona of Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee in Kolkata itself.
Big businessmen and their foreign collaborators were no longer the “comprador bourgeoisie” but rather were allies to whom government subsidies and concessions, especially land, would be and should be granted. The “investment climate” and “work culture” under a CPI-M government would be among the best in India. High employment levels would be the hoped-for result, especially employment for those associated positively with the CPI-M and its friends. The usual set of academics, journalists, film and TV actors, dancers, sportsmen, singers, NRIs etc who were directly or indirectly recipients of the largesse of the West Bengal Government helped to contribute to the idea that a viable political brand had been identified and it represented the unique way forward for the State. “You are either with us or against us” has always been the brief philosophy of communist and fascist parties around the world ~ joining up with Brand Buddha meant you were part of the bandwagon of progress, if you did not join up you would be left behind. (No one thought Brand Buddha could be or would come to be actively opposed.)
At the national level, the old Indira Gandhi-Communist alliance was restored by way of a new one led by Sonia Gandhi. Jyoti Basu had frankly described Sonia as “a housewife” but now that the housewife was running the country and needed the Communists’ help in doing so, the opportunity was not to be missed to extract whatever price was possible. The main broker between 10 Janpath and West Bengal’s Communists was Pranab Mukherjee who was most familiar with the old Indira-style of opportunistic Indian politics, and who was given the mandate of appeasing the Communists with whatever they needed while also being the pointman to make a phone call to his friend Buddhadeb to see to it, e.g., that the CPI-M like everyone else enjoyed the American and Indian air force show at Kalaikunda.
The “enemy” (for, after all, every unholy alliance must have an identifiable enemy) was the wicked old BJP. Everyone from Sonia Gandhi via Pranab Mukherjee to Jyoti Basu would voice the fear that if they did not join hands in socialist secularist unity, the BJP Boogeyman was destined to return to power. And of course the BJP did nothing and had little positive in its record to dissipate those fears. It was indeed filled with old men and it had indeed behaved wickedly while in power. From negligence in the Graham Staines murder in Orissa to the pogrom in Gujarat, there was little to suggest the BJP’s leadership had any clear ideas or principles about right and wrong governance. In office from 1998-2004, its macroeconomic record was woeful, mainly because it knew no better than maintain the same economic bureaucrats as its predecessors, and allow its finance and other economic ministers to be wholly manipulated by big business lobbies. Now when those bureaucrats and big business lobbies created, endorsed and marketed Brand Buddha itself, the BJP found it had been successfully finessed and could hardly speak a word in opposition. If the BJP thinks it can win in 2009 by its discredited leaders merely recycling anti-Muslim or anti-Christian formulae as before, it may be in for a surprise and a disappointment.
Brand Buddha reached its pinnacle when Sonia Gandhi’s Prime Minister endorsed it personally at a big business meeting in Kolkata on 12 January 2005. But the contradiction involved in Sonia Gandhi then giving merely a perfunctory speech on behalf of the West Bengal Congress in the 2006 election campaign could not be covered up and did not escape the notice of her local partymen.
Brand Buddha started to unravel when Mamata Banerjee realized that all the CPI-M really had was a brand being marketed, not something based on any new and fresh political and economic reality. Mamata has never accepted Sonia’s right to lead the Congress which is what had led to the Trinamul breaking away ~ at the same time, even when she was allied to the BJP, no one could accuse her of being anti-Muslim or anything but secular in her political identity. Her three-week long fast over Singur blocked Metro Channel and riveted the country’s political attention while TV broadcasts of the police-behaviour at Singur acted as a signal to the people of Nandigram to prepare for the same or worse.
The fact the Nandigram peasants who feared losing their land were mostly Muslim caused the central Sonia-Pranab-Buddhadeb myth to explode that only they stood to protect Muslims from the BJP. Once that myth had exploded, the fact the emperor was naked came to be seen by all. There never had been a viable political or economic product behind the brand that was being so heavily advertised and endorsed. If Buddhadeb and his party had been genuinely confident of possessing a constructive new economic policy for West Bengal, they should have transparently and honestly discussed it in detail and gone to the people to ask for a mandate on it before the 2006 elections.
Or when the issue boiled over and Mamata went on her fast at the end of 2006, Buddhadeb could have dissolved the Assembly and gone for fresh elections asking for a specific mandate from Bengal’s voters. Instead, the Chief Minister or his senior ministers not once found the need or courage to address all of West Bengal’s people on television even though the State came to be rocked by violence, mayhem and tragedy – hardly a climate for investment and new employment.
2007 saw the CPI-M and its New Delhi Congress friends being revealed to be bunglers, who could not cope with things as small as Rizwanur’s love-marriage or Taslima’s writings except with heavy-handed repression. The CPI-M’s own unions had crippled their own Government and the State before with bandhs, but not until the Cooch Behar firings has the anarchy become complete. The Forward Bloc protesters were, after all, merely asking for implementation of Sonia Gandhi’s favourite scheme of rural employment guarantees! Anarchy is the absence of government and when a government is so divided that its members cannot decide if they are the government or the opposition, it has to be said there is an absence of government.
Recovery requires candour which in turn requires honesty and introspection, all of which may be qualities too difficult to find. What Brand Buddha could have and should have been about is this: the CPI-M cutting waste, fraud and abuse of publicly owned resources from all the organs, departments and projects of the West Bengal Government that they have controlled for decades, and drastically improving the productivity of all those receiving State government wages or contracts. Real governance does not require any phony advertising because success advertises itself.
Our Dismal Politics: Will Independent India Survive Until 2047? (from 2008)
February 1, 2008 — drsubrotoroyOur Dismal Politics
Will Independent India Survive Until 2047?
By SUBROTO ROY
First published in The Statesman Editorial Page, Special Article, Feb 1 2008
Mayawati and Narendra Modi are both in their 50s. So are the current leaders of Russia, Germany, Britain, France, the USA. No country, not even Communist Party China, is as pretentiously corrupt as ours in allowing a whole generation to be bred of “babalog” politicians among children of dead politicians or existing elderly politicians in their 70s and 80s. These babalog, Rahul Gandhi pre-eminent among them, are usually in their late 30s or early 40s. Having developed no useful marketable skills in life nor done anything worthwhile or creative, they have tended to arbitrage the political positions of their parents (whether departed or living) into gaining access and advantage in Delhi or the State capitals. Some nepotism is being seen in the USA with the Bush and Clinton families but nobody had heard of a Putin, Merkel or Sarkozy before they won their way into political power.
Inheriting advantage
The Indian phenomenon of the inheritance of advantage is also seen in organised business, in Bollywood and in journalism, which, like our politics, tend to be sold via TV. Academic institutions and the civil and military services are not far behind although there the phenomenon more usually involves exporting adult children (and bank accounts) especially to the USA or UK or Australia, and then making annual trips abroad during the hot summer months to be able to tell the neighbours about later.
The idea that the future of Indian politics is in the hands of a babalog GenNext is sheer nonsense and fantasy. The victories of Mayawati and Modi were also defeats of the expectations raised by Rahul Gandhi’s Congress. There is a continuity of years between someone like Sonia Gandhi and her children which implies there can be no discontinuous jump from Sonia to Rahul in the leadership of the Congress. In between, as it were, are people like Kamal Nath among “Friends of Sanjay” or Mani Shankar Aiyar (a solitary Rajivist), both of whom have won seats in the Lok Sabha unlike Sonia’s current elderly PM. If Sonia Gandhi devolves political power to her son who then leads the Congress into another defeat, of which UP and Gujarat have been examples, there will be a revolt among senior middle-aged politicians in the Congress, and the Congress may splinter into a Right Faction and Left Faction leaving Rajiv Gandhi’s family to look after the Rajiv Gandhi Foundation which is what they should have been doing in the first place rather than playing at Indian politics.
A Congress disintegration may or may not finally cause a useful bipolarisation in Indian politics because Indian politics has not only an economic dimension, it has a social or communal dimension too. Besides being (ostensibly) pro-poor or anti-poor, you can be either “Islamophilic” or “Islamophobic” ~ i.e. either pro-Muslim “secularist” /”pseudo-secularist”/minorityist, or anti-Muslim “communalist”/ “fascist”/majority communitarian.
Narasimha Rao cleverly manipulated the median parliamentary vote along these two dimensions so as to maintain a weak Government in power for five years by seeming to ally with the BJP on economic issues and seeming to ally with Leftists on social issues. If the Congress splits after another major defeat caused by Sonia-Rahul incompetence, with the Right Faction joining hands with whatever the BJP morphs into, and the Left Faction joining hands with whatever the CPI-M and CPI morph into, the central question will become which side of the split along the economic dimension holds the median voter along the pro-Muslim/anti-Muslim social dimension.
The BJP remains as dreadful and unscientific a gathering as it has been always without displaying the slightest creative trace of being able to evolve into a serious Conservative Party that India remains in desperate need of. AB Vajpayee and LK Advani led it into electoral defeat but that was not enough for their patriarchy to be disturbed by competent new younger people. In any case, the BJPs more articulate better-educated members in their 50s and 60s are unable to command nation-wide respect nor, with the exception of Modi, are they able to win an election on their own steam. The idea that e.g. Pramode Mahajan’s son could “succeed” him on the 10 JanPath pattern fortunately self-exploded. The best the BJP could do was to choose an inarticulate member as its nominal head while the patriarchy continued unchanged in its backward communalised thinking. Its RSS parent occasionally shows a little savant-like intelligence but generally remains in mental and physical regression.
As for the so-called Left, its multi-dimensional hypocrisy and incompetence has been permanently exposed in the heartland of what passes for Indian communism, Bengal. After the demise of the USSR and transition of Communist China towards Capitalism/ Fascism, there has been no real reason why the CPI and CPI-M cannot merge into one and then renounce together their retrograde ideology in favour of becoming a genuine Social Democratic and Labour Party representing working people and the poor. But that, like any corporate merger, would mean administrative redundancies, retrenchment and new management, and the last thing Stalinist politburo members like is the idea of losing their Rajya Sabha sinecures (in Russia and China they lost their heads but Indian conditions are kinder, gentler, more non-violent).
Besides the Congress, BJP and “Left”, most other parties in India revolve around the whims, personality and IQ of some single local political warlord/warlady. The Naxals and other extremists, including Hindu and Muslim religious terrorists, at least make some pretence at representing political interests of some sections of the people; there is thus at least a slight authenticity about them, no matter how disengaged their thought processes may be from realities around them.
Endless deficit finance
The 2008 Budget or the 2009 General Election seem likely to remain in the grip of all such dramatis personae permanently on the Indian stage, and no new real creative constructive force seems likely to appear. Every political misdemeanour will be paid for by endless deficit finance and money-printing, the accounts and auditing of all public institutions shall remain in a shambles while private pockets of the heads of public institutions come to be lined with gold, the armed forces shall be ready to fight their Pakistani counterparts while deferring to any more formidable adversary, rich business people will continue with their grotesque conspicuous consumption, young people graduating from India’s pampered institutions of tertiary education will continue to line up outside foreign embassies to seek hope and escape.
Can India survive as an independent democratic republic for 100 years after 1947, let alone be a country where all citizens are reasonably free and comfortable? A worst-case scenario may see North India in endless conflict with a chaotic Pakistan, Eastern India hived off under Beijing’s influence, and peninsular India from Surat to Vizag being Western-dominated with “SEZs” on the pattern of pre-communist Coastal China. The failure of our elite classes to provide healthy creative governance over generations must inevitably result in the putrefaction of our body politic.
(Author’s Note: The graph that accompanied this article is published elsewhere here under the title “Median Voter Model of India’s Electorate”.)
Lessons from the 1962 War: there are distinct Tibetan, Chinese and Indian points of view that need to be mutually comprehended (2007)
January 15, 2008 — drsubrotoroyPrefatory Note: This is part of a series of articles published in The Statesman since October 2007 and republished here, viz., Understanding China, India-USA Interests, China’s India Aggression, Surrender or Fight?, China’s Commonwealth, Nixon & Mao vs India, China’s India Example and China’s Force and Diplomacy. See https://independentindian.com/2009/09/19/my-ten-articles-on-china-tibet-xinjiang-taiwan-in-relation-to-india/
Lessons from the 1962 War
Beginnings of a solution to the long-standing border problem: there are distinct Tibetan, Chinese and Indian points of view that need to be mutually comprehended.
SUBROTO ROY
First published in The Sunday Statesman, January 13 2008, Editorial Page Special Article
WAR is an existential experience from which nations emerge altered, reflective and sometimes more mature. Germany tried to purge anti-Jewish hatred, Japan to adopt pacifism, Britain to break class-structures, Russia to explode Stalin’s cult. America learnt little from its Vietnam debacle, creating new tactics and technologies to reduce American casualties in war but not showing any improved capacity to comprehend the world beyond its shores and borders.
India after the 1962 defeat by Mao’s China learnt less than was possible and necessary to do. The Government’s official history concluded: “In a fundamental sense, the origins of the 1962 Sino-Indian conflict lay in Chinese expansionism and occupation of Tibet. The issue got further aggravated due to failure of the Chinese to win over the Tibetans. Indian asylum to the Dalai Lama raised Chinese suspicions about ultimate Indian intentions. On the other hand, India, while tacitly accepting the Chinese occupation of Tibet through a treaty in 1954, failed to obtain any quid pro quo on the border issue.” This is true enough but a deeper probe is also possible.
India’s 20th Century political and intellectual leadership may have grossly failed to comprehend critical world events in a realistic manner, specifically Vladimir Ulyanov’s German-assisted Bolshevik coup d’etat, the Kuomintang and Maoist takeovers in China, as well as India’s own struggle for Independence. After BG Tilak, Annie Besant, GK Gokhale and other founders of Indian nationalism passed from the scene, leaders arose like MK Gandhi, MA Jinnah, SC Bose and J Nehru who tended to be consumed, to lesser or greater extent, by their own hubris and were less able to see India’s fortunes and capacities in context of a larger world. None had military, administrative or public finance experience needed for practical government; instead there arose almost a new hereditary caste of the “professional politician” who has no other vocation or anything better to do in life. Nazi-admirers like Mashriqi and Rahmat Ali among Muslims and the Mahasabha and RSS among Hindus also lent mainstream Indian nationalism a harsh distasteful colouration.
Czechoslovakia’s great nationalist Masaryk (who famously denounced Austro-Hungary as a “corrupt, pretentious, senseless relic”) was said to be “a leader who planned further ahead than his contemporaries, understood the corroding effects of power, the vital need of restraint in the ruler, and above all the need for taking the nation into his confidence, educating it in the sense of drawing out all its innate qualities and sharing its manifold aspirations” (Seton-Watson). India’s clear-headed statesmen of that calibre were not among its most visible or ambitious. Vallabhbhai Patel, MAK Azad, C Rajagopalachari and others were left on the sidelines of free India’s politics ~ as Plato predicted, the genuine pilot of the ship of state will be hardly invited to take its wheel nor even want to do so.
Nehru alone, as chosen by Gandhi, came to wield actual power in the 1950s, having maneuvered Rajendra Prasad to being President. And Nehru, besotted in middle age with a married British woman, seemed awestruck by appearance of a victorious Maoist communism in China just as he had been adoring of Stalin’s Russia two decades earlier. The Congress’s friends among India’s official Communists and fellow-travelers never had much original indigenous grassroots support and always looked abroad for guidance. Non-alignment needed to be made of sterner stuff.
Nehru’s flawed management of the relationship with Communist China included not merely choosing a favourite like Krishna Menon to head India’s military, but also imagining himself a competent world diplomatist. Girja Shankar Bajpai would have been far superior as India’s first Foreign Minister. In 1952, Bajpai, then Governor of Bombay, wrote to Nehru saying India should inform Zhou Enlai the McMahon Line was firm in law and non-negotiable.
Was the McMahon Line firm and just? Nehru was no Curzon but it was as a Curzonian imperialist that Mao and Zhou saw him. All Chinese, whether Communist or Nationalist, chafed at the way the Manchu-dynasty’s Empire had been carved up. “China is our India” was Czarist Russia’s intent towards China itself. China had an awful political and military history from when foreign depredations began in the 1840s all the way until the Mao-Zhou era ended in the 1970s. Indeed China’s polity between the 1840s and 1940s suffered far greater chaos and anarchy than India’s in the same period.
From a Chinese standpoint, Younghusband’s diplomatic and military invasion of Gyantze and Lhasa in 1903-1904 was an insult they had been unable to militarily confront. Curzon sent Younghusband’s expedition because there appeared to be Russian intrigues with the Dalai Lama via the Russian/Mongolian agent Dorjiev who had transmitted Russian ideas of extending its new Siberian railway to Lhasa and posting Cossack soldiers there. The Russians seemed to want to adopt the Dalai Lama given his religious influence over Mongolia. The British were alarmed and determined to annihilate the influence of Dorjiev which they did. Thence came the Anglo-Russian Treaty of 1907 which specified British and Russian spheres of influence in Iran and Afghanistan, and stated Tibet would be dealt with internationally only through the Chinese Empire. The McMahon Line, as a recognition of the traditional boundary, flowed naturally from the legitimacy of the Anglo-Russian Treaty. As for Sinkiang, though a Chinese province since 1884 it came to be ruled by warlords under Russian influence.
The Mao-Zhou war machine was determined to take over and militarily hold both Sinkiang and Tibet as an assertion of new China’s self-definition against Russia and Britain; hence their denunciation of Nehru as a pawn first of Britain and then of Russia. China building a road surreptitiously between Sinkiang and Tibet through Aksai Chin was reminiscent of Russia’s coercive behaviour against China in building the Trans-Siberian Railway through Chinese territory to Vladivostok. At worst, the Indians would have to admit that erstwhile J&K State since October 1947 had become an ownerless entity whose unclaimed territory had been carved up by force by the new Pakistan, new India and new China.
From an Indian standpoint, the traditional recognised boundary placed Aksai Chin clearly in Ladakh and not Tibet. Aksai Chain is a salt pit without “a blade of grass” but for all anyone knows, it could be rich in minerals. Karakorum Pass is also newly valuable to the Chinese as they seek to develop a land-route from Baluchistan’s Gwadar Port through Pakistan to China. If India has lost Aksai Chin and Karakorum Pass by force of arms without compensation, force of arms may be the only means of retrieval. Due compensation from China could be Chumbi Valley between Sikkim and Bhutan, and China seems once to have mentioned mutual perpetual lease of Aksai Chin and Chumbi Valley.
From a Tibetan point of view, the Amban representing the Chinese Emperor was driven out of Lhasa in 1912 and Tibet was independent of China for 38 years. Tibet has as much of a claim to be independent of China as Poland or Ukraine have had to be of Russia. As for the McMahon Line, it is indeed legally non-negotiable between China and India as it flowed directly out of the Anglo-Russian Treaty of 1907, and it was under that Treaty that China received international recognition of its formal suzerainty over Tibet since 1720 until that time. Mao once likened Tibet to the palm of a hand with Ladakh, Nepal, Sikkim, Bhutan and Assam as five fingers. Modern China must decide between such a metaphor of Maoist expansionism (which India would have to militarily resist) and joining the world of international law created since Grotius. Democratic conditions in Tibet would also have to be insisted upon so the Dalai Lama and other Tibetans may return home from India in peace and freedom.
Against Quackery (2007)
September 24, 2007 — drsubrotoroyAgainst Quackery
First published in two parts in The Sunday Statesman, September 23 2007, The Statesman September 24 2007
by
Subroto Roy
Manmohan and Sonia have violated Rajiv Gandhi’s intended reforms; the Communists have been appeased or bought; the BJP is incompetent
WASTE, fraud and abuse are inevitable in the use and allocation of public property and resources in India as elsewhere, but Government is supposed to fight and resist such tendencies. The Sonia-Manmohan Government have done the opposite, aiding and abetting a wasteful anti-economics ~ i.e., an economic quackery. Vajpayee-Advani and other Governments, including Narasimha-Manmohan in 1991-1996, were just as complicit in the perverse policy-making. So have been State Governments of all regional parties like the CPI-M in West Bengal, DMK/ AIADMK in Tamil Nadu, Congress/NCP/ BJP/Sena in Maharashtra, TDP /Congress in Andhra Pradesh, SP/BJP/BSP in Uttar Pradesh etc. Our dismal politics merely has the pot calling the kettle black while national self-delusion and superstition reign in the absence of reason.
The general pattern is one of well-informed, moneyed, mostly city-based special interest groups (especially including organised capital and organised labour) dominating government agendas at the cost of ill-informed, diffused anonymous individual citizens ~ peasants, small businessmen, non-unionized workers, old people, housewives, medical students etc. The extremely expensive “nuclear deal” with the USA is merely one example of such interest group politics.
Nuclear power is and shall always remain of tiny significance as a source of India’s electricity (compared to e.g. coal and hydro); hence the deal has practically nothing to do with the purported (and mendacious) aim of improving the country’s “energy security” in the long run. It has mostly to do with big business lobbies and senior bureaucrats and politicians making a grab, as they always have done, for India’s public purse, especially access to foreign currency assets. Some $300 million of India’s public money had to be paid to GE and Bechtel Corporation before any nuclear talks could begin in 2004-2005 ~ the reason was the Dabhol fiasco of the 1990s, a sheer waste for India’s ordinary people. Who was responsible for that loss? Pawar-Mahajan-Munde-Thackeray certainly but also India’s Finance Minister at the time, Manmohan Singh, and his top Finance Ministry bureaucrat, Montek Ahluwalia ~ who should never have let the fiasco get off the ground but instead actively promoted and approved it.
Cost-benefit analysis prior to any public project is textbook operating procedure for economists, and any half-competent economist would have accounted for the scenario of possible currency-depreciation which made Dabhol instantly unviable. Dr Singh and Mr Ahluwalia failed that test badly and it cost India dearly. The purchase of foreign nuclear reactors on a turnkey basis upon their recommendation now reflects similar financial dangers for the country on a vastly larger scale over decades.
Our Government seems to function most expeditiously in purchasing foreign arms, aircraft etc ~ not in improving the courts, prisons, police, public utilities, public debt. When the purchase of 43 Airbus aircraft surfaced, accusations of impropriety were made by Boeing ~ until the local Airbus representative said on TV that Boeing need not complain because they were going to be rewarded too and soon 68 aircraft were ordered from Boeing!
India imports all passenger and most military aircraft, besides spare parts and high-octane jet fuel. Domestic aviation generates near zero forex revenues and incurs large forex costs ~ a debit in India’s balance of payments. Domestic airline passengers act as importers subsidised by our meagre exporters of textiles, leather, handicrafts, tea, etc. What a managerially-minded PM and Aviation Minister needed to do before yielding to temptations of buying new aircraft was to get tough with the pampered managements and unions of the nationalized airlines and stand up on behalf of ordinary citizens and taxpayers, who, after all, are mostly rail or road-travellers not jet-setters.
The same pattern of negligent policy-behaviour led Finance Minister P. Chidambaram in an unprecedented step to mention in his 2007 Union Budget Speech the private American companies Blackstone and GE ~ endorsing the Ahluwalia/Deepak Parekh idea that India’s forex reserves may be made available to be lent out to favoured private businesses for purported “infrastructure” development. We may now see chunks of India’s foreign exchange reserves being “borrowed” and never returned ~ a monumental scam in front of the CBI’s noses.
The Reserve Bank’s highest echelons may have become complicit in all this, permitting and encouraging a large capital flight to take place among the few million Indians who read the English newspapers and have family-members abroad. Resident Indians have been officially permitted to open bank accounts of US $100,000 abroad, as well as transfer gifts of $50,000 per annum to their adult children already exported abroad ~ converting their largely untaxed paper rupees at an artificially favourable exchange-rate.
In particular, Mr Ratan Tata (under a misapprehension he may do whatever Lakshmi Mittal does) has been allowed to convert Indian rupees into some US$13,000,000,000 to make a cash purchase of a European steel company. The same has been allowed of the Birlas, Wipro, Dr Reddy’s and numerous other Indian corporations in the organised sector ~ three hundred million dollars here, five hundred million dollars there, etc. Western businessmen now know all they have to do is flatter the egos of Indian boxwallahs enough and they might have found a buyer for their otherwise bankrupt or sick local enterprise. Many newcomers to New York City have been sold the Brooklyn Bridge before. “There’s a sucker born every minute” is the classic saying of American capitalism.
The Sonia-Manmohan Government, instead of hobnobbing with business chambers, needed to get Indian corporations to improve their accounting, audit and governance, and reduce managerial pilfering and embezzlement, which is possible only if Government first set an example.
Why have Indian foreign currency reserves zoomed up in recent years? Not mainly because we are exporting more textiles, tea, software engineers, call centre services or new products to the world, but because Indian corporations have been allowed to borrow abroad, converting their hoards of paper rupees into foreign debt. Forex reserves are a residual in a country’s international balance of payments and are not like tax-resources available to be spent by Government; India’s reserves largely constitute foreign liabilities of Indian residents. This may bear endless repetition as the PM and his key acolytes seem impervious to normal postgraduate-level economics textbooks.
Other official fallacies include thinking India’s savings rate is near 32 per cent and that clever bureaucratic use of it can cause high growth. In fact, real growth arises not because of what politicians and bureaucrats do but because of spontaneous technological progress, improved productivity and learning-by-doing of the general population ~ mostly despite not because of an exploitative parasitic State. What has been mismeasured as high savings is actually expansion of bank-deposits in a fractional reserve banking system caused by runaway government deficit-spending.
Another fallacy has been that agriculture retards growth, leading to nationwide politically-backed attempts at land-grabbing by wily city industrialists and real estate developers. In a hyperinflation-prone economy with wild deficit-spending and runaway money-printing, cheating poor unorganised peasants of their land, when that land is an asset that is due to appreciate in value, has seemed like child’s play.
What of the Opposition? The BJP/RSS have no economists who are not quacks though opportunists were happy to say what pleased them to hear when they were in power; they also have much implicit support among organised business lobbies and the anti-Muslim senior bureaucracy. The official Communists have been appeased or bought, sometimes so cheaply as with a few airline tickets here and there. The nonsensical “Rural Employment Guarantee” is descending into the wasteland of corruption it was always going to be. The “Domestic Violence Act” as expected has started to destroy India’s families the way Western families have been destroyed. The Arjun-DMK OBC quota corrodes higher education further from its already dismal state. All these were schemes that Congress and Communist cabals created or wholeheartedly backed, and which the BJP were too scared or ignorant to resist.
And then came Singur and Nandigram ~ where the sheer greed driving the alliance between the Sonia-Manmohan-Pranab Congress and the CPI-M mask that is Buddhadeb, came to be exposed by a handful of brave women like Mamata and Medha.
A Fiscal U-Turn is Needed For India to Go in The Right Economic Direction
Rajiv Gandhi had a sense of noblesse oblige out of remembrance of his father and maternal grandfather. After his assassination, the comprador business press credited Narasimha Rao and Manmohan Singh with having originated the 1991 economic reform. In May 2002, however, the Congress Party itself passed a resolution proposed by Digvijay Singh explicitly stating Rajiv and not either of them was to be so credited. The resolution was intended to flatter Sonia Gandhi but there was truth in it too. Rajiv, a pilot who knew no political economy, was a quick learner with intelligence to know a good idea when he saw one and enough grace to acknowledge it.
Rule of Law
The first time Dr Manmohan Singh’s name arose in contemporary post-Indira politics was on 22 March 1991 when M K Rasgotra challenged the present author to answer how Dr Singh would respond to proposals being drafted for a planned economic liberalisation that had been authorised by Rajiv, as Congress President and Opposition Leader, since September 1990. It was replied that Dr Singh’s response was unknown and he had been heading the “South-South Commission” for Tanzania’s Julius Nyerere, while what needed to be done urgently was make a clear forceful statement to restore India’s credit-worthiness and the confidence of international markets, showing that the Congress at least knew its economics and was planning to take bold new steps in the direction of progress.
There is no evidence Dr Singh or his acolytes were committed to any economic liberalism prior to 1991 as that term is understood worldwide, and scant evidence they have originated liberal economic ideas for India afterwards. Precisely because they represented the decrepit old intellectual order of statist ”Ma-Bap Sarkari” policy-making, they were not asked in the mid-1980s to be part of a “perestroika-for-India” project done at a foreign university ~ the results of which were received, thanks to Siddhartha Shankar Ray, by Rajiv Gandhi in hand at 10 Janpath on 18 September 1990 and specifically sparked the change in the direction of his economic thinking.
India is a large, populous country with hundreds of millions of materially poor citizens, a weak tax-base, a vast internal and external public debt (i.e. debt owed by the Government to domestic and foreign creditors), massive annual fiscal deficits, an inconvertible currency, and runaway printing of paper-money. It is unsurprising Pakistan’s economy is similar, since it is born of the same land and people. Certainly there have been real political problems between India and Pakistan since the chaotic demobilisation and disintegration of the old British Indian Army caused the subcontinent to plunge into war-like or “cold peace” conditions for six decades beginning with a bloody Partition and civil war in J&K. High military expenditures have been necessitated due to mutual and foreign tensions, but this cannot be a permanent state if India and Pakistan wish for genuine mass economic well-being.
Even with the continuing mutual antagonism, there is vast scope for a critical review of Indian military expenditures towards greatly improving the “teeth-to-tail” ratio of its fighting forces. The abuse of public property and privilege by senior echelons of the armed forces (some of whom have been keen most of all to export their children preferably to America) is also no great secret.
On the domestic front, Rajiv was entirely convinced when the suggestion was made to him in September 1990 that an enormous infusion of public resources was needed into the judicial system for promotion and improvement of the Rule of Law in the country, a pre-requisite almost for a new market orientation. Capitalism without the Rule of Law can quickly degenerate into an illiberal hell of cronyism and anarchy which is what has tended to happen since 1991.
The Madhava Menon Committee on criminal justice policy in July proposed a Hong Kong model of “a single high-tech integrated Criminal Justice complex in every district headquarters which may be a multi-storied structure, devoting the ground floor for the police station including a video-installed interrogation room; the first floor for the police-lockups/sub-jail and the Magistrate’s Court; the second floor for the prosecutor’s office, witness rooms, crime laboratories and legal aid services; the third floor for the Sessions Court and the fourth for the administrative offices etc…. (Government of India) should take steps to evolve such an efficient model… and not only recommend it to the States but subsidize its construction…” The question arises: Why is this being proposed for the first time in 2007 after sixty years of Independence? Why was it not something designed and implemented starting in the 1950s?
The resources put since Independence to the proper working of our judiciary from the Supreme Court and High Courts downwards have been abysmal, while the state of prisons, borstals, mental asylums and other institutions of involuntary detention is nothing short of pathetic. Only police forces, like the military, paramilitary and bureaucracies, have bloated in size.
Neither Sonia-Manmohan nor the BJP or Communists have thought promotion of the Rule of Law in India to be worth much serious thought ~ certainly less important than attending bogus international conclaves and summits to sign expensive deals for arms, aircraft, reactors etc. Yet Rajiv Gandhi, at a 10 Janpath meeting on 23 March 1991 when he received the liberalisation proposals he had authorized, explicitly avowed the importance of greater resources towards the Judiciary. Dr Singh and his acolytes were not in that loop, indeed they precisely represented the bureaucratic ancien regime intended to be changed, and hence have seemed quite uncomprehending of the roots of the intended reforms ever since 1991.
Similarly, Rajiv comprehended when it was said to him that the primary fiscal problem faced by India is the vast and uncontrolled public debt, interest payments on which suck dry all public budgets leaving no room for provision of public goods.
Government accounts
Government has been routinely “rolling over” its domestic debt in the asset-portfolios of the nationalised banks while displaying and highlighting only its new additional borrowing in a year as the “Fiscal Deficit”. More than two dozen States have been doing the same and their liabilities ultimately accrue to the Union too. The stock of public debt in India is Rs 30 trillion (Rs 30 lakh crore) at least, and portends a hyperinflation in the future.
There has been no serious recognition of this since it is political and bureaucratic actions that have been causing the problem. Proper recognition would entail systematically cleaning up the budgets and accounts of every single governmental entity in the country: the Union, every State, every district and municipality, every publicly funded entity or organisation, and at the same time improving public decision-making capacity so that once budgets and accounts recover from grave sickness over decades, functioning institutions exist for their proper future management. All this would also stop corruption in its tracks, and release resources for valuable public goods and services like the Judiciary, School Education and Basic Health. Institutions for improved political and administrative decision-making are needed throughout the country if public preferences with respect to raising and allocating common resources are to be elicited and then translated into actual delivery of public goods and services. Our dysfunctional legislatures will have to do at least a little of what they are supposed to. When public budgets and accounts are healthy and we have functioning public goods and services, macroeconomic conditions would have been created for the paper-rupee to once more become a money as good as gold ~ a convertible world currency for all of India’s people, not merely the metropolitan special interest groups that have been controlling our governments and their agendas.
To Clarity from Confusion on Indo-US Nuclear Deal
August 19, 2007 — drsubrotoroy(Author’s Note September 3 2008: This article “Need for Clarity” published in The Statesman last year was one of several I have published on the subject; see also, for example, “Towards an Energy Policy”, “India’s Energy Interests” , “Against Quackery” all published first in The Statesman in 2006 and 2007; also “India and ‘Energy Security'” which was my lecture to a KAF conference on the subject. It seems quite prescient in that it anticipated by a few months the “secret” letter from the US Executive Branch to the Legislative Branch, released by the Washington Post today . India’s UPA Government has put forward a junior spokesman from the Congress Party to waffle around with a purported explanation. )
Need for Clarity
A poorly drafted treaty driven by business motives is a recipe for international misunderstanding
First published in The Sunday Statesman, August 19 2007, Editorial Page Special Article
by
SUBROTO ROY
Confusion prevails over the Indo-US Nuclear Deal. Businessmen, bureaucrats, politicians, diplomats, scientists and now the public at large have all joined in the cacophony in the last two years.
On Wednesday August 15, America’s foreign ministry made the clearest most unequivocal statement possible as to the official American Government interpretation of the Indo-US nuclear deal: “The proposed 123 agreement has provisions in it that in an event of a nuclear test by India, then all nuclear co-operation is terminated, as well as there is provision for return of all materials, including reprocessed material covered by the agreement” (Sean McCormack). Yet our Prime Minister had told Parliament two days earlier: “The agreement does not in any way affect India’s right to undertake future nuclear tests, if it is necessary”. What is going on? Our politics are in uproar, and it has been suggested in these pages that the country go to a General Election to allow the people to speak on the matter. Clearly, we need some clarity.
Let us start at the beginning. How did it all originate? The private US nuclear industry prevailed upon India’s government bureaucrats and businessmen over several years that nuclear power is the way forward to solving India’s “infrastructure” problems. They would sell us, in words of the Manmohan-Montek Planning Commission’s energy adviser, “six to eight lightwater reactors” (especially as they may not be able to sell these anywhere else). Our usual prominent self-seeking retired bureaucrats started their waffling about the importance of “infrastructure”.
Then Manmohan Singh felt his foreign travels as PM could be hardly complete without a fife-and-drum visit to the White House. But before he could do so, Dabhol would have to be cleared up since American business in India was on a self-moratorium until GE and Bechtel were paid settlements of some $140-160 million each by the Governments of India and Maharashtra. GE’s CEO for India kindly said afterwards “India is an important country to GE’s global growth. We look forward to working with our partners, customers, and State and Central Governments in helping India continue to develop into a leading world economy”.
Also, before Manmohan’s USA trip, the Confederation of Indian Industry registered as an official Washington lobbyist and spent half a million dollars lobbying American politicians for the deal. (“Why?” would be a good question.)
So Dr Singh was able to make his White House visit, accompanied by US business lobbies saying the nuclear deal can generate $100 billion worth of new American business in India’s energy-sector alone. It is only when business has lubricated politics in America that so much agreement about the India-deal could arise. The “bottom-line” is that six to eight reactors must be sold to India, whatever politics and diplomacy it takes.
Now Dr Singh is not a PM who is a Member of the Lower House of Parliament commanding its confidence. He says his Government constitutes the Executive and can sign treaties on India’s behalf. This is unwise. If he signs a treaty and then the Congress Party loses the next General Election, a new Executive Government can use his same words to rescind the same treaty. What is sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander. One reason we are so confused is that India has not signed very many bilateral treaties, and there is barely a noted specialist in international law anywhere in the country. Dr Singh’s original mentor, PN Haksar, had gone about getting a treaty signed with the USSR back in 1971 which tided us over a war, though the USSR itself collapsed before that treaty ended.
Signing a treaty is much more than signing an international MOU. It requires a national consensus or a least a wide and deep understanding on the part of the public and the political class as to what necessitates the treaty. That plainly does not exist at present. Most people in India do not even know how nuclear power is generated, nor how small and insignificant nuclear power has been in India.
Natural uranium is 99.3 per cent of the U-238 isotope and 0.7 per cent the radioactive U-235 isotope. Nuclear power generation requires “enriched uranium” or “yellow cake” to be created in which U-235 has been increased from 0.7 per cent to 4 to 5 percent. (Nuclear bombs require “highly enriched” uranium with more than 90 per cent of U-235.) Yellow cake is broken into small pieces, put in metal rods placed in bundles, which are then bombarded by neutrons causing fission. In a reactor, the energy released turns water into steam, which moves turbines generating electricity. While there is no carbon dioxide “waste” as in burning fossil fuels, the “spent” rods of nuclear fuel and other products constitute grave radioactive waste, almost impossible to dispose of.
India’s 14 “civilian” nuclear reactors presently produce less than 4% of our total power. 70% of our power arises from burning fossil fuels, mainly coal. Much of the rest arises from hydro. We have vast hydroelectric potential in the North and Northeast but it would take a lot of serious political, administrative and civil engineering effort to organise all that, and there would not be any nice visits to Washington or Paris involved for politicians and bureaucrats.
Simple arithmetic says that even if all our principal energy sources stayed constant and only our tiny nuclear power sector grew by 100%, that would still hardly increase by very much our energy output overall. Placing a couple of expensive modern lightwater reactors around Delhi, a couple around Mumbai and a few other metros will, however, butter already buttered bread quite nicely and keep all those lifts and ACs running.
The agreed text of the “treaty” looks, from a legal standpoint, quite sloppily and hurriedly written ~ almost as if each side has cut and paste its own preferred terms in different places with a nod to the other side. For example, there is mention of “WMD” initially which is repeated as “weapons of mass destruction” just a little later. There is solemn mention of the “Government of India” and “Government of the United States of America” as the “Parties”, but this suddenly becomes merely “United States” and “India” in the middle and then reverts again to the formal usage.
Through the sloppiness comes scope for different interpretations. The Americans have said: try not to test, you don’t need to, we don’t test any more, and you have to know that if you do test, this deal is over, in fact it gets reversed. We have said, okay, we won’t test, and if we do test we know it is over with you but that does not mean it is over with others. Given such sloppy diplomacy and treaty-making, the scope for mutual misunderstanding, even war, remains immense long after all the public Indian moneys have found their way into private pockets worldwide. Will a future President Jeb Bush or Chelsea Clinton send F-22 bombers to bomb India’s nuclear facilities because India has carried out a test yet declined to return American equipment? Riding a tiger is not something generally to be recommended.
The answer to our present conundrum must be patience and the fullest transparency. What is the rush? If it is good or bad for us to buy six or eight new American reactors now, it will remain good or bad to do so a year or two from now after everyone has had a thorough think about everything that is involved. What the Manmohan-Montek Planning Commission needed to do first of all was a thorough cost-benefit analysis of India’s energy requirements but such elementary professionalism has been sorely lacking among our economists for decades.
An Open Letter to Professor Amartya Sen about Singur etc (2007)
July 31, 2007 — drsubrotoroy
A letter to Prof. Sen (2007)
First published in The Statesman 31 July 2007, Editorial Page Special Article
Professor Amartya Sen, Harvard University
Dear Professor Sen,
Everyone will be delighted that someone of your worldwide stature has joined the debate on Singur and Nandigram; The Telegraph deserves congratulations for having made it possible on July 23.
I was sorry to find though that you may have missed the wood for the trees and also some of the trees themselves. Perhaps you have relied on Government statements for the facts. But the Government party in West Bengal represents official Indian communism and has been in power for 30 years at a stretch. It may be unwise to take at face-value what they say about their own deeds on this very grave issue! Power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely, and there are many candid communists who privately recognise this dismal truth about themselves. To say this is not to be praising those whom you call the “Opposition” ~ after all, Bengal’s politics has seen emasculation of the Congress as an opposition because the Congress and communists are allies in Delhi. It is the Government party that must reform itself from within sua sponte for the good of everyone in the State.
The comparisons and mentions of history you have made seem to me surprising. Bengal’s economy now or in the past has little or nothing similar to the economy of Northern England or the whole of England or Britain itself, and certainly Indian agriculture has little to do with agriculture in the new lands of Australia or North America. British economic history was marked by rapid technological innovations in manufacturing and rapid development of social and political institutions in context of being a major naval, maritime and mercantile power for centuries. Britain’s geography and history hardly ever permitted it to be an agricultural country of any importance whereas Bengal, to the contrary, has been among the most agriculturally fertile and hence densely populated regions of the world for millennia.
Om Prakash’s brilliant pioneering book The Dutch East India Company and the Economy of Bengal 1630-1720 (Princeton 1985) records all this clearly. He reports the French traveller François Bernier saying in the 1660s “Bengal abounds with every necessary of life”, and a century before him the Italian traveller Verthema saying Bengal “abounds more in grain, flesh of every kind, in great quantity of sugar, also of ginger, and of great abundance of cotton, than any country in the world”. Om Prakash says “The premier industry in the region was the textile industry comprising manufacture from cotton, silk and mixed yarns”. Bengal’s major exports were foodstuffs, textiles, raw silk, opium, sugar and saltpetre; imports notably included metals (as Montesquieu had said would always be the case).
Bengal did, as you say, have industries at the time the Europeans came but you have failed to mention these were mostly “agro-based” and, if anything, a clear indicator of our agricultural fecundity and comparative advantage. If “deindustrialization” occurred in 19th Century India, that had nothing to do with the “deindustrialization” in West Bengal from the 1960s onwards due to the influence of official communism.
You remind us Fa Hiaen left from Tamralipta which is modern day Tamluk, though he went not to China but to Ceylon. You suggest that because he did so Tamluk effectively “was greater Calcutta”. I cannot see how this can be said of the 5th Century AD when no notion of Calcutta existed. Besides, modern Tamluk at 22º18’N, 87º56’E is more than 50 miles inland from the ancient port due to land-making that has occurred at the mouth of the Hooghly. I am afraid the relevance of the mention of Fa Hiaen to today’s Singur and Nandigram has thus escaped me.
You say “In countries like Australia, the US or Canada where agriculture has prospered, only a very tiny population is involved in agriculture. Most people move out to industry. Industry has to be convenient, has to be absorbing”. Last January, a national daily published a similar view: “For India to become a developed country, the area under agriculture has to shrink, urban and industrial land development has to take place, and about 100 million workers have to move out from agriculture into industry and services. This is the only way forward for bringing prosperity to the rural population”.
Rice is indeed grown in Arkansas or Texas as it is in Bengal but there is a world of difference between the technological and geographical situation here and that in the vast, sparsely populated New World areas with mechanized farming! Like shoe-making or a hundred other crafts, agriculture can be capital-intensive or labour-intensive ~ ours is relatively labour-intensive, theirs is relatively capital-intensive. Our economy is relatively labour-abundant and capital-scarce; their economies are relatively labour-scarce and capital-abundant (and also land-abundant). Indeed, if anything, the apt comparison is with China, and you doubtless know of the horror stories and civil war conditions erupting across China in recent years as the Communist Party and their businessman friends forcibly take over the land of peasants and agricultural workers, e.g. in Dongzhou.
All plans of long-distance social engineering to “move out” 40 per cent of India’s population (at 4 persons per “worker”) from the rural hinterlands must also face FA Hayek’s fundamental question in The Road to Serfdom: “Who plans whom, who directs whom, who assigns to other people their station in life, and who is to have his due allotted by others?”
Your late Harvard colleague, Robert Nozick, opened his brilliant 1974 book Anarchy, State and Utopia saying: “Individuals have rights, and there are things no person or group may do to them (without violating their rights)”. You have rightly deplored the violence seen at Singur and Nandigram. But you will agree it is a gross error to equate violence perpetrated by the Government which is supposed to be protecting all people regardless of political affiliation, and the self-defence of poor unorganised peasants seeking to protect their meagre lands and livelihoods from state-sponsored pogroms. Kitchen utensils, pitchforks or rural implements and flintlock guns can hardly match the organised firepower controlled by a modern Government.
Fortunately, India is not China and the press, media and civil institutions are not totally in the hands of the ruling party alone. In China, no amount of hue and cry among the peasants could save them from the power of organised big business and the Communist Party. In India, a handful of brave women have managed to single-handedly organise mass movements of protest which the press and media have then broadcast that has shocked the whole nation to its senses.
You rightly say the land pricing process has been faulty. Irrelevant historical prices have been averaged when the sum of discounted expected future values in an inflationary economy should have been used. Matters are even worse. “The fear of famine can itself cause famine. The people of Bengal are afraid of a famine. It was repeatedly charged that the famine (of 1943) was man-made.” That is what T. W. Schultz said in 1946 in the India Famine Emergency Committee led by Pearl Buck, concerned that the 1943 Bengal famine should not be repeated following dislocations after World War II. Of course since that time our agriculture has undergone a Green Revolution, at least in wheat if not in rice, and a White Revolution in milk and many other agricultural products. But catastrophic collapses in agricultural incentives may still occur as functioning farmland comes to be taken by government and industry from India’s peasantry using force, fraud or even means nominally sanctioned by law. If new famines come to be provoked because farmers’ incentives collapse, let future historians know where responsibility lay.
West Bengal’s real economic problems have to do with its dismal macroeconomic and fiscal position which is what Government economists should be addressing candidly. As for land, the Government’s first task remains improving grossly inadequate systems of land-description and definition, as well as the implementation and recording of property rights.
With my most respectful personal regards, I remain
Yours ever
Suby
Political Stonewalling
July 20, 2007 — drsubrotoroyPolitical Stonewalling
Only Transparency Can Improve Institutions
Subroto Roy
First published in The Statesman, July 20 2007
Editorial Page Special Article
“Stonewalling” has come to mean being continually evasive and misleading in politics by, for example, parroting a party line against fair public inquiry or criticism. “I want you to stonewall it”, was Richard Nixon’s infamous instruction during Watergate. (The original meaning was not ignoble: General T. J. “Stonewall” Jackson, during the US Civil War stayed on his horse under constant fire, taking all the bullets “like a stonewall” until he was killed.)
Stonewalling is what we are likely ever to receive from Pratibha Patil and the present day Congress Party. It is not as if India and the world will not survive if she becomes our President. Rashtrapati Bhavan has had undistinguished occupants before, even ones with clouds of disreputable or nefarious public deeds hanging over their heads. All that will happen is that our political institutions shall retrogress for five years; a pity but not something catastrophic in view of our long history ~ Nadir Shah’s brief stay set the standard for catastrophic behaviour in Delhi.
“Individuals may form communities, but it is institutions alone that can create a nation”, said Disraeli. Nation-building would become that much harder, our pessimism and disillusionment about whether we will ever succeed would become that much greater.
Corrosion
The corrosion of our political, financial, academic and other public institutions over decades has been something in which all our official political parties and religious formations are hand-in-glove complicit. In the case of Pratibha Patil, it is the PM and UPA Chair who are directly responsible for the institutional corrosion taking place in full view of all with respect to the highest office of the land.
But then Dr Manmohan Singh, despite his sojourns as a young social scientist in Britain, has not cared a hoot that the Prime Minister in a parliamentary democracy must seek to be an elected member of the House of the People. Also, ever since 1991, he has permitted the flattering fiction to develop that he or any of his acolytes had something to do with the origins of the economic reform. As for Sonia Gandhi, her list of naïve misjudgements only grows longer ~ cardinal among them being her having apparently retained as trusted advisers around her persons who had been warned about the vulnerability of her husband to assassination. Had Rajiv not been assassinated, Sonia would have been today merely a happy grandmother and not India’s purported ruler.
Stonewalling has become standard government practice in 21st century India across party-lines. The BJP stonewalled after the post-Godhra pogrom in 2002 and held none of its own responsible; the CPI-M has done precisely the same after the Nandigram pogrom a few months ago.
In October 2005, the Supreme Court ~ proving yet again that there are or can be institutions which do work in India ~ found the Union Government had behaved unconstitutionally. Lesson 101 of Constitutional Politics says: If you are uncertain whether a head of government commands confidence, ask him/her to prove his majority on the floor of the house. Instead the Sonia-Manmohan Government had launched a pre-emptive putsch against an aspirant for a democratic majority in a State assembly. What Sonia-Manmohan should have done in response to the Supreme Court’s finding was to recall or transfer the apparent culprit, and express regret to Parliament and the Court. That would have ended the matter and also engendered some moral growth in the polity. What they did instead was stonewall. Worse stonewalling was to follow from the whole of Parliament itself in the “office-for-profit” scandal.
Aristotle said politics was the supreme good because the ends of all other activities are subsumed in politics. This means that if the politics of a national society gets corroded, so does everything else. It is because India’s politics have become rotten, that our financial, academic and other institutions have followed.
The private American “equity group” Blackstone recently purchased Hilton Hotels for 26 thousand million American dollars cash. Why is that significant to Indians? Because India’s Finance Minister, P. Chidambaram, took the unprecedented step of naming Blackstone along with one private Indian citizen, Deepak Parekh in his February 2007 Budget Speech. He referred to a Government of India financial scheme by which favoured private businesses can “borrow” India’s foreign exchange reserves to pay for purchases of foreign assets. The same Reserve Bank of India which cracked down on Pratibha Patil’s dubious bank-dealings has now been bullied into allowing India’s foreign exchange reserves to be “borrowed” ~ and quite possibly never to be returned. Furthermore, foreign exchange reserves are not like tax-revenues but largely constitute already borrowed funds!
In academia, Mr Arjun Singh tyrannises defenceless medical students but presides (like his predecessor Dr Murli Manohar Joshi) over appointments at national institutes of full professors without postgraduate degrees or any experience of teaching or research. The Union Finance and Education Ministers report in the Government and their party to the PM and the UPA Chair. But neither Dr Singh nor Mrs Gandhi can have any effective control over the rot in India’s macroeconomic, financial, academic or other institutions when they are presiding over political rot themselves.
Shameless behaviour
Stonewalling is the political behavour of the shameless. Shame used to be a cultural means of political self-control in traditional societies. Modern politics makes a distinction between private and public domains, and says that transmuting valuable public property of any kind into private wealth or advantage constitutes nefarious corruption. It is possible our subcontinent has not wished to or has not yet entered the world of modern politics. Instead we remain feudal in our political behaviour ~ where large rival clans perpetually battle over what is the ill-defined common property of the realm. In Pakistan and Bangladesh, the militaries predominate and participate in this feuding. In India the feuds take place within a framework which outwardly seems democratic with institutions of a free society like a free press and official civilian control of the military. Our feuds are between three large rival clans: the Indira-Sonia Patriarchal Matriarchs, the Hindu Patriarchs, and the Communist Matriarchal Patriarchs. The Congress, BJP and Communists are yet to become modern parties, and unless and until they do, our politics shall remain in retrogression.
Lal Masjid ≠ Golden Temple (2007)
July 15, 2007 — drsubrotoroyLal Masjid ≠ Golden Temple
Wide differences are revealed between contemporary Pakistan and India by these two superficially similar military assaults on armed religious civilians
By SUBROTO ROY
First published in The Sunday Statesman, July 15 2007, ww.thestatesman.net, Editorial Page Special Article
There is a superficial similarity between what happened in Pakistan’s “Operation Silence/ Sunrise” at the Lal Masjid a few days ago and what happened in India’s “Operation Blue Star” at the Golden Temple in May-June 1984. In both cases, heavily armed religiously motivated civilians were holed up in a place of worship, and were laid siege to and then killed or arrested by an assault force sent by the national government.
That, however, is about as far as the similarity goes, and it would be a gross error to equate the two and suppose General Musharraf has been only doing something similar to what Indira Gandhi did twenty three years ago. In fact, revisiting the Golden Temple case allows a vivid contrast to be drawn between the very different kinds of national societies modern India and Pakistan have become.
Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale was an unexceptional preacher who shot into prominence and fame after first being used by Sanjay Gandhi and Zail Singh in Punjab politics, and later causing the Akali Dal itself to become more communal in nature. Bhindranwale was initially set up by the Sanjay-Zail Congress Party in 1978 to oppose the heretic Nirankari sect, in an attempt to make the Congress gain local electoral support relative to the Akalis by seeming more chauvinistic and less secular in outlook. By July 1982, Bhindranwale, whose associates had been implicated by the police in a number of murders, was holed up in the Golden Temple complex and apparently never left again until he was killed in Operation Blue Star in early June 1984.
Officially, “minimum force” was to be applied in Blue Star: soldiers went in barefoot “with humility in our hearts and prayers on our lips” and sustained heavier casualties than they would have otherwise. Fierce fighting saw Vijayanta tanks and armoured cars being attacked by Chinese-made rocket-propelled grenades that had been smuggled in from the Afghan war. Innocent civilians and surrendered prisoners came to be killed (see Mark Tully and Satish Jacob, Amritsar: Mrs Gandhi’s Last Battle, 1985.)
Yet even so, India’s military had only an instrumental role to play in the Golden Temple siege and assault. The root causes that made the siege inevitable had nothing to do with India’s military itself but were a result of the myopic, ignorant and rather evil nature of our democratic politics during the Indira-Sanjay era ~ something which has continued in slightly milder form to this day throughout the country.
By contrast, the current Pakistani situation is one in which the assault was ordered by the retired head of the Pakistan Army, Pervez Musharraf, who has refused to quit office since being dismissed eight years ago by the last civilian Government headed by Nawaz Sharif. Instead he carried out a coup d’etat against Sharif, and has maintained himself in office claiming, like Ayub Khan, he will one day restore democratic institutions better than the nascent ones he has destroyed. To his credit, Pakistan’s press has been freer than before.
Pakistan’s generals and retired generals have seemed to occasionally grumble, especially when Nawab Bugti of Balochistan was killed, but not do more. This may be because Musharraf has made clear, most poignantly in his January 2002 speech, that any price would be paid by him, including succumbing entirely to American pressure on all matters, so long as the paramount goal of the Pakistan military was maintained, which has been, after all, that of trying by hook or crook to wrest Jammu & Kashmir from India.
J&K has remained the external objective of the Pakistan military as an institution even while, internally, officers have amassed vast personal fortunes over the decades and become major businessmen involved in innumerable foreign collaborations, especially with the Chinese. Musharraf, when asked by an Urdu TV channel not long ago what would happen if India did not relent on J&K, even murmured that war could then continue for a 100 years. Such has been the ostensible driving force of the Pakistan military and the raison d’etre of its domination of all aspects of the economy and society of the country.
At the same time, Pakistan’s military has constituted an Anglo-American reserve bastion for decades, and been a major destination of Western and Chinese armaments ~ paid for often by soft loans or grants from the Gulfs states and Saudi Arabia where thousands of Pakistani personnel serve to staff Arab militaries. Many commentators (e.g. Ayesha Jalal and WE James and myself in the late 1980s/early 1990s, Husain Haqqani and Ayesha Siddiqa today) have pointed to the smothering effect the military has had on all matters of modern Pakistan’s political economy.
The French diplomatic scholar Frédéric Grare has described the situation bluntly: “The fear of an Islamic threat has been the driving force behind most Western countries’ foreign policies toward Pakistan in recent years. The possibility that violent Islamists will kill President Pervez Musharraf, throw Pakistan into turmoil, take over the country and its nuclear weapons, and escalate regional terrorism has dominated the psychological and political landscape. Such fears have usually led to support of the Pakistani military as the only institution able to contain the danger. But the Islamist threat is neither as great nor as autonomous as many assume. True, Pakistan has experienced more than its share of religious violence, both sectarian and jihadi. But serious law-and-order problems do not mean the fate of the state is at stake. No Islamic organization has ever been in a position to politically or militarily challenge the role of the one and only centre of power in Pakistan: the army. On the contrary, the Pakistani Army has used Islamic organizations for its purposes, both at home and abroad. Islamist organizations balance the power of rival mainstream political parties, preserving the army’s role as national arbiter. The army has nurtured and sometimes deployed violent Islamists in Afghanistan (with US support at first), Kashmir, and other hot spots on the subcontinent.” Pakistan: The Myth of an Islamist Peril, Carnegie Endowment, February 2006. Pakistan’s Army may be effectively beyond anyone’s control other than itself. The fox has placed itself in charge of the hen-house.
Indeed, unlike the Indian case during the Bhindranwale period, where religious differences were attempted to be marked between Sikhs and Hindus to allay the perpetual Sikh fear of being reabsorbed into the Hindu fold, the present Pakistani case has had less to do with religious differences than it has to do with the concentration and dispensation of political power. By kidnapping Chinese masseuses in Islamabad, Lal Masjid protestors were hardly making a large religious point but rather one of political powerlessness and lack of voice or exit.
As for the people of J&K on both sides of the Line of Control, if they are objective in their assessment of the histories of India and Pakistan that they see before them, they may conclude once more as they did in the past that, all things considered, their political ancestors especially Sheikh Abdullah and Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad were prescient indeed back in 1947-1951 in pressing the future of J&K with the new secular democratic India and not a Pakistan that remains petulant and militarist. Pakistan’s military has expanded itself using J&K as the ostensible cause, yet the more unpleasant Pakistan’s political economy becomes because of that military, the less attractive modern Pakistan becomes to all the peoples of the subcontinent. As the present author said in these pages on 3 September 2006, “To be a man of destiny, Musharraf must transcend the military-business complex he rules over and reduce its role in Pakistani life, not increase it.”
Political Paralysis (2007)
June 24, 2007 — drsubrotoroyPOLITICAL PARALYSIS
India has yet to develop normal conservative, liberal and socialist parties. The Nice-Housing-Effect and a little game-theory may explain the current stagnation
By SUBROTO ROY
First published in The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page Special Article,
June 24 2007
THE theatrics surrounding the choice of presidential candidates refer to the highest and most dignified office of the land. Otherwise, India’s public would have been justified to think we were watching an absurd farce. Even so, lessons may be learnt about the nature of our polity, especially our purported Government and its purported Opposition.
Consider first how the name of the Congress’s candidate apparently arose. “Why don’t you think of Pratibha Patil?” was the rhetorical suggestion apparently made by Manmohan Singh to Sonia Gandhi at a joint meeting of the UPA and Left where no other person could be agreed upon. What could have been the emotional state of the Prime Minister of India in addressing such a question to its specific addressee? It had to be the same unconscious perplexity and mental contradiction he has experienced throughout the UPA Government, saying to himself: “I am the Prime Minister but I am not the Prime Minister, I am the Head of India’s Government but I am not the Head of India’s Government”.
Instead of leading the country as he was chosen to do in the belief he possessed some superior wisdom and capability for the job, Dr Singh has constantly deferred to and followed the person who chose him to lead. The Head of Government in our system recommends an appropriate Head of State. If Dr Singh truly felt himself India’s leader, not merely someone permitted for some time to enjoy the office and perquisites of India’s Prime Minister and being nominally referred to as such, he could have said: “I think we should consider Pratibha Patil, what say all of you?”
Such words would have displayed too much assertiveness in the presence of Sonia Gandhi, too much leadership from someone flatteringly described as mild and gentle but unflatteringly described as obsequious in the face of power. It is the same excess of deference displayed when he allows himself to be bullied or insulted by the DMK or receive the open contempt of his own Cabinet ministers. Dr Singh has just returned from the so-called “G-8 summit” where he was an invitee. In a group photo standing above and behind the American President, Dr Singh was seen gently touching George Bush on the shoulder as if Bush was a rich younger brother who needed a lift in spirits. Afterwards Dr Singh reportedly said the summit was useless ~ from his long bureaucratic experience he should have known that long beforehand, and declined to waste India’s time there. But then Europe is nice this time of year when Delhi is so hot. China is next on his itinerary, and he will surely not want to miss the Great Wall despite China’s continuing insults.
What the Pratibha episode reveals about Sonia Gandhi is her continuing bewilderment and confusion about the parameters of her life since her husband’s assassination sixteen years ago. There is a very simple candid explanation why, after her years in mourning, she entered politics following the Sitaram Kesri period: she and her children could not financially sustain a lifestyle to which they had become accustomed at 10 Janpath except as part of India’s politics via the Congress Party. Running the Rajiv Gandhi Foundation was not enough, and Rahul Gandhi’s income in a normal private sector career would have been unexceptional. Hence the lure of power has remained strong and cannot be walked away from even if walking away would be the right thing to do for sake of the political health of the Congress Party ~ which would finally have to grow up, find some political principles, and develop some normal processes of internal competition.
When Pratibha Patil’s name was mentioned for the first time in this manner, the rational course of action for the UPA Chair would have been to say, wait, if we are now thinking about a woman definitely, may we please have two or three such names to consider for a few days? But it was Dr Singh mentioning the name, and his supposed wisdom is what Sonia Gandhi believes, in her bewilderment, she should defer to, so she agreed at once in a parallel state of mental confusion as his: “I am India’s Leader but I am not India’s Leader”. Hence Pratibha Patil becomes the nominee. A little “game-theory” may help to explain the outcome (see table).
The paralysis and/or sclerosis of the Congress’s thinking processes is matched by the BJP and Communists. If Sonia Gandhi could bring herself to walk away from Indian politics, a genuine leadership contest in the Congress would have to occur for the first time in decades. Similarly, if Atal Behari Vajpayee and Lal Krishna Advani could bring themselves to honestly walk away from BJP politics, there would have to be a genuine leadership contest and some new principles emerging in their party. There is an excellent and very simple political reason for Vajpayee and Advani to go, which is not that they are too old (which they are) but that they led their party to electoral defeat. Had they walked away in May 2004, there might have been by now some viable conservative political philosophy in India and some recognisable new alternative leadership for 2009. Instead there is none and the BJP has not only failed very badly at being a responsible Opposition, it will go into the 2009 General Election looking exceptionally decrepit and incompetent.
Indeed, Vajpayee and Advani may not have walked away for the same reason as Sonia Gandhi, namely, the “10 Janpath Effect” or what may be generalised to the “Nice-New Delhi-Government-Housing-Effect”. Besides, like our ageing cricketers, cinema stars, playback singers and tons of ageing bureaucrats and corporate executives, where would they go, what would they do, how would they live, what do they know how to do if they were not doing what they have been doing for so long? Golf and grandchildren is the usual American formula.
In case of the Communists, it is not electoral but ideological defeat, indeed ideological annihilation, that their leaders have led them into. When was the last time we heard our Communist leaders extolling Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, Mao, Zhou or even Fidel Castro? Not for a long time. The bankruptcy of official communism is obvious even to them, at least in their candid moments in front of the mirror every morning. Even for the CPI and CPI(M) to merge into a genuine modern socialist party is too creative and productive an outcome to be handled since top and middle management retrenchments would be inevitable. Also, the Cannot-Leave-Nice-Housing-Effect applies here too, and so the most we find by way of communist transformation is a perverse alliance with organised big business in trying to cheat very poor and unorganised peasants of their land in an economy where runaway paper money printing threatens a hyperinflation.
Nobody in power wants to address the rotten state of our public finances, since all of them have contributed to causing the stench. Our Finance Minister finds time to attend posh parties and publish books while presiding over an RBI-supported capital flight of India’s super-rich: “ultrahigh networth individuals are looking forward to buy overseas equities and real estate” Business Standard (25 April 2007) blithely said. The Finance Minister should have been instead burning the midnight candle getting public budgets and government accounting cleaned and healthy nationwide.
We in India have had more than enough time and democratic experience to have developed by now a set of normal conservative, liberal democrat, social democrat and socialist parties. That we have nothing of the kind speaks to the rot in the political culture we are witnessing in our capital and other major cities. Politically, we may be in for an especially ugly, unpleasant and incoherent few years starting with the presidential election currently underway.
Unhealthy Delhi
June 11, 2007 — drsubrotoroyUnhealthy Delhi
When will normal political philosophy replace personality cults?
by Subroto Roy
First published in The Statesman, Editorial Page Special Article, June 11 2007,
A decade after Solzhenitsyn’s classic 1962 memoir One day in the life of Ivan Denisovitch, an ambitious young Delhi photographer published a hagiography called A life in the day of Indira Gandhi. Indira was shown gambolling with her little grandchildren, guiding her dutiful daughter-in-law, weeping for her father, greeting her loyal subjects from around India, reprimanding her ingratiating sycophants, imperiously silent during political meetings, smiling and scolding alternately at press conferences, and of course standing in victory at Shimla beside the defeated Bhutto. “Indira is India” the sycophantic slogan went, and the cult of her personality was one of showing her as omniscient and omnipotent in all earthly matters of Indian politics.
She had indeed fought that rarest of things in international law: the just war. Supported by the world’s strongest military, an evil enemy had made victims of his own people. Indira tried patiently on the international stage to avert war, but also chose her military generals well and took their professional judgement seriously as to when to fight if it was inevitable and how to win. Finally she was magnanimous (to a fault) towards the enemy ~ who was not some stranger to us but our own estranged brother and cousin.
It seemed to be her and independent India’s finest hour. A fevered nation was thus ready to forgive and forget her catastrophic misdeeds until that time, like bank-nationalization and the start of endless deficit-finance and unlimited money-printing, a possible cause of monetary collapse today four decades later under Manmohan Singh whose career as an economic bureaucrat began at that time.
Hitler, Stalin, Mao
Modern personality cults usually have had some basis in national heroism. In Indira’s case it was the 1971 war. Hitler, Stalin and Mao were seen or portrayed as war heroes too. Because there has been leadership in time of war or national crisis, nervous anxious masses extend their hopes and delusions to believe such a leader has answers to everything. The propaganda machinery available as part of modern state apparatus then takes over, and when it is met on behalf of the citizenry with no more than a compliant docile ingratiating mass media, the public image comes to be formed of a parental god-like figure who will protect and guide the community to its destiny.
Beneath this public image, the cunning play of self-interest by anonymous underlings in the allocation of public resources continues unabated, and so it is possible some truth attaches to the idea that an individual leader is not as responsible for evil misdeeds or depredations done by “the party” in his/her name.
In the Indian case, hero-worship and ancestor-worship are part of the culture of all our major religions. Hence we have parades of parliamentarians garlanding or throwing flowers and paying obeisance at this or that statue or oil-painting or photograph regularly ~ though as a people we have yet to produce rigorous intellectual biographies of any major figures of our own modern history, comparable to, say, Judith Brown’s work on Gandhi or Ayesha Jalal’s on Jinnah.
Indira continued to dominate our political culture until her assassination more than a decade later, but there was hardly a shred of political or economic good in what she left the country. Her elder son (leaving aside his blunders in Sri Lanka, J&K etc.) did have the sense to initiate fundamental change in his party’s economic thinking when he found a chance to do so in the months before his own assassination.
Rajiv was the son of Feroze Gandhi too and a happy family man; he seemed not to have psychological need for as much of the kind of personality cult his mother clearly loved to indulge in. It is not clear if his widow is today trying to follow his example or his mother’s ~ certainly, the party that goes by the name of Indian National Congress would like to relive for a second time the worst of the Indira personality cult around Sonia Gandhi. And Rahul Gandhi, instead of seeking to develop or display any talent as befits a young man, has shown disconcerting signs of longing for the days of his grandmother’s personality cult to return. He may have been more effective pursuing a normal career in the private sector.
The Congress’s perpetual tendency towards personality cults has extended by imitation to other political parties in New Delhi and the States. Atal Behari Vajpayee at his peak as PM did not find it at all uncomfortable to be portrayed by his sycophants as a wise, heroic and loving father-figure of the nation ~ an image shattered when, immediately after perfunctorily commiserating the Godhra and post-Godhra horrors, he was pictured fashionably on a Singapore golf-cart sporting designer sunglasses.
India’s organised communists make a great show of collective decision-making since they most intimately followed the details of Kruschev’s denunciation of Stalin’s personality cult. It has not stopped them routinely genuflecting to China’s communists. There also has been a communist tendency to deny individual merit and creativity at junior levels and instead appropriate all good things for the party bosses. New brilliant faces will never arise in the Left and we may be condemned to see the usual characters in perpetuity. If personality cults around Jyoti Basu or Buddhadeb Bhattacharya have failed to thrive it has not been through lack of trying on part of the publicly paid communist intelligentsia and their docile artists, but rather because of resistance from Bengal’s newspapers and a few clear-headed journalists and well known opposition politicians.
Tamil Nadu has seen grotesque rivalry between Karunanidhi and Jayalalitha as to whose personality cult can alternately outdo the other, supplanting all normal political economy or attempts at discovery of the public interest. In Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, J&K, Bihar and Uttar Pradesh (but not Gujarat or Rajasthan lately), two-party democratic politics has succeeded in limiting tendencies for personality cults to develop. The North Eastern States have had inadequate coverage by modern media, which, fortuitously, along with tribal traditions, may have restrained personality cults from developing.
Facts explode cults
Facts are the most reliable means by which to explode personality cults. It is not a coincidence that facts are also the source by which to develop modern political philosophies, whether conservative, classical liberal/ libertarian, or socialist. Facts have to be discovered, ferreted out, analysed, studied and reflected upon by those civil institutions that are supposed to be doing so, namely university social science, economics and related departments, as well as responsible newspapers, radio and other mass media. Julian Benda once titled a book The Treason of the Intellectuals. India will begin to have a normal political philosophy when the treason of its modern intellectual classes begins to be corrected.
It is not a treason in which the state has been betrayed to an enemy. Rather it is one in which the very purposes of public conversation, such as the discovery of the public interest, have been betrayed in the interests of immediate private gain. This may help to explain why there is so little coherent public discussion in India today, and certainly almost nothing on television, or in the business papers or what passes for academia.
On Indian Nationhood (2007)
May 25, 2007 — drsubrotoroyOn Indian Nationhood
From Tamils To Kashmiris And Assamese And Mizos To Sikhs And Goans
First published in The Statesman, Editorial Page
May 25 2007
By Subroto Roy
In the decades before 1947, imperialist critics of Indian nationalism accused the movement of being less about creating Indian nationhood than about supplanting British rule with local Indian oligarchies. Sydenham, for example, in the upper house of Britain’s Parliament in August 1918, gleefully quoted from the “Madras Dravidian Hindu Association” (forerunners of today’s DMK etc): “We shall fight to the last drop of our blood any attempt to transfer the seat of authority in this country from British hands to so-called high-caste Hindus, who have ill-treated us in the past and will do so again but for the protection of British laws.” Also quoted were “Namasudras of Bengal”, allegedly numbering “ten million men”, protesting “gross misrepresentation” by “so-called high-caste leaders” of the desirability of “Home Rule or self-government”. Besides caste and class there was always religion too by which India’s inhabitants could be classified and divided, and it must have delighted Sydenham to quote the “South Indian Islamic League” saying “Nothing should be done which will weaken British authority in any manner whatsoever, and hand over the destinies of the Moslem community to a class which has no regard for their interests and no respect for their sentiments”.
Home Rule League
Sydenham was attacking the Montagu-Chelmsford Report which had stated that India had “a core of earnest men who believe sincerely and strive for political progress; around them a ring of less educated people to whom a phrase or a sentiment appeals; and an outside fringe of those who have been described as attracted by curiosity to this new thing, or who find diversions in attacking a big and very solemn Government as urchins might take a perilous joy at casting toy darts at an elephant.”
Annie Besant, herself an Englishwoman, was, along with BG Tilak and MA Jinnah, a pioneer of Indian nationalism at the time and headed the new Indian Home Rule League on the Irish pattern. The League stated its membership at 52,000. Sydenham multiplied that by five and asked if a quarter million could purport to rule 244 millions in an Indian democracy. Where, he demanded, was the “voice that cannot yet be heard, the voice of the peoples of India”? The imperialist jibe was that the British Raj would be replaced at best by a “Vakil Raj” of “high-caste” Hindus and at worst by anarchy and bloodshed.
Thirty years later India’s was partitioned and independent under Attlee’s Labour Party. Churchill took over the imperialist mantle and found solace in the new India agreeing to remain in Britain’s “Commonwealth”, saying that India doing so as a Republic did not impair “the majesty of the Crown or the personal dignity of the King”.
The ghosts of Churchill and Sydenham today would heartily cheer our Republic’s current President APJ Abdul Kalam agreeing to receive the “King Charles II Medal” from the Royal Society, and our current PM Manmohan Singh accepting honorary British degrees also while in office. Britain’s Crown Prince has proposed a cricket match between India and Pakistan to mark the 60th anniversary of 1947, and what, after all, could be less inappropriate to mark the event in British eyes? All that Indian nationalism would have been firmly put in its place.
Now Pakistan mostly goes unmentioned in the history of Indian nationalism because the new Pakistanis as of 14 August 1947 hardly felt or even wished to be independent of the British. Instead they longed only to acquire control over any kind of Muslim-majority Government that they could, and as much of the resources and joint military assets of the old India they could get their hands on.
The Kashmir dispute and India-Pakistan conflict have not been ones between Hindus and Muslims, regardless of what the BBC, CNN etc make themselves believe. As much as for any other reason, Kashmir escalated out of control because of British irresponsibility during the process of disintegration of the old Indian Army between the two new Dominions. Newly demobilised Mirpuri soldiers who had formed loyal British battalions were drawn into the cycle of Partition-related communal violence and reprisals in Punjab, which inevitably spilt over into Jammu and culminated in the attack on J&K State that commenced from Pakistan’s NWFP in October 1947 ~ plunging J&K into civil war with Sheikh Abdullah and Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad’s National Conference allied to the new secular India and Sardar Ibrahim’s Muslim Conference allied to the new and soon to be Islamic Pakistan. Field Marshal Auchinlek, the Supreme Commander of both Indian and Pakistani Armed Forces, had the decency to resign and abolish the so-called “Supreme Command” as soon as he realised his own forces were at war with one another.
It would not be too inaccurate to say Pakistan and Britain continued in a neo-colonial relationship throughout the 1950s and 1960s ~ all the way until Ayub Khan (who had been warmly entertained at Chequers during the Christine Keeler-Profumo matter), overplayed his hand by attacking India in 1965. That war followed by the East Pakistan cyclone in 1969 brought to a head the inherent political contradictions of the Pakistani state accumulated until that time, and soon led to Bangladesh’s creation in 1971. Britain has had no real interest in Bangladesh but as Pakistan had allowed dual nationality with Britain, Britain found itself with a lot of Bangladeshi immigrants whose “Indian” restaurants give modern Britons today something to look forward to every weekend.
Britain and its American ally continued to have deep interests in Pakistan, mostly because of the geopolitical importance of Pakistani real estate and the generally obsequious and compliant nature of the Pakistani military and diplomatic elite. All that began to change fundamentally when the real declaration of Pakistani independence occurred in the world with the AQ Khan nuclear bombs exploding in 1998 followed by the September 11 2001 attacks upon the USA.
Nationalism today
As for ourselves in India, we have developed some coherent and recognisable design of a modern political economy with a Union Government and more than two dozen State Governments, and we have abolished the imperialist lackeys known as the “princes”. Our Governments at Union and State levels change peacefully by periodic elections under the 1950 Constitution. This in itself would be seen as an astonishing democratic achievement relative to where we were one hundred years ago at the time of the Morley-Minto policies. Thanks to Jawaharlal Nehru, we have had universal franchise since 1952 (at a time when the USA still had its Jim Crow laws against black citizens) ~ yet the imperialist jibe of an infinitesimally small elite purporting to represent hundreds of millions of India’s people remains to be addressed.
It would be interesting to know how many descendants of the 52,000 members of Annie Besant’s Home Rule League remain in India and how many have emigrated to the USA, Britain, Australia etc. The children of our top military, bureaucratic, business, professional and academic elite have cheerfully led an exodus out of the country. E.g. the son of a former commanding general of the Indian Army’s Artillery Regiment is now a British businessman and member of Tony Blair’s new House of Lords. Indian Nationhood in the 21st Century no longer has to include Bangladeshis and Pakistanis who have ended up seeking to develop their own nationalisms, but it remains hard enough to try to include everyone else ~ from Tamils to Kashmiris and from Assamese and Mizos to Sikhs and Goans. Cleaning up our government accounting and sorting out our public finances nationwide so as to establish a sound money for everyone to use for the first time in sixty or seventy years, is among the first steps in defining our common goals as an independent nation.
(Postscript: The original text stated Independence and Paritition came “forty years” after the only date mentioned until that point in the text, which is of the 1918 Montagu-Chelmsford period. Unconsciously, I was counting from the Morley-Minto period of 1906-1908 which was the constitutional precedent to Montagu-Chelmsford.)
India and Her Neighbours
May 15, 2007 — drsubrotoroyWe & Our Neighbours
Pakistanis And Bangladeshis Would Do Well To Learn From Sheikh Abdullah
by Subroto Roy
First published in The Statesman May 15 2007, Editorial Page Special Article, http://www.thestatesman.net
Pakistan and Bangladesh, unlike ourselves in India, have yet to properly establish elementary constitutional institutions. “Individuals may form communities, but it is institutions alone that can create a nation”, said Benjamin Disraeli. The continual political chaos on the streets of Pakistan and Bangladesh ~ not just in recent weeks but in recent years and decades ~ indicate such institutions are still lacking or stillborn there. Tear gas, water cannon and hordes of armed policemen to charge at enraged stone-throwing crowds are not part of any solution but part of the political problem itself.
One main purpose of constitutional institutions has to do with peaceful transfer of power from one political party to its adversary. Mulayam Singh Yadav has just transferred political power to Mayawati in Uttar Pradesh, an Indian State more populous than either Pakistan or Bangladesh. Not long ago Lalu Prasad Yadav did the same to Nitish Kumar in Bihar, and Atal Behari Vajpayee to an appointee of Sonia Gandhi for all India itself. Modern democratic institutions are precisely about such peaceful transfers of power after voters have acted periodically to try to “throw the rascals out”.
Honeymoon period
It would be foolish to suppose an incoming Government of UP, Bihar or all India itself will be very much better than the one it displaces. But certainly in its first few “honeymoon” months or weeks at least, it will not be any worse. The tail-end of any scheduled democratic government, whether in India, Britain, the USA or elsewhere, is quite a disgusting sight, as those in their last days of power grab whatever they can from office before departure without any pretence of shame or embarrassment. Serious decision-making in the public interest would have long ago ceased. Almost anything new would be better.
At the same time, among those coming into power there will be some earnest wish at least to make some small difference for the better ~ a wish that will surely disappear within weeks of entering office after which the old cynicism and corruption will take hold again, and it will be the same ugly business as usual. But certainly, voters can expect slightly fresh air for a brief time after they have thrown one party out of power and chosen to bring in another. That is as about as good as democracy gets in modern practice.
Of India’s dozen or more larger States, we have, in the sixth decade of our Constitution, quite a few in which bipartisan democratic processes have been taking shape. UP was not one of them, and it is to Mayawati’s credit that she has broken the pattern of hung assemblies and now heads a majority government. Bihar too had seemed in the monolithic grip of Lalu Yadav until Nitish Kumar broke it, though the latter’s honeymoon period is now long over and it is business quite as usual there. Madhya Pradesh, Punjab, Maharashtra, Rajasthan, Haryana, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Kerala and even J&K each have a noticeable bipartisan nature developing with at least one “national” party present to be counted. Tamil Nadu has been bipartisan but in an unhealthy way based on the personality cults of antagonistic leaders rather than any political principles or class-interests ~ which is a pity as the old Madras once had seemed a source of some new rationality in Indian politics. West Bengal’s voters have been definitely bipartisan, the communist vote being no more than that of the Congress and Trinamul combined. But for decades the local Congress has been notoriously sold down the river to its communist adversary by the Congress “leadership” in Delhi, and that has allowed an entrenched and wholly corrupted communist cultural and political mindset to rule in Kolkata. The Basu-Bhattacharjee Government was palpably bewildered over the Singur and Nandigram events because of their self-induced delusion about the economic and political realities of the State.
Throughout India though, periodic elections have acquired enough legitimacy to be accepted as the means of peaceful change of government. And with bipartisan politics there is a tendency for the median voter to be wooed at election-time.
We have of course many other continuing problems in our political economy ~ most notorious of which is the rotten state of our public finances and the continuous massive deficit finance that has ruined our paper currency and banking system ever since Indira Gandhi’s rule, coinciding with the start of Manmohan Singh’s career as an economic bureaucrat and Pranab Mukherjee’s as a politician in the early 1970s. Our acceptance of the democratic way has to an extent depended on our notoriously irresponsible macroeconomic policies ~ since every State and Union Government entity has been allowed to face no effective binding financial budget-constraint, and all its perverse decision-making can flow eventually into the swamp that is our Public Debt which constitutes the asset-side of the domestic banking system. India’s cardinal problem then becomes one of how to improve our macroeconomics without losing our democracy ~ something the Sonia-Manmohan-Pranab Congress, the BJP/RSS and the Communists are all equally clueless about.
Across our borders, our Pakistani and Bangladeshi cousins were cut from the same constitutional cloth as ourselves, namely the 1935 Government of India Act and the Montague-Chelmsford reforms before that. But after Jinnah’s death they refused to admit this and instead embarked on trying to write and implement a Constitution for a new Caliphate. The initial demand was “That the sovereignty in Pakistan belongs to God Almighty alone and that the Government of Pakistan shall administer the country as His agent”. In Rashid Rida and Maulana Maududi’s words, Islam becomes “the very antithesis of secular Western democracy. The philosophical foundation of Western democracy is the sovereignty of the people. Lawmaking is their prerogative and legislation must correspond to the mood and temper of their opinion… Islam… altogether repudiates the philosophy of popular sovereignty and rears its polity on the foundations of the sovereignty of God and the viceregency (Khilafat) of man.” (Rosenthal, Islam & the Modern National State, Cambridge 1965). Pakistan’s constitutionalists thus have faced an impossible battle to overcome the ontological error of assuming that any mundane government can be in communication with God Almighty.
J&K’s Constitution
Now Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah was as pious a Muslim as any but was far more modern in his 5 November 1951 speech to J&K’s Constituent Assembly: “You are the sovereign authority in this State of Jammu & Kashmir; what you decide has the irrevocable force of law”. Referring to the American and French Constitutions, he said the “basic democratic principle” was of the “sovereignty of the nation”. “We should be clear about the responsibilities that this power invests us with. In front of us lie decisions of the highest national importance which we shall be called upon to take. Upon the correctness of our decisions depends not only the happiness of our land and people now, but the fate as well of generations to come.”
Can a modern conclave of Pervez Musharraf, Nawaz Sharif, Benazir Bhutto and Chaudhry Iftikhar Ahmed decide or declare any better for Pakistan today? Or one of Khaleda, Hasina and whichever cabal of generals and bureaucrats happens to head Bangladesh at present?
If Pakistan and Bangladesh each chose to restart with the modern-minded constitutional example Sheikh Abdullah set more than a half century ago in J&K, they may find their political problems less severe in due course. It is a long road ahead.
Presidential Qualities
May 8, 2007 — drsubrotoroyPresidential Qualities
Simplicity, Genuine Achievement Are Desirable; Political Ambition Is Not
by Subroto Roy
First published in The Statesman, Editorial Page, Special Article, May 8 2007
To become President of the Indian Republic is to become our Head of State, and we may wish to see our President possess certain kinds of qualities of character and achievement. Unlike the USA, France and Russia but like Britain, Germany and Japan, our Head of State is not our Head of Government, who is the Prime Minister. Unlike Britain and Japan but like Germany, our Head of State is someone we get to choose and we do not have to depend on aristocratic hereditary chances.
Naked political ambition, whether overtly or covertly manifested, may be expected and can be tolerated in the drive to becoming a Prime Minister or a Chief Minister. But it is not a quality we would find endearing or salubrious in a President of India. One former President quite meticulously planned his career so as to make him a possible choice, and then asserted his “right” to the job and allowed a lobbying process to take over. Then too, becoming President is the highest possible honour for an Indian citizen ~ there can be nothing higher; no Bharat Ratna, no Nobel Prize or anything else can surpass having embodied the sovereignty of India as a free democratic republic. Yet one former President received a private award after leaving office and declared it to have been his highest honour ~ again, not an endearing or salubrious thing to have done.
We may almost say that the expressed wish or desire to become President of India should be almost a disqualification for the job. In the USA, a childhood ambition to grow up to be President is an admirable thing; in India it is not.
Practical aspects
Secondly, looking to the practical aspects of the job, these are twofold: acting as the Head of State of the Union of India as well as supervising the Presidential emissaries to our more than two dozen States, namely, the Governors. In a different and more modern nomenclature, the idea of a Governor would have been dispensed with as a British-era anachronism, and instead we would have had a Vice President for the Union of India and a Vice President for each of the States, forming an indirectly elected college of high and eminent dignitaries with fixed terms of office. So instead of a Governor of UP or Governor of Karnataka, we would have had a Vice President for UP and a Vice President for Karnataka, besides a Vice President of the Union of India who would chair the Upper House of Parliament.
This may have served to highlight the fact that the President is the constitutional Head of State both at the Union and in each of the States. His/her deputies act solely in his/her name, which, after all, is in the name of the sovereign people of India as expressed in their Constitution.
Plainly, we need a President who is wholly familiar with India’s Constitution, not merely as a written document but in its full working and vitality. A President does have legal advisers but there is ultimately no substitute for having achieved adequate political wisdom firsthand in knowing when advice is good or bad. Someone who has visibly or wilfully subverted constitutional norms of jurisprudence somewhere or other along the line may be assumed not to have that kind of wisdom.
For example, we have had elected chief ministers dismissed for no good reason in the past, while we now have the first prime minister anywhere since Salisbury in 19th Century Britain who does not command a majority in the Lower House of Parliament. Also, many life-long “career politicians” have spent their lives organising this or that political party, giving speeches at mass rallies, undermining their opponents, backing their friends, being involved in all the ugliness of day-to-day politics. Such persons would not have transcended their own pasts sufficiently to be able to earn the kind of public confidence and respect that is necessary in our President. Nor is our Presidency a place to carry on any kind of explicit personal agenda or political hobby or ideology.
Then, too, we could do with a President who does not feel any great urge for foreign travel or pomp and circumstance. India’s Foreign Minister and Foreign Trade Minister may have need to run around the globe but hardly anyone else in our Government needs to be in fact travelling abroad, not even the Prime Minister, especially when the domestic political and economic and jurisprudential agenda of our country is so large and yet unfulfilled.
Our Presidential term lasts sixty months: if, say, 20 months in total are devoted to the Union’s matters and another 30 months to our more than two dozen States and Union Territories, that would leave a month’s vacation for each of five years, with a full five months in hand for exigencies. How should the President allocate all that time? Plainly, the answer is that we expect him/her to be using moral suasion and sheer physical presence in defending the Constitution and the ordinary anonymous individual citizen against whatever misfortune may befall them, whether from natural calamity or evil behaviour by the State.
When was the last time we had a President who travelled by AC 2-tier and chatted normally with his fellow citizen-travellers? Or someone who spent not just a flying visit of a few hours to Mizoram or Tripura but who actually set up camp there at the Raj Bhavans for several weeks and came to know firsthand what was going on and what the Indian Union as a whole may do to help?
Have we ever had a President who requested an end to all the bands playing and marching around in front of a few boring New Delhi people once a year, and instead sent those marching bands to play on Sunday mornings all year long ~ along a Marine Drive or Chowringhee or a Mahatma Gandhi Road in this or that city or small town or other, for the enjoyment and entertainment of the common Indian family?
President’s rights
The President is not the Head of Government, and must at all times remember that he/she is to be guided by Cabinet advice in substantive political matters, which have mainly to do with the raising and spending of public resources. But there are a thousand parliamentary and procedural things wrong at present with our Governments and Oppositions both at the Union and the States, and the President of India may be the only person with the moral stature, dignity and gravity to try at least to nudge things in the right direction before they get any worse. The constitutional Head of State in our system has, in the words of Walter Bagehot, the right to be consulted, the right to encourage and the right to warn. Someone needs to be a person of character and achievement and not a hollow empty dummy to be able to exercise such rights appropriately.
What is needed overall is someone with the practical wisdom and political virtue recommended by Aristotelian, Confucian, Buddhist and other cultures ~ or at least without obvious political ignorance or political vices. Balzac said the genius resembles everyone and no one resembles him. India needs a President and Vice-Presidents who can talk with crowds and walk with kings without losing sobriety ~ who have earned the country’s respect through worthwhile achievement yet have been without overt or covert political ambition.
Uttar Pradesh Polity and Finance
March 24, 2007 — drsubrotoroyUttar Pradesh Polity & Finance
A Responsible New Govt May Want To Declare A Financial Emergency
First published in The Statesman Editorial Page, March 24 2007
by
Subroto Roy
Uttar Pradesh goes to the polls beginning April 7. Nothing may succeed better in focusing the minds of its citizens and political candidates than some hard macroeconomic realities. Discussing UP’s public finances may be the first step to bringing cool rationality to the cauldron of its politics ~ consisting as it does of seemingly deep and irreconcilable divisions of religion, caste and personality.
UP shared initials of the old British “United Provinces of Agra and Oudh”, and in 1947 was mostly the same territory. It deserves better than to be known merely as our “Northern State”: UP has been India’s fulcrum, deeply affecting our history, culture and politics. There could have been today not merely a new Uttarakhand but also perhaps Agra, Bareilly (Rohilkhand), Jhansi (Bundelkhand), Meerut, Avadh (Ayodhya, Oudh), Kanauj, Varanasi etc.
History and politics
Each has had its history. Oudh was seen by the British before Dalhousie as a northern buffer for their Bengal possessions. Bareilly was “an important centre of disaffection” of Muslim soldiers against the British in 1857 and also where Hindus after Aurangzeb’s death in 1707 had “thrown off the imperial yoke” refusing to pay tribute to Delhi. The very idea of “Pakistan” was mostly a UP-invention. Long before Iqbal and Jinnah, Sayyid Ahmad Barelvi (1786-1831) initiated a mass migration of Muslims and created a theocratic principality in the NWFP (Tariqah-i-Muhammadiyah) which collapsed due to conflict between his Pashtun and North Indian followers. Pervez Musharraf’s family were frankly nostalgic during their India-visit, and indeed Pakistan’s Mohajirs long for fertile UP more than the arid country they in fact possess ~ even more than for J&K on which Pakistanis since Liaquat (UP’s most prominent Muslim legislator between 1926-1940) became fixated instead.
In the 1980s and 1990s, the “Ram Janambhoomi/Babri Masjid” dispute may have been mostly a gigantic, inchoate, incoherent national exercise in defining our identity: “Who are we?” or perhaps “Who are we not?” as modern Indians, questions that remain unanswered. Certainly, in 1908 the Imperial Gazetteer of India Vol XIX pp 279-280 reported: “After Babar had gained a footing in Hindustan by his victory at Panipat in 1526, and had advanced to Agra, the defeated Afghan house of Lodhi still occupied the Central Doab, Oudh, and the eastern districts of the present United Provinces. In 1527, Babar, on his return from Central India, defeated his opponents in Southern Oudh near Kanauj, and passed on through the Province as far as Ajodhya where he built a mosque in 1528, on the site renowned as the birthplace of Rama. The Afghans remained in opposition after the death of Babar in 1530, but were defeated near Lucknow in the following year.”
History books and doctoral theses should have been perhaps where all such old facts deserved to remain in a modern self-confident, self-aware India.
Today’s UP at more than 166 million people exceeds in population France and Germany combined. One in every six or seven Indians is from UP. The State has become notorious for its chaotic politics, its “history-sheeters”, its corruption, crimes, badlands, astrology and other superstition. Its popular power gets divided between Mulayam, Mayawati and the BJP: each the self-appointed spokesman of Muslims, “Bahujans” and Hindu upper castes respectively. Congress, once India’s grand old secular national party, has been side-lined in UP politics.
Yet UP’s pivotal role remains such that the healthiest development for Indian democracy today may be for the Lok Sabha Member from Rae Bareilly to close down 10 Janpath as a residence and office for herself, and live instead as an exemplary parliamentarian among the common people of her constituency, setting the example too for her son to do the same in Amethi. Their permanent departure from New Delhi, becoming prominent UP politicians instead, would be the desperately needed “tough love” required by the Congress Party ~ which finally, after many decades, would be compelled to grow up and elect a leadership for itself based on some real political principles and not mere sycophancy.
Focussing on UP’s Public Finances is the first constructive step towards a rational political economy arising in the interests of its many citizens. As with other States of our Union, it is not impossible to understand what is going on with UP’s finances, though it does take some serious effort. The State receives tax revenues, income from State operations (like bus fares etc), and grants transferred from the Union. Of these revenues, more than 70% arise from taxation. Of those taxes, about 45% is collected by the Union on behalf of the State according to the Finance Commission’s formulae; 55% is collected by the State itself, and about 50% of what the State collects is Sales Tax. On the expenditure side, some 43% has been going to repay the State’s debts plus interest owed on that debt. The remainder gets distributed as summarily shown in the table.
Audit and restructuring
As with the Union of India, as well as with other States like West Bengal, the wide difference between income and expenditure implies the Government must then issue new public debt, which typically has been a larger and larger sum every year, greater than the maturing debt being amortised or extinguished. The grave consequences of this will be obvious to any householder, and makes it imperative that calm, sober thought and objective analysis occur about UP’s financial condition and budget constraint. E.g., what is revealed at a higher level of detail is that in 2003-2004, Rs. 5.43 Bn (Rs 543 crores) were spent to collect Rs. 1.18 Bn (Rs. 118 crores) of land revenue! UP has also spent extraordinarily vast public resources (and World Bank loans) on electricity ~ yet its power supply remains dismal.
These kinds of facts may be enough for any responsible new Government of UP (perhaps even a “Unity Government”) to declare a financial emergency under Article 360 of the Constitution, followed by ordering the most stringent of audits of all government departments and projects using public resources as well as recognition of public assets, followed in turn by a restructuring of the public budget over a few years with the aim of cutting all waste, fraud and abuse, and directing public resources instead to areas of highest social usefulness.
The author is Contributing Editor, The Statesman
UP Government Finance 2003-2004
EXPENDITURE ACTIVITIES : Rs Billion (Hundred Crore)
government & local government
judiciary
police (including vigilance etc)
prisons
bureaucracy
collecting land revenue & taxes
government employee pensions
schools, colleges, universities, institutes
health, nutrition & family welfare
water supply & sanitation
roads, bridges, transport etc.
electricity
irrigation, flood cntrl., environ, ecology
agricultural subsidies, rural development
industrial subsidies
capital city development
social security, SC, ST, OBC, lab.welfare
tourism
arts, archaeology, libraries, museums
miscellaneous
debt amortization & debt servicing
total expenditure
30.33
3.17
25.81
1.13
11.63
8.41
29.00
62.79
18.97
6.04
16.13
200.22
29.98
16.07
8.19
1.08
18.36
0.20
0.37
0.53
373.60
3.52%
0.37%
2.99%
0.13%
1.35%
0.98%
3.36%
7.28%
2.20%
0.70%
1.87%
23.23%
3.48%
1.86%
0.95%
0.13%
2.13%
0.02%
0.04%
0.06%
43.34%
tax revenue
operational income
grants from Union
loans recovered
total income
268.74
22.82
24.82
124.98
Govt. Borrowing Requirement:
(total expenditure minus total income) 420.67
financd by:
new public debt issued
use of Trust Funds etc.
385.41
35.26
420.67
From the author’s research based on latest available data published by the C&AG of India
Fallacious Finance: Congress, BJP, CPI-M et al may be leading India to hyperinflation (2007)
March 5, 2007 — drsubrotoroyFallacious Finance: Congress, BJP, CPI-M et al may be leading India to hyperinflation
by
Subroto Roy
first published in The Statesman, 5 March 2007
Editorial Page Special Article
It seems the Dream Team of the PM, Finance Minister, Mr. Montek Ahluwalia and their acolytes may take India on a magical mystery tour of economic hallucinations, fantasies and perhaps nightmares. I hasten to add the BJP and CPI-M have nothing better to say, and criticism of the Government or of Mr Chidambaram’s Budget does not at all imply any sympathy for their political adversaries.
It may be best to outline a few of the main fallacies permeating the entire Governing Class in Delhi, and their media and businessman friends:
1. “India’s Savings Rate is near 32%”. This is factual nonsense. Savings is indeed normally measured by adding financial and non-financial savings. Financial savings include bank-deposits. But India is not a normal country in this. Nor is China. Both have seen massive exponential growth of bank-deposits in the last few decades. Does this mean Indians and Chinese are saving phenomenally high fractions of their incomes by assiduously putting money away into their shaky nationalized banks? Sadly, it does not. What has happened is government deficit-financing has grown explosively in both countries over decades. In a “fractional reserve” banking system (i.e. a system where your bank does not keep the money you deposited there but lends out almost all of it immediately), government expenditure causes bank-lending, and bank-lending causes bank-deposits to expand. Yes there has been massive expansion of bank-deposits in India but it is a nominal paper phenomenon and does not signify superhuman savings behaviour. Indians keep their assets mostly in metals, land, property, cattle, etc., and as cash, not as bank deposits.
2. “High economic growth in India is being caused by high savings and intelligently planned government investment”. This too is nonsense. Economic growth in India as elsewhere arises not because of what politicians and bureaucrats do in capital cities, but because of spontaneous technological progress, improved productivity and learning-by-doing on part of the general population. Technological progress is a very general notion, and applies to any and every production activity or commercial transaction that now can be accomplished more easily or using fewer inputs than before. New Delhi still believes in antiquated Soviet-era savings-investment models without technological progress, and some non-sycophant must tell our top Soviet-era bureaucrat that such growth models have been long superceded and need to be scrapped from India’s policy-making too. Can politicians and bureaucrats assist India’s progress? Indeed they can: the telecom revolution in recent years was something in which they participated. But the general presumption is against them. Progress, productivity gains and hence economic growth arise from enterprise and effort of ordinary people — mostly despite not because of an exploitative, parasitic State.
3. “Agriculture is a backward sector that has been retarding India’s recent economic growth”. This is not merely nonsense it is dangerous nonsense, because it has led to land-grabbing by India’s rulers at behest of their businessman friends in so-called “SEZ” schemes. The great farm economist Theodore W. Schultz once quoted Andre and Jean Mayer: “Few scientists think of agriculture as the chief, or the model science. Many, indeed, do not consider it a science at all. Yet it was the first science – Mother of all science; it remains the science which makes human life possible”. Centuries before Europe’s Industrial Revolution, there was an Agricultural Revolution led by monks and abbots who were the scientists of the day. Thanks partly to American help, India has witnessed a Green Revolution since the 1960s, and our agriculture has been generally a calm, mature, stable and productive industry. Our farmers are peaceful hardworking people who should be paying taxes and user-fees normally but should not be otherwise disturbed or needlessly provoked by outsiders. It is the businessmen wishing to attack our farm populations who need to look hard in the mirror – to improve their accounting, audit, corporate governance, to enforce anti-embezzlement and shareholder protection laws etc.
4. “India’s foreign exchange reserves may be used for ‘infrastructure’ financing”. Mr Ahluwalia promoted this idea and now the Budget Speech mentioned how Mr Deepak Parekh and American banks may be planning to get Indian businesses to “borrow” India’s forex reserves from the RBI so they can purchase foreign assets. It is a fallacy arising among those either innocent of all economics or who have quite forgotten the little they might have been mistaught in their youth. Forex reserves are a residual in a country’s balance of payments and are not akin to tax revenues, and thus are not available to be borrowed or spent by politicians, bureaucrats or their businessman friends — no matter how tricky and shady a way comes to be devised for doing so. If anything, the Government and RBI’s priority should have been to free the Rupee so any Indian could hold gold or forex at his/her local bank. India’s vast sterling balances after the Second World War vanished quickly within a few years, and the country plunged into decades of balance of payments crisis – that may now get repeated. The idea of “infrastructure” is in any case vague and inferior to the “public goods” Adam Smith knew to be vital. Serious economists recommend transparent cost-benefit analyses before spending any public resources on any project. E.g., analysis of airport/airline industry expansion would have found the vast bulk of domestic airline costs to be forex-denominated but revenues rupee-denominated – implying an obvious massive currency-risk to the industry and all its “infrastructure”. All the PM’s men tell us nothing of any of this.
5. “HIV-AIDS is a major Indian health problem”. Government doctors privately know the scare of an AIDS epidemic is based on false assumptions and analysis. Few if any of us have met, seen or heard of an actual incontrovertible AIDS victim in India (as opposed to someone infected by hepatitis-contaminated blood supplies). Syringe-exchange by intravenous drug users is not something widely prevalent in Indian society, while the practise that caused HIV to spread in California’s Bay Area in the 1980s is not something depicted even at Khajuraho. Numerous real diseases do afflict Indians – e.g. 11 children died from encephalitis in one UP hospital on a single day in July 2006, while thousands of children suffer from “cleft lip” deformity that can be solved surgically for 20,000 rupees, allowing the child a normal life. Without any objective survey being done of India’s real health needs, Mr Chidamabaram has promised more than Rs 9.6 Billion (Rs 960 crore) to the AIDS cottage industry.
6. “Fiscal consolidation & stabilization has been underway since 1991”. There is extremely little reason to believe this. If you or I borrow Rs. 100,000 for a year, and one year later repay the sum only to borrow the same again along with another Rs 40,000, we would be said to have today a debt of Rs. 140,000 at least. Our Government has been routinely “rolling over” its domestic debt in this manner (in the asset-portfolios of the nationalised banking system) but displaying and highlighting only its new additional borrowing in a year as the “ Fiscal Deficit” (see graph, also “Fiscal Instability”, The Sunday Statesman, 4 February 2007). More than two dozen State Governments have been doing the same though, unlike the Government of India, they have no money-creating powers and their liabilities ultimately accrue to the Union as well. The stock of public debt in India may be Rs 30 trillion (Rs 30 lakh crore) at least, and portends a hyperinflation in the future. Mr Chidambaram’s announcement of a “Debt Management Office” yet to be created is hardly going to suffice to avert macroeconomic turmoil and a possible monetary collapse. The Congress, BJP, CPI-M and all their friends shall be responsible.
Of related interest: Mistaken Macroeconomics,
“The Indian Revolution”, “Against Quackery”, “The Dream Team: A Critique”, “India’s Macroeconomics”, “Indian Inflation”
Bengal’s Finances
February 25, 2007 — drsubrotoroyBENGAL’S FINANCES
First published in The Sunday Statesman February 25 2007, Editorial Page Special Article, www.thestatesman.net
There is urgent need for calm, sober thought, not self-delusion. Foreign trade, world politics are not what State Governments are constitutionally permitted to do.
By SUBROTO ROY
Mr Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee is fond of saying his hoped for industrialization plans will lead to jobs for “thousands” of unemployed young men and women emerging from West Bengal’s many schools, colleges and universities.
Now ever since JM Keynes’s time, economists have understood the phenomenon of unemployment quite well. Some unemployment is voluntary: where someone declines to accept a job at the prevailing wage or chooses leisure instead, e.g. withdraws from the labour-force in order to go to college or care for children or family or be involved in search for a better job. Some unemployment is seasonal, as in agriculture ~ where there often is “overfull” employment at harvest-time. Some unemployment may be frictional or structural, depending on dynamic unpredictable industrial or technological changes. In none of these cases is any large role defined for government investment using public resources, though there can be smaller roles like providing job-information, advice and training.
Keynes himself was concerned with systematic “involuntary” unemployment, where masses of people are willing but unable to find work at the going wage because there has been a general collapse of the market economy, as arguably happened in the 1930s in the Western countries. There has been no such situation in independent India.
And it is important to remember our labour markets are mostly unrestricted by State boundaries: unlike totalitarian China, we do not have internal passports in the country, and Indians are mostly free to work anywhere they wish to. Talk from CPI-M, Congress, BJP or other politicians of alleged Keynesian “multiplier” effects arising from government expenditure is mostly talk. And as for Sonia Gandhi’s “National Rural Employment Guarantee”, to the extent it was argued for at all by Amartya Sen’s disciples like Jean Drèze, the argument was not on Keynesian grounds but of a purportedly more equitable distribution of government expenditure.
What then is the Bhattacharjee Government supposed to be doing?
Chandrababu Naidu started a trend among Chief Ministers flying off to exotic foreign vistas, addressing international conferences and signing memoranda with foreign businessmen. But world politics, international relations and foreign trade are not what Indian State Governments are permitted by our Constitution to be engaged in doing. Nelson Mandela is a great man of history but Jyoti Basu’s Government had no constitutional right or business to gift him five million American dollars of West Bengal public money after he was released from jail in South Africa in 1990 by De Klerk.
Our Constitution is crystal clear that the legitimate agenda of India’s State Governments is something very mundane and wholly unglamorous: State Governments are supposed to be managing Courts of Law; the Police, Civil Order, Prisons; Water, Sanitation, Health; State Debt Service; Intra-State Infrastructure & Communications; Local Government; Liquor & Other Public Sector Industry; Trade, Local Banking & Finance; Land, Agriculture, Animal Husbandry; Libraries, Museums, Monuments; State Civil Service & Administration. In addition, “concurrent” with the Union Government are Criminal, Civil & Family Law, Contracts & Torts; Forests & Environmental Protection; Unemployment & Refugee Relief; Electricity; Education. It is relative to that explicit agenda that State Government performances around the country must be evaluated.
The finances of the West Bengal Government and those of every other State of the Union appear in a condition of Byzantine confusion. Even so, it is not impossible for any citizen to understand them with a little serious effort. The State receives tax revenues, income from State operations (like bus fares, lottery tickets etc), and grants transferred from the Union. Of the State’s total revenues, more than 80% arise from taxation. Of those taxes, about 30% is collected by the Union on behalf of the State in accordance with the Finance Commission’s formulae; 70% is collected by the State itself, and about 60% of whhat the State collects is Sales Tax. On the expenditure side, more than 60% goes in repaying the State’s debts as well as interest owed on that debt. The remainder gets distributed as summarily shown in the table. (What would be revealed at a higher level of detail is that e.g. Rs. 2.63 Bn is spent in collecting Rs. 9.93 Bn of land revenue!) The wide difference between the State’s income from all sources and its expenditures implies the State must then issue new public debt. That typically has been a larger and larger sum every year, greater than the amount of maturing debt being amortised or extinguished. The potentially grave consequence of this will be obvious to any householder, and makes it imperative that calm, sober thought and objective analysis occur about the State’s financial condition and budget constraint. There is no room for self-delusion, especially on the part of the Bhattacharjee Government. We are still paying interest on the money we borrowed to make Nelson Mandela a gift seventeen years ago.
Govt. of W. Bengal’s Finances 2003-2004
Rs Billion (Hundred Crore)
EXPENDITURE ACTIVITIES:
government & local government 8.68 1.68%
judiciary 1.27 0.25%
police (including home guard etc.) 13.47 2.61%
prisons 0.62 0.12%
bureaucracy 5.69 1.10%
collecting land revenue & taxes 4.32 0.84%
government employee pensions 26.11 5.05%
schools, colleges, universities, institutes 45.06 8.72%
health, nutrition & family welfare 14.70 2.84%
water supply & sanitation 3.53 0.68%
roads, bridges, transport, etc. 8.29 1.60%
electricity (mostly loans to power sector) 31.18 6.03%
irrigation, flood control, environment, ecology 10.78 2.09%
agricultural subsidies, rural development, etc. 7.97 1.54%
industrial subsidies 2.56 0.50%
capital city development 7.29 1.41%
social security, SC, ST, OBC, labour welfare 9.87 1.91%
tourism 0.09 0.02%
arts, archaeology, libraries, museums 0.16 0.03%
miscellaneous 0.52 0.10%
debt amortization & debt servicing 314.77 60.89%
total expenditure 516.92
tax revenue 141.10
operational income 6.06
grants from Union 18.93
loans recovered 0.91
total income 167.00
INCOME SOURCES:
GOVT. BORROWING REQUIREMENT
(total expenditure
minus total income ) 349.93
financed by:
new public debt issued 339.48
use of Trust Funds etc 10.45
349.93
From the author’s research and based on latest available data published by the Comptroller & Auditor General of India
Fiscal Instability
February 4, 2007 — drsubrotoroyFiscal Instabilty
Interest payments quickly suck dry every year’s Budget. And rolling over old public debt means that Government Borrowing in fact much exceeds the Fiscal Deficit
by Subroto Roy
First published in The Sunday Statesman,
Editorial Page Special Article, 4 February 2007
While releasing Mr Chidambaram’s book some days ago, our PM said that as Narasimha Rao’s Finance Minister in 1991 he had caused “fiscal stabilization” of the country. Unfortunately, Dr Manmohan Singh may have been believing the flattery of his sycophants, since the facts point differently.
The Fiscal Deficit is new borrowing by Government added for a given year. In 1994-1995 for example, the Union Government’s expenditure net of operational and other income was some Rs 1,295 billion (1 billion = 100 crore). Rs. 674 billion was generated for the Union Government by taxation that year (Rs 184 billion from direct taxes, Rs 653 billion from indirect and miscellaneous taxes, less Rs 163 billion as the States’ share). The difference between Rs 1,295 billion and Rs. 674 billion, that is Rs. 621 billion had to be borrowed by the Government of India in the name of future unborn generations of Indian citizens. That was the “Fiscal Deficit” that year. If the stock of Public Debt already accumulated has been B,this Fiscal Deficit, C, adds to the interest burden that will be faced next year since interest will have to be then paid on B + C.
Interest payments on Government debt have dominated all public finance in recent decades, quickly sucking dry the budgets every year both of the Union and each of our more than two dozen States. Some Rs. 440 billion was paid by the Union Government as interest in 1994-1995, and this had risen to some Rs. 1,281 billion by 2003-2004. As a percentage of tax revenue, interest expenditure by the Government of India on its own debt rose from 40% in 1991 to 68% in 2004 ~ through the Finance Ministerships of Manmohan Singh, P Chidambaram, Yashwant Sinha and Jaswant Singh.
Financial control of India’s fiscal condition, and hence monetary expansion, vitally requires control of the growth of these kinds of dynamic processes and comprehension of their analytical underpinnings. Yet such understanding and control seem quite absent from all organs of our Government, including establishment economists and the docile financial press.
For example, contrary to the impression created by the Finance Ministry, RBI and Union Cabinet (whether of the UPA or NDA, while the Communists would only be worse), the Fiscal Deficit has been in fact very far from being all that the Government of India borrows from financial markets in a given year. The stock of Public Debt at any given moment consists of numerous debt-instruments of various sorts at different terms. Some fraction of these come to maturity every year and hence their principal amounts (not merely their interest) must be repaid by Government. What our Government has been doing routinely over decades is to roll over these debts, i.e. issue fresh public debt of the same amount as that being extinguished and more. For example, some Rs. 720 billion, Rs. 1,180 billion, Rs.1,330 billion and Rs. 1,390 billion were amounts spent in extinguishing maturing public debt in 1993, 1994, 1995 and 1996 respectively. No special taxes were raised in those years specifically for that purpose. Instead the Government merely issued additional new debt or “rolled over” or “converted” the old debt in the same amounts and more in the portfolios of the captive nationalized banking system (see graph).
Plainly, the Government of India’s actual “Borrowing Requirement”, as the difference between its Income and Expenditure, when accounted for properly, will be the sum of this rolled over old debt and the Fiscal Deficit (which is merely the additional borrowing required by a single year’s Budget). In other words, the Government’s Borrowing Requirement is the Fiscal Deficit plus the much larger amount required to annually roll over maturing debt. Because the latter expenditure does not appear at all in calculation of the Fiscal Deficit by the subterfuge of having been routinely rolled over every year, the actual difference between Government Expenditure and Income in India has been made to appear much smaller than it really is. Although neglected by the Cabinet, Finance Ministry, RBI and even (almost) the C&AG, the significance of this discrepancy in measurement will not be lost on anyone seriously concerned to address India’s fiscal and monetary problems.
On the expenditure side, Current Expenditure (anachronistically named “Revenue Expenditure” in India as it is supposed to be met by current revenue) meets recurrent liabilities from one budget-date to the next, like salaries of school-staff or coupon payments on Government debt.
Investment Expenditure “of a capital nature” is supposed to increase “concrete assets of a material and permanent character” like spending on a new public library, or reducing “recurring liabilities” by setting aside a sinking fund to reduce Government debt. Some public resources need to be spent to yield benefits or reduce costs not immediately but in the future. Besides roads, bridges and libraries, these may include less tangible investments too like ensuring proper working of law-courts or training police-officers and school-teachers.
Also, there has been large outright direct lending by the Government of India bypassing normal capital markets on the pattern of old Soviet “central planning”, whereby “credit” is disbursed to chosen recipients.
“Current”, “Investment” and “Loan” expenditure decisions of this kind are made on the same activities. For example, in 1994-1995, the Government of India spent Rs. 2.7 billion as “Loans for Power Projects” in addition to Rs. 9.8 billion under Current Expenditure on “Power” and Rs. 15.5 billion as Investment Expenditure on “Power Projects”. By 2003-2004, these had grown to Rs. 50.94 billion, Rs. 31.02 billion, Rs. 28.5 billion respectively. Yet the opaqueness of Government accounts, finances and economic decision-making today is such that nowhere will such data be found in one table giving a full picture of public expenditure on the Power sector as a whole. On the revenue side, Government’s “Current Income” includes direct and indirect taxes, operational income from public utilities (like railways or the post office), and dividends and profits from public assets. There has been a small “Investment Income” too received from sale of public assets like Maruti. Also, since loans are made directly, there has to be a category for their recovery.
“One must not take from the real needs of the people for the imaginary needs of the state”, said Montesquieu; while De Marco in the same vein said “the greatest satisfaction of collective needs” has to be sought by “the least possible waste of private wealth”. Even Mao Zedong reportedly said: “Thrift should be the guiding principle of our government expenditure”. The C&AG requires Government determine “how little money it need take out of the pockets of the taxpayers in order to maintain its necessary activities at the proper standard of efficiency”.
Yet India’s top politicians and bureaucrats spend wildly ~ driven by the organised special interest groups on whom they depend, while ostentatiously consuming public time, space and resources themselves “quite uselessly in the pleasurable business of inflating the ego” (Veblen).
For Government to do what it need not or should not do contributes to its failure to do what it must. Thus we have armies of indolent soldiers, policemen and bureaucrats and piles of rotting supplies in government warehouses while there are queues outside hospitals, schools, courts etc.
Parliament and State Legislatures need to first ask of an annual budget whether it is efficient: “Is expenditure being allocated to enhance the public interest to the greatest extent possible, and if not, how may it be made to do so?” National welfare overall should increase the same whichever public good or service the final million of public rupees has been spent on.
Fundamentally, government finance requires scientific honesty, especially by way of clear rigorous accounting and audit of uses and origins of public resources. That scientific honesty is what we have not had at Union or State level for more than half a century.
India’s Macroeconomics (2007)
January 20, 2007 — drsubrotoroy(NB This is one of a set of articles that include “India in World Trade & Payments”, “Fiscal Instability”, “Fallacious Finance”, “Indian Money & Credit”, “Indian Money & Banking”, “Against Quackery”, “Indian Inflation”, “Monetary Integrity and the Rupee”, “The Dream Team: A Critique” etc., as well as “Mistaken Macroeconomics” etc. See My Recent Works, Interviews etc on India’s Money, Public Finance, Banking, Trade, BoP, Land, etc (an incomplete list) )
India’s Macroeconomics
Real growth has steadily occurred because India has shared the world’s technological progress. But bad fiscal, monetary policies over decades have led to monetary weakness and capital flight
by
Subroto Roy
First published in The Sunday Statesman Editorial Page Special Article
January 20 2007
Anyone wishing to understand India’s macroeconomics today must seek to grasp how Government expenditure and taxing behaviour have become related over decades to Government’s rapid creation of paper-money and bank-deposits. Even those policy-makers who have caused this phenomenon (notably our present PM during his long career as the top economic bureaucrat, as well as his many acolytes and foreign and domestic flatterers) seem to have failed to grasp this. Thus they may be unlikely to identify let alone carry out the key political task facing India today, which is to transform the feeble existing state corroded by corruption and waste into a robust modern one with public institutions of a quality meeting or exceeding world standards.
Government expenditure in a democracy is supposed to be representative of real public needs. But democracy is everywhere imperfect, and spending tends to follow instead the pattern of special interest groups, i.e., who has how much organised lobbying power in the polity. “Whatever can be rescued from useless expenditure is urgently required for useful”, said JS Mill. How can public spending be made more productive (or less unproductive) by cutting waste, fraud and abuse, and instead better alleviate mass ignorance, poverty and destitution? And how can there be reduced chance of a collapse of confidence in public institutions, especially currency and the banks as has happened in other countries at different times? These are central questions for serious macroeconomic policy-making in India today. In fact, it is likely the Indian people are at present both over-taxed and under-taxed: we are over-taxed by the corroded, corrupt wasteful polity that has actually arisen, while we are under-taxed relative to the fiscal and monetary needs of a robust modern democratic polity yet to exist.
India has shared the technological progress the world economy witnessed in the 20th Century. Private ingenuity, enterprise and business acumen at all scales of operation are manifest in countless examples across the country every day. Real economic growth has taken place steadily as a result, and there is no doubt average levels of health, education, and material well-being have improved almost everywhere ~ often despite government action, sometimes thanks to it. Our legendary population has grown mainly due to lowering of mortality rates via better health, nutrition and awareness, causing longer life-spans than ever before. Our village festivals, market-towns and city-streets are filled with bustling shops with busy people and merchandise, while large concrete buildings are being built everywhere by invisible builders. There is no apparent lack of a potential basis for taxation of private resources for public uses in the country.
At the same time, monumental problems of absolute poverty, ignorance, destitution and inequality remain obvious to the naked eye everywhere in India, affecting hundreds of millions of citizens. A rare candid Government study said: “It does not require clever tools of measurement to demonstrate that there are millions of children in India who are totally deprived of any education worth the name. And it is not as if they are invisible, remote, and therefore unreached. They are everywhere in the cities: on the streets, wiping cars at traffic junctions, picking rags in mounds of waste; in the roadside eateries; in small factories, as cheap labour or domestic help; at ‘home’ completing household chores. In the villages again they are everywhere, responding to the contextual demands of family work as well as bonded labour.” (India Education Report, 2002, p. 47). Such and similar children, their parents and kith and kin constitute the hundreds of anonymous millions of India today.
Less than 30 million people are employed in the “organised” sector, about 18 by government and 12 by the “organised private sector”. Even if four dependents are assumed for each, that hardly makes 15% of the whole population of one billion people today. So while there may be some 150 million people in India who in one way or another engage with the “organised sector”, there may be 850 million who do not ~ reminiscent of Disraeli’s “Two Nations” of Dickensian England.
India’s tax-revenues are raised in proportion of about 30% direct to 70% indirect, where the same ratio for an advanced economy like the USA is about 90% direct to 10% indirect. A mere 10 million income-tax returns are received in a given year in all of India. The masses are being taxed, perhaps heavily, though they are mostly unaware of what is being indirectly extracted out of their household budgets through ubiquitous archaic systems of Customs and Excise. From long before the British arrived in India, there was a tax on salt via government monopoly, and long after MK Gandhi’s march to the Arabian Sea to produce salt freely, indirect taxes bear down invisibly upon the masses of democratic India today. Nicholas Kaldor approved the current system in 1956 but by 1959 had retracted and recommended widespread direct taxation instead, which has never happened. Kaldor’s best known Indian student is today PM of the country.
Also, everyone’s holdings of monetary assets in India have been taxed by inflation, without people realising it except for a continual feeling or memory of the dwindling value of the rupee and other paper assets. Government debt, the quantity of money and general price-level of real goods and services (the inverse of the price of money) have been on exponential growth paths, most conspicuously since the compulsory government take-over of banks in the early 1970s, though origins reach back to the start of pseudo-socialist “planning” in the 1950s (see graph).
When transparent visible taxation cannot be proposed and voted for in the “real” economy because it needs too much political effort or insight, governments resort to invisible, undemocratic means of taxing the public’s monetary resources by the subterfuge of inflating currency and bank deposits. Inflation has everywhere raised real resources for governments too weak to administer proper tax systems or resist the onslaught of organised pressure-groups in incurring public expenditure.
Taxation via inflation “does not require detailed legislation, and can be administered very simply. All that it requires is to spend newly created notes. The resulting inflation automatically imposes a tax on cash balances by depreciating the value of money” (Cagan). A routine means of meeting a government’s deficits can become “use of the printing press to manufacture legal tender paper money”, either directly by paying its creditors “with new paper money specially printed for the purpose”, or indirectly by paying its creditors “out of loans to itself from the Central Bank”, issuing money to that amount in exchange for government debt (Dalton). Because public memories are short and economic models and data unavailable to ordinary people, a large scope exists for governments to extract real resources by inflation before “money-illusion” comes to be dispelled. Briefly, such has been how India’s continuous budget-deficits have been financed ever since Independence – made possible with impunity because our rulers have also kept our currency from being internationally convertible (except for themselves).
These quite subtle facts remain practically unknown to the Indian public whose lives and those of future generations are deeply affected by them, though in recent decades elite elements like bureaucrats, academics, military officers, businessmen, politicians etc with better information and access to resources have sensed monetary weakness in the country and exported their adult children and savings abroad expeditiously. The sphere of knowledge and concerns of most people are so close to needs of their own survival that they make easy prey for the machinations of others with better information or access to resources. This may help explain why we, who for more than a century and a half have seen a vast political awakening take place and can take pride in having a free press and the world’s largest electorate, at the same time have had our political life and public institutions wracked by enormous corruption, fraud and venality, enfeebling the political economy by widespread cynicism and loss of confidence, and inducing capital flight abroad on the part of a vapid elite.
On Land-Grabbing
January 14, 2007 — drsubrotoroyON LAND-GRABBING
Dr Singh’s India, Buddhadeb’s Bengal, Modi’s Gujarat have notorious US, Soviet and Chinese examples to follow ~ distracting from the country’s real economic problems
By SUBROTO ROY
First published in The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page Special Article, Jan 14 2007
AT a business meet on 12 January 2005, Dr Manmohan Singh showered fulsome praise on Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee as “dynamic”, “the Nation’s Best Chief Minister”, whose “wit and wisdom”, “qualities of head and heart”, “courage of conviction and passionate commitment to the cause of the working people of India” he admired, saying “with Buddhadeb Babu at the helm of affairs it appears Bengal is once again forging ahead… If today there is a meeting of minds between Delhi and Kolkata, it is because the ideas that I and Buddhadebji represent have captured the minds of the people of India. This is the idea of growth with equity and social justice, the idea that economic liberalization and modernization have to be mindful of the needs of the poor and the marginalized.”
With such support of a Congress Prime Minister (as well as proximity to Pranab Mukherjee), Mr Bhattacharjee could hardly have feared the local Congress and Trinamul would pose any threat in the 2006 Assembly Elections despite having more potential voters between them than the CPI-M.
Dr Singh returned to the “needs of the poor and the marginalized” at another business meet on 8 January 2007 promising to “unveil a new Rehabilitation Policy in three months to increase the pace of industrialisation” which would be “more progressive, humane and conducive to the long-term welfare of all stakeholders”, while his businessman host pointedly stated about Singur “land for industry must be made available to move the Indian manufacturing sector ahead”.
The “meeting of minds between Delhi and Kolkata” seems to be that agriculture allegedly has become a relatively backward slow-growing sector deserving to yield in the purported larger national interest to industry and services: what the PM means by “long-term welfare of all stakeholders” is the same as the new CPI-M party-line that the sons of farmers should not remain farmers (but become automobile technicians or IT workers or restaurant waiters instead).
It is a political viewpoint coinciding with interests of organised capital and industrial labour in India today, as represented by business lobbies like CII, FICCI and Assocham on one hand, and unions like CITU and INTUC on the other. Business Standard succinctly (and ominously) advocated this point of view in its lead editorial of 9 January as follows: “it has to be recognised that the world over capitalism has progressed only with the landed becoming landless and getting absorbed in the industrial/service sector labour force ~ indeed it is obvious that if people don’t get off the land, their incomes will rise only slowly”.
Land is the first and ultimate means of production, and the attack of the powerful on land-holdings or land-rights of the unorganised or powerless has been a worldwide phenomenon ~ across both capitalism and communism.
In the mid-19th Century, white North America decimated hundreds of thousands of natives in the most gargantuan land-grab of history. Defeated, Chief Red Cloud of the Sioux spoke in 1868 for the Apache, Navajo, Comanche, Cheyenne, Iroquois and hundreds of other tribes: “They made us many promises, more than I can remember, but they never kept any except one: they promised to take our land, and they took it.”
Half a century later, while the collapse of grain prices contributed to the Great Depression and pauperisation of thousands of small farmers in capitalist America in the same lands that had been taken from the native tribes, Stalin’s Russia embarked on the most infamous state-sponsored land-grab in modern history: “The mass collectivisation of Soviet agriculture (was) probably the most warlike operation ever conducted by a state against its own citizens…. Hundreds of thousands and finally millions of peasants… were deported… desperate revolts in the villages were bloodily suppressed by the army and police, and the country sank into chaos, starvation and misery… The object of destroying the peasants’ independence…was to create a population of slaves, the benefit of whose labour would accrue to industry. The immediate effect was to reduce Soviet agriculture to a state of decline from which it has not yet recovered… The destruction of the Soviet peasantry, who formed three quarters of the population, was not only an economic but a moral disaster for the entire country. Tens of millions were driven into semi-servitude, and millions more were employed as executants…” (Kolakowski, Main Currents of Marxism).
Why did Stalin destroy the peasants? Lenin’s wishful “alliance between the proletariat and the peasantry” in reality could lead only to the peasants being pauperised into proletarians. At least five million peasants died and (Stalin told Churchill at Yalta) another ten million in the resultant famine of 1932-1933. “Certainly it involved a struggle ~ but chiefly one between urban Communists and villagers… it enabled the regime to obtain much of the capital desired for industrialization from the defeated village… it was the decisive step in the building of Soviet totalitarianism, for it imposed on the majority of the people a subjection which only force could maintain” (Treadgold, 20th Century Russia).
Mr Bhattacharjee’s CPI-M is fond of extolling Chinese communism, and the current New Delhi establishment have made Beijing and Shanghai holiday destinations of choice. Dr Singh’s Government has been eager to create hundreds of “Special Economic Zones” run by organised capital and unionised labour, and economically privileged by the State. In fact, the Singur and Nandigram experiences of police sealing off villages where protests occur are modelled on creation of “Special Economic Zones” in China in recent years.
For example, Chinese police on 6 December 2005 cracked down on farmers and fishermen in the seaside village of Dongzhou, 125 miles North East of Hong Kong. Thousands of Dongzhou villagers clashed with troops and armed police protesting confiscation of their lands and corruption among officials. The police immediately sealed off the village and arrested protesters. China’s Public Security Ministry admitted the number of riots over land had risen sharply, reaching more than seventy thousand across China in 2004; police usually suppressed peasant riots without resort to firing but in Dongzhou, police firing killed 20 protesters. Such is the reality of the “emergence” of China, a totalitarian police-state since the Communist takeover in 1949, from its period of mad tyranny until Mao’s death in 1976, followed by its ideological confusion ever since.
Modern India’s political economy today remains in the tight grip of metropolitan “Big Business” and “Big Labour”. Ordinary anonymous individual citizens ~ whether housewife, consumer, student, peasant, non-union worker or small businessman ~ have no real voice or representation in Indian politics. We have no normal conservative, liberal or social democratic party in this country, as found in West European democracies where the era of land-grabbing has long-ceased. If our polity had been normal, it would have known that economic development does not require business or government to pauperise the peasantry but instead to define and secure individual property rights and the Rule of Law, and establish proper conditions for the market economy. The Congress and BJP in Delhi and CPI-M in Kolkata would not have been able to distract attention from their macroeconomic misdeeds over the decades ~ indicated, for example, by increasing interest-expenditure paid annually on Government debt as a fraction of tax revenues (see Table). This macroeconomic rot originated with the Indira Gandhi-PN Haksar capriciousness and mismanagement, which coincided with the start of Dr Singh’s career as India’s best known economic bureaucrat.
Hypocrisy of the CPI-M
January 9, 2007 — drsubrotoroyHypocrisy of the CPI-M
Political Collapse In Bengal: A Mid-Term Election/Referendum Is Necessary
First published in The Statesman, Editorial Page Special Article, January 9 2007,
By Subroto Roy
For the 1991 Assembly elections, I happened to draft the West Bengal Congress’s election manifesto although I was not then or ever a member of that or any other party. There was no Trinamul but its future leader had made her jibe of there being watermelons who were red inside and green outside, aptly in case of a few senior leaders. The manifesto quoted George Orwell’s denunciation of communist ruling classes, and was so hard-hitting that the CPI-M’s Sailen Dasgupta came out with a statement he had never read a Congress manifesto that had been so harsh on them; privately, I took that to be a compliment though the Congress of course lost the election. There is no one in Bengal who does not want to see Bengal prosper, and the most candid vigorous political conversation is necessary to discover what in fact is true and what ought or not to be done.
Democratic norms
The functioning of the Basu-Bhattacharjee CPI-M is quite utterly amazing. It deserves to be called such because of the seamless transfer of power that occurred between the two men in November 2000. The Chief Minister in a parliamentary democracy is supposed to have the confidence of the House, yet when Jyoti Basu stopped being CM and anointed Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee to succeed him, not even a perfunctory vote of confidence was asked for in the House ~ a fact I brought to the attention of the-then editor of The Statesman who agreed with me it signified the CPI-M’s contempt for the parliamentary institution they have been ruling over for decades. By contrast, there is already talk in Britain of an early general election as soon as Gordon Brown takes over from Tony Blair.
It is the same contempt for democratic parliamentary norms that Mr Bhattacharjee and company reveal today in pushing through their diabolical plan to acquire farmers’ lands on behalf of their businessmen friends.
All of 37% of those voting in the 2006 Assembly Elections voted for the CPI-M. By contrast, 41.2% voted for Trinamul and Congress together. Add also the 11.4% of those who voted for the Forward Bloc, RSP and CPI all of whom though part of the Left Front have been opposing the CPI-M on this cardinal issue. That constitutes prima facie evidence that a majority of 52.6% vs. 37% of voters may oppose the CPI-M’s present course of action. Mr Bhattacharjee heads a Government that is supposed to act not merely in the interest of members or groups of his own party or those who have flattered or financed it, but everyone in West Bengal including those who voted against the CPI-M as well as those who did not vote at all.
Gerhard Schröder dissolved the German Bundestag in 2005 though his own party held a majority there. He did so merely because his party lost a provincial election and he felt that indicated loss of confidence in it at the federal level also. Such is how genuine modern democracies work. In India to the contrary, we have had notorious misuse of the Constitution when State Governments were dissolved merely because they were ruled by parties opposed to that which had won a Union-level General Election. Even so, India remains a Parliamentary democracy at Union and State levels, and the Government of the day may advise the Head of State to dissolve the House and call for new elections to be held. It may do so even when there is no legal necessity to do so, i.e., even when it is secure with a majority of seats. It may do so because a political necessity has arisen for doing so.
If Mr Bhattacharjee is a genuine democrat, as he wishes to convey an impression of being, he should advise the Governor to dissolve the Assembly because the CPI-M wishes to go to the people to seek a mandate for its plans for the State’s industrialisation and forced acquisition of farm lands towards that end. The Trinamul, Congress, SUCI, Maoists and others including perhaps the CPI, FB, RSP and others will state their opposition, while he, Mr Nirupam Sen and their party will be able to articulate for West Bengal’s voters exactly what they propose to do and why. The CPI-M is adamant its cause is right while the Opposition have been agitating in the streets for months, and miniature civil war conditions now prevail in parts of rural Bengal; worse may be yet to come. There is only one way in a supposedly democratic society like ours to discover what should be done, and that is to dissolve the Assembly and call an election. Both sides will have a chance to articulate their positions to the public, and a vote will be held. There the matter would end. It is the one constructive way forward for the State, and indeed for the nation as a whole. (Alternatively, the Governor could be advised to request the Election Commission to administer India’s first referendum on a single agreed-upon question like “The West Bengal Government’s industrialisation and land-acquisition plan deserves citizens’ support: Yes/No”.)
If an Assembly election comes to be called and the CPI-M falls below a pre-set target of the vote-share, say 33%, or the Left Front below, say, 45%, then Mr Bhattacharjee, even if he commands a majority of seats again, will know he has no mandate and that he must stop and reconsider what he is doing. As I have said in these columns, West Bengal’s main economic problems are financial, having to do with Rs. 92 billion (Rs 9,200 crore) being paid as annual interest on the State Public Debt in 2004, and this may reach Rs 200 billion shortly. Economic development of the State has precious little to do with private businessmen making small cars or motorcycles or putting up buildings for information technology institutes, as Mr Bhattacharjee and his Government have deluded themselves into believing.
CPI-M 2003 statement
Besides its lack of democratic mandate, what surprises most about the modern CPI-M is its sheer hypocrisy. This is a party whose “Central Committee” in June 2003 in Kolkata condemned “non-Left State Governments” for allegedly “giving away thousands of hectares of land either on sale or on lease at throw-away prices to multinational companies and domestic monopolists”, and the Union Government for allegedly issuing “a circular calling for forcible eviction of lakhs of adivasis from the land”. The Basu-Bhattacharjee CPI-M is now clearly hoist with its own petard. Tilak said that what Bengal thinks today, India will think tomorrow. It was not for nothing that he said it. If the CPI-M refers the land-acquisition question to the people in a free and fair election or referendum today, it will set a positive precedent for other States and parties in the country. If instead it pushes forward its current diabolical plans, the example it will have set will be one of initiating a class war in reverse, where the poor shall become poorer and the rich richer. India’s poorest consist of those rural inhabitants without land, and Government would have deliberately contributed to their numbers swelling.
(Author’s Note March 2007: The original article in its first paragraph referred mistakenly to Promode Dasgupta when Sailen Dasgupta had been meant, an error corrected in the next day’s paper.)
Land, Liberty & Value
December 31, 2006 — drsubrotoroyLAND, LIBERTY & VALUE
Government must act in good faith treating all citizens equally ~ not favouring organised business lobbies and organised labour over an unorganised peasantry
By SUBROTO ROY
First published in The Sunday Statesman Editorial Page Special Article, December 31 2006
EVERY farmer knows that two adjacent plots of land which look identical to the outsider may be very different in character, as different as two siblings of the same family. Adjacent plots may differ in access to groundwater and sunlight, in minerals and salts, in soil, fertilisers, parasites, weeds or a dozen other agronomic factors. Most of all, they will differ in the quality and ingenuity of thought and labour that has gone into their care and cultivation over the years, perhaps over generations.
John Locke said: “Whatsoever that (a man) removes out of the state that Nature hath provided and left it in, he hath mixed his labour with and joined to it something that is his own, and thereby makes it his property… For this labour being the unquestionable property of the labourer, no one but he can have a right to what that once joined to, at least where there is enough and as good left in common for others” (Second Treatise of Government). Plots of land are as specific as the families that have “mixed” their labour with them. Locke wrote of labour being something “unquestionably” the labourer’s own property; in the same libertarian vein, Robert Nozick opened Anarchy, State and Utopia saying “Individuals have rights, and there are things no person or group may do to them (without violating their rights)”.
But as we recognise the universal sanctity of the individual person and his/her private property, we have to start qualifying it. If you purchase a field, forest or estate through which runs a pathway traditionally used by the public to get from one side to the other then even as the new owner you may not have a right to forbid the public’s use of the pathway. By extension, it is clear the State, the community of which you are a citizen, may approach you and demand there should be and will be a public road or thoroughfare through your property in the common interest. Such is the sovereign’s right of “eminent domain” recognised throughout the world, not only in times of war or natural disaster but also in normal times where private property may be taken for public use. The individual’s right to free use of his/her property is circumscribed as a result.
What may be certainly expected though in all matters is that the State will act in good faith, i.e., that it has conducted proper technical surveys and cost-benefit analyses as well as transparent public hearings, and has honestly decided that the road must be constructed using this route and no other. The doctrine of eminent domain implies that while the right to private property may be basic, it is not absolute, as indeed no right is, not even the right to one’s own life. In India, one key difference between the landmark Golaknath (AIR 1967 SC 1643) and Kesavananda Bharati (AIR 1973 SC 1461) rulings had to do precisely with the former recognising the right to property being fundamental as in our original 1950 Constitution, while the latter consented to the Indira Parliament’s denial of this.
When private property is taken, fair compensation must be paid. For example, the American Constitution says “no private property may be taken for public use without just compensation”. What is just compensation? Typically it would be the “fair market value” — but that must be properly adjudged accounting for the best future use of the land, not merely the historical or traditional past use of the land.
Consider, in a mature urban real-estate market, a plot made vacant because a warehouse located on it has accidentally burned down. What is the value of the plot now? Another warehouse could be built, but other bids could come in too for construction of offices or residential flats or a multi-storey garage. The plot’s value would differ depending on which use it is ultimately put to. And this value would be ascertained by calculating the expected cash flows into the future from each of these possibilities, discounted appropriately to account for the fact the future is less valuable than the present, with the highest value alternative being chosen. That is how a mature private real-estate market works in theory, though in practice there would be zoning and environmental restrictions to account for the traditional nature of the neighbourhood as well as possible pollution by effluent waste etc.
In India, Government departments and ministries have inherited prime urban real estate from British times. Amidst the highest value real estate in Kolkata, Bangalore, Delhi etc. will be found a military camp or flats built for military personnel, having nothing whatsoever to do with furtherance of the nation’s defences today. The appalling state of government accounting and audit of our public property and institutions includes the fact that neither the Union nor State Governments and municipalities have the faintest idea of assets, including real estate, that they own. These public assets are frequently open to abuse by managerially uncontrolled government employees.
Fallacies even more curious seem to be currently at work in Indian policy-making, whether by this or that political party. The “eminent domain” doctrine requires a public purpose to exist for acquisition of private property by the State: e.g. construction of a road, bridge, dam, airport or some other traditional public good which is going to be used by the public. In India as elsewhere, “land reform” did involve taking an absentee landlord A’s land and distributing it to B, C, D and E who worked as peasants on it. But nowhere else outside formerly communist China has land been forcibly taken from peasants B, C, D and E and handed over to this or that private capitalist in name of economic development (in a reverse class war)!
Eminent domain doctrine requires good faith on part of the State with respect to its citizens and that implies treating all citizens’ interests equally – not e.g. favouring an organised business lobby or organised industrial labour over the unorganised peasantry uneducated in the wiles of city people.
Also, there is no reason why Government should be interested in a particular product-mix emerging out of a given private factory (such as the so-called inflation-unadjusted “Rs one lakh car” instead of telecom equipment or garments or textiles). Dr Manmohan Singh’s statement last week that he wishes to see “employment-intensive” industries merely added to Government confusion: from Henry Ford to Japanese “lean business” today, everyone knows the direction of change of technology in the automobile industry has been towards robotics, making modern manufacturing less and less manpower-intensive! The Tatas themselves underwent a major downsizing and restructuring in the last decade, hiving off industries not considered part of their “core competence”.
Traditional agriculture of Singur’s sort represents the most labour-intensive employment-generating kind of rural economy. While such rural life may appear unsatisfying to the urban outsider, there is, as Tolstoy, Rabindranath, Gandhi and others knew, subtle happiness, contentment and tranquility there absent in alienated industrial sprawls. “Surplus” labour occurs in agriculture because of technological improvements in quality and delivery of agricultural inputs as well as new education and awareness (Theodore W. Schultz,Transforming Traditional Agriculture). It is mostly seasonal and all hands are used during the harvest when even urban migrants flock back to help. Industry did not leave Bengal in the 1960s and 1970s because of Mamata Banerjee but because of urban unrest, the culture of gheraos and lockouts, and bad regulations of the labour and capital markets associated largely with Ms Banerjee’s Left Front adversaries.
The basic fiction the Union and State Governments have made themselves believe is that their idea of an industrialisation plan is necessary for economic development. It is not. Real economic problems in West Bengal and elsewhere are financial to do with State budgets. “Debt overhang is there” is how the RBI Governor apologetically put it last week. Interest payments on the West Bengal State public debt consume larger and larger fractions of the revenue: these payments were at Rs 13 Bn in 1995 but grew to Rs. 92 Bn by 2004, and may jump to Rs 200 Bn in the next decade. The communists have been in power thirty years and no one but they are responsible. Making the State’s budget healthy would require tackling the gargantuan bureaucracy, slashing ministerial extravagance (foreign trips, VIP security) etc. It is much easier to hobnob with the rich and powerful while tear-gassing the peasants.
What To Tell Musharraf: Peace Is Impossible Without Non-Aggressive Pakistani Intentions
December 15, 2006 — drsubrotoroyWhat to tell Musharraf:
Peace Is Impossible Without Non-Aggressive Pakistani Intentions
First published in The Statesman December 15, 2006,
Editorial Page Special Article
by
SUBROTO ROY
In June 1989 a project at an American university involving Pakistani and other scholars, including one Indian, led to the book Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s published in Karachi, New Delhi and elsewhere. The book reached Nawaz Sharif and the Islamabad elite, and General Musharraf’s current proposal on J&K, endorsed warmly by the US State Department last week, derives from the last paragraph of its editorial introduction: “Kashmir… must be demilitarised and unified by both countries sooner or later, and it must be done without force. There has been enough needless bloodshed on the subcontinent… Modern Pakistanis and Indians are free peoples who can voluntarily agree in their own interests to alter the terms set hurriedly by Attlee or Mountbatten in the Indian Independence Act 1947. Nobody but we ourselves keeps us prisoners of superficial definitions of who we are or might be. The subcontinent could evolve its political identity over a period of time on the pattern of Western Europe, with open borders and (common) tariffs to the outside world, with the free movement of people, capital, ideas and culture. Large armed forces could be reduced and transformed in a manner that would enhance the security of each nation. The real and peaceful economic revolution of the masses of the subcontinent would then be able to begin.”
The editors as economists decried the waste of resources involved in the Pakistan-India confrontation, saying it had “greatly impoverished the general budgets of both Pakistan and India. If it has benefited important sections of the political and military elites of both countries, it has done so only at the expense of the general welfare of the masses.”
International law
Such words may have been bold in the early 1990s but today, a decade and a half later, they seem incomplete and rather naïve even to their author, who was myself, the only Indian in that project. Most significantly, the position in international law in the context of historical facts had been wholly neglected. So had been the manifest nature of the contemporary Pakistani state.
Jammu & Kashmir became an entity in international law when the Treaty of Amritsar was signed between Gulab Singh and the British on March 16 1846. British India itself became an entity in international law much later, possibly as late as June 1919 when it signed the Treaty of Versailles. As for Pakistan, it had no existence in world history or international law until August 14 1947, when the British created it as a new entity out of certain demarcated areas of British India and gave it the status of a Dominion. British India dissolved itself on August 15 1947 and the Dominion of India became its successor-state in international law on that date. As BR Ambedkar pointed out at the time, the new India automatically inherited British India’s suzerainty over any and all remaining “princely” states of so-called “Indian India”. In case of J&K in particular, there never was any question of it being recognised as an independent entity in global international law.
The new Pakistan, by entering a Standstill Agreement with J&K as of August 15 1947, did locally recognise J&K’s sovereignty over its decision whether to join Pakistan or India. But this Pakistani recognition lasted only until the attack on J&K that commenced from Pakistani territory as of October 22 1947, an attack in which Pakistani forces were complicit (something which, in different and mutating senses, has continued ever since). The Dominion of India had indicated it might have consented if J&K’s Ruler had decided to accede to Pakistan in the weeks following the dissolution of British India. But no such thing happened: what did happen was the descent of J&K into a condition of legal anarchy.
Beginning with the Pakistani attack on J&K as of October 22 upto and including the Rape of Baramulla and the British-led Pakistani coup détat in Gilgit on one side, and the arrival of Indian forces as well as mobilization by Sheikh Abdullah and Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad of J&K’s civilians to repel the Pakistani invaders on the other side, the State of Jammu & Kashmir became an ownerless entity in international law. In Roman Law, from which all modern international and municipal law ultimately derives, the ownership of an ownerless entity is open to be determined by “military decision”. The January 1949 Ceasefire Line that came to be renamed the Line of Control after the 1971 Bangladesh War, demarcates the respective territories that the then-Dominions and later Republics of India and Pakistan acquired by “military decision” of the erstwhile State of J&K which had come to cease to exist.
What the Republic of India means by saying today that boundaries cannot be redrawn nor any populations forcibly transferred is quite simply that the division of erstwhile J&K territory is permanent, and that sovereignty over it is indivisible. It is only sheer ignorance on the part of General Musharraf’s Indian interviewer the other day which caused it to be said that Pakistan was willing to “give up” its claim on erstwhile J&K State territory which India has held: Pakistan has never had nor even made such a claim in international law. What Pakistan has claimed is that India has been an occupier and that there are many people inhabiting the Indian area who may not wish to be Indian nationals and who are being compelled against their will to remain so ~ forgetting to add that precisely the same could be said likewise of the Pakistani-held area.
Accordingly, the lawful solution proposed in these pages a year ago to resolve that matter, serious as it is, has been that the Republic of India invite every person covered under Article 370, citizen-by- citizen, under a condition of full information, to privately and without fear decide, if he/she has not done so already, between possible Indian, Iranian, Afghan or Pakistani nationalities ~ granting rights and obligations of permanent residents to any of those persons who may choose for whatever private reason not to remain Indian nationals. If Pakistan acted likewise, the problem of J&K would indeed come to be resolved. The Americans, as self- appointed mediators, have said they wish “the people of the region to have a voice” in a solution: there can be no better expression of such voice than allowing individuals to privately choose their own nationalities and their rights and responsibilities accordingly. The issue of territorial sovereignty is logically distinct from that of the choice of nationality by individual inhabitants.
Military de-escalation
Equally significant though in assessing whether General Musharraf’s proposal is an anachronism, is Pakistan’s history since 1947: through Ayub’s 1965 attack, the civil war and secession of Bangladesh, the Afghan war and growth of the ISI, the Kargil incursion, the 1999 coup détat, and, once or twice removed, the 9/11 attacks against America. It is not a history that allows any confidence to arise in Indians that we are not dealing with a country misgoverned by a tiny arrogant exploitative military elite who remain hell-bent on aggression against us. Like the USA and USSR twenty years ago, what we need to negotiate about, and negotiate hard about, is an overall mutual military drawdown and de-escalation appropriate to lack of aggressive intent on both sides. Is General Musharraf willing to discuss that? It would involve reciprocal verifiable assessment of one another’s reasonable military requirements on the assumption that each was not a threatening enemy of the other. That was how the USA-USSR drawdown and de-escalation occurred successfully. If General Musharraf is unwilling to enter such a discussion, there is hardly anything to talk about with him. We should wait for democracy to return.
Mob Violence and Psychology (2006)
December 10, 2006 — drsubrotoroyMob Violence and Psychology
Mob violence remains a monthly occurrence in modern India; it gives the lie to our claims of political maturity and democratic development.
By SUBROTO ROY
First published in The Sunday Statesman Editorial Page Special Article
December 10 2006
Mob violence certainly signals collapse of the Rule of Law and absence of normal political conversation and decision-making. Mob violence in modern India remains a monthly occurrence: a child is killed by a speeding bus, the driver if he is caught is thrashed to death by a mob of onlookers and the bus burnt down; a factory closes and workers go on a rampage; a statue or political personality or religious figure is perceived to have been insulted or desecrated, and crowds take to the streets to burn vehicles and cause mayhem; a procession is said to be insulted, and rival mobs go to battle with one another. (In fact, elected legislators in Parliament and State Assemblies frequently conflate mob behaviour like slogan-shouting with political conversation itself, carrying into the House the political methods they have learned to employ outside it. And contrary to what our legislators may suppose, they do need to be constantly lectured to by the general citizenry whose paid servants they are supposed to be).
Such may be relatively simple cases to describe or diagnose. More complex cases include the deliberate burning alive of Graham Staines and his two young sons by a mob in 1999 as they slept in their vehicle in rural Orissa, or countless deeds of similar savagery during Partition and the innumerable other riots we have seen in the history of our supposedly tolerant and non-violent culture.
We are not unique in our propensity for evil. French women knitted and gossiped watching the guillotine do its bloody work during the Jacobin terror. Long before them, as the Catholic scholar Eamon Duffy reports in Faith of our fathers, Pope Gregory IX in 1233 had initiated the “Inquisition”: two anonymous witnesses could cause any person to be arrested as a heretic, tortured and then burnt alive. In 1484, Pope Innocent VIII endorsed “witches” to be burnt, causing “deaths of countless thousands of harmless or eccentric women over the next 300 years. In all, as many as 25,000 people, most of them women may have been burnt as witches in Germany” alone. American history has seen countless cases of mob violence, from witch-burnings and other religious violence to cold-blooded lynching on trees of individual black men by white mobs, black mobs looting inner cities, street clashes between political groups etc. Soviet Russia and Maoist China saw systematic ideologically driven violence by Party cadres and “Red Guards” against countless individuals ~ forced to confess to imaginary misdeeds, then assaulted or shot. Nazi Germany, Czarist Russia and many other countries saw mobs attacking, dispossessing or killing individual Jews and innumerable others, again in systematic ideologically motivated pogroms. Indeed as Hannah Arendt and others have noted, the similarities between totalitarian regimes as outwardly different as Nazi Germany and Soviet Russia or Communist China included the ideologically driven targeting of identifiable small minorities for systematic violence by majorities in power. Even Tony Blair’s supposedly Cool Britannia today, besides having the most notorious soccer hooligans in the world, is also a place where no individual, non-white or white, will pass a drunken mob of adolescent school-children on the streets on a Friday night without trepidation.
Every case of mob violence is different; yet what could be common is a temporary, if deliberate, suspension of the normal human sense of responsibility on part of a mob’s individual members. Reason and responsibility return if at all only after the evil has been accomplished ~ whether it is killing or assaulting someone or destroying something ~ and it can be accompanied by a sense of remorse and regret. Even where mob tyranny has been systematic, long-term, ideologically-driven and state-sponsored, as with the Inquisition or French Revolution or Nazi, Soviet or Chinese terrors, future generations look back at the past misdeeds of their ancestors and say: “That was wrong, very wrong, it should never have happened”. Moral learning does take place at some time or other, even if it is long after the evil has occurred. It is as if, when sobriety and rationality return, an individual participant in a mob realises and recognises himself/herself to have revealed a baser ignoble side which is shameful.
“Sometimes a society acts as if all power lay in the hands of the most babyish and animal members, and sometimes as if all power lay in the hands of strict old men, and sometimes it acts more as a whole ~ mostly when there’s a war on. Sometimes a man is not himself and acts as if a babyish or cunning animal had gained control ~ that’s the id ~ sometimes as if an exacting parent, a sarcastic schoolmaster, or an implacable deity possessed him ~ that’s the super-ego. Sometimes a man is more himself and acts more as a whole, a new whole which is not a combination but a synthesis of the id and the super-ego. Some are constantly at the mercy of the id, some are slaves to the super- ego, and in some first one and then the other gains an unhappy victory in a continual struggle, and in some conflict and control have vanished into cooperation…” Such was the description the Cambridge philosopher John Wisdom gave in Philosophy and Psychoanalysis in the 1940s and 1950s, when he translated into normal idiomatic language some of the difficult technical findings and theories of the mind propounded by Sigmund Freud in the previous half-century.
When the mob forms itself, its members individually choose to suppress their normal rational personalities and sense of adult responsibility, and permit instead their cunning animal or babyish instincts to take over and reign supreme within themselves. It must be a collective decision even if silently taken: for one person to behave in such a manner would look identifiably stupid and criminal but for him/her to do so in a group where everyone has simultaneously decided to abandon reason (whether spontaneously or shouting slogans together) allows the loss of individual responsibility to become hidden in the mass, and the collective to take on features of a hydra-headed monster, capable of the vilest deeds without the slightest self-doubt. The victim of their violence or abuse will often be an individual who stands out in some way ~ perhaps by natural or social attributes or even by heroic deeds: indeed Freud suggested that primitive tribes sometimes engaged in parricide and regicide, cannibalising their individual heroes in the belief that by consuming something of the hero’s remains those attributes might magically reappear in themselves.
In modern India, the presence of mob violence on a monthly basis somewhere or other in the country gives the lie to our claims of maturity of our political and democratic development. Those posing as our political leaders may make as many foreign trips and wooden prepared speeches on TV as they wish to, but their actual cowardice is manifest in having failed to address the real disjunction that exists in this country between political interests and political preferences at the grassroots on the one hand, and the lack of serious parliamentary conversation addressing these within our representative institutions on the other. The reliance by the Executive on often brutal police or paramilitary forces reflects failure of the Legislative and Judicial branches of our Government, as well as a lack of balance between them arising from our political and constitutional immaturity.
History of Jammu & Kashmir (2006)
October 30, 2006 — drsubrotoroyHistory of Jammu & Kashmir
by
Subroto Roy
First published in two parts in The Sunday Statesman, Oct 29 2006
and The Statesman Oct 30 2006, Editorial Page Special Article.
At the advent of Islam in distant Arabia, India and Kashmir in particular were being visited by Chinese Buddhist pilgrims during Harsha’s reign. The great “Master of Law” Hiuen Tsiang visited between 629-645 and spent 631-633 in Kashmir (“Kia-chi-mi-lo”), describing it to include Punjab, Kabul and Kandahar. Over the next dozen centuries, Buddhist, Hindu, Muslim, Sikh and again Hindu monarchs came to rule the 85 mile long 40 mile wide territory on the River Jhelum’s upper course known as Srinagar Valley, as well as its adjoining Jammu in the upper plains of the Punjab and “Little Tibet” consisting of Laddakh, Baltistan and Gilgit.
In 1344, a Persian adventurer from Swat or Khorasan by name of Amir or Mirza, who had “found his way into the Valley and in time gained great influence at the Raja’s court”, proclaimed himself Sultan Shamsuddin after the death of the last Hindu monarchs of medieval Kashmir. Twelve of his descendants formed the Shamiri dynasty including the notorious Sikander and the just and tolerant Zainulabidin. Sikander who ruled 1386-1410 “submitted himself” to the Uzbek Taimur the Lame when he approached Kashmir in 1398 “and thus saved the country from invasion”. Otherwise, “Sikander was a gloomy ferocious bigot, and his zeal in destroying temples and idols was so intense that he is remembered as the Idol-Breaker. He freely used the sword to propagate Islam and succeeded in forcing the bulk of the population to conform outwardly to the Muslim religion. Most of the Brahmins refused to apostatise, and many of them paid with their lives the penalty for their steadfastness. Many others were exiled, and only a few conformed.”
Zainulabidin who ruled 1417-1467 “was a man of very different type”. “He adopted the policy of universal toleration, recalled the exiled Brahmins, repealed the jizya or poll-tax on Hindus, and even permitted new temples to be built. He abstained from eating flesh, prohibited the slaughter of kine, and was justly venerated as a saint. He encouraged literature, painting and music, and caused many translations to be made of works composed in Sanskrit, Arabic and other languages.” During his “long and prosperous reign”, he “constructed canals and built many mosques; he was just and tolerant”.
The Shamiri dynasty ended in 1541 when “some fugitive chiefs of the two local factions of the Makri and the Chakk invited Mirza Haidar Dughlat, a relation of Babar, to invade Kashmir. The country was conquered and the Mirza held it (nominally in name of Humayan) till 1551, when he was killed in a skirmish. The line… was restored for a few years, until in 1559 a Chakk leader, Ghazi Shah, usurped the throne; and in the possession of his descendants it remained for nearly thirty years.” This dynasty marks the origins of Shia Islam in Srinagar though Shia influence in Gilgit, Baltistan and Laddakh was of longer standing. Constant dissensions weakened the Chakks, and in 1586, Akbar, then at Attock on the Indus, sent an army under Raja Bhagwan Das into Srinagar Valley and easily made it part of his Empire.
Shivaism and Islam both flourished, and Hindu ascetics and Sufi saints were revered by all. Far from Muslims and Hindus forming distinct nations, here they were genetically related kinsmen living in proximity in a small isolated area for centuries. Indeed Zainulabidin may have had a vast unspoken influence on the history of all India insofar as Akbar sought to attempt in his empire what Zainulabidin achieved in the Valley. Like Zainulabidin, Akbar’s governance of India had as its “constant aim” “to conciliate the Hindus and to repress Muslim bigotry” which in modern political parlance may be seen as the principle of secular governance ~ of conciliating the powerless (whether majority or minority) and repressing the bigotry of the powerful (whether minority or majority). Akbar had made the Valley the summer residence of the Mughals, and it was Jahangir, seeing the Valley for the first time, who apparently said the words agar behest baushad, hamee in hast, hamee in hast, hamee in hast: “if Heaven exists, it is here, it is here, it is here”. Yet like other isolated paradises (such as the idyllic islands of the Pacific Ocean) an accursed mental ether can accompany the magnificent beauty of people’s surroundings. As the historian put it: “The Kashmiris remained secure in their inaccessible Valley; but they were given up to internal weakness and discord, their political importance was gone…”
After the Mughals collapsed, Iran’s Turkish ruler Nadir Shah sacked Delhi in 1739 but the Iranian court fell in disarray upon his death. In 1747 a jirga of Pashtun tribes at Kandahar “broke normal tradition” and asked an old Punjabi holy man and shrine-keeper to choose between two leaders; this man placed young wheat in the hand of the 25 year old Ahmed Shah Saddozai of the Abdali tribe, and titled him “Durrani”. Five years later, Durrani took Kashmir and for the next 67 years the Valley was under Pashtun rule, a time of “unmitigated brutality and widespread distress”. Durrani himself “was wise, prudent and simple”, never declared himself king and wore no crown, instead keeping a stick of young wheat in his turban. Leaving India, he famously recited: “The Delhi throne is beautiful indeed, but does it compare with the mountains of Kandahar?”
Kashmir’s modern history begins with Ranjit Singh of the Sikhs who became a soldier at 12, and in 1799 at age 19 was made Lahore’s Governor by Kabul’s Zaman Shah. Three years later “he made himself master of Amritsar”, and in 1806 crossed the River Sutlej and took Ludhiana. He created a fine Sikh infantry and cavalry under former officers of Napoleon, and with 80,000 trained men and 500 guns took Multan and Peshawar, defeated the Pashtuns and overran Kashmir in 1819. The “cruel rule” of the Pashtuns ended “to the great relief of Kashmir’s inhabitants”.
The British Governor-General Minto (ancestor of the later Viceroy), seeing advantage in the Sikhs staying north of the Sutlej, sent Charles Metcalfe, “a clever young civilian”, to persuade the Khalsa; in 1809, Ranjit Singh and the British in the first Treaty of Amritsar agreed to establish “perpetual amity”: the British would “have no concern” north of the Sutlej and Ranjit Singh would keep only minor personnel south of it. In 1834 and 1838 Ranjit Singh was struck by paralysis and died in 1839, leaving no competent heir. The Sikh polity collapsed, “their power exploded, disappearing in fierce but fast flames”. It was “a period of storm and anarchy in which assassination was the rule” and the legitimate line of his son and grandson, Kharak Singh and Nao Nihal Singh was quickly extinguished. In 1845 the Queen Regent, mother of the five-year old Dalip Singh, agreed to the Khalsa ending the 1809 Treaty. After bitter battles that might have gone either way, the Khalsa lost at Sobraon on 10 February 1846, and accepted terms of surrender in the 9 March 1846 Treaty of Lahore. The kingdom had not long survived its founder: “created by the military and administrative genius of one man, it crumbled into powder when the spirit which gave it life was withdrawn; and the inheritance of the Khalsa passed into the hands of the English.”
Ranjit Singh’s influence on modern J&K was even greater through his having mentored the Rajput Gulab Singh Dogra (1792-1857) and his brothers Dhyan Singh and Suchet Singh. Jammu had been ruled by Ranjit Deo until 1780 when the Sikhs made it tributary to the Lahore Court. Gulab Singh, a great grand nephew of Ranjit Deo, had left home at age 17 in search of a soldierly fortune, and ended up in 1809 in Ranjit Singh’s army, just when Ranjit Singh had acquired for himself a free hand to expand his domains north of the River Sutlej.
Gulab Singh, an intrepid soldier, by 1820 had Jammu conferred upon him by Ranjit Singh with the title of Raja, while Bhimber, Chibal, Poonch and Ramnagar went to his brothers. Gulab Singh, “often unscrupulous and cruel, was a man of considerable ability and efficiency”; he “found his small kingdom a troublesome charge but after ten years of constant struggles he and his two brothers became masters of most of the country between Kashmir and the Punjab”, though Srinagar Valley itself remained under a separate Governor appointed by the Lahore Court. Gulab Singh extended Jammu’s rule from Rawalpindi, Bhimber, Rajouri, Bhadarwah and Kishtwar, across Laddakh and into Tibet. His General Zorawar Singh led six expeditions into Laddakh between 1834 and 1841 through Kishtwar, Padar and Zanskar. In May 1841, Zorawar left Leh with an army of 5000 Dogras and Laddakhis and advanced on Tibet. Defeating the Tibetans at Rudok and Tashigong, he reached Minsar near Lake Mansarovar from where he advanced to Taklakot (Purang), 15 miles from the borders of Nepal and Kumaon, and built a fort stopping for the winter. Lhasa sent large re-inforcements to meet him. Zorawar, deciding to take the offensive, was killed in the Battle of Toyu, on 11-12 December 1841 at 16,000 feet.
A Laddakhi rebellion resulted against Jammu, aided now by the advancing Tibetans. A new army was sent under Hari Chand suppressing the rebellion and throwing back the Tibetans, leading to a peace treaty between Lhasa and Jammu signed on 17 September 1842: “We have agreed that we have no ill-feelings because of the past war. The two kings will henceforth remain friends forever. The relationship between Maharajah Gulab Singh of Kashmir and the Lama Guru of Lhasa (Dalai Lama) is now established. The Maharajah Sahib, with God (Kunchok) as his witness, promises to recognise ancient boundaries, which should be looked after by each side without resorting to warfare. When the descendants of the early kings, who fled from Laddakh to Tibet, now return they will not be stopped by Shri Maharajah. Trade between Laddakh and Tibet will continue as usual. Tibetan government traders coming into Laddakh will receive free transport and accommodations as before, and the Laddakhi envoy will, in turn, receive the same facilities in Lhasa. The Laddakhis take an oath before God (Kunchok) that they will not intrigue or create new troubles in Tibetan territory. We have agreed, with God as witness, that Shri Maharajah Sahib and the Lama Guru of Lhasa will live together as members of the same household.” The traditional boundary between Laddakh and Tibet “as recognised by both sides since olden times” was accepted by the envoys of Gulab Singh and the Dalai Lama.
An earlier 1684 treaty between Laddakh and Lhasa had said that while Laddakh would send tribute to Lhasa every three years, “the king of Laddakh reserves to himself the village of Minsar in Ngarees-khor-sum, that he may be independent there; and he sets aside its revenue for the purpose of meeting the expense involved in keeping up the sacrificial lights at Kangree (Kailas), and the Holy Lakes of Mansarovar and Rakas Tal”. The area around Minsar village near Lake Mansarovar, held by the rulers of Laddakh since 1583, was retained by Jammu in the 1842 peace-treaty, and its revenue was received by J&K State until 1948.
After Ranjit Singh’s death in 1839, Gulab Singh was alienated from the Lahore Court where the rise of his brothers and a nephew aroused enough Khalsa jealousy to see them assassinated in palace intrigues. While the Sikhs imploded, Gulab Singh had expanded his own dominion from Rawalpindi to Minsar ~ everywhere except Srinagar Valley itself. He had apparently advised the Sikhs not to attack the British in breach of the 1809 Treaty, and when they did so he had not joined them, though had he done so British power in North India might have been broken. The British were grateful for his neutrality and also his help in their first misbegotten adventure in Afghanistan. It was Gulab Singh who was now encouraged by both the British and the Sikhs to mediate between them, indeed “to take a leading part in arranging conditions of peace”, and he formally represented the Sikh regency in the negotiations. The 9 March 1846 Treaty of Lahore “set forth that the British Government having demanded in addition to a certain assignment of territory, a payment of a crore and a half of rupees, and the Sikh Government being unable to pay the whole”, Dalip Singh “should cede as equivalent to one crore the hill country belonging to the Punjab between the Beas and the Indus including Kashmir and the Hazara”.
For the British to occupy the whole of this mountainous territory was judged unwise on economic and military grounds; it was not feasible to occupy from a military standpoint and the area “with the exception of the small Valley of Kashmir” was “for the most part unproductive”. “On the other hand, the ceded tracts comprised the whole of the hereditary possessions of Gulab Singh, who, being eager to obtain an indefeasible title to them, came forward and offered to pay the war indemnity on condition that he was made the independent ruler of Jammu & Kashmir.
A separate treaty embodying this arrangement was thus concluded between the British and Gulab Singh at Amritsar on 16 March 1846.” Gulab Singh acknowledged the British Government’s supremacy, and in token of it agreed to present annually to the British Government “one horse, twelve shawl goats of approved breed and three pairs of Kashmir shawls. This arrangement was later altered; the annual presentation made by the Kashmir State was confined to two Kashmir shawls and three romals (handkerchiefs).” The Treaty of Amritsar “put Gulab Singh, as Maharaja, in possession of all the hill country between the Indus and the Ravi, including Kashmir, Jammu, Laddakh and Gilgit; but excluding Lahoul, Kulu and some areas including Chamba which for strategic purposes, it was considered advisable (by the British) to retain and for which a remission of Rs 25 lakhs was made from the crore demanded, leaving Rs 75 lakhs as the final amount to be paid by Gulab Singh.” The British retained Hazara which in 1918 was included into NWFP. Through an intrigue emanating from Prime Minister Lal Singh in Lahore, Imamuddin, the last Sikh-appointed Governor of Kashmir, sought to prevent Gulab Singh taking possession of the Valley in accordance with the Treaty’s terms. By December 1846 Gulab Singh had done so, though only with help of a British force which included 17,000 Sikh troops “who had been fighting in the campaign just concluded”. (Contemporary British opinion even predicted Sikhism like Buddhism “would become extinct in a short time if it were not kept alive by the esprit de corps of the Sikh regiments”.)
The British in 1846 may have been glad enough to allow Gulab Singh take independent charge of the new entity that came to be now known as the “State of Jammu & Kashmir”. Later, however. they and their American allies would grow keen to control or influence the region vis-à-vis their new interests against the Russian and Soviet Empires.
see also
A Brief History of Gilgit
My Seventy-One Articles, Notes Etc on Kashmir, Pakistan, & of course, India (plus my undelivered Lahore lectures)
Pakistan’s & India’s Illusions of Power (Psychosis vs Vanity)
Justice & Afzal
October 14, 2006 — drsubrotoroyJustice & Afzal
first published in The Sunday Statesman Editorial Page
October 14, 2006
There is a difference between law and equity (or natural justice). The power of pardon is an equitable power. Commuting a death-sentence is a partial pardon
By SUBROTO ROY
“Fiat justitia pereat mundus” ~let justice be done even if the world shall perish ~ is a maxim only Immanuel Kant among the great philosophers may have wished to maintain. Yet it serves to remind us that there exist wrong reasons for carrying out as well as wrong reasons for not carrying out the death-sentence on Afzal Guru. Wrong reasons for carrying out the death-sentence include saying that only by his death will families of the victims of the Parliament attack receive satisfaction (justice is hardly the same thing as revenge) or that only thereby can the Indian Republic show itself to be standing up to terrorism. Wrong reasons for not carrying out the death-sentence include saying Afzal’s death would be seen as unjust by many people in J&K and result in further civil or political turmoil there or elsewhere, or that more terrorism will result.
Justice should be done and be seen to be done to Afzal by the Indian Republic ~ here as elsewhere, justice is a matter between an individual and the State. The question remains open whether such justice involves his death or his imprisonment for life or even his being paroled in due course. Unlike Praveen Mahajan for example, Afzal has not committed premeditated first-degree murder or parricide. He is from an Indian State where there has existed some separatist sentiment for decades, and evidently he has been an accomplice to an act of war against India involving attempted kidnapping or mass murder. If he is an Indian national, he may have been treasonous and seditious; if he is a Pakistani national or wishes to be treated as such, he may have been some kind of spy, agent provocateur or saboteur, or an accomplice of such people. The moral question before India today has to do with what precisely is the nature and quality of justice to be dispensed in this particular case, in these particular factual circumstances as far as presently known, given all the principles, precedents, rules and laws available.
Someone may fairly wonder how or why it is possible the President of India has any discretion at all left to commute a sentence of death once the judiciary up until the Supreme Court of India has spoken. The answer has to do with the subtle distinction that is still made in common law countries like Britain, the USA and India between law and equity or “natural justice”. Britain ever since the 13th Century has had an institution known as “Lord Chancellor” in whose person came to be combined the highest judicial and executive roles (Tony Blair’s New Labour Government is due to abolish it). “Chancery” or courts of equity traditionally were parallel to courts of law, recognising that normal legal processes may cause justice to sometimes fail (especially in corrupt times) and hence require direct executive intervention. In the United States today, equity is embodied in Rule 60(b) of the Federal Rules, and federal courts are empowered to oversee all other courts including themselves for violations of natural justice.
By way of example having nothing necessarily to do with capital punishment, “solicitation of counsel, clerks or judges” is embracery curialis, recognized as extrinsic fraud and subversion of justice since Jepps 72 E R 924 (1611), “firmly established in English practice long before the foundation” of the USA, Hazel Atlas, 322 US 238 (1943). “Embracery is an offense striking at the very foundation of civil society” says Corpus Juris 20, 496. A court of equity has inherent power to investigate if a judgement has been obtained by fraud, and that is a power to unearth it effectively, since no fraud is more odious than one to subvert justice. Cases include when “by reason of something done by the successful party… there was in fact no adversary trial or decision of the issue in the case. Where the unsuccessful party has been prevented from exhibiting fully his case, by fraud or deception practised on him by his opponent, as … where an attorney fraudulently or without authority assumes to represent a party and connives at his defeat; or where the attorney regularly employed corruptly sells out his client’s interest to the other side ~ these, and similar cases which show that there has never been a real contest in the trial or hearing of the case, are reasons for which a new suit may be sustained to set aside and annul the former judgment or decree, and open the case for a new and a fair hearing….” Hazel Atlas. Fraud on the court includes that “perpetrated by officers of the court so that the judicial machinery cannot perform in the usual manner its impartial task of adjudging cases that are presented for adjudication” Moore’s Federal Practice 60-360.
Equitable action under Rule 60(b) can vacate judgment whenever such action is appropriate to accomplish justice. (In contemporary American federal judicial processes at least in the present author’s experience over two decades, this rather subtle branch of jurisprudence may have become known, however, more in its breach than fulfilment).
The power of pardon is one such supra-legal equitable power of the executive authority. For a state’s chief executive to pardon a crime is to release someone of guilt or to remit punishment. In Britain, the power is with the Government’s Home Office and in the old Commonwealth it was delegated to the Governor-General. In the USA it is a power of the President or State Governors to pardon crimes, and the most famous case was that of President Gerald Ford pardoning his predecessor Richard M. Nixon. Pervez Musharraf recently pardoned A Q Khan. Both highlight the fact the power of granting a full pardon is to be exercised rarely, and may be justifiable only on grounds of “Reasons of State” where someone has done something unlawful which the State is willing to condone for sake of some greater good in the national interest. But a pardon also can be partial, requiring the offender fulfil a condition such as serving a lesser substituted punishment. Commuting a death sentence by requiring the offender to serve life in prison is this sort of conditional pardon.
In India today, the President under Article 72 of the Constitution is empowered “to grant pardons, reprieves, respites or remissions of punishment or to suspend, remit or commute” a sentence of death and also intervene in other cases. Article 161 gives a lesser power to State Governors. These are singular examples of the acknowledged presence of equity in modern Indian jurisprudence, though our customary laws remain a vast untapped source of natural justice, (viz. Tagore Law Lectures 1905-1906 by SN Roy). Just last week, a Supreme Court bench of Justice Arijit Pasayat and Justice SH Kapadia ruled the power of reprieve, pardon or remission of sentence may not be exercised for “political considerations or on the basis of religion, caste or other extraneous factors”. There must be bona fide valid reasons. The bench set aside an Andhra Pradesh order passed by a Governor from the Congress Party remitting the sentence of imprisonment awarded to a Congress leader in a murder case involving a Telegu Desam Party victim. In an egregious violation of his discretion, the Governor had said the sentence already undergone was sufficient and directed release, but the Supreme Court in November 2005 admitted a petition challenging the order and stayed it. The Court has now held that exercise of the power is subject to judicial review and it may not be exercised for extraneous, political or mala fide reasons. The Court has thereby enlarged its role in equity (or natural justice) similar to that which American federal courts have had under Rule 60(b). There is also an argument for abolishing Article 161.
In cases of equitable treatment of capital punishment in India today like that of Afzal (or Dhananjay before him), the fact the Executive has notoriously starved our Judiciary of adequate resources ever since Independence (The Statesman, 26 February 2006) also may not be something irrelevant to evaluating the likelihood of a mistake having been made. All things considered, if justice is to be done and seen to be done in Afzal’s case, the Indian Republic should be in no hurry whatsoever in deciding to either execute him or to even release him.
From Facebook 31 March 2014
Why was Afzal hanged in such a hurry and almost in secret? Why did the BJP bay for his death so loudly every day, getting the Congress scared they would lose an election if they did not? Competitive foolishness just as over Telengana. Afzal had not pulled any trigger. That it was an avoidable injustice is made apparent by the Supreme Court commuting the death sentences of other political murderers, including Rajiv Gandhi’s killers and now Bhullar…
From Facebook 24 November 2012
I did not think Kasab should have been hanged principally as it was on the basis of his evidence that India cracked the case and he deserved some jurisprudential credit for that. He was the star witness for the prosecution against the terrorist masterminds who had sent him. Separately, I also do not believe, all things considered, that Afzal should be hanged, though there may be nothing defective in law against his conviction and sentence and he has had some legal bad luck. The law of pardon or commutation is of an equitable nature, beyond the normal law itself…His cooperation with the police would be the reason for his life to be spared — besides the fact that he pulled no trigger to kill anyone himself nor caused anyone else to do so.
From Facebook August 12 2011:
Subroto Roy has now for the first time been able to read the Supreme Court judgement affirming Afzal Guru’s death sentence, commuting Shaukat’s, and affirming the acquittal of Gillani. It does not seem defective in law. Afzal Guru was perhaps misrepresented by lawyers or misled himself into confessing his crimes very early on. But hand-in-glove with the murderous terrorists he certainly appears to have been. The fact he helped the police with his confession may be the only equitable reason for the President to commute the sentence.
New Foreign Policy? (8-9 Oct 2006)
October 9, 2006 — drsubrotoroyNEW FOREIGN POLICY? “Kiss Up, Kick Down”?
Seven phases of Indian foreign policy may be identifiable since Nehru; the current phase seems to involve subservience to the strong, jingoism otherwise
by Subroto Roy
First published in The Sunday Statesman 8 Oct 2006, The Statesman 9 Oct 2006 Editorial Page Special Article
The outlines of a new tri-partisan Indian foreign policy may be becoming discernible. That it is “new” or that it commands near unanimity among the Congress, BJP and “Left” and their respective friends in the Indian media and political classes, does not make it sound or robust in any way. In fact, its basis in the history, geography and economics of India is wholly inadequate, and it is also entirely divorced from any clearly enunciated new Indian political ethics for the modern world.
The new policy, which may be fairly dubbed the Jaswant-Manmohan policy after the BJP and Congress politicians who have been its putative authors and leading practitioners, is as likely as not to lead to an India that is no longer a free decision-maker in any meaningful way in world affairs by 2047, one hundred years after Independence. Our great grandchildren may well be taught that for some decades in Indian history a sovereign unitary republic actually existed which then came to be effectively lost.
Indeed the new policy may amount to being less a coherent new doctrine of India’s role in international relations than a mere change in attitude on the part of politicians, bureaucrats and their intelligentsia friends: from seeming universally arrogant in the world to becoming pliant and subservient towards those world powers perceived (accurately or inaccurately) as strong, combined with a vainglorious jingoism towards all others. It is an application to international diplomacy and politics of the classic bureaucratic principle of “kiss up, kick down” in an organisation, and may reflect the fact the two main institutions the Mughals and British used to run their empires were the bureaucracy and military ~ both of which have grown and continued to run New Delhi (and Islamabad) afterwards, co-opting whatever domestic political development that has arisen. There is plenty of wishful waffling too about India becoming a “great power” or being a “swing state in the global balance of power”, and about how well the economy is supposedly doing ~ as if what Government spokesmen say about the economy is to be believed at face-value. Indian Leftists and their fellow-travellers ~ as great lovers themselves of bureaucracy, collectivist groupthink and propaganda on the USSR or PRC pattern, and fearful or envious of all individual criticism, creativity and achievement – have taken to the same principle like fish to water.
The first phase of Indian foreign policy was Nehruvian in that it began with Nehru’s Fabian misperception of Stalin’s USSR, and ended with the military debacle he led the country into at the hands of Zhou’s “human wave” armies in the mountains of Ladakh and NEFA.
A second phase was Kashmir-centric, overlapping with the first insofar as it may be traced to Karan Singh’s iniquitous dismissal of Sheikh Abdullah’s first Government, but really beginning after Nehru’s death with the Ayub-Abdullah summit, and being marked by Ayub’s 1965 attack in J&K ~ Shastri’s riposte reaching the Ichogil Canal signalled that no longer would war over J&K be confined to J&K.
A third phase was forced on India by the Pakistani civil war that led to Bangladesh’s creation, and was marked by the Indira/ Haksar alliance with Brezhnev’s USSR, as well as by Pokhran-I.
A fourth phase of Indian foreign policy may be identified in the late 1970s and 1980s, marked by rebellion of the fundamentalist Sikhs whom Indira and Sanjay Gandhi had provoked, which led in due course to her assassination. The turmoil that followed in Punjab and North India was financed by anti-Indian Sikhs from Vancouver,California and Britain, with gleeful help from the Pakistanis, and Indian diplomats had their hands full in trying to counter that phenomenon. It was during this phase of domestic Indian turmoil that New Delhi wholly missed the seismic changes occurring in the USSR, East Europe and international relations generally, and completely failed to predict its consequences for India.
The phase came to end when the Narasimha Rao Government (upon advice of a well-known communist cabal in the IFS and JNU) instantly showered praise on the anti-Yeltsin coup in August 1991. When Yeltsin returned to power, the new anti-communist Russians took their revenge on New Delhi, exacting hard dollars for the soft rouble-trade of friendlier times.
A fifth phase may be seen in retrospect as one of relative success.The main plank of Indian foreign policy in the late 1980s and early 1990s was to get Pakistan designated a “terrorist state” in American eyes, as well as to warn of the dangers of a Pakistani nuclear bomb. It had been prompted by the end of American involvement in the Afghan war, which caused the ISI to shift the jihadis to J&K, and the Indian policy was destined not to succeed. No matter how hard Kanwal Sibal tried in 1992-1993 as Minister-Political in the Washington Embassy to tell the Americans that their Pakistani friends were dangerous, he was destined to fail as the MEA had entirely failed to realise how far ahead the Pakistanis were in their lobbying power in Washington ~ the Pakistani super-elite has been entrenched among the K-Street lobbyists and in expensive real-estate along the Potomac River for more than two generations. Yet after the 9/11 attacks several years later, the Indians were able to look back at that fifth phase and say to the Americans, “We told you so”.
In the late 1990s came a short-lived sixth phase of Pokhran-II and the Lahore bus-trip, which may be credited as Vajpayee successes, and also contained the Kargil War and Kandahar hijacking, which were more dubious. This overlapped with the last and currently continuing seventh phase of Indian foreign policy with Jaswant Singh breaking the ice with the Americans when they had recovered from the fact the CIA’s failures included not foreseeing Pokhran-II; it coincided too with Osama bin Laden’s declarations of jihad against the USA. The Americans enlisting themselves on the side of the Northern Alliance to defeat the Taliban after 9/11 was beneficial from an Indian standpoint since Afghanistan had been effectively lost to secular Indian influence for two decades, and the Taliban had shown themselves no friends of India during the Kandahar hijacking.
But the BJP’s anti-Muslim thought processes quickly took over, as did its proximity to organised business lobbies. When Iraq was attacked and occupied in 2003, there was hardly a whimper from the BJP leadership, and instead their businessmen friends started to fly to Amman hopeful of “reconstruction” contracts. The Sonia/ Manmohan Congress/Leftist combine has effectively continued and expanded that trend, though now the business lobbies have been much more muted and subtle, especially in their backroom dealings and payoffs with respect to the nuclear deal. There is also an occasional burst of anti-Americanism from leftists though it is hard of course to beg for American foreign investment in Marxist-run areas while also being sincere in quaint street demos or agitprop.
Running through the new foreign policy is a fiction that it is driven by a new economic motivation to improve development and mass well-being in India. The bizarre idea of creating hundreds of so-called “Special Economic Zones” (reminiscent of 17th and 18th Century colonial fortifications) illustrates this. India’s ordinary anonymous masses ~ certainly the 850 million people entirely outside the organised sector ~ have little or nothing to do with any of this. Benefits will accrue only to the ten million Indian nomenclatura controlling or having access to the gaping exit holes to the outside world in the new semi-closed economy with its endless deficit finance paid for by unlimited printing of an inconvertible domestic currency.
It is as fallacious to think private investment from foreign or domestic businessmen will support public “infrastructure” creation as it is to think foreign exchange reserves are like tax revenues in being available for Government expenditure on “infrastructure”. Such fallacies are intellectual products of either those who know no economics at all or those who have forgotten whatever little they might have been once mistaught in their youth. What serious economics does say is that Government should generally have nothing to do with any kind of private business, and instead should focus on properly providing public goods and services, encourage competition in all avenues of economic activity and prevent or regulate monopoly, and see to it all firms pay taxes they are due to pay.
That is it. It is as bad for Government to be pampering organised foreign or domestic business or organised labour with innumerable subsidies, as has been happening in India for decades, as it is to make enterprise difficult with red tape and hurdles. Businessmen are grown ups and should be allowed to freely risk their capital and make their profits or their losses without public intervention.
An economics-based policy would have single-mindedly sought to improve the financial condition of every governmental entity in the country, with the aim of improving the provision of public goods and services to all 1,000 million Indians. If and when budgets of all governmental entities become sound, foreign creditors would automatically line up before them with loans to sell, and ambitious development goals can be accomplished. As long as public budgets (and public accounts) remain in an outrageous shambles, nothing can be in fact achieved and only propaganda, corruption and paper-money creation results instead. Whatever economic growth does occur is due to new enterprise and normal technological progress, and is mostly despite and not because of New Delhi’s bureaucrats (see “The Dream Team: A Critique”, The Statesman 6-8 January 2006).
The first aspect of the new Indian foreign policy has been for Government to become wholly ingratiating towards any and all “First World” members visiting India who may deign to consider any kind of collaboration whatsoever. The long line of foreign businessmen and heads of government having photo-ops with the Indian PM began with Vajpayee and has continued with Manmohan, especially when there is a large weapons’ or commercial aircraft or other purchase to be signed. The flip-side has been ministerial and especially Prime Ministerial trips abroad ~ from Vajpayee’s to a Singapore golf-cart immediately after commiserating Gujarat, to Manmohan receiving foreign honorary doctorates while still holding public office.
Subservience to foreign business interests in the name of economic policy extends very easily to Indian naval, military or diplomatic assets being used to provide policing or support services for the great powers as and when they may ask for it. Hence, Indian naval forces may be asked by the Americans to help fight pirates in the Indian Ocean, or escort this vessel or that, or India may be asked to provide refuelling or base facilities, or India may be requested to vote against Iran, Venezuela or whomever here or there. But there would be absolutely no question of India’s role in international politics being anything greater than that of a subaltern or comprador whose response must be an instant “Ji, Huzoor”. The official backing of the Tharoor candidacy was as futile and ridiculous as the quest for UN veto-power or the willingness to attend G-8 summits as an observer.
While subservience towards the First World’s business and military interests is the “kiss up” aspect of the new foreign policy, an aggressive jingoism towards others is the “kick down” aspect. One influential voice among the media friends of the new foreign policy states it as follows: “The search for `equity oil’ has been the single most important new element of Indian economic diplomacy in recent years… Equity oil raises India’s stakes in the stability of regimes or even individuals who preside over these resources… the big question is how far would India go in defence of `regime stability’ elsewhere? And if it’s assets fall into hostile hands, would India be prepared to consider promoting `regime change’?” Just as surely as a pacifist Fabian socialist Nehru misperceived Stalin’s USSR, New Delhi’s new capitalistic jingoists have misperceived the Cheney-Rumsfeld grab for “equity oil” and have even defined Bush-Blair adventurism as being “the side of the angels”. How they must love to want to project Indian military force ~ paratroopers in the Maldives perhaps, though they need to recall what happened with the LTTE too!
Multiple Jallianwalla Bagh massacres may have been occurring in front of us in Iraq, Afghanistan and Balochistan, and there may soon be an attack on Iran too. New Delhi’s new “kiss up, kick down” attitude has rendered India’s once-dignified and sober voice silent, our eyes closed or our face turned away.
The obvious alternative to bureaucratic “kiss up, kick down” would be “kick up, kiss down” loved by all individualists and anti-bureaucrats. In other words, it would be for India to take each case and circumstance in international politics on its merits; be seen to stand up seriously to the powerful in world politics wherever and whenever necessary; seek to protect those who may be vulnerable to international or other brutality in world affairs, while getting on properly with the mundane business of ordinary government and commerce at all other times. That mundane business may call for a gradual withdrawal of India from all or most of the fancy, corrupt international bureaucracies in New York, Washington, Geneva etc, focussing calmly but determinedly instead on improved administration and governance at home. Such was what Rajiv Gandhi was advised in January 1991 (see “Memos to Rajiv,” The Statesman 31 July-2 August 1991; Freedom First October 2001), when for one futile moment he even formed a peaceful bridge between the Americans and Saddam during the first Gulf War. The New Delhi establishment may be too intoxicated with power and insecure intellectually to be able to reflect on such sober alternatives.
Racism New and Old (2006)
September 8, 2006 — drsubrotoroyRacism New and Old
Subroto Roy
Editorial page, The Statesman September 8, 2006
When Iraqi Sunni terrorists killed 11 Pakistani and three Indian Shia pilgrims on the same bus to Karbala the other day, they did not check passports or wait to hear discourses from their victims about the validity of Jinnah’s Two-Nations Theory or the RSS’s views on Akhand Bharat and Bharat-Mata. All Indians and Pakistanis of whatever religion are pretty much “Hindis” to the average Arab. If Pakistanis (much to their own chagrin) are indistinguishable from Indians in many Arab eyes, Hindus and Sikhs are (much to their own chagrin) indistinguishable from Muslims in many North American and British eyes. Matthai Chakko Kuruvila, the San Francisco Chronicle’s Religion Writer (and whose own splendid ethnicity may appear obvious to us from his name), reports Paul Silverstein, an American anthropologist, saying “Muslims are the new Jews… They are the object of a series of stereotypes, caricatures and fears which are not based in a reality and are independent of a person’s experience with Muslims.” Kuruvila says: “The Muslim caricature has ensnared Hindus, Mexicans and others” across the USA “with violence, suspicion and slurs”, giving new form to America’s “age-old dance around racial identity”.
Assimilation
The subcontinent’s Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, Christians and others are from pretty much similar racial populations, so when we wish to distinguish ourselves from one another as we tend to do on the subcontinent, we wear turbans, beards, long hair, veils, bindis etc ~ symbols about which the average New Jersey “dot-buster” or British “Paki-basher” cares not a hoot. London last year even saw Jean Charles de Menezes, a young Brazilian electrician on his way to work in the morning, pinned down by an elite squad of Britain’s much-vaunted policemen and receive seven bullets point-blank in the back of his skull ~ merely for having “looked Asian”.
Subcontinental immigrant families in the West experience a defining moment when the wife first bobs her long hair and takes to wearing slacks, skirts or even shorts, just so she can leave home and assimilate better in the workplace or shopping mall. The saris, salwars and real jewellery are kept for the weekends when she meets people who will understand her as herself, namely, her friends and kith and kin in the immigrant community. When salwar or sari-clad women start fake-kissing one another in Western-style greeting at those weekends, the alternation of their identities (and confusion in their self-knowledge) may have become complete. A limiting point of such attempts at assimilation is reached perhaps when an Asian woman becomes a BBC or CNN newsreader, reading what she has been told to yet still narcissistically indulging in the extent of her external transformation.
Muslim-Hindu differences of religious and cultural beliefs and practices between racially similar peoples may be contrasted with the main fault-lines that have existed in Western societies in recent centuries: fault-lines of race and colour between European and African, and of race and religion between Jew and Gentile.
An eminent American legal scholar once said African slavery had been “the living lie” in America’s official heritage of democracy and individual freedom. Black America took one hundred years from Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation to Martin Luther King Jr., to begin to overcome the impossible odds against it. Sports, music, show-biz and the arts were obvious arenas for public demonstration of individual genius. Athletes like Jesse Owens, Joe Louis and Arthur Ashe, musicians like Duke Ellington, Nat King Cole and Eartha Kitt, “in-your-face” satirists like Sammy Davis Jr, Richard Pryor and Eddie Murphy upto and including modern rapsters and many thousands of others demonstrated that Black America was not going away anywhere, certainly not returning to Liberia, was going to stay in and permanently alter American life and culture, and wondered if anyone thought otherwise. The degree of assimilation into non-black cultures would be a matter of personal choice, not social or economic compulsion. During the Bush invasion of Iraq, Harry Belafonte re-ignited an old controversy when he referred to his fellow West Indian and perfectly assimilated Colin Powell in context of the “plantation slave”/”house slave” dichotomy: plantation slaves were externally oppressed but felt free within while house slaves had more comforts but were docile compradors inside their souls.
Immigrant communities from the subcontinent have had their share of the same. It has been all too easy for young people to reach academic highs in New Delhi or Kolkata only to escape to obscure corners of America and lead docile subservient unfulfilling lives forever afterwards, in exchange for material and ultimately meaningless rewards. It might be called the Madhuri Dixit Phenomenon of being transformed from celebrity-status in India to becoming a complete unknown in America.
Jewish-Gentile divide
The Jewish-Gentile divide in Western civilisation has been more insidious and damaging to mankind, and potentially remains so as the anger it generates has been transferred onto modern Muslims instead. At its unspoken roots is the frank Jewish theological assessment that Jesus of Nazareth was at most a wise and honest rabbi, not Christ Immanent ~ a veracious blow that seems to remove the corner-stone of all European culture and civilisation. The length of mutual recriminations and miscomprehensions as well as self-deceptions and cruelties over the millennia that have resulted on both sides, remains endless. On the Christian side there has been the vile persecution of Jews for centuries. On the Jewish side, there has arisen the vast myth that today’s Israel has something to do with the ancient Hebrews, when contemporary Jews likely descend mostly from the conversion to Judaism of the Khazar Khanate in the second half of the 9th Century (see e.g. Paul Meerts, “Assessing Khazaria”, International Institute for Asian Studies July 2004). In between Jewish and Christian self-deceptions and mutual misunderstandings has arisen Anti-Semitism, Zionism, and also Anti-Zionism (many thoughtful Jews having opposed the creation of Israel). As George Eliot, Hannah Arendt and many others noticed, the assimilation of 19th Century Jews into elite society in Vienna or London was only permitted where some exceptional individual genius was displayed, most prominently perhaps in case of Benjamin Disraeli who became Victoria’s Prime Minister. Even that acceptance of assimilated “exceptional” Jews came to disintegrate into the horrors of the 20th Century, from which we are yet to recover. Modern American foreign policy has been partly driven by the East and West Coasts’ understanding or misunderstanding of that history.
India’s Energy Interests
August 28, 2006 — drsubrotoroyOUR ENERGY INTERESTS
Subroto Roy
First published in The Sunday Statesman, August 27 2006, The Statesman August 28 2006, Editorial Page Special Article
Americans are shrewd and practical people in commercial matters, and expect the same of people they do business with. Caveat emptor, “let the buyer beware”, is the motto they expect those on the other side of the table to be using. Let us not think they are doing us favours in the nuclear deal ~ they are grown-ups looking after their interests and naturally expect we shall look after our own and not expect charity while doing business. Equally, let us not blame the Americans if we find in later years (long after Manmohan Singh and Montek Ahluwalia have exited from India’s stage) that the deal has been implemented in a bad way for our masses of ordinary people.
That said, there is a remarkable disjoint between India’s national energy interests (nuclear interests in particular), and the manner in which the nuclear deal is being perceived and taken to implementation by the two sides. There may be a fundamental gap between the genuine positive benefits the Government of India says the deal contains, and the motivations American businessmen and through them Indian businessmen have had for lobbying American and Indian politicians to support it. An atmosphere of being at cross-purposes has been created, where for example Manmohan Singh is giving answers to questions different from the questions we may want to be asking Montek Ahluwalia. The fundamental gap between what is being said by our Government and what may be intended by the businessmen is something anyone can grasp, though first we shall need some elementary facts.
In 2004, the International Energy Agency estimated the new energy capacity required by rising economic growth in 2020 will derive 1400 GW from burning coal (half of it in China and India), 470 GW from burning oil, 430GW from hydro, and 400 GW from renewable sources like solar or wind power. Because gas prices are expected to remain low worldwide, construction of new nuclear reactors for electricity will be unprofitable. By 2030, new energy expected to be required worldwide is 4700GW, of which only 150GW is expected from new nuclear plants, which will be in any case replacing existing plants due to be retired. Rational choice between different energy sources depends on costs determined by history and geography. Out of some 441 civilian reactors worldwide, France has 59 and these generate 78 per cent of its electricity, the rest coming from hydro. Japan has 54 reactors, generating 34% of its electricity from them. The USA has 104 reactors but generates only 20 per cent of its electricity from them, given its vast alternative sources of power like hydro. In India as of 2003, installed power generating capacity was 107,533.3MW, of which 71 per cent came from burning fuels. Among India’s energy sources, the largest growth-potential is hydroelectric, which does not involve burning fuels ~ gravity moves water from the mountains to the oceans, and this force is harnessed for generation. Our hydro potential, mostly in the North and North-East, is some 150,000MW but our total installed hydro capacity with utilities was only 26,910MW (about 18 per cent of potential). Our 14 civilian nuclear reactors produced merely 4 per cent or less of the electricity being consumed in the country. Those 14 plants will come under “international safeguards” by 2014 under the nuclear deal.
It is extremely likely the international restrictions our existing nuclear plants have been under since the 1970s have hindered if not crippled their functioning and efficiency. At the same time, the restrictions may have caused us to be innovative too. Nuclear power arises from fission of radioactive uranium, plutonium or thorium. India has some 8 million tonnes of monazite deposits along the seacoast of which half may be mined, to yield 225,000 tonnes of thorium metal; we have one innovatively designed thorium reactor under construction. Almost all nuclear energy worldwide today arises from uranium of which there are practically unlimited reserves. Fission of a uranium atom produces 10 million times the energy produced by combustion of an atom of carbon from coal. Gas and fossil fuels may be cheap and in plentiful supply worldwide for generations to come but potential for cheap nuclear energy seems practically infinite. The uranium in seawater can satisfy mankind’s total electricity needs for 7 million years. There is more energy in the uranium impurity present in coal than can arise from actually burning the coal. There is plenty of uranium in granite. None of these become profitable for centuries because there is so much cheap uranium extractable from conventional ores. Design improvements in reactors will also improve productivity; e.g. “fast breeder” reactors “breed” more fissile material than they use, and may get 100 times as much energy from a kilogram of uranium as existing reactors do. India has about 95,000 tonnes of uranium metal that may be mined to yield about 61,000 tonnes net for power generation. Natural uranium is 99.3 per cent of the U-238 isotope and 0.7 per cent of the radioactive U-235 isotope. Nuclear power generation requires “enriched uranium” or “yellow cake” to be created in which U-235 has been increased from 0.7 per cent to 4 to 5 percent. (Nuclear bombs require highly enriched uranium with more than 90 per cent of U-235.) Yellow cake is broken into small pieces, put in metal rods placed in bundles, which are then bombarded by neutrons causing fission. In a reactor, the energy released turns water into steam, which moves turbines generating electricity. While there is no carbon dioxide “waste” as in burning fossil fuels, the “spent” rods of nuclear fuel and other products constitute grave radioactive waste, almost impossible to dispose of.
The plausible part of the Government of India’s official line on the Indo-US nuclear deal is that removing the international restrictions will ~ through importation of new technologies, inputs, fuel etc ~ improve functioning of our 14 existing civilian plants. That is a good thing. Essentially, the price being paid for that improvement is our willingness to commit that those 14 plants will not be used for military purposes. Fair enough: even if we might become less innovative as a result, the overall efficiency gains as a result of the deal will add something to India’s productivity. However, those purchasing decisions involved in enhancing India’s efficiency gains must be made by the Government’s nuclear scientists on technical grounds of improving the working of our existing nuclear infrastructure.
It is a different animal altogether to be purchasing new nuclear reactors on a turn-key basis from American or any other foreign businessmen in a purported attempt to improve India’s “energy security”. (Lalu Yadav has requested a new reactor for Bihar, plus of course Delhi will want one, etc.) The central question over such massive foreign purchases would no longer be the technical one of using the Indo-US deal to improve efficiency or productivity of our existing nuclear infrastructure. Instead it would become a question of calculating social costs and benefits of our investing in nuclear power relative to other sources like hydroelectric power. Even if all other sources of electricity remained constant, and our civilian nuclear capacity alone was made to grow by 100 per cent under the Manmohan-Montek deal-making, that would mean less than 8% of total Indian electricity produced.
This is where the oddities arise and a disjoint becomes apparent between what the Government of India is saying and what American and Indian businessmen have been doing. A “US-India Business Council” has existed for thirty years in Washington as “the premier business advocacy organization promoting US commercial interests in India.… the voice of the American private sector investing in India”. Before the nuclear or any other deals could be contemplated with American business, the USIBC insisted we pay up for Dabhol contracted by a previous Congress Government. The Maharashtra State Electricity Board ~ or rather, its sovereign guarantor the Government of India ~ duly paid out at least $140-$160 million each to General Electric and Bechtel Corporations in “an amicable settlement” of the Dabhol affair. Afterwards, General Electric’s CEO for India was kind enough to say “India is an important country to GE’s global growth. We look forward to working with our partners, customers, and State and Central Governments in helping India continue to develop into a leading world economy”.
Also, a new “US-India CEO Forum” then came about. For two Governments to sponsor private business via such a Forum was “unprecedented”, as noted by Washington’s press during Manmohan Singh’s visit in July 2005. America’s foreign ministry announced it saying: “Both our governments have agreed that we should create a high-level private sector forum to exchange business community views on key economic priorities…” The American side includes heads of AES Corporation, Cargill Inc., Citigroup, JP Morgan Chase, Honeywell, McGraw-Hill, Parsons Brinckerhoff Ltd, PepsiCo, Visa International and Xerox Corporation. The Indian side includes heads of Tata Group, Apollo Hospitals Group, Bharat Forge Ltd, Biocon India Group, HDFC, ICICI One Source, Infosys, ITC Ltd, Max India Group and Reliance Industries. Presiding over the Indian side has been Montek Ahluwalia, Manmohan’s trusted aide ~ and let it be remembered too that the Ahluwalias were Manmohan’s strongest backers in his failed South Delhi Lok Sabha bid. (Indeed it is not clear if the Ahluwalias have been US or Indian residents in recent years, and if it is the former, the onus is on them to clear any perception of conflict of interest arising in regard to roles regarding the nuclear deal or any other official Indo-US business.)
Also, before the Manmohan visit, the Confederation of Indian Industry registered as an official lobbyist in Washington, and went about spending half a million dollars lobbying American politicians for the nuclear deal. After the Manmohan visit, the US Foreign Commercial Service reportedly said American engineering firms, equipment suppliers and contractors faced a $1,000 billion (1 bn =100 crore) opportunity in India. Before President Bush’s visit to India in March 2006, Manmohan Singh signed vast purchases of commercial aircraft from Boeing and Airbus, as well as large weapons’ deals with France and Russia. After the Bush visit, the US Chamber of Commerce said the nuclear deal can cause $100 billion worth of new American business in India’s energy-sector alone. What is going on?
Finally, the main aspect of Manmohan Singh’s address to America’s legislature had to do with agreeing with President Bush “to enhance Indo-US cooperation in the field of civilian nuclear technology”. What precisely does this mean? If it means the Indo-US nuclear deal will help India improve or maintain its existing nuclear infrastructure, well and good. There may be legitimate business for American and other foreign companies in that cause, which also helps India make the efficiency and productivity gains mentioned. Or has the real motivation for the American businessmen driving the deal (with the help of the “CEO Forum” etc) been to sell India nuclear reactors on a turn-key basis (in collaboration with private Indian businessmen) at a time when building new nuclear reactors is unprofitable elsewhere in the world because of low gas prices? India’s citizens may demand to know from the Government whether the Manmohan-Montek deal-making is going to cause importation of new nuclear reactors, and if so, why such an expensive alternative is being considered (relative to e.g. India’s abundant hydroelectric potential) when it will have scant effect in satisfying the country’s energy needs and lead merely to a worsening of our macroeconomic problems. Both Manmohan Singh and Montek Ahluwalia have been already among those to preside over the growth of India’s macroeconomic problems through the 1980s and 1990s.
Lastly, an irrelevant distraction should be gotten out of the way. Are we a “nuclear weapons” state? Of course we are, but does it matter to anything but our vanity? Ronald Reagan and Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev had control over vastly more nuclear weapons and they declared together twenty years ago: “A nuclear war cannot be won and must not be fought”, which is how the Cold War started to come to an end. We need to remind ourselves that India and Pakistan are large, populous countries with hundreds of millions of materially poor, ill-informed citizens, weak tax-bases, humongous internal and external public debts (i.e. debt owed by the Government to domestic and foreign creditors), non-investment grade credit- ratings in world financial markets, massive annual fiscal deficits, inconvertible currencies, nationalized banks, and runaway printing of paper-money. Discussing nuclear or other weapon-systems to attack one other with is mostly a pastime of our cowardly, irresponsible and yes, corrupt, elites.
India’s Moon Mission (2006)
August 13, 2006 — drsubrotoroy(Author’s Note October 22 2008: Please see also “Complete History of Mankind’s Moon Missions: An Indian Citizen’s Letter to the ISRO Chairman” published elsewhere here today.)
INDIA’S MOON MISSION
Subroto Roy
First published in The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, August 13, 2006.
If India’s Moon project planned for September 2007 is successful, it will be something for everyone to cheer loudly about. The Moon is Earth’s single important natural satellite, and as planetary moons go, it is unusually large in size compared to Earth. Our five-stage PSLV rocket is planned to place a scientific satellite around it. In token political gestures, NASA and the Europeans may provide scientific payloads too.
The central question is whether the Indian satellite now being built will ever succeed in reaching lunar orbit ~ an immensely complex task which deserves to be urgently reconsidered. It is of the highest national importance to try to ensure beforehand that our mission succeeds if it is going to be tried at all.
Yet neither our much-vaunted scientific establishment nor our political decision-makers have any sense of urgency about it. Let it be clearly said it will be simply not good enough this time for the Government of India’s scientists, bureaucrats and politicians to shrug off failures as they have been prone to do by saying, “Oh, we’ll do better next time”. Wasteful expenditure of public resources (paid for by endless deficit finance in an inconvertible currency) is common across all government departments, but in this most dramatic of missions, the hopes and aspirations of one thousand million Indians, and especially hundreds of millions of wide-eyed children, will become focussed on the launch. It will be a severe blow to national prestige, morale and self-confidence, as well as a display of scientific and technological incompetence, if there is failure at any stage of this difficult enterprise.
Indeed, it would be better to do the job in discrete and successful stages or not do it at all than to fail at it most spectacularly.
All Indians need to and can come to know what is involved. A trip to the Moon requires a spacecraft reach an “escape” velocity of some 40,000 km per hour. At a distance of some 324,000 km, the spacecraft escapes Earth’s gravity and comes to a “standstill” or “neutral” point, a fictional station on the Earth-Moon axis, still some 32,000 km (or about 19 Moon radii) from the Moon. The Moon’s gravity then gradually takes over, drawing the spacecraft faster and faster towards the Moon, to either land on its surface or go into orbit around it ~ though to avoid a fatal impact crashing into the Moon, the spacecraft may require retrorockets to slow itself down.
The numerous sources of possible failure include (a) launch-failure causing the spacecraft to never reach let aside exit from terrestrial space onto a path to the Moon, all through belts of intense heat and radiation; (b) trajectory-failure causing the spacecraft to move wrongly through cislunar and translunar space, miss the Moon and go into solar orbit like everything else; (c) failing to enter lunar orbit, crashing into the Moon instead; (d) failing to transmit intended data. Only if all these and more are avoided, can our Moon mission as presently defined be considered successful.
India’s mission will be mankind’s 85th to the Moon on record. There is a vast amount of knowledge already gained in other countries, almost all of which is publicly available. The era of international competitions in space-research and exploration started between Russia and America half a century ago and it ended after the Cold War. Since the 1980s, the two space superpowers changed emphasis away from the Moon, towards creating re-usable vehicles like the Shuttle and permanent space-stations, unmanned probes to Earth’s planetary neighbours, as well as major space-telescopes which now provide unprecedented visions of the galaxy we inhabit. Now there has been new interest in the Moon again, and there have been successful American, European and Japanese missions recently. Even if our Moon mission succeeds, we will be placed technologically at a point still 40 years behind the world’s leaders in space exploration, and it would be self-delusion to think we lead in space research in any way whatsoever.
Indeed such a realisation is cause for sober reflection and critical questions. Late-starting space missions like the Europeans and Japanese, have all intelligently absorbed the lessons from the Russian and American projects. Has India done so?
Have our space scientists absorbed into their work for the Moon mission next year all the existing lessons available? Are there people at ISRO wholly conversant with what went wrong with every case of launch-failure, trajectory-failure, instrumentation-failure etc causing spacecraft to fail to reach or leave Earth orbit, or to miss the Moon, or fail to communicate etc? If so, have all those lessons been absorbed into our mission’s planning? If not, why not? Can we be assured now that we are not headed to be making the same mistakes as have been already made by others? It is not the cause of nationalism but the cause of unwisdom which shall be served if we repeat the known mistakes of others.
We are fond of saying our space programme is low in costs, and indeed it is when compared internationally. But there are always domestic opportunity costs, and there may be much better and more cost-effective ways of creating a scientifically-minded population in India. E.g., all of astrology assumes a geocentric Ptolomaic solar system — a fierce Government-led all-India campaign against astrology, and promotion instead of the heliocentric Copernican solar system, may do much more for the cause of rationality and basic scientific education in the country today than a failed Moon mission. After all, we still have purported physicists and directors of national technological institutes who are astrology-believers!
The Government of India’s scientists, bureaucrats and politicians must become wholly candid and transparent with the public whose resources they are spending about the exact significance of our Moon project, the risks of failure, and how these are being addressed. So far that has not been done. Little more than a year away from the launch, all we seem to have in the public domain are pious hopes being expressed and a wish-list of what scientific results might be like once the spacecraft is in lunar orbit. The real question is whether our satellite will succeed in reaching lunar orbit at all.
Indeed the present aim may be far too ambitious for 2007, and may need to be broken down into several stages. E.g. improving rocketry first to aim at a “parking orbit” around Earth permitting ground control to better calculate trajectories to the Moon, then to flyby the Moon, then to attempt to go into lunar orbit.
It may be wise to postpone carrying scientific payloads until much more experience has been successfully gained in rocketry through terrestrial, cislunar, translunar and lunar space. We should also bear in mind we have not been major manufacturers of engines, aircraft bodies, computers or communications and imaging equipment ~ all of which are vital to this enterprise.
Furthermore, let all the equations involved in the rocketry, and even whether Newtonian or Einsteinian frames of reference are being used, be released into the public domain for scrutiny by everyone in the country and the world. If someone says this will benefit the Pakistanis, the intelligent political response would be to invite the Pakistanis, Bangladeshis, Sri Lankans, Malaysians, Singaporeans Indonesians and our other neighbours to join our mission. Science is universal, and belongs to all mankind. All mundane disputes appear petty when seen from selenocentric space ~ which is the one good reason to want to try to reach it.
The Greatest Pashtun: Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan
July 16, 2006 — drsubrotoroy
THE GREATEST PASHTUN
First published in The Sunday Statesman Editorial Page Special Article, July 16 2006
By
SUBROTO ROY
Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan (1890-1988) was without a doubt the greatest political genius the Pashtun people have yet produced.
Understanding the political economy of the Pashto/Pakhto speaking peoples, as well as the Tajik, Hazara, Uzbek, Turkmen and other inhabitants of Afghanistan, remains a top intellectual challenge for everyone including themselves. Afghans have hardly lived a peaceful decade since Genghiz Khan destroyed them avenging his grandson in the 13th Century. Ghazni, Ghor, Peshawar etc. were launch-pads for attacks against the settled people of India’s fertile plains (most recently, the October 1947 attack on Kashmir Valley) while Herat saw wars by and against Iran.
Lyall, one of the architects of 19th Century British policy, thought Afghans “wretched”, “treacherous barbarians with whom it was an unfortunate necessity to have any dealings at all”… “I can only sympathise with the Afghan’s love for his country and his hatred against those who disturb him, although he has no scruple in disturbing others to the best of his savage ability”. Yet the British idea of Russian armies marching into India through Afghanistan was always a wild exaggeration, especially after joint boundary commissions demarcated the imperial spheres of influence. When the Russians did finally enter and occupy Afghanistan in 1978-79, they lived to regret it; and they arrived in independent India on passenger aircraft, were greeted as fraternal socialists selling weapons, and remain so today. Pakistan’s generals exaggerated the prospect of Russia seeking warm water ports, first to Nixon (as Vice President) then to Carter and Reagan, causing the Americans to happily supply weapons which the generals promptly turned against India.
Ghaffar Khan was and remains the only thoughtful figure in Pashtun history who invented a new, living political philosophy as a constructive force for his people’s peace and progress. Even though his ideology failed to take permanent root or survive among them, he commanded universal respect among all Pashtuns and Afghans and became “Badshah Khan” or “Bacha Khan” to them. Afghanistan’s civil war, in which the USSR was pit against the USA, Pakistan etc, stopped with a ceasefire in 1988 for his burial to take place in Jalalabad, with a funeral procession that was miles long.
Pashtun and other Afghan and Arab tribal people have become notorious today by their association with the dogmatism, intellectual insularity and retrograde ideology of Muslim extremism. Yet Osama bin Laden and his Taliban and other friends have been unable to make any moral argument for the cause of violence other than one built on revenge for perceived or misperceived injustices against Muslims. “Because you have done this and this to Muslim people, we are bound by the code of vengeance to do this to you” is just about the entire quantum of moral reasoning contained in Al-Qaida’s statements. “Revenge is a wild kind of justice” and circumstances can exist where injustice is so deep that only revenge suffices in rectification. The current case of the rape-murder of an Iraqi girl and her family by a group of renegade American soldiers may be one such, which explicitly led to the kidnap, torture and murder of some of the soldiers by Iraqis seeking vengeance. But justice too is a civilised kind of revenge, and the transition from a code of revenge to a code of justice is precisely the transition from tribal warfare to civilisation. In Western countries, it occurred recently enough when duelling with swords or pistols came to be banned, giving way to the law of torts.
Ghaffar Khan attempted to change the Pashtun code in this one fundamental and all-important direction by abolishing the right to revenge. In its place he brought the doctrine of non-violence. “I am going to give you such a weapon that the police and the army will not be able to stand against it. It is the weapon of the Prophet, but you are not aware of it. That weapon is patience and righteousness. No power on earth can stand against it.”Patience and righteousness are not political virtues that seem to find much mention in Islamic or Afghan folklore, and doubtless they arose in Ghaffar Khan’s thought and actions at least partly through his encounter with Christian altruism, first with Rev. Wigram his schoolmaster, and later in adult life with the Tolstoy-Thoreau doctrines applied along with Jain ahimsa by MK Gandhi in the movement for Indian independence.
“It is the weapon of the Prophet” was Ghaffar Khan making explicit he was and remained at all times the most devout of Muslims and none could say otherwise; “but you are not aware of it” was his new move to tell his people they had misled themselves by sacerdotalism and needed to read the Prophet’s life and message afresh. He once told M. K. Gandhi how he explained to amazed Punjabi Muslim Leaguers the precise evidence in favour of non-violence from the Prophet’s life in Mecca, leaving his audience speechless.
Today’s “Taliban” were named for their purported piety; Lashkar-e-Taiba even means “Army of the Pious”, the typical image being of pious studious youth seated memorising scriptures in a Pakistani madrassa, and later waving AK-47s in a moving truck. Ghaffar Khan’s Khudai Khidmatgar “Servants of God” were their polar opposite. Each of some 120,000 members of the order took a fierce oath to non-violence and renunciation: “I am a Servant of God, and as God needs no service, but serving his creation is serving him, I promise to serve humanity in the name of God; to refrain from violence and from taking revenge; to forgive those who oppress me or treat me with cruelty; to refrain from taking part in feuds and quarrels and from creating enmity; to treat every Pathan as my brother and friend; to refrain from antisocial customs and practices; to live a simple life, to practice virtue, and to refrain from evil; to practice good manners and good behaviour and not to lead a life of idleness… I will sacrifice my wealth, life, and comfort for the liberty of my nation and people… side with the oppressed against the oppressor… live in accordance with principles of nonviolence… serve all God’s creatures alike… my object shall be the attainment of the freedom of my country and my religion. … will never desire any reward whatever for my service. All my efforts shall be to please God, and not for any show or gain.”
In their founder’s words, the Khudai Khidmatgars were to be ready to lay down their own lives for their cause and never take any life doing so. They became far more forceful practitioners of non-violence than their Gandhian Indian counterparts in the struggle for political freedom from the British, and hundreds of them died in Peshawar under British brutality.
In 1893, Durand’s controversial boundary-line gave the British control over the three mountain passes between Afghanistan and India in exchange for raising the annual British subsidy to the Afghan Amir by 50% from Rs 8 lakhs to 12 lakhs. Today, the Durand Line roughly separates perhaps 10 million Pashtun comprising 40% of Afghanistan’s population from perhaps 8 million Pashtun who are Pakistani nationals (no one has exact figures as there has been no census). In the 1950s and 1960s, the Afghan Government backed by the USSR, on pretence that the Durand Line had not been freely accepted by Afghans, wished for a “Pakhtoonistan” under its sway.
Though jailed by the new and nervous Pakistanis, Ghaffar Khan was averse to any truck with the Afghan Government ~ he had not demanded erasing the Durand Line but had demanded a separate and distinct “Pashtunistan”. A mature self-confident federal Pakistan today would bifurcate itself vertically into one or two mountainous western provinces on one side, and two or three river valley eastern provinces on the other. The former could be named “East Pashtunistan” if the Baloch agreed, or East Pashtunistan and Baluchistan otherwise, and extend to the port of Gwadar, while the latter would remain Punjab, Sindh and “Northern Kashmir”.
Along with an Afghan “West Pashtunistan” and an Indian “Southern Kashmir”, a stable design of peaceful nation-states from Iran through Afghanistan and Pakistan to India would be then finally in place. Badshah Khan’s influence in death may yet become greater than his influence in life.
Law, Justice and J&K (2006)
July 3, 2006 — drsubrotoroyLAW, JUSTICE AND J&K
by SUBROTO ROY
First published in two parts inThe Sunday Statesman, July 2 2006 and The Statesman July 3 2006 Editorial Page Special Article
I.
For a solution to J&K to be universally acceptable it must be seen by all as being lawful and just. Political opinion in Pakistan and India as well as all people and parties in J&K ~ those loyal to India, those loyal to Pakistan, and any others ~ will have to agree that, all things considered, such is the right course of action for everyone today in the 21st Century, which means too that the solution must be consistent with the facts of history as well as account reasonably for all moral considerations.
On August 14, 1947, the legal entity known as “British India”, as one of its final acts, and based on a sovereign British decision made only two months earlier, created out of some of its territory a new State defined in international law as the “Dominion of Pakistan”. British India extinguished itself the very next day, and the newly independent “Dominion of India” succeeded to all its rights and obligations in international law. As the legal successor of the “India” which had signed the Treaty of Versailles in 1919 and the San Francisco Declaration of 1945, the Dominion of India was already a member of the new UN as well as a signatory to many international treaties. By contrast, the Dominion of Pakistan had to apply afresh to sign treaties and become a member of international organisations. The theory put forward by Argentina that two new States, India and Pakistan, had been created ab initio, came to be rejected and was withdrawn by Argentina. Instead, Pakistan with the wholehearted backing of India was made a member of the UN, with all except Afghanistan voting in favour. (Afghanistan’s exceptional vote signalled presence of conflict over the Durand Line and idea of a Pashtunistan; Dr Khan Sahib and Abdul Ghaffar Khan were imprisoned by the Muslim League regime of NWFP which later supported the tribesmen who attacked J&K starting October 22, 1947; that conflict remains unresolved to this day, even after the American attack on the Taliban, the restart of a constitutional process in Afghanistan, and the purported mediation of US Secretary of State Condoleeza Rice.)
Zafrullah Khan, Pakistan’s distinguished first ambassador to the UN, claimed in September 1947: “Pakistan is not a new member of UNO but a successor to a member State which was one of the founders of the Organisation.” He noted that he himself had led India to the final session of the League of Nations in Geneva in 1939, and he wished to say that Pakistan had been present “as part of India… under the latter name” as a signatory to the Treaty of Versailles. This was, however, logically impossible. The Treaty of Versailles long predated (1) Mohammad Iqbal’s Allahabad Address which conceptualised for the first time in the 20th Century a Muslim State in Northwest India; (2) Rahmat Ali’s invention of the word “PAKSTAN” on the top floor of a London omnibus; (3) M. A. Jinnah and Fazlul Haq’s Lahore Resolution; and (4) the final British decision of June 3, 1947 to create by Partition out of “British India” a Dominion named Pakistan. Pakistan could not have acted in international law prior to having come into being or been created or even conceived itself. Zafrullah Khan would have been more accurate to say that the history of Pakistanis until August 14, 1947 had been one in common with that of their Indian cousins ~ or indeed their Indian brothers, since innumerable North Indian Muslim families came to be literally partitioned, with some brothers remaining Indians while other brothers became Pakistanis.
Pakistan was created at the behest of Jinnah’s Muslim League though with eventual agreement of the Indian National Congress (a distant ancestor of the political party going by the same name today). Pakistan arose not because Jinnah said Hindus and Muslims were “two nations” but because he and his League wished for a State where Muslims would find themselves ruled by fellow-Muslims and feel themselves part of a pan-Islamic culture. Yet Pakistan was intended to be a secular polity with Muslim-majority governance, not an Islamic theocracy. That Pakistan failed to become secular was exemplified most poignantly in the persecution Zafrullah himself later faced in his personal life as an Ahmadiya, even while he was Pakistan’s Foreign Minister. (The same happened later to Pakistan’s Nobel-winning physicist Abdus Salaam.) Pakistan was supposed to allow the genius of Indo-Muslim culture to flourish, transplanted from places like Lucknow and Aligarh which would never be part of it. In fact, the areas that are Pakistan today had in the 1937 provincial elections shown scant popular Muslim support for Jinnah’s League. The NWFP had a Congress Government in the 1946 elections, and its supporters boycotted the pro-Pakistan referendum in 1947. The imposition of Urdu culture as Pakistan’s dominant ethos might have come to be accepted later in West Punjab, Sindh and NWFP but it was not acceptable in East Bengal, and led inevitably to the Pakistani civil war and creation of Bangladesh by Sheikh Mujib in 1971.
In August 1947, the new Dominions of India and Pakistan were each supposed to protect their respective minority populations as their first political duty. Yet both palpably failed in this, and were reduced to making joint declarations pleading for peace and an end to communal killings and the abduction of women. The Karachi Government, lacking the wherewithal and administrative machinery of being a nation-state at all, and with only Liaquat and an ailing Jinnah as noted leaders, may have failed more conspicuously, and West Punjab, the Frontier and Sindh were soon emptied of almost all their many Sikhs and Hindus. Instead, the first act of the new Pakistan Government in the weeks after August 14, 1947 was to arrange for the speedy and safe transfer of the North Indian Muslim elite by air from Delhi using chartered British aeroplanes. The ordinary Muslim masses of UP, Delhi and East Punjab were left in danger from or were subjected to Sikh and Hindu mob attacks, especially as news and rumours spread of similar outrages against Pakistan’s departing minorities.
In this spiral of revenge attacks and counter-attacks, bloodshed inevitably spilled over from West and East Punjab into the northern Punjabi plains of Jammu, though Kashmir Valley remained conspicuously peaceful. Zafrullah and Liaquat would later claim it was this communal civil war which had caused thousands of newly decommissioned Mirpuri soldiers of the British Army, and thousands of Afridi and other Frontier tribesmen, to spontaneously act to “liberate” J&K’s Muslims from alleged tyranny under the Hindu Ruler or an allegedly illegal Indian occupation.
But the main attack on J&K State that began from Pakistan along the Manshera-Muzaffarabad road on October 22, 1947 was admittedly far too well-organised, well-armed, well-planned and well-executed to have been merely a spontaneous uprising of tribesmen and former soldiers. In all but name, it was an act of undeclared war of the new Dominion of Pakistan first upon the State of J&K and then upon the Indian Dominion. This became obvious to Field Marshall Auchinlek, who, as Supreme Commander of the armed forces of both India and Pakistan, promptly resigned and abolished the Supreme Command in face of the fact that two parts of his own forces were now at war with one another.
II.
The invaders failed to take Srinagar solely because they lost their military purpose while indulging in the Rape of Baramula. Thousands of Kashmiri women of all communities ~ Muslim, Sikh and Hindu ~ were violated and transported back to be sold in markets in Peshawar and elsewhere. Such was standard practice in Central Asian tribal wars from long before the advent of Islam, and the invading tribesmen shared that culture. India’s Army and Air Force along with the militias of the secular democratic movement led by Sheikh Abdullah and those remaining loyal units of J&K forces, fought off the invasion, and liberated Baramula, Naushera, Uri, Poonch etc. Gilgit had a British-led coup détat against it bringing it under Pakistan’s control. Kargil was initially taken by the Pakistanis and then lost by them. Leh could have been but was not taken by Pakistani forces. But in seeking to protect Leh and to retake Kargil, the Indian Army lost the siege of Skardu ~ which ended reputedly with the infamous communication from the Pakistani commander to his HQ: “All Sikhs killed; all women raped.”
Legal theory
Now, in this grave mortal conflict, the legal theory to which both the Indian and Pakistani Governments have been wedded for sixty years is one that had been endorsed by the British Cabinet Mission in 1946 and originated with the Butler Commission of 1929. Namely, that “Lapse of Paramountcy” over the “Indian India” of the “Native States” could and did occur with the extinction of British India on August 15, 1947. By this theory, Hyderabad, J&K, Junagadh and the several other States which had not acceded to either Dominion were no longer subject to the Crown’s suzerainty as of that date. Both Dominions drew up “Instruments of Accession” for Rulers to sign upon the supposed “Lapse” of Paramountcy that was to occur with the end of British India.
Ever since, the Pakistan Government has argued that Junagadh’s Ruler acceded to Pakistan and Hyderabad’s had wished to do so but both were forcibly prevented by India. Pakistan has also argued the accession to India by J&K’s Ruler was “fraudulent” and unacceptable, and Sheikh Abdullah was a “Quisling” of India and it was not his National Conference but the Muslim Conference of Ibrahim, Abbas and the Mirwaiz (precursor of the Hurriyat) which represented J&K’s Muslims.
India argued that Junagadh’s accession to Pakistan or Hyderabad’s independence were legal and practical impossibilities contradicting the wills of their peoples, and that their integration into the Indian Dominion was carried out in an entirely legitimate manner in the circumstances prevailing.
On J&K, India has argued that not only had the Ruler requested Indian forces to fight off the Pakistani attack, and he acceded formally before Indian forces were sent, but also that democratic principles were fully adhered to in the unequivocal endorsement of the accession by Sheikh Abdullah and the National Conference and further by a duly called and elected J&K Constituent Assembly, as well as generations of Kashmiris since. In the Indian view, it is Pakistan which has been in illegal occupation of Indian territory from Mirpur, Muzaffarabad and Gilgit to Skardu all the way to the Khunjerab Pass, Siachen Glacier and K2, some of which it illegally ceded to its Communist Chinese ally, and furthermore that it has denied the peoples of these areas any democratic voice.
Roman law
In June 1947, it was uniquely and brilliantly argued by BR Ambedkar in a statement to the Press that the British had made a catastrophic error in comprehending their own constitutional law, that no such thing as “Lapse” of Paramountcy existed, and that suzerainty over the “Native States” of “Indian India” would be automatically transferred in international law to the successor State of British India. It was a legal illusion to think any Native State could be sovereign even for a single logical moment. On this theory, if the Dominion of India was the sole successor State in international law while Pakistan was a new legal entity, then a Native State which acceded to Pakistan after August 15, 1947 would have had to do so with the consent of the suzerain power, namely, India, as may be said to have happened implicitly in case of Chitral and a few others. Equally, India’s behaviour in integrating (or annexing) Junagadh and Hyderabad, would become fully explicable ~ as would the statements of Mountbatten, Nehru and Patel before October 1947 that they would accept J&K going to Pakistan if that was what the Ruler and his people desired. Pakistan unilaterally and by surprise went to war against J&K on October 22, declared the accession to India “fraudulent”, and to this day has claimed the territory of the original State of J&K is “disputed”. Certainly, even if the Ambedkar doctrine is applied that no “Lapse” was possible under British law, Pakistan did not recognise India’s jurisdiction there as the suzerain power as of August 15, 1947. Altogether, Pakistan’s sovereign actions from October 22 onwards amounted to acting to annex J&K to itself by military force ~ acts which came to be militarily resisted (with partial success) by India allied with Sheikh Abdullah’s National Conference and the remaining forces of J&K. By these military actions, Pakistan revealed that it considered J&K territory to have descended into a legal state of anarchy as of October 22, 1947, and hence open to resolution by “Military Decision” ~ as is indeed the just outcome under Roman Law, the root of all municipal and international law today, when there is a contest between claimants over an ownerless entity.
Choice of nationality
Hence, the present author concluded (“Solving Kashmir”, The Statesman December 1-3, 2005) that the dismemberment of the original J&K State and annexation of its territories by India and Pakistan that has occurred since 1947, as represented first by the 1949 Ceasefire Line and then by the 1972 Line of Control, is indeed the just and lawful outcome prevailing in respect of the question of territorial sovereignty and jurisdiction. The remaining “democratic” question described has to do with free individual choice of nationality by the inhabitants, under conditions of full information and privacy, citizen-by-citizen, with the grant of permanent residency rights by the Indian Republic to persons under its jurisdiction in J&K who may choose not to remain Indian nationals but become Afghan, Iranian or Pakistani nationals instead. Pakistan has said frequently its sole concern has been the freedom of the Muslims of J&K under Indian rule, and any such genuine concern shall have been thereby fully met by India. Indeed, if Pakistan agreed to act similarly, this entire complex mortal problem of decades shall have begun to be peacefully resolved. Both countries are wracked by corruption, poverty and bad governance, and would be able to mutually draw down military forces pit against one another everywhere, so as to begin to repair the grave damage to their fiscal health caused by the deleterious draining away of vast public resources .
The Politics of Dr Singh (2006)
May 21, 2006 — drsubrotoroyPreface April 25 2009: This article of mine has become a victim of bowdlerization on the Internet by someone who seems to support Dr Singh’s political adversaries. I should say, therefore, as I have said before that there is nothing personal in my critical assessment of Dr Singh’s economics and politics. To the contrary, he has been in decades past a friend or at least a colleague of my father’s, and in the autumn of 1973 visited our then-home in Paris at the request of my father to advise me, then aged 18, before I embarked on my undergraduate studies at the London School of Economics. My assessments in recent years like “The Politics of Dr Singh” or “Assessing Manmohan” etc need to be seen along with my “Assessing Vajpayee: Hindutva True and False”, “The Hypocrisy of the CPI-M”, “Against Quackery”, “Our Dismal Politics”, “Political Paralysis” etc. (Also “Mistaken Macroeconomics”, June 2009). Nothing personal is intended in any of these; the purpose at hand has been to contribute to a full and vigorous discussion of the public interest in India.
Independent Indian: Work & Life of Professor Subroto Roy 