On Pakistan and the Theory & Practice of the Islamic State: An Excerpt from the Munir Report of 1954

On Pakistan and the Theory & Practice of the Islamic State: An Excerpt from the Munir Report of 1954


From REPORT of THE COURT OF INQUIRY constituted under PUNJAB ACT II OF 1954 to enquire into the PUNJAB DISTURBANCES OF 1953 “Munir Report”


It has been repeatedly said before us that implicit in the demand for Pakistan was the demand for an Islamic State. Some speeches of important leaders who were striving for Pakistan undoubtedly lend themselves to this construction. These leaders while referring to an Islamic State or to a State governed by Islamic laws perhaps had in their minds the pattern of a legal structure based on or mixed up with Islamic dogma, personal law, ethics and institutions. No one who has given serious thought to the introduction of a religious State in Pakistan has failed to notice the tremendous difficulties with which any such scheme must be confronted. Even Dr. Muhammad Iqbal, who must be considered to be the first thinker who conceived of the possibility of a consolidated North Western Indian Muslim State, in the course of his presidential address to the Muslim League in 1930 said:

“Nor should the Hindus fear that the creation of autonomous Muslim States will mean the introduction of a kind of religious rule in such States. The principle that each group is entitled to free development on its own lines is not inspired by any feeling of narrow communalism”.

When we come to deal with the question of responsibility we shall have the occasion to point out that the most important of the parties who are now clamouring for the enforcement of the three demands on religious grounds were all against the idea of an Islamic State. Even Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi of Jama’at-i-Islami was of the view that the form of Government in the new Muslim State, if it ever came into existence, could only be secular.

Before the Partition, the first public picture of Pakistan that the Quaid-i-Azam gave to the world was in the course of an interview in New Delhi with Mr. Doon Campbell, Reuter’s Correspondent. The Quaid-i-Azam said that the new State would be a modern democratic State, with sovereignty resting in the people and the members of the new nation having equal rights of citizenship regardless of their religion, caste or creed. When Pakistan formally appeared on the map, the Quaid-i-Azam in his memorable speech of 11th August 1947 to the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan, while stating the principle on which the new State was to be founded, said:—


“All the same, in this division it was impossible to avoid the question of minorities being in one Dominion or the other. Now that was unavoidable. There is no other solution. Now what shall we do? Now, if we want to make this great State of Pakistan happy and prosperous we should wholly and solely concentrate on the well-being of the people, and specially of the masses and the poor. If you will work in co-operation, forgetting the past, burying the hatchet, you are bound to succeed. If you change your past and work together in a spirit that every one of you, no matter to what community he belongs, no matter what relations he had with you in the past, no matter what is his colour, caste or creed, is first, second and last a citizen of this State with equal rights, privileges and obligations., there will be no end to the progress you will make. “I cannot emphasise it too much. We should begin to work in that spirit and in course of time all these angularities of the majority and minority communities—the Hindu community and the Muslim community— because even as regards Muslims you have Pathana, Punjabis, Shias, Sunnis and so on and among the Hindus you have Brahmins, Vashnavas, Khatris, also Bengalis, Madrasis and so on—will vanish. Indeed if you ask me this has been the biggest hindrance in the way of India to attain its freedom and independence and but for this we would have been free peoples long long ago. No power can hold another nation, and specially a nation of 400 million souls in subjection; nobody could have conquered you, and even if it had happened, nobody could have continued its hold on you for any length of time but for this (Applause). Therefore, we must learn a lesson from this. You are free; you are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques or to any other places of worship in this State of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion or caste or creed— that has nothing to do with the business of the State (Hear, hear). As you know, history shows that in England conditions sometime ago were much worse than those prevailing in India today. The Roman Catholics and the Protestants persecuted each other. Even now there are some States in existence where there are discriminations made and bars imposed against a particular class. Thank God we are not starting in those days. We are starting in the days when there is no discrimination, no distinction between one community and another, no discrimination between one caste or creed and another. We are starting with this fundamental principle that we are all citizens and equal citizens of one State (Loud applause). The people of England in course of time had to face the realities of the situation and had to discharge the responsibilities and burdens placed upon them by the Government of their country and they went through that fire step by step. Today you might say with justice that Roman Catholics and Protestants do not exist: what exists now is that every man is a citizen, an equal citizen, of Great Britain and they are all members of the nation. “Now, I think we should keep that in front of us as our ideal and you will find that in course of time Hindus would cease to be Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not in the religious sense, because that is the personal faith of each individual, but in the political sense as citizens of the State”.

The Quaid-i-Azam was the founder of Pakistan and the occasion on which he thus spoke was the first landmark in the history of Pakistan. The speech was intended both for his own people including non-Muslims and the world, and its object was to define as clearly as possible the ideal to the attainment of which the new State was to devote all its energies. There are repeated references in this speech to the bitterness of the past and an appeal to forget and change the past and to bury the hatchet. The future subject of the State is to be a citizen with equal rights, privileges and obligations, irrespective of colour, caste, creed or community. The word ‘nation’ is used more than once and religion is stated to have nothing to do with the business of the State and to be merely a matter of personal faith for the individual.


We asked the ulama whether this conception of a State was acceptable to them and everyone of them replied in an unhesitating negative, including the Ahrar and erstwhile Congressites with whom before the Partition this conception was almost a part of their faith.


If Maulana Amin Ahsan Islahi’s evidence correctly represents the view of Jama’at-i-Islami, a State based on this idea is the creature of the devil, and he is confirmed in this by several writings of his chief, Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi, the founder of the jama’at. None of the ulama can tolerate a State which is based on nationalism and all that it implies; with them millat and all that it connotes can alone be the determining factor in State activity.


The Quaid-i-Azam’s conception of a modern national State, it is alleged, became obsolete with the passing of the Objectives Resolution on 12th March 1949; but it has been freely admitted that this Resolution, though grandiloquent in words, phrases and clauses, is nothing but a hoax and that not only does it not contain even a semblance of the embryo of an Islamic State but its provisions, particularly those relating to fundamental rights, are directly opposed to the principles of an Islamic State.




What is then the Islamic State of which everybody talks but nobody thinks? Before we seek to discover an answer to this question, we must have a clear conception of the scope and function of the State.

The ulama were divided in their opinions when they were asked to cite some precedent of an Islamic State in Muslim history. Thus, though Hafiz Kifayat Husain, the Shia divine, held out as his ideal the form of Government during the Holy Prophet’s time, Maulana Daud Ghaznavi also included in his precedent the days of the Islamic Republic, of Umar bin Abdul Aziz, Salah-ud-Din Ayyubi of Damascus, Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni, Muhammad Tughlaq and Aurangzeb and the present regime in Saudi Arabia. Most of them, however, relied on the form of Government during the Islamic Republic from 632 to 661 A. D., a period of less than thirty years, though some of them also added the very short period of Umar bin Abdul Aziz.

Maulana Abdul Haamid Badayuni stated that the details of the ideal State would be worked out by the ulama while Master Taj-ud-Din Ansari’s confused notion of an Islamic State may be gathered from the following portion of his interrogation :—

“Q.—Were you also in the Khilafat movement ?
Q.—When did the Khilafat movement stop in India ?
A.—In 1923. This was after the Turks had declared their country to be a secular State.
Q.—If you are told that the Khilafat movement continued long after the Turks had abolished Khilafat, will that be correct?
A.—As far as I remember, the Khilafat movement finished with the abolition of the Khilafat by the Turks.
Q.—You are reported to have been a member of the Khilafat movement and having made speeches. Is it correct ?
A.—It could not be correct.
Q.—Was the Congress interested in Khilafat ?
A.— Yes.
Q.—Was Khilafat with you a matter of religious conviction or just a political movement ?
A.— It was purely a religious movement.
Q.— Did the Khilafat movement have the support of Mr Gandhi ?
Q.— What was the object of the Khilafat movement ?
A.— The Britisher was injuring the Khilafat institution in Turkey and the Musalman was aggrieved by this attitude of the Britisher.
Q.— Was not the object of the movement to resuscitate the Khilafat among the    Musalmans ?
Q.— Is Khilafat with you a necessary part of Muslim form of Government ?
Q.— Are you, therefore, in favour of having a Khilafat in Pakistan ?
Q.— Can there be more than one Khalifa of the Muslims ?
A.— No.
Q.— Will the Khalifa of Pakistan be the Khalifa of all the Muslims of the world ?
A.— He should be but cannot be.”

Throughout the three thousand years over which political thought extends, and such thought in its early stages cannot be separated from religion, two questions have invariably presented themselves for consideration : —

(1) what are the precise functions of the State ? and
(2) who shall control the State ?

If the true scope of the activities of the State is the welfare, temporal or spiritual or both of the individual, then the first question directly gives rise to the bigger question:

What is the object of human life and the ultimate destiny of man? On this, widely divergent views have prevailed, not at different times but at one and the same time. The pygmies of equatorial West Africa still believe that their God Komba has sent them into the forest to hunt and dance and sing. The Epicureans meant very much the same when they said that the object of human life is to drink and eat and be merry, for death denies such pleasures. The utilitarians base their institutions on the assumption that the object of human life is to experience pleasant sensations of mind and body, irrespective of what is to come hereafter. The Stoics believed in curbing and reducing all physical desires, and Diogenes found a tub good enough to live in. German philosophers think that the individual lives for the State and that therefore the object of life is service of the State in all that it might decide to undertake and achieve. Ancient Hindu philosophers believed in the logic of the fist with its natural consequence, the law of natural selection and the struggle for survival. The Semitic theory of State, whether Jewish, Christian or Islamic, has always held that the object of human life is to prepare ourselves for the next life and that, therefore, prayer and good works are the only object of life. Greek philosophers beginning with Socrates thought that the object of human life was to engage in philosophical meditation with a view to discovering the great truths that lie in nature and that the business of the others is to feed the philosophers engaged in that undertaking.

Islam emphasises the doctrine that life in this world is not the only life given to man but that eternal life begins after the present existence comes to an end, and that the status of a human being in the next world will depend upon his beliefs and actions in this world. As the present life is not an end in itself but merely a means to an end, not only the individual but also the State, as opposed to the secular theory which bases all political and economic institutions on a disregard of their consequences on the next life, should strive for human conduct which ensures for a person better status in the next world.

According to this theory Islam is the religion which seeks to attain that object. Therefore the question immediately arises : What is Islam and who is a momin or a Muslim ? We put this question to the ulama and we shall presently refer to their answers to this question. But we cannot refrain from saying here that it was a matter of infinite regret to us that the ulama whose first duty should be to have settled views on this subject, were hopelessly disagreed among themselves.

Apart from how these learned divines have expressed themselves, we conceive of Islam as a system that covers, as every systematic religion must, the following five topics :—
(1) the dogma, namely, the essentials of belief ;
(2) the cult, namely, religious rites and observances which a person must
perform ;
(3) ethics, i. e. rules of moral conduct ;
(4) institutions, social, economic and political ; and
(5) law proper.

The essential basis of the rules on all these subjects is revelation and not reason, though both may coincide. This coincidence, however, is accidental because human reasoning may be faulty and ultimate reason is known only to God, Who sends His message to humanity through His chosen messengers for the direction and guidance of the people. One must, therefore, accept the dogma, observe the cult, follow the ethics, obey the law and establish institutions which God has revealed, though their reason may not be apparent—nay even if they be opposed to human reason. Since an error by God is an impossibility, anything that God has revealed, whether its subject be something occult or preternatural, history, finance, law, worship or something which according to human thought admits of scientific treatment as for instance, birth of man, evolution, cosmology, or astronomy, has got to be accepted as absolute truth. The test of reason is not the acid test and a denial of this amounts to a denial of the supreme wisdom and designs of Allah—it is kufr. Now God has revealed Himself from time to time to His favoured people of whom our Holy Prophet was the last. That revelation is contained in the Qur’an and covers the five topics mentioned above. The true business of a person who believes in Islam is therefore to understand, believe in and act upon that revelation. The people whom God chooses as medium for the transmission of His messages are rasuls (messengers) or nabis (prophets). Since every action or saying of a prophet is, in the case of our own Holy Prophet it certainly was, prompted by Allah, it has the same degree of inerrancy as the formal revelation itself, because prophets are ma’sum, incapable of doing or saying something which is opposed to Divine wishes. These sayings and actions are sunna having the same infallibility as the Qur’an. The record of this sunna is hadith which is to be found in several books which were compiled by Muslim scholars after long, laborious and careful research extending over several generations.

The word hadith means a record of actions or sayings of the Prophet and his companions. At first the sahaba. i. e. people who had lived in the society of the Prophet, were the best authority for a knowledge of the sunna. Later people had to be content with the communications of the tabi’un, i. e. successors, people of the first generation after the Holy Prophet who had received their information from the sahaba, and then in the following generations with the accounts of the so-called successors of the successors (tabi’ul-tabi’un), i.e. people of the second generation after the Holy Prophet, who had concerted with the successors. Marfu’ is a tradition which contains a statement about the Prophet ; mawquf, a tradition that refers only to the sayings or doings of the sahaba ; and maqtu’ a tradition which does not at most go further back than the first generation after the Holy Prophet and deals only with sayings or doings of tabi’un. In some of the ahadith the actual word of God is to be found. Any such tradition is designated Hadith-i-Qudsi or Ilahi as distinguished from an ordinary Hadith-i-Nabvi.

A very large portion of sayings ascribed to the Prophet deals with the ahkam (legal professions), religious obligations, halal and haram (what is allowed and forbidden), with ritual purity, laws regarding food and criminal and civil law. Further they deal with dogma, retribution at the Last Judgment, hell and paradise, angels, creation, revelations, the earlier prophets. Many traditions also contain edifying sayings and moral teachings by the Holy Prophet. The importance of ahadith was realised from the very beginning and they were not only committed to memory but in some cases were reduced to writing. The work of compilation of hadith began in the third century after the Hijra and the Sihah Sitta were all compiled in that century. These are the musannifs of —
(1) Al-Bukhari, died 256/870,
(2) Muslim, died 261/875,
(3) Abu Dawud, died 275/888,
(4) Al-Tirmizi, died 279/892,
(5) All Nasa’i, died 303/915, and
(6) Ibn-i-Maja, died 273/886.

According to modern laws of evidence, including our own, the ahadith are inadmissible evidence of sunna because each of them contains several links of hearsay, but as authority on law they are admissible pro prio vigore. The merit of these collections lies not so much in the fact that (as is often wrongly stated) their authors decided for the first time which of the numerous traditions in circulation were genuine and which false but rather in the fact that they brought together everything that was recognised as genuine in orthodox circles in those days.

The Shias judge hadith from their own stand-point and only consider such traditions reliable as are based on the authority of Ali and his adherents. They have, therefore, their own works on the subject and hold the following five works in particularly high esteem—
(1) Al-Kafi of Muhammad b. Yaqub Al-Kulini, died 328/939,
(2) Man La Yastahdiruhu’ul-Fakih of Muhammad b. Ali b. Babuya Al-Kummi,
died 381/991,
(3) Tahdib Al-Ahkam,
(4) Al-Istibsar Fi-Ma’khtalafa Fihi’l-Akhbar (extract from the preceding) of
Muhammad Altusi, died 459/1067, and
(5) Nahj Al-Balagha (alleged sayings of Ali) of Ali b. Tahir Al-Sharif Al-Murtaza, died 436/1044 (or of his brother Radi Al-Din Al-Baghdadi.)

After the ritual, the dogma and the most important political and social institutions had taken definite shape in the second and third centuries, there arose a certain communis opinio regarding the reliability of most transmitters of tradition and the value of their statement. The main principles of doctrine had already been established in the writings of Malik b. Anas, Al-Shafi’i and other scholars regarded as authoritative in different circles and mainly on the authority of traditional sayings of the Holy Prophet. In the long run no one dared to doubt the truth of these traditions and this almost conclusive presumption of truth has since continued to be attached to the ahadith compiled in the Sihah Sitta.

We have so far arrived at this result that any rule on any subject that may be derived from the Qur’an or the sunna of the Holy Prophet is binding on every Musalman. But since the only evidence of sunna is the hadith, the words sunna and hadith have become mixed up with, and indistinguishable from, each other with the result that the expression Qur’an and hadith is not infrequently employed where the intention is to refer to Qur’an and sunna.

At this stage another principle, equally basic, comes into operation, and that is that Islam is the final religion revealed by God, complete and exhaustive in all respects, and that God will not abrogate, detract from or add to this religion (din) any more than He will send a fresh messenger. The din having been perfected (Akmalto lakum dinokum, Sura V, verse 3), there remains no need for any new code repealing, modifying or amplifying the original code; nor for any fresh messenger or message. In this sense, therefore, prophethood ceased with the Holy Prophet and revelation stopped for ever. This is the doctrine of the cessation of wahi-i-nubuwwat.

If the proposition that Muslim dogma, ethics and institutions, etc., are all based on the doctrine of inerrancy, whether such inerrancy lies in the Qur’an, the sunna, ijma’ or ijtihad-i-mutlaq, is fully comprehended, the various deductions that follow from it will be easily understandable. As the ultimate test of truth, whether the matter be one of a ritual or political or social or economic nature, is revelation and revelation has to be gathered from the Qur’an, and the sunna carries almost the same degree of inerrancy as revelation and the only evidence of sunna is hadith, the first duty of those who desire to establish an Islamic State will be to discover the precise rule applicable to the existing circumstances whether that rule is to be found in the Qur’an or hadith. Obviously the persons most suited for the purpose would be those who have made the Qur’an and hadith their lifelong study, namely, among the Sunnies, the ulama, and among the Shias, the mujtahids who are the spokesmen of the hidden Imam, the ruler de jure divino. The function of these divines would be to engage themselves in discovering rules applicable to particular situations and they will be engaged in a task similar to that in which Greek philosophers were engaged, with only this difference that whereas the latter thought that all truth lay in nature which had merely to be discovered by individual effort, the ulama and the mujtahids will have to get at the truth that lies in the holy Book and the books of hadith.

The ulama Board which was recommended by the Basic Principles Committee was a logical recognition of this principle, and the true objection against that Board should indeed have been that the Board was too inadequate a mechanism to implement the principle which had brought that body into existence.

Ijma’ means concurrence of the mujtahids of the people, i.e., of those who have a right, in virtue of knowledge, to form a judgment of their own, after the death of the Holy Prophet. The authority of ijma’ rests on the principle of a divine protection against error and is founded on a basal tradition of the Holy Prophet, “My people will never agree in error”, reported in Ibn Maja, By this procedure points which had been in dispute were fixed, and when fixed, they became an essential part of the faith and disbelief in them an act of unbelief (kufr). The essential point to remember about ijma’ is that it represents the agreement of the mujtahids and that the agreement of the masses is especially excluded.

Thus ijma’ has not only fixed unsettled points but has changed settled doctrines of the greatest importance.

The distinction between ijma’ and ijtihad is that whereas the former is collective, the latter is individual. Ijtihad means the exerting of one’s self to the utmost degree to form an opinion in a case or as to a rule of law. This is done by applying analogy to the Qur’an and the sunna. Ijtihad did not originally involve inerrancy, its result being always zann or fallible opinion. Only combined ijtihad led to ijma, and was inerrant. But this broad ijtihad soon passed into special ijtihad of those who had a peculiar right to form judgments. When later doctors looked back to the founding of the four legal schools, they assigned to their founders an ijtihad of the first rank (ijtihad-i-mutlaq). But from time to time individuals appeared who returned to the earliest meaning of ijtihad and claimed for themselves the right to form their own opinion from first principles. One of these was the Hanbalite Ibn Taimiya (died 728). Another was Suyuti (died 911) in whom the claim to ijtihad unites with one to be the mujaddid or renewer of religion in his century. At every time there must exist at least one mujtahid, was his contention, just as in every century there must come a mujaddid.

In Shia Islam there are still absolute mujtahids because they are regarded as the spokesmen of the hidden Imam. Thus collective ijtihad leads to ijma’, and the basis of ijma’ is divine protection against error—inerrancy.



Since the basis of Islamic law is the principle of inerrancy of revelation and of the Holy Prophet, the law to be found in the Qur’an and the sunna is above all man-made laws, and in case of conflict between the two, the latter, irrespective of its nature, must yield to the former. Thus, provided there be a rule in the Qur’an or the sunna on a matter which according to our conceptions falls within the region of Constitutional Law or International Law, the rule must be given effect to unless that rule itself permits a departure from it. Thus no distinction exists in Islamic law between Constitutional Law and other law, the whole law to be found in the Qur’an and the sunna being a part of the law of the land for Muslim subjects of the State. Similarly if there be a rule in the Qur’an or the sunna relating to the State’s relations with other States or to the relations of Muslim subjects of the State with other States or the subjects of those States, the rule will have the same superiority of sanction as any other law to be found in the Qur’an or the sunna.

Therefore if Pakistan is or is intended to be converted into an Islamic State in the true sense of the word, its Constitution must contain the following five provisions:—

(1) that all laws to be found in the Qur’an or the sunna shall be deemed to be a part of the law of the land for Muslims and shall be enforced accordingly;
(2) that unless the Constitution itself is framed by ijma’-i-ummat, namely, by the agreement of the ulama and mujtahids of acknowledged status, any provision in the Constitution which is repugnant to the Qur’an or sunna shall to the extent of the repugnancy be void;
(3) that unless the existing laws of Pakistan are adapted by ijma’-i-ummat of the kind mentioned above, any provision in the existing law which is contrary to the Qur’an or sunna shall to the extent of the repugnancy be void;
(4) that any provision in any future law which is repugnant to Qur’an or sunna shall be void;
(5) that no rule of International Law and no provision in any convention or treaty to which Pakistan is a party, which is contrary to the Qur’an or the sunna shall be binding on any Muslim in Pakistan.



That the form of Government in Pakistan, if that form is to comply with the principles of Islam, will not be democratic is conceded by the ulama. We have already explained the doctrine of sovereignty of the Qur’an and the sunna. The Objectives Resolution rightly recognised this position when it recited that all sovereignty rests with God Almighty alone. But the authors of that Resolution misused the words ‘sovereign’ and ‘democracy’ when they recited that the Constitution to be framed was for a sovereign State in which principles of democracy as enunciated by Islam shall be fully observed.

It may be that in the context in which they were used, these words could not be misunderstood by those who are well versed in Islamic principles, but both these words were borrowed from western political philosophy and in that sense they were both wrongly used in the Resolution. When it is said that a country is sovereign, the implication is that its people or any other group of persons in it are entitled to conduct the affairs of that country in any way they like and untrammelled by any considerations except those of expediency and policy. An Islamic State, however, cannot in this sense be sovereign, because it will not be competent to abrogate, repeal or do away with any law in the Qur’an or the sunna. Absolute restriction on the legislative power of a State is a restriction on the sovereignty of the people of that State and if the origin of this restriction lies elsewhere than in the will of the people, then to the extent of that restriction the sovereignty of the State and its people is necessarily taken away. In an Islamic State, sovereignty, in its essentially juristic sense, can only rest with Allah. In the same way, democracy means the rule of the demos, namely, the people, directly by them as in ancient Greece and Rome, or indirectly through chosen representatives as in modern democracies. If the power of the people in the framing of the Constitution or in the framing of the laws or in the sphere of executive action is subject to certain immutable rules, it cannot be said that they can pass any law that they like, or, in the exercise of executive functions, do whatever they like. Indeed if the legislature in an Islamic State is a sort of ijma’, the masses are expressly disqualified from taking part in it because ijma’-i-ummat in Islamic jurisprudence is restricted to ulama and mujtahids of acknowledged status and does not at all extend, as in democracy, to the populace.




In the preceding pages we have attempted to state as clearly as we could the principles on which a religious State must be built if it is to be called an Islamic State. We now proceed to state some incidents of such State, with particular reference to the ulamas’ conception of it.




Legislature in its present sense is unknown to the Islamic system. The religiopolitical system which is called din-i-Islam is a complete system which contains in itself the mechanism for discovering and applying law to any situation that may arise. During the Islamic Republic there was no legislature in its modern sense and for every situation or emergency that arose law could be discovered and applied by the ulama. The law had been made and was not to be made, the only function of those entrusted with the administration of law being to discover the law for the purposes of the particular case, though when enunciated and applied it formed a precedent for others to follow. It is wholly incorrect, as has been suggested from certain quarters, that in a country like Pakistan, which consists of different communities, Muslim and non-Muslim, and where representation is allowed to non-Muslims with a right to vote on every subject that comes up, the legislature is a form of ijma’ or ijtihad, the reason being that ijtihad is not collective but only individual, and though ijma’ is collective, there is no place in it for those who are not experts in the knowledge of the law. This principle at once rules out the infidels (kuffar) whether they be people of Scriptures (ahl-i-kitab) or idolators (mushrikeen).

Since Islam is a perfect religion containing laws, express or derivable by ijma’ or ijtihad, governing the whole field of human activity, there is in it no sanction for what may, in the modern sense, be called legislation.

Questioned on this point Maulana Abul Hasanat, President, Jami’at-ul-Ulama-i-Pakistan says :—

“Q.—Is the institution of legislature as distinguished from the institution of a person or body of persons entrusted with the interpretation of law, an integral part of an Islamic State?
A.—No. Our law is complete and merely requires interpretation by those who are experts in it. According to my belief no question can arise the law relating to which cannot be discovered from the Qur’an or the hadith.
Q.—Who were Sahib-ul-hall-i-wal-aqd
A.—They were the distinguished ulama of the time. These persons attained their status by reason of the knowledge of the law. They were not in any way analogous or similar to the legislature in modern democracy.”

The same view was expressed by Amir-i-Shari’at Sayyad Ata Ullah Shah Bukhari in one of his speeches reported in the ‘Azad’ of 22nd April, 1947, in the course of which he said that our din is complete and perfect and that it amounts to kufr to make more laws.

Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi, however, is of the opinion that legislation in the true sense is possible in an Islamic State on matters which are not covered by the Qur’an, the sunna, or previous ijma’ and he has attempted to explain his point by reference to the institution of a body of persons whom the Holy Prophet, and after him the khulafa consulted on all matters relating to affairs of State. The question is one of some difficulty and great importance because any institution of legislature will have to be reconciled with the claim put forward by Maulana Abul Hasanat and some other religious divines that Islam is a perfect and exhaustive code wide enough to furnish an answer to any question that may arise relating to any human activity, and that it does not know of any “unoccupied field” to be filled by fresh legislation. There is no doubt that Islam enjoins consultation and that not only the Holy Prophet but also the first four caliphs and even their successors resorted to consultation with the leading men of the time, who for their knowledge of the law and piety could well be relied upon.

In the inquiry not much has been disclosed about the Majlis-i-Shura except what is contained in Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi’s written statement which he supplied to the Court at its request. That there was a body of men who were consulted is true, but whether this was a standing body and whether its advice had any legal or binding force, seems somewhat doubtful. These men were certainly not elected in the modern way, though their representative character cannot be disputed. Their advice was certainly asked ad hoc, but that they were competent to make law as the modern legislatures make laws is certainly not correct. The decisions taken by them undoubtedly served as precedents and were in the nature of ijma’, which is not legislation but the application of an existing law to a particular case. When consulted in affairs of State, their functions were truly in the nature of an advice given by a modern cabinet but such advice is not law but only a decision.

Nor can the legislature in a modern State correspond to ijma’ because as we have already pointed out, the legislature legislates while the ulama of Majlis-i-Shura who were called upon to determine what should be the decision on a particular point which was not covered by the Qur’an and the sunna, merely sought to discover and apply the law and not to promulgate the law, though the decision when taken had to be taken not only for the purposes of the particular case but for subsequent occasions as a binding precedent.

An intriguing situation might arise if the Constitution Act provided that any provision of it, if it was inconsistent with the Qur’an or the sunna, would be void, and the intra vires of a law made by the legislature were questioned before the Supreme Court on the ground that the institution of legislature itself was contrary to the Qur’an and the sunna.


The ground on which the removal of Chaudhri Zafrullah Khan and other Ahmadis occupying key positions in the State is demanded is that the Ahmadis are non-Muslims and that therefore like zimmies in an Islamic State they are not eligible for appointment to higher offices in the State. This aspect of the demands has directly raised a question about the position of non-Muslims in Pakistan if we are to have an Islamic Constitution.

According to the leading ulama the position of non-Muslims in the Islamic State of Pakistan will be that of zimmies and they will not be full citizens of Pakistan because they will not have the same rights as Muslims They will have no voice in the making of the law, no right to administer the law and no right to hold public offices.

A full statement of this position will be found in the evidence of Maulana Abul Hasanat Sayyad Muhammad Ahmad Qadri, Maulana Ahmad Ali, Mian Tufail Muhammad and Maulana Abdul Haamid Badayuni. Maulana Abul Hasanat on being questioned on the subject stated as follows :—

“Q.—If we were to have an Islamic State in Pakistan, what will be the position of the kuffar (non-Muslims)? Will they have a voice in the making of laws, the right of administering the law and the right to hold public offices?
A.—Their position will be that of zimmies. They will have no voice in the making of laws, no right to administer the law and no right to hold public offices.
Q.—In an Islamic State can the head of the State delegate any part of his powers to kuffar?

Maulana Ahmad Ali, when questioned, said:—
“Q.—if we were to have an Islamic State in Pakistan, what will be the position of the kuffar? Will they have a hand in the making of the law, the right to administer the law and the right to hold public offices ?
A.—Their position will be that of zimmies. They will have no say in the making of law and no right to administer the law. Government may, however, permit them to hold any public office”.

Mian Tufail Muhammad stated as follows :—
“Q.—Read the article on minorities’ rights in the ‘Civil and Military Gazette’ of 13th October, 1953, and say whether it correctly represents your view of an Islamic State? (It was stated in the articles that minorities would have the same rights as Muslims).
A.—I have read this article and do not acknowledge these rights for the Christians or other non-Muslims in Pakistan if the State is founded on the ideology of the Jama’at”.

The confusion on this point in the mind of Maulana Abdul Haamid Badayuni, President, Jami’at-ul-Ulama-i-Pakistan, is apparent from the following: —

“Q.—Have you ever read the aforesaid speech (the speech of the Quaid-i-Azam to the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan on 11th August, 1947)?
A.—Yes, I have read that speech.
Q.—Do you still agree with the conception of Pakistan that the Quaid-i-Azam presented to the Constituent Assembly in this speech in which he said that thereafter there would be only one Pakistan nation, consisting of Muslims and non-Muslims, having equal civic rights, without any distinction of race, religion or creed and that religion would be merely a private affair of the individual ?
A.—I accept the principle that all communities, whether Muslims or non-Muslims, should have, according to their population, proper representation in the administration of the State and legislation, except that non-Muslims cannot be taken in the army or the judiciary or be appointed as Ministers or to other posts involving the reposing of confidence.
Q.—Are you suggesting that the position of non-Muslims would be that of zimmies or any better ?
A.—No. By zimmies are meant non-Muslim people of lands which have been conquered by an Islamic State, and the word is not applicable to non-Muslim minorities already living in an Islamic State. Such minorities are called mu’ahids, i.e. those people with whom some agreement has been made.
Q.—What will be their status if there is no agreement with them ?
A.—In that case such communities cannot have any rights of citizenship.
Q.—Will the non-Muslim communities inhabiting Pakistan be called by you as mu’ahids?
A.—No, not in the absence of an agreement with them. To my knowledge there is no such agreement with such communities in Pakistan.”

So, according to the evidence of this learned divine, the non-Muslims of Pakistan will neither be citizens nor will they have the status of zimmies or of mu’ahids. During the Islamic Republic, the head of the State, the khalifa, was chosen by a system of election, which was wholly different from the present system of election based on adult or any other form of popular suffrage. The oath of allegiance (ba’it) rendered to him possessed a sacramental virtue, and on his being chosen by the consensus of the people (ijma’-ul-ummat) he became the source of all channels of legitimate Government. He and he alone then was competent to rule, though he could delegate his powers to deputies and collect around him a body of men of outstanding piety and learning, called Majlis-i-Shura or Ahl-ul-Hall-i-wal-Aqd. The principal feature of this system was that the kuffar, for reasons which are too obvious and need not be stated, could not be admitted to this majlis and the power which had vested in the khalifa could not be delegated to the kuffar. The khalifa was the real head of the State, all power vesting in him and not a powerless individual like the President of a modern democratic State who is merely to sign the record of decisions taken by the Prime Minister and his Cabinet. He could not appoint non-Muslims to important posts, and could give them no place either in the interpretation or the administration of the law, the making of the law by them, as already pointed out, being a legal impossibility.

This being the position, the State will have to devise some machinery by which the distinction between a Muslim and a non-Muslim may be determined and its consequences enforced. The question, therefore, whether a person is or is not a Muslim will be of fundamental importance, and it was for this reason that we asked most of the leading ulama, to give their definition of a Muslim, the point being that if the ulama of the various sects believed the Ahmadis to be kafirs, they must have been quite clear in their minds not only about the grounds of such belief but also about the definition of a Muslim because the claim that a certain person or community is not within the pale of Islam implies on the part of the claimant an exact conception of what a Muslim is. The result of this part of the inquiry, however, has been anything but satisfactory, and if considerable confusion exists in the minds of our ulama on such a simple matter, one can easily imagine what the differences on more complicated matters will be. Below we reproduce the definition of a Muslim given by each alim in his own words. This definition was asked after it had been clearly explained to each witness that he was required to give the irreducible minimum conditions which, a person must satisfy to be entitled to be called a Muslim and that the definition was to be on the principle on which a term in grammar is defined.

Here is the result : —

Maulana Abul Hasanat Muhammad Ahmad Qadri, President, Jami’at-ul-Ulamai-
Pakistan —
“Q.— What is the definition of a Muslim ?
A — (1) He must believe in the Unity of God.
(2) He must believe in the prophet of Islam to be a true prophet as well as in all other prophets who have preceded him,
(3) He must believe in the Holy Prophet of Islam as the last of the prophets (khatam-un-nabiyin).
(4) He must believe in the Qur’an as it was revealed by God to the Holy
Prophet of Islam.
(5) He must believe as binding on him the injunctions of the Prophet of
(6) He must believe in the qiyamat.
Q.—Is a tarik-us-salat a Muslim ?
A.—Yes, but not a munkir-us-salat”

Maulana Ahmad Ali, President, Jami’at-ul-Ulama-i-Islam, Maghribi Pakistan —
“Q.— Please define a Muslim ?
A.—A person is a Muslim if he believes (1) in the Qur’an and (2) what has been said by the prophet. Any person who possesses these two qualifications is entitled to be called a Muslim without his being required to believe in anything more or to do anything more.”

Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi, Amir Jama’at-i-Islami —
“Q.—Please define a Muslim ?
A.—A person is a Muslim if he believes (1) in tauheed, (2) in all the prophets (ambiya), (3) all the books revealed by God, (4) in mala’ika (angels), and (5) yaum-ul-akhira (the Day of Judgment).
Q.—Is a mere profession of belief in these articles sufficient to entitle a man
to call himself a Musalman and to be treated as a Musalman in an Islamic State ?
Q.—If a person says that he believes in all these things, does any one have a right to question the existence of his belief ?
A.—The five requisites that I have mentioned above are fundamental and any alteration in anyone of these articles will take him out of the pale of Islam.”

Ghazi Siraj-ud-Din Munir—
“Q.—Please define a Muslim ?
A.—I consider a man to be a Muslim if he professes his belief in the kalima, namely, La Ilaha Illalah-o-Muhammad-ur-Rasulullah, and leads a life in the footsteps of the Holy Prophet.”

Mufti Muhammad Idris, Jamia Ashrafia, Nila Gumbad, Lahore—
“Q.—Please give the definition of a Musalman ?
A.—The word ‘Musalman’ is a Persian one. There is a distinction between the word ‘Musalman’ which is a Persian word for Muslim and the word ‘momin’. It is impossible for me to give a complete definition of the word ‘momin’. I would require pages and pages to describe what a momin is. A person is a Muslim who professes to be obedient to Allah. He should believe in the Unity of God, prophethood of the ambiya and in the Day of Judgment. A person who does not believe in the azan or in the qurbani goes outside the pale of Islam. Similarly, there are a large number of other things which have been received by tavatir from our prophet. In order to be a Muslim, he must believe in all these things. It is almost impossible for me to give a complete list of such things.”

Hafiz Kifayat Hussain, Idara-i-Haquq-i-Tahaffuz-i-Shia—
“Q.—Who is a Musalman?
A.—A person is entitled to be called a Musalman if he believes in (1) tauheed, (2) nubuwwat and (3) qiyamat. These are the three fundamental beliefs which a person must profess to be called a Musalman. In regard to these three basic doctrines there is no difference between the Shias and the Sunnies. Besides the belief in these three doctrines, there are other things called ‘zarooriyat-i-din’ which a person must comply with in order to be entitled to be called a Musalman. These will take me two days to define and enumerate. But as an illustration I might state that the respect for the Holy Book, wajoob-i-nimaz, wajoob-i-roza, wajoob-i-hajj-ma’a-sharait, and other things too numerous to mention, are among the ‘zarooriyat-i-din’ ”

Maulana Abdul Hamid Badayuni, President, Jami’at-ul-Ulama-i-Pakistan :
“Q.—Who is a Musalman according to you ?
A.—A person who believes in the zarooriyat-i-din is called a momin and every momin is entitled to be called a Musalman.
Q.—What are these zarooriyat-i-din ?
A.—A person who believes in the five pillars of Islam and who believes in the rasalat of our Holy Prophet fulfils the zarooriyat-i-din.
Q.—Have other actions, apart from the five arakan, anything to do with a man being a Muslim or being outside the pale of Islam?
(Note—Witness has been explained that by actions are meant those rules of moral conduct which in modern society are accepted as correct.)
Q.—Then you will not call a person a Muslim who believes in arakan-ikhamsa and the rasalat of the prophet but who steals other peoples’ things, embezzles property entrusted to him, has an evil eye on his neighbour’s wife and is guilty of the grossest ingratitude to his benefector?
A.—Such a person, if he has the belief already indicated, will be a Muslim despite all this”.

Maulana Muhammad Ali Kandhalvi, Darush-Shahabia, Sialkot —
“Q.—Please define a Musalman?
A.—A person who in obedience to the commands of the prophet performs all the zarooriyat-i-din is a Musalman.
Q.—Can you define zarooriyat-i-din ?
A.—Zarooriyat-i-din are those requirements which are known to every Muslim irrespective of his religious knowledge.
Q.—Can you enumerate zarooriyat-i-din ?
A.—These are too numerous to be mentioned. I myself cannot enumerate these zarooriyat. Some of the zarooriyat-i-din may be mentioned as salat, saum, etc.”

Maulana Amin Ahsan Islahi —
“Q.—Who is a Musalman?
A.—There are two kinds of Musalmans, a political (siyasi) Musalman and a real (haqiqi) Musalman. In order to be called a political Musalman, a person must:
(1) believe in the Unity of God,
(2) believe in our Holy Prophet being khatam-un-nabiyin, i.e., ‘final
authority’ in all matters relating to the life of that person,
(3) believe that all good and evil comes from Allah,
(4) believe in the Day of Judgment,
(5) believe in the Qur’an to be the last book revealed by Allah,
(6) perform the annual pilgrimage to Mecca,
(7) pay the zaka’at,
(8) say his prayers like the Musalmans,
(9) observe all apparent rules of Islami mu’ashira, and
(10) observe the fast (saum).

If a person satisfies all these conditions he is entitled to the rights of a full citizen of an Islamic State. If any one of these conditions is not satisfied, the person concerned will not be a political Musalman. (Again said) It would be enough for a person to be a Musalman if he merely professes his belief in these ten matters irrespective of whether he puts them into practice or not. In order to be a real Musalman, a person must believe in and act on all the injunctions by Allah and his prophet in the manner in which they have been enjoined upon him.
Q.—Will you say that only the real Musalman is ‘mard-i-saleh’ ?
Q.—do we understand you aright that in the case of what you have called a political (siyasi) Musalman, belief alone is necessary, while in the case of a haqiqi Musalman there must not only be belief but also action?
A.—No, you have not understood me aright. Even in the case of a political (siyasi) Musalman action is necessary but what I mean to say is that if a person does not act upon the belief that is necessary in the case of such a Musalman, he will not be outside the pale of a political (siyasi) Musalman.
Q.—If a political (siyasi) Musalman does not believe in things which you
have stated to be necessary, will you call such a person be-din ?
A.—No, I will call him merely be-amal”.

The definition by the Sadr Anjuman Ahmadiya, Rabwah, in its written statement
is that a Muslim is a person who belongs to the ummat of the Holy Prophet and professes belief in kalima-i-tayyaba.

Keeping in view the several definitions given by the ulama, need we make any comment except that no two learned divines are agreed on this fundamental. If we attempt our own definition as each learned divine has done and that definition differs from that given by all others, we unanimously go out of the fold of Islam. And if we adopt the definition given by any one of the ulama, we remain Muslims according to the view of that alim but kafirs according to the definition of every one else.




Apostasy in an Islamic State is punishable with death. On this the ulama are practically unanimous (vide the evidence of Maulana Abul Hasanat Sayyad Muhammad Ahmad Qadri, President, Jami’at-ul-Ulama-i-Pakistan, Punjab; Maulana Ahmad Ali, Sadr Jami’at-ul-Ulama-i-Islam, West Pakistan; Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi, founder and ex-Amir-i-Jama’at-i-Islami, Pakistan; Mufti Muhammad Idris, Jami’Ashrafia, Lahore, and Member, Jami’at-ul-Ulama-i-Pakistan; Maulana Daud Ghaznavi, President, Jami’at-i-Ahl-i-Hadith, Maghribi Pakistan; Maulana Abdul Haleem Qasimi, Jami’at-ul-Ulama-i-Islam, Punjab; and Mr. Ibrahim Ali Chishti). According to this doctrine, Chaudhri Zafrullah Khan, if he has not inherited his present religious beliefs but has voluntarily elected to be an Ahmadi, must be put to death. And the same fate should befall Deobandis and Wahabis, including Maulana Muhammad Shafi Deobandi, Member, Board of Talimat-i-Islami attached to the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan, and Maulana Daud Ghaznavi, if Maulana Abul Hasanat Sayyad Muhammad Ahmad Qadri or Mirza Raza Ahmad Khan Barelvi, or any one of the numerous ulama who are shown perched on every leaf of a beautiful tree in the fatwa, Ex. D. E. 14, were the head of such Islamic State. And if Maulana Muhammad Shafi Deobandi were the head of the State, he would exclude those who have pronounced Deobandis as kafirs from the pale of Islam and inflict on them the death penalty if they come within the definition of murtadd, namely, if they have changed and not inherited their religious views.

The genuineness of the fatwa, Ex. D. E. 13, by the Deobandis which says that Asna Ashari Shias are kafirs and murtadds, was questioned in the course of enquiry, but Maulana Muhammad Shafi made an inquiry on the subject from Deoband, and received from the records of that institution the copy of a fatwa signed by all the teachers of the Darul Uloom including Maulana Muhammad Shafi himself which is to the effect that those who do not believe in the sahabiyyat of Hazrat Siddiq Akbar and who are qazif of Hazrat Aisha Siddiqa and have been guilty of tehrif of Qur’an are kafirs. This opinion is also supported by Mr. Ibrahim Ali Chishti who has studied and knows his subject. He thinks the Shias are kafirs because they believe that Hazrat Ali shared the prophethood with our Holy Prophet. He refused to answer the question whether a person who being a Sunni changes his view and agrees with the Shia view would be guilty of irtidad so as to deserve the death penalty. According to the Shias all Sunnis are kafirs, and Ahl-i-Qur’an; namely, persons who consider hadith to be unreliable and therefore not binding, are unanimously kafirs and so are all independent thinkers. The net result of all this is that neither Shias nor Sunnis nor Deobandis nor Ahl-i-Hadith nor Barelvis are Muslims and any change from one view to the other must be accompanied in an Islamic State with the penalty of death if the Government of the State is in the hands of the party which considers the other party to be kafirs. And it does not require much imagination to judge of the consequences of this doctrine when it is remembered that no two ulama have agreed before us as to the definition of a Muslim. If the constituents of each of the definitions given by the ulama are given effect to, and subjected to the rule of ‘combination and permutation’ and the form of charge in the Inquisition’s sentence on Galileo is adopted mutatis mutandis as a model, the grounds on which a person may be indicted for apostasy will be too numerous to count.

In an earlier part of the report we have referred to the proscription of the ‘Ashshahab’, a pamphlet written by Maulana Shabbir Ahmad Usmani who later became Sheikh-ul-Islam-i-Pakistan. In that pamphlet the Maulana had attempted to show from the Qur’an, the sunna, the ijma’ and qayas that in Islam the punishment for apostasy (irtidad) simpliciter is death. After propounding the theological doctrine the Maulana had made in that document a statement of fact that in the time of the Caliph Siddiq-i-Akbar and the subsequent Caliphs vast areas of Arabia became repeatedly red with the blood of apostates. We are not called upon to express any opinion as to the correctness or otherwise of this doctrine but knowing that the suggestion to the Punjab Government to proscribe this pamphlet had come from the Minister for the Interior we have attempted to inquire of ourselves the reasons for Government’s taking a step which ex hypothesi amounted to condemning a doctrine which the Maulana had professed to derive from the Qur’an and the sunna. The death penalty for irtidad has implications of a far-reaching character and stamps Islam as a religion of fanatics, which punishes all independent thinking. The Qur’an again and again lays emphasis on reason and thought, advises toleration and preaches against compulsion in religious matters but the doctrine of irtidad as enunciated in this pamphlet strikes at the very root of independent thinking when it propounds the view that anyone who, being born a Muslim or having embraced Islam, attempts to think on the subject of religion with a view, if he comes to that conclusion, to choose for himself any religion he likes, has the capital penalty in store for him. With this implication Islam becomes an embodiment of complete intellectual paralysis. And the statement in the pamphlet that vast areas of Arabia were repeatedly bespattered with human blood, if true, could only lend itself to this inference that even when Islam was at the height of its splendour and held absolute sway in Arabia there were in that country a large number of people who turned away from that religion and preferred to die than to remain in that system. It must have been some such reaction of this pamphlet on the mind of the Minister for the Interior which prompted him to advise the Punjab Government to proscribe the pamphlet. Further the Minister who was himself well-versed in religious matters must have thought that the conclusion drawn by the author of the pamphlet which was principally based on the precedent mentioned in paras. 26, 27 and 28 of the Old Testament and which is only partially referred to in the Qur’an in the 54th verse of the Second Sura, could not be applicable to apostasy from Islam and that therefore the author’s opinion was in fact incorrect, there being no express text in the Qur’an for the death penalty for apostasy. On the contrary each of the two ideas, one underlying the six brief verses of Surat-ul-Kafiroon and the other the La Ikrah verse of the second Sura, has merely to be understood to reject as erroneous the view propounded in the ‘Ash-Shahab’. Each of the verses in Surat-ul-Kafiroon which contains thirty words and no verse of which exceeds six words, brings out a fundamental trait in man engrained in him since his creation while the La Ikrah verse, the relevant portion of which contains only nine words, states the rule of responsibility of the mind with a precision that cannot be surpassed. Both of these texts which are an early part of the Revelation are, individually and collectively, the foundation of that principle which human society, after centuries of conflict, hatred and bloodshed, has adopted in defining one of the most important fundamental rights of man. But our doctors would never dissociate chauvinism from Islam.




Closely allied to the punishment for apostasy is the right of non-Muslims publicly to preach their religion. The principle which punishes an apostate with death must be applicable to public preaching of kufr and it is admitted by Maulana Abul Hasanat, Ghazi Siraj-ud-Din Munir and Master Taj-ud-Din Ansari, though the last subordinates his opinion to the opinion of the ulama, that any faith other than Islam will not be permitted publicly to be preached in the State. And Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi, as will appear from his pamphlet ‘Punishment in Islam for an apostate’, has the same views on the subject.

Ghazi Siraj-ud-Din Munir, when questioned on this point, replied :—
“Q.—What will you do with them (Ahmadis) if you were the head of the
Pakistan State ?
A.—I would tolerate them as human beings but will not allow them the right
to preach their religion”.

The prohibition against public preaching of any non-Muslim religion must logically follow from the proposition that apostasy will be punished with death and that any attack on, or danger to Islam will be treated as treason and punished in the same way as apostasy.

Earlier we have pointed out that one of the doctrines on which the Musalmans and Ahmadis are at variance is that of jihad. This doctrine at once raises a host of other allied matters such as the meanings of ghazi, shahid, jihad-bis-saif, jihad fi sabili’llah, dar-ul-Islam, dar-ul-harb, hijrat, ghanima, khums and slavery, and the conflict or reconciliation of these conceptions with modern international problems such as aggression, genocide, international criminal jurisdiction, international conventions and rules of public international law.

An Islamic State is dar-ul-Islam, namely, a country where ordinances of Islam are established and which is under the rule of a Muslim sovereign. Its inhabitants are Muslims and also non-Muslims who have submitted to Muslim control and who under certain restrictions and without the possibility of full citizenship are guaranteed their lives and property by the Muslim State. They must, however, be people of Scriptures and may not be idolaters. An Islamic State is in theory perpetually at war with the neighbouring non-Muslim country, which at any time may become dar-ul-harb, in which case it is the duty of the Muslims of that country to leave it and to come over to the country of their brethren in faith. We put this aspect to Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi and reproduce his views :—

“Q.—is a country on the border of dar-ul-Islam always qua an Islamic State in the position of dar-ul-harb ?
A.—No. In the absence of an agreement to the contrary, the Islamic State will be potentially at war with the non-Muslim neighbouring country. The non-Muslim country acquires the status of dar-ul-harb only after the Islamic State declares a formal war against it”.

According to Ghias-ul-Lughat, dar-ul-harb is a country belonging to infidels which has not been subdued by Islam, and the consequences of a country becoming darul-harb are thus stated in the Shorter Encyclopaedia of Islam :—

“When a country does become a dar-ul-harb, it is the duty of all Muslims to withdraw from it, and a wife who refuses to accompany her husband in this, is ipso facto divorced”.

Thus in case of a war between India and Pakistan, if the latter is an Islamic State, we must be prepared to receive forty million Muslims from across the border into Pakistan.

In fact, Maulana Abdul Haamid Badayuni, President, Jami’at-ul-Ulama-i- Pakistan, thinks that a case for hijrat already exists for the Musalmans of India. The following is his view on this subject :—
“Q.—Do yon call your migration to Pakistan as hijrat in the religious sense ?

We shall presently point out why Mirza Ghulam Ahmad’s version of the doctrine of jihad is relied on as a ground for his and his community’s kufr, but before we do that it is necessary first to state how jihad has been or is understood by the Musalmans. There are various theories about jihad which vary from the crude notion of a megalomaniac moved by religious frenzy going out armed with sword and indiscriminately slaughtering non-Muslims in the belief that if he dies in the combat he becomes a shahid and if he succeeds in killing attains the status of a ghazi, to the conception that a Musalman throughout his life is pitted against kufr, kufr here being used in the sense of evil and wrong, and that his principal activity in life is to strive by argument a where necessary by force to spread Islam until it becomes a world religion. In the latter case he fights not for any personal end but because he considers such strife as a duty and an obligation which he owes to Allah and the only recompense for which is the pleasure of Allah. The Shorter Encyclopedia of Islam contains the following brief article on djihad :—
“DJIHAD (A), holy war. The spread of Islam by arms is a religious duty upon Muslims in general. It narrowly escaped being a sixth rukn, or fundamental duty, and is indeed still so regarded by the descendants of the Kharidjis. This position was reached gradually but quickly. In the Meccan Suras of the Qur’an patience under attack is taught ; no other attitude was possible. But at Medina the right to repel attack appears, and gradually it became a prescribed duty to fight against and subdue the hostile Meccans.

Whether Muhammad himself recognised that his position implied steady and unprovoked war against the unbelieving world until it was subdued to Islam may be in doubt. Traditions are explicit on the point ; but the Qur’anic passages speak always of the unbelievers who are to be subdued as dangerous or faithless. Still, the story of his writing to the powers around him shows that such a universal position was implicit in his mind, and it certainly developed immediately after his death, when the Muslim armies advanced out of Arabia. It is now a fard ala’l-kifaya, a duty in general on all male, free, adult Muslims, sane in mind and body and having means enough to reach the Muslim army, yet not a duty necessarily incumbent on every individual but sufficiently performed when done by a certain number. So it must continue to be done until the whole world is under the rule of Islam. It must be controlled or headed by a Muslim sovereign or imam. As the imam of the Shias is now invisible, they cannot have a djihad until he reappears. Further, the requirement will be met if such a sovereign makes an expedition once a year, or, even, in the later view, if he makes annual preparation for one. The people against whom the djihad is directed must first be invited to embrace Islam. On refusal they have another choice. They may submit to Muslim rule, become dhimmis (q. v.) and pay djizya and kharadj (q. v.) or fight. In the first case, their lives, families and property are assured to them, but they have a definitely inferior status, with no technical citizenship, and a standing only as protected wards. If they fight, they and their families may be enslaved and all their property seized as booty, four-fifths of which goes to the conquering army. If they embrace Islam, and it is open to them to do so even when the armies are face to face, they become part of the Muslim community with all its rights and duties. Apostates must be put to death. But if a Muslim country is invaded by unbelievers, the imam may issue a general summons calling all Muslims there to arms, and as the danger grows so may be the width of the summons until the whole Muslim world is involved. A Muslim who dies fighting in the path of Allah (fi sabil Allah) is martyr (shahid) and is assured of Paradise and of peculiar privileges there. Such a death was, in the early generations, regarded as the peculiar crown of a pious life. It is still, on occasions, a strong incitement, but when Islam ceased to conquer it lost its supreme value. Even yet, however, any war between Muslims and non-Muslims must be a djihad with its incitements and rewards. Of course, such modern movements as the so-called Mu’tazili in India and the Young Turk in Turkey reject this and endeavour to explain away its basis; but the Muslim masses still follow the unanimous voice of the canon lawyers. Islam must be completely made over before the doctrine of djihad can be eliminated”.

The generally accepted view is that the fifth verse to Sura-i-Tauba (Sura IX) abrogated the earlier verses revealed in Mecca which permitted the killing of kuffar only in self-defence. As against this the Ahmadis believe that no verso in the Qur’an was abrogated by another verse and that both sets of verses, namely, the Meccan verses and the relative verses in Sura-i-Tauba have different scopes and can stand together. This introduces the difficult controversy of nasikh and mansukh, with all its implications. It is argued on behalf of the Ahmadis that the doctrine of nasikh and mansukh is opposed to the belief in the existence of an original Scripture in Heaven, and that implicit in this doctrine is the admission that unless the verse alleged to be repealed was meant for a specific occasion and by the coming of that occasion fulfilled its purpose and thus spent itself, God did not know of the subsequent circumstances which would make the earlier verse inapplicable or lead to an undesired result.

The third result of this doctrine, it is pointed out, cuts at the very root of the claim that laws of Islam are immutable and inflexible because if changed circumstances made a new revelation necessary, any change in the circumstances subsequent to the completion of the revelation would make most of the revelation otiose or obsolete.

We are wholly incompetent to pronounce on the merits of this controversy but what has to be pointed out is the result to which the doctrine of jihad will lead if, as appears from the article in the Shorter Encyclopaedia of Islam and other writings produced before us including one by Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi and another by Maulana Shabbir Ahmad Usmani, it involves the spread of Islam by arms and conquest. ‘Aggression’ and ‘genocide’ are now offences against humanity for which under sentences pronounced by different International tribunals at Nuremburg and Tokio the war lords of Germany and Japan had to forfeit their lives, and there is hardly any difference between the offences of aggression and genocide on the one hand and the doctrine of spread of Islam by arms and conquest on the other. An International Convention on genocide is about to be concluded but if the view of jihad presented to us is correct, Pakistan cannot be a party to it. And while the following verses in the Mecca Suras :—

Sura II, verses 190 and 193 :190. “Fight in the Cause of God Those who fight you,
But do not transgress limits ;
For God loveth not transgressors”.
193. “And fight them on
Until there is no more
Tumult or oppression,
And there prevail
Justice and faith in God ;
But if they cease,
Let there be no hostility
Except to those
Who practise oppression”.
Sura XXII, verses 39 and 40:
39. “To those against whom
War is made, permission
Is given (to fight) because
They are wronged;— and verily,
God is most Powerful
For their aid;—”
40. “(They are) those who have
Been expelled from their homes
In defiance of right,—
(For no cause) except
That they say, ‘Our Lord
Is God.’ Did not God
Check one set of people
By means of another,
There would surely have been
Pulled down monasteries, churches,
Synagogues, and mosques, in which
The name of God is commemorated
In abundant measure. God will
Certainly aid those who
Aid His (cause);—for verily
God is Full of Strength,
Exalted in Might,
(Able to enforce His Will),”

contain in them the sublime principle which international jurists have only faintly begun to discover, we must go on preaching that aggression is the chief characteristic of Islam. The law relating to prisoners of war is another branch of Islamic law which is bound to come in conflict with International Law.

As for instance, in matters relating to the treatment of prisoners of war, we shall have to be governed by Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi’s view, assuming that view is based on the Qur’an and the sunna, which is as follows :—

“Q.—Is there a law of war in Islam?
Q.—Does it differ fundamentally from the modern International Law of war?
A.—These two systems are based on a fundamental difference.
Q.—What rights have non-Muslims who are taken prisoners of war in a jihad?
A.—The Islamic law on the point is that if the country of which these prisoners are nationals pays ransom, they will be released. An exchange of prisoners is also permitted. If neither of these alternatives is possible, the prisoners will be converted into slaves for ever. If any such person makes an offer to pay his ransom out of his own earnings, he will be permitted to collect the money necessary for the fidya (ransom).
Q.—Are you of the view that unless a Government assumes the form of an Islamic Government, any war declared by it is not a jihad?
A.—No. A war may be declared to be a jihad if it is declared by a national Government of Muslims in the legitimate interests of the State. I never expressed the opinion attributed to me in Ex. D. E. 12:—
“Raha yeh masala keh agar hukumat-i-Pakisten apni maujuda shukl-o-surat ke sath Indian Union ke sath apne mu’ahadat khatm kar-ke i’lan-i-jang bar bhi de to kya us-ki yeh jang jihad ke hukam men a-ja’egi ? Ap ne is bare men jo rae zahir ki hai woh bilkul darust hai – Jab-tak hukumat Islami nizam ko ikhtiyar kar-ke Islami nah ho jae us waqt tak us-ki kisi jang ko jihad kehna aisa hi hai jaisa kisi ghair Muslim ke Azad Kashmir ki fauj men bharti ho-kar larne ko jihad aur us-ki maut ko shahadat ka nam dediya jae – Maulana ka jo mudd’a hai woh yeh hai keh mu’ahadat ki maujudgi men to hukumat ya us-ke shehriyon ka is jang men sharik hona shar’-an ja’iz hi nahin – Agar hukumat mu’ahadat khatm kar-ke jang ka
i’lan kar-de to hukumat ki jang to jihad phir bhi nahin hogi ta-an keh hukumat Islami nah ho jae.’


‘The question remains whether, even if the Government of Pakistan, in its present form and structure, terminates her treaties with the Indian Union and declares war against her, this war would fall under the definition of jihad? The opinion expressed by him in this behalf is quite correct. Until such time as the Government becomes Islamic by adopting the Islamic form of Government, to call any of its wars a jihad would be tantamount to describing the enlistment and fighting of a non-Muslim on the side of the Azad Kashmir forces jihad and his death martyrdom. What the Maulana means is that, in the presence of treaties, it is against Shari’at, if the Government or its people participate in such a war. If the Government terminates the treaties and declares war, even then the war started by Government would not be termed jihad unless the Government becomes Islamic’.

About the view expressed in this letter being that of Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi, there is the evidence of Mian Tufail Muhammad, the writer of the letter, who states: “Ex. D. E. 12 is a photostat copy of a letter which I wrote to someone whose name I do not now remember.”

Maulana Abul Hasanat Muhammad Ahmad Qadri’s view on this point is as
“Q.—Is there a law of war in Islam?
Q.—Does it differ in fundamentals from the present International Law?
Q.—What are the rights of a person taken prisoner in war?
A.—He can embrace Islam or ask for aman, in which case he will be treated as a musta’min. If he does not ask for aman, he would be made a slave”.
Similar is the opinion expressed by Mian Tufail Muhammad of Jam’at-i-Islami who says:—
“Q.—Is there any law of war in Islamic laws?
Q.—If that comes into conflict with International Law, which will you follow?
A.—Islamic law.
Q.—Then please state what will be the status of prisoners of war captured by your
A.—I cannot reply to this off hand. I will have to study the point.”
Of course ghanima (plunder) and khums (one-fifth) if treated as a necessary incident of
jihad will be treated by international society as a mere act of brigandage.

The ideology on which an Islamic State is desired to be founded in Pakistan must have certain consequences for the Musalmans who are living in countries under non-Muslim sovereigns.

We asked Amir-i-Shari’at Sayyad Ataullah Shah Bukhari whether a Muslim could be a faithful subject of a non-Muslim State and reproduce his answer:—
“Q.—In your opinion is a Musalman bound to obey orders of a kafir Government?
A.—It is not possible that a Musalman should be faithful citizen of a non-Muslim Government.
Q.—Will it be possible for the four crore of Indian Muslims to be faithful citizens of their State?

The answer is quite consistent with the ideology which has been pressed before us, but then if Pakistan is entitled to base its Constitution on religion, the same right must be conceded to other countries where Musalmans are in substantial minorities or if they constitute a preponderating majority in a country where sovereignty rests with a non-Muslim community. We, therefore, asked the various ulama whether, if non-Muslims in Pakistan were to be subjected to this discrimination in matters of citizenship, the ulama would have any objection to Muslims in other countries being subjected to a similar discrimination. Their reactions to this suggestion are reproduced below:—

Maulana Abul Hasanat Sayyed Muhammad Ahmad Qadri, President, Jami’at-ul-Ulama-i-Pakistan:—
“Q.—You will admit for the Hindus, who are in a majority in India, the right to have a Hindu religious State?
Q.—Will you have any objection if the Muslims are treated under that form of Government as malishes or shudras under the law of Manu?
A.— No.”

Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi :—
“Q.—If we have this form of Islamic Government in Pakistan, will you permit Hindus to base their Constitution on the basis of their own religion?
A—Certainly. I should have no objection even if the Muslims of India are treated in that form of Government as shudras and malishes and Manu’s laws are applied to them, depriving them of all share in the Government and the rights of a citizen. In fact such a state of affairs already exists in India.”

Amir-i-Shari’at Sayyad Ata Ullah Skak Bukhari :—
“Q.—How many crores of Muslims are there in India?
A.—Four crores.
Q.—Have you any objection to the law of Manu being applied to them according to which they will have no civil right and will be treated as malishes and shudras?
A.—I am in Pakistan and I cannot advise them.”

Mian Tufail Muhammad of Jama’at-i-Islami :—
“Q.—What is the population of Muslims in the world?
A.—Fifty crores.
Q.—If the total population of Muslims of the world is 50 crores, as you say, and the number of Muslims living in Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Indonesia, Egypt, Persia, Syria, Lebanon, Trans-Jordan, Turkey and Iraq does not exceed 20 crores, will not the result of your ideology beto convert 30 crores of Muslims in the world into hewers of wood anddrawers of water?
A.—My ideology should not affect their position.
Q.—Even if they are subjected to discrimination on religious grounds and denied ordinary rights of citizenship ?
This witness goes to the extent of asserting that even if a non-Muslim Government were to offer posts to Muslims in the public services of the country, it will be their duty to refuse such posts.

Ghazi Siraj-ud-Din Munir :—
“Q.—Do you want an Islamic State in Pakistan?
Q.—What will be your reaction if the neighbouring country was to found
their political system on their own religion?
A.—They can do it if they like.
Q.—Do you admit for them the right to declare that all Muslims in India, are shudras and malishes with no civil rights whatsoever?
A.—We will do our best to see that before they do it their political
sovereignty is gone. We are too strong for India. We will be strong enough to prevent India from doing this.
Q.—Is it a part of the religious obligations of Muslims to preach their religion?
Q.—Is it a part of the duty of Muslims in India publicly to preach their religion?
A.—They should have that right.
Q.—What if the Indian State is founded on a religious basis and the right to preach religion is disallowed to its Muslim nationals?
A —If India makes any such law, believer in the Expansionist movement as I am, I will march on India and conquer her.”

So this is the reply to the reciprocity of discrimination on religious grounds.

Master Taj-ud-Din Ansari :—
“Q.—Would you like to have the same ideology for the four crores of Muslims in India as you are impressing upon the Muslims of
A.—That ideology will not let them remain in India for one minute.
Q.—Does the ideology of a Muslim change from place to place and from time to time?
Q.—Then why should not the Muslims of India have the same ideology as you have?
A.—They should answer that question.”

The ideology advocated before us, if adopted by Indian Muslims, will completely
disqualify them for public offices in the State, not only in India but in other countries also which are under a non-Muslim Government. Muslims will become perpetual suspects everywhere and will not be enrolled in the army because according to this ideology, in case of war between a Muslim country and a non-Muslim country, Muslim soldiers of the non-Muslim country must either side with the Muslim country or surrender their posts.

The following is the view expressed by two divines whom we questioned on this point:—

Maulana Abul Hasanat Sayyed Muhammad Ahmad Qadri, President, Jami’at-ul-
Ulama-i-Pakistan :—
“Q.—What will be the duty of Muslims in India in case of war between India
and Pakistan?
A.—Their duty is obvious, namely, to side with us and not to fight against us
on behalf of India.”

Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi : —
“Q.—What will be the duty of the Muslims in India in case of war between
India and Pakistan?
A.—Their duty is obvious, and that is not to fight against Pakistan or to do
anything injurious to the safety of Pakistan.”


Other incidents of an Islamic State are that all sculpture, playing of cards, portrait
painting, photographing human beings, music, dancing, mixed acting, cinemas and
theatres will have to be closed.

Thus says Maulana Abdul Haleem Qasimi, representative of Jami’at-ul-Ulama-i-Pakistan: —

“Q.—What are your views on tashbih and tamseel ?
A.—You should ask me a concrete question.
Q.—What are your views on lahw-o-la’b?
A.—The same is my reply to this question.
Q.—What are your views about portrait painting?
A.—There is nothing against it if any such painting becomes necessary.
Q.—What about photography?
A.—My reply to it is the same as the reply regarding portrait painting.
Q.—What about sculpture as an art?
A.—It is prohibited by our religion.
Q.—Will you bring playing of cards in lohw-o-la’b?
A.—Yes, it will amount to lahw-o-la’b.
Q.—What about music and dancing?
A.—It is all forbidden by our religion.
Q.—What about drama and acting?
A —It all depends on what kind of acting you mean. If it involves immodesty
and intermixture of sexes, the Islamic law is against it.
Q.—If the State is founded on your ideals, will you make a law stopping
portrait painting, photographing of human beings, sculpture, playing
of cards, music, dancing, acting and all cinemas and theatres?
A.—Keeping in view the present form of these activities, my answer is in the affirmative.”

Maulana Abdul Haamid Badayuni considers it to be a sin (ma’siyat) on the part of
professors of anatomy to dissect dead bodies of Muslims to explain points of anatomy to the students.

The soldier or the policeman will have the right, on grounds of religion, to disobey a command by a superior authority. Maulana Abul Hasanat’s view on this is as follows :—

“I believe that if a policeman is required to do something which we consider to be contrary to our religion, it should be the duty of the policeman to disobey the authority. The same would be my answer if ‘army’ were substituted for ‘police’.

Q.—You stated yesterday that if a policeman or a soldier was required by a
superior authority to do what you considered to be contrary to religion, it would be the duty of that policeman or the soldier to disobey such authority. Will you give the policeman or the soldier the right of himself determining whether the command he is given by his superior authority is contrary to religion ?
A.—Most certainly.
Q.—Suppose there is war between Pakistan and another Muslim country and the soldier feels that Pakistan is in the wrong; and that to shoot a soldier of other country is contrary to religion. Do you think he would be justified in disobeying his commanding officer ?
A.—In such a contingency the soldier should take a fatwa of the ‘ulama’.”

We have dwelt at some length on the subject of Islamic State not because we intended to write a thesis against or in favour of such State but merely with a view to presenting a clear picture of the numerous possibilities that may in future arise if true causes of the ideological confusion which contributed to the spread and intensity of the disturbances are not precisely located. That such confusion did exist is obvious because otherwise Muslim Leaguers, whose own Government was in office, would not have risen against it; sense of loyalty and public duty would not have departed from public officials who went about like maniacs howling against their own Government and officers; respect for property and human life would not have disappeared in the common man who with no scruple or compunction began freely to indulge in loot, arson and murder; politicians would not have shirked facing the men who had installed them in their offices; and administrators would not have felt hesitant or diffident in performing what was their obvious duty. If there is one thing which has been conclusively demonstrated in this inquiry, it is that provided you can persuade the masses to believe that something they are asked to do is religiously right or enjoined by religion, you can set them to any course of action, regardless of all considerations of discipline, loyalty, decency, morality or civic sense.

Pakistan is being taken by the common man, though it is not, as an Islamic State. This belief has been encouraged by the ceaseless clamour for Islam and Islamic State that is being heard from all quarters since the establishment of Pakistan. The phantom of an Islamic State has haunted the Musalman throughout the ages and is a result of the memory of the glorious past when Islam rising like a storm from the least expected quarter of the world—wilds of Arabia—instantly enveloped the world, pulling down from their high pedestal gods who had ruled over man since the creation, uprooting centuries old institutions and superstitions and supplanting all civilisations that had been built on an enslaved humanity. What is 125 years in human history, nay in the history of a people, and yet during this brief period Islam spread from the Indus to the Atlantic and Spain, and from the borders of China to Egypt, and the sons of the desert installed themselves in all old centres of civilisation—in Ctesiphon, Damascus, Alexandria, India and all places associated with the names of the Sumerian and the Assyrian civilisations. Historians have often posed the question : what would have been the state of the world today if Muawiya’s siege of Constantinople had succeeded or if the proverbial Arab instinct for plunder had not suddenly seized the mujahids of Abdur Rahman in their fight against Charles Martel on the plains of Tours in Southern France. May be Muslims would have discovered America long before Columbus did and the entire world would have been Moslemised; may be Islam itself would have been Europeanised. It is this brilliant achievement of the Arabian nomads, the like of which the world had never seen before, that makes the Musalman of today live in the past and yearn for the return of the glory that was Islam. He finds himself standing on the crossroads, wrapped in the mantle of the past and with the dead weight of centuries on his back, frustrated and bewildered and hesitant to turn one corner or the other. The freshness and the simplicity of the faith, which gave determination to his mind and spring to his muscle, is now denied to him. He has neither the means nor the ability to conquer and there are no countries to conquer. Little does he understand that the forces, which are pitted against him, are entirely different from those against which early Islam, had to fight, and that on the clues given by his own ancestors human mind has achieved results which he cannot understand. He therefore finds himself in a state of helplessness, waiting for some one to come and help him out of this morass of uncertainty and confusion. And he will go on waiting like this without anything happening. Nothing but a bold re-orientation of Islam to separate the vital from the lifeless can preserve it as a World Idea and convert the Musalman into a citizen of the present and the future world from the archaic in congruity that he is today. It is this lack of bold and clear thinking, the inability to understand and take decisions which has brought about in Pakistan a confusion which will persist and repeatedly create situations of the kind we have been inquiring into until our leaders have a clear conception of the goal and of the means to reach it. It requires no imagination to realise that irreconcilables remain irreconcilable even if you believe or wish to the contrary. Opposing principles, if left to themselves, can only produce confusion and disorder, and the application of a neutralising agency to them can only produce a dead result. Unless, in case of conflict between two ideologies, our leaders have the desire and the ability to elect, uncertainty must continue. And as long as we rely on the hammer when a file is needed and press Islam into service to solve situations it was never intended to solve, frustration and disappointment must dog our steps. The sublime faith called Islam will live even if our leaders are not there to enforce it. It lives in the individual, in his soul and outlook, in all his relations with God and men, from the cradle to the grave, and our politicians should understand that if Divine commands cannot make or keep a man a Musalman, their statutes will not….

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Will the Telangana flare-up awaken New Delhi from its dream-world and into India’s political reality?

Subroto Roy thinks the flare-up of the Telangana issue has one and only one positive consequence: it brings home to New Delhi’s ruling elite that there are real political questions in India, and not everything can be left to spin-doctors and lobbyists to handle.

Annals of Diplomacy & International Relations

From Facebook:

Subroto Roy  finds it odd in diplomatic law and protocol that two American Presidents in succession have said respectively to the same Indian Prime Minister “You’re a good man” and a person of “honesty and integrity”.

Subroto Roy thinks Asia (from Israel-Palestine to Japan & Indonesia) needs its own Metternich and Congress of Vienna, but won’t get it and hence may remain many many decades behind Europe in political development. (And why Asia won’t get what Europe did may be because Europe did what it did.)

Subroto Roy agrees with Professor Juan Cole’s summary position: “India and Russia want an Obama ‘surge’ in Afghanistan because they are afraid that if Muslim extremists take over the country, that development could threaten their own security. China is more or less bankrolling the Afghanistan War…In contrast, Pakistan does not seem… eager for the further foreign troops, in part because it wants to project power and influence into Afghanistan itself”.  But he would add Russia, China, India and Iran too are free-riders from the military standpoint (though India has built power-stations, roads etc for civilian economic development), while Pakistan remains schizophrenic as to whether it wishes to define itself by the lights of Iqbal and Jinnah or by the lunacy of Rahmat Ali.

On the Existence of a Unique and Stable Solution to the Jammu & Kashmir Problem that is Lawful, Just and Economically Efficient

P Chidambaram may recall our brief interaction at the residence of the late Shri Rajiv Gandhi in September-October 1990, and also my visit in July 1995 when he was a member of Narasimha Rao’s Government.

I am delighted to read in today’s paper that he believes a “unique solution” exists to the grave mortal problem of Jammu & Kashmir.   Almost four years ago, I published in The Statesman my discovery of the existence of precisely such a  unique solution in the three-part article “Solving Kashmir”.

This came to be followed by “Law, Justice and J&K”, “History of Jammu & Kashmir”, “Pakistan’s Allies”, “What to tell Musharraf” and a few others.  The purpose of this open letter is to describe that solution which provides, I believe, the only just and lawful  path available to the resolution of what has been known universally as the Kashmir problem.

Very briefly, it involves recognizing that the question of lawful territorial sovereignty in J&K is logically distinct from the question of the choice of nationality by individual inhabitants.   The solution requires

(a) acknowledging that the original legal entity in the world system  of nations known as Jammu & Kashmir arose on March 16 1846 and ceased to exist on or about October 22 1947; that the military contest that commenced on the latter date has in fact resulted, given all particular circumstances of history, in the lawful and just outcome in international law;

(b) offering all who may be Indian nationals or stateless and who presently live under Article 370, a formal choice of nationality between the Republics of India, Iran, Afghanistan and Pakistan: citizen-by-citizen, without fear or favour, under conditions of full information, individual privacy and security; any persons who voluntarily choose to renounce Indian nationality in such private individual decisions would be nevertheless granted lawful permanent residence in the Indian Republic and J&K in particular.

In other words, the dismemberment of the original J&K State and annexation of its territories by the entities known today as the Republic of Pakistan and Republic of India that occurred since October 22 1947, as represented first by the 1949 Ceasefire Line and then by the 1972 Line of Control, is indeed the just and lawful outcome prevailing in respect of the question of territorial sovereignty and jurisdiction. The remaining democratic question has to do with free individual choice of nationality by inhabitants, under conditions of full information and privacy, citizen-by-citizen, with the grant of permanent residency rights by the Indian Republic to persons under its jurisdiction in J&K who might wish to choose, for deeply personal individual reasons, not to remain Indian nationals but become Afghan, Iranian or Pakistani nationals instead (or remain stateless).  Pakistan has said frequently its sole concern has been the freedom of Muslims of J&K under Indian rule, and any such genuine concern shall have been thereby fully met by India. Indeed if Pakistan agreed to act similarly this entire complex mortal problem of decades shall have begun to be resolved most appropriately. Pakistan and India are both wracked by corruption, poverty and bad governance, and would be able to mutually draw down military forces pit against one another everywhere, so as to begin to repair the grave damage to their fiscal health caused over decades by the deleterious draining away of vast public resources.

The full reasoning underlying this, which I believe to be the only lawful, just, efficient and stable solution that exists, is thoroughly explained in the following six articles. The first five, “Solving Kashmir”, “Law, Justice & J&K”, “History of J&K”, and “Pakistan’s Allies”, “What to Tell Musharraf” were published in The Statesman in 2005-2006 and are marked ONE, TWO, THREE, FOUR and FIVE below, and are also available elsewhere here. The sixth “An Indian Reply to President Zardari”, marked SIX, was published for the first time here following the Mumbai massacres.

I believe careful reflection upon this entire body of reasoning may lead all reasonable men and women to a practically unanimous consensus about this as the appropriate course of action; if such a consensus happened to arise, the implementation of the solution shall only be a matter of (relatively) uncomplicated procedural detail.

Subroto Roy
October 15 2009

SOLVING KASHMIR: ON AN APPLICATION OF REASON by Subroto Roy First published in three parts in The Statesman, Editorial Page Special Article, December 1,2,3 2005, http://www.thestatesman.net

(This article has its origins in a paper “Towards an Economic Solution for Kashmir” which circulated in Washington DC in 1992-1995, including at the Indian and Pakistani embassies and the Carnegie Endowment, and was given as an invited lecture at the Heritage Foundation on June 23 1998. It should be read along with other articles also republished here, especially “History of J&K”, “Law, Justice and J&K” , “Understanding Pakistan”, “Pakistan’s Allies” and “What to Tell Musharraf”. The Washington paper and lecture itself originated from my ideas in the Introduction to Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy, edited by WE James and myself in the University of Hawaii project on Pakistan 1986-1992.)

I. Give Indian `Green Cards’ to the Hurriyat et al

India, being a liberal democracy in its constitutional law, cannot do in Jammu & Kashmir what Czechoslovakia did to the “Sudeten Germans” after World War II. On June 18 1945 the new Czechoslovakia announced those Germans and Magyars within their borders who could not prove they had been actively anti-fascist before or during the War would be expelled — the burden of proof was placed on the individual, not the State. Czechoslovakia “transferring” this population was approved by the Heads of the USA, UK and USSR Governments at Potsdam on August 2 1945. By the end of 1946, upto two million Sudeten Germans were forced to flee their homes; thousands may have died by massacre or otherwise; 165,000 remained who were absorbed as Czechoslovak citizens. Among those expelled were doubtless many who had supported Germany and many others who had not — the latter to this day seek justice or even an apology in vain. Czechoslovakia punished none of its nationals for atrocities, saying it had been revenge for Hitler’s evil (”badla” in Bollywood terms) and the post Cold War Czech Government too has declined to render an apology. Revenge is a wild kind of justice (while justice may be a civilised kind of revenge).

India cannot follow this savage precedent in international law. Yet we must recognise there are several hundred and up to several hundred thousand persons on our side of the boundary in the State of Jammu & Kashmir who do not wish to be Indian nationals. These people are presently our nationals ius soli, having been born in territory of the Indian Republic, and/or ius sanguinis, having been born of parents who are Indian nationals; or they may be “stateless” whom we must treat in accordance with the 1954 Convention on Stateless Persons. The fact is they may not wish to carry Indian passports or be Indian nationals.

In this respect their juridical persons resemble the few million “elite” Indians who have in the last few decades freely placed their hands on their hearts and solemnly renounced their Indian nationality, declaring instead their individual fidelity to other nation-states — becoming American, Canadian or Australian citizens, or British subjects or nationals of other countries. Such people include tens of thousands of the adult children of India’s metropolitan “elite”, who are annually visited abroad in the hot summer months by their Indian parents and relatives. They are daughters and sons of New Delhi’s Government and Opposition, of retired generals, air marshals, admirals, ambassadors, cabinet secretaries, public sector bureaucrats, private sector businessmen, university professors, journalists, doctors and many others. India’s most popular film-actress exemplified this “elite” capital-flight when, after a tireless search, she chose a foreign husband and moved to California.

The difference in Jammu & Kashmir would be that those wishing to renounce Indian nationality do not wish to move to any other place but to stay as and where they are, which is in Kashmir Valley or Jammu. Furthermore, they may wish, for whatever reason, to adopt, if they are eligible to do so, the nationality of e.g. the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan or the Islamic Republic of Iran or the Islamic Republic of Pakistan.

They may believe themselves descended from Ahmad Shah Abdali whose Afghans ruled or mis-ruled Kashmir Valley before being defeated by Ranjit Singh’s Sikhs in 1819. Or they may believe themselves of Iranian descent as, for example, are the Kashmiri cousins of the late Ayatollah Khomeini. Or they may simply have wished to be, or are descended from persons who had wished to be on October 26 1947, citizens of the then-new British Dominion of Pakistan — but who came to be prevented from properly expressing such a desire because of the war-like conditions that have prevailed ever since between India and Pakistan. There may be even a few persons in Laddakh who are today Indian nationals but who wish to be considered Tibetans instead; there is, however, no Tibetan Republic and it does not appear there is going to be one.

India, being a free and self-confident country, should allow, in a systematic lawful manner, all such persons to fulfil their desires, and furthermore, should ensure they are not penalised for having expressed such “anti-national” desires or for having acted upon them. Sir Mark Tully, the British journalist, is an example of someone who has been a foreign national who has chosen to reside permanently in the Republic of India — indeed he has been an exemplary permanent resident of our country. There are many others like him. There is no logical reason why all those persons in Jammu & Kashmir who do wish not to be Indians by nationality cannot receive the same legal status from the Indian Republic as has been granted to Sir Mark Tully. There are already thousands of Sri Lankan, Bangladeshi and Nepalese nationals who are lawful permanent residents in the Indian Republic, and who travel back and forth between India and their home countries. There is no logical reason why the same could not be extended to several hundred or numerous thousand people in Jammu & Kashmir who may wish to not accept or to renounce their Indian nationality (for whatever personal reason) and instead become nationals, if they are so eligible, of the Islamic Republics of Afghanistan, Iran or Pakistan, or, for that matter, to remain stateless. On the one hand, their renunciation of Indian nationality is logically equivalent to the renunciation of Indian nationality by the adult children of India’s “elite” settled in North America and Western Europe. On the other hand, their wish to adopt, if they are eligible, a foreign nationality, such as that of Afghanistan, Iran or Pakistan, and yet remain domiciled in Indian territory is logically equivalent to that of many foreign nationals domiciled in India already like Sir Mark Tully.

Now if you are a permanent resident of some country, you may legally have many, perhaps most, but certainly not all the rights and duties of nationals of that country. e.g., though you will have to pay all the same taxes, you may not be allowed to (or be required to) vote in national or provincial elections but you may in local municipal elections. At the same time, permanently residing foreign nationals are supposed to be equal under the law and have equal access to all processes of civil and criminal justice. (As may be expected though from human frailty, even the federal courts of the USA can be notorious in their injustice and racism towards “Green Card” holders relative to “full” American citizens.) Then again, as a permanently resident foreigner, while you will be free to work in any lawful trade or profession, you may not be allowed to work in some or perhaps any Government agencies, certainly not the armed forces or the police. Many Indians in the USA were engineering graduates, and because many engineering jobs or contracts in the USA are related to the US armed forces and require US citizens only, it is commonplace for Indian engineers to renounce their Indian nationality and become Americans because of this. Many Indian-American families have one member who is American, another Indian, a third maybe Canadian, a fourth Fijian or British etc.

The same can happen in the Indian State of Jammu & Kashmir if it evolves peacefully and correctly in the future. It is quite possible to imagine a productive family in a peaceful Kashmir Valley of the future where one brother is an officer in the Indian Armed Forces, another brother a civil servant and a sister a police officer of the J&K State Government, another sister being a Pakistani doctor, while cousins are Afghan or Iranian or “stateless” businessmen. Each family-member would have made his/her choice of nationality as an individual given the circumstances of his/her life, his/her personal comprehension of the facts of history, his/her personal political and/or religious persuasions, and similar deeply private considerations. All would have their children going to Indian schools and being Indian citizens ius soli and/or ius sanguinis. When the children grow up, they would be free to join, if they wished, the existing capital flight of other Indian adult children abroad and there renounce their Indian nationality as many have come to do.

II Revealing Choices Privately with Full Information
For India to implement such a proposal would be to provide an opportunity for all those domiciled in Kashmir Valley, Jammu and Laddakh to express freely and privately as individuals their deepest wishes about their own identities, in a confidential manner, citizen by citizen, case by case. This would thereby solve the fundamental democratic problem that has been faced ever since the Pakistani attack on the original State of Jammu & Kashmir commenced on October 22 1947, which came to be followed by the Rape of Baramulla — causing the formal accession of the State to the then-new Dominion of India on October 26 1947.

A period of, say, 30 months may be announced by the Government of India during which full information would be provided to all citizens affected by this change, i.e. all those presently governed by Article 370 of the Indian Constitution. The condition of full information may include, for example, easy access to Afghan, Iranian and Pakistani newspapers in addition to access to Indian media. Each such person wishing to either remain with Indian nationality (by explicitly requesting an Indian passport if he/she does not have one already — and such passports can be printed in Kashmiri and Urdu too), or to renounce Indian nationality and either remain stateless or adopt, if he/she is so eligible, the nationality of e.g. Afghanistan, Iran, or Pakistan, should be administratively assisted by the Government of India to make that choice.

In particular, he/she should be individually, confidentially, and without fear or favour assured and informed of his/her new rights and responsibilities. For example, a resident of Kashmir Valley who chooses to become a Pakistani citizen, such as Mr Geelani, would now enjoy the same rights and responsibilities in the Indian Republic that Mr Tully enjoys, and at the same time no longer require a visa to visit Pakistan just as Mr Tully needs no visa to enter Britain. In case individual participants in the Hurriyat choose to renounce Indian nationality and adopt some other, they would no longer be able to legally participate in Indian national elections or J&K’s State elections. That is something which they say they do not wish to do in any case. Those members of the Hurriyat who chose e.g. Pakistani nationality while still residing in Jammu & Kashmir, would be free to send postal ballots or cross the border and vote in Pakistan’s elections if and when these occur. There are many Canadians who live permanently in the USA who cross home to Canada in order to cast a ballot.

After the period of 30 months, every person presently under Article 370 of the Indian Constitution would have received a full and fair opportunity to privately and confidentially reveal his/her preference or choice under conditions of full information. “Partition”, “Plebiscite”, and “Military Decision” have been the three alternatives under discussion ever since the National Conference of Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah and his then-loyal Deputy, Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad, helped the Indian Army and Air Force in 1947-1948 fight off the savage attack against Jammu & Kashmir State that had commenced from Pakistan on October 22 1947. When, during the Pakistani attack, the Sheikh and Bakshi agreed to the Muslim Conference’s demand for a plebiscite among the people, the Pakistanis balked — the Sheikh and Bakshi then withdrew their offer and decisively and irrevocably chose to accede to the Indian Union. The people of Jammu & Kashmir, like any other, are now bound by the sovereign political commitments made by their forebears. Even so, given the painful mortal facts of the several decades since, the solution here proposed if properly implemented would be an incomparably more thorough democratic exercise than any conceivable plebiscite could ever have been.

Furthermore, regardless of the outcome, it would not entail any further “Partition” or population “transfer” which inevitably would degenerate into a savage balkanization, and has been ruled out as an unacceptable “deal-breaker” by the Indian Republic. Instead, every individual person would have been required, in a private and confidential decision-making process, to have chosen a nationality or to remain stateless — resulting in a multitude of cosmopolitan families in Jammu & Kashmir. But that is something commonplace in the modern world. Properly understood and properly implemented, we shall have resolved the great mortal problem we have faced for more than half a century, and Jammu & Kashmir can finally settle into a period of peace and prosperity. The boundary between India and Pakistan would have been settled by the third alternative mentioned at the time, namely, “Military Decision”.

III. Of Flags and Consulates in Srinagar and Gilgit
Pakistan has demanded its flag fly in Srinagar. This too can happen though not in the way Pakistan has been wishing to see it happen. A Pakistan flag might fly in the Valley just as might an Afghan and Iranian flag as well. Pakistan has wished its flag to fly as the sovereign over Jammu & Kashmir. That is not possible. The best and most just outcome is for the Pakistani flag to fly over a recognised Pakistani consular or visa office in Srinagar, Jammu and Leh. In diplomatic exchange, the Indian tricolour would have to fly over a recognised Indian consular or visa office in Muzaffarabad, Gilgit and Skardu.

Pakistan also may have to act equivalently with respect to the original inhabitants of the territory of Jammu & Kashmir that it has been controlling — allowing those people to become Indian nationals if they so chose to do in free private decisions under conditions of full information. In other words, the “Military Decision” that defines the present boundary between sovereign states must be recognised by Pakistan sincerely and permanently in a Treaty relationship with India — and all of Pakistan’s official and unofficial protégés like the Hurriyat and the “United Jehad Council” would have to do the same. Without such a sovereign commitment from the Government of Pakistan, as shown by decisive actions of lack of aggressive intent (e.g. as came to be implemented between the USA and USSR), the Government of India has no need to involve the Government of Pakistan in implementing the solution of enhancing free individual choice of nationality with regard to all persons on our side of the boundary.

The “Military Decision” regarding the sovereign boundary in Jammu & Kashmir will be so recognised by all only if it is the universally just outcome in international law. And that in fact is what it is.

The original Jammu & Kashmir State began its existence as an entity in international law long before the present Republics of India and Pakistan ever did. Pakistan commences as an entity on August 14 1947; India commences as an entity of international law with its signing of the Treaty of Versailles on June 20 1918. Jammu & Kashmir began as an entity on March 16 1846 — when the Treaty of Amritsar was signed between Gulab Singh Dogra and the British, one week after the Treaty of Lahore between the British and the defeated Sikh regency of the child Daleep Singh.

Liaquat Ali Khan and Zafrullah Khan both formally challenged on Pakistan’s behalf the legitimacy of Dogra rule in Jammu & Kashmir since the Treaty of Amritsar. The Pakistani Mission to the UN does so even today. The Pakistanis were following Sheikh Abdullah and Jawaharlal Nehru himself, who too had at one point challenged Dogra legitimacy in the past. But though the form of words of the Pakistan Government and the Nehru-Abdullah position were similar in their attacks on the Treaty of Amritsar, their underlying substantive reasons were as different as chalk from cheese. The Pakistanis attacked the Dogra dynasty for being Dogra — i.e. because they were Hindus and not Muslims governing a Muslim majority. Nehru and Abdullah denounced monarchic autocracy in favour of mass democracy, and so attacked the Dogra dynasty for being a dynasty. All were wrong to think the Treaty of Amritsar anything but a lawful treaty in international law.

Furthermore, in this sombre political game of great mortal consequence, there were also two other parties who were, or appeared to be, in favour of the dynasty: one because the dynasty was non-Muslim, the other, despite it being so. Non-Muslim minorities like many Hindus and Sikhs in the business and governmental classes, saw the Dogra dynasty as their protector against a feared communalist tyranny arising from the Sunni Muslim masses of Srinagar Valley, whom Abdullah’s rhetoric at Friday prayer-meetings had been inciting or at least awakening from slumber. At the same time, the communalists of the Muslim Conference who had broken away from Abdullah’s secular National Conference, sought political advantage over Abdullah by declaring themselves in favour of keeping the dynasty — even elevating it to become an international sovereign, thus flattering the already pretentious potentate that he would be called “His Majesty” instead of merely “His Highness”. The ancestry of today’s Hurriyat’s demands for an independent Jammu & Kashmir may be traced precisely to those May 21-22 1947 declarations of the Muslim Conference leader, Hamidullah Khan.

Into this game stumbled the British with all the mix of cunning, indifference, good will, impatience, arrogance and pomposity that marked their rule in India. At the behest of the so-called “Native Princes”, the 1929 Butler Commission had hinted that the relationship of “Indian India” to the British sovereign was conceptually different from that of “British India” to the British sovereign. This view was adopted in the Cabinet Mission’s 12 May 1946 Memorandum which in turn came to be applied by Attlee and Mountbatten in their unseemly rush to “Divide and Quit” India in the summer of 1947.

It created the pure legal illusion that there was such a thing as “Lapse of Paramountcy” at which Jammu & Kashmir or any other “Native State” of “Indian India” could conceivably, even for a moment, become a sovereign enjoying the comity of nations — contradicting Britain’s own position that only two Dominions, India and Pakistan, could ever be members of the British Commonwealth and hence members of the newly created UN. British pusillanimity towards Jammu & Kashmir’s Ruler had even extended to making him a nominal member of Churchill’s War Cabinet because he had sent troops to fight in Burma. But the legal illusion had come about because of a catastrophic misunderstanding on the part of the British of their own constitutional law.

The only legal scholar who saw this was B R Ambedkar in a lonely and brilliant technical analysis released to the press on June 17 1947. No “Lapse of Paramountcy” over the “Native Princes” of Indian India could occur in constitutional law. Paramountcy over Indian India would be automatically inherited by the successor state of British India at the Transfer of Power. That successor state was the new British Dominion of India as well as (when it came to be finalised by Partition from India) the new British Dominion of Pakistan (Postscript: the deleted words represent a mistake made in the original paper, corrected in “Law, Justice & J&K” in view of the fact the UN in 1947 deemed India alone the successor state of British India and Pakistan a new state in the world system). A former “Native Prince” could only choose to which Dominion he would go. No other alternative existed even for a single logical moment. Because the British had catastrophically failed to comprehend this aspect of their own constitutional law, they created a legal vacuum whereby between August 15 and October 22-26 1947, Jammu & Kashmir became a local and temporary sovereign recognised only by the Dominion of Pakistan (until October 22) and the Dominion of India (until October 26). But it was not a globally recognised sovereign and was never going to be such in international law. This was further proved by Attlee refusing to answer the J&K Prime Minister’s October 18 1947 telegram.

All ambiguity came to end with the Pakistani attack of October 22 1947, the Rape of Baramulla, the secession of an “Azad Kashmir”declared by Sardar Ibrahim, and the Pakistani coup détat in Gilgit on October 31 1947 followed by the massacre of Sikh soldiers of the J&K Army at Bunji. With those Pakistani actions, Gulab Singh’s Jammu & Kashmir State, founded on March 16 1846 by the Treaty of Amritsar, ceased to logically exist as an entity in international law and fell into a state of ownerless anarchy. The conflict between Ibrahim’s Muslim communalists backed by the new Dominion of Pakistan and Abdullah’s secularists backed by the new Dominion of India had become a civil war within a larger intra-Commonwealth war that itself was almost a civil war between forces of the same military.

Jammu & Kashmir territory had become ownerless. The Roman Law which is at the root of all municipal and international law in the world today would declare that in the ownership of such an ownerless entity, a “Military Decision” was indeed the just outcome. Sovereignty over the land, waters, forests and other actual and potential resources of the erstwhile State of Jammu & Kashmir has become divided by “Military Decision” between the modern Republics of India and Pakistan. By the proposal made herein, the people and their descendants shall have chosen their nationality and their domicile freely across the sovereign boundary that has come to result.

by Subroto Roy First published in two parts in The Sunday Statesman, July 2 2006 and The Statesman July 3 2006 http://www.thestatesman.net Editorial Page Special Article

For a solution to J&K to be universally acceptable it must be seen by all as being lawful and just. Political opinion in Pakistan and India as well as all people and parties in J&K ~ those loyal to India, those loyal to Pakistan, and any others ~ will have to agree that, all things considered, such is the right course of action for everyone today in the 21st Century, which means too that the solution must be consistent with the facts of history as well as account reasonably for all moral considerations.

On August 14, 1947, the legal entity known as “British India”, as one of its final acts, and based on a sovereign British decision made only two months earlier, created out of some of its territory a new State defined in international law as the “Dominion of Pakistan”. British India extinguished itself the very next day, and the newly independent “Dominion of India” succeeded to all its rights and obligations in international law. As the legal successor of the “India” which had signed the Treaty of Versailles in 1919 and the San Francisco Declaration of 1945, the Dominion of India was already a member of the new UN as well as a signatory to many international treaties. By contrast, the Dominion of Pakistan had to apply afresh to sign treaties and become a member of international organisations. The theory put forward by Argentina that two new States, India and Pakistan, had been created ab initio, came to be rejected and was withdrawn by Argentina. Instead, Pakistan with the wholehearted backing of India was made a member of the UN, with all except Afghanistan voting in favour. (Afghanistan’s exceptional vote signalled presence of conflict over the Durand Line and idea of a Pashtunistan; Dr Khan Sahib and Abdul Ghaffar Khan were imprisoned by the Muslim League regime of NWFP which later supported the tribesmen who attacked J&K starting October 22, 1947; that conflict remains unresolved to this day, even after the American attack on the Taliban, the restart of a constitutional process in Afghanistan, and the purported mediation of US Secretary of State Condoleeza Rice.)

Zafrullah Khan, Pakistan’s distinguished first ambassador to the UN, claimed in September 1947: “Pakistan is not a new member of UNO but a successor to a member State which was one of the founders of the Organisation.” He noted that he himself had led India to the final session of the League of Nations in Geneva in 1939, and he wished to say that Pakistan had been present “as part of India… under the latter name” as a signatory to the Treaty of Versailles. This was, however, logically impossible. The Treaty of Versailles long predated (1) Mohammad Iqbal’s Allahabad Address which conceptualised for the first time in the 20th Century a Muslim State in Northwest India; (2) Rahmat Ali’s invention of the word “PAKSTAN” on the top floor of a London omnibus; (3) M. A. Jinnah and Fazlul Haq’s Lahore Resolution; and (4) the final British decision of June 3, 1947 to create by Partition out of “British India” a Dominion named Pakistan. Pakistan could not have acted in international law prior to having come into being or been created or even conceived itself. Zafrullah Khan would have been more accurate to say that the history of Pakistanis until August 14, 1947 had been one in common with that of their Indian cousins ~ or indeed their Indian brothers, since innumerable North Indian Muslim families came to be literally partitioned, with some brothers remaining Indians while other brothers became Pakistanis.

Pakistan was created at the behest of Jinnah’s Muslim League though with eventual agreement of the Indian National Congress (a distant ancestor of the political party going by the same name today). Pakistan arose not because Jinnah said Hindus and Muslims were “two nations” but because he and his League wished for a State where Muslims would find themselves ruled by fellow-Muslims and feel themselves part of a pan-Islamic culture. Yet Pakistan was intended to be a secular polity with Muslim-majority governance, not an Islamic theocracy. That Pakistan failed to become secular was exemplified most poignantly in the persecution Zafrullah himself later faced in his personal life as an Ahmadiya, even while he was Pakistan’s Foreign Minister. (The same happened later to Pakistan’s Nobel-winning physicist Abdus Salaam.) Pakistan was supposed to allow the genius of Indo-Muslim culture to flourish, transplanted from places like Lucknow and Aligarh which would never be part of it. In fact, the areas that are Pakistan today had in the 1937 provincial elections shown scant popular Muslim support for Jinnah’s League. The NWFP had a Congress Government in the 1946 elections, and its supporters boycotted the pro-Pakistan referendum in 1947. The imposition of Urdu culture as Pakistan’s dominant ethos might have come to be accepted later in West Punjab, Sindh and NWFP but it was not acceptable in East Bengal, and led inevitably to the Pakistani civil war and creation of Bangladesh by Sheikh Mujib in 1971.

In August 1947, the new Dominions of India and Pakistan were each supposed to protect their respective minority populations as their first political duty. Yet both palpably failed in this, and were reduced to making joint declarations pleading for peace and an end to communal killings and the abduction of women. The Karachi Government, lacking the wherewithal and administrative machinery of being a nation-state at all, and with only Liaquat and an ailing Jinnah as noted leaders, may have failed more conspicuously, and West Punjab, the Frontier and Sindh were soon emptied of almost all their many Sikhs and Hindus. Instead, the first act of the new Pakistan Government in the weeks after August 14, 1947 was to arrange for the speedy and safe transfer of the North Indian Muslim elite by air from Delhi using chartered British aeroplanes. The ordinary Muslim masses of UP, Delhi and East Punjab were left in danger from or were subjected to Sikh and Hindu mob attacks, especially as news and rumours spread of similar outrages against Pakistan’s departing minorities.

In this spiral of revenge attacks and counter-attacks, bloodshed inevitably spilled over from West and East Punjab into the northern Punjabi plains of Jammu, though Kashmir Valley remained conspicuously peaceful. Zafrullah and Liaquat would later claim it was this communal civil war which had caused thousands of newly decommissioned Mirpuri soldiers of the British Army, and thousands of Afridi and other Frontier tribesmen, to spontaneously act to “liberate” J&K’s Muslims from alleged tyranny under the Hindu Ruler or an allegedly illegal Indian occupation.

But the main attack on J&K State that began from Pakistan along the Manshera-Muzaffarabad road on October 22, 1947 was admittedly far too well-organised, well-armed, well-planned and well-executed to have been merely a spontaneous uprising of tribesmen and former soldiers. In all but name, it was an act of undeclared war of the new Dominion of Pakistan first upon the State of J&K and then upon the Indian Dominion. This became obvious to Field Marshall Auchinlek, who, as Supreme Commander of the armed forces of both India and Pakistan, promptly resigned and abolished the Supreme Command in face of the fact that two parts of his own forces were now at war with one another.

The invaders failed to take Srinagar solely because they lost their military purpose while indulging in the Rape of Baramula. Thousands of Kashmiri women of all communities ~ Muslim, Sikh and Hindu ~ were violated and transported back to be sold in markets in Peshawar and elsewhere. Such was standard practice in Central Asian tribal wars from long before the advent of Islam, and the invading tribesmen shared that culture. India’s Army and Air Force along with the militias of the secular democratic movement led by Sheikh Abdullah and those remaining loyal units of J&K forces, fought off the invasion, and liberated Baramula, Naushera, Uri, Poonch etc. Gilgit had a British-led coup détat against it bringing it under Pakistan’s control. Kargil was initially taken by the Pakistanis and then lost by them. Leh could have been but was not taken by Pakistani forces. But in seeking to protect Leh and to retake Kargil, the Indian Army lost the siege of Skardu ~ which ended reputedly with the infamous communication from the Pakistani commander to his HQ: “All Sikhs killed; all women raped.”

Legal theory
Now, in this grave mortal conflict, the legal theory to which both the Indian and Pakistani Governments have been wedded for sixty years is one that had been endorsed by the British Cabinet Mission in 1946 and originated with the Butler Commission of 1929. Namely, that “Lapse of Paramountcy” over the “Indian India” of the “Native States” could and did occur with the extinction of British India on August 15, 1947. By this theory, Hyderabad, J&K, Junagadh and the several other States which had not acceded to either Dominion were no longer subject to the Crown’s suzerainty as of that date. Both Dominions drew up “Instruments of Accession” for Rulers to sign upon the supposed “Lapse” of Paramountcy that was to occur with the end of British India.

Ever since, the Pakistan Government has argued that Junagadh’s Ruler acceded to Pakistan and Hyderabad’s had wished to do so but both were forcibly prevented by India. Pakistan has also argued the accession to India by J&K’s Ruler was “fraudulent” and unacceptable, and Sheikh Abdullah was a “Quisling” of India and it was not his National Conference but the Muslim Conference of Ibrahim, Abbas and the Mirwaiz (precursor of the Hurriyat) which represented J&K’s Muslims.

India argued that Junagadh’s accession to Pakistan or Hyderabad’s independence were legal and practical impossibilities contradicting the wills of their peoples, and that their integration into the Indian Dominion was carried out in an entirely legitimate manner in the circumstances prevailing.

On J&K, India has argued that not only had the Ruler requested Indian forces to fight off the Pakistani attack, and he acceded formally before Indian forces were sent, but also that democratic principles were fully adhered to in the unequivocal endorsement of the accession by Sheikh Abdullah and the National Conference and further by a duly called and elected J&K Constituent Assembly, as well as generations of Kashmiris since. In the Indian view, it is Pakistan which has been in illegal occupation of Indian territory from Mirpur, Muzaffarabad and Gilgit to Skardu all the way to the Khunjerab Pass, Siachen Glacier and K2, some of which it illegally ceded to its Communist Chinese ally, and furthermore that it has denied the peoples of these areas any democratic voice.

Roman law
In June 1947, it was uniquely and brilliantly argued by BR Ambedkar in a statement to the Press that the British had made a catastrophic error in comprehending their own constitutional law, that no such thing as “Lapse” of Paramountcy existed, and that suzerainty over the “Native States” of “Indian India” would be automatically transferred in international law to the successor State of British India. It was a legal illusion to think any Native State could be sovereign even for a single logical moment. On this theory, if the Dominion of India was the sole successor State in international law while Pakistan was a new legal entity, then a Native State which acceded to Pakistan after August 15, 1947 would have had to do so with the consent of the suzerain power, namely, India, as may be said to have happened implicitly in case of Chitral and a few others. Equally, India’s behaviour in integrating (or annexing) Junagadh and Hyderabad, would become fully explicable ~ as would the statements of Mountbatten, Nehru and Patel before October 1947 that they would accept J&K going to Pakistan if that was what the Ruler and his people desired. Pakistan unilaterally and by surprise went to war against J&K on October 22, declared the accession to India “fraudulent”, and to this day has claimed the territory of the original State of J&K is “disputed”. Certainly, even if the Ambedkar doctrine is applied that no “Lapse” was possible under British law, Pakistan did not recognise India’s jurisdiction there as the suzerain power as of August 15, 1947. Altogether, Pakistan’s sovereign actions from October 22 onwards amounted to acting to annex J&K to itself by military force ~ acts which came to be militarily resisted (with partial success) by India allied with Sheikh Abdullah’s National Conference and the remaining forces of J&K. By these military actions, Pakistan revealed that it considered J&K territory to have descended into a legal state of anarchy as of October 22, 1947, and hence open to resolution by “Military Decision” ~ as is indeed the just outcome under Roman Law, the root of all municipal and international law today, when there is a contest between claimants over an ownerless entity.

Choice of nationality
Hence, the present author concluded (“Solving Kashmir”, The Statesman December 1-3, 2005) that the dismemberment of the original J&K State and annexation of its territories by India and Pakistan that has occurred since 1947, as represented first by the 1949 Ceasefire Line and then by the 1972 Line of Control, is indeed the just and lawful outcome prevailing in respect of the question of territorial sovereignty and jurisdiction. The remaining “democratic” question described has to do with free individual choice of nationality by the inhabitants, under conditions of full information and privacy, citizen-by-citizen, with the grant of permanent residency rights by the Indian Republic to persons under its jurisdiction in J&K who may choose not to remain Indian nationals but become Afghan, Iranian or Pakistani nationals instead. Pakistan has said frequently its sole concern has been the freedom of the Muslims of J&K under Indian rule, and any such genuine concern shall have been thereby fully met by India. Indeed, if Pakistan agreed to act similarly, this entire complex mortal problem of decades shall have begun to be peacefully resolved. Both countries are wracked by corruption, poverty and bad governance, and would be able to mutually draw down military forces pit against one another everywhere, so as to begin to repair the grave damage to their fiscal health caused by the deleterious draining away of vast public resources.

by Subroto Roy First published in two parts in The Sunday Statesman, Oct 29 2006 and The Statesman Oct 30 2006, Editorial Page Special Article, http://www.thestatesman.net

At the advent of Islam in distant Arabia, India and Kashmir in particular were being visited by Chinese Buddhist pilgrims during Harsha’s reign. The great “Master of Law” Hiuen Tsiang visited between 629-645 and spent 631-633 in Kashmir (”Kia-chi-mi-lo”), describing it to include Punjab, Kabul and Kandahar. Over the next dozen centuries, Buddhist, Hindu, Muslim, Sikh and again Hindu monarchs came to rule the 85 mile long 40 mile wide territory on the River Jhelum’s upper course known as Srinagar Valley, as well as its adjoining Jammu in the upper plains of the Punjab and “Little Tibet” consisting of Laddakh, Baltistan and Gilgit.

In 1344, a Persian adventurer from Swat or Khorasan by name of Amir or Mirza, who had “found his way into the Valley and in time gained great influence at the Raja’s court”, proclaimed himself Sultan Shamsuddin after the death of the last Hindu monarchs of medieval Kashmir. Twelve of his descendants formed the Shamiri dynasty including the notorious Sikander and the just and tolerant Zainulabidin. Sikander who ruled 1386-1410 “submitted himself” to the Uzbek Taimur the Lame when he approached Kashmir in 1398 “and thus saved the country from invasion”. Otherwise, “Sikander was a gloomy ferocious bigot, and his zeal in destroying temples and idols was so intense that he is remembered as the Idol-Breaker. He freely used the sword to propagate Islam and succeeded in forcing the bulk of the population to conform outwardly to the Muslim religion. Most of the Brahmins refused to apostatise, and many of them paid with their lives the penalty for their steadfastness. Many others were exiled, and only a few conformed.”

Zainulabidin who ruled 1417-1467 “was a man of very different type”. “He adopted the policy of universal toleration, recalled the exiled Brahmins, repealed the jizya or poll-tax on Hindus, and even permitted new temples to be built. He abstained from eating flesh, prohibited the slaughter of kine, and was justly venerated as a saint. He encouraged literature, painting and music, and caused many translations to be made of works composed in Sanskrit, Arabic and other languages.” During his “long and prosperous reign”, he “constructed canals and built many mosques; he was just and tolerant”.

The Shamiri dynasty ended in 1541 when “some fugitive chiefs of the two local factions of the Makri and the Chakk invited Mirza Haidar Dughlat, a relation of Babar, to invade Kashmir. The country was conquered and the Mirza held it (nominally in name of Humayan) till 1551, when he was killed in a skirmish. The line… was restored for a few years, until in 1559 a Chakk leader, Ghazi Shah, usurped the throne; and in the possession of his descendants it remained for nearly thirty years.” This dynasty marks the origins of Shia Islam in Srinagar though Shia influence in Gilgit, Baltistan and Laddakh was of longer standing. Constant dissensions weakened the Chakks, and in 1586, Akbar, then at Attock on the Indus, sent an army under Raja Bhagwan Das into Srinagar Valley and easily made it part of his Empire.

Shivaism and Islam both flourished, and Hindu ascetics and Sufi saints were revered by all. Far from Muslims and Hindus forming distinct nations, here they were genetically related kinsmen living in proximity in a small isolated area for centuries. Indeed Zainulabidin may have had a vast unspoken influence on the history of all India insofar as Akbar sought to attempt in his empire what Zainulabidin achieved in the Valley. Like Zainulabidin, Akbar’s governance of India had as its “constant aim” “to conciliate the Hindus and to repress Muslim bigotry” which in modern political parlance may be seen as the principle of secular governance ~ of conciliating the powerless (whether majority or minority) and repressing the bigotry of the powerful (whether minority or majority). Akbar had made the Valley the summer residence of the Mughals, and it was Jahangir, seeing the Valley for the first time, who apparently said the words agar behest baushad, hamee in hast, hamee in hast, hamee in hast: “if Heaven exists, it is here, it is here, it is here”. Yet like other isolated paradises (such as the idyllic islands of the Pacific Ocean) an accursed mental ether can accompany the magnificent beauty of people’s surroundings. As the historian put it: “The Kashmiris remained secure in their inaccessible Valley; but they were given up to internal weakness and discord, their political importance was gone…”

After the Mughals collapsed, Iran’s Turkish ruler Nadir Shah sacked Delhi in 1739 but the Iranian court fell in disarray upon his death. In 1747 a jirga of Pashtun tribes at Kandahar “broke normal tradition” and asked an old Punjabi holy man and shrine-keeper to choose between two leaders; this man placed young wheat in the hand of the 25 year old Ahmed Shah Saddozai of the Abdali tribe, and titled him “Durrani”. Five years later, Durrani took Kashmir and for the next 67 years the Valley was under Pashtun rule, a time of “unmitigated brutality and widespread distress”. Durrani himself “was wise, prudent and simple”, never declared himself king and wore no crown, instead keeping a stick of young wheat in his turban. Leaving India, he famously recited: “The Delhi throne is beautiful indeed, but does it compare with the mountains of Kandahar?”

Kashmir’s modern history begins with Ranjit Singh of the Sikhs who became a soldier at 12, and in 1799 at age 19 was made Lahore’s Governor by Kabul’s Zaman Shah. Three years later “he made himself master of Amritsar”, and in 1806 crossed the River Sutlej and took Ludhiana. He created a fine Sikh infantry and cavalry under former officers of Napoleon, and with 80,000 trained men and 500 guns took Multan and Peshawar, defeated the Pashtuns and overran Kashmir in 1819. The “cruel rule” of the Pashtuns ended “to the great relief of Kashmir’s inhabitants”.

The British Governor-General Minto (ancestor of the later Viceroy), seeing advantage in the Sikhs staying north of the Sutlej, sent Charles Metcalfe, “a clever young civilian”, to persuade the Khalsa; in 1809, Ranjit Singh and the British in the first Treaty of Amritsar agreed to establish “perpetual amity”: the British would “have no concern” north of the Sutlej and Ranjit Singh would keep only minor personnel south of it. In 1834 and 1838 Ranjit Singh was struck by paralysis and died in 1839, leaving no competent heir. The Sikh polity collapsed, “their power exploded, disappearing in fierce but fast flames”. It was “a period of storm and anarchy in which assassination was the rule” and the legitimate line of his son and grandson, Kharak Singh and Nao Nihal Singh was quickly extinguished. In 1845 the Queen Regent, mother of the five-year old Dalip Singh, agreed to the Khalsa ending the 1809 Treaty. After bitter battles that might have gone either way, the Khalsa lost at Sobraon on 10 February 1846, and accepted terms of surrender in the 9 March 1846 Treaty of Lahore. The kingdom had not long survived its founder: “created by the military and administrative genius of one man, it crumbled into powder when the spirit which gave it life was withdrawn; and the inheritance of the Khalsa passed into the hands of the English.”

Ranjit Singh’s influence on modern J&K was even greater through his having mentored the Rajput Gulab Singh Dogra (1792-1857) and his brothers Dhyan Singh and Suchet Singh. Jammu had been ruled by Ranjit Deo until 1780 when the Sikhs made it tributary to the Lahore Court. Gulab Singh, a great grand nephew of Ranjit Deo, had left home at age 17 in search of a soldierly fortune, and ended up in 1809 in Ranjit Singh’s army, just when Ranjit Singh had acquired for himself a free hand to expand his domains north of the River Sutlej.

Gulab Singh, an intrepid soldier, by 1820 had Jammu conferred upon him by Ranjit Singh with the title of Raja, while Bhimber, Chibal, Poonch and Ramnagar went to his brothers. Gulab Singh, “often unscrupulous and cruel, was a man of considerable ability and efficiency”; he “found his small kingdom a troublesome charge but after ten years of constant struggles he and his two brothers became masters of most of the country between Kashmir and the Punjab”, though Srinagar Valley itself remained under a separate Governor appointed by the Lahore Court. Gulab Singh extended Jammu’s rule from Rawalpindi, Bhimber, Rajouri, Bhadarwah and Kishtwar, across Laddakh and into Tibet. His General Zorawar Singh led six expeditions into Laddakh between 1834 and 1841 through Kishtwar, Padar and Zanskar. In May 1841, Zorawar left Leh with an army of 5000 Dogras and Laddakhis and advanced on Tibet. Defeating the Tibetans at Rudok and Tashigong, he reached Minsar near Lake Mansarovar from where he advanced to Taklakot (Purang), 15 miles from the borders of Nepal and Kumaon, and built a fort stopping for the winter. Lhasa sent large re-inforcements to meet him. Zorawar, deciding to take the offensive, was killed in the Battle of Toyu, on 11-12 December 1841 at 16,000 feet.

A Laddakhi rebellion resulted against Jammu, aided now by the advancing Tibetans. A new army was sent under Hari Chand suppressing the rebellion and throwing back the Tibetans, leading to a peace treaty between Lhasa and Jammu signed on 17 September 1842: “We have agreed that we have no ill-feelings because of the past war. The two kings will henceforth remain friends forever. The relationship between Maharajah Gulab Singh of Kashmir and the Lama Guru of Lhasa (Dalai Lama) is now established. The Maharajah Sahib, with God (Kunchok) as his witness, promises to recognise ancient boundaries, which should be looked after by each side without resorting to warfare. When the descendants of the early kings, who fled from Laddakh to Tibet, now return they will not be stopped by Shri Maharajah. Trade between Laddakh and Tibet will continue as usual. Tibetan government traders coming into Laddakh will receive free transport and accommodations as before, and the Laddakhi envoy will, in turn, receive the same facilities in Lhasa. The Laddakhis take an oath before God (Kunchok) that they will not intrigue or create new troubles in Tibetan territory. We have agreed, with God as witness, that Shri Maharajah Sahib and the Lama Guru of Lhasa will live together as members of the same household.” The traditional boundary between Laddakh and Tibet “as recognised by both sides since olden times” was accepted by the envoys of Gulab Singh and the Dalai Lama.

An earlier 1684 treaty between Laddakh and Lhasa had said that while Laddakh would send tribute to Lhasa every three years, “the king of Laddakh reserves to himself the village of Minsar in Ngarees-khor-sum, that he may be independent there; and he sets aside its revenue for the purpose of meeting the expense involved in keeping up the sacrificial lights at Kangree (Kailas), and the Holy Lakes of Mansarovar and Rakas Tal”. The area around Minsar village near Lake Mansarovar, held by the rulers of Laddakh since 1583, was retained by Jammu in the 1842 peace-treaty, and its revenue was received by J&K State until 1948.

After Ranjit Singh’s death in 1839, Gulab Singh was alienated from the Lahore Court where the rise of his brothers and a nephew aroused enough Khalsa jealousy to see them assassinated in palace intrigues. While the Sikhs imploded, Gulab Singh had expanded his own dominion from Rawalpindi to Minsar ~ everywhere except Srinagar Valley itself. He had apparently advised the Sikhs not to attack the British in breach of the 1809 Treaty, and when they did so he had not joined them, though had he done so British power in North India might have been broken. The British were grateful for his neutrality and also his help in their first misbegotten adventure in Afghanistan. It was Gulab Singh who was now encouraged by both the British and the Sikhs to mediate between them, indeed “to take a leading part in arranging conditions of peace”, and he formally represented the Sikh regency in the negotiations. The 9 March 1846 Treaty of Lahore “set forth that the British Government having demanded in addition to a certain assignment of territory, a payment of a crore and a half of rupees, and the Sikh Government being unable to pay the whole”, Dalip Singh “should cede as equivalent to one crore the hill country belonging to the Punjab between the Beas and the Indus including Kashmir and the Hazara”.

For the British to occupy the whole of this mountainous territory was judged unwise on economic and military grounds; it was not feasible to occupy from a military standpoint and the area “with the exception of the small Valley of Kashmir” was “for the most part unproductive”. “On the other hand, the ceded tracts comprised the whole of the hereditary possessions of Gulab Singh, who, being eager to obtain an indefeasible title to them, came forward and offered to pay the war indemnity on condition that he was made the independent ruler of Jammu & Kashmir.

A separate treaty embodying this arrangement was thus concluded between the British and Gulab Singh at Amritsar on 16 March 1846.” Gulab Singh acknowledged the British Government’s supremacy, and in token of it agreed to present annually to the British Government “one horse, twelve shawl goats of approved breed and three pairs of Kashmir shawls. This arrangement was later altered; the annual presentation made by the Kashmir State was confined to two Kashmir shawls and three romals (handkerchiefs).” The Treaty of Amritsar “put Gulab Singh, as Maharaja, in possession of all the hill country between the Indus and the Ravi, including Kashmir, Jammu, Laddakh and Gilgit; but excluding Lahoul, Kulu and some areas including Chamba which for strategic purposes, it was considered advisable (by the British) to retain and for which a remission of Rs 25 lakhs was made from the crore demanded, leaving Rs 75 lakhs as the final amount to be paid by Gulab Singh.” The British retained Hazara which in 1918 was included into NWFP. Through an intrigue emanating from Prime Minister Lal Singh in Lahore, Imamuddin, the last Sikh-appointed Governor of Kashmir, sought to prevent Gulab Singh taking possession of the Valley in accordance with the Treaty’s terms. By December 1846 Gulab Singh had done so, though only with help of a British force which included 17,000 Sikh troops “who had been fighting in the campaign just concluded”. (Contemporary British opinion even predicted Sikhism like Buddhism “would become extinct in a short time if it were not kept alive by the esprit de corps of the Sikh regiments”.)

The British in 1846 may have been glad enough to allow Gulab Singh take independent charge of the new entity that came to be now known as the “State of Jammu & Kashmir”. Later, however. they and their American allies would grow keen to control or influence the region vis-à-vis their new interests against the Russian and Soviet Empires.

by Subroto Roy First published in two parts in The Sunday Statesman, June 4 2006, The Statesman June 5 2006, Editorial Page Special Article, http://www.thestatesman.net

From the 1846 Treaty of Amritsar creating the State of Jammu & Kashmir until the collapse of the USSR in 1991, Britain and later the USA became increasingly interested in the subcontinent’s Northwest. The British came to India by sea to trade. Barren, splendid, landlocked Afghanistan held no interest except as a home of fierce tribes; but it was the source of invasions into the Indian plains and prompted a British misadventure to install Shah Shuja in place of Dost Mohammad Khan leading to ignominious defeat. Later, Afghanistan was seen as the underbelly of the Russian and Soviet empires, and hence a location of interest to British and American strategic causes.

In November 1954, US President Dwight Eisenhower authorized 30 U-2 spy aircraft to be produced for deployment against America’s perceived enemies, especially to investigate Soviet nuclear missiles which could reach the USA. Reconnaissance balloons had been unsuccessful, and numerous Western pilots had been shot down taking photographs from ordinary military aircraft. By June 1956, U-2 were making clandestine flights over the USSR and China. But on May 1 1960, one was shot or forced down over Sverdlovsk, 1,000 miles within Soviet territory. The Americans prevaricated that it had taken off from Turkey on a weather-mission, and been lost due to oxygen problems. Nikita Kruschev then produced the pilot, Francis Gary Powers, who was convicted of spying, though was exchanged later for a Soviet spy. Powers had been headed towards Norway, his task to photograph Soviet missiles from 70,000 ft, his point of origin had been an American base 20 miles from Peshawar.

America needed clandestine “forward bases” from which to fly U-2 aircraft, and Pakistan’s ingratiating military and diplomatic establishment was more than willing to offer such cooperation, fervently wishing to be seen as a “frontline state” against the USSR. “We will help you defeat the USSR and we are hopeful you will help us defeat India” became their constant refrain. By 1986, the Americans had been permitted to build air-bases in Balochistan and also use Mauripur air-base near Karachi.

Jammu & Kashmir and especially Gilgit-Baltistan adjoins the Pashtun regions whose capital has been Peshawar. In August-November 1947, a British coup d’etat against J&K State secured Gilgit-Baltistan for the new British Dominion of Pakistan.

The Treaty of Amritsar had nowhere required Gulab Singh’s dynasty to accept British political control in J&K as came to be exercised by British “Residents” in all other Indian “Native States”. Despite this, Delhi throughout the late 19th Century relentlessly pressed Gulab Singh’s successors Ranbir Singh and Partab Singh to accept political control. The Dogras acquiesced eventually. Delhi’s desire for control had less to do with the welfare of J&K’s people than with protection of increasing British interests in the area, like European migration to Srinagar Valley and guarding against Russian or German moves in Afghanistan. “Sargin” or “Sargin Gilit”, later corrupted by the Sikhs and Dogras into “Gilgit”, had an ancient people who spoke an archaic Dardic language “intermediate between the Iranian and the Sanskritic”. “The Dards were located by Ptolemy with surprising accuracy on the West of the Upper Indus, beyond the headwaters of the Swat River (Greek: Soastus) and north of the Gandarae (i.e. Kandahar), who occupied Peshawar and the country north of it. This region was traversed by two Chinese pilgrims, Fa-Hsien, coming from the north about AD 400 and Hsuan Tsiang, ascending from Swat in AD 629, and both left records of their journeys.”

Gilgit had been historically ruled by a Hindu dynasty called Trakane; when they became extinct, Gilgit Valley “was desolated by successive invasions of neighbouring rulers, and in the 20 or 30 years ending with 1842 there had been five dynastic revolutions. The Sikhs entered Gilgit about 1842 and kept a garrison there.” When J&K came under Gulab Singh, “the Gilgit claims were transferred with it, and a boundary commission was sent” by the British. In 1852 the Dogras were driven out with 2,000 dead. In 1860 under Ranbir Singh, the Dogras “returned to Gilgit and took Yasin twice, but did not hold it. They also in 1866 invaded Darel, one of the most secluded Dard states, to the south of the Gilgit basin but withdrew again.”

The British appointed a Political Agent in Gilgit in 1877 but he was withdrawn in 1881. “In 1889, in order to guard against the advance of Russia, the British Government, acting as the suzerain power of Kashmir, established the Gilgit Agency”. The Agency was re-established under control of the British Resident in Jammu & Kashmir. “It comprised the Gilgit Wazarat; the State of Hunza and Nagar; the Punial Jagir; the Governorships of Yasin, Kuh-Ghizr and Ishkoman, and Chilas”. In 1935, the British demanded J&K lease to them for 60 years Gilgit town plus most of the Gilgit Agency and the hill-states Hunza, Nagar, Yasin and Ishkuman. Hari Singh had no choice but to acquiesce. The leased region was then treated as part of British India, administered by a Political Agent at Gilgit responsible to Delhi, first through the Resident in J& K and later a British Agent in Peshawar. J& K State no longer kept troops in Gilgit and a mercenary force, the Gilgit Scouts, was recruited with British officers and paid for by Delhi. In April 1947, Delhi decided to formally retrocede the leased areas to Hari Singh’s J& K State as of 15 August 1947. The transfer was to formally take place on 1 August.

On 31 July, Hari Singh’s Governor arrived to find “all the officers of the British Government had opted for service in Pakistan”. The Gilgit Scouts’ commander, a Major William Brown aged 25, and his adjutant, a Captain Mathieson, planned openly to engineer a coup détat against Hari Singh’s Government. Between August and October, Gilgit was in uneasy calm. At midnight on 31 October 1947, the Governor was surrounded by the Scouts and the next day he was “arrested” and a provisional government declared.

Hari Singh’s nearest forces were at Bunji, 34 miles from Gilgit, a few miles downstream from where the Indus is joined by Gilgit River. The 6th J& K Infantry Battalion there was a mixed Sikh-Muslim unit, typical of the State’s Army, commanded by a Lt Col. Majid Khan. Bunji controlled the road to Srinagar. Further upstream was Skardu, capital of Baltistan, part of Laddakh District where there was a small garrison. Following Brown’s coup in Gilgit, Muslim soldiers of the 6th Infantry massacred their Sikh brothers-at-arms at Bunji. The few Sikhs who survived escaped to the hills and from there found their way to the garrison at Skardu.

On 4 November 1947, Brown raised the new Pakistani flag in the Scouts’ lines, and by the third week of November a Political Agent from Pakistan had established himself at Gilgit. Brown had engineered Gilgit and its adjoining states to first secede from J&K, and, after some talk of being independent, had promptly acceded to Pakistan. His commander in Peshawar, a Col. Bacon, as well as Col. Iskander Mirza, Defence Secretary in the new Pakistan and later to lead the first military coup détat and become President of Pakistan, were pleased enough. In July 1948, Brown was awarded an MBE (Military) and the British Governor of the NWFP got him a civilian job with ICI~ which however sent him to Calcutta, where he came to be attacked and left for dead on the streets by Sikhs avenging the Bunji massacre. Brown survived, returned to England, started a riding school, and died in 1984. In March 1994, Pakistan awarded his widow the Sitara-I-Pakistan in recognition of his coup détat.

Gilgit’s ordinary people had not participated in Brown’s coup which carried their fortunes into the new Pakistan, and to this day appear to remain without legislative representation. It was merely assumed that since they were mostly Muslim in number they would wish to be part of Pakistan ~ which also became Liaquat Ali Khan’s assumption about J&K State as a whole in his 1950 statements in North America. What the Gilgit case demonstrates is that J&K State’s descent into a legal condition of ownerless anarchy open to “Military Decision” had begun even before the Pakistani invasion of 22 October 1947 (viz. “Solving Kashmir”, The Statesman, 1-3 December 2005). Also, whatever else the British said or did with respect to J & K, they were closely allied to the new Pakistan on the matter of Gilgit.

The peak of Pakistan’s Anglo-American alliance came with the enormous support in the 1980s to guerrilla forces created and headquartered in Peshawar, to battle the USSR and Afghan communists directly across the Durand Line. It was this guerrilla war which became a proximate cause of the collapse of the USSR as a political entity in 1991. President Ronald Reagan’s CIA chief William J. Casey sent vast sums in 1985-1988 to supply and train these guerrillas. The Washington Post and New Yorker reported the CIA training guerrillas “in the use of mortars, rocket grenades, ground-to-air missiles”. 200 hand-held Stinger missiles were supplied for the first time in 1986 and the New Yorker reported Gulbudin Hikmatyar’s “Hizbe Islami” guerrillas being trained to bring down Soviet aircraft. “Mujahideen had been promised two Stingers for every Soviet aircraft brought down. Operators who failed to aim correctly were given additional training… By 1986, the United States was so deeply involved in the Afghan war that Soviet aircraft were being brought down under the supervision of American experts”. (Raja Anwar, The Tragedy of Afghanistan, 1988, p. 234).

The budding US-China détente brokered by Pakistan came into full bloom here. NBC News on 7 January 1980 said “for the first time in history (a senior State Department official) publicly admitted the possibility of concluding a military alliance between the United States and China”. London’s Daily Telegraph reported on 5 January 1980 “China is flying large supplies of arms and ammunition to the insurgents in Afghanistan. According to diplomatic reports, supplies have arrived in Pakistan from China via the Karakoram Highway…. A major build-up of Chinese involvement is underway ~ in the past few days. Scores of Chinese instructors have arrived at the Shola-e-Javed camps.”

Afghan reports in 1983-1985 said “there were eight training camps near the Afghan border operated by the Chinese in Sinkiang province” and that China had supplied the guerrillas “with a variety of weapons including 40,000 RPG-7 and 20,000 RPG-II anti tank rocket launchers.” Like Pakistan, “China did not publicly admit its involvement in the Afghan conflict: in 1985 the Chinese Mission at the UN distributed a letter denying that China was extending any kind of help to the Afghan rebels” (Anwar, ibid. p. 234). Support extended deep and wide across the Arab world. “The Saudi and Gulf rulers … became the financial patrons of the Afghan rebels from the very start of the conflict”. Anwar Sadat, having won the Nobel Peace Prize, was “keen to claim credit for his role in Afghanistan…. by joining the Afghanistan jihad, Sadat could re-establish his Islamic credentials, or so he believed. He could thus not only please the Muslim nations but also place the USA and Israel in his debt.” Sadat’s Defence Minister said in January 1980: “Army camps have been opened for the training of Afghan rebels; they are being supplied with weapons from Egypt” and Sadat told NBC News on 22 September 1981 “that for the last twenty-one months, the USA had been buying arms from Egypt for the Afghan rebels. He said he had been approached by the USA in December 1979 and he had decided to `open my stores’. He further disclosed that these arms were being flown to Pakistan from Egypt by American aircraft. Egypt had vast supplies of SAM-7 and RPG-7 anti-aircraft and anti-tank weapons which Sadat agreed to supply to Afghanistan in exchange for new American arms. The Soviet weapons, being light, were ideally suited to guerrilla warfare. … the Mujahideen could easily claim to have captured them from Soviet and Afghan troops in battle.… Khomeini’s Iran got embroiled in war (against Iraq) otherwise Kabul would also have had to contend with the full might of the Islamic revolutionaries.” (Anwar ibid. p. 235).

Afghanistan had been occupied on 26-27 December 1979 by Soviet forces sent by the decrepit Leonid Brezhnev and Yuri Andropov to carry out a putsch replacing one communist, Hafizullah Amin, with a rival communist and Soviet protégé, Babrak Karmal. By 1985 Brezhnev and Andropov were dead and Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev had begun his attempts to reform the Soviet system, usher in openness, end the Cold War and in particular withdraw from Afghanistan, which by 1986 he had termed “a bleeding wound”. Gorbachev replaced Karmal with a new protégé Najibullah Khan, who was assigned the impossible task of bringing about national reconciliation with the Pakistan-based guerrillas and form a national government. Soviet forces withdrew from Afghanistan in February 1989 having lost 14,500 dead, while more than a million Afghans had been killed since the invasion a decade earlier.

Not long after Russia’s Bolshevik Revolution, Gregory Zinoviev had said that international communism “turns today to the peoples of the East and says to them, `Brothers, we summon you to a Holy War first of all against British imperialism!’ At this there were cries of Jehad! Jehad! And much brandishing of picturesque Oriental weapons.” (Treadgold, Twentieth Century Russia, 1990, p. 213). Now instead, the Afghan misadventure had contributed to the collapse of the Soviet Empire itself, the USSR ceasing to be a political entity by 1991, and even Gorbachev being displaced by Boris Yeltsin and later Vladimir Putin in a new Russia.

What resulted for the people of the USA and Britain and the West in general was that they no longer had to live under threat of hostile Soviet tanks and missiles, while the people of Russia, Ukraine and the other erstwhile Soviet republics as well as Eastern Europe were able to throw off the yoke of communism that had oppressed them since the Bolshevik Revolution and instead to breathe the air of freedom.

What happened to the people of Afghanistan, however, was that they were plunged into further ghastly civil war for more than ten years. And what happened to the people of Pakistan was that their country was left resembling a gigantic Islamist military camp, awash with airfields, arms, ammunition and trained guerrillas, as well as a military establishment enlivened as always by perpetual hope that these supplies, provisions and personnel of war might find alternative use in attacks against India over J& K. “We helped you when you wished to see the Soviet Union defeated and withdrawing in Afghanistan”, Pakistan’s generals and diplomats pleaded with the Americans and British, “now you must help us in our wish to see India defeated and withdrawing in Kashmir”. Pakistan’s leaders even believed that just as the Soviet Union had disintegrated afterwards, the Indian Union perhaps might be made to do the same. Not only were the two cases as different as chalk from cheese, Palmerstone’s dictum there are no permanent allies in the politics of nations could not have found more apt use than in what actually came to take place next.

Pakistan’s generals and diplomats felt betrayed by the loss of Anglo-American paternalism towards them after 1989.

Modern Pakistanis had never felt they subscribed to the Indian nationalist movement culminating in independence in August 1947. The Pakistani state now finally declared its independence in the world by exploding bombs in a nuclear arsenal secretly created with help purchased from China and North Korea. Pakistan’s leaders thus came to feel in some control of Pakistan’s destiny as a nation-state for the first time, more than fifty years after Pakistan’s formal creation in 1947. If nothing else, at least they had the Bomb.

Secondly, America and its allies would not be safe for long since the civil war they had left behind in Afghanistan while trying to defeat the USSR now became a brew from which arose a new threat of violent Islamism. Osama bin Laden and the Taliban, whom Pakistan’s military and the USA had promoted, now encouraged unprecedented attacks on the American mainland on September 11 2001 ~ causing physical and psychological damage which no Soviet, Chinese or Cuban missiles ever had been allowed to do. In response, America attacked and removed the Taliban regime in Afghanistan, once again receiving the cooperative use of Pakistani manpower and real estate ~ except now there was no longer any truck with the Pakistani establishment’s wish for a quid pro quo of Anglo-American support against India on J&K. Pakistan’s generals and diplomats soon realised their Anglo-American alliance of more than a half-century ended on September 11 2001. Their new cooperation was in killing or arresting and handing over fellow-Muslims and necessarily lacked their earlier feelings of subservience and ingratiation towards the Americans and British, and came to be done instead under at least some duress. No benefit could be reaped any more in the fight against India over Jammu & Kashmir. An era had ended in the subcontinent.


WHAT TO TELL MUSHARRAF: PEACE IS IMPOSSIBLE WITHOUT NON-AGGRESSIVE PAKISTANI INTENTIONS by Subroto Roy, First published in The Statesman December 15 2006 Editorial Page Special Article, www.thestatesman.net

In June 1989 a project at an American university involving Pakistani and other scholars, including one Indian, led to the book Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s published in Karachi, New Delhi and elsewhere. The book reached Nawaz Sharif and the Islamabad elite, and General Musharraf’s current proposal on J&K, endorsed warmly by the US State Department last week, derives from the last paragraph of its editorial introduction: “Kashmir… must be demilitarised and unified by both countries sooner or later, and it must be done without force. There has been enough needless bloodshed on the subcontinent… Modern Pakistanis and Indians are free peoples who can voluntarily agree in their own interests to alter the terms set hurriedly by Attlee or Mountbatten in the Indian Independence Act 1947. Nobody but we ourselves keeps us prisoners of superficial definitions of who we are or might be. The subcontinent could evolve its political identity over a period of time on the pattern of Western Europe, with open borders and (common) tariffs to the outside world, with the free movement of people, capital, ideas and culture. Large armed forces could be reduced and transformed in a manner that would enhance the security of each nation. The real and peaceful economic revolution of the masses of the subcontinent would then be able to begin.”

The editors as economists decried the waste of resources involved in the Pakistan-India confrontation, saying it had “greatly impoverished the general budgets of both Pakistan and India. If it has benefited important sections of the political and military elites of  both countries, it has done so only at the expense of the general welfare of the masses.”

International law

Such words may have been bold in the early 1990s but today, a decade and a half later, they seem incomplete and rather naïve even to their author, who was myself, the only Indian in that project. Most significantly, the position in international law in the context of historical facts had been wholly neglected. So had been the manifest nature of the contemporary Pakistani state.

Jammu & Kashmir became an entity in international law when the Treaty of Amritsar was signed between Gulab Singh and the British on March 16 1846. British India itself became an entity in international law much later, possibly as late as June 1919 when it signed the Treaty of Versailles. As for Pakistan, it had no existence in world history or international law until August 14 1947, when the British created it as a new entity out of certain demarcated areas of British India and gave it the status of a Dominion. British India dissolved itself on August 15 1947 and the Dominion of India became its successor-state in international law on that date. As BR Ambedkar pointed out at the time, the new India automatically inherited British India’s suzerainty over any and all remaining “princely” states of so-called “Indian India”. In case of J&K in particular, there never was any question of it being recognised as an independent entity in global international law.

The new Pakistan, by entering a Standstill Agreement with J&K as of August 15 1947, did locally recognise J&K’s sovereignty over its decision whether to join Pakistan or India. But this Pakistani recognition lasted only until the attack on J&K that commenced from Pakistani territory as of October 22 1947, an attack in which Pakistani forces were complicit (something which, in different and mutating senses, has continued ever since). The Dominion of India had indicated it might have consented if J&K’s Ruler had decided to accede to Pakistan in the weeks following the dissolution of British India. But no such thing happened: what did happen was the descent of J&K into a condition of legal anarchy.

Beginning with the Pakistani attack on J&K as of October 22 upto and including the Rape of Baramulla and the British-led Pakistani coup détat in Gilgit on one side, and the arrival of Indian forces as well as mobilization by Sheikh Abdullah and Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad of J&K’s civilians to repel the Pakistani invaders on the other side, the State of Jammu & Kashmir became an ownerless entity in international law. In Roman Law, from which all modern international and municipal law ultimately derives, the ownership of an ownerless entity is open to be determined by “military decision”. The January 1949 Ceasefire Line that came to be renamed the Line of Control after the 1971 Bangladesh War, demarcates the respective territories that the then-Dominions and later Republics of India and Pakistan acquired by “military decision” of the erstwhile State of J&K which had come to cease to exist.

What the Republic of India means by saying today that boundaries cannot be redrawn nor any populations forcibly transferred is quite simply that the division of erstwhile J&K territory is permanent, and that sovereignty over it is indivisible. It is only sheer ignorance on the part of General Musharraf’s Indian interviewer the other day which caused it to be said that Pakistan was willing to “give up” its claim on erstwhile J&K State territory which India has held: Pakistan has never had nor even made such a  claim in international law. What Pakistan has claimed is that India has been an occupier and that there are many people inhabiting the Indian area who may not wish to be Indian nationals and who are being compelled against their will to remain so ~  forgetting to add that precisely the same could be said likewise of the Pakistani-held area.

Accordingly, the lawful solution proposed in these pages a year ago to resolve that matter, serious as it is, has been that the Republic of India invite every person covered under Article 370, citizen-by- citizen, under a condition of full information, to privately and without fear decide, if he/she has not done so already, between possible Indian, Iranian, Afghan or Pakistani nationalities ~ granting rights and obligations of permanent residents to any of those persons who may choose for whatever private reason not to remain Indian nationals. If Pakistan acted likewise, the problem of J&K would indeed come to be resolved. The Americans, as self- appointed mediators, have said they wish “the people of the region to have a voice” in a solution: there can be no better expression of such voice than allowing individuals to privately choose their own nationalities and their rights and responsibilities accordingly. The issue of territorial sovereignty is logically distinct from that of the choice of nationality by individual inhabitants.

Military de-escalation

Equally significant though in assessing whether General Musharraf’s proposal is an  anachronism, is Pakistan’s history since 1947: through Ayub’s 1965 attack, the civil war and secession of Bangladesh, the Afghan war and growth of the ISI, the Kargil incursion, the 1999 coup détat, and, once or twice removed, the 9/11 attacks against America. It is not a history that allows any confidence to arise in Indians that we are not dealing with a country misgoverned by a tiny arrogant exploitative military elite who remain hell-bent on aggression against us. Like the USA and USSR twenty years ago, what we need to negotiate about, and negotiate hard about, is an overall mutual military drawdown and de-escalation appropriate to lack of aggressive intent on both sides. Is General Musharraf willing to discuss that? It would involve reciprocal verifiable assessment of one another’s reasonable military requirements on the assumption that each was not a threatening enemy of the other. That was how the USA-USSR drawdown and de-escalation occurred successfully. If General Musharraf is unwilling to enter such a discussion, there is hardly anything to talk about with him. We should wait for democracy to return.



by Subroto Roy, December 17 2008

Pakistan President Asif Ali Zardari’s recent argument in the New York Times resembles closely the well-known publications of his ambassador to the United States, Mr Husain Haqqani. Unfortunately, this Zardari-Haqqani thesis about Pakistan’s current predicament in the world and the world’s predicament with Pakistan is shot through with clear factual and logical errors. These need to be aired because true or useful conclusions cannot be reached from mistaken premises or faulty reasoning.

1. Origins of Pakistan, India, J&K, and their mutual problems

Mr Zardari makes the following seemingly innocuous statement:

“…. the two great nations of Pakistan and India, born together from the same revolution and mandate in 1947, must continue to move forward with the peace process.”

Now as a matter of simple historical fact, the current entities in the world system known as India and Pakistan were not “born together from the same revolution and mandate in 1947”. It is palpably false to suppose they were and Pakistanis indulge in wishful thinking and self-deception about their own political history if they suppose this.

India’s Republic arose out of the British Dominion known as “India” which was the legal successor of the entity known previously in international law as “British India”. British India had had secular governance and so has had the Indian Republic.

By contrast, the Islamic Republic of Pakistan arose out of a newly created state in international law known as the British Dominion of Pakistan, consisting of designated territory carved out of British India by a British decision and coming into existence one day before British India extinguished itself. (Another new state, Bangladesh, later seceded from Pakistan.)

The British decision to create territory designated “Pakistan” had nothing to do with any anti-British “revolution” or “mandate” supported by any Pakistani nationalism because there was none. (Rahmat Ali’s anti-Hindu pamphleteering in London could be hardly considered Pakistani nationalism against British rule. Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan’s Pashtun patriots saw themselves as Indian, not Pakistani.)

To the contrary, the British decision had to do with a small number of elite Pakistanis — MA Jinnah foremost among them — demanding not to be part of the general Indian nationalist movement that had been demanding a British departure from power in the subcontinent. Jinnah’s separatist party, the Muslim League, was trounced in the 1937 provincial elections in all the Muslim-majority areas of British India that would eventually become Pakistan. Despite this, in September 1939, Britain, at war with Nazi Germany, chose to elevate the political power of Jinnah and his League to parity with the general Indian nationalist movement led by MK Gandhi. (See, Francis Robinson, in William James and Subroto Roy (eds), Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s.) Britain needed India’s mostly Muslim infantry-divisions — the progenitors of the present-day Pakistan Army — and if that meant tilting towards a risky political idea of “Pakistan” in due course, so it would be. The thesis that Pakistan arose from any kind of “revolution” or “mandate” in 1947 is fantasy — the Muslim super-elite that invented and endorsed the Pakistan idea flew from Delhi to Karachi in chartered BOAC Dakotas, caring not a hoot about the vulnerability of ordinary Muslim masses to Sikh and Hindu majority wrath and retaliation on the ground.

Modern India succeeded to the rights and obligations of British India in international law, and has had a recognized existence as a state since at least the signing of the Armistice and Treaty of Versailles in 1918-1919. India was a founding member of the United Nations, being a signatory of the 1945 San Francisco Declaration, and an original member of the Bretton Woods institutions. An idea put forward by Argentina that as of 1947 India and Pakistan were both successor states of British India was rejected by the UN (Argentina withdrew its own suggestion), and it was universally acknowledged India was already a member of the UN while Pakistan would have to (and did) apply afresh for membership as a newly created state in the UN. Pakistan’s entry into the UN had the enthusiastic backing of India and was opposed by only one existing UN member, Afghanistan, due to a conflict that continues to this day over the legitimacy of the Durand Line that bifurcated the Pashtun areas.

Such a review of elementary historical facts and the position in law of Pakistan and India is far from being of merely pedantic interest today. Rather, it goes directly to the logical roots of the conflict over the erstwhile State of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) — a state that itself originated as an entity in the world system a full century before Pakistan was to do so and more than half a century before British India did, but which would collapse into anarchy and civil war in 1947-1949.

Britain (or England) had been a major nation-state in the world system recognized since Grotius first outlined modern international law. On March 16 1846, Britain entered into a treaty, the Treaty of Amritsar, with one Gulab Singh, and the “State of Jammu & Kashmir” came to arise as a recognizable entity in international law for the first time. (See my “History of Jammu and Kashmir” published in The Statesman, Oct 29-30 2006, available elsewhere here.)

Jammu & Kashmir continued in orderly existence as a state until it crashed into legal and political anarchy and civil war a century later. The new Pakistan had entered into a “Standstill Agreement” with the State of Jammu & Kashmir as of August 15 1947. On or about October 22 1947, Pakistan unilaterally ended that Standstill Agreement and instead caused military forces from its territory to attack the State of Jammu & Kashmir along the Mansehra Road towards Baramula and Srinagar, coinciding too with an Anglo-Pakistani coup d’etat in Gilgit and Baltistan (see my “Solving Kashmir”; “Law, Justice & J&K”; “Pakistan’s Allies”, all published in The Statesman in 2005-2006 and available elsewhere here).

The new Pakistan had chosen, in all deliberation, to forswear law, politics and diplomacy and to resort to force of arms instead in trying to acquire J&K for itself via a military decision. It succeeded only partially. Its forces took and then lost both Baramula and Kargil; they may have threatened Leh but did not attempt to take it; they did take and retain Muzaffarabad and Skardu; they were never near taking the summer capital, Srinagar, though might have threatened the winter capital, Jammu.

All in all, a Ceasefire Line came to be demarcated on the military positions as of February 1 1949. After a war in 1971 that accompanied the secession of Bangladesh from Pakistan, that Ceasefire Line came to be renamed the “Line of Control” between Pakistan and India. An ownerless entity may be acquired by force of arms — the erstwhile State of Jammu & Kashmir in 1947-1949 had become an ownerless entity that had been dismembered and divided according to military decision following an armed conflict between Pakistan and India. The entity in the world system known as the “State of Jammu & Kashmir” created on March 16 1846 by Gulab Singh’s treaty with the British ceased to exist as of October 22 1947. Pakistan had started the fight over J&K but there is a general rule of conflicts that he who starts a fight does not get to finish it.

Such is the simplest and most practical statement of the history of the current problem. The British, through their own compulsions and imperial pretensions, raised all the talk about a “Lapse of Paramountcy” of the British Crown over the “Native Princes” of “Indian India”, and of how, the “Native Princes” were required to “accede” to either India or Pakistan. This ignored Britain’s own constitutional law. BR Ambedkar pointed out with unsurpassed clarity that no “Lapse of Paramountcy” was possible even for a single logical moment since “Paramountcy” over any “Native Princes” who had not joined India or Pakistan as of August 15 1947, automatically passed from British India to its legal successor, namely, the Dominion of India. It followed that India’s acquiescence was required for any subsequent accession to Pakistan – an acquiescence granted in case of Chitral and denied in case of Junagadh.

What the Republic of India means by saying today that boundaries cannot be redrawn nor any populations forcibly transferred is quite simply that the division of erstwhile J&K territory is permanent, and that sovereignty over it is indivisible. What Pakistan has claimed is that India has been an occupier and that there are many people inhabiting the Indian area who may not wish to be Indian nationals and who are being compelled against their will to remain so ~ forgetting to add that precisely the same could be said likewise of the Pakistani-held area. The lawful solution I proposed in “Solving Kashmir, “Law, Justice and J&K” and other works has been that the Republic of India invite every person covered under its Article 370, citizen-by-citizen, under a condition of full information, to privately and without fear decide, if he/she has not done so already, between possible Indian, Iranian, Afghan or Pakistani nationalities ~ granting rights and obligations of permanent residents to any of those persons who may choose for whatever private reason not to remain Indian nationals. If Pakistan acted likewise, the problem of J&K would indeed come to be resolved. The Americans, as self-appointed mediators, have said they wish “the people of the region to have a voice” in a solution: there can be no better expression of such voice than allowing individuals to privately choose their own nationalities and their rights and responsibilities accordingly. The issue of territorial sovereignty is logically distinct from that of the choice of nationality by individual inhabitants.

2. Benazir’s assassination falsely compared to the Mumbai massacres
Secondly, President Zardari draws a mistaken comparison between the assassination last year of his wife, Benazir Bhutto, and the Mumbai massacres a few weeks ago. Ms Bhutto’s assassination may resemble more closely the assassinations in India of Indira Gandhi in 1984 and Rajiv Gandhi in 1991.

Indira Gandhi died in “blowback” from the unrest she and her younger son and others in their party had opportunistically fomented among Sikh fundamentalists and sectarians since the late 1970s. Rajiv Gandhi died in “blowback” from an erroneous imperialistic foreign policy that he, as Prime Minister, had been induced to make by jingoistic Indian diplomats, a move that got India’s military needlessly involved in the then-nascent Sri Lankan civil war. Benazir Bhutto similarly may be seen to have died in “blowback” from her own political activity as prime minister and opposition leader since the late 1980s, including her own encouragement of Muslim fundamentalist forces. Certainly in all three cases, as in all assassinations, there were lapses of security too and imprudent political judgments made that contributed to the tragic outcomes.

Ms Bhutto’s assassination has next to nothing to do with the Mumbai massacres, besides the fact the perpetrators in both cases were Pakistani terrorists. President Zardari saying he himself has lost his wife to terrorism is true but not relevant to the proper diagnosis of the Mumbai massacres or to Pakistan-India relations in general. Rather, it serves to deflect criticism and condemnation of the Pakistani state’s pampered handing of Pakistan’s terrorist masterminds, as well as the gross irresponsibility of Pakistan’s military scientists (not AQ Khan) who have been recently advocating a nuclear first strike against India in the event of war.

3. Can any religious nation-state be viable in the modern world?

President Zardari’s article says:

“The world worked to exploit religion against the Soviet Union in Afghanistan by empowering the most fanatic extremists as an instrument of destruction of a superpower. The strategy worked, but its legacy was the creation of an extremist militia with its own dynamic.”

This may be overly simplistic. As pointed out in my article “Pakistan’s Allies”, Gregory Zinoviev himself after the Bolshevik Revolution had declared that international communism “turns today to the peoples of the East and says to them, ‘Brothers, we summon you to a Holy War first of all against British imperialism!’ At this there were cries of Jehad! Jehad! And much brandishing of picturesque Oriental weapons.” (Treadgold, Twentieth Century Russia, 1990, p. 213). For more than half of the 20th century, orthodox Muslims had been used by Soviet communists against British imperialism, then by the British and Americans (through Pakistan) against Soviet communism. Touché! Blowback and counter-blowback! The real question that arises from this today may be why orthodox Muslims have allowed themselves to be used either way by outside forces and have failed in developing a modern nation-state and political culture of their own. Europe and America only settled down politically after their religious wars were over. Perhaps no religious nation-state is viable in the modern world.

4. Pakistan’s behaviour leads to schizophrenia in international relations

President Zardari pleads for, or perhaps demands, resources from the world:

“the best response to the Mumbai carnage is to coordinate in counteracting the scourge of terrorism. The world must act to strengthen Pakistan’s economy and democracy, help us build civil society and provide us with the law enforcement and counterterrorism capacities that will enable us to fight the terrorists effectively.”

Six million pounds from Mr Gordon Brown, so much from here or there etc – President Zardari has apparently demanded 100 billion dollars from America and that is the price being talked about for Pakistan to dismantle its nuclear weapons and be brought under an American “nuclear umbrella” instead.

I have pointed out elsewhere that what Pakistan seems to have been doing in international relations for decades is send out “mixed messages” – i.e. contradictory signals, whether in thought, word or deed. Clinical psychologists following the work of Gregory Bateson would say this leads to confusion among Pakistan’s interlocutors (a “double bind”) and the symptoms arise of what may be found in schizophrenic relationships. (See my article “Do President-elect Obama’s Pakistan specialists believe…”; on the “double bind” theory, an article I chanced to publish in the Journal of Genetic Psychology, 1986, may be of interest).

Here are a typical set of “mixed messages” emanating from Pakistan’s government and opinion-makers:

“We have nuclear weapons
“We keep our nuclear weapons safe from any misuse or unauthorized use
“We are willing to use nuclear weapons in a first strike against India
“We do not comprehend the lessons of Hiroshima-Nagasaki
“We do not comprehend the destruction India will visit upon us if we strike them
“We are dangerous so we must not be threatened in any way
“We are peace-loving and want to live in peace with India and Afghanistan
“We love to play cricket with India and watch Bollywood movies
“We love our Pakistan Army as it is one public institution that works
“We know the Pakistan Army has backed armed militias against India in the past
“We know these militias have caused terrorist attacks
“We are not responsible for any terrorist attacks
“We do not harbour any terrorists
“We believe the world should pay us to not use or sell our nuclear weapons
“We believe the world should pay us to not encourage the terrorists in our country
“We believe the world should pay us to prevent terrorists from using our nuclear weapons
“We hate India and do not want to become like India
“We love India and want to become like India
“We are India and we are not India…”


A mature rational responsible and self-confident Pakistan would have said instead:

“We apologise to India and other countries for the outrageous murders our nationals have committed in Mumbai and elsewhere
“We ask the world to watch how our professional army is deployed to disarm civilian and all “non-state” actors of unauthorized firearms and explosives
“We do not need and will not demand or accept a dollar in any sort of foreign aid, military or civilian, to solve our problems
“We realize our economic and political institutions are a mess and we must clean them up
“We will strive to build a society imbued with what Iqbal described as the spirit of modern times..”

As someone who created at great personal cost at an American university twenty years ago the book Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s, I have a special interest in hoping that Pakistan shall find the path of wisdom.”

“Are Iran’s Revolutionaries now Reactionaries? George Orwell would have understood. A fresh poll may be the only answer” (2009)

I was born in Tehran because my parents were Indian diplomats there, and I would love to go back to visit Iran someday.  Not right now though as the country seems to be  plunging itself into a new Revolution and yesterday’s Revolutionaries are today’s  Reactionaries in a way that George Orwell would have understood and might have predicted.  (Back in December 1982, at the American Economic Association meetings in New York City, a man looking surprisingly similar to Mr Mohammad Ahmadinajad approached me  after I had read a paper “Economic Theory and Development Economics” to a large audience, introducing himself as a member of the UN delegation of the new Islamic Republic, giving me his card which I never kept… a story for another time…)

It would appear to me that the right political course of action would be for the disputed poll to be cancelled — with the consent and indeed at the  statesmanlike initiative of its declared winner;  to be followed by a short interregnum for normalisation and a calming down of all tempers to occur; and then for fresh polls to occur within, say, two or three months, taking transparent precautions that such an ugly mess not be repeated.

Subroto Roy

see too




Schoolboys exchanging fisticuffs in a school playground or elderly men battling over power and policy? Why did Manmohan Singh and LK Advani apologize to one another? Is Indian politics essentially collusive, not competitive, aiming only to preserve and promote the post-1947 Dilli Raj at the expense of the whole of India? We seem to have no Churchillian repartee (except perhaps from Bihar occasionally)

Yesterday the PM is reported to have been asked by someone travelling on his aeroplane from Moscow “whether he had forgiven Advani for calling him a ‘weak Prime Minister’”.

The question was absurd, almost ridiculous, typical of our docile ingratiating rather juvenile English-language press and media, as if any issue of forgiveness arises at all about what one politician says during an election campaign about another politician’s performance in office.

Dr Manmohan Singh’s answer was surprising too: “I was compelled to reply to what Advani said…On May 16 when (Advani) telephoned me, he told me that he was hurt by some of my statements. He said he was hurt and regretted his statements… I apologised to him if I have hurt him. I am looking forward to a close relationship with the Leader of the Opposition.”

So LK Advani appears to have apologised to Manmohan Singh and Manmohan Singh to LK Advani for what they said about each other during the recent general election campaign! What is going on? Were they schoolboys exchanging fisticuffs in a school playground or elderly men battling over power and policy in modern Indian politics?

What would we have done if there was a Churchill in Indian politics today – hurling sarcastic insults at domestic opponents and foreign leaders while guiding a nation on its right course during turbulent times?

Churchill once famously said his parents had not shown him “The Boneless Wonder” in PT Barnum’s circus because it was too horrible a sight but now he had finally seen such a “Boneless Wonder” in his opponent on the Treasury Benches, namely, Ramsay MacDonald. Of the same opponent he said later “He has the gift of compressing the largest number of words into the smallest amount of thought”.

When accused of being drunk by a woman MP he replied “And you are very ugly, but tomorrow I’ll be sober”. Today’s politically correct world would scream at far less. Field Marshall Montgomery told Churchill, “I neither drink nor smoke and am 100% fit,” to which Churchill replied, “I drink and smoke and I am 200% fit”. That too would be politically incorrect today.

Churchill described Prime Minister Clement Attlee as “a modest man with much to be modest about”; also about Attlee: “If any grub is fed on Royal Jelly it turns into a Queen Bee”. Yet Attlee had enough dignity and self-knowledge and self-confidence to brush it all off and instead respect and praise him. In the 1954 volume Winston Spencer Churchill Servant of Crown and Commonwealth Attlee added his own tribute to his great opponent: “I recall…the period when he was at odds with his own party and took a seat on the Bench below the Gangway on the Government side. Here he was well placed to fire on both parties. I remember describing him as a heavily armed tank cruising in No Man’s Land. Very impressive were the speeches he delivered as the international horizon grew darker. He became very unpopular with the predominant group in his own party, but he never minded fighting a lone battle.”

Stanley Baldwin, who as PM first appointed Churchill as Chancellor of the Exchequer, once said “There comes Winston with his hundred horsepower mind”. Yet Churchill was to later say harshly “I wish Stanley Baldwin no ill, but it would have been much better had he never lived.”

Of Lenin, Churchill said, he was “transported in a sealed truck like a plague bacillus from Switzerland into Russia”. Of Molotov: “I have never seen a human being who more perfectly represented the modern concept of a robot.” Of Hitler, “If [he] invaded hell I would at least make a favourable reference to the devil in the House of Commons”. Of De Gaulle, “He was a man without a country yet he acted as if he was head of state”.” Of John Foster Dulles, “[He] is the only bull who carries his china shop with him”. Of Stafford Cripps, British Ambassador to the USSR, “…a lunatic in a country of lunatics”; and also “There but for the Grace of God, goes God”.

Decades later, that great neo-Churchillian Margaret Thatcher was on the receiving end of a vast amount of sarcasm. “President Mitterrand once famously remarked that Thatcher had ‘the eyes of Caligula and the lips of Marilyn Monroe’. Rather less flatteringly, Dennis Healey described her as Attila the Hen. She probably took both descriptions as compliments.” (Malcolm Rifkind in Margaret Thatcher’s Revolution: How it Happened and What it Meant edited by Subroto Roy and John Clarke, 2005).

Politics is, and should be, grown up stuff because it deals with human lives and national destinies, and really, if you can’t take the heat please do not enter the kitchen. The slight Churchillian sarcasm that does arise within modern Indian politics comes very occasionally from Bihar but nowhere else, e.g. about the inevitability of aloo in samosas and of bhaloos in the jungle but no longer of Laloo being in the seat of power. In general, everyone seems frightfully sombre and self-important though may be in fact short of self-knowledge and hence self-confidence.

What had Manmohan Singh said about LK Advani that he felt he had to apologise for? That Advani had no substantial political achievement to his credit and did not deserve to be India’s PM. Manmohan was not alone in making the charge – Sonia Gandhi, Rahul Gandhi and numerous other spokesmen and representatives of their party said the same. Has Manmohan’s apology to Advani been one on behalf of the whole Congress Party itself?

Was Advani’s apology to Manmohan one on behalf of the whole BJP too?

What had the BJP charged Manmohan with that Advani felt he had to apologise for?  Being a “weak PM”.

Hmmm. Frankly, thinking about it, it is hard to count who has not been weak as a PM in India’s modern history.

Certainly Vallabhai Patel as a kind of co-PM was decisive and far from weak back in 1947-48.

Lal Bahadur Shastri was not weak when he told Pakistan that a Pakistani attack on Kashmir would result in an Indian attack on Pakistan.

Indira Gandhi was not weak when she resisted the Yahya Khan-Tikka Khan tyranny against Bangladesh.

Had he not been assassinated, Rajiv Gandhi in a second term would have been decisive and not weak in facing up to and tackling the powerful lobbies and special interest groups that have crippled our domestic economic policy for decades.

But the number of such examples may be counted by hand.  Perhaps VP Singh might count, riding in an open jeep to Amritsar, as might AB Vajpayee’s Pokhran II and travelling on a bus to Lahore. In general, the BJP’s charge that Manmohan was “weak” may have constructively led to serious discussion in the country about the whole nature of the Prime Ministership in modern India, which means raising a whole gamut of issues about Indian governance – about India being the softest of “soft states”, with the softest of “soft government budget constraints” (i.e., endless deficit finance and paper money creation) etc.

Instead, what we have had thus far is apologies being exchanged for no real political reason between the leaderships of the Government and the Opposition. If two or three sellers come to implicitly carve up a market between themselves they are said by economic theory to be colluding rather than being in competition. Indian politics may be revealing such implicit collusive behaviour. The goal of this political oligopoly would seem to be to preserve and promote the status quo of the post-1947 Dilli Raj with its special hereditary nomenclatura, at the expense of anonymous diffused teeming India.

Subroto Roy

Postscript July 15 2009: Churchill’s mature opinion of Baldwin was one of the fullest praise at the 20 May 1950 unveiling of a memorial to him.  See his In the Balance, edited by Randolph S Churchill, 1951, p. 281

Eleven days and counting after the 15th Lok Sabha was elected and still no Parliament of India! (But we do have 79 Ministers — might that be a world record?)

A lawyer friend tells me she thinks it a “technicality” that there is no Lok Sabha or Parliament in India today despite eleven long days and nights having passed since the 15th Lok Sabha came to be elected by the people of India.  “At least we did not get Advani and Modi to rule”, is how she sought to justify the current circumstance.   I am afraid I think she has produced a non sequitur, and also forgotten the constitutional law she would have read as a student.

The best argument that I think the Government of India shall be able to give justifying their legal error in not having the 15th Lok Sabha up and running yet 11 days after India’s people have spoken would run something like this:

(1) The President of India invites a Council of Ministers led by a PM to form the government and has done so.

(2) The President must be satisfied that the PM commands a majority in the Lok Sabha, and the President has been satisfied by the 322  “letters of support” that the PM produced.

(3) The Government of the day calls parliamentary sessions and does so at its discretion, and the Government of the day headed by this PM has announced when it shall call the 15th Lok Sabha which will be in a few days yet.

Any such argument, I am afraid, would be specious because it simply puts the cart before the horse.

Parliament is sovereign in India, to repeat what I have said several times before.

Parliament is sovereign in India — not even the President who is the symbol of that sovereignty.  We do not follow the British quite exactly in this because we are a republic and not a monarchy.  In Britain sovereignty rests with “The King in Parliament”.  With us, Parliament is sovereign and the President is the symbol of that sovereignty.  In all matters of state, our President must act in a manner that Parliament and parliamentary law says.

Parliament is sovereign in India — not the Executive Government, certainly not its largest political party or its leader.

Parliament is sovereign in India because the people of India have chosen it to be so within the Constitution of India.

Parliament is sovereign in India and the people of India have elected the 15th Lok Sabha which has still not been allowed to meet eleven days later.

To the contrary, as noted days ago, the purported “Cabinet” of the 14th Lok Sabha, a dead institution, met on May 18 2009, some 48 hours after the 15th Lok Sabha had already been declared!   The 14th Lok Sabha in fact stood automatically dissolved in law when General Elections came to be announced.

Is all this merely a “technicality” as my friend believes?  I think not.

Executive Government in India derives its political legitimacy from being elected  by Parliament,  i.e., from holding the confidence of Parliament, and that means the Lok Sabha.

The Government of the day might  for sake of convenience have a prerogative of calling sessions of the 15th Lok Sabha once it has been constituted but the Government of the day cannot logically constitute a Lok Sabha after a General Election because it itself receives legitimacy from such a Lok Sabha.

If the 15th Lok Sabha has not met, confidence in any Executive has yet to be recorded, and hence any such Government has yet to receive legitimacy.

Do “322 letters of support” suffice?  Hardly.  They are signed after all by persons who have yet to take their seats in the Lok Sabha!  (Let us leave aside the fact that the PM, not being a member of the Lok Sabha, is in this case unable to be one of those 322 himself!)

Yet we have 79 “Ministers” of this new “Government” holding press-conferences and giving out free-bees and favours etc already.  As I have said before, Ambedkar, Nehru and others of their generation, plus Indira and Rajiv too, would all have been appalled.

Because the incompetence of the fascists and communists in the Opposition may continue to  be expected, it will be up to ordinary citizens and voters of India to point out such  simple truths whenever the Emperor is found to be naked.  (Our docile juvenile ingratiating media may well remain mostly hopeless.)

Subroto Roy

Why does India not have a Parliament ten days after the 15th Lok Sabha was elected? Nehru and Rajiv would both have been appalled (2009)

see too

Why has the Sonia Congress done something that the Congress under Nehru-Indira-Rajiv would not have done, namely, exaggerate the power of the Rajya Sabha and diminish the power of the Lok Sabha?

There are at least three Supreme Court lawyers, all highly voluble, among the higher echelons of Congress Party politicians; it is surprising that not one of them has been able to get the top Party leadership of Sonia Gandhi and Manmohan Singh to see the apparent breach of normal constitutional law in Parliament not having met more than 10 days after it was elected.

A Government has been formed, Ministers have entered their offices and have been holding press-conferences and taking executive decisions,  wannabe-Ministers continue to be wrangling night-and-day for the plums of office — BUT THERE IS NO PARLIAMENT!

Today is the death-anniversary of Jawaharlal Nehru and last week was the death anniversary of  Rajiv Gandhi.

Nehru, whatever his faults and infirmities, was an outstanding parliamentarian and a believer in the Westminster model in particular.  He was intimately familiar with its  unpoken customs and unwritten laws.   He would have been completely appalled by the situation today where luminaries of the party that goes by the  same name as the one he had led are paying obeisance to his memory 45 years after his death but have failed to see the absurdity in having a Government in office with no new Parliament ten days after a month-long General Election was over!  (Incidentally, had he not left explicit instructions against any hero-worship  taking place of himself too?)

Rajiv knew his grandfather and had acquired a sense of noblesse oblige from him.  He too would have been appalled that the procedural business of government  had been simply  procrastinated over like this.

It surprises me that Dr Manmohan Singh, having been a post-graduate of Cambridge, having earned a doctorate from Oxford, and more recently having been awarded honorary doctorates from both Ancient Universities, should seem so unaware of the elements of the Westminster model of  constitutional jurisprudence which guides our polity too.

It is too late now and the mistakes have been made.   I hope his  new Government will  come to realise at some point and then keep in mind that our Executive receives political legitimacy from Parliament, not vice versa.   An Executive can hardly be legitimately in office until the  Parliament that is supposed to elect it has been sworn in.

As for our putative Opposition in the Parliament-yet-to-meet, it seems to have drawn a blank too, and eo ipso revealed its own constitutional backwardness and lethargy.

Subroto Roy

How tightly will organised Big Business be able to control economic policies this time?

The power of organised Big Business over New Delhi’s economic policies (whether Congress-led or BJP-led) was signalled by the presence in the audience at Rashtrapati Bhavan last week of several prominent lobbyists when Dr Manmohan Singh and his senior-most Cabinet colleagues were being sworn-in by the President of India. Why were such witnesses needed at such an auspicious national occasion?

Organised Big Business (both private sector and public sector) along with organised Big Labour (whose interests are represented most ably by New Delhi’s official communist parties like the CPI-M and CPI), are astutely aware of how best to advance their own economic interests; this usually gets assisted nicely enough through clever use of our comprador English-language TV, newspaper and magazine media. Shortly after the election results, lobbyists were all over commercial TV proposing things like FDI in insurance and airports etc– as if that was the meaning of the Sonia-Rahul mandate or were issues of high national priority. A typical piece of such “pretend-economics” appears in today’s business-press from a formerly Leftist Indian bureaucrat: “With its decisive victory, the new Manmohan Singh government should at last be able to implement the required second generation reforms. Their lineaments (sic) are well known and with the removal of the Left’s veto, many of those stalled in the legislature as well as those which were forestalled can now be implemented. These should be able to put India back on a 9-10 per cent per annum growth rate…”

Today’s business-press also reports that the new Government is planning to create a fresh “Disinvestment Ministry” and Dr Singh’s chief economic policy aide is “a frontrunner among the names short-listed to head the new ministry” with Cabinet rank.

Now if any enterprising doctoral student was to investigate the question, I think the evidence would show that I, and I alone – not even BR Shenoy or AD Shroff or Jagdish Bhagwati — may have been the first among Indian economists to have argued in favour of the privatisation of India’s public sector. I did so precisely 25 years ago in Pricing, Planning and Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India, which was so unusual for its time that it attracted the lead editorial of The Times of London on the day it was published May 29 1984, and had its due impact on Indian economic policy then and since, as has been described elsewhere here.  In 1990-1991 while with Rajiv Gandhi, I had floated an idea of literally giving away shares of the public sector to the public that owned it (as several other countries had been doing at that time), specifically perhaps giving them to the poorest panchayats in aid of their development.  In 2004-2005, upon returning to Britain after many years, I helped create the book Margaret Thatcher’s Revolution: How it Happened and What it Meant, and Margaret Thatcher if anyone was a paragon of privatisation.

That being said, I have to say I think a new Indian policy of creating a Ministry to privatise India’s public sector is probably a very BAD idea indeed in present circumstances — mainly because it will be driven by the interests of the organised Big Business lobbies that have so profoundly and subtly been able to control the New Delhi Government’s behaviour in recent decades.

Such lobbyist control is exercised often without the Government even realising or comprehending its parameters. For example, ask yourself: Is there any record anywhere of Dr Manmohan Singh, in his long career as a Government economist and then as a Rajya Sabha MP, having ever proposed before 2004-2005 that nuclear reactors were something vitally important to India’s future? And why do you suppose the most prominent Indian business lobby spent a million dollars and registered itself as an official lobbyist in Washington DC to promote the nuclear deal among American legislators? Because Big Business was feeling generous and altruistic towards the “energy security” of the ordinary people of India? Hardly.  Indian Big Business calculates and acts in its own interests, as is only to be expected under economic assumptions; those interests are frequently camouflaged by their lobbyist and media friends into seeming to be economic policy for the country as a whole.

Now our Government every year produces paper rupees and bank deposits in  practically unlimited amounts to pay for its practically unlimited deficit financing, and it has behaved thus over decades. Why we do not hear about this at all is because the most prominent Government economists themselves remain clueless — sometimes by choice, mostly by sheer ignorance — about the nature of the macroeconomic process that they are or have been part of.  (See my  “India’s Macroeconomics”, “The Dream Team: A Critique” etc elsewhere here). As for the Opposition’s economists, the less said about the CPI-M’s economists the better while the BJP, poor thing, has absolutely no economists at all!

Briefly speaking, Indian Big Business has acquired an acute sense of this long-term nominal/paper expansion of India’s economy, and as a result acts towards converting wherever possible its own hoards of paper rupees and rupee-denominated assets into more valuable portfolios for itself of real or durable assets, most conspicuously including hard-currency denominated assets, farm-land and urban real-estate, and, now, the physical assets of the Indian public sector. Such a path of trying to transform local domestic paper assets – produced unlimitedly by Government monetary and fiscal policy and naturally destined to depreciate — into real durable assets, is a privately rational course of action to follow in an inflationary economy.  It is not rocket-science  to realise the long-term path of the Indian rupee is downwards in comparison to the hard-currencies of the world – just compare our money supply growth and inflation rates with those of the rest of the world.

The Statesman of November 15 2006 had a lead editorial titled Government’s land-fraud: Cheating peasants in a hyperinflation-prone economy. It said:

“There is something fundamentally dishonourable about the way the Centre, the state of West Bengal and other state governments are treating the issue of expropriating peasants, farm-workers, petty shop-keepers etc of their small plots of land in the interests of promoters, industrialists and other businessmen. Singur may be but one example of a phenomenon being seen all over the country: Hyderabad, Karnataka, Kerala, Haryana, everywhere. So-called “Special Economic Zones” will merely exacerbate the problem many times over. India and its governments do not belong only to business and industrial lobbies, and what is good for private industrialists may or may not be good for India’s people as a whole. Economic development does not necessarily come to be defined by a few factories or high-rise housing complexes being built here or there on land that has been taken over by the Government, paying paper-money compensation to existing stakeholders, and then resold to promoters or industrialists backed by powerful political interest-groups on a promise that a few thousand new jobs will be created. One fundamental problem has to do with inadequate systems of land-description and definition, implementation and recording of property rights. An equally fundamental problem has to do with fair valuation of land owned by peasants etc. in terms of an inconvertible paper-money. Every serious economist knows that “land” is defined as that specific factor of production and real asset whose supply is fixed and does not increase in response to its price. Every serious economist also knows that paper-money is that nominal asset whose price can be made to catastrophically decline by a massive increase in its supply, i.e. by Government printing more of the paper it holds a monopoly to print. For Government to compensate people with paper-money it prints itself by valuing their land on the basis of an average of the price of the last few years, is for Government to cheat them of the fair present-value of the land. That present-value of land must be calculated in the way the present-value of any asset comes to be calculated, namely, by summing the likely discounted cash-flows of future values. And those future values should account for the likelihood of a massive future inflation causing decline in the value of paper-money in view of the fact we in India have a domestic public debt of some Rs. 30 trillion (Rs. 30 lakh crore) and counting, and money supply growth rates averaging 16-17% per annum. In fact, a responsible Government would, given the inconvertible nature of the rupee, have used foreign exchange or gold as the unit of account in calculating future-values of the land. India’s peasants are probably being cheated by their Government of real assets whose value is expected to rise, receiving nominal paper assets in compensation whose value is expected to fall.”

Mamata Banerjee started her famous protest fast-unto-death in Kolkata not long afterwards, riveting the nation’s attention in the winter of 2006-2007.

What goes for the government buying land on behalf of its businessman friends also goes, mutatis mutandis, for the public sector’s real assets being bought up by the private sector using domestic paper money in a potentially hyperinflationary economy.  If Dr Singh’s new Government wishes to see real public sector assets being sold, let the Government seek to value these assets not in inconvertible rupees which the Government itself has been producing in unlimited quantities but rather in forex or gold-units instead!

Today’s headline says “Short of cash, govt. plans to revive disinvestment ministry”. Big Business’s powerful lobbies will suggest  that real public assets must be sold  (to whom? to organised Big Business of course!) in order to solve the grave fiscal problems in an inflationary economy caused precisely by those grave  fiscal problems! What I said in 2002 at IndiaSeminar may still be found to apply: I said the BJP’s privatisation ideas “deserve to be condemned…because they have made themselves believe that the proceeds of selling the public sector should merely go into patching up the bleeding haemorrhage which is India’s fiscal and monetary situation… (w)hile…Congress were largely responsible for that haemorrhage to have occurred in the first place.”

If the new Government would like to know how to proceed more wisely, they need to read and grasp, in the book edited by myself and Professor John Clarke in 2004-2005, the chapter by Professor Patrick Minford on Margaret Thatcher’s fiscal and monetary policy (macroeconomics) before they read the chapter by Professor Martin Ricketts on Margaret Thatcher’s privatisation (microeconomics).  India’s fiscal and monetary or macroeconomic problems are far worse today than Britain’s were when Thatcher came in.

During the recent Election Campaign, I contrasted Dr Singh’s flattering praise in 2005 of the CPI-M’s Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee with Sonia Gandhi’s pro-Mamata line in 2009 saying the CPI-M had taken land away from the poor.  This may soon signal a new fault-line in the new Cabinet too on economic policy with respect to not only land but also public sector privatisation – with Dr Singh’s pro-Big Business acolytes on one side and Mamata Banerjee’s stance in favour of small-scale unorganised business and labour on the other.  Party heavyweights like Dr Singh himself and Sharad Pawar and Pranab Mukherjee will weigh in one side or the other with Sonia being asked in due course to referee.

I personally am delighted to see the New Rahul Gandhi deciding not to be in Government and to instead reflect further on the “common man” and “common woman” about whom I had described his father talking to me on September 18 1990 at his home. Certainly the “aam admi” is not someone to be found among India’s organised Big Business or organised Big Labour nor their paid lobbyists in the big cities.

Subroto Roy

Posted in Academic research, AD Shroff, Asia and the West, Big Business and Big Labour, BR Shenoy, Britain, Britain in India, British history, Economic Policy, Economic quackery, Economic Theory, Economics of exchange controls, Economics of Public Finance, Economics of real estate valuation, Financial Management, Financial markets, Foreign exchange controls, Government Budget Constraint, Government of India, India's Big Business, India's Banking, India's bureaucracy, India's Capital Markets, India's corporate finance, India's corporate governance, India's corruption, India's currency history, India's Economic History, India's Economy, India's Government Budget Constraint, India's Government Expenditure, India's Industry, India's inflation, India's Macroeconomics, India's Monetary & Fiscal Policy, India's nomenclatura, India's peasants, India's political lobbyists, India's Politics, India's pork-barrel politics, India's poverty, India's Public Finance, Inflation, Land and political economy, Macroeconomics, Mamata Banerjee, Manmohan Singh, Margaret Thatcher, Margaret Thatcher's Revolution, Martin Ricketts, Mendacity in politics, Microeconomics, Monetary Theory, Money and banking, Mumbai financial world, New Delhi, Patrick Minford, Political cynicism, Political Economy, Political mendacity, Political Science, Politics, Pork-barrel politics, Power-elites and nomenclatura, Practical wisdom, Principal-agent problem, Privatisation, Public Choice/Public Finance, Public property waste fraud, Rajiv Gandhi, Rational decisions, Singur and Nandigram, Sonia Gandhi, Statesmanship, The Statesman, The Times (London), University of Buckingham. Leave a Comment »

Why has the Sonia Congress done something that the Congress under Nehru-Indira-Rajiv would not have done, namely, exaggerate the power of the Rajya Sabha and diminish the power of the Lok Sabha?

We in India did not invent the idea of Parliament, the British did.  Even the British did not invent the idea of a “Premier Ministre”, the French did that, though the British came to develop its meaning most.  Because these are not our own inventions, when something unusual happens in contemporary India to political entities and offices known as “Parliament”, “Prime Minister” etc, contrast and comparison is inevitable with standards and practices that have prevailed around the world in other parliamentary democracies.

Indeed we in India did not even fully invent the idea of our own Parliament though the national struggle led by the original Indian National Congress caused it to come to be invented.  The Lok Sabha is the outcome of a long and distinguished constitutional and political history from the Morley-Minto reforms a century ago to the Montagu-Chelmsford reforms and Government of India Act of 1919 to the Government of India Act of 1935 and the first general elections of British India in 1937 (when Jawaharlal Nehru briefly became PM for the first time) and in due course the 1946 Constituent Assembly.   Out of all this emerged the 1950 Constitution of India, drafted by that brilliant jurist BR Ambedkar as well as other sober intelligent well-educated and dedicated men and women of his time, and thence arose our first Lok Sabha following the 1951 General Elections.

About the Lok Sabha’s duties, I said in my March 30 2006 article “Logic of Democracy” in The Statesman

“What are Lok Sabha Members and State MLAs legitimately required to be doing in caring for their constituents? First of all, as a body as a whole, they need to elect the Government, i.e. the Executive Branch, and to hold it accountable in Parliament or Assembly. For example, the Comptroller and Auditor General submits his reports directly to the House, and it is the duty of individual legislators to put these to good use in controlling the Government’s waste, fraud or abuse of public resources.   Secondly, MPs and MLAs are obviously supposed to literally represent their individual constituencies in the House, i.e. to bring the Government and the House’s attention to specific problems or contingencies affecting their constituents as a whole, and call for the help, funds and sympathy of the whole community on their behalf.  Thirdly, MPs and MLAs are supposed to respond to pleas and petitions of individual constituents, who may need the influence associated with the dignity of their office to get things rightly done. For example, an impoverished orphan lad once needed surgery to remove a brain tumour; a family helping him was promised the free services of a top brain surgeon if a hospital bed and operating theatre could be arranged. It was only by turning to the local MLA that the family were able to get such arrangements made, and the lad had his tumour taken out at a public hospital. MPs and MLAs are supposed to vote for and create public goods and services, and to use their moral suasion to see that existing public services actually do get to reach the public.”

What about the Rajya Sabha?  I said in the same article:

“Rajya Sabha Members are a different species altogether. Most if not all State Legislative Councils have been abolished, and sadly the present nature of the Rajya Sabha causes similar doubts to arise about its utility. The very idea of a Rajya Sabha was first mooted in embryo form in an 1888 book A History of the Native States of India, Vol I. Gwalior, whose author also advocated popular constitutions for the “Indian India” of the “Native States” since “where there are no popular constitutions, the personal character of the ruler becomes a most important factor in the government… evils are inherent in every government where autocracy is not tempered by a free constitution.”  When Victoria was declared India’s “Empress” in 1877, a “Council of the Empire” was mooted but had remained a non-starter even until the 1887 Jubilee. An “Imperial Council” was now designed of the so-called “Native Princes”, which came to evolve into the “Chamber of Princes” which became the “Council of the States” and the Rajya Sabha.  It was patterned mostly on the British and not the American upper house except in being not liable to dissolution, and compelling periodic retirement of a third of members. The American upper house is an equal if not the senior partner of the lower house. Our Rajya Sabha follows the British upper house in being a chamber which is duty-bound to oversee any exuberance in the Lok Sabha but which must ultimately yield to it if there is any dispute.  Parliament in India’s democracy effectively means the Lok Sabha — where every member has contested and won a direct vote in his/her constituency. The British upper house used to have an aristocratic hereditary component which Tony Blair’s New Labour Government has now removed, so it has now been becoming more like what the Rajya Sabha was supposed to have been like.”

The Canadian upper house is similar to ours in intent: a place for “sober second thought” intended to curb the “democratic excesses” of the lower house.   In the Canadian, British, Australian, Irish and our own cases, the Prime Minister, as the chief executive of the lower house has immense indirect power over the upper house, whether in appointing members or even, in the Australian case, dissolving the entire upper house if he/she wishes.

Now yesterday apparently Shrimati Sonia Gandhi, as the duly elected leader of the largest political party in the 15th Lok Sabha, accompanied by Dr Manmohan Singh, as her party’s choice for the position of Prime Minister, went to see the President of India where the Hon’ble President apparently appointed Dr Singh to be the Prime Minister of India – meaning the Prime Minister of the 15th Lok Sabha, except that Dr Singh is not a member of the Lok Sabha and apparently has had no intent of becoming one.

In 2004 Shrimati Gandhi had declined to accept an invitation to become PM and instead effectively recommended Dr Singh to be PM despite his not being a member of the Lok Sabha nor intending to be so.   This exploited a constitutional loophole to the extent that the drafters of our 1950 Constitution happened not to have explicitly stated that the PM must be from the Lok Sabha.  But the reason the founders of our democratic polity such as BR Ambedkar and Jawaharlal Nehru did not specify that the PM must be from the Lok Sabha was quite simply that it was a matter of complete obviousness to them and to their entire generation that this must be so — it would have been  appalling to them and something beyond their wildest imagination that a later generation, namely our own, would exploit such a loophole and allow a PM to be appointed who is not a member of the Lok Sabha and intends not to be so.

Ambedkar, Nehru and all others of their time knew fully well that the history and intended purpose of the Lok Sabha was completely different from the history and intended purpose of the Rajya Sabha.  They knew too fully well that Lord Curzon had been explicitly denied the leadership of Britain’s Tory Party in 1922 because that would have made him a potential PM  when he was not prepared to be a member of the House of Commons.  That specific precedent culminated a centuries’-old  democratic trend of  political power flowing from monarchs to lords to commoners, and has governed all parliamentary democracies  worldwide ever since — until Dr Singh’s appointment in 2004.

When such an anomalous situation once arose in Britain, Lord Home resigned his membership of the House of Lords to contest a House of Commons seat as Sir Alec Douglas Home so that he could be PM in a manner consistent with parliamentary law.

Dr Singh instead for five years remained PM of India while not being a member of the Lok Sabha.  Even if reasons and exigencies of State could have been cited for such an anomalous situation during his first term, there was really no such reason for him not to contest the 2009 General Election if he wished to be the Congress Party’s prime ministerial candidate a second time.  Numerous Rajya Sabha members alongside him have contested Lok Sabha seats this time, and several have won.

As of today, Dr Singh is due to be sworn in tomorrow as Prime Minister for a second term while still having no declared intention of resigning from the Rajya Sabha and contesting a Lok Sabha seat instead.   What the present-day Congress has done is elect him the leader of the “Congress Parliamentary Party” and claim that it is in such a capacity that he received the invitation to be Prime Minister of India.   But surely if the question had been asked to the Congress Party under Nehru or Indira or Rajiv: “Can you foresee a circumstance ever in which the PM of India is not a member of the Lok Sabha?” their answer in each case would have been a categorical and resounding  “no”.

So the question does arise why the Congress under Sonia Gandhi has with deliberation allowed such an anomalous situation to develop.  Its effect is to completely distort the trends of relative political power between the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha.  On the one hand, the Lok Sabha’s power is deliberately made to diminish as the chief executive of the Government of India shall not be from the Lok Sabha but from “the other place” despite the Lok Sabha having greater political legitimacy by having been directly elected by India’s people.   This sets a precedent that  might  get repeated in India  in the future but which contradicts the worldwide trend in parliamentary democracies over decades and centuries in precisely the opposite direction –  of power flowing in the direction of the people not away from them.   On the other hand, the fact this anomalous idea has been pioneered by the elected leader of the largest political party in the Lok Sabha while her PM is in the Rajya Sabha causes a member of the lower house to have unexpected control over the upper house when the latter is supposed to be something of an independent check on the former!

It all really seems an unnecessary muddle and a jumbling up of normal constitutional law and parliamentary procedure.  The Sonia-Manmohan Government at the outset of its second term should hardly want to be seen by history as having set a poor precedent using brute force.  The situation can be corrected with the utmost ease by following the Alec Douglas Home example, with Dr Singh being given a relatively safe seat to contest as soon as possible, if necessary by some newly elected Congress MP resigning and allowing a bye-election to be called.

Subroto Roy

India’s 2009 General Elections: How drastically will the vote-share of political parties change from 2004?

Close to 389 million valid votes were cast in India’s previous General Election in 2004 to the 14th Lok Sabha, according to  the Election Commission’s volume STATISTICAL REPORT ON GENERAL ELECTIONS, 2004 TO THE 14th LOK SABHA VOLUME III (DETAILS FOR ASSEMBLY SEGMENTS OF PARLIAMENTARY CONSTITUENCIES).

Unfortunately, the Election Commission, like the Government of India in general,  remains extremely uncomfortable with using  Excel or any spreadsheets at all, and hence much of the information they provide remains unproductive — reflecting, I am afraid,  rather obsolescent technology and organisation and management. From an Excel spreadsheet I have had to create for myself using EC data, my calculations give the following breakdown of the votes received in 2004 by most of the larger political parties:

2004 Lok Sabha Elections

ADMK    AllIndiaAnnaDravidaMunnetraKazhagam       8,547,014

AGP    AsomGanaParishad                    2,069,600

AIFB    AllIndiaForwardBloc                    1,365,055

AITC    AllIndiaTrinamoolCongress                    7,863,220

BJD    BijuJanataDal                    5,082,849

BJP    BharatiyaJanataParty                    86,181,116

BSP    BahujanSamajParty                    21,037,968

CPI    CommunistPartyofIndia                    5,484,111

CPI(ML)(L)    CommunistPartyofIndia(Marxist-Leninist)(Liberation)                    1,280,240

CPM    CommunistPartyofIndia(Marxist)                    22,065,283

DMK    DravidaMunnetraKazhagam                    7,064,393

INC    IndianNationalCongress                    103,118,475

IND    Independents                    16,523,857

INLD    IndianNationalLokDal                    1,918,943

JD(S)    JanataDal(Secular)                    5,732,296

JD(U)    JanataDal(United)                    9,129,366

JMM    JharkhandMuktiMorcha                    1,846,843

MDMK    MarumalarchiDravidaMunnetraKazhagam                    1,679,870

PMK    PattaliMakkalKatchi                    2,169,020

NCP    NationalistCongressParty                    7,019,236

RJD    RashtriyaJanataDal                    9,384,147

RLD    RashtriyaLokDal                    2,463,603

RSP    RevolutionarySocialistParty                    1,689,794

SAD    ShiromaniAkaliDal                    3,506,681

SHS    ShivSena                    7,050,432

SP    SamajwadiParty                    16,822,902

TDP    TeluguDesam                    11,844,811

TRS    TelanganaRashtraSamithi                    2,441,405

That accounts for 372,382,530.  The precise total of valid votes that I get by tabulating EC data using my spreadsheet is 388,920,557.  The EC itself reports in the very same document a total of 388,672,504.  The percentage difference is close enough to zero but it should be zero itself; I shall be delighted if my spreadsheet’s total is the incorrect one somehow, even though it uses the EC’s own data; but it does lead me to ask: “Who, if anyone, audits the Election Commission’s numerical calculations and vote tallies?  Why  is India’s ordinary public not informed about all this and other processes of the Election Commission perfectly transparently as a matter of routine?  Is reform necessary of the processes and procedures of the Election Commission itself?”.

(Incidentally, the slight discrepancy in the totals could have arisen perhaps because my spreadsheet does, correctly, include the relatively small number of postal ballots, whereas the EC’s total possibly has not done.)

Raw votes  like those described above do not of course translate directly into seats in Parliament but even so they indicate the state of popular political opinion in 2004. By how much will that popular opinion be found to have changed in 2009?  How will demographic changes, and the delimitation exercise that has redrawn constituencies, affect the new outcomes?  These are the kind of grown-up adult questions to ask  yourself if you get bored with the endless pretentious waffle that emerges from our talking-heads on TV  etc regarding the ongoing election.

Notice too the 16.5 million people of India who voted in 2004 for Independents!  What on earth has made Dr Manmohan Singh recently initiate an absurd debate against them?

Here below as well is the full list of  all parties that were in contention in 2004; if you want to know the vote-share any of them received according to my spreadsheet, send in a comment to this post and I shall try to respond.  Better still, look up the EC volume mentioned and create your own spreadsheet from its data, and tell me how accurate mine is.  (But beware, the spreadsheet will have some 60,000 rows to start with!)

Subroto Roy

List of parties in 2004

AB AkhandBharti

ABCD(A)    AkhilBharatiyaCongressDal(Ambedkar)

ABDBM    AkhilBharatiyaDeshBhaktMorcha

ABHM    AkhilBharatHinduMahasabha

ABHS    AkhilBharatiyaSena

ABJS    AkhilBharatiyaJanSangh

ABLTASJM    AkhilBharatiyaLokTantrikAlp-SankhyakJanMorcha

ABLTP    AkhilBharatiyaLoktantraParty

ABRAHP    AkhilBharatiyaRashtriyaAzadHindParty

ABRS    AkhilBharatiyaRajaryaSabha

AC    ArunachalCongress

AD    ApnaDal

ADMK    AllIndiaAnnaDravidaMunnetraKazhagam

AGP    AsomGanaParishad

AIFB    AllIndiaForwardBloc

AIMF    AllIndiaMinoritiesFront

AIMIM    AllIndiaMajlis-E-IttehadulMuslimeen

AITC    AllIndiaTrinamoolCongress

AJSU    AllJharkhandStudentsUnion

AKMDMP    AllKeralaM.G.R.DravidaMunnetraParty

AMB    AmraBangalee

ANC    AmbedkarNationalCongress

AP    AwamiParty

ARP    AmbedkaristRepublicanParty

ASDC    AutonomousStateDemandCommittee

ASP    AmbedkarSamajParty

BBM    BharipaBahujanMahasangha

BBP    BharatiyaBackwardParty

BED    BharatiyaEktaDal

BEP    BharatiyaEklavyaParty

BGTD    BharatiyaGaonTajDal

BJD    BijuJanataDal

BJP    BharatiyaJanataParty

BJVP    BharatiyaJanvadiParty

BKD    BahujanKisanDal

BKLJP    BharatKiLokJimmedarParty

BKRP    BharatKrantiRakshakParty

BLKD    BharatiyaLokKalyanDal

BLP    BharatiyaLabourParty

BMP(AI)    BharatiyaMuhabbatParty(AllIndia)

BMSM    BharatiyaMinoritiesSurakshaMahasangh

BMVP    BharatiyaManavataVikasParty

BNP    BharatiyaNavshaktiparty

BNRP    BharatiyaNagrikParty

BPSGKD    BharatiyaPrajatantrikShudhGandhiwadiKrishakDal

BPSP    BiharPeople’sParty

BPTP    BharatiyaPrajatantraParty

BRP    BharatiyaRashtravadiPaksha

BRPP    BharatiyaRepublicanPaksha

BSDP    BhartiSarvadarshiParishad

BSJM    BharatiyaSurajyaManch

BSK    BharatiyaSarvkalayanKrantiDal

BSP    BahujanSamajParty

BVP    BahujanVikasParty

CPI    CommunistPartyofIndia

CPI(ML)(L)    CommunistPartyofIndia(Marxist-Leninist)(Liberation)

CPM    CommunistPartyofIndia(Marxist)

CSP    ChhattisgarhiSamajParty

DBP    DeshBhaktParty

DBSP    DemocraticBharatiyaSamajParty

DMK    DravidaMunnetraKazhagam

EKD(UP)    EktaKrantiDalU.P.

ES    EktaShakti

EU    EphraimUnion

FCI    FederalCongressofIndia

FPM    FederalPartyofManipur

GGP    GondvanaGantantraParty

HEAP    HinduEktaAndolanParty

HJP    HindustanJantaParty

HM    HindMorcha

HVP    HaryanaVikasParty

IBSP    IndianBahujanSamajwadiParty

IFDP    IndianFederalDemocraticParty

IJP    IndianJusticeParty

INC    IndianNationalCongress

IND    Independent

INL    IndianNationalLeague

INLD    IndianNationalLokDal

JCP    JanChetnaParty

JD(S)    JanataDal(Secular)

JD(U)    JanataDal(United)

JDP    JharkhandDisomParty

JHP    JaiHindParty

JHSP    JanhitSamajParty

JJ    JebamaniJanata

JKAL    JammuAndKashmirAwamiLeague

JKN    Jammu&KashmirNationalConference

JKNPP    Jammu&KashmirNationalPanthersParty

JKP    JharkhandParty

JKP(N)    JharkhandParty(Naren)

JKPDP    Jammu&KashmirPeoplesDemocraticParty

JKPP    JharkhandPeople’sParty

JMM    JharkhandMuktiMorcha

JMP    JanmangalPaksh

JP    JanataParty

JSP    JansattaParty

JUM    JanaUnnayanMancha

JVP    JanataVikasParty

KEC    KeralaCongress

KEC(M)    KeralaCongress(M)

KKJHS    KrantiKariJaiHindSena

KMM    KrantikariManuwadiMorcha

KNDP    KannadaNaduParty

KSVP    KrantikariSamyavadiParty

KVSP    KosiVikasParty

LBP    LokBhalaiParty

LCP    LoktantrikChetnaParty

LJNSP    LokJanShaktiParty

LP(S)    LabourParty(Secular)

LPI(V)    LabourPartyOfIndia(V.V.Prasad)

LPSP    LokpriyaSamajParty

LRP    LokRajyaParty

LSD    LokSewaDal

LSWP    LoktantrikSamajwadiParty

MAG    MaharashtrawadiGomantak

MB(S)P    MoolBharati(S)Party

MBT    MajlisBachaoTahreek

MC    MominConference

MCO    MarxistCo-Ordination

MCPI(S)    MarxistCommunistPartyofIndia(S.S.Srivastava)

MDMK    MarumalarchiDravidaMunnetraKazhagam

MJM    ManavJagritiManch

MNF    MizoNationalFront

MNVP    ManuvadiParty

MPP    ManipurPeople’sParty

MRRC    MaharashtraRajivCongress

MRS    MudirajRashtriyaSamithi

MUL    MuslimLeagueKeralaStateCommittee

NBNP    NavbharatNirmanParty

NCP    NationalistCongressParty

NLP    NationalLoktantrikParty

NMNP    NidayaMalik(N)Party

NPF    NagalandPeoplesFront

NPF    NagalandPeoplesFront

NSP    NationalStudentsParty

NSSP    NiswarthSewaParty

NSTP    NaariShaktiParty

NTRTDP(LP)    NTRTeluguDesamParty(LakshmiParvathi)

PBLP    PhuleBhartiLokParty

PBRML    PaschimBangaRajyaMuslimLeague

PDP    PeoplesDemocraticParty

PDS    PartyforDemocraticSocialism

PHSP    PichhraSamajParty

PMK    PattaliMakkalKatchi

PMP    ParmarthParty

PMSP    PragatisheelManavSamajParty

PP    PrajaParty

PPOI    PyramidPartyofIndia

PRBP    PeoplesRepublicanParty

PRCP    PrabuddhaRepublicanParty

PRP    PanchayatRajParty

PSJP    ParivartanSamajParty

PTSS    ProutistSarvaSamajParty

PWPI    PeasantsAndWorkersPartyofIndia

RCP    RashtravadiCommunistParty

RCPI(R)    RevolutionaryCommunistPartyofIndia(RasikBhatt)

RGD    RashtriyaGaribDal

RHD    RashtriyaHamaraDal

RJAP    RashtriyaJanadhikarParty

RJD    RashtriyaJanataDal

RJVP    RajasthanVikasParty

RKSP    RashtriyaKrantikariSamajwadiParty

RLD    RashtriyaLokDal

RLD    RashtriyaLokDal

RLSM    RashtriyaLokSevaMorcha

RPD    RashtriyaParivartanDal

RPI    RepublicanPartyofIndia

RPI(A)    RepublicanPartyofIndia(A)

RPI(D)    RepublicanPartyOfIndia(Democratic)

RPI(KH)    RepublicanPartyOfIndia(Khobragade)

RSBP    RashtriyaSwabhimaanParty

RSD    RashtriyaSawarnDal

RSGP    RashtriyaGarimaParty

RSKP    RashtriyaSakarParty

RSMD    RashtriyaSamantaDal

RSNP    RashtriyaSamajikNayakPaksha

RSP    RevolutionarySocialistParty

RSP    RevolutionarySocialistParty

RSPS    RashtriyaSamajPaksha

RVNP    RashtravadiJanataParty

RVP    RashtriyaVikasParty

SAD    ShiromaniAkaliDal

SAD(M)    ShiromaniAkaliDal(SimranjitSinghMann)

SAP    SamataParty

SBS    ShikshitBerozgarSena

SBSP    SuheldevBhartiyaSamajParty

SDF    SikkimDemocraticFront

SDP    SocialisticDemocraticParty

SHRP    SikkimHimaliRajyaParishad

SHS    Shivsena

SHS    Shivsena

SHSP    ShoshitSamajParty

SJP(R)    SamajwadiJanataParty(Rashtriya)

SLAP    SocialActionParty

SLP(L)    SocialistParty(Lohia)

SMSP    SamataSamajParty

SP    SamajwadiParty

SP    SamajwadiParty

SPI    SecularPartyofIndia

SPVD    SampurnaVikasDal

SSD    ShoshitSamajDal

SSJP    SanatanSamajParty

SSP    SikkimSangramParishad

SVRP    ShivrajyaParty

SVSP    SavarnSamajParty

SWD    SwarajDal

SWJP    SamajwadiJanParishad

TDK    TamilDesiyakKatchi

TDP    TeluguDesam

TNGP    TrinamoolGanaParishad

TRS    TelanganaRashtraSamithi

UGDP    UnitedGoansDemocraticParty

UKKD    UttarakhandKrantiDal

UMFA    UnitedMinoritiesFront,Assam

USYP    UrsSamyukthaPaksha

VJC    VidharbhaJanataCongress

VJP    VijetaParty

VP    VikasParty

VRP    VidharbhaRajyaParty

YGP    YuvaGantantraParty

YSP    YouthandStudentsParty

India’s 2009 General Elections: the advice of the late “George Eliot” (Mary Ann Evans, 1819-1880) to India’s voting public

It is constantly the task of practical wisdom not to say

“This is good, and I will have it,”

but to say

“This is the less of two unavoidable evils, and I will bear it.”

——— “Address to Working-Men by Felix Holt”,

George Eliot, Blackwood’s Magazine 1868

India’s 2009 General Elections: How 4125 State Assembly Constituencies comprise the 543 new Lok Sabha Constituencies

We appear to have no serious academic political science or voting theory available in the public domain in India today, despite  our having the world’s vastest electorate.   Our rather juvenile national-level media  too often passes off  personal gossip and wild speculation as analytical discussion.

There has been zero mention of the fact that the 15th Lok Sabha is the result of a brand new delimitation (or redistricting) exercise.  Hence an enormous amount of uncertainty must be added to all calculations and attempts at prediction.   Many old Assembly constituencies have been moved to new Lok Sabha constituencies — for example, Tollygunge was part of the old Calcutta South but is not anymore; Allahabad West and Allahabad North are not part of the new Allahabad Lok Sabha constituency, etc etc.  What this means is that even if the actual votes received in 2009 were identical to those in 2004, there would be different electoral outcomes marginally and hence, most probably, in aggregate as well.  The only thing not to be surprised by with the results after voting in this Election may be surprise itself!

[Postscript April 25: I am glad to see that two days after this post, one  national newspaper has ever so slightly begun to realise the significance of delimitation.]

Here are some data based on the EC’s raw data to allow a  better  picture.   It is placed here in the public interest; please check against the EC’s raw data before operational use.

Subroto Roy

State    Lok Sabha Constituency        State Assembly Constituency    No.
AP    ADILABAD    “S01    1”    SIRPUR    1
“S01    1”    ASIFABAD    5
“S01    1”    KHANAPUR    6
“S01    1”    ADILABAD    7
“S01    1”    BOATH    8
“S01    1”    NIRMAL    9
“S01    1”    MUDHOLE    10
AP    PEDDAPALLE    “S01    2”    CHENNUR    2
“S01    2”    BELLAMPALLY    3
“S01    2”    MANCHERIAL    4
“S01    2”    DHARMAPURI    22
“S01    2”    RAMAGUNDAM    23
“S01    2”    MANTHANI    24
“S01    2”    PEDDAPALLE    25
AP    KARIMNAGAR    “S01    3”    KARIMNAGAR    26
“S01    3”    CHOPPADANDI    27
“S01    3”    VEMULAWADA    28
“S01    3”    SIRCILLA    29
“S01    3”    MANAKONDUR    30
“S01    3”    HUZURABAD    31
“S01    3”    HUSNABAD    32
AP    NIZAMABAD    “S01    4”    ARMUR    11
“S01    4”    BODHAN    12
“S01    4”    NIZAMABAD (URBAN)    17
“S01    4”    NIZAMABAD (RURAL)    18
“S01    4”    BALKONDA    19
“S01    4”    KORATLA    20
“S01    4”    JAGTIAL    21
AP    ZAHIRABAD    “S01    5”    JUKKAL    13
“S01    5”    BANSWADA    14
“S01    5”    YELLAREDDY    15
“S01    5”    KAMAREDDY    16
“S01    5”    NARAYANKHED    35
“S01    5”    ANDOLE    36
“S01    5”    ZAHIRABAD    38
AP    MEDAK    “S01    6”    SIDDIPET    33
“S01    6”    MEDAK    34
“S01    6”    NARSAPUR    37
“S01    6”    SANGAREDDY    39
“S01    6”    PATANCHERU    40
“S01    6”    DUBBAK    41
“S01    6”    GAJWEL    42
AP    MALKAJGIRI    “S01    7”    MEDCHAL    43
“S01    7”    MALKAJGIRI    44
“S01    7”    QUTHBULLAPUR    45
“S01    7”    KUKATPALLY    46
“S01    7”    UPPAL    47
“S01    7”    LAL BAHADUR NAGAR    49
“S01    7”    SECUNDERABAD CANTT.    71
AP    SECUNDRABAD    “S01    8”    MUSHEERABAD    57
“S01    8”    AMBERPET    59
“S01    8”    KHAIRATABAD    60
“S01    8”    JUBILEE HILLS    61
“S01    8”    SANATH NAGAR    62
“S01    8”    NAMPALLI    63
“S01    8”    SECUNDRABAD    70
AP    HYDERABAD    “S01    9”    MALAKPET    58
“S01    9”    KARWAN    64
“S01    9”    GOSHAMAHAL    65
“S01    9”    CHARMINAR    66
“S01    9”    CHANDRAYANGUTTA    67
“S01    9”    YAKUTPURA    68
“S01    9”    BAHDURPURA    69
AP    CHELVELLA    “S01    10”    MAHESHWARAM    50
“S01    10”    RAJENDRANAGAR    51
“S01    10”    SERILINGAMPALLY    52
“S01    10”    CHEVELLA    53
“S01    10”    PARGI    54
“S01    10”    VICARADAB    55
“S01    10”    TANDUR    56
AP    MAHBUBNAGAR    “S01    11”    KODANGAL    72
“S01    11”    NARAYANPET    73
“S01    11”    MAHBUBNAGAR    74
“S01    11”    JADCHERLA    75
“S01    11”    DEVARKADRA    76
“S01    11”    MAKTHAL    77
“S01    11”    SHADNAGAR    84
AP    NAGARKURNOOL    “S01    12”    WANAPARTHY    78
“S01    12”    GADWAL    79
“S01    12”    ALAMPUR    80
“S01    12”    NAGARKURNOOL    81
“S01    12”    ACHAMPET    82
“S01    12”    KALWAKURTHY    83
“S01    12”    KOLLAPUR    85
AP    NALGONDA    “S01    13”    DEVARAKONDA    86
“S01    13”    NAGARJUNA SAGAR    87
“S01    13”    MIRYALGUDA    88
“S01    13”    HUZURNAGAR    89
“S01    13”    KODAD    90
“S01    13”    SURYAPET    91
“S01    13”    NALGONDA    92
AP    BHONGIR    “S01    14”    IBRAHIMPATNAM    48
“S01    14”    MUNUGODE    93
“S01    14”    BHONGIR    94
“S01    14”    NAKREKAL    95
“S01    14”    THUNGATHURTHY    96
“S01    14”    ALAIR    97
“S01    14”    JANGOAN    98
AP    WARANGAL    “S01    15”    GHANPUR (STATION)    99
“S01    15”    PALAKURTHI    100
“S01    15”    PARKAL    104
“S01    15”    WARANGAL WEST    105
“S01    15”    WARANGAL EAST    106
“S01    15”    WARDHANAPET    107
“S01    15”    BHUPALPALLE    108
AP    MAHABUBABAD    “S01    16”    DORNAKAL    101
“S01    16”    MAHABUBABAD    102
“S01    16”    NARSAMPET    103
“S01    16”    MULUG    109
“S01    16”    PINAPAKA    110
“S01    16”    YELLANDU    111
“S01    16”    BHADRACHELAM    119
AP    KHAMMAM    “S01    17”    KHAMMAM    112
“S01    17”    PALAIR    113
“S01    17”    MADIRA    114
“S01    17”    WYRA    115
“S01    17”    SATHUPALLI    116
“S01    17”    KOTHAGUDEM    117
“S01    17”    ASWARAOPETA    118
AP    ARUKU    “S01    18”    PALAKONDA    129
“S01    18”    KURUPAM    130
“S01    18”    PARVATHIPURAM    131
“S01    18”    SALUR    132
“S01    18”    ARAKU VALLEY    147
“S01    18”    PADERU    148
“S01    18”    RAMPACHODAVARAM    172
AP    SRIKAKULAM    “S01    19”    ICHCHAPURAM    120
“S01    19”    PALASA    121
“S01    19”    TEKKALI    122
“S01    19”    PATHAPATNAM    123
“S01    19”    SRIKAKULAM    124
“S01    19”    AMADALAVALASA    125
“S01    19”    NARASANNAPETA    127
AP    VIZIANAGARAM    “S01    20”    ETCHERLA    126
“S01    20”    RAJAM    128
“S01    20”    BOBBILI    133
“S01    20”    CHEEPURUPALLE    134
“S01    20”    GAJAPATHINAGARAM    135
“S01    20”    NELLIMARLA    136
“S01    20”    VIZIANAGARAM    137
“S01    21”    BHIMLI    139
“S01    21”    VISAKHAPATNAM EAST    140
“S01    21”    VISAKHAPATNAM SOUTH    141
“S01    21”    VISAKHAPATNAM NORTH    142
“S01    21”    VISAKHAPATNAM WEST    143
“S01    21”    GAJUWAKA    144
AP    ANAKAPALLI    “S01    22”    CHODAVARAM    145
“S01    22”    MADUGULA    146
“S01    22”    ANAKAPALLE    149
“S01    22”    PENDURTHI    150
“S01    22”    ELAMANCHILI    151
“S01    22”    PAYAKARAOPET    152
“S01    22”    NARSIPATNAM    153
AP    KAKINADA    “S01    23”    TUNI    154
“S01    23”    PRATHIPADU    155
“S01    23”    PITHAPURAM    156
“S01    23”    KAKINADA RURAL    157
“S01    23”    PEDDAPURAM    158
“S01    23”    KAKINADA CITY    160
“S01    23”    JAGGAMPETA    171
AP    AMALAPURAM    “S01    24”    RAMACHANDRAPURAM    161
“S01    24”    MUMMIDIVARAM    162
“S01    24”    AMALAPURAM    163
“S01    24”    RAZOLE    164
“S01    24”    GANNAVARAM    165
“S01    24”    KOTHAPETA    166
“S01    24”    MANDAPETA    167
AP    RAJAHMUNDRY    “S01    25”    ANAPARTHY    159
“S01    25”    RAJANAGARAM    168
“S01    25”    RAJAHMUNDRY CITY    169
“S01    25”    RAJAMUNDRY RURAL    170
“S01    25”    KOVVUR    173
“S01    25”    NIDADAVOLE    174
“S01    25”    GOPALAPURAM    185
AP    NARSAPURAM    “S01    26”    ACHANTA    175
“S01    26”    PALACOLE    176
“S01    26”    NARASAPURAM    177
“S01    26”    BHIMAVARAM    178
“S01    26”    UNDI    179
“S01    26”    TANUKU    180
“S01    26”    TADEPALLIGUDEM    181
AP    ELURU    “S01    27”    UNGUTURU    182
“S01    27”    DENDULURU    183
“S01    27”    ELURU    184
“S01    27”    POLAVARAM    186
“S01    27”    CHINTALAPUDI    187
“S01    27”    NUZVID    189
“S01    27”    KAIKALUR    192
AP    MACHILIPATNAM    “S01    28”    GANNAVARAM    190
“S01    28”    GUDIVADA    191
“S01    28”    PEDANA    193
“S01    28”    MACHILIPATNAM    194
“S01    28”    AVANIGADDA    195
“S01    28”    PAMARRU    196
“S01    28”    PENAMALURU    197
AP    VIJAYAWADA    “S01    29”    TIRUVURU    188
“S01    29”    VIJAYWADA WEST    198
“S01    29”    VIJAYAWADA CENTRAL    199
“S01    29”    VIJAYAWADA EAST    200
“S01    29”    MYLAVARAM    201
“S01    29”    NANDIGAMA    202
“S01    29”    JAGGAYYAPETA    203
AP    GUNTUR    “S01    30”    TADIKONDA    205
“S01    30”    MANGALAGIRI    206
“S01    30”    PONNUR    207
“S01    30”    TENALI    210
“S01    30”    PRATHIPADU    212
“S01    30”    GUNTUR WEST    213
“S01    30”    GUNTUR EAST    214
AP    NARASARAOPET    “S01    31”    PEDAKURAPADU    204
“S01    31”    CHILAKALURIPET    215
“S01    31”    NARASARAOPET    216
“S01    31”    SATTENPALLI    217
“S01    31”    VINUKONDA    218
“S01    31”    GURUZALA    219
“S01    31”    MACHERLA    220
AP    BAPATLA    “S01    32”    VEMURU    208
“S01    32”    REPALLE    209
“S01    32”    BAPATLA    211
“S01    32”    PARCHUR    223
“S01    32”    ADDANKI    224
“S01    32”    CHIRALA    225
“S01    32”    SANTHANUTHALAPADU    226
AP    ONGOLE    “S01    33”    YERRAGONDAPALEM    221
“S01    33”    DARSI    222
“S01    33”    ONGOLE    227
“S01    33”    KONDAPI    229
“S01    33”    MARKAPURAM    230
“S01    33”    GIDDALUR    231
“S01    33”    KANIGIRI    232
AP    NANDYAL    “S01    34”    ALLAGADDA    253
“S01    34”    SRISAILAM    254
“S01    34”    NANDIKOTKUR    255
“S01    34”    PANYAM    257
“S01    34”    NANDYAL    258
“S01    34”    BANAGANAPALLE    259
“S01    34”    DHONE    260
AP    KURNOOL    “S01    35”    KURNOOL    256
“S01    35”    PATTIKONDA    261
“S01    35”    KODUMUR    262
“S01    35”    YEMMIGANUR    263
“S01    35”    MANTRALAYAM    264
“S01    35”    ADONI    265
“S01    35”    ALUR    266
AP    ANANTAPUR    “S01    36”    RAYADURG    267
“S01    36”    URAVAKONDA    268
“S01    36”    GUNTAKAL    269
“S01    36”    TADPATRI    270
“S01    36”    SINGANAMALA    271
“S01    36”    ANANTAPUR URBAN    272
“S01    36”    KALYANDURG    273
AP    HINDUPUR    “S01    37”    RAPTADU    274
“S01    37”    MADAKASIRA    275
“S01    37”    HINDUPUR    276
“S01    37”    PENUKONDA    277
“S01    37”    PUTTAPARTHI    278
“S01    37”    DHARMAVARAM    279
“S01    37”    KADIRI    280
AP    KADAPA    “S01    38”    BADVEL    243
“S01    38”    KADAPA    245
“S01    38”    PULIVENDLA    248
“S01    38”    KAMALAPURAM    249
“S01    38”    JAMMALAMADUGU    250
“S01    38”    PRODDATUR    251
“S01    38”    MYDUKUR    252
AP    NELLORE    “S01    39”    KANDUKUR    228
“S01    39”    KAVALI    233
“S01    39”    ATMAKUR    234
“S01    39”    KOVUR    235
“S01    39”    NELLORE CITY    236
“S01    39”    NELLORE RURAL    237
“S01    39”    UDAYAGIRI    242
AP    TIRUPATI    “S01    40”    SARVEPALLI    238
“S01    40”    GUDUR    239
“S01    40”    SULLURPETA    240
“S01    40”    VENKATAGIRI    241
“S01    40”    TIRUPATI    286
“S01    40”    SRIKALAHASTI    287
“S01    40”    SATYAVEEDU    288
AP    RAJAMPET    “S01    41”    RAJAMPET    244
“S01    41”    KODUR    246
“S01    41”    RAYACHOTI    247
“S01    41”    THAMBALLAPALLE    281
“S01    41”    PILERU    282
“S01    41”    MADANAPALLE    283
“S01    41”    PUNGANUR    284
AP    CHITTOOR    “S01    42”    CHANDRAGIRI    285
“S01    42”    NAGARI    289
“S01    42”    GANGADHARA NELLORE    290
“S01    42”    CHITTOOR    291
“S01    42”    PUTHALAPATTU    292
“S01    42”    PALAMANER    293
“S01    42”    KUPPAM    294
AR    ARUNACHAL WEST    “S02    1”    LUMLA    1
“S02    1”    TAWANG    2
“S02    1”    MUKTO    3
“S02    1”    DIRANG    4
“S02    1”    KALAKTANG    5
“S02    1”    THRIZINO-BURAGAON    6
“S02    1”    BOMDILA    7
“S02    1”    BAMENG    8
“S02    1”    CHAYANG TAJO    9
“S02    1”    SEPPA EAST    10
“S02    1”    SEPPA WEST    11
“S02    1”    PAKKE KESSANG    12
“S02    1”    ITANAGAR    13
“S02    1”    DOIMUKH    14
“S02    1”    SAGALEE    15
“S02    1”    YACHULI    16
“S02    1”    ZIRO HAPOLI    17
“S02    1”    PALIN    18
“S02    1”    NYAPIN    19
“S02    1”    TALI    20
“S02    1”    KOLORIANG    21
“S02    1”    NACHO    22
“S02    1”    TALIHA    23
“S02    1”    DAPORIJO    24
“S02    1”    RAGA    25
“S02    1”    DUMPORIJO    26
“S02    1”    LIROMOBA    27
“S02    1”    LIKABALI    28
“S02    1”    BASAR    29
“S02    1”    ALONG WEST    30
“S02    1”    ALONG EAST    31
“S02    1”    RUMGONG    32
“S02    1”    MECHUKHA    33
“S02    2”    PANGIN    35
“S02    2”    NARI-KOYU    36
“S02    2”    PASIGHAT WEST    37
“S02    2”    PASIGHAT EAST    38
“S02    2”    MEBO    39
“S02    2”    MARIYANG-GEKU    40
“S02    2”    ANINI    41
“S02    2”    DAMBUK    42
“S02    2”    ROING    43
“S02    2”    TEZU    44
“S02    2”    HAYULIANG    45
“S02    2”    CHOWKHAM    46
“S02    2”    NAMSAI    47
“S02    2”    LEKANG    48
“S02    2”    BORDUMSA – DIYUM    49
“S02    2”    MIAO    50
“S02    2”    NAMPONG    51
“S02    2”    CHANGLANG SOUTH    52
“S02    2”    CHANGLANG NORTH    53
“S02    2”    NAMSANG    54
“S02    2”    KHONSA EAST    55
“S02    2”    KHONSA WEST    56
“S02    2”    BORDURIA BOGAPANI    57
“S02    2”    KANUBARI    58
“S02    2”    LONGDING PUMAO    59
“S02    2”    PONGCHAO WAKKA    60
AS    KARIMGANJ    “S03    1”    RATABARI    1
“S03    1”    PATHERKANDI    2
“S03    1”    KARIMGANJ NORTH    3
“S03    1”    KARIMGANJ SOUTH    4
“S03    1”    BADARPUR    5
“S03    1”    HAILAKANDI    6
“S03    1”    KATLICHERRA    7
“S03    1”    ALGAPUR    8
AS    SILCHAR    “S03    2”    SILCHAR    9
“S03    2”    SONAI    10
“S03    2”    DHOLAI    11
“S03    2”    UDHARBOND    12
“S03    2”    LAKHIPUR    13
“S03    2”    BORKHOLA    14
“S03    2”    KATIGORAH    15
AS    AUTONOMOUS DISTRICT    “S03    3”    HAFLONG    16
“S03    3”    BOKAJAN    17
“S03    3”    HOWRAGHAT    18
“S03    3”    DIPHU    19
“S03    3”    BAITHALANGSO    20
AS    DHUBRI    “S03    4”    MANKACHAR    21
“S03    4”    SALMARA SOUTH    22
“S03    4”    DHUBRI    23
“S03    4”    GAURIPUR    24
“S03    4”    GOLOKGANJ    25
“S03    4”    BILASIPARA WEST    26
“S03    4”    BILASIPARA EAST    27
“S03    4”    GOALPARA EAST    37
“S03    4”    GOALPARA WEST    38
“S03    4”    JALESWAR    39
AS    KOKRAJHAR    “S03    5”    GOSSAIGAON    28
“S03    5”    KOKRAJHAR WEST    29
“S03    5”    KOKRAJHAR EAST    30
“S03    5”    SIDLI    31
“S03    5”    BIJNI    33
“S03    5”    SORBHOG    40
“S03    5”    BHABANIPUR    41
“S03    5”    TAMULPUR    58
“S03    5”    BARAMA    62
“S03    5”    CHAPAGURI    63
AS    BARPETA    “S03    6”    BONGAIGAON    32
“S03    6”    ABHAYAPURI NORTH    34
“S03    6”    ABHAYAPURI SOUTH    35
“S03    6”    PATACHARKUCHI    42
“S03    6”    BARPETA    43
“S03    6”    JANIA    44
“S03    6”    BAGHBAR    45
“S03    6”    SARUKHETRI    46
“S03    6”    CHENGA    47
“S03    6”    DHARMAPUR    61
AS    GAUHATI    “S03    7”    DUDHNOI    36
“S03    7”    BOKO    48
“S03    7”    CHHAYGAON    49
“S03    7”    PALASBARI    50
“S03    7”    JALUKBARI    51
“S03    7”    DISPUR    52
“S03    7”    GAUHATI EAST    53
“S03    7”    GAUHATI WEST    54
“S03    7”    HAJO    55
“S03    7”    BARKHETRI    60
AS    MANGALDOI    “S03    8”    KAMALPUR    56
“S03    8”    RANGIA    57
“S03    8”    NALBARI    59
“S03    8”    PANERY    64
“S03    8”    KALAIGAON    65
“S03    8”    SIPAJHAR    66
“S03    8”    MANGALDOI    67
“S03    8”    DALGAON    68
“S03    8”    UDALGURI    69
“S03    8”    MAZBAT    70
AS    TEZPUR    “S03    9”    DHEKIAJULI    71
“S03    9”    BARCHALLA    72
“S03    9”    TEZPUR    73
“S03    9”    RANGAPARA    74
“S03    9”    SOOTEA    75
“S03    9”    BISWANATH    76
“S03    9”    BEHALI    77
“S03    9”    GOHPUR    78
“S03    9”    BIHPURIA    109
AS    NOWGONG    “S03    10”    JAGIROAD    79
“S03    10”    MORIGAON    80
“S03    10”    LAHARIGHAT    81
“S03    10”    RAHA    82
“S03    10”    NAGAON    86
“S03    10”    BARHAMPUR    87
“S03    10”    JAMUNAMUKH    90
“S03    10”    HOJAI    91
“S03    10”    LUMDING    92
AS    KALIABOR    “S03    11”    DHING    83
“S03    11”    BATADRABA    84
“S03    11”    RUPAHIHAT    85
“S03    11”    SAMAGURI    88
“S03    11”    KALIABOR    89
“S03    11”    BOKAKHAT    93
“S03    11”    SARUPATHAR    94
“S03    11”    GOLAGHAT    95
“S03    11”    KHUMTAI    96
“S03    11”    DERGAON    97
AS    JORHAT    “S03    12”    JORHAT    98
“S03    12”    TITABAR    100
“S03    12”    MARIANI    101
“S03    12”    TEOK    102
“S03    12”    AMGURI    103
“S03    12”    NAZIRA    104
“S03    12”    MAHMORA    105
“S03    12”    SONARI    106
“S03    12”    THOWRA    107
“S03    12”    SIVASAGAR    108
AS    DIBRUGARH    “S03    13”    MORAN    115
“S03    13”    DIBRUGARH    116
“S03    13”    LAHOWAL    117
“S03    13”    DULIJAN    118
“S03    13”    TINGKHONG    119
“S03    13”    NAHARKATIA    120
“S03    13”    TINSUKIA    122
“S03    13”    DIGBOI    123
“S03    13”    MARGHERITA    124
AS    LAKHIMPUR    “S03    14”    MAJULI    99
“S03    14”    NAOBOICHA    110
“S03    14”    LAKHIMPUR    111
“S03    14”    DHAKUAKHANA    112
“S03    14”    DHEMAJI    113
“S03    14”    JONAI    114
“S03    14”    CHABUA    121
“S03    14”    DOOMDOOMA    125
“S03    14”    SADIYA    126
BR    VALMIKI NAGAR    “S04    1”    VALMIKI NAGAR    1
“S04    1”    RAMNAGAR    2
“S04    1”    NARKATIAGANJ    3
“S04    1”    BAGAHA    4
“S04    1”    LAURIYA    5
“S04    1”    SIKTA    9
BR    PASCHIM CHAMPARAN    “S04    2”    NAUTAN    6
“S04    2”    CHANPATIA    7
“S04    2”    BETTIAH    8
“S04    2”    RAXAUL    10
“S04    2”    SUGAULI    11
“S04    2”    NARKATIA    12
BR    PURVI CHAMPARAN    “S04    3”    HARSIDHI    13
“S04    3”    GOVINDGANJ    14
“S04    3”    KESARIA    15
“S04    3”    KALYANPUR    16
“S04    3”    PIPRA    17
“S04    3”    MOTIHARI    19
BR    SHEOHAR    “S04    4”    MADHUBAN    18
“S04    4”    CHIRAIA    20
“S04    4”    DHAKA    21
“S04    4”    SHEOHAR    22
“S04    4”    RIGA    23
“S04    4”    BELSAND    30
BR    SITAMARHI    “S04    5”    BATHNAHA    24
“S04    5”    PARIHAR    25
“S04    5”    SURSAND    26
“S04    5”    BAJPATTI    27
“S04    5”    SITAMARHI    28
“S04    5”    RUNISAIDPUR    29
BR    MADHUBANI    “S04    6”    HARLAKHI    31
“S04    6”    BENIPATTI    32
“S04    6”    BISFI    35
“S04    6”    MADHUBANI    36
“S04    6”    KEOTI    86
“S04    6”    JALE    87
BR    JHANJHARPUR    “S04    7”    KHAJAULI    33
“S04    7”    BABUBARHI    34
“S04    7”    RAJNAGAR    37
“S04    7”    JHANJHARPUR    38
“S04    7”    PHULPARAS    39
“S04    7”    LAUKAHA    40
BR    SUPAUL    “S04    8”    NIRMALI    41
“S04    8”    PIPRA    42
“S04    8”    SUPAUL    43
“S04    8”    TRIBENIGANJ    44
“S04    8”    CHHATAPUR    45
“S04    8”    SINGHESHWAR    72
BR    ARARIA    “S04    9”    NARPATGANJ    46
“S04    9”    RANIGANJ    47
“S04    9”    FORBESGANJ    48
“S04    9”    ARARIA    49
“S04    9”    JOKIHAT    50
“S04    9”    SIKTI    51
BR    KISHANGANJ    “S04    10”    BAHADURGANJ    52
“S04    10”    THAKURGANJ    53
“S04    10”    KISHANGANJ    54
“S04    10”    KOCHADHAMAN    55
“S04    10”    AMOUR    56
“S04    10”    BAISI    57
BR    KATIHAR    “S04    11”    KATIHAR    63
“S04    11”    KADWA    64
“S04    11”    BALRAMPUR    65
“S04    11”    PRANPUR    66
“S04    11”    MANIHARI    67
“S04    11”    BARARI    68
BR    PURNIA    “S04    12”    KASBA    58
“S04    12”    BANMANKHI    59
“S04    12”    RUPAULI    60
“S04    12”    DHAMDAHA    61
“S04    12”    PURNIA    62
“S04    12”    KORHA    69
BR    MADHEPURA    “S04    13”    ALAMNAGAR    70
“S04    13”    BIHARIGANJ    71
“S04    13”    MADHEPURA    73
“S04    13”    SONBARSA    74
“S04    13”    SAHARSA    75
“S04    13”    MAHISHI    77
BR    DARBHANGA    “S04    14”    GORA BAURAM    79
“S04    14”    BENIPUR    80
“S04    14”    ALINAGAR    81
“S04    14”    DARBHANGA RURAL    82
“S04    14”    DARBHANGA    83
“S04    14”    BAHADURPUR    85
BR    MUZAFFARPUR    “S04    15”    GAIGHAT    88
“S04    15”    AURAI    89
“S04    15”    BOCHAHA    91
“S04    15”    SAKRA    92
“S04    15”    KURHANI    93
“S04    15”    MUZAFFARPUR    94
BR    VAISHALI    “S04    16”    MINAPUR    90
“S04    16”    KANTI    95
“S04    16”    BARURAJ    96
“S04    16”    PAROO    97
“S04    16”    SAHEBGANJ    98
“S04    16”    VAISHALI    125
BR    GOPALGANJ    “S04    17”    BAIKUNTHPUR    99
“S04    17”    BARAULI    100
“S04    17”    GOPALGANJ    101
“S04    17”    KUCHAIKOTE    102
“S04    17”    BHOREY    103
“S04    17”    HATHUA    104
BR    SIWAN    “S04    18”    SIWAN    105
“S04    18”    ZIRADEI    106
“S04    18”    DARAULI    107
“S04    18”    RAGHUNATHPUR    108
“S04    18”    DARAUNDHA    109
“S04    18”    BARHARIA    110
BR    MAHARAJGANJ    “S04    19”    GORIYAKOTHI    111
“S04    19”    MAHARAJGANJ    112
“S04    19”    EKMA    113
“S04    19”    MANJHI    114
“S04    19”    BANIAPUR    115
“S04    19”    TARAIYA    116
BR    SARAN    “S04    20”    MARHAURA    117
“S04    20”    CHAPRA    118
“S04    20”    GARKHA    119
“S04    20”    AMNOUR    120
“S04    20”    PARSA    121
“S04    20”    SONEPUR    122
BR    HAJIPUR    “S04    21”    HAJIPUR    123
“S04    21”    LALGANJ    124
“S04    21”    MAHUA    126
“S04    21”    RAJA PAKAR    127
“S04    21”    RAGHOPUR    128
“S04    21”    MANHAR    129
BR    UJIARPUR    “S04    22”    PATEPUR    130
“S04    22”    UJIARPUR    134
“S04    22”    MORWA    135
“S04    22”    SARAIRANJAN    136
“S04    22”    MOHIUDDINNAGAR    137
“S04    22”    BIBHUTPUR    138
BR    SAMASTIPUR    “S04    23”    KUSHESHWAR ASTHAN    78
“S04    23”    HAYAGHAT    84
“S04    23”    KALYANPUR    131
“S04    23”    WARISNAGAR    132
“S04    23”    SAMASTIPUR    133
“S04    23”    ROSERA    139
BR    BEGUSARAI    “S04    24”    CHERIA BARIARPUR    141
“S04    24”    BACHHWARA    142
“S04    24”    TEGHRA    143
“S04    24”    MATIHANI    144
“S04    24”    SAHEBPUR KAMAL    145
“S04    24”    BEGUSARAI    146
“S04    24”    BAKHRI    147
BR    KHAGARIA    “S04    25”    SIMRI BAKHTIARPUR    76
“S04    25”    HASANPUR    140
“S04    25”    ALAULI    148
“S04    25”    KHAGARIA    149
“S04    25”    BELDAUR    150
“S04    25”    PARBATTA    151
BR    BHAGALPUR    “S04    26”    BIHPUR    152
“S04    26”    GOPALPUR    153
“S04    26”    PIRPAINTI    154
“S04    26”    KAHALGAON    155
“S04    26”    BHAGALPUR    156
“S04    26”    NATHNAGAR    158
BR    BANKA    “S04    27”    SULTANGANJ    157
“S04    27”    AMARPUR    159
“S04    27”    DHURAIYA    160
“S04    27”    BANKA    161
“S04    27”    KATORIA    162
“S04    27”    BELHAR    163
BR    MUNGER    “S04    28”    MUNGER    165
“S04    28”    JAMALPUR    166
“S04    28”    SURYAGARHA    167
“S04    28”    LAKHISARAI    168
“S04    28”    MOKAMA    178
“S04    28”    BARH    179
BR    NALANDA    “S04    29”    ASTHAWAN    171
“S04    29”    BISHARSHARIF    172
“S04    29”    RAJGIR    173
“S04    29”    ISLAMPUR    174
“S04    29”    HILSA    175
“S04    29”    NALANDA    176
“S04    29”    HARNAUT    177
BR    PATNA SAHIB    “S04    30”    BAKHTIARPUR    180
“S04    30”    DIGHA    181
“S04    30”    BANKIPUR    182
“S04    30”    KUMHRARH    183
“S04    30”    PATNA SAHIB    184
“S04    30”    FATWAH    185
BR    PATALIPUTRA    “S04    31”    DANAPUR    186
“S04    31”    MANER    187
“S04    31”    PHULWARI    188
“S04    31”    MASAURHI    189
“S04    31”    PALIGANJ    190
“S04    31”    BIKRAM    191
BR    ARRAH    “S04    32”    SANDESH    192
“S04    32”    BARHARA    193
“S04    32”    ARRAH    194
“S04    32”    AGIAON    195
“S04    32”    TARARI    196
“S04    32”    JAGDISHPUR    197
“S04    32”    SHAHPUR    198
BR    BUXAR    “S04    33”    BARHAMPUR    199
“S04    33”    BUXAR    200
“S04    33”    DUMRAON    201
“S04    33”    RAJPUR    202
“S04    33”    RAMGARH    203
“S04    33”    DINARA    210
BR    SASARAM    “S04    34”    MOHANIA    204
“S04    34”    BHABUA    205
“S04    34”    CHAINPUR    206
“S04    34”    CHENARI    207
“S04    34”    SASARAM    208
“S04    34”    KARGAHAR    209
BR    KARAKAT    “S04    35”    NOKHA    211
“S04    35”    DEHRI    212
“S04    35”    KARAKAT    213
“S04    35”    GOH    219
“S04    35”    OBRA    220
“S04    35”    NABINAGAR    221
BR    JAHANABAD    “S04    36”    ARWAL    214
“S04    36”    KURTHA    215
“S04    36”    JAHANABAD    216
“S04    36”    GHOSI    217
“S04    36”    MAKHDUMPUR    218
“S04    36”    ATRI    233
BR    AURANGABAD    “S04    37”    KUTUMBA    222
“S04    37”    AURANGABAD    223
“S04    37”    RAFIGANJ    224
“S04    37”    GURUA    225
“S04    37”    IMAMGANJ    227
“S04    37”    TIKARI    231
BR    GAYA    “S04    38”    SHERGHATI    226
“S04    38”    BARACHATTI    228
“S04    38”    BODH GAYA    229
“S04    38”    GAYA TOWN    230
“S04    38”    BELAGANJ    232
“S04    38”    WAZIRGANJ    234
BR    NAWADA    “S04    39”    BARBIGHA    170
“S04    39”    RAJAULI    235
“S04    39”    HISUA    236
“S04    39”    NAWADA    237
“S04    39”    GOBINDPUR    238
“S04    39”    WARSALIGANJ    239
BR    JAMUI    “S04    40”    TARAPUR    164
“S04    40”    SHEIKHPURA    169
“S04    40”    SIKANDRA    240
“S04    40”    JAMUI    241
“S04    40”    JHAJHA    242
“S04    40”    CHAKAI    243
GA    NORTH GOA    “S05    1”    MANDREM    1
“S05    1”    PERNEM    2
“S05    1”    BICHOLIM    3
“S05    1”    TIVIM    4
“S05    1”    MAPUSA    5
“S05    1”    SIOLIM    6
“S05    1”    SALIGAO    7
“S05    1”    CALANGUTE    8
“S05    1”    PORVORIM    9
“S05    1”    ALDONA    10
“S05    1”    PANAJI    11
“S05    1”    TALEIGAO    12
“S05    1”    ST. CRUZ    13
“S05    1”    ST. ANDRE    14
“S05    1”    CUMBARJUA    15
“S05    1”    MAEM    16
“S05    1”    SANQUELIM    17
“S05    1”    PORIEM    18
“S05    1”    VALPOI    19
“S05    1”    PRIOL    20
GA    SOUTH GOA    “S05    2”    PONDA    21
“S05    2”    SIRODA    22
“S05    2”    MARCAIM    23
“S05    2”    MORMUGAO    24
“S05    2”    VASCO-DA-GAMA    25
“S05    2”    DABOLIM    26
“S05    2”    CORTALIM    27
“S05    2”    NUVEM    28
“S05    2”    CURTORIM    29
“S05    2”    FATORDA    30
“S05    2”    MARGAO    31
“S05    2”    BENAULIM    32
“S05    2”    NAVELIM    33
“S05    2”    CUNCOLIM    34
“S05    2”    VELIM    35
“S05    2”    QUEPEM    36
“S05    2”    CURCHOREM    37
“S05    2”    SANVORDEM    38
“S05    2”    SANGUEM    39
“S05    2”    CANACONA    40
GJ    KACHCHH    “S06    1”    ABDASA    1
“S06    1”    MANDVI    2
“S06    1”    BHUJ    3
“S06    1”    ANJAR    4
“S06    1”    GANDHIDHAM    5
“S06    1”    RAPAR    6
“S06    1”    MORBI    65
GJ    BANASKANTHA    “S06    2”    VAV    7
“S06    2”    THARAD    8
“S06    2”    DHANERA    9
“S06    2”    DANTA    10
“S06    2”    PALANPUR    12
“S06    2”    DEESA    13
“S06    2”    DEODAR    14
GJ    PATAN    “S06    3”    VADGAM    11
“S06    3”    KANKREJ    15
“S06    3”    RADHANPUR    16
“S06    3”    CHANASMA    17
“S06    3”    PATAN    18
“S06    3”    SIDHPUR    19
“S06    3”    KHERALU    20
GJ    MAHESANA    “S06    4”    UNJHA    21
“S06    4”    VISNAGAR    22
“S06    4”    BECHARAJI    23
“S06    4”    KADI    24
“S06    4”    MAHESANA    25
“S06    4”    VIJAPUR    26
“S06    4”    MANSA    37
GJ    SABARKANTHA    “S06    5”    HIMATNAGAR    27
“S06    5”    IDAR    28
“S06    5”    KHEDBRAHMA    29
“S06    5”    BHILODA    30
“S06    5”    MODASA    31
“S06    5”    BAYAD    32
“S06    5”    PRANTIJ    33
“S06    6”    KALOL    38
“S06    6”    SANAND    40
“S06    6”    GHATLODIA    41
“S06    6”    VEJALPUR    42
“S06    6”    NARANPURA    45
“S06    6”    SABARMATI    55
GJ    AHMEDABAD EAST    “S06    7”    DEHGAM    34
“S06    7”    GANDHINAGAR SOUTH    35
“S06    7”    VATVA    43
“S06    7”    NIKOL    46
“S06    7”    NARODA    47
“S06    7”    THAKKARBAPA NAGAR    48
“S06    7”    BAPUNAGAR    49
GJ    AHMEDABAD WEST    “S06    8”    ELLISBRIDGE    44
“S06    8”    AMRAIWADI    50
“S06    8”    DARIAPUR    51
“S06    8”    JAMALPUR – KHADIA    52
“S06    8”    MANINAGAR    53
“S06    8”    DANILIMDA    54
“S06    8”    ASARWA    56
GJ    SURENDRANAGAR    “S06    9”    VIRAMGAM    39
“S06    9”    DHANDHUKA    59
“S06    9”    DASADA    60
“S06    9”    LIMBDI    61
“S06    9”    WADHWAN    62
“S06    9”    CHOTILA    63
“S06    9”    DHRANGADHRA    64
GJ    RAJKOT    “S06    10”    TANKARA    66
“S06    10”    WANKANER    67
“S06    10”    RAJKOT EAST    68
“S06    10”    RAJKOT WEST    69
“S06    10”    RAJKOT SOUTH    70
“S06    10”    RAJKOT RURAL    71
“S06    10”    JASDAN    72
GJ    PORBANDAR    “S06    11”    GONDAL    73
“S06    11”    JETPUR    74
“S06    11”    DHORAJI    75
“S06    11”    PORBANDAR    83
“S06    11”    KUTIYANA    84
“S06    11”    MANAVADAR    85
“S06    11”    KESHOD    88
GJ    JAMNAGAR    “S06    12”    KALAVAD    76
“S06    12”    JAMNAGR RURAL    77
“S06    12”    JAMNAGAR NORTH    78
“S06    12”    JAMNAGAR SOUTH    79
“S06    12”    JAMJODHPUR    80
“S06    12”    KHAMBHALIA    81
“S06    12”    DWARKA    82
GJ    JUNAGADH    “S06    13”    JUNAGADH    86
“S06    13”    VISAVADAR    87
“S06    13”    MANGROL    89
“S06    13”    SOMNATH    90
“S06    13”    TALALA    91
“S06    13”    KODINAR    92
“S06    13”    UNA    93
GJ    AMRELI    “S06    14”    DHARI    94
“S06    14”    AMRELI    95
“S06    14”    LATHI    96
“S06    14”    SAVARKUNDLA    97
“S06    14”    RAJULA    98
“S06    14”    MAHUVA    99
“S06    14”    GARIADHAR    101
GJ    BHAVNAGAR    “S06    15”    TALAJA    100
“S06    15”    PALITANA    102
“S06    15”    BHAVNAGAR RURAL    103
“S06    15”    BHAVNAGAR EAST    104
“S06    15”    BHAVNAGAR WEST    105
“S06    15”    GADHADA    106
“S06    15”    BOTAD    107
GJ    ANAND    “S06    16”    KHAMBHAT    108
“S06    16”    BORSAD    109
“S06    16”    ANKLAV    110
“S06    16”    UMRETH    111
“S06    16”    ANAND    112
“S06    16”    PETLAD    113
“S06    16”    SOJITRA    114
GJ    KHEDA    “S06    17”    DASKROI    57
“S06    17”    DHOLKA    58
“S06    17”    MATAR    115
“S06    17”    NADIAD    116
“S06    17”    MEHMEDABAD    117
“S06    17”    MAHUDHA    118
“S06    17”    KAPADVANJ    120
GJ    PANCHMAHAL    “S06    18”    THASRA    119
“S06    18”    BALASINOR    121
“S06    18”    LUNAWADA    122
“S06    18”    SHEHRA    124
“S06    18”    MORVA HADAF    125
“S06    18”    GODHRA    126
“S06    18”    KALOL    127
GJ    DAHOD    “S06    19”    SANTRAMPUR    123
“S06    19”    FATEPURA    129
“S06    19”    JHALOD    130
“S06    19”    LIMKHEDA    131
“S06    19”    DAHOD    132
“S06    19”    GARBADA    133
“S06    19”    DEVGADBARIA    134
GJ    VADODARA    “S06    20”    SAVLI    135
“S06    20”    VAGHODIA    136
“S06    20”    VADODARA CITY    141
“S06    20”    SAYAJIGUNJ    142
“S06    20”    AKOTA    143
“S06    20”    RAOPURA    144
“S06    20”    MANJALPUR    145
GJ    CHHOTA UDAIPUR    “S06    21”    HALOL    128
“S06    21”    CHHOTA UDAIPUR    137
“S06    21”    JETPUR    138
“S06    21”    SANKHEDA    139
“S06    21”    DABHOI    140
“S06    21”    PADRA    146
“S06    21”    NANDOD    148
GJ    BHARUCH    “S06    22”    KARJAN    147
“S06    22”    DEDIAPADA    149
“S06    22”    JAMBUSAR    150
“S06    22”    VAGRA    151
“S06    22”    JHAGADIA    152
“S06    22”    BHARUCH    153
“S06    22”    ANKLESHWAR    154
GJ    BARDOLI    “S06    23”    MANGROL    156
“S06    23”    MANDVI    157
“S06    23”    KAMREJ    158
“S06    23”    BARDOLI    169
“S06    23”    MAHUVA    170
“S06    23”    VYARA    171
“S06    23”    NIZAR    172
GJ    SURAT    “S06    24”    OLPAD    155
“S06    24”    SURAT EAST    159
“S06    24”    SURAT NORTH    160
“S06    24”    VARACHHA ROAD    161
“S06    24”    KARANJ    162
“S06    24”    KATARGAM    166
“S06    24”    SURAT WEST    167
GJ    NAVSARI    “S06    25”    LIMBAYAT    163
“S06    25”    UDHNA    164
“S06    25”    MAJURA    165
“S06    25”    CHORYASI    168
“S06    25”    JALALPORE    174
“S06    25”    NAVSARI    175
“S06    25”    GANDEVI    176
GJ    VALSAD    “S06    26”    DANGS    173
“S06    26”    VANSDA    177
“S06    26”    DHARAMPUR    178
“S06    26”    VALSAD    179
“S06    26”    PARDI    180
“S06    26”    KAPRADA    181
“S06    26”    UMBERGAON    182
HR    AMBALA    “S07    1”    KALKA    1
“S07    1”    PANCHKULA    2
“S07    1”    NARAINGARH    3
“S07    1”    AMBALA CANTT.    4
“S07    1”    AMBALA CITY    5
“S07    1”    MULANA    6
“S07    1”    SADHAURA    7
“S07    1”    JAGADHRI    8
“S07    1”    YAMUNANAGAR    9
HR    KURUKSHETRA    “S07    2”    RADAUR    10
“S07    2”    LADWA    11
“S07    2”    SHAHBAD    12
“S07    2”    THANESAR    13
“S07    2”    PEHOWA    14
“S07    2”    GUHLA    15
“S07    2”    KALAYAT    16
“S07    2”    KAITHAL    17
“S07    2”    PUNDRI    18
HR    SIRSA    “S07    3”    NARWANA    38
“S07    3”    TOHANA    39
“S07    3”    FATEHABAD    40
“S07    3”    RATIA    41
“S07    3”    KALAWALI    42
“S07    3”    DABWALI    43
“S07    3”    RANIA    44
“S07    3”    SIRSA    45
“S07    3”    ELLENABAD    46
HR    HISAR    “S07    4”    UCHANA KALAN    37
“S07    4”    ADAMPUR    47
“S07    4”    UKLANA    48
“S07    4”    NARNAUND    49
“S07    4”    HANSI    50
“S07    4”    BARWALA    51
“S07    4”    HISAR    52
“S07    4”    NALWA    53
“S07    4”    BAWANI KHERA    59
HR    KARNAL    “S07    5”    NILOKHERI    19
“S07    5”    INDRI    20
“S07    5”    KARNAL    21
“S07    5”    GHARAUNDA    22
“S07    5”    ASSANDH    23
“S07    5”    PANIPAT RURAL    24
“S07    5”    PANIPAT CITY    25
“S07    5”    ISRANA    26
“S07    5”    SAMALKHA    27
HR    SONIPAT    “S07    6”    GANAUR    28
“S07    6”    RAI    29
“S07    6”    KHARKHAUDA    30
“S07    6”    SONIPAT    31
“S07    6”    GOHANA    32
“S07    6”    BARODA    33
“S07    6”    JULANA    34
“S07    6”    SAFIDON    35
“S07    6”    JIND    36
HR    ROHTAK    “S07    7”    MEHAM    60
“S07    7”    GARHI SAMPLA-KILOI    61
“S07    7”    ROHTAK    62
“S07    7”    KALANAUR    63
“S07    7”    BAHADURGARH    64
“S07    7”    BADLI    65
“S07    7”    JHAJJAR    66
“S07    7”    BERI    67
“S07    7”    KOSLI    73
HR    BHIWANI-MAHENDRAGARH    “S07    8”    LOHARU    54
“S07    8”    BADHRA    55
“S07    8”    DADRI    56
“S07    8”    BHIWANI    57
“S07    8”    TOSHAM    58
“S07    8”    ATELI    68
“S07    8”    MAHENDRAGARH    69
“S07    8”    NARNAUL    70
“S07    8”    NANGAL CHAUDHRY    71
HR    GURGAON    “S07    9”    BAWAL    72
“S07    9”    REWARI    74
“S07    9”    PATAUDI    75
“S07    9”    BADSHAHPUR    76
“S07    9”    GURGAON    77
“S07    9”    SOHNA    78
“S07    9”    NUH    79
“S07    9”    FEROZEPUR JHIRKA    80
“S07    9”    PUNAHANA    81
HR    FARIDABAD    “S07    10”    HATHIN    82
“S07    10”    HODAL    83
“S07    10”    PALWAL    84
“S07    10”    PRITHLA    85
“S07    10”    FARIDABAD NIT    86
“S07    10”    BADKHAL    87
“S07    10”    BALLABHGARH    88
“S07    10”    FARIDABAD    89
“S07    10”    TIGAON    90
HP    KANGRA    “S08    1”    CHURAH    1
“S08    1”    CHAMBA    3
“S08    1”    DALHOUSIE    4
“S08    1”    BHATTIYAT    5
“S08    1”    NURPUR    6
“S08    1”    INDORA    7
“S08    1”    FATEHPUR    8
“S08    1”    JAWALI    9
“S08    1”    JAWALAMUKHI    12
“S08    1”    JAISINGHPUR    13
“S08    1”    SULLAH    14
“S08    1”    NAGROTA    15
“S08    1”    KANGRA    16
“S08    1”    SHAHPUR    17
“S08    1”    DHARAMSHALA    18
“S08    1”    PALAMPUR    19
“S08    1”    BAIJNATH    20
HP    MANDI    “S08    2”    BHARMOUR    2
“S08    2”    LAHAUL & SPITI    21
“S08    2”    MANALI    22
“S08    2”    KULLU    23
“S08    2”    BANJAR    24
“S08    2”    ANNI    25
“S08    2”    KARSOG    26
“S08    2”    SUNDERNAGAR    27
“S08    2”    NACHAN    28
“S08    2”    SERAJ    29
“S08    2”    DARANG    30
“S08    2”    JOGINDERNAGAR    31
“S08    2”    MANDI    33
“S08    2”    BALH    34
“S08    2”    SARKAGHAT    35
“S08    2”    RAMPUR    66
“S08    2”    KINNAUR    68
HP    HAMIRPUR    “S08    3”    DEHRA    10
“S08    3”    JASWAN-PRAGPUR    11
“S08    3”    DHARAMPUR    32
“S08    3”    BHORANJ    36
“S08    3”    SUJANPUR    37
“S08    3”    HAMIRPUR    38
“S08    3”    BARSAR    39
“S08    3”    NADAUN    40
“S08    3”    CHINTPURNI    41
“S08    3”    GAGRET    42
“S08    3”    HAROLI    43
“S08    3”    UNA    44
“S08    3”    KUTLEHAR    45
“S08    3”    JHANDUTA    46
“S08    3”    GHUMARWIN    47
“S08    3”    BILASPUR    48
“S08    3”    SRI NAINA DEVIJI    49
HP    SHIMLA    “S08    4”    ARKI    50
“S08    4”    NALAGARH    51
“S08    4”    DOON    52
“S08    4”    SOLAN    53
“S08    4”    KASAULI    54
“S08    4”    PACHHAD    55
“S08    4”    NAHAN    56
“S08    4”    SRI RENUKAJI    57
“S08    4”    PAONTA SAHIB    58
“S08    4”    SHILLAI    59
“S08    4”    CHOPAL    60
“S08    4”    THEOG    61
“S08    4”    KASUMPTI    62
“S08    4”    SHIMLA    63
“S08    4”    SHIMLA RURAL    64
“S08    4”    JUBBAL-KOTKHAI    65
“S08    4”    ROHRU    67
JK    BARAMULLA    “S09    1”    KARNAH    1
“S09    1”    KUPWARA    2
“S09    1”    LOLAB    3
“S09    1”    HANDWARA    4
“S09    1”    LANGATE    5
“S09    1”    URI    6
“S09    1”    RAFIABAD    7
“S09    1”    SOPORE    8
“S09    1”    GUREZ    9
“S09    1”    BANDIPORA    10
“S09    1”    SONAWARI    11
“S09    1”    SANGRAMA    12
“S09    1”    BARAMULLA    13
“S09    1”    GULMARG    14
“S09    1”    PATTAN    15
JK    SRINAGAR    “S09    2”    KANGAN    16
“S09    2”    GANDERBAL    17
“S09    2”    HAZRATBAL    18
“S09    2”    ZADIBAL    19
“S09    2”    EIDGAH    20
“S09    2”    KHANYAR    21
“S09    2”    HABBA KADAL    22
“S09    2”    AMIRA KADAL    23
“S09    2”    SONAWAR    24
“S09    2”    BATMALOO    25
“S09    2”    CHADOORA    26
“S09    2”    BUDGAM    27
“S09    2”    BEERWAH    28
“S09    2”    KHAN SAHIB    29
“S09    2”    CHRAR-I-SHARIEF    30
JK    ANANTNAG    “S09    3”    TRAL    31
“S09    3”    PAMPORE    32
“S09    3”    PULWAMA    33
“S09    3”    RAJPORA    34
“S09    3”    WACHI    35
“S09    3”    SHOPIAN    36
“S09    3”    NOORABAD    37
“S09    3”    KULGAM    38
“S09    3”    HOM SHALI BUGH    39
“S09    3”    ANANTNAG    40
“S09    3”    DEVSAR    41
“S09    3”    DOORU    42
“S09    3”    KOKERNAG    43
“S09    3”    SHANGUS    44
“S09    3”    BIJBEHARA    45
“S09    3”    PAHALGAM    46
JK    LADAKH    “S09    4”    NUBRA    47
“S09    4”    LEH    48
“S09    4”    KARGIL    49
“S09    4”    ZANSKAR    50
JK    UDHAMPUR    “S09    5”    KISHTWAR    51
“S09    5”    INDERWAL    52
“S09    5”    DODA    53
“S09    5”    BHADERWAH    54
“S09    5”    RAMBAN    55
“S09    5”    BANIHAL    56
“S09    5”    GULAB GARH    57
“S09    5”    REASI    58
“S09    5”    GOOL ARNAS    59
“S09    5”    UDHAMPUR    60
“S09    5”    CHENANI    61
“S09    5”    RAM NAGAR    62
“S09    5”    BANI    63
“S09    5”    BASOHLI    64
“S09    5”    KATHUA    65
“S09    5”    BILLAWAR    66
“S09    5”    HIRA NAGAR    67
JK    JAMMU    “S09    6”    SAMBA    68
“S09    6”    VIJAY PUR    69
“S09    6”    NAGROTA    70
“S09    6”    GANDHI NAGAR    71
“S09    6”    JAMMU EAST    72
“S09    6”    JAMMU WEST    73
“S09    6”    BISHNAH    74
“S09    6”    RANBIR SINGH PURA    75
“S09    6”    SUCHET GARH    76
“S09    6”    MARH    77
“S09    6”    RAIPUR DOMANA    78
“S09    6”    AKHNOOR    79
“S09    6”    CHHAMB    80
“S09    6”    NOWSHERA    81
“S09    6”    DARHAL    82
“S09    6”    RAJOURI    83
“S09    6”    KALA KOTE    84
“S09    6”    SURAN KOTE    85
“S09    6”    MENDHAR    86
“S09    6”    POONCH HAVELI    87
KA    CHIKKODI    “S10    1”    NIPPANI    1
“S10    1”    CHIKKODI-SADALGA    2
“S10    1”    ATHANI    3
“S10    1”    KAGWAD    4
“S10    1”    KUDACHI    5
“S10    1”    RAYBAG    6
“S10    1”    HUKKERI    7
“S10    1”    YEMKANMARDI    10
KA    BELGAUM    “S10    2”    ARABHAVI    8
“S10    2”    GOKAK    9
“S10    2”    BELGAUM UTTAR    11
“S10    2”    BELGAUM DAKSHIN    12
“S10    2”    BELGAUM RURAL    13
“S10    2”    BAILHONGAL    16
“S10    2”    SAUNDATTI YELLAMMA    17
“S10    2”    RAMDURG    18
KA    BAGALKOT    “S10    3”    MUDHOL    19
“S10    3”    TERDAL    20
“S10    3”    JAMKHANDI    21
“S10    3”    BILGI    22
“S10    3”    BADAMI    23
“S10    3”    BAGALKOT    24
“S10    3”    HUNGUND    25
“S10    3”    NARGUND    68
KA    BIJAPUR    “S10    4”    MUDDEBIHAL    26
“S10    4”    DEVAR HIPPARGI    27
“S10    4”    BASAVANA BAGEVADI    28
“S10    4”    BABALESHWAR    29
“S10    4”    BIJAPUR CITY    30
“S10    4”    NAGTHAN    31
“S10    4”    INDI    32
“S10    4”    SINDGI    33
KA    GULBARGA    “S10    5”    AFZALPUR    34
“S10    5”    JEVARGI    35
“S10    5”    GURMITKAL    39
“S10    5”    CHITTAPUR    40
“S10    5”    SEDAM    41
“S10    5”    GULBARGA RURAL    43
“S10    5”    GULBARGA DAKSHIN    44
“S10    5”    GULBARGA UTTAR    45
KA    RAICHUR    “S10    6”    SHORAPUR    36
“S10    6”    SHAHAPUR    37
“S10    6”    YADGIR    38
“S10    6”    RAICHUR RURAL    53
“S10    6”    RAICHUR    54
“S10    6”    MANVI    55
“S10    6”    DEVADURGA    56
“S10    6”    LINGSUGUR    57
KA    BIDAR    “S10    7”    CHINCHOLI    42
“S10    7”    ALAND    46
“S10    7”    BASAVAKALYAN    47
“S10    7”    HOMNABAD    48
“S10    7”    BIDAR SOUTH    49
“S10    7”    BIDAR    50
“S10    7”    BHALKI    51
“S10    7”    AURAD    52
KA    KOPPAL    “S10    8”    SINDHANUR    58
“S10    8”    MASKI    59
“S10    8”    KUSHTAGI    60
“S10    8”    KANAKAGIRI    61
“S10    8”    GANGAWATI    62
“S10    8”    YELBURGA    63
“S10    8”    KOPPAL    64
“S10    8”    SIRUGUPPA    92
KA    BELLARY    “S10    9”    HADAGALLI    88
“S10    9”    HAGARIBOMMANAHALLI    89
“S10    9”    VIJAYANAGARA    90
“S10    9”    KAMPLI    91
“S10    9”    BELLARY    93
“S10    9”    BELLARY CITY    94
“S10    9”    SANDUR    95
“S10    9”    KUDLIGI    96
KA    HAVERI    “S10    10”    SHIRAHATTI    65
“S10    10”    GADAG    66
“S10    10”    RON    67
“S10    10”    HANGAL    82
“S10    10”    HAVERI    84
“S10    10”    BYADGI    85
“S10    10”    HIREKERUR    86
“S10    10”    RANIBENNUR    87
KA    DHARWAD    “S10    11”    NAVALGUND    69
“S10    11”    KUNDGOL    70
“S10    11”    DHARWAD    71
“S10    11”    HUBLI-DHARWAD-EAST    72
“S10    11”    HUBLI-DHARWAD-CENTRAL    73
“S10    11”    HUBLI-DHARWAD- WEST    74
“S10    11”    KALGHATGI    75
“S10    11”    SHIGGAON    83
KA    UTTARA KANNADA    “S10    12”    KHANAPUR    14
“S10    12”    KITTUR    15
“S10    12”    HALIYAL    76
“S10    12”    KARWAR    77
“S10    12”    KUMTA    78
“S10    12”    BHATKAL    79
“S10    12”    SIRSI    80
“S10    12”    YELLAPUR    81
KA    DAVANAGERE    “S10    13”    JAGALUR    103
“S10    13”    HARAPANAHALLI    104
“S10    13”    HARIHAR    105
“S10    13”    DAVANAGERE NORTH    106
“S10    13”    DAVANAGERE SOUTH    107
“S10    13”    MAYAKONDA    108
“S10    13”    CHANNAGIRI    109
“S10    13”    HONNALI    110
KA    SHIMOGA    “S10    14”    SHIMOGA RURAL    111
“S10    14”    BHADRAVATI    112
“S10    14”    SHIMOGA    113
“S10    14”    TIRTHAHALLI    114
“S10    14”    SHIKARIPURA    115
“S10    14”    SORAB    116
“S10    14”    SAGAR    117
“S10    14”    BYNDOOR    118
KA    UDUPI CHIKMAGALUR    “S10    15”    KUNDAPURA    119
“S10    15”    UDUPI    120
“S10    15”    KAPU    121
“S10    15”    KARKAL    122
“S10    15”    SRINGERI    123
“S10    15”    MUDIGERE    124
“S10    15”    CHIKMAGALUR    125
“S10    15”    TARIKERE    126
KA    HASSAN    “S10    16”    KADUR    127
“S10    16”    SHRAVANABELAGOLA    193
“S10    16”    ARSIKERE    194
“S10    16”    BELUR    195
“S10    16”    HASSAN    196
“S10    16”    HOLENARASIPUR    197
“S10    16”    ARKALGUD    198
“S10    16”    SAKLESHPUR    199
KA    DAKSHINA KANNADA    “S10    17”    BELTHANGADY    200
“S10    17”    MOODABIDRI    201
“S10    17”    MANGALORE CITY NORTH    202
“S10    17”    MANGALORE CITY SOUTH    203
“S10    17”    MANGALORE    204
“S10    17”    BANTVAL    205
“S10    17”    PUTTUR    206
“S10    17”    SULLIA    207
KA    CHITRADURGA    “S10    18”    MOLAKALMURU    97
“S10    18”    CHALLAKERE    98
“S10    18”    CHITRADURGA    99
“S10    18”    HIRIYUR    100
“S10    18”    HOSADURGA    101
“S10    18”    HOLALKERE    102
“S10    18”    SIRA    136
“S10    18”    PAVAGADA    137
KA    TUMKUR    “S10    19”    CHIKNAYAKANHALLI    128
“S10    19”    TIPTUR    129
“S10    19”    TURUVEKERE    130
“S10    19”    TUMKUR CITY    132
“S10    19”    TUMKUR RURAL    133
“S10    19”    KORATAGERE    134
“S10    19”    GUBBI    135
“S10    19”    MADHUGIRI    138
KA    MANDYA    “S10    20”    MALAVALLI    186
“S10    20”    MADDUR    187
“S10    20”    MELUKOTE    188
“S10    20”    MANDYA    189
“S10    20”    SHRIRANGAPATTANA    190
“S10    20”    NAGAMANGALA    191
“S10    20”    KRISHNARAJPET    192
“S10    20”    KRISHNARAJANAGARA    211
KA    MYSORE    “S10    21”    MADIKERI    208
“S10    21”    VIRAJPET    209
“S10    21”    PIRIYAPATNA    210
“S10    21”    HUNSUR    212
“S10    21”    CHAMUNDESHWARI    215
“S10    21”    KRISHNARAJA    216
“S10    21”    CHAMARAJA    217
“S10    21”    NARASIMHARAJA    218
“S10    22”    NANJANGUD    214
“S10    22”    VARUNA    219
“S10    22”    T.NARASIPUR    220
“S10    22”    HANUR    221
“S10    22”    KOLLEGAL    222
“S10    22”    CHAMARAJANAGAR    223
“S10    22”    GUNDLUPET    224
KA    BANGALORE RURAL    “S10    23”    KUNIGAL    131
“S10    23”    RAJARAJESHWARINAGAR    154
“S10    23”    BANGALORE SOUTH    176
“S10    23”    ANEKAL    177
“S10    23”    MAGADI    182
“S10    23”    RAMANAGARAM    183
“S10    23”    KANAKAPURA    184
“S10    23”    CHANNAPATNA    185
KA    BANGALORE NORTH    “S10    24”    K.R.PURA    151
“S10    24”    BYATARAYANAPURA    152
“S10    24”    YESHVANTHAPURA    153
“S10    24”    DASARAHALLI    155
“S10    24”    MAHALAKSHMI LAYOUT    156
“S10    24”    MALLESHWARAM    157
“S10    24”    HEBBAL    158
“S10    24”    PULAKESHINAGAR    159
“S10    25”    C.V. RAMAN NAGAR    161
“S10    25”    SHIVAJINAGAR    162
“S10    25”    SHANTI NAGAR    163
“S10    25”    GANDHI NAGAR    164
“S10    25”    RAJAJI NAGAR    165
“S10    25”    CHAMRAJPET    168
“S10    25”    MAHADEVAPURA    174
KA    BANGALORE SOUTH    “S10    26”    GOVINDRAJ NAGAR    166
“S10    26”    VIJAY NAGAR    167
“S10    26”    CHICKPET    169
“S10    26”    BASAVANAGUDI    170
“S10    26”    PADMANABA NAGAR    171
“S10    26”    B.T.M LAYOUT    172
“S10    26”    JAYANAGAR    173
“S10    26”    BOMMANAHALLI    175
KA    CHIKKBALLAPUR    “S10    27”    GAURIBIDANUR    139
“S10    27”    BAGEPALLI    140
“S10    27”    CHIKKABALLAPUR    141
“S10    27”    YELAHANKA    150
“S10    27”    HOSAKOTE    178
“S10    27”    DEVANAHALLI    179
“S10    27”    DODDABALLAPUR    180
“S10    27”    NELAMANGALA    181
KA    KOLAR    “S10    28”    SIDLAGHATTA    142
“S10    28”    CHINTAMANI    143
“S10    28”    SRINIVASPUR    144
“S10    28”    MULBAGAL    145
“S10    28”    KOLAR GOLD FIELD    146
“S10    28”    BANGARAPET    147
“S10    28”    KOLAR    148
“S10    28”    MALUR    149
KL    KASARAGOD    “S11    1”    MANJESHWAR    1
“S11    1”    KASARAGOD    2
“S11    1”    UDUMA    3
“S11    1”    KANHANGAD    4
“S11    1”    TRIKARIPUR    5
“S11    1”    PAYYANNUR    6
“S11    1”    KALLIASSERI    7
KL    KANNUR    “S11    2”    TALIPARAMBA    8
“S11    2”    IRIKKUR    9
“S11    2”    AZHIKODE    10
“S11    2”    KANNUR    11
“S11    2”    DHARMADAM    12
“S11    2”    MATTANNUR    15
“S11    2”    PERAVOOR    16
KL    VADAKARA    “S11    3”    THALASSERY    13
“S11    3”    KUTHUPARAMBA    14
“S11    3”    VADAKARA    20
“S11    3”    KUTTIADI    21
“S11    3”    NADAPURAM    22
“S11    3”    QUILANDY    23
“S11    3”    PERAMBRA    24
KL    WAYANAD    “S11    4”    MANANTHAVADY    17
“S11    4”    SULTHANBATHERY    18
“S11    4”    KALPETTA    19
“S11    4”    THIRUVANMBADI    32
“S11    4”    ERNAD    34
“S11    4”    NILAMBUR    35
“S11    4”    WANDOOR    36
KL    KOZHIKODE    “S11    5”    BALUSSERI    25
“S11    5”    ELATHUR    26
“S11    5”    KOZHIKODE NORTH    27
“S11    5”    KOZHIKODE SOUTH    28
“S11    5”    BEYPORE    29
“S11    5”    KUNNAMANGALAM    30
“S11    5”    KODUVALLY    31
KL    MALAPPURAM    “S11    6”    KONDOTTY    33
“S11    6”    MANJERI    37
“S11    6”    PERINTHALMANNA    38
“S11    6”    MANKADA    39
“S11    6”    MALAPPURAM    40
“S11    6”    VENGARA    41
“S11    6”    VALLIKKUNNU    42
KL    PONNANI    “S11    7”    TIRURANGADI    43
“S11    7”    TANUR    44
“S11    7”    TIRUR    45
“S11    7”    KOTTAKKAL    46
“S11    7”    THAVANUR    47
“S11    7”    PONNANI    48
“S11    7”    THRITHALA    49
KL    PALAKKAD    “S11    8”    PATTAMBI    50
“S11    8”    SHORANUR    51
“S11    8”    OTTAPPALAM    52
“S11    8”    KONGAD    53
“S11    8”    MANNARKKAD    54
“S11    8”    MALAMPUZHA    55
“S11    8”    PALAKKAD    56
KL    ALATHUR    “S11    9”    TARUR    57
“S11    9”    CHITTUR    58
“S11    9”    NEMMARA    59
“S11    9”    ALATHUR    60
“S11    9”    CHELAKKARA    61
“S11    9”    KUNNAMKULAM    62
“S11    9”    WADAKKANCHERY    65
KL    THRISSUR    “S11    10”    GURUVAYOOR    63
“S11    10”    MANALUR    64
“S11    10”    OLLUR    66
“S11    10”    THRISSUR    67
“S11    10”    NATTIKA    68
“S11    10”    IRINJALAKUDA    70
“S11    10”    PUTHUKKAD    71
KL    CHALAKUDY    “S11    11”    KAIPAMANGALAM    69
“S11    11”    CHALAKUDY    72
“S11    11”    KODUNGALLUR    73
“S11    11”    PERUMBAVOOR    74
“S11    11”    ANGAMALY    75
“S11    11”    ALUVA    76
“S11    11”    KUNNATHUNAD    84
KL    ERNAKULAM    “S11    12”    KALAMASSERY    77
“S11    12”    PARAVUR    78
“S11    12”    VYPEEN    79
“S11    12”    KOCHI    80
“S11    12”    THRIPPUNITHURA    81
“S11    12”    ERNAKULAM    82
“S11    12”    THRIKKAKARA    83
KL    IDUKKI    “S11    13”    MUVATTUPUZHA    86
“S11    13”    KOTHAMANGALAM    87
“S11    13”    DEVIKULAM    88
“S11    13”    UDUMBANCHOLA    89
“S11    13”    THODUPUZHA    90
“S11    13”    IDUKKI    91
“S11    13”    PEERUMADE    92
KL    KOTTAYAM    “S11    14”    PIRAVOM    85
“S11    14”    PALA    93
“S11    14”    KADUTHURUTHY    94
“S11    14”    VAIKOM    95
“S11    14”    ETTUMANOOR    96
“S11    14”    KOTTAYAM    97
“S11    14”    PUTHUPPALLY    98
KL    ALAPPUZHA    “S11    15”    AROOR    102
“S11    15”    CHERTHALA    103
“S11    15”    ALAPPUZHA    104
“S11    15”    AMBALAPPUZHA    105
“S11    15”    HARIPAD    107
“S11    15”    KAYAMKULAM    108
“S11    15”    KARUNAGAPPALLY    116
KL    MAVELIKKARA    “S11    16”    CHANGANASSERY    99
“S11    16”    KUTTANAD    106
“S11    16”    MAVELIKKARA    109
“S11    16”    CHENGANNUR    110
“S11    16”    KUNNATHUR    118
“S11    16”    KOTTARAKKARA    119
“S11    16”    PATHANAPURAM    120
“S11    17”    POONJAR    101
“S11    17”    THIRUVALLA    111
“S11    17”    RANNI    112
“S11    17”    ARANMULA    113
“S11    17”    KONNI    114
“S11    17”    ADOOR    115
KL    KOLLAM    “S11    18”    CHAVARA    117
“S11    18”    PUNALUR    121
“S11    18”    CHADAYAMANGALAM    122
“S11    18”    KUNDARA    123
“S11    18”    KOLLAM    124
“S11    18”    ERAVIPURAM    125
“S11    18”    CHATHANNOOR    126
KL    ATTINGAL    “S11    19”    VARKALA    127
“S11    19”    ATTINGAL    128
“S11    19”    CHIRAYINKEEZHU    129
“S11    19”    NEDUMANGAD    130
“S11    19”    VAMANAPURAM    131
“S11    19”    ARUVIKKARA    136
“S11    19”    KATTAKKADA    138
“S11    20”    VATTIYOOUKAVU    133
“S11    20”    THIRUVANANTHAPURAM    134
“S11    20”    NEMOM    135
“S11    20”    PARASSALA    137
“S11    20”    KOVALAM    139
“S11    20”    NEYYATTINKARA    140
MP    MORENA    “S12    1”    SHEOPUR    1
“S12    1”    VIJAYPUR    2
“S12    1”    SABALGARH    3
“S12    1”    JOURA    4
“S12    1”    SUMAWALI    5
“S12    1”    MORENA    6
“S12    1”    DIMANI    7
“S12    1”    AMBAH    8
MP    BHIND    “S12    2”    ATER    9
“S12    2”    BHIND    10
“S12    2”    LAHAR    11
“S12    2”    MEHGAON    12
“S12    2”    GOHAD    13
“S12    2”    SEWDA    20
“S12    2”    BHANDER    21
“S12    2”    DATIA    22
MP    GWALIOR    “S12    3”    GWALIOR RURAL    14
“S12    3”    GWALIOR    15
“S12    3”    GWALIOR EAST    16
“S12    3”    GWALIOR SOUTH    17
“S12    3”    BHITARWAR    18
“S12    3”    DABRA    19
“S12    3”    KARERA    23
“S12    3”    POHARI    24
MP    GUNA    “S12    4”    SHIVPURI    25
“S12    4”    PICHHORE    26
“S12    4”    KOLARAS    27
“S12    4”    BAMORI    28
“S12    4”    GUNA    29
“S12    4”    ASHOK NAGAR    32
“S12    4”    CHANDERI    33
“S12    4”    MUNGAOLI    34
MP    SAGAR    “S12    5”    BINA    35
“S12    5”    KHURAI    36
“S12    5”    SURKHI    37
“S12    5”    NARYOLI    40
“S12    5”    SAGAR    41
“S12    5”    KURWAI    146
“S12    5”    SIRONJ    147
“S12    5”    SHAMSHABAD    148
MP    TIKAMGARH    “S12    6”    TIKAMGARH    43
“S12    6”    JATARA    44
“S12    6”    PRITHVIPUR    45
“S12    6”    NIWARI    46
“S12    6”    KHARGAPUR    47
“S12    6”    MAHARAJPUR    48
“S12    6”    CHHATARPUR    51
“S12    6”    BIJAWAR    52
MP    DAMOH    “S12    7”    DEORI    38
“S12    7”    REHLI    39
“S12    7”    BANDA    42
“S12    7”    MALHARA    53
“S12    7”    PATHARIYA    54
“S12    7”    DAMOH    55
“S12    7”    JABERA    56
“S12    7”    HATTA    57
MP    KHAJURAHO    “S12    8”    CHANDLA    49
“S12    8”    RAJNAGAR    50
“S12    8”    PAWAI    58
“S12    8”    GUNNAOR    59
“S12    8”    PANNA    60
“S12    8”    VIJAYRAGHAVGARH    92
“S12    8”    MURWARA    93
“S12    8”    BAHORIBAND    94
MP    SATNA    “S12    9”    CHITRAKOOT    61
“S12    9”    RAIGAON    62
“S12    9”    SATNA    63
“S12    9”    NAGOD    64
“S12    9”    MAIHAR    65
“S12    9”    AMARPATAN    66
“S12    9”    RAMPUR-BAGHELAN    67
MP    REWA    “S12    10”    SIRMOUR    68
“S12    10”    SEMARIYA    69
“S12    10”    TEONTHAR    70
“S12    10”    MAUGANJ    71
“S12    10”    DEOTALAB    72
“S12    10”    MANGAWAN    73
“S12    10”    REWA    74
“S12    10”    GURH    75
MP    SIDHI    “S12    11”    CHURHAT    76
“S12    11”    SIDHI    77
“S12    11”    SIHAWAL    78
“S12    11”    CHITRANGI    79
“S12    11”    SINGRAULI    80
“S12    11”    DEVSAR    81
“S12    11”    DHAUHANI    82
“S12    11”    BEOHARI    83
MP    SHAHDOL    “S12    12”    JAISINGHNAGAR    84
“S12    12”    JAITPUR    85
“S12    12”    KOTMA    86
“S12    12”    ANUPPUR    87
“S12    12”    PUSHPRAJGARH    88
“S12    12”    BANDHAVGARH    89
“S12    12”    MANPUR    90
“S12    12”    BARWARA    91
MP    JABALPUR    “S12    13”    PATAN    95
“S12    13”    BARGI    96
“S12    13”    JABALPUR PURBA    97
“S12    13”    JABALPUR UTTAR    98
“S12    13”    JABALPUR CANTT.    99
“S12    13”    JABALPUR PASCHIM    100
“S12    13”    PANAGAR    101
“S12    13”    SIHORA    102
MP    MANDLA    “S12    14”    SHAHPURA    103
“S12    14”    DINDORI    104
“S12    14”    BICHHIYA    105
“S12    14”    NIWAS    106
“S12    14”    MANDLA    107
“S12    14”    KEOLARI    116
“S12    14”    LAKHNADON    117
“S12    14”    GOTEGAON    118
MP    BALAGHAT    “S12    15”    BAIHAR    108
“S12    15”    LANJI    109
“S12    15”    PARASWADA    110
“S12    15”    BALAGHAT    111
“S12    15”    WARASEONI    112
“S12    15”    KATANGI    113
“S12    15”    BARGHAT    114
“S12    15”    SEONI    115
MP    CHHINDWARA    “S12    16”    JUNNARDEO    122
“S12    16”    AMARWARA    123
“S12    16”    CHURAI    124
“S12    16”    SAUNSAR    125
“S12    16”    CHHINDWARA    126
“S12    16”    PARASIA    127
“S12    16”    PANDHURNA    128
MP    HOSHANGABAD    “S12    17”    NARSINGPUR    119
“S12    17”    TENDUKHEDA    120
“S12    17”    GADARWARA    121
“S12    17”    SEONI-MALWA    136
“S12    17”    HOSHANGABAD    137
“S12    17”    SOHAGPUR    138
“S12    17”    PIPARIYA    139
“S12    17”    UDAIPURA    140
MP    VIDISHA    “S12    18”    BHOJPUR    141
“S12    18”    SANCHI    142
“S12    18”    SILWANI    143
“S12    18”    VIDISHA    144
“S12    18”    BASODA    145
“S12    18”    BUDHNI    156
“S12    18”    ICHHAWAR    158
“S12    18”    KHATEGAON    173
MP    BHOPAL    “S12    19”    BERASIA    149
“S12    19”    BHOPAL UTTAR    150
“S12    19”    NARELA    151
“S12    19”    BHOPAL DAKSHIN- PASCHIM    152
“S12    19”    BHOPAL MADHYA    153
“S12    19”    GOVINDPURA    154
“S12    19”    HUZUR    155
“S12    19”    SEHORE    159
MP    RAJGARH    “S12    20”    CHACHOURA    30
“S12    20”    RAGHOGARH    31
“S12    20”    NARSINGHGARH    160
“S12    20”    BIAORA    161
“S12    20”    RAJGARH    162
“S12    20”    KHILCHIPUR    163
“S12    20”    SARANGPUR    164
“S12    20”    SUSNER    165
MP    DEWAS    “S12    21”    ASHTA    157
“S12    21”    AGAR    166
“S12    21”    SHAJAPUR    167
“S12    21”    SHUJALPUR    168
“S12    21”    KALAPIPAL    169
“S12    21”    SONKATCH    170
“S12    21”    DEWAS    171
“S12    21”    HATPIPLIYA    172
MP    UJJAIN    “S12    22”    NAGADA-KHACHROD    212
“S12    22”    MAHIDPUR    213
“S12    22”    TARANA    214
“S12    22”    GHATIYA    215
“S12    22”    UJJAIN UTTAR    216
“S12    22”    UJJAIN DAKSHIN    217
“S12    22”    BADNAGAR    218
“S12    22”    ALOT    223
MP    MANDSOUR    “S12    23”    JAORA    222
“S12    23”    MANDSOUR    224
“S12    23”    MALHARGARH    225
“S12    23”    SUWASRA    226
“S12    23”    GAROTH    227
“S12    23”    MANASA    228
“S12    23”    NEEMUCH    229
“S12    23”    JAWAD    230
MP    RATLAM    “S12    24”    ALIRAJPUR    191
“S12    24”    JOBAT    192
“S12    24”    JHABUA    193
“S12    24”    THANDLA    194
“S12    24”    PETLAWAD    195
“S12    24”    RATLAM RURAL    219
“S12    24”    RATLAM CITY    220
“S12    24”    SAILANA    221
MP    DHAR    “S12    25”    SARDARPUR    196
“S12    25”    GANDHWANI    197
“S12    25”    KUKSHI    198
“S12    25”    MANAWAR    199
“S12    25”    DHARAMPURI    200
“S12    25”    DHAR    201
“S12    25”    BADNAWAR    202
“S12    25”    DR.AMBEDKARNAGAR-MHOW    209
MP    INDORE    “S12    26”    DEPALPUR    203
“S12    26”    INDORE-1    204
“S12    26”    INDORE-2    205
“S12    26”    INDORE-3    206
“S12    26”    INDORE-4    207
“S12    26”    INDORE-5    208
“S12    26”    RAU    210
“S12    26”    SANWER    211
MP    KHARGONE    “S12    27”    MAHESHWAR    183
“S12    27”    KASRAWAD    184
“S12    27”    KHARGONE    185
“S12    27”    BHAGWANPURA    186
“S12    27”    SENDHAWA    187
“S12    27”    RAJPUR    188
“S12    27”    PANSEMAL    189
“S12    27”    BADWANI    190
MP    KHANDWA    “S12    28”    BAGALI    174
“S12    28”    MANDHATA    175
“S12    28”    KHANDWA    177
“S12    28”    PANDHANA    178
“S12    28”    NEPANAGAR    179
“S12    28”    BURHANPUR    180
“S12    28”    BHIKANGAON    181
“S12    28”    BADWAH    182
MP    BETUL    “S12    29”    MULTAI    129
“S12    29”    AMLA    130
“S12    29”    BETUL    131
“S12    29”    GHORADONGRI    132
“S12    29”    BHAINSDEHI    133
“S12    29”    TIMARNI    134
“S12    29”    HARDA    135
“S12    29”    HARSUD    176
MH    NANDURBAR    “S13    1”    AKKALKUWA    1
“S13    1”    SHAHADA    2
“S13    1”    NANDURBAR    3
“S13    1”    NAWAPUR    4
“S13    1”    SAKRI    5
“S13    1”    SHIRPUR    9
MH    DHULE    “S13    2”    DHULE RURAL    6
“S13    2”    DHULE CITY    7
“S13    2”    SINDKHEDA    8
“S13    2”    MALEGAON CENTRAL    114
“S13    2”    MALEGAON OUTER    115
“S13    2”    BAGLAN    116
MH    JALGAON    “S13    3”    JALGAON CITY    13
“S13    3”    JALGAON RURAL    14
“S13    3”    AMALNER    15
“S13    3”    ERANDOL    16
“S13    3”    CHALISGAON    17
“S13    3”    PACHORA    18
MH    RAVER    “S13    4”    CHOPDA    10
“S13    4”    RAVER    11
“S13    4”    BHUSAWAL    12
“S13    4”    JAMNER    19
“S13    4”    MUKTAINAGAR    20
“S13    4”    MALKAPUR    21
MH    BULDHANA    “S13    5”    BULDHANA    22
“S13    5”    CHIKHLI    23
“S13    5”    SINDKHED RAJA    24
“S13    5”    MEHKAR    25
“S13    5”    KHAMGAON    26
“S13    5”    JALGAON (JAMOD)    27
MH    AKOLA    “S13    6”    AKOT    28
“S13    6”    BALAPUR    29
“S13    6”    AKOLA WEST    30
“S13    6”    AKOLA EAST    31
“S13    6”    MURTIJAPUR    32
“S13    6”    RISOD    33
MH    AMRAVATI    “S13    7”    BADNERA    37
“S13    7”    AMRAVATI    38
“S13    7”    TEOSA    39
“S13    7”    DARYAPUR    40
“S13    7”    MELGHAT    41
“S13    7”    ACHALPUR    42
MH    WARDHA    “S13    8”    DHAMAMGAON RAILWAY    36
“S13    8”    MORSHI    43
“S13    8”    ARVI    44
“S13    8”    DEOLI    45
“S13    8”    HINGANGHAT    46
“S13    8”    WARDHA    47
MH    RAMTEK    “S13    9”    KATOL    48
“S13    9”    SAVNER    49
“S13    9”    HINGNA    50
“S13    9”    UMRED    51
“S13    9”    KAMTHI    58
“S13    9”    RAMTEK    59
MH    NAGPUR    “S13    10”    NAGPUR SOUTH WEST    52
“S13    10”    NAGPUR SOUTH    53
“S13    10”    NAGPUR EAST    54
“S13    10”    NAGPUR CENTRAL    55
“S13    10”    NAGPUR WEST    56
“S13    10”    NAGPUR NORTH    57
MH    BHANDARA – GONDIYA    “S13    11”    TUMSAR    60
“S13    11”    BHANDARA    61
“S13    11”    SAKOLI    62
“S13    11”    ARJUNI-MORGAON    63
“S13    11”    TIRORA    64
“S13    11”    GONDIYA    65
MH    GADCHIROLI-CHIMUR    “S13    12”    AMGAON    66
“S13    12”    ARMORI    67
“S13    12”    GADCHIROLI    68
“S13    12”    AHERI    69
“S13    12”    BRAHMAPURI    73
“S13    12”    CHIMUR    74
MH    CHANDRAPUR    “S13    13”    RAJURA    70
“S13    13”    CHANDRAPUR    71
“S13    13”    BALLARPUR    72
“S13    13”    WARORA    75
“S13    13”    WANI    76
“S13    13”    ARNI    80
MH    YAVATMAL-WASHIM    “S13    14”    WASHIM    34
“S13    14”    KARANJA    35
“S13    14”    RALEGAON    77
“S13    14”    YAVATMAL    78
“S13    14”    DIGRAS    79
“S13    14”    PUSAD    81
MH    HINGOLI    “S13    15”    UMARKHED    82
“S13    15”    KINWAT    83
“S13    15”    HADGAON    84
“S13    15”    BASMATH    92
“S13    15”    KALAMNURI    93
“S13    15”    HINGOLI    94
MH    NANDED    “S13    16”    BHOKAR    85
“S13    16”    NANDED NORTH    86
“S13    16”    NANDED SOUTH    87
“S13    16”    NAIGAON    89
“S13    16”    DEGLUR    90
“S13    16”    MUKHED    91
MH    PARBHANI    “S13    17”    JINTUR    95
“S13    17”    PARBHANI    96
“S13    17”    GANGAKHED    97
“S13    17”    PATHRI    98
“S13    17”    PARTUR    99
“S13    17”    GHANSAWANGI    100
MH    JALNA    “S13    18”    101. JALNA    101
“S13    18”    BADNAPUR    102
“S13    18”    BHOKARDAN    103
“S13    18”    SILLOD    104
“S13    18”    PHULAMBRI    106
“S13    18”    PAITHAN    110
MH    AURANGABAD    “S13    19”    KANNAD    105
“S13    19”    AURANGABAD CENTRAL    107
“S13    19”    AURANGABAD WEST    108
“S13    19”    AURANGABAD EAST    109
“S13    19”    GANGAPUR    111
“S13    19”    VAIJAPUR    112
MH    DINDORI    “S13    20”    NANDGAON    113
“S13    20”    KALWAN    117
“S13    20”    CHANDVAD    118
“S13    20”    YEVLA    119
“S13    20”    NIPHAD    121
“S13    20”    DINDORI    122
MH    NASHIK    “S13    21”    SINNAR    120
“S13    21”    NASHIK EAST    123
“S13    21”    NASHIK CENTRAL    124
“S13    21”    NASHIK WEST    125
“S13    21”    DEVLALI    126
“S13    21”    IGATPURI    127
MH    PALGHAR    “S13    22”    DAHANU    128
“S13    22”    VIKRAMGAD    129
“S13    22”    PALGHAR    130
“S13    22”    BOISAR    131
“S13    22”    NALASOPARA    132
“S13    22”    VASAI    133
MH    BHIWANDI    “S13    23”    BHIWANDI RURAL    134
“S13    23”    SHAHAPUR    135
“S13    23”    BHIWANDI WEST    136
“S13    23”    BHIWANDI EAST    137
“S13    23”    KALYAN WEST    138
“S13    23”    MURBAD    139
MH    KALYAN    “S13    24”    AMBERNATH    140
“S13    24”    ULHAS NAGAR    141
“S13    24”    KALYAN EAST    142
“S13    24”    DOMBIVALI    143
“S13    24”    KALYAN RURAL    144
“S13    24”    MUMBRA-KALWA    149
MH    THANE    “S13    25”    MIRA BHAYANDAR    145
“S13    25”    OVALA – MAJIWADA    146
“S13    25”    KOPRI-PACHPAKHADI    147
“S13    25”    THANE    148
“S13    25”    AIROLI    150
“S13    25”    BELAPUR    151
MH    MUMBAI NORTH    “S13    26”    BORIVALI    152
“S13    26”    DAHISAR    153
“S13    26”    MAGATHANE    154
“S13    26”    KANDIVALI EAST    160
“S13    26”    CHARKOP    161
“S13    26”    MALAD WEST    162
MH    MUMBAI NORTH WEST    “S13    27”    JOGESHWARI EAST    158
“S13    27”    DINDOSHI    159
“S13    27”    GOREGAON    163
“S13    27”    VERSOVA    164
“S13    27”    ANDHERI WEST    165
“S13    27”    ANDHERI EAST    166
MH    MUMBAI NORTH EAST    “S13    28”    MULUND    155
“S13    28”    VIKHROLI    156
“S13    28”    BHANDUP WEST    157
“S13    28”    GHATKOPAR WEST    169
“S13    28”    GHATKOPAR EAST    170
“S13    28”    MANKHURD SHIVAJI NAGAR    171
MH    MUMBAI NORTH CENTRAL    “S13    29”    VILE PARLE    167
“S13    29”    CHANDIVALI    168
“S13    29”    KURLA    174
“S13    29”    KALINA    175
“S13    29”    VANDRE EAST    176
“S13    29”    VANDRE WEST    177
“S13    30”    CHEMBUR    173
“S13    30”    DHARAVI    178
“S13    30”    SION KOLIWADA    179
“S13    30”    WADALA    180
“S13    30”    MAHIM    181
MH    MUMBAI SOUTH    “S13    31”    WORLI    182
“S13    31”    SHIVADI    183
“S13    31”    BYCULLA    184
“S13    31”    MALABAR HILL    185
“S13    31”    MUMBA DEVI    186
“S13    31”    COLABA    187
MH    RAIGAD    “S13    32”    PEN    191
“S13    32”    ALIBAG    192
“S13    32”    SHRIVARDHAN    193
“S13    32”    MAHAD    194
“S13    32”    DAPOLI    263
“S13    32”    GUHAGAR    264
MH    MAVAL    “S13    33”    PANVEL    188
“S13    33”    KARJAT    189
“S13    33”    URAN    190
“S13    33”    MAVAL    204
“S13    33”    CHINCHWAD    205
“S13    33”    PIMPRI    206
MH    PUNE    “S13    34”    VADGAOL SHERI    208
“S13    34”    SHIVAJINAGAR    209
“S13    34”    KOTHRUD    210
“S13    34”    PARVATI    212
“S13    34”    PUNE CANTONMENT    214
“S13    34”    KASBA PETH    215
MH    BARAMATI    “S13    35”    DAUND    199
“S13    35”    INDAPUR    200
“S13    35”    BARAMATI    201
“S13    35”    PURANDAR    202
“S13    35”    BHOR    203
“S13    35”    KHADAKWASALA    211
MH    SHIRUR    “S13    36”    JUNNAR    195
“S13    36”    AMBEGAON    196
“S13    36”    KHED ALANDI    197
“S13    36”    SHIRUR    198
“S13    36”    BHOSARI    207
“S13    36”    HADAPSAR    213
MH    AHMADNAGAR    “S13    37”    SHEVGAON    222
“S13    37”    RAHURI    223
“S13    37”    PARNER    224
“S13    37”    AHMEDNAGAR CITY    225
“S13    37”    SHRIGONDA    226
“S13    37”    KARJAT JAMKHED    227
MH    SHIRDI    “S13    38”    AKOLE    216
“S13    38”    SANGAMNER    217
“S13    38”    SHIRDI    218
“S13    38”    KOPARGAON    219
“S13    38”    SHRIRAMPUR    220
“S13    38”    NEVASA    221
MH    BEED    “S13    39”    GEORAI    228
“S13    39”    MAJALGAON    229
“S13    39”    BEED    230
“S13    39”    ASHTI    231
“S13    39”    KAIJ    232
“S13    39”    PARLI    233
MH    OSMANABAD    “S13    40”    AUSA    239
“S13    40”    UMARGA    240
“S13    40”    TULJAPUR    241
“S13    40”    OSMANABAD    242
“S13    40”    PARANDA    243
“S13    40”    BARSHI    246
MH    LATUR    “S13    41”    LOHA    88
“S13    41”    LATUR RURAL    234
“S13    41”    LATUR CITY    235
“S13    41”    AHMADPUR    236
“S13    41”    UDGIR    237
“S13    41”    NILANGA    238
MH    SOLAPUR    “S13    42”    MOHOL    247
“S13    42”    SOLAPUR CITY NORTH    248
“S13    42”    SOLAPUR CITY CENTRAL    249
“S13    42”    AKKALKOT    250
“S13    42”    SOLAPUR SOUTH    251
“S13    42”    PANDHARPUR    252
MH    MADHA    “S13    43”    KARMALA    244
“S13    43”    MADHA    245
“S13    43”    SANGOLE    253
“S13    43”    MALSHIRAS    254
“S13    43”    PHALTAN    255
“S13    43”    MAN    258
MH    SANGLI    “S13    44”    MIRAJ    281
“S13    44”    SANGLI    282
“S13    44”    PALUS-KADEGAON    285
“S13    44”    KHANAPUR    286
“S13    44”    TASGAON – KAVATHE MAHANKAL    287
“S13    44”    JAT    288
MH    SATARA    “S13    45”    WAI    256
“S13    45”    KOREGAON    257
“S13    45”    KARAD NORTH    259
“S13    45”    KARAD SOUTH    260
“S13    45”    PATAN    261
“S13    45”    SATARA    262
MH    RATNAGIRI – SINDHUDURG    “S13    46”    CHIPLUN    265
“S13    46”    RATNAGIRI    266
“S13    46”    RAJAPUR    267
“S13    46”    KANKAVLI    268
“S13    46”    KUDAL    269
“S13    46”    SAWANTWADI    270
MH    KOLHAPUR    “S13    47”    CHANDGAD    271
“S13    47”    RADHANAGARI    272
“S13    47”    KAGAL    273
“S13    47”    KOLHAPUR SOUTH    274
“S13    47”    KARVIR    275
“S13    47”    KOLHAPUR NORTH    276
MH    HATKANANGLE    “S13    48”    SHAHUWADI    277
“S13    48”    HATKANANGLE    278
“S13    48”    ICHALKARANJI    279
“S13    48”    SHIROL    280
“S13    48”    ISLAMPUR    283
“S13    48”    SHIRALA    284
MN    INNER MANIPUR    “S14    1”    KHUNDRAKPAM    1
“S14    1”    HEINGANG    2
“S14    1”    KHURAI    3
“S14    1”    KSHETRIGAO    4
“S14    1”    THONGJU    5
“S14    1”    KEIRAO    6
“S14    1”    ANDRO    7
“S14    1”    LAMLAI    8
“S14    1”    THANGMEIBAND    9
“S14    1”    URIPOK    10
“S14    1”    SAGOLBAND    11
“S14    1”    KEISHAMTHONG    12
“S14    1”    SINGJAMEI    13
“S14    1”    YAISKUL    14
“S14    1”    WANGKHEI    15
“S14    1”    SEKMAI    16
“S14    1”    LAMSANG    17
“S14    1”    KONTHOUJAM    18
“S14    1”    PATSOI    19
“S14    1”    LANGTHABAL    20
“S14    1”    NAORIYA PAKHANGLAKPA    21
“S14    1”    WANGOI    22
“S14    1”    MAYANG IMPHAL    23
“S14    1”    NAMBOL    24
“S14    1”    OINAM    25
“S14    1”    BISHNUPUR    26
“S14    1”    MOIRANG    27
“S14    1”    THANGA    28
“S14    1”    KUMBI    29
“S14    1”    LILONG    30
“S14    1”    THOUBAL    31
“S14    1”    WANGKHEM    32
MN    OUTER MANIPUR    “S14    2”    HEIROK    33
“S14    2”    WANGJING TENTHA    34
“S14    2”    KHANGABOK    35
“S14    2”    WABGAI    36
“S14    2”    KAKCHING    37
“S14    2”    HIYANGLAM    38
“S14    2”    SUGNU    39
“S14    2”    JIRIBAM    40
“S14    2”    CHANDEL (ST)    41
“S14    2”    TENGNOUPAL (ST)    42
“S14    2”    PHUNGYAR (ST)    43
“S14    2”    UKHRUL (ST)    44
“S14    2”    CHINGAI (ST)    45
“S14    2”    SAIKUL (ST)    46
“S14    2”    KARONG (ST)    47
“S14    2”    MAO (ST)    48
“S14    2”    TADUBI (ST)    49
“S14    2”    KANGPOKPI (ST)    50
“S14    2”    SAITU (ST)    51
“S14    2”    TAMEI (ST)    52
“S14    2”    TAMENGLONG (ST)    53
“S14    2”    NUNGBA (ST)    54
“S14    2”    TIPAIMUKH (ST)    55
“S14    2”    THANLON (ST)    56
“S14    2”    HENGLEP (ST)    57
“S14    2”    CHURACHANDPUR (ST)    58
“S14    2”    SAIKOT (ST)    59
“S14    2”    SINGHAT (ST)    60
ML    SHILLONG    “S15    1”    NARTIANG    1
“S15    1”    JOWAI    2
“S15    1”    RALIANG    3
“S15    1”    MOWKAIAW    4
“S15    1”    SUTNGA SAIPUNG    5
“S15    1”    KHLIEHRIAT    6
“S15    1”    AMLAREM    7
“S15    1”    MAWHATI    8
“S15    1”    NONGPOH    9
“S15    1”    JIRANG    10
“S15    1”    UMSNING    11
“S15    1”    UMROI    12
“S15    1”    MAWRYNGKNENG    13
“S15    1”    PYNTHORUMKHRAH    14
“S15    1”    MAWLAI    15
“S15    1”    EAST SHILLONG    16
“S15    1”    NORTH SHILLONG    17
“S15    1”    WEST SHILLONG    18
“S15    1”    SOUTH SHILLONG    19
“S15    1”    MYLLIEM    20
“S15    1”    NONGTHYMMAI    21
“S15    1”    NONGKREM    22
“S15    1”    SOHIONG    23
“S15    1”    MAWPHLANG    24
“S15    1”    MAWSYNRAM    25
“S15    1”    SHELLA    26
“S15    1”    PYNURSLA    27
“S15    1”    SOHRA    28
“S15    1”    MAWKYNREW    29
“S15    1”    MAIRANG    30
“S15    1”    MAWTHADRAISHAN    31
“S15    1”    NONGSTOIN    32
“S15    1”    RAMBRAI JYRNGAM    33
“S15    1”    MAWSHYNRUT    34
“S15    1”    RANIKOR    35
“S15    1”    MAWKYRWAT    36
ML    TURA    “S15    2”    KHARKUTTA    37
“S15    2”    MENDIPATHAR    38
“S15    2”    RESUBELPARA    39
“S15    2”    BAJENGDOBA    40
“S15    2”    SONGSAK    41
“S15    2”    RONGJENG    42
“S15    2”    WILLIAM NAGAR    43
“S15    2”    RAKSAMGRE    44
“S15    2”    TIKRIKILA    45
“S15    2”    PHULBARI    46
“S15    2”    RAJABALA    47
“S15    2”    SELSELLA    48
“S15    2”    DADENGGRE    49
“S15    2”    NORTH TURA    50
“S15    2”    SOUTH TURA    51
“S15    2”    RANGSAKONA    52
“S15    2”    AMPATI    53
“S15    2”    MAHENDRAGANJ    54
“S15    2”    SALMANPARA    55
“S15    2”    GAMBEGRE    56
“S15    2”    DALU    57
“S15    2”    RONGARA SIJU    58
“S15    2”    CHOKPOT    59
“S15    2”    BAGHMARA    60
MZ    MIZORAM    “S16    1”    HACHHEK    1
“S16    1”    DAMPA    2
“S16    1”    MAMIT    3
“S16    1”    TUIRIAL    4
“S16    1”    KOLASIB    5
“S16    1”    SERLUI    6
“S16    1”    TUIVAWL    7
“S16    1”    CHALFILH    8
“S16    1”    TAWI    9
“S16    1”    AIZAWL NORTH – I    10
“S16    1”    AIZAWL NORTH – II    11
“S16    1”    AIZAWL NORTH-III    12
“S16    1”    AIZAWL EAST – I    13
“S16    1”    AIZAWL EAST II    14
“S16    1”    AIZAWL WEST I    15
“S16    1”    AIZAWL WEST II    16
“S16    1”    AIZAWL WEST III    17
“S16    1”    AIZAWL SOUTH I    18
“S16    1”    AIZAWL SOUTH II (AIZAWL X)    19
“S16    1”    AIZAWL SOUTH-III    20
“S16    1”    LENGTENG    21
“S16    1”    TUICHANG    22
“S16    1”    CHAMPHAI NORTH    23
“S16    1”    CHAMPHAI SOUTH    24
“S16    1”    EAST TUIPUI    25
“S16    1”    SERCHHIP    26
“S16    1”    TUIKUM    27
“S16    1”    HRANGTURZO    28
“S16    1”    SOUTH TUIPUI    29
“S16    1”    LUNGLEI NORTH    30
“S16    1”    LUNGLEI EAST    31
“S16    1”    LUNGLEI WEST    32
“S16    1”    LUNGLEI SOUTH    33
“S16    1”    THORANG    34
“S16    1”    WEST TUIPUI    35
“S16    1”    TUICHAWNG    36
“S16    1”    LAWNGTLAI WEST    37
“S16    1”    LAWNGTLAI EAST    38
“S16    1”    SAIHA    39
“S16    1”    PALAK    40
NL    NAGALAND    “S17    1”    DIMAPUR-I    1
“S17    1”    DIMAPUR-II    2
“S17    1”    DIMAPUR-III    3
“S17    1”    GHASPANI-I    4
“S17    1”    GHASPANI-II    5
“S17    1”    TENNING    6
“S17    1”    PEREN    7
“S17    1”    WESTERN ANGAMI    8
“S17    1”    KOHIMA TOWN    9
“S17    1”    NORTHERN ANGAMI-I    10
“S17    1”    NORTHERN ANGAMI-II    11
“S17    1”    TSEMINYU    12
“S17    1”    PUGHOBOTO    13
“S17    1”    SOUTHERN ANGAMI-I    14
“S17    1”    SOUTHERN ANGAMI-II    15
“S17    1”    PFUTSERO    16
“S17    1”    CHIZAMI    17
“S17    1”    CHAZOUBA    18
“S17    1”    PHEK    19
“S17    1”    MELURI    20
“S17    1”    TULI    21
“S17    1”    ARKAKONG    22
“S17    1”    IMPUR    23
“S17    1”    ANGETYONGPANG    24
“S17    1”    MONGOYA    25
“S17    1”    AONGLENDEN    26
“S17    1”    MOKOKCHUNG TOWN    27
“S17    1”    KORIDANG    28
“S17    1”    JANGPETKONG    29
“S17    1”    ALONGTAKI    30
“S17    1”    AKULUTO    31
“S17    1”    ATOIZU    32
“S17    1”    SURUHOTO    33
“S17    1”    AGHUNATO    34
“S17    1”    ZUNHEBOTO    35
“S17    1”    SATAKHA    36
“S17    1”    TYUI    37
“S17    1”    WOKHA    38
“S17    1”    SANIS    39
“S17    1”    BHANDARI    40
“S17    1”    TIZIT    41
“S17    1”    WAKCHING    42
“S17    1”    TAPI    43
“S17    1”    PHOMCHING    44
“S17    1”    TEHOK    45
“S17    1”    MON TOWN    46
“S17    1”    ABOI    47
“S17    1”    MOKA    48
“S17    1”    TAMLU    49
“S17    1”    LONGLENG    50
“S17    1”    NOKSEN    51
“S17    1”    LONGKHIM CHARE    52
“S17    1”    TUENSANG SADAR-I    53
“S17    1”    TUENSANG SADAR-II    54
“S17    1”    TOBU    55
“S17    1”    NOKLAK    56
“S17    1”    THONOKNYU    57
“S17    1”    SHAMATOR CHESSORE    58
“S17    1”    SEYOCHUNG SITIMI    59
“S17    1”    PUNGRO KIPHIRE    60
OR    BARGARH    “S18    1”    PADAMPUR    1
“S18    1”    BIJEPUR    2
“S18    1”    BARGARH    3
“S18    1”    ATTABIRA    4
“S18    1”    BHATLI    5
“S18    1”    BRAJARAJNAGAR    6
“S18    1”    JHARSUGUDA    7
OR    SUNDARGARH    “S18    2”    TALSARA    8
“S18    2”    SUNDARGARH    9
“S18    2”    BIRAMITRAPUR    10
“S18    2”    RAGHUNATHPALI    11
“S18    2”    ROURKELA    12
“S18    2”    RAJGANGAPUR    13
“S18    2”    BONAI    14
OR    SAMBALPUR    “S18    3”    KUCHINDA    15
“S18    3”    RENGALI    16
“S18    3”    SAMBALPUR    17
“S18    3”    RAIRAKHOL    18
“S18    3”    DEOGARH    19
“S18    3”    CHHENDIPADA    62
“S18    3”    ATHAMALLIK    63
OR    KEONJHAR    “S18    4”    TELKOI    20
“S18    4”    GHASIPURA    21
“S18    4”    ANANDAPUR    22
“S18    4”    PATNA    23
“S18    4”    KEONJHAR    24
“S18    4”    CHAMPUA    25
“S18    4”    KARANJIA    30
OR    MAYURBHANJ    “S18    5”    JASHIPUR    26
“S18    5”    SARASKANA    27
“S18    5”    RAIRANGPUR    28
“S18    5”    BANGRIPOSI    29
“S18    5”    UDALA    31
“S18    5”    BARIPADA    33
“S18    5”    MORADA    34
OR    BALASORE    “S18    6”    BADASAHI    32
“S18    6”    JALESWAR    35
“S18    6”    BHOGRAI    36
“S18    6”    BASTA    37
“S18    6”    BALASORE    38
“S18    6”    REMUNA    39
“S18    6”    NILGIRI    40
OR    BHADRAK    “S18    7”    SORO    41
“S18    7”    SIMULIA    42
“S18    7”    BHANDARIPOKHARI    43
“S18    7”    BHADRAK    44
“S18    7”    BASUDEVPUR    45
“S18    7”    DHAMNAGAR    46
“S18    7”    CHANDABALI    47
OR    JAJPUR    “S18    8”    BINJHARPUR    48
“S18    8”    BARI    49
“S18    8”    BARCHANA    50
“S18    8”    DHARMASALA    51
“S18    8”    JAJPUR    52
“S18    8”    KOREI    53
“S18    8”    SUKINDA    54
OR    DHENKANAL    “S18    9”    DHENKANAL    55
“S18    9”    HINDOL    56
“S18    9”    KAMAKHYANAGAR    57
“S18    9”    PARJANGA    58
“S18    9”    PALLAHARA    59
“S18    9”    TALCHER    60
“S18    9”    ANGUL    61
OR    BOLANGIR    “S18    10”    BIRMAHARAJPUR    64
“S18    10”    SONEPUR    65
“S18    10”    LOISINGHA    66
“S18    10”    PATNAGARH    67
“S18    10”    BOLANGIR    68
“S18    10”    TITLAGARH    69
“S18    10”    KANTABANJI    70
OR    KALAHANDI    “S18    11”    NUAPADA    71
“S18    11”    KHARIAR    72
“S18    11”    LANJIGARH    77
“S18    11”    JUNAGARH    78
“S18    11”    DHARMGARH    79
“S18    11”    BHAWANIPATNA    80
“S18    11”    NARLA    81
OR    NABARANGPUR    “S18    12”    UMARKOTE    73
“S18    12”    JHARIGAM    74
“S18    12”    NABARANGPUR    75
“S18    12”    DABUGAM    76
“S18    12”    KOTPAD    142
“S18    12”    MALKANGIRI    146
“S18    12”    CHITRAKONDA    147
OR    KANDHAMAL    “S18    13”    BALIGUDA    82
“S18    13”    G. UDAYAGIRI    83
“S18    13”    PHULBANI    84
“S18    13”    KANTAMAL    85
“S18    13”    BOUDH    86
“S18    13”    DASPALLA    121
“S18    13”    BHANJANAGAR    123
OR    CUTTACK    “S18    14”    BARAMBA    87
“S18    14”    BANKI    88
“S18    14”    ATHAGARH    89
“S18    14”    BARABATI-CUTTACK    90
“S18    14”    CHOUDWAR-CUTTACK    91
“S18    14”    CUTTACK SADAR    93
“S18    14”    KHANDAPADA    120
OR    KENDRAPARA    “S18    15”    SALIPUR    94
“S18    15”    MAHANGA    95
“S18    15”    PATKURA    96
“S18    15”    KENDRAPARA    97
“S18    15”    AUL    98
“S18    15”    RAJANAGAR    99
“S18    15”    MAHAKALAPADA    100
OR    JAGATSINGHPUR    “S18    16”    NIALI    92
“S18    16”    PARADEEP    101
“S18    16”    TIRTOL    102
“S18    16”    BALIKUDA-ERSAMA    103
“S18    16”    JAGATSINGHPUR    104
“S18    16”    KAKATPUR    105
“S18    16”    NIMAPARA    106
OR    PURI    “S18    17”    PURI    107
“S18    17”    BRAMHAGIRI    108
“S18    17”    SATYABADI    109
“S18    17”    PIPILI    110
“S18    17”    CHILIKA    118
“S18    17”    RANPUR    119
“S18    17”    NAYAGARH    122
OR    BHUBANESWAR    “S18    18”    JAYADEV    111
“S18    18”    BHUBANESWAR CENTRAL (MADHYA)    112
“S18    18”    BHUBANESWAR NORTH (UTTAR)    113
“S18    18”    EKAMRA-BHUBANESWAR    114
“S18    18”    JATANI    115
“S18    18”    BEGUNIA    116
“S18    18”    KHURDA    117
OR    ASKA    “S18    19”    POLASARA    124
“S18    19”    KABISURYANGAR    125
“S18    19”    KHALIKOTE    126
“S18    19”    ASKA    128
“S18    19”    SURADA    129
“S18    19”    SANAKHEMUNDI    130
“S18    19”    HINJILI    131
OR    BERHAMPUR    “S18    20”    CHHATRAPUR    127
“S18    20”    GOPALPUR    132
“S18    20”    BERHAMPUR    133
“S18    20”    DIGAPAHANDI    134
“S18    20”    CHIKITI    135
“S18    20”    MOHANA    136
“S18    20”    PARALAKHEMUNDI    137
OR    KORAPUT    “S18    21”    GUNUPUR    138
“S18    21”    BISSAM CUTTACK    139
“S18    21”    RAYAGADA    140
“S18    21”    LAXMIPUR    141
“S18    21”    JEYPORE    143
“S18    21”    KORAPUT    144
“S18    21”    POTTANGI    145
PB    GURDASPUR    “S19    1”    SUJANPUR    1
“S19    1”    BHOA    2
“S19    1”    GURDASPUR    4
“S19    1”    DINA NAGAR    5
“S19    1”    QADIAN    6
“S19    1”    BATALA    7
“S19    1”    FATEHGARH CHURIAN    9
“S19    1”    DERA BABA NANAK    10
PB    AMRITSAR    “S19    2”    AJNALA    11
“S19    2”    RAJA SANSI    12
“S19    2”    MAJITHA    13
“S19    2”    AMRITSAR NORTH    15
“S19    2”    AMRITSAR WEST    16
“S19    2”    AMRITSAR CENTRAL    17
“S19    2”    AMRITSAR EAST    18
“S19    2”    AMRITSAR SOUTH    19
“S19    2”    ATTARI    20
PB    KHADOOR SAHIB    “S19    3”    JANDIALA    14
“S19    3”    TARN TARAN    21
“S19    3”    KHEM KARAN    22
“S19    3”    PATTI    23
“S19    3”    KHADOOR SAHIB    24
“S19    3”    BABA BAKALA    25
“S19    3”    KAPURTHALA    27
“S19    3”    SULTANPUR LODHI    28
“S19    3”    ZIRA    75
PB    JALANDHAR    “S19    4”    TALWARA    3
“S19    4”    PHILLAUR    30
“S19    4”    NAKODAR    31
“S19    4”    SHAHKOT    32
“S19    4”    KARTARPUR    33
“S19    4”    JALANDHAR WEST    34
“S19    4”    JALANDHAR CENTRAL    35
“S19    4”    JALANDHAR NORTH    36
“S19    4”    JALANDHAR CANTT.    37
“S19    4”    ADAMPUR    38
“S19    5”    BHOLATH    26
“S19    5”    PHAGWARA    29
“S19    5”    MUKERIAN    39
“S19    5”    DASUYA    40
“S19    5”    URMAR    41
“S19    5”    SHAM CHAURASI    42
“S19    5”    HOSHIARPUR    43
“S19    5”    CHABBEWAL    44
PB    ANANDPUR SAHIB    “S19    6”    GARHSHANKAR    45
“S19    6”    BANGA    46
“S19    6”    NAWAN SHAHR    47
“S19    6”    BALACHAUR    48
“S19    6”    ANANDPUR SAHIB    49
“S19    6”    RUPNAGAR    50
“S19    6”    CHAMKAUR SAHIB    51
“S19    6”    KHARAR    52
“S19    6”    S.A.S.NAGAR    53
PB    LUDHIANA    “S19    7”    LUDHIANA EAST    60
“S19    7”    LUDHIANA SOUTH    61
“S19    7”    ATAM NAGAR    62
“S19    7”    LUDHIANA CENTRAL    63
“S19    7”    LUDHIANA WEST    64
“S19    7”    LUDHIANA NORTH    65
“S19    7”    GILL    66
“S19    7”    DAKHA    68
“S19    7”    JAGRAON    70
PB    FATEHGARH SAHIB    “S19    8”    BASSI PATHANA    54
“S19    8”    FATEHGARH SAHIB    55
“S19    8”    AMLOH    56
“S19    8”    KHANNA    57
“S19    8”    SAMRALA    58
“S19    8”    SAHNEWAL    59
“S19    8”    PAYAL    67
“S19    8”    RAIKOT    69
“S19    8”    AMARGARH    106
PB    FARIDKOT    “S19    9”    NIHAL SINGHWALA    71
“S19    9”    BHAGHA PURANA    72
“S19    9”    MOGA    73
“S19    9”    DHARAMKOT    74
“S19    9”    GIDDERBAHA    84
“S19    9”    FARIDKOT    87
“S19    9”    KOTKAPURA    88
“S19    9”    JAITU    89
“S19    9”    RAMPURA PHUL    90
PB    FEROZPUR    “S19    10”    FIROZPUR CITY    76
“S19    10”    FIROZPUR RURAL    77
“S19    10”    GURU HAR SAHAI    78
“S19    10”    JALALABAD    79
“S19    10”    FAZILKA    80
“S19    10”    ABOHAR    81
“S19    10”    BALLUANA    82
“S19    10”    MALOUT    85
“S19    10”    MUKTSAR    86
PB    BATHINDA    “S19    11”    LAMBI    83
“S19    11”    BHUCHO MANDI    91
“S19    11”    BATHINDA URBAN    92
“S19    11”    BATHINDA RURAL    93
“S19    11”    TALWANDI SABO    94
“S19    11”    MAUR    95
“S19    11”    MANSA    96
“S19    11”    SARDULGARH    97
“S19    11”    BUDHLADA    98
PB    SANGRUR    “S19    12”    LEHRA    99
“S19    12”    DIRBA    100
“S19    12”    SUNAM    101
“S19    12”    BHADAUR    102
“S19    12”    BARNALA    103
“S19    12”    MEHAL KALAN    104
“S19    12”    MALERKOTLA    105
“S19    12”    DHURI    107
“S19    12”    SANGRUR    108
PB    PATIALA    “S19    13”    NABHA    109
“S19    13”    PATIALA RURAL    110
“S19    13”    RAJPURA    111
“S19    13”    DERA BASSI    112
“S19    13”    GHANAUR    113
“S19    13”    SANOUR    114
“S19    13”    PATIALA    115
“S19    13”    SAMANA    116
“S19    13”    SHUTRANA    117
RJ    GANGANAGAR    “S20    1”    SADULSHAHAR    1
“S20    1”    GANGANAGAR    2
“S20    1”    KARANPUR    3
“S20    1”    SURATGARH    4
“S20    1”    RAISINGH NAGAR    5
“S20    1”    SANGARIA    7
“S20    1”    HANUMANGARH    8
“S20    1”    PILIBANGA    9
RJ    BIKANER    “S20    2”    ANUPGARH    6
“S20    2”    KHAJUWALA    12
“S20    2”    BIKANER WEST    13
“S20    2”    BIKANER EAST    14
“S20    2”    KOLAYAT    15
“S20    2”    LUNKARANSAR    16
“S20    2”    DUNGARGARH    17
“S20    2”    NOKHA    18
RJ    CHURU    “S20    3”    NOHAR    10
“S20    3”    BHADRA    11
“S20    3”    SADULPUR    19
“S20    3”    TARANAGAR    20
“S20    3”    SARDARSHAHAR    21
“S20    3”    CHURU    22
“S20    3”    RATANGARH    23
“S20    3”    SUJANGARH    24
RJ    JHUNJHUNU    “S20    4”    PILANI    25
“S20    4”    SURAJGARH    26
“S20    4”    JHUNJHUNU    27
“S20    4”    MANDAWA    28
“S20    4”    NAWALGARH    29
“S20    4”    UDAIPURWATI    30
“S20    4”    KHETRI    31
“S20    4”    FATEHPUR    32
RJ    SIKAR    “S20    5”    LACHHMANGARH    33
“S20    5”    DHOD    34
“S20    5”    SIKAR    35
“S20    5”    DANTA RAMGARH    36
“S20    5”    KHANDELA    37
“S20    5”    NEEM KA THANA    38
“S20    5”    SRIMADHOPUR    39
“S20    5”    CHOMU    43
RJ    JAIPUR RURAL    “S20    6”    KOTPUTLI    40
“S20    6”    VIRATNAGAR    41
“S20    6”    SHAHPURA    42
“S20    6”    PHULERA    44
“S20    6”    JHOTWARA    46
“S20    6”    AMBER    47
“S20    6”    JAMWA RAMGARH    48
“S20    6”    BANSUR    63
RJ    JAIPUR    “S20    7”    HAWA MAHAL    49
“S20    7”    VIDHYADHAR NAGAR    50
“S20    7”    CIVIL LINES    51
“S20    7”    KISHAN POLE    52
“S20    7”    ADARSH NAGAR    53
“S20    7”    MALVIYA NAGAR    54
“S20    7”    SANGANER    55
“S20    7”    BAGRU    56
RJ    ALWAR    “S20    8”    TIJARA    59
“S20    8”    KISHANGARH BAS    60
“S20    8”    MUNDAWAR    61
“S20    8”    BEHROR    62
“S20    8”    ALWAR RURAL    65
“S20    8”    ALWAR URBAN    66
“S20    8”    RAMGARH    67
“S20    8”    RAJGARH LAXMANGARH    68
RJ    BHARATPUR    “S20    9”    KATHUMAR    69
“S20    9”    KAMAN    70
“S20    9”    NAGAR    71
“S20    9”    DEEG-KUMHER    72
“S20    9”    BHARATPUR    73
“S20    9”    NADBAI    74
“S20    9”    WEIR    75
“S20    9”    BAYANA    76
RJ    KARAULI-DHOLPUR    “S20    10”    BASERI    77
“S20    10”    BARI    78
“S20    10”    DHOLPUR    79
“S20    10”    RAJAKHERA    80
“S20    10”    TODABHIM    81
“S20    10”    HINDAUN    82
“S20    10”    KARAULI    83
“S20    10”    SAPOTRA    84
RJ    DAUSA    “S20    11”    BASSI    57
“S20    11”    CHAKSU    58
“S20    11”    THANAGAZI    64
“S20    11”    BANDIKUI    85
“S20    11”    MAHUWA    86
“S20    11”    SIKRAI    87
“S20    11”    DAUSA    88
“S20    11”    LALSOT    89
RJ    TONK-SAWAI MADHOPUR    “S20    12”    GANGAPUR    90
“S20    12”    BAMANWAS    91
“S20    12”    SAWAI MADHOPUR    92
“S20    12”    KHANDAR    93
“S20    12”    MALPURA    94
“S20    12”    NIWAI    95
“S20    12”    TONK    96
“S20    12”    DEOLI – UNIARA    97
RJ    AJMER    “S20    13”    DUDU    45
“S20    13”    KISHANGARH    98
“S20    13”    PUSHKAR    99
“S20    13”    AJMER NORTH    100
“S20    13”    AJMER SOUTH    101
“S20    13”    NASIRABAD    102
“S20    13”    MASUDA    104
“S20    13”    KEKRI    105
RJ    NAGAUR    “S20    14”    LADNUN    106
“S20    14”    DEEDWANA    107
“S20    14”    JAYAL    108
“S20    14”    NAGAUR    109
“S20    14”    KHINWSAR    110
“S20    14”    MAKRANA    113
“S20    14”    PARBATSAR    114
“S20    14”    NAWAN    115
RJ    PALI    “S20    15”    SOJAT    117
“S20    15”    PALI    118
“S20    15”    MARWAR JUNCTION    119
“S20    15”    BALI    120
“S20    15”    SUMERPUR    121
“S20    15”    OSIAN    125
“S20    15”    BHOPALGARH    126
“S20    15”    BILARA    131
RJ    JODHPUR    “S20    16”    PHALODI    122
“S20    16”    LOHAWAT    123
“S20    16”    SHERGARH    124
“S20    16”    SARDARPURA    127
“S20    16”    JODHPUR    128
“S20    16”    SOORSAGAR    129
“S20    16”    LUNI    130
“S20    16”    POKARAN    133
RJ    BARMER    “S20    17”    JAISALMER    132
“S20    17”    SHEO    134
“S20    17”    BARMER    135
“S20    17”    BAYTOO    136
“S20    17”    PACHPADRA    137
“S20    17”    SIWANA    138
“S20    17”    GUDHAMALANI    139
“S20    17”    CHOHTAN    140
RJ    JALORE    “S20    18”    AHORE    141
“S20    18”    JALORE    142
“S20    18”    BHINMAL    143
“S20    18”    SANCHORE    144
“S20    18”    RANIWARA    145
“S20    18”    SIROHI    146
“S20    18”    PINDWARA ABU    147
“S20    18”    REODAR    148
RJ    UDAIPUR    “S20    19”    GOGUNDA    149
“S20    19”    JHADOL    150
“S20    19”    KHERWARA    151
“S20    19”    UDAIPUR RURAL    152
“S20    19”    UDAIPUR    153
“S20    19”    SALUMBER    156
“S20    19”    DHARIAWAD    157
“S20    19”    ASPUR    159
RJ    BANSWARA    “S20    20”    DUNGARPUR    158
“S20    20”    SAGWARA    160
“S20    20”    CHORASI    161
“S20    20”    GHATOL    162
“S20    20”    GARHI    163
“S20    20”    BANSWARA    164
“S20    20”    BAGIDORA    165
“S20    20”    KUSHALGARH    166
RJ    CHITTORGARH    “S20    21”    MAVLI    154
“S20    21”    VALLABH NAGAR    155
“S20    21”    KAPASAN    167
“S20    21”    BEGUN    168
“S20    21”    CHITTORGARH    169
“S20    21”    NIMBAHERA    170
“S20    21”    BARI SADRI    171
“S20    21”    PRATAPGARH    172
RJ    RAJSAMAND    “S20    22”    BEAWAR    103
“S20    22”    MERTA    111
“S20    22”    DEGANA    112
“S20    22”    JAITARAN    116
“S20    22”    BHIM    173
“S20    22”    KUMBHALGARH    174
“S20    22”    RAJSAMAND    175
“S20    22”    NATHDWARA    176
RJ    BHILWARA    “S20    23”    ASIND    177
“S20    23”    MANDAL    178
“S20    23”    SAHARA    179
“S20    23”    BHILWARA    180
“S20    23”    SHAHPURA    181
“S20    23”    JAHAZPUR    182
“S20    23”    MANDALGARH    183
“S20    23”    HINDOLI    184
RJ    KOTA    “S20    24”    KESHORAIPATAN    185
“S20    24”    BUNDI    186
“S20    24”    PIPALDA    187
“S20    24”    SANGOD    188
“S20    24”    KOTA NORTH    189
“S20    24”    KOTA SOUTH    190
“S20    24”    LADPURA    191
“S20    24”    RAMGANJ MANDI    192
RJ    JHALAWAR-BARAN    “S20    25”    ANTA    193
“S20    25”    KISHANGANJ    194
“S20    25”    BARAN-ATRU    195
“S20    25”    CHHABRA    196
“S20    25”    DAG    197
“S20    25”    JHALRAPATAN    198
“S20    25”    KHANPUR    199
“S20    25”    MANOHAR THANA    200
SK    SIKKIM    “S21    1”    YOKSAM-TASHIDING    1
“S21    1”    YANGTHANG    2
“S21    1”    MANEYBUNG-DENTAM    3
“S21    1”    GYALSHING-BARNYAK    4
“S21    1”    RINCHENPONG    5
“S21    1”    DARAMDIN    6
“S21    1”    SOREONG-CHAKUNG    7
“S21    1”    SALGHARI-ZOOM    8
“S21    1”    BARFUNG    9
“S21    1”    POKLOK-KAMRANG    10
“S21    1”    NAMCHI-SINGHITHANG    11
“S21    1”    MELLI    12
“S21    1”    NAMTHANG-RATEYPANI    13
“S21    1”    TEMI-NAMPHING    14
“S21    1”    RANGANG-YANGANG    15
“S21    1”    TUMEN-LINGI    16
“S21    1”    KHAMDONG-SINGTAM    17
“S21    1”    WEST PENDAM    18
“S21    1”    RHENOCK    19
“S21    1”    CHUJACHEN    20
“S21    1”    GNATHANG-MACHONG    21
“S21    1”    NAMCHEYBUNG    22
“S21    1”    SHYARI    23
“S21    1”    MARTAM-RUMTEK    24
“S21    1”    UPPER TADONG    25
“S21    1”    ARITHANG    26
“S21    1”    GANGTOK    27
“S21    1”    UPPER BURTUK    28
“S21    1”    KABI LUNGCHUK    29
“S21    1”    DJONGU    30
“S21    1”    LACHEN MANGAN    31
“S21    1”    SANGHA    32
“S22    1”    PONNERI    2
“S22    1”    THIRUVALLUR    4
“S22    1”    POONAMALLEE    5
“S22    1”    AVADI    6
“S22    1”    MADAVARAM    9
TN    CHENNAI NORTH    “S22    2”    TIRUVOTTIYUR    10
“S22    2”    DR.RADHAKRISHNAN NAGAR    11
“S22    2”    PERAMBUR    12
“S22    2”    KOLATHUR    13
“S22    2”    THIRU -VI -KA -NAGAR    15
“S22    2”    ROYAPURAM    17
TN    CHENNAI SOUTH    “S22    3”    VIRUGAMPAKKAM    22
“S22    3”    SAIDAPET    23
“S22    3”    THIYAGARAYANAGAR    24
“S22    3”    MYLAPORE    25
“S22    3”    VELACHERY    26
“S22    3”    SHOLINGANALLUR    27
TN    CHENNAI CENTRAL    “S22    4”    VILLIVAKKAM    14
“S22    4”    EGMORE    16
“S22    4”    HARBOUR    18
“S22    4”    THOUSAND LIGHTS    20
“S22    4”    ANNA NAGAR    21
“S22    5”    AMBATTUR    8
“S22    5”    ALANDUR    28
“S22    5”    SRIPERUMBUDUR    29
“S22    5”    PALLAVARAM    30
“S22    5”    TAMBARAM    31
TN    KANCHEEPURAM    “S22    6”    CHENGALPATTU    32
“S22    6”    THIRUPORUR    33
“S22    6”    CHEYYUR    34
“S22    6”    MADURANTAKAM    35
“S22    6”    UTHIRAMERUR    36
“S22    6”    KANCHEEPURAM    37
TN    ARAKKONAM    “S22    7”    TIRUTTANI    3
“S22    7”    ARAKKONAM    38
“S22    7”    SHOLINGUR    39
“S22    7”    KATPADI    40
“S22    7”    RANIPET    41
“S22    7”    ARCOT    42
TN    VELLORE    “S22    8”    VELLORE    43
“S22    8”    ANAIKATTU    44
“S22    8”    KILVAITHINANKUPPAM    45
“S22    8”    GUDIYATTAM    46
“S22    8”    VANIYAMBADI    47
“S22    8”    AMBUR    48
TN    KRISHNAGIRI    “S22    9”    UTHANGARAI    51
“S22    9”    BARGUR    52
“S22    9”    KRISHNAGIRI    53
“S22    9”    VEPPANAHALLI    54
“S22    9”    HOSUR    55
“S22    9”    THALLI    56
TN    DHARMAPURI    “S22    10”    PALACODU    57
“S22    10”    PENNAGARAM    58
“S22    10”    DHARMAPURI    59
“S22    10”    PAPPIREDDIPPATTI    60
“S22    10”    HARUR    61
“S22    10”    METTUR    85
TN    TIRUVANNAMALAI    “S22    11”    JOLARPET    49
“S22    11”    TIRUPPATTUR    50
“S22    11”    CHENGAM    62
“S22    11”    TIRUVANNAMALAI    63
“S22    11”    KILPENNATHUR    64
“S22    11”    KALASAPAKKAM    65
TN    ARANI    “S22    12”    POLUR    66
“S22    12”    ARANI    67
“S22    12”    CHEYYAR    68
“S22    12”    VANDAVASI    69
“S22    12”    GINGEE    70
“S22    12”    MAILAM    71
TN    VILUPPURAM    “S22    13”    TINDIVANAM    72
“S22    13”    VANUR    73
“S22    13”    VILUPPURAM    74
“S22    13”    VIKRAVANDI    75
“S22    13”    THIRUKOILUR    76
“S22    13”    ULUNDURPETTAI    77
TN    KALLAKURICHI    “S22    14”    RISHIVANDIYAM    78
“S22    14”    SANKARAPURAM    79
“S22    14”    KALLAKURICHI    80
“S22    14”    GANGAVALLI    81
“S22    14”    ATTUR    82
“S22    14”    YERCAUD    83
TN    SALEM    “S22    15”    OMALUR    84
“S22    15”    EDAPPADI    86
“S22    15”    SALEM (WEST)    88
“S22    15”    SALEM (NORTH)    89
“S22    15”    SALEM (SOUTH)    90
“S22    15”    VEERAPANDI    91
TN    NAMAKKAL    “S22    16”    SANKARI    87
“S22    16”    RASIPURAM    92
“S22    16”    SENTHAMANGALAM    93
“S22    16”    NAMAKKAL    94
“S22    16”    PARAMATHI-VELUR    95
“S22    16”    TIRUCHENGODU    96
TN    ERODE    “S22    17”    KUMARAPALAYAM    97
“S22    17”    ERODE (EAST)    98
“S22    17”    ERODE (WEST)    99
“S22    17”    MODAKURICHI    100
“S22    17”    DHARAPURAM    101
“S22    17”    KANGAYAM    102
TN    TIRUPPUR    “S22    18”    PERUNDURAI    103
“S22    18”    BHAVANI    104
“S22    18”    ANTHIYUR    105
“S22    18”    GOBICHETTIPALAYAM    106
“S22    18”    TIRUPPUR (NORTH)    113
“S22    18”    TIRUPPUR (SOUTH)    114
TN    NILGIRIS    “S22    19”    BHAVANISAGAR    107
“S22    19”    UDHAGAMANDALAM    108
“S22    19”    GUDALUR    109
“S22    19”    COONOOR    110
“S22    19”    METTUPPALAYAM    111
“S22    19”    AVANASHI    112
TN    COIMBATORE    “S22    20”    PALLADAM    115
“S22    20”    SULUR    116
“S22    20”    KAVUNDAMPALAYAM    117
“S22    20”    COIMBATORE (NORTH)    118
“S22    20”    COIMBATORE (SOUTH)    120
“S22    20”    SINGANALLUR    121
TN    POLLACHI    “S22    21”    THONDAMUTHUR    119
“S22    21”    KINATHUKADAVU    122
“S22    21”    POLLACHI    123
“S22    21”    VALPARAI    124
“S22    21”    UDUMALAIPETTAI    125
“S22    21”    MADATHUKULAM    126
TN    DINDIGUL    “S22    22”    PALANI    127
“S22    22”    ODDANCHATRAM    128
“S22    22”    ATHOOR    129
“S22    22”    NILAKKOTTAI    130
“S22    22”    NATHAM    131
“S22    22”    DINDIGUL    132
TN    KARUR    “S22    23”    VEDASANDUR    133
“S22    23”    ARAVAKURICHI    134
“S22    23”    KARUR    135
“S22    23”    KRISHNARAYAPURAM    136
“S22    23”    MANAPPARAI    138
“S22    23”    VIRALIMALAI    179
TN    TIRUCHIRAPPALLI    “S22    24”    SRIRANGAM    139
“S22    24”    TIRUCHIRAPPALLI (WEST)    140
“S22    24”    TIRUCHIRAPPALLI (EAST)    141
“S22    24”    THIRUVERUMBUR    142
“S22    24”    GANDARVAKOTTAI    178
“S22    24”    PUDUKKOTTAI    180
TN    PERAMBALUR    “S22    25”    KULITHALAI    137
“S22    25”    LALGUDI    143
“S22    25”    MANACHANALLUR    144
“S22    25”    MUSIRI    145
“S22    25”    THURAIYUR    146
“S22    25”    PERAMBALUR    147
TN    CUDDALORE    “S22    26”    TITTAKUDI    151
“S22    26”    VRIDDHACHALAM    152
“S22    26”    NEYVELI    153
“S22    26”    PANRUTI    154
“S22    26”    CUDDALORE    155
“S22    26”    KURINJIPADI    156
TN    CHIDAMBARAM    “S22    27”    KUNNAM    148
“S22    27”    ARIYALUR    149
“S22    27”    JAYANKONDAM    150
“S22    27”    BHUVANAGIRI    157
“S22    27”    CHIDAMBARAM    158
“S22    27”    KATTUMANNARKOIL    159
TN    MAYILADUTHURAI    “S22    28”    SIRKAZHI    160
“S22    28”    MAYILADUTHURAI    161
“S22    28”    POOMPUHAR    162
“S22    28”    THIRUVIDAIMARUDUR    170
“S22    28”    KUMBAKONAM    171
“S22    28”    PAPANASAM    172
TN    NAGAPATTINAM    “S22    29”    NAGAPATTINAM    163
“S22    29”    KILVELUR    164
“S22    29”    VEDARANYAM    165
“S22    29”    THIRUTHURAIPOONDI    166
“S22    29”    THIRUVARUR    168
“S22    29”    NANNILAM    169
TN    THANJAVUR    “S22    30”    MANNARGUDI    167
“S22    30”    THIRUVAIYARU    173
“S22    30”    THANJAVUR    174
“S22    30”    ORATTANADU    175
“S22    30”    PATTUKKOTTAI    176
“S22    30”    PERAVURANI    177
TN    SIVAGANGA    “S22    31”    THIRUMAYAM    181
“S22    31”    ALANGUDI    182
“S22    31”    KARAIKUDI    184
“S22    31”    TIRUPPATTUR    185
“S22    31”    SIVAGANGA    186
“S22    31”    MANAMADURAI    187
TN    MADURAI    “S22    32”    MELUR    188
“S22    32”    MADURAI EAST    189
“S22    32”    MADURAI NORTH    191
“S22    32”    MADURAI SOUTH    192
“S22    32”    MADURAI CENTRAL    193
“S22    32”    MADURAI WEST    194
TN    THENI    “S22    33”    SHOLAVANDAN    190
“S22    33”    USILAMPATTI    197
“S22    33”    ANDIPATTI    198
“S22    33”    PERIYAKULAM    199
“S22    33”    BODINAYACKANUR    200
“S22    33”    CUMBUM    201
“S22    34”    THIRUMANGALAM    196
“S22    34”    SATTUR    204
“S22    34”    SIVAKASI    205
“S22    34”    VIRUDHUNAGAR    206
“S22    34”    ARUPPUKKOTTAI    207
TN    RAMANATHAPURAM    “S22    35”    ARANTHANGI    183
“S22    35”    TIRUCHULI    208
“S22    35”    PARAMAKUDI    209
“S22    35”    TIRUVADANAI    210
“S22    35”    RAMANATHAPURAM    211
“S22    35”    MUDHUKULATHUR    212
TN    THOOTHUKKUDI    “S22    36”    VILATHIKULAM    213
“S22    36”    THOOTHUKKUDI    214
“S22    36”    TIRUCHENDUR    215
“S22    36”    SRIVAIKUNTAM    216
“S22    36”    OTTAPIDARAM    217
“S22    36”    KOVILPATTI    218
TN    TENKASI    “S22    37”    RAJAPALAYAM    202
“S22    37”    SRIVILLIPUTHUR    203
“S22    37”    SANKARANKOVIL    219
“S22    37”    VASUDEVANALLUR    220
“S22    37”    KADAYANALLUR    221
“S22    37”    TENKASI    222
TN    TIRUNELVELI    “S22    38”    ALANGULAM    223
“S22    38”    TIRUNELVELI    224
“S22    38”    AMBASAMUDRAM    225
“S22    38”    PALAYAMKOTTAI    226
“S22    38”    NANGUNERI    227
“S22    38”    RADHAPURAM    228
TN    KANNIYAKUMARI    “S22    39”    KANNIYAKUMARI    229
“S22    39”    NAGERCOIL    230
“S22    39”    COLACHEL    231
“S22    39”    PADMANABHAPURAM    232
“S22    39”    VILAVANCODE    233
“S22    39”    KILLIYOOR    234
TR    TRIPURA WEST    “S23    1”    SIMNA    1
“S23    1”    MOHANPUR    2
“S23    1”    BAMUTIA    3
“S23    1”    BARJALA    4
“S23    1”    KHAYERPUR    5
“S23    1”    AGARTALA    6
“S23    1”    RAMNAGAR    7
“S23    1”    TOWN BORDOWALI    8
“S23    1”    BANAMALIPUR    9
“S23    1”    MAJLISHPUR    10
“S23    1”    MANDAIBAZAR    11
“S23    1”    TAKARJALA    12
“S23    1”    PRATAPGARH    13
“S23    1”    BADHARGHAT    14
“S23    1”    KAMALASAGAR    15
“S23    1”    BISHALGARH    16
“S23    1”    GOLAGHATI    17
“S23    1”    SURYAMANINAGAR    18
“S23    1”    CHARILAM    19
“S23    1”    BOXANAGAR    20
“S23    1”    NALCHAR    21
“S23    1”    SONAMURA    22
“S23    1”    DHANPUR    23
“S23    1”    BAGMA    30
“S23    1”    RADHAKISHOREPUR    31
“S23    1”    MATARBARI    32
“S23    1”    KAKRABAN-SALGARH    33
“S23    1”    RAJNAGAR    34
“S23    1”    BELONIA    35
“S23    1”    SANTIRBAZAR    36
TR    TRIPURA EAST    “S23    2”    RAMCHANDRAGHAT    24
“S23    2”    KHOWAI    25
“S23    2”    ASHARAMBARI    26
“S23    2”    TELIAMURA    28
“S23    2”    KRISHNAPUR    29
“S23    2”    HRISHYAMUKH    37
“S23    2”    JOLAIBARI    38
“S23    2”    MANU    39
“S23    2”    SABROOM    40
“S23    2”    AMPINAGAR    41
“S23    2”    AMARPUR    42
“S23    2”    KARBOOK    43
“S23    2”    RAIMA VALLEY    44
“S23    2”    KAMALPUR    45
“S23    2”    SURMA    46
“S23    2”    AMBASSA    47
“S23    2”    KARMACHHARA    48
“S23    2”    CHAWAMANU    49
“S23    2”    PABIACHHARA    50
“S23    2”    FATIKROY    51
“S23    2”    CHANDIPUR    52
“S23    2”    KAILASHAHAR    53
“S23    2”    KADAMTALA-KURTI    54
“S23    2”    BAGBASSA    55
“S23    2”    DHARMANAGAR    56
“S23    2”    JUBARAJNAGAR    57
“S23    2”    PANISAGAR    58
“S23    2”    PENCHARTHAL    59
“S23    2”    KANCHANPUR    60
UP    SAHARANPUR    “S24    1”    BEHAT    1
“S24    1”    SAHARANPUR NAGAR    3
“S24    1”    SAHARANPUR    4
“S24    1”    DEOBAND    5
“S24    1”    RAMPUR MANIHARAN    6
UP    KAIRANA    “S24    2”    NAKUR    2
“S24    2”    GANGOH    7
“S24    2”    KAIRANA    8
“S24    2”    THANA BHAWAN    9
“S24    2”    SHAMLI    10
UP    MUZAFFARNAGAR    “S24    3”    BUDHANA    11
“S24    3”    CHARTHAWAL    12
“S24    3”    MUZAFFAR NAGAR    14
“S24    3”    KHATAULI    15
“S24    3”    SARDHANA    44
UP    BIJNOR    “S24    4”    PURQAZI    13
“S24    4”    MEERAPUR    16
“S24    4”    BIJNOR    22
“S24    4”    CHANDPUR    23
“S24    4”    HASTINAPUR    45
UP    NAGINA    “S24    5”    NAJIBABAD    17
“S24    5”    NAGINA    18
“S24    5”    DHAMPUR    20
“S24    5”    NEHTAUR    21
“S24    5”    NOORPUR    24
UP    MORADABAD    “S24    6”    BARHAPUR    19
“S24    6”    KANTH    25
“S24    6”    THKURDWARA    26
“S24    6”    MORADABAD RURAL    27
“S24    6”    MORADABAD NAGAR    28
UP    RAMPUR    “S24    7”    SUAR    34
“S24    7”    CHAMRAUA    35
“S24    7”    BILASPUR    36
“S24    7”    RAMPUR    37
“S24    7”    MILAK    38
UP    SAMBHAL    “S24    8”    KUNDARKI    29
“S24    8”    BILARI    30
“S24    8”    CHANDAUSI    31
“S24    8”    ASMOLI    32
“S24    8”    SAMBHAL    33
UP    AMROHA    “S24    9”    DHANAURA    39
“S24    9”    NAUGAWAN SADAT    40
“S24    9”    AMROHA    41
“S24    9”    HASANPUR    42
“S24    9”    GARHMUKTESHWAR    60
UP    MEERUT    “S24    10”    KITHORE    46
“S24    10”    MEERUT CANTT.    47
“S24    10”    MEERUT    48
“S24    10”    MEERUT SOUTH    49
“S24    10”    HAPUR    59
UP    BAGHPAT    “S24    11”    SIWAL KHAS    43
“S24    11”    CHHAPRAULI    50
“S24    11”    BARAUT    51
“S24    11”    BAGHPAT    52
“S24    11”    MONI NAGAR    57
UP    GHAZIABAD    “S24    12”    LONI    53
“S24    12”    MURADNAGAR    54
“S24    12”    SAHIBABAD    55
“S24    12”    GAZIABAD    56
“S24    12”    DHOLANA    58
UP    GAUTAM BUDDH NAGAR    “S24    13”    NOIDA    61
“S24    13”    DADRI    62
“S24    13”    JEWAR    63
“S24    13”    SIKANDRABAD    64
“S24    13”    KHURJA    70
UP    BULANDSHAHR    “S24    14”    BULANDSHAHR    65
“S24    14”    SYANA    66
“S24    14”    ANUPSHAHR    67
“S24    14”    DEBAI    68
“S24    14”    SHIKARPUR    69
UP    ALIGARH    “S24    15”    KHAIR    71
“S24    15”    BARAULI    72
“S24    15”    ATRAULI    73
“S24    15”    KOIL    75
“S24    15”    ALIGARH    76
UP    HATHRAS    “S24    16”    CHHARRA    74
“S24    16”    IGLAS    77
“S24    16”    HATHRAS    78
“S24    16”    SADABAD    79
“S24    16”    SIKANDRA RAO    80
UP    MATHURA    “S24    17”    CHHATA    81
“S24    17”    MANT    82
“S24    17”    GOVERDHAN    83
“S24    17”    MATHURA    84
“S24    17”    BALDEV    85
UP    AGRA    “S24    18”    ETMADPUR    86
“S24    18”    AGRA CANTT.    87
“S24    18”    AGRA SOUTH    88
“S24    18”    AGRA NORTH    89
“S24    18”    JALESAR    106
UP    FATEHPUR SIKRI    “S24    19”    AGRA RURAL    90
“S24    19”    FATEHPUR SIKARI    91
“S24    19”    KHERAGARH    92
“S24    19”    FATEHABAD    93
“S24    19”    BAH    94
UP    FIROZABAD    “S24    20”    TUNDLA    95
“S24    20”    JASRANA    96
“S24    20”    FIROZABAD    97
“S24    20”    SHIKOHABAD    98
“S24    20”    SIRSAGANJ    99
UP    MAINPURI    “S24    21”    MAINPURI    107
“S24    21”    BHONGAON    108
“S24    21”    KISHANI    109
“S24    21”    KARHAL    110
“S24    21”    JASWANTNAGAR    199
UP    ETAH    “S24    22”    KASGANJ    100
“S24    22”    AMANPUR    101
“S24    22”    PATIYALI    102
“S24    22”    ETAH    104
“S24    22”    MARHARA    105
UP    BADAUN    “S24    23”    GUNNAUR    111
“S24    23”    BISAULI    112
“S24    23”    SAHASWAN    113
“S24    23”    BILSI    114
“S24    23”    BUDAUN    115
UP    AONLA    “S24    24”    SHEKHUPUR    116
“S24    24”    DATAGANJ    117
“S24    24”    FARIDPUR    122
“S24    24”    BITHARI CHAINPUR    123
“S24    24”    AONLA    126
UP    BAREILLY    “S24    25”    MEERGANJ    119
“S24    25”    GHOJIPURA    120
“S24    25”    NAWABGANJ    121
“S24    25”    BAREILLY    124
“S24    25”    BARELLY CANTT.    125
UP    PILIBHIT    “S24    26”    BAHERI    118
“S24    26”    PILIBHIT    127
“S24    26”    BARKHERA    128
“S24    26”    PURANPUR    129
“S24    26”    BISALPUR    130
UP    SHAHJAHANPUR    “S24    27”    KATRA    131
“S24    27”    JALALABAD    132
“S24    27”    TILHAR    133
“S24    27”    POWAYAN    134
“S24    27”    SHAHJAHANPUR    135
“S24    27”    DADRAUL    136
UP    KHERI    “S24    28”    PALIA    137
“S24    28”    NIGHASAN    138
“S24    28”    GOLA GOKRANNATH    139
“S24    28”    SRI NAGAR    140
“S24    28”    LAKHIMPUR    142
UP    DHAURAHRA    “S24    29”    DHAURAHRA    141
“S24    29”    KASTA    143
“S24    29”    MOHAMMDI    144
“S24    29”    MAHOLI    145
“S24    29”    HARGAON    147
UP    SITAPUR    “S24    30”    SITAPUR    146
“S24    30”    LAHARPUR    148
“S24    30”    BISWAN    149
“S24    30”    SEVATA    150
“S24    30”    MAHMOODABAD    151
UP    HARDOI    “S24    31”    SAWAIJPUR    154
“S24    31”    SHAHABAD    155
“S24    31”    HARDOI    156
“S24    31”    GOPAMAU    157
“S24    31”    SANDI    158
UP    MISRIKH    “S24    32”    MISRIKH    153
“S24    32”    BILGRAM-MALLANWAN    159
“S24    32”    BALAMAU    160
“S24    32”    SANDILA    161
“S24    32”    BILHAUR    209
UP    UNNAO    “S24    33”    BANGARMAU    162
“S24    33”    SAFIPUR    163
“S24    33”    MOHAN    164
“S24    33”    UNNAO    165
“S24    33”    BHAGWANTNAGAR    166
“S24    33”    PURWA    167
UP    MOHANLALGANJ    “S24    34”    SIDHAULI    152
“S24    34”    MALIHABAD    168
“S24    34”    BAKSHI KAA TALAB    169
“S24    34”    SAROJINI NAGAR    170
“S24    34”    MOHANLALGANJ    176
UP    LUCKNOW    “S24    35”    LUCKNOW WEST    171
“S24    35”    LUCKNOW NORTH    172
“S24    35”    LUCKNOW EAST    173
“S24    35”    LUCKNOW CENTRAL    174
“S24    35”    LUCKNOW CANTT.    175
UP    RAE BARELI    “S24    36”    BACHHRAWAN    177
“S24    36”    HARCHANDPUR    179
“S24    36”    RAE BARELI    180
“S24    36”    SARENI    182
“S24    36”    UNCHAHAR    183
UP    AMETHI    “S24    37”    TILOI    178
“S24    37”    SALON    181
“S24    37”    JAGDISHPUR    184
“S24    37”    GAURIGANJ    185
“S24    37”    AMETHI    186
UP    SULTANPUR    “S24    38”    ISAULI    187
“S24    38”    SULTANPUR    188
“S24    38”    SADAR    189
“S24    38”    LAMBHUA    190
“S24    38”    KADIPUR    191
UP    PRATAPGARH    “S24    39”    RAMPUR KHAS    244
“S24    39”    BISHWAVNATHGANJ    247
“S24    39”    PRATAPGARH    248
“S24    39”    PATTI    249
“S24    39”    RANIGANJ    250
UP    FARRUKHABAD    “S24    40”    ALIGANJ    103
“S24    40”    KAIMGANJ    192
“S24    40”    AMRITPUR    193
“S24    40”    FARRUKHABAD    194
“S24    40”    BHOJPUR    195
UP    ETAWAH    “S24    41”    ETAWAH    200
“S24    41”    BHARTHANA    201
“S24    41”    DIBIYAPUR    203
“S24    41”    AURAIYA    204
“S24    41”    SIKANDRA    207
UP    KANNAUJ    “S24    42”    CHHIBRAMAU    196
“S24    42”    TIRWA    197
“S24    42”    KANNAUJ    198
“S24    42”    BIDHUNA    202
“S24    42”    RASULABAD    205
UP    KANPUR    “S24    43”    GOVINDNAGAR    212
“S24    43”    SISHAMAU    213
“S24    43”    ARYA NAGAR    214
“S24    43”    DIDWAI NAGAR    215
“S24    43”    KANPUR CANTT.    216
UP    AKBARPUR    “S24    44”    AKBARPUR – RANIYA    206
“S24    44”    BITHOOR    210
“S24    44”    KALYANPUR    211
“S24    44”    MAHARAJPUR    217
“S24    44”    GHATAMPUR    218
UP    JALAUN    “S24    45”    BHOGNIPUR    208
“S24    45”    MADHAUGARH    219
“S24    45”    KALPI    220
“S24    45”    ORAI    221
“S24    45”    GARAUTHA    225
UP    JHANSI    “S24    46”    BABINA    222
“S24    46”    JHANSI NAGAR    223
“S24    46”    MAURANIPUR    224
“S24    46”    LALITPUR    226
“S24    46”    MEHRONI    227
UP    HAMIRPUR    “S24    47”    HAMIRPUR    228
“S24    47”    RATH    229
“S24    47”    MAHOBA    230
“S24    47”    CHARKHARI    231
“S24    47”    TINDWARI    232
UP    BANDA    “S24    48”    BABERU    233
“S24    48”    NARAINI    234
“S24    48”    BANDA    235
“S24    48”    CHITRAKOOT    236
“S24    48”    MANIKPUR    237
UP    FATEHPUR    “S24    49”    JAHANABAD    238
“S24    49”    BINKDI    239
“S24    49”    FATEHPUR    240
“S24    49”    AYAH SHAH    241
“S24    49”    HUSAINGANJ    242
“S24    49”    KHAGA    243
UP    KAUSHAMBI    “S24    50”    BABAGANJ    245
“S24    50”    KUNDA    246
“S24    50”    SIRATHU    251
“S24    50”    MANJHANPUR    252
“S24    50”    CHAIL    253
UP    PHULPUR    “S24    51”    PHAPHAMAU    254
“S24    51”    SORAON    255
“S24    51”    PHULPUR    256
“S24    51”    ALLAHABAD WEST    261
“S24    51”    ALLAHABAD NORTH    262
UP    ALLAHABAD    “S24    52”    MEJA    259
“S24    52”    KARCHHANA    260
“S24    52”    ALLAHABAD SOUTH    263
“S24    52”    BARA    264
“S24    52”    KORAON    265
UP    BARABANKI    “S24    53”    KURSI    266
“S24    53”    RAM NAGAR    267
“S24    53”    BARABANKI    268
“S24    53”    ZAIDPUR    269
“S24    53”    HAIDERGARH    272
UP    FAIZABAD    “S24    54”    DARIYABAD    270
“S24    54”    RUDAULI    271
“S24    54”    MILKIPUR    273
“S24    54”    BIKAPUR    274
“S24    54”    AYODHYA    275
UP    AMBEDKAR NAGAR    “S24    55”    GOSHAINGANJ    276
“S24    55”    KATEHARI    277
“S24    55”    TANDA    278
“S24    55”    JALALPUR    280
“S24    55”    AKBARPUR    281
UP    BAHRAICH    “S24    56”    BALHA    282
“S24    56”    NANPARA    283
“S24    56”    MATERA    284
“S24    56”    MAHSI    285
“S24    56”    BAHRAICH    286
UP    KAISERGANJ    “S24    57”    PAYAGPUR    287
“S24    57”    KAISERGANJ    288
“S24    57”    KATRA BAZAR    297
“S24    57”    COLONELGANJ    298
“S24    57”    TARABGANJ    299
UP    SHRAWASTI    “S24    58”    BHINGA    289
“S24    58”    SHRAWASTI    290
“S24    58”    TULSIPUR    291
“S24    58”    GAINSARI    292
“S24    58”    BALRAMPUR    294
UP    GONDA    “S24    59”    UTRAULA    293
“S24    59”    MEHNAUN    295
“S24    59”    GONDA    296
“S24    59”    MANKAPUR    300
“S24    59”    GAURA    301
UP    DOMARIYAGANJ    “S24    60”    SHOHRATGARH    302
“S24    60”    KAPILVASTU    303
“S24    60”    BANSI    304
“S24    60”    ITWA    305
“S24    60”    DUMARIYAGANJ    306
UP    BASTI    “S24    61”    HARRAIYA    307
“S24    61”    KAPTANGANJ    308
“S24    61”    RUDHAULI    309
“S24    61”    BASTI SADAR    310
“S24    61”    MAHADEWA    311
UP    SANT KABIR NAGAR    “S24    62”    ALAPUR    279
“S24    62”    MENHDAWAL    312
“S24    62”    KHALILABAD    313
“S24    62”    DHANGHATA    314
“S24    62”    KHAJNI    325
UP    MAHARAJGANJ    “S24    63”    PHARENDA    315
“S24    63”    NAUTANWA    316
“S24    63”    SISWA    317
“S24    63”    MAHARAJGANJ    318
“S24    63”    PANIYARA    319
UP    GORAKHPUR    “S24    64”    CAIMPIYARGANJ    320
“S24    64”    PIPRAICH    321
“S24    64”    GORAKHPUR URBAN    322
“S24    64”    GORAKHPUR RURAL    323
“S24    64”    SAHAJANWA    324
UP    KUSHI NAGAR    “S24    65”    KHADDA    329
“S24    65”    PADRAUNA    330
“S24    65”    KUSHINAGAR    333
“S24    65”    HATA    334
“S24    65”    RAMKOLA    335
UP    DEORIA    “S24    66”    TAMKUHI RAJ    331
“S24    66”    FAZILNAGAR    332
“S24    66”    DEORIA    337
“S24    66”    PATHARDEVA    338
“S24    66”    RAMPUR KARKHANA    339
UP    BANSGAON    “S24    67”    CHAURI-CHAURA    326
“S24    67”    BANSGAON    327
“S24    67”    CHILLUPAR    328
“S24    67”    RUDRAPUR    336
“S24    67”    BARHAJ    342
UP    LALGANJ    “S24    68”    ATRAULIYA    343
“S24    68”    NIZAMABAD    348
“S24    68”    PHOOLPUR PAWAI    349
“S24    68”    DIDARGANJ    350
“S24    68”    LALGANJ    351
UP    AZAMGARH    “S24    69”    GOPALPUR    344
“S24    69”    SAGRI    345
“S24    69”    MUBARAKPUR    346
“S24    69”    AZAMGARH    347
“S24    69”    MEHNAGAR    352
UP    GHOSI    “S24    70”    MADHUBAN    353
“S24    70”    GHOSI    354
“S24    70”    MUHAMMADABAD- GOHNA    355
“S24    70”    MAU    356
“S24    70”    RASARA    358
UP    SALEMPUR    “S24    71”    BHATPAR RANI    340
“S24    71”    SALEMPUR    341
“S24    71”    BELTHARA ROAD    357
“S24    71”    SIKANDARPUR    359
“S24    71”    BANSDEEH    362
UP    BALLIA    “S24    72”    PHEPHANA    360
“S24    72”    BALLIA NAGAR    361
“S24    72”    BAIRIA    363
“S24    72”    ZAHOORABAD    377
“S24    72”    MOHAMMADABAD    378
UP    JAUNPUR    “S24    73”    BADLAPUR    364
“S24    73”    SHAHGANJ    365
“S24    73”    JAUNPUR    366
“S24    73”    MALHANI    367
“S24    73”    MUNGRA BADSHAHPUR    368
UP    MACHHLISHAHR    “S24    74”    MACHHLISHAHR    369
“S24    74”    MARIYAHU    370
“S24    74”    ZAFRABAD    371
“S24    74”    KERAKAT    372
“S24    74”    PINDRA    384
UP    GHAZIPUR    “S24    75”    JAKHANIAN    373
“S24    75”    SAIDPUR    374
“S24    75”    GHAZIPUR    375
“S24    75”    JANGIPUR    376
“S24    75”    ZAMANIA    379
UP    CHANDAULI    “S24    76”    MUGHALSARAI    380
“S24    76”    SAKALDIHA    381
“S24    76”    SAIYADRAJA    382
“S24    76”    AJAGARA    385
“S24    76”    SHIVPUR    386
UP    VARANASI    “S24    77”    ROHANIYA    387
“S24    77”    VARANASI NORTH    388
“S24    77”    VARANASI SOUTH    389
“S24    77”    VARANASI CANTT.    390
“S24    77”    SEVAPURI    391
UP    BHADOHI    “S24    78”    PRATAPPUR    257
“S24    78”    HANDIA    258
“S24    78”    BHADOHI    392
“S24    78”    GYANPUR    393
“S24    78”    AURAI    394
UP    MIRZAPUR    “S24    79”    CHHANBEY    395
“S24    79”    MIRZAPUR    396
“S24    79”    MAJHAWAN    397
“S24    79”    CHUNAR    398
“S24    79”    MARIHAN    399
UP    ROBERTSGANJ    “S24    80”    CHAKIA    383
“S24    80”    GHORAWAL    400
“S24    80”    ROBERTSGANJ    401
“S24    80”    OBRA    402
“S24    80”    DUDDHI    403
WB    COOCH BEHAR    “S25    1”    MATHABHANGA    2
“S25    1”    COOCH BEHAR UTTAR    3
“S25    1”    COOCH BEHAR DAKSHIN    4
“S25    1”    SITALKUCHI    5
“S25    1”    SITAI    6
“S25    1”    DINHATA    7
“S25    1”    NATABARI    8
WB    ALIPURDUARS    “S25    2”    TUFANGANJ    9
“S25    2”    KUMARGRAM    10
“S25    2”    KALCHINI    11
“S25    2”    ALIPURDUARS    12
“S25    2”    FALAKATA    13
“S25    2”    MADARIHAT    14
“S25    2”    NAGRAKATA    21
WB    JALPAIGURI    “S25    3”    MEKLIGANJ    1
“S25    3”    DHUPGURI    15
“S25    3”    MAYNAGURI    16
“S25    3”    JALPAIGURI    17
“S25    3”    RAJGANJ    18
“S25    3”    DABGRAM-PHULBARI    19
“S25    3”    MAL    20
WB    DARJEELING    “S25    4”    KALIMPONG    22
“S25    4”    DARJEELING    23
“S25    4”    KURSEONG    24
“S25    4”    MATIGARA-NAXALBARI    25
“S25    4”    SILIGURI    26
“S25    4”    PHANSIDEWA    27
“S25    4”    CHOPRA    28
WB    RAIGANJ    “S25    5”    ISLAMPUR    29
“S25    5”    GOALPOKHAR    30
“S25    5”    CHAKULIA    31
“S25    5”    KARANDIGHI    32
“S25    5”    HEMTABAD    33
“S25    5”    KALIAGANJ    34
“S25    5”    RAIGANJ    35
WB    BALURGHAT    “S25    6”    ITAHAR    36
“S25    6”    KUSHMANDI    37
“S25    6”    KUMARGANJ    38
“S25    6”    BALURGHAT    39
“S25    6”    TAPAN    40
“S25    6”    GANGARAMPUR    41
“S25    6”    HARIRAMPUR    42
WB    MALDAHA UTTAR    “S25    7”    HABIBPUR    43
“S25    7”    GAZOLE    44
“S25    7”    CHANCHAL    45
“S25    7”    HARISCHANDRAPUR    46
“S25    7”    MALATIPUR    47
“S25    7”    RATUA    48
“S25    7”    MALDAHA    50
WB    MALDAHA DAKSHIN    “S25    8”    MANIKCHAK    49
“S25    8”    ENGLISHBAZAR    51
“S25    8”    MOTHABARI    52
“S25    8”    SUJAPUR    53
“S25    8”    BAISNABNAGAR    54
“S25    8”    FARAKKA    55
“S25    8”    SAMSERGANJ    56
WB    JANGIPUR    “S25    9”    SUTI    57
“S25    9”    JANGIPUR    58
“S25    9”    RAGHUNATHGANJ    59
“S25    9”    SAGARDIGHI    60
“S25    9”    LALGOLA    61
“S25    9”    NABAGRAM    65
“S25    9”    KHARGRAM    66
WB    BAHARAMPUR    “S25    10”    BURWAN    67
“S25    10”    KANDI    68
“S25    10”    BHARATPUR    69
“S25    10”    REJINAGAR    70
“S25    10”    BELDANGA    71
“S25    10”    BAHARAMPUR    72
“S25    10”    NAODA    74
WB    MURSHIDABAD    “S25    11”    BHAGABANGOLA    62
“S25    11”    RANINAGAR    63
“S25    11”    MURSHIDABAD    64
“S25    11”    HARIHARPARA    73
“S25    11”    DOMKAL    75
“S25    11”    JALANGI    76
“S25    11”    KARIMPUR    77
WB    KRISHNANAGAR    “S25    12”    TEHATTA    78
“S25    12”    PALASHIPARA    79
“S25    12”    KALIGANJ    80
“S25    12”    NAKASHIPARA    81
“S25    12”    CHAPRA    82
“S25    12”    KRISHNANAGAR UTTAR    83
“S25    12”    KRISHNANAGAR DAKSHIN    85
WB    RANAGHAT    “S25    13”    NABADWIP    84
“S25    13”    SANTIPUR    86
“S25    13”    RANAGHAT UTTAR PASCHIM    87
“S25    13”    KRISHNAGANJ    88
“S25    13”    RANAGHAT UTTAR PURBA    89
“S25    13”    RANAGHAT DAKSHIN    90
“S25    13”    CHAKDAHA    91
WB    BANGAON    “S25    14”    KALYANI    92
“S25    14”    HARINGHATA    93
“S25    14”    BAGDA    94
“S25    14”    BANGAON UTTAR    95
“S25    14”    BANGAON DAKSHIN    96
“S25    14”    GAIGHATA    97
“S25    14”    SWARUPNAGAR    98
WB    BARRACKPORE    “S25    15”    AMDANGA    102
“S25    15”    BIJPUR    103
“S25    15”    NAIHATI    104
“S25    15”    BHATPARA    105
“S25    15”    JAGATDAL    106
“S25    15”    NOAPARA    107
“S25    15”    BARRACKPUR    108
WB    DUM DUM    “S25    16”    KHARDAHA    109
“S25    16”    DUM DUM UTTAR    110
“S25    16”    PANIHATI    111
“S25    16”    KAMARHATI    112
“S25    16”    BARANAGAR    113
“S25    16”    DUM DUM    114
“S25    16”    RAJARHAT GOPALPUR    117
WB    BARASAT    “S25    17”    HABRA    100
“S25    17”    ASHOKNAGAR    101
“S25    17”    RAJARHAT NEW TOWN    115
“S25    17”    BIDHANNAGAR    116
“S25    17”    MADHYAMGRAM    118
“S25    17”    BARASAT    119
“S25    17”    DEGANGA    120
WB    BASIRHAT    “S25    18”    BADURIA    99
“S25    18”    HAROA    121
“S25    18”    MINAKHAN    122
“S25    18”    SANDESHKHALI    123
“S25    18”    BASIRHAT DAKSHIN    124
“S25    18”    BASIRHAT UTTAR    125
“S25    18”    HINGALGANJ    126
WB    JOYNAGAR    “S25    19”    GOSABA    127
“S25    19”    BASANTI    128
“S25    19”    KULTALI    129
“S25    19”    JOYNAGAR    136
“S25    19”    CANNING PASCHIM    138
“S25    19”    CANNING PURBA    139
“S25    19”    MAGRAHAT PURBA    141
WB    MATHURAPUR    “S25    20”    PATHARPRATIMA    130
“S25    20”    KAKDWIP    131
“S25    20”    SAGAR    132
“S25    20”    KULPI    133
“S25    20”    RAIDIGHI    134
“S25    20”    MANDIRBAZAR    135
“S25    20”    MAGRAHAT PASCHIM    142
WB    DIAMOND HARBOUR    “S25    21”    DIAMOND HARBOUR    143
“S25    21”    FALTA    144
“S25    21”    SATGACHHIA    145
“S25    21”    BISHNUPUR    146
“S25    21”    MAHESHTALA    155
“S25    21”    BUDGE BUDGE    156
“S25    21”    METIABURUZ    157
WB    JADAVPUR    “S25    22”    BARUIPUR PURBA    137
“S25    22”    BARUIPUR PASCHIM    140
“S25    22”    SONARPUR DAKSHIN    147
“S25    22”    BHANGAR    148
“S25    22”    JADAVPUR    150
“S25    22”    SONARPUR UTTAR    151
“S25    22”    TOLLYGANJ    152
WB    KOLKATA DAKSHIN    “S25    23”    KASBA    149
“S25    23”    BEHALA PURBA    153
“S25    23”    BEHALA PASCHIM    154
“S25    23”    KOLKATA PORT    158
“S25    23”    BHABANIPUR    159
“S25    23”    RASHBEHARI    160
“S25    23”    BALLYGUNGE    161
WB    KOLKATA UTTAR    “S25    24”    CHOWRANGEE    162
“S25    24”    ENTALLY    163
“S25    24”    BELEGHATA    164
“S25    24”    JORASANKO    165
“S25    24”    SHYAMPUKUR    166
“S25    24”    MANIKTOLA    167
“S25    24”    KASHIPUR-BELGACHHIA    168
WB    HOWRAH    “S25    25”    BALLY    169
“S25    25”    HOWRAH UTTAR    170
“S25    25”    HOWRAH MADHYA    171
“S25    25”    SHIBPUR    172
“S25    25”    HOWRAH DAKSHIN    173
“S25    25”    SANKRAIL    174
“S25    25”    PANCHLA    175
WB    ULUBERIA    “S25    26”    ULUBERIA PURBA    176
“S25    26”    ULUBERIA UTTAR    177
“S25    26”    ULUBERIA DAKSHIN    178
“S25    26”    SHYAMPUR    179
“S25    26”    BAGNAN    180
“S25    26”    AMTA    181
“S25    26”    UDAYNARAYANPUR    182
WB    SRERAMPUR    “S25    27”    JAGATBALLAVPUR    183
“S25    27”    DOMJUR    184
“S25    27”    UTTARPARA    185
“S25    27”    SREERAMPUR    186
“S25    27”    CHAMPDANI    187
“S25    27”    CHANDITALA    194
“S25    27”    JANGIPARA    195
WB    HOOGHLY    “S25    28”    SINGUR    188
“S25    28”    CHANDANNAGAR    189
“S25    28”    CHUNCHURA    190
“S25    28”    BALAGARH    191
“S25    28”    PANDUA    192
“S25    28”    SAPTAGRAM    193
“S25    28”    DHANEKHALI    197
WB    ARAMBAGH    “S25    29”    HARIPAL    196
“S25    29”    TARAKESWAR    198
“S25    29”    PURSURAH    199
“S25    29”    ARAMBAG    200
“S25    29”    GOGHAT    201
“S25    29”    KHANAKUL    202
“S25    29”    CHANDRAKONA    232
WB    TAMLUK    “S25    30”    TAMLUK    203
“S25    30”    PANSKURA PURBA    204
“S25    30”    MOYNA    206
“S25    30”    NANDAKUMAR    207
“S25    30”    MAHISHADAL    208
“S25    30”    HALDIA    209
“S25    30”    NANDIGRAM    210
WB    KANTHI    “S25    31”    CHANDIPUR    211
“S25    31”    PATASHPUR    212
“S25    31”    KANTHI UTTAR    213
“S25    31”    BHAGABANPUR    214
“S25    31”    KHEJURI    215
“S25    31”    KANTHI DAKSHIN    216
“S25    31”    RAMNAGAR    217
WB    GHATAL    “S25    32”    PANSKURA PASCHIM    205
“S25    32”    SABANG    226
“S25    32”    PINGLA    227
“S25    32”    DEBRA    229
“S25    32”    DASPUR    230
“S25    32”    GHATAL    231
“S25    32”    KESHPUR    235
WB    JHARGRAM    “S25    33”    NAYAGRAM    220
“S25    33”    GOPIBALLAVPUR    221
“S25    33”    JHARGRAM    222
“S25    33”    GARBETA    233
“S25    33”    SALBONI    234
“S25    33”    BINPUR    237
“S25    33”    BANDWAN    238
WB    MEDINIPUR    “S25    34”    EGRA    218
“S25    34”    DANTAN    219
“S25    34”    KESHIARY    223
“S25    34”    KHARAGPUR SADAR    224
“S25    34”    NARAYANGARH    225
“S25    34”    KHARAGPUR    228
“S25    34”    MEDINIPUR    236
WB    PURULIA    “S25    35”    BALARAMPUR    239
“S25    35”    BAGHMUNDI    240
“S25    35”    JOYPUR    241
“S25    35”    PURULIA    242
“S25    35”    MANBAZAR    243
“S25    35”    KASHIPUR    244
“S25    35”    PARA    245
WB    BANKURA    “S25    36”    RAGHUNATHPUR    246
“S25    36”    SALTORA    247
“S25    36”    CHHATNA    248
“S25    36”    RANIBANDH    249
“S25    36”    RAIPUR    250
“S25    36”    TALDANGRA    251
“S25    36”    BANKURA    252
WB    BISHNUPUR    “S25    37”    BARJORA    253
“S25    37”    ONDA    254
“S25    37”    BISHNUPUR    255
“S25    37”    KATULPUR    256
“S25    37”    INDUS    257
“S25    37”    SONAMUKHI    258
“S25    37”    KHANDAGHOSH    259
WB    BARDHAMAN PURBA    “S25    38”    RAINA    261
“S25    38”    JAMALPUR    262
“S25    38”    KALNA    264
“S25    38”    MEMARI    265
“S25    38”    PURBASTHALI DAKSHIN    268
“S25    38”    PURBASTHALI UTTAR    269
“S25    38”    KATWA    270
WB    BURDWAN – DURGAPUR    “S25    39”    BURDWAN DAKSHIN    260
“S25    39”    MONTESWAR    263
“S25    39”    BURDWAN UTTAR    266
“S25    39”    BHATAR    267
“S25    39”    GALSI    274
“S25    39”    DURGAPUR PURBA    276
“S25    39”    DURGAPUR PASCHIM    277
WB    ASANSOL    “S25    40”    PANDABESWAR    275
“S25    40”    RANIGANJ    278
“S25    40”    JAMURIA    279
“S25    40”    ASNSOL DAKSHIN    280
“S25    40”    ASANSOL UTTAR    281
“S25    40”    KULTI    282
“S25    40”    BARABANI    283
WB    BOLPUR    “S25    41”    KETUGRAM    271
“S25    41”    MANGALKOT    272
“S25    41”    AUSGRAM    273
“S25    41”    BOLPUR    286
“S25    41”    NANOOR    287
“S25    41”    LABHPUR    288
“S25    41”    MAYURESWAR    290
WB    BIRBHUM    “S25    42”    DUBRAJPUR    284
“S25    42”    SURI    285
“S25    42”    SAINTHIA    289
“S25    42”    RAMPURHAT    291
“S25    42”    HANSAN    292
“S25    42”    NALHATI    293
“S25    42”    MURARAI    294
CG    SARGUJA    “S26    1”    PREMNAGAR    4
“S26    1”    BHATGAON    5
“S26    1”    PRATAPPUR    6
“S26    1”    RAMANUJGANJ    7
“S26    1”    SAMRI    8
“S26    1”    LUNDRA    9
“S26    1”    AMBIKAPUR    10
“S26    1”    SITAPUR    11
CG    RAIGARH    “S26    2”    JASHPUR    12
“S26    2”    KUNKURI    13
“S26    2”    PATHALGAON    14
“S26    2”    LAILUNDRA    15
“S26    2”    RAIGARH    16
“S26    2”    SARANGARH    17
“S26    2”    KHARSIA    18
“S26    2”    DHARAMJAIGARH    19
CG    JANJGIR-CHAMPA    “S26    3”    AKALTARA    33
“S26    3”    JAJGIR-CHAMPA    34
“S26    3”    SAKRI    35
“S26    3”    CHANDRAPURA    36
“S26    3”    JAIJAIPUR    37
“S26    3”    PAMGARH    38
“S26    3”    BILAIGARH    43
“S26    3”    KASDOL    44
CG    KORBA    “S26    4”    BHARATPUR-SONHAT    1
“S26    4”    MANENDRAGARH    2
“S26    4”    BAIKUNTHPUR    3
“S26    4”    RAMPUR    20
“S26    4”    KOBRA    21
“S26    4”    KATGHORA    22
“S26    4”    PALI-TANAKHAR    23
“S26    4”    MARWAHI    24
CG    BILASPUR    “S26    5”    KOTA    25
“S26    5”    LORMI    26
“S26    5”    MUNGELI    27
“S26    5”    TAKHATPUR    28
“S26    5”    BILHA    29
“S26    5”    BILASPUR    30
“S26    5”    BELTARA    31
“S26    5”    MASTURI    32
CG    RAJNANDGAON    “S26    6”    PANDARIYA    71
“S26    6”    KAWARGHA    72
“S26    6”    KHAIRAGARH    73
“S26    6”    DONGARGARH    74
“S26    6”    RAJNANDGAON    75
“S26    6”    DONGARGAON    76
“S26    6”    KHUJJI    77
“S26    6”    MOHALA-MANPUR    78
CG    DURG    “S26    7”    PATAN    62
“S26    7”    DURG-RURAL    63
“S26    7”    DURG-CITY    64
“S26    7”    DURG-NAGAR    65
“S26    7”    VAISHALI NAGAR    66
“S26    7”    AHIWARA    67
“S26    7”    SAJA    68
“S26    7”    BEMETARA    69
“S26    7”    NAWAGARH    70
CG    RAIPUR    “S26    8”    BALODA BAZAR    45
“S26    8”    BHATAPARA    46
“S26    8”    DHARSIWA    47
“S26    8”    RAIPUR RURAL    48
“S26    8”    RAIPUR CITY WEST    49
“S26    8”    RAIPUR CITY NORTH    50
“S26    8”    RAIPUR CITY SOUTH    51
“S26    8”    ARANG    52
“S26    8”    ABHANPUR    53
CG    MAHASAMUND    “S26    9”    SARAIPALI    39
“S26    9”    BASNA    40
“S26    9”    KHALLARI    41
“S26    9”    MAHASAMUND    42
“S26    9”    RAJIM    54
“S26    9”    BINDRANAWAGARH    55
“S26    9”    KURUD    57
“S26    9”    DHAMTARI    58
CG    BASTAR    “S26    10”    KONDAGAON    83
“S26    10”    NARAYANPUR    84
“S26    10”    BASTAR    85
“S26    10”    JAGDALPUR    86
“S26    10”    CHITRAKOT    87
“S26    10”    DANTEWARA    88
“S26    10”    BIJAPUR    89
“S26    10”    KONTA    90
CG    KANKER    “S26    11”    SIHAWA    56
“S26    11”    SANJARI BALOD    59
“S26    11”    DONDI LAHARA    60
“S26    11”    GUNDERDEHI    61
“S26    11”    ANTAGARH    79
“S26    11”    BHANUPRATAPPUR    80
“S26    11”    KANKER    81
“S26    11”    KESHKAR    82
JH    RAJMAHAL    “S27    1”    RAJMAHAL    1
“S27    1”    BORIO    2
“S27    1”    BARHAIT    3
“S27    1”    LITIPARA    4
“S27    1”    PAKHUR    5
“S27    1”    MAHESHPUR    6
JH    DUMKA    “S27    2”    SHIKARIPARA    7
“S27    2”    NALA    8
“S27    2”    JAMTARA    9
“S27    2”    DUMKA    10
“S27    2”    JAMA    11
“S27    2”    SARATH    14
JH    GODDA    “S27    3”    JARMUNDI    12
“S27    3”    MADHUPUR    13
“S27    3”    DEOGHAR    15
“S27    3”    POREYAHAT    16
“S27    3”    GODDA    17
“S27    3”    MAHAGAMA    18
JH    CHATRA    “S27    4”    SIMARIA    26
“S27    4”    CHATRA    27
“S27    4”    MANIKA    73
“S27    4”    LATEHAR    74
“S27    4”    PANKI    75
JH    KODARMA    “S27    5”    KODARMA    19
“S27    5”    BARKATHA    20
“S27    5”    DHANWAR    28
“S27    5”    BAGODAR    29
“S27    5”    JAMUA    30
“S27    5”    GANDEY    31
JH    GIRIDIH    “S27    6”    GIRIDIH    32
“S27    6”    DUMRI    33
“S27    6”    GOMIYA    34
“S27    6”    BERMO    35
“S27    6”    TUNDI    42
“S27    6”    BAGHMARA    43
JH    DHANBAD    “S27    7”    BOKARO    36
“S27    7”    CHANDANKYARI    37
“S27    7”    SINDRI    38
“S27    7”    NIRSA    39
“S27    7”    DHANBAD    40
“S27    7”    JHARIA    41
JH    RANCHI    “S27    8”    ICHAGARH    50
“S27    8”    SILLI    61
“S27    8”    KHIJRI    62
“S27    8”    RANCHI    63
“S27    8”    HATIA    64
“S27    8”    KANKE    65
JH    JAMSHEDPUR    “S27    9”    BAHARAGORA    44
“S27    9”    GHATSHILA    45
“S27    9”    POTKA    46
“S27    9”    JUGASHLAI    47
“S27    9”    JAMSHEDPUR EAST    48
“S27    9”    JAMSHEDPUR WEST    49
JH    SINGHBHUM    “S27    10”    SARAIKELLA    51
“S27    10”    CHAIBASA    52
“S27    10”    MAJHGANON    53
“S27    10”    JAGANATHPUR    54
“S27    10”    MANOHARPUR    55
“S27    10”    CHAKRADHARPUR    56
JH    KHUNTI    “S27    11”    KHARASAWAN    57
“S27    11”    TAMAR    58
“S27    11”    KHUNTI    60
“S27    11”    TORPA    60
“S27    11”    SIMDEGA    70
“S27    11”    KOLEBIRA    71
JH    LOHARDAGA    “S27    12”    MANDAR    66
“S27    12”    SISAI    67
“S27    12”    GUMLA    68
“S27    12”    BISHUNPUR    69
“S27    12”    LOHARDAGA    72
JH    PALAMAU    “S27    13”    DALTONGANJ    76
“S27    13”    BISHRAMPUR    77
“S27    13”    CHATTARPUR    78
“S27    13”    HUSSAINABAD    79
“S27    13”    GARHWA    80
“S27    13”    BHAWANATHPUR    81
JH    HAZARIBAGH    “S27    14”    BARHI    21
“S27    14”    BARKAGAON    22
“S27    14”    RAMGARH    23
“S27    14”    MANDHU    24
“S27    14”    HAZARIBAGH    25
UK    TEHRI GARHWAL    “S28    1”    PUROLA    1
“S28    1”    YAMUNOTRI    2
“S28    1”    GANGOTRI    3
“S28    1”    GHANSHALI    9
“S28    1”    PRATAPNAGAR    12
“S28    1”    TEHRI    13
“S28    1”    DHANOLTI    14
“S28    1”    CHAKRATA    15
“S28    1”    VIKASNAGAR    16
“S28    1”    SAHASPUR    17
“S28    1”    RAIPUR    19
“S28    1”    RAJPUR ROAD    20
“S28    1”    DEHRADUN CANTT.    21
“S28    1”    MUSSOORIE    22
UK    GARHWAL    “S28    2”    BADRINATH    4
“S28    2”    THARALI    5
“S28    2”    KARNPRAYAG    6
“S28    2”    KEDARNATH    7
“S28    2”    RUDRAPRAYAG    8
“S28    2”    DEOPRAYAG    10
“S28    2”    NARENDRANAGAR    11
“S28    2”    YAMKESHWAR    36
“S28    2”    PAURI    37
“S28    2”    SRINAGAR    38
“S28    2”    CHAUBATTAKHAL    39
“S28    2”    LANSDOWNE    40
“S28    2”    KOTDWAR    41
“S28    2”    RAMNAGAR    61
UK    ALMORA    “S28    3”    DHARCHULA    42
“S28    3”    DIDIHAT    43
“S28    3”    PITHORAGARH    44
“S28    3”    GANGOLIHAT    45
“S28    3”    KAPKOTE    46
“S28    3”    BAGESHWAR    47
“S28    3”    DWARAHAT    48
“S28    3”    SALT    49
“S28    3”    RANIKHET    50
“S28    3”    SOMESHWAR    51
“S28    3”    ALMORA    52
“S28    3”    JAGESHWAR    53
“S28    3”    LOHAGHAT    54
“S28    3”    CHAMPAWAT    55
“S28    4”    BHIMTAL    57
“S28    4”    NAINITAL    58
“S28    4”    HALDWANI    59
“S28    4”    KALADHUNGI    60
“S28    4”    JASPUR    62
“S28    4”    KASHIPUR    63
“S28    4”    BAJPUR    64
“S28    4”    GADARPUR    65
“S28    4”    RUDRAPUR    66
“S28    4”    KICHHA    67
“S28    4”    SITARGANJ    68
“S28    4”    NANAK MATTA    69
“S28    4”    KHATIMA    70
UK    HARDWAR    “S28    5”    DHARAMPUR    18
“S28    5”    DOIWALA    23
“S28    5”    RISHIKESH    24
“S28    5”    HARDWAR    25
“S28    5”    B.H.E.L. RANIPUR    26
“S28    5”    JWALAPUR    27
“S28    5”    BHAGWANPUR    28
“S28    5”    JHABRERA    29
“S28    5”    PIRANKALIYAR    30
“S28    5”    ROORKEE    31
“S28    5”    KHANPUR    32
“S28    5”    MANGLORE    33
“S28    5”    LAKSAR    34
“S28    5”    HARDWAR RURAL    35
CH    CHANDIGARH    “U02    1”    CHANDIGARH    1
DD    DAMAN & DIU    “U04    1”    DAMAN AND DIU    1
DL    CHANDNI CHOWK    “U05    1”    ADARSH NAGAR    4
“U05    1”    SHALIMAR BAGH    14
“U05    1”    SHAKUR BASTI    15
“U05    1”    TRI NAGAR    16
“U05    1”    WAZIRPUR    17
“U05    1”    MODEL TOWN    18
“U05    1”    SADAR BAZAR    19
“U05    1”    CHANDNI CHOWK    20
“U05    1”    MATIA MAHAL    21
“U05    1”    BALLIMARAN    22
DL    NORTH EAST DELHI    “U05    2”    BURARI    2
“U05    2”    TIMARPUR    3
“U05    2”    SEEMA PURI    63
“U05    2”    ROHTAS NAGAR    64
“U05    2”    SEELAMPUR    65
“U05    2”    GHONDA    66
“U05    2”    BABARPUR    67
“U05    2”    GOKALPUR    68
“U05    2”    MUSTAFABAD    69
“U05    2”    KARAWAL NAGAR    70
DL    EAST DELHI    “U05    3”    JANGPURA    41
“U05    3”    OKHLA    54
“U05    3”    TRILOKPURI    55
“U05    3”    KONDLI    56
“U05    3”    PATPARGANJ    57
“U05    3”    LAXMI NAGAR    58
“U05    3”    VISHWAS NAGAR    59
“U05    3”    KRISHNA NAGAR    60
“U05    3”    GANDHI NAGAR    61
“U05    3”    SHAHDARA    62
DL    NEW DELHI    “U05    4”    KAROL BAGH    23
“U05    4”    PATEL NAGAR    24
“U05    4”    MOTI NAGAR    25
“U05    4”    DELHI CANTT    38
“U05    4”    RAJINDER NAGAR    39
“U05    4”    NEW DELHI    40
“U05    4”    KASTURBA NAGAR    42
“U05    4”    MALVIYA NAGAR    43
“U05    4”    R. K. PURAM    44
“U05    4”    GREATER KAILASH    50
DL    NORTH WEST DELHI    “U05    5”    NERELA    1
“U05    5”    BADLI    5
“U05    5”    RITHALA    6
“U05    5”    BAWANA    7
“U05    5”    MUNDKA    8
“U05    5”    KIRARI    9
“U05    5”    SULTANPUR MAJRA    10
“U05    5”    NANGLOI JAT    11
“U05    5”    MANGOL PURI    12
“U05    5”    ROHINI    13
DL    WEST DELHI    “U05    6”    MADIPUR    26
“U05    6”    RAJOURI GARDEN    27
“U05    6”    HARI NAGAR    28
“U05    6”    TILAK NAGAR    29
“U05    6”    JANAKPURI    30
“U05    6”    VIKASPURI    31
“U05    6”    UTTAM NAGAR    32
“U05    6”    DWARKA    33
“U05    6”    MATIALA    34
“U05    6”    NAJAFGARH    35
DL    SOUTH DELHI    “U05    7”    BIJWASAN    36
“U05    7”    PALAM    37
“U05    7”    MEHRAULI    45
“U05    7”    CHHATARPUR    46
“U05    7”    DEOLI    47
“U05    7”    AMBEDKAR NAGAR    48
“U05    7”    SANGAM VIHAR    49
“U05    7”    KALKAJI    51
“U05    7”    TUGHLAKABAD    52
“U05    7”    BADARPUR    53
LD    LAKSHADWEEP    “U06    1”    LAKSHADWEEP    1
PY    PUDUCHERRY    “U07    1”    MANNADIPET    1
“U07    1”    THIRUBUVANAI    2
“U07    1”    OUSSUDU    3
“U07    1”    MANGALAM    4
“U07    1”    VILLIANUR    5
“U07    1”    OZHUKARAI    6
“U07    1”    KADIRGAMAM    7
“U07    1”    INDIRA NAGAR    8
“U07    1”    THATTANCHAVADY    9
“U07    1”    KAMARAJ NAGAR    10
“U07    1”    LAWSPET    11
“U07    1”    KALAPET    12
“U07    1”    MUTHIALPET    13
“U07    1”    RAJ BHAVAN    14
“U07    1”    OUPALAM    15
“U07    1”    ORLEANPETH    16
“U07    1”    NELLITHOPE    17
“U07    1”    MUDALIARPET    18
“U07    1”    ARIANKUPPAM    19
“U07    1”    MANAVELY    20
“U07    1”    EMBALAM    21
“U07    1”    NETTPAKKAM    22
“U07    1”    BAHOUR    23
“U07    1”    NEDUNGADU    24
“U07    1”    THIRUNALLAR    25
“U07    1”    KARAIKAL NORTH    26
“U07    1”    KARAIKAL SOUTH    27
“U07    1”    NERAVY T.R. PATTINAM    28
“U07    1”    MAHE    29
“U07    1”    YANAM    30

Unaccountable Delhi: India’s Separation of Powers’ Doctrine


India’s Separation Of Powers’ Doctrine

First published in The Statesman Jan 13 2006 Editorial Page Special Article,

By Subroto Roy

The Speaker does not like the fact the High Court has issued notices questioning the procedure he followed in expelling MPs from Parliament. Sonia Gandhi’s self-styled “National Advisory Council” has demanded control over disbursement of 100,000,000,000 rupees of public money. The Manmohan Singh Government plans to quietly ignore the Supreme Court’s finding that it had breached India’s Constitution in imposing President’s Rule in Bihar.  All three issues have to do with application of India’s Separation of Powers Doctrine, i.e. the appropriate delimitation of Constitutional powers between our Legislature, Executive and Judiciary.

A constitutional crime was attempted in India during the Indira-Sanjay Gandhi political “Emergency” declared on 26 June 1975. On 10 November 1975 (a time of press censorship) a 13-judge Bench of the Supreme Court met to hear the Government plead for overrule of Kesavananda Bharati (A.I.R. 1973 S.C. 1461), a landmark Nani Palkhivala once called “the greatest contribution of the Republic of India to constitutional jurisprudence”. Within two days, the Government had failed in the Court, and Kesavananda held. What was upheld? That while India’s Parliament was sovereign and could amend the Constitution, the amending power may not be used to alter or destroy “the basic structure or framework of the Constitution”. And the Supreme Court decides for itself whether Parliament has exceeded its legitimate power to amend.

Basic structure
Palkhivala’s description of what constitutes the “basic structure or framework” of India’s Constitution is excellent enough: “the rule of law, the right to personal liberty and freedom from arbitrary arrest and imprisonment, the right to dissent which implies the freedom of speech and expression and a free press are… a part of the basic structure of a free democracy, and it is these priceless human freedoms which cannot be destroyed by Parliament in exercise of its amending power. Thus Kesavananda’s case ensures that tyranny and despotism shall not masquerade as constitutionalism.”

Palkhivala argued that, if anything, the aspects of Kesavananda that needed to be set aside were those that had over-ruled Golaknath (A.I.R. 1967 S.C. 1643) which said Parliament should not be held to have the power to abridge any fundamental right, indeed any amended article which abrogates any fundamental right is invalid.

Dicey said “In the principle of the distribution of powers which determines its form, the constitution of the United States is the exact opposite of the English constitution.” Kesavananda Bharati showed the midway point between the two in constitutional jurisprudence anywhere in the world. We are like the Americans and unlike the British first in being a Republic, and secondly in having an explicit written Constitution. We are like the British and unlike the Americans in being a parliamentary democracy where the Executive Branch of Government, namely the Prime Minister and his/her Cabinet is elected from within the Legislative Branch of Government, namely, Parliament, and must at all times retain the confidence of the latter, specifically the Lok Sabha, the House of the People.

The American Executive Branch has a directly-elected President who chooses his administration, and it is commonplace for him to not have the confidence of the Upper or Lower House of the Legislature, to the point that one recent president had to undergo impeachment proceedings and barely survived. There is no constitutional crisis in America if the Legislature loathes the President and wishes him out. The American President and his Executive Branch stay in office until the last minute of his fixed term.

PM answers to Parliament
In our system, the Prime Minister answers at all times to Parliament. Parliament in India’s democracy has normally meant the House of the People — where every member has contested and won a direct vote in his/her constituency. India’s current Lok Sabha has set a constitutional precedent not seen in more than a hundred years anywhere in electing an Executive led by someone not a member. The British Upper House used to have an aristocratic hereditary component which Mr Blair’s New Labour Government has removed, making it more like what the Rajya Sabha was supposed to be — except that by now our Rajya Sabha has tended to become a place for party worthies who have lost normal elections, superannuated cinematic personalities, perpetual bureaucrats still seeking office, and others who really should be at home helping to raise the grandchildren.  Parliament may not have fully recovered its health ever since that constitutional crime committed against the Republic known as the Indira-Sanjay “Emergency” (and at least one member of Sanjay’s coterie wields much power today).

Crimes and misdemeanours
The Supreme Court’s finding that the Government breached the Constitution by imposing President’s Rule in Bihar is a finding not of a constitutional crime but of a constitutional misdemeanour. (For reasons given already in these columns on 20 October 2005, it has nothing to do with the President, who merely embodies the sovereignty of our Republic.)  For an Executive Order or Legislative Act to be found by a competent Court as being unconstitutional means merely that it does not have to be obeyed by citizens. In the Bihar case, the Supreme Court found this consequence irrelevant because new elections were already in process, the result of which would come from the most authentic democratic voice possible, namely, the same people who elect the House of the People in the first place. India’s Executive has been found to have committed a constitutional misdemeanour, for which it needed to apologise to the Court and Parliament (who are its constitutional co-equals) and then ask the latter to renew its confidence — in which event, life goes on. If confidence was not renewed, the Government would fall and a new Government would have to be formed. But we do not have yet the idea of a backbench revolt —mainly because all the front benches themselves have tended to be in such confusion and disarray with regard to parliamentary traditions, processes and functions.

The Supreme Court as the ultimate protector of the Constitution would be well within its prerogative to oversee whether a Parliamentary Speaker has acted appropriately. Consider a hypothetical case. Once elected, a Speaker is supposed to have no party-affiliation ever more for the rest of his/her life. Suppose, hypothetically, a controlled experiment found a Speaker systematically biased in favour of his/her own former party-members and against their opponents. Where but the Courts could such arbitrariness be effectively remonstrated against? Even if the incumbent Speaker impossibly imagines himself the personal embodiment of the Legislative Branch, he is not beyond the Constitution and therefore not beyond India’s Separation of Powers’ Doctrine.

The Opposition had alleged that the Speaker failed to follow procedure which required the culprits in the expulsion case be referred to the Privileges Committee. But beyond that the Opposition was too confused and guilt-ridden to pursue the matter during the dying moments of Parliament’s Winter Session. In the clear light of day, the issue has now ended up in the Courts. If the Supreme Court eventually rules the Speaker had in fact failed to follow Parliament’s own procedures (and hence breached Constitutional practices), the Speaker would need to apologise to the Courts and the House that elected him, and perhaps offer to fall on his sword.

Finally, for the “National Advisory Council”, a wholly unelected body, to demand a say for itself over spending Rs. 100 billion in State and Union Government budget-making, would be another constitutional misdemeanour — unless its members are merely on the personal staff of the Hon’ble Member representing Rae Bareili, who may of course introduce whatever legislation on money-bills that any other Lok Sabha Member may do.

Transparency and Economic Policy-Making

Transparency and Economic Policy-Making

An address by Professor Subroto Roy to the Asia-Pacific Public Relations Conference, (panel on Transparency chaired by C. R. Irani) January 30 1998.

This talk is dedicated to the memory of my sister Suchandra Bhattacharjee (14.02.1943-10.01.1998).
1. I would like to talk about transparency and economic policy-making in our country. For something to be transparent is, in plain language, for it to be able to be openly seen through, for it to not to be opaque, obscure or muddy, for it to be clear to the naked eye or to the reasonable mind. A clear glass of water is a transparent glass of water. Similarly, an open and easily comprehensible set of economic policies is a transparent set of economic policies.

The philosopher Karl Popper wrote a famous book after the Second World War titled The Open Society and its Enemies. It contained a passionate defence of liberal institutions and democratic freedoms and a bitter attack on totalitarian doctrines of all kinds. It generated a lot of controversy, especially over its likely misreading of the best known work of political philosophy since the 4th Century BC, namely, Plato’s Republic .[1] I shall borrow Popper’s terms ‘open society’ and ‘closed society’ and will first try to make this a useful distinction for modern times, and then apply it to the process of economic policy-making in India today.

2. An open society is one in which the ordinary citizen has reasonably easy access to any and all information relating to the public or social interest — whether the information is directly available to the citizen himself or herself, or is indirectly available to his or her elected representatives like MP’s and MLA’s. Different citizens will respond to the same factual information in different ways, and conflict and debate about the common good will result. But that would be part of the democratic process.

The assessment that any public makes about the government of the day depends on both good and bad news about the fate of the country at any given time. In an open society, both good news and bad news is out there in the pubic domain — open to be assessed, debated, rejoiced over, or wept about. If we win a cricket match or send a woman into space we rejoice. If we lose a child in a manhole or a busload of children in a river, we weep. If some tremendous fraud on the public exchequer comes to be exposed, we are appalled. And so on.

It is the hallmark of an open society that its citizens are mature enough to cope with both the good and the bad news about their country that comes to be daily placed before them. Or, perhaps more accurately, the experience of having to handle both good and bad news daily about their world causes the citizens in an open society to undergo a process of social maturation in formulating their understanding of the common good as well as their responses to problems or crises that the community may come to face. They might be thereby thought of as improving their civic capacities, as becoming better-informed and more discerning voters and decision-makers, and so becoming better citizens of the country in which they live.

The opposite of an open society is a closed society — one in which a ruling political party or a self-styled elite or nomenclatura keep publicly important information to themselves, and do not allow the ordinary citizen easy or reasonably free access to it. The reason may be merely that they are intent on accumulating assets for themselves as quickly as they can while in office, or that they are afraid of public anger and want to save their own skins from demands for accountability. Or it may be that they have the impression that the public is better off kept in the dark — that only the elite nomenclatura is in position to use the information to serve the national interest.

In a closed society it is inevitable that bad news comes to be censored or suppressed by the nomenclatura, and so the good news gets exaggerated in significance. News of economic disasters, military defeats or domestic uprisings gets suppressed. News of victories or achievements or heroics gets exaggerated. If there are no real victories, achievements or heroics, fake ones have to be invented by government hacks — although the suppressed bad news tends to silently whisper all the way through the public consciousness in any case.

Such is the way of government propaganda in almost every country, even those that pride themselves on being free and democratic societies. Dostoevsky’s cardinal advice in Brothers Karamasov was: “Above all, never lie to yourself”. Yet people in power tend to become so adept at propaganda that they start to deceive themselves and forget what is true and what is false, or worse still, cannot remember how to distinguish between true and false in the first place. In an essay thirty years ago titled Truth and Politics, the American scholar Hannah Arendt put it like this:

“Insofar as man carries within himself a partner from whom he can never win release, he will be better off not to live with a murderer or a liar; or: since thought is the silent dialogue carried out between me and myself, I must be careful to keep the integrity of this partner intact, for otherwise I shall surely lose the capacity for thought altogether.”[2]

3. Closed societies may have been the rule and open societies the exception for most of human history. The good news at the end of the 20th Century is surely that since November 7 1989, when the Berlin Wall fell, the closed society has officially ceased to be a respectable form of human social organization. The age of mass access to television and telecommunications at the end of the 20th Century may be spelling the permanent end of totalitarianism and closed societies in general. The Berlin Wall was perhaps doomed to fall the first day East Germans were able to watch West German television programs.

Other than our large and powerful neighbour China, plus perhaps North Korea, Myanmar, and some Islamic countries, declared closed societies are becoming hard to find, and China remains in two minds whether to be open or closed. No longer is Russia or Romania or Albania or South Africa closed in the way each once was for many years. There may be all sorts of problems and confusions in these countries but they are or trying to become open societies.

Under the glare of TV cameras in the 21st Century, horrors like the Holocaust or the Gulag or even an atrocity like Jalianwalla Bag or the Mai Lai massacre will simply not be able to take place anywhere in the world. Such things are not going to happen, or if they do happen, it will be random terrorism and not systematic, large scale genocide of the sort the 20th Century has experienced. The good news is that somehow, through the growth of human ingenuity that we call technical progress, we may have made some moral progress as a species as well.

4. My hypothesis, then, is that while every country finds its place on a spectrum of openness and closedness with respect to its political institutions and availability of information, a broad and permanent drift has been taking place as the 20th Century comes to an end in the direction of openness.

With this greater openness we should expect bad news not to come to be suppressed or good news not to come to be exaggerated in the old ways of propaganda. Instead we should expect more objectively accurate information to come about in the public domain — i.e., better quality and more reliable information, in other words, more truthful information. This in turn commensurately requires more candour and maturity on the part of citizens in discussions about the national or social interest. Closed society totalitarianism permitted the general masses to remain docile and unthinking while the nomenclatura make the decisions. Dostoevsky’s Grand Inquisitor said that is all that can be expected of the masses. Open society transparency and democracy defines the concept of an ordinary citizen and requires from that citizen individual rationality and individual responsibility. It is the requirement Pericles made of the Athenians:

“Here each individual is interested not only in his own affairs but in the affairs of the state as well; even those who are mostly occupied with their own business are extremely well-informed on general politics – this is a peculiarity of ours: we do not say that a man who takes no interest in politics is a man who minds his own business; we say that he has no business here at all.”[3]

5. All this being said, I am at last in a position to turn to economic policy in India today. I am sorry to have been so long-winded and pedantic but now I can state my main substantive point bluntly: in India today, there is almost zero transparency in the information needed for effective macroeconomic policy-making whether at the Union or State levels. To illustrate by some examples.

(A) Macroeconomic policy-making in any large country requires the presence of half a dozen or a dozen well-defined competing models produced by the government and private agencies, specifying plausible causal links between major economic variables, and made testable against time-series data of reasonably long duration. In India we seem to have almost none. The University Economics Departments are all owned by some government or other and can hardly speak out with any academic freedom. When the Ministry of Finance or RBI or Planning Commission, or the India teams of the World Bank or IMF, make their periodic statements they do not appear to be based on any such models or any such data-base. If any such models exist, these need to be published and placed in the public domain for thorough discussion as to their specification and their data. Otherwise, whatever is being predicted cannot be assessed as being very much more reliable than the predictions obtained from the Finance Minister’s astrologer or palmist. (NB: Horse-Manure is a polite word used in the American South for what elsewhere goes by the initials of B. S.). Furthermore, there is no follow-up or critical review to see whether what the Government said was going to happen a year ago has in fact happened, and if not, why not.

(B) The Constitution of India defines many States yet no one seems to be quite certain how many States really constitute the Union of India at any given time. We began with a dozen. Some 565 petty monarchs were successfully integrated into a unitary Republic of India, and for some years we had sixteen States. But today, do we really have 26 States? Is Delhi a State? UP with 150 million people would be the fifth or sixth largest country in the world on its own; is it really merely one State of India? Are 11 Small States de facto Union Territories in view of their heavy dependence on the Union? Suppose we agreed there are fifteen Major States of India based on sheer population size: namely, Andhra, Assam, Bihar, Gujarat, Haryana, Karnataka, Kerala, MP, Maharashtra, Orissa, Punjab, Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu, UP and West Bengal. These States account for 93% of the population of India. The average population of these 15 Major States is 58 million people each. That is the size of a major country like France or Britain. In other words, the 870 million people in India’s Major States are numerically 15 Frances or 15 Britains put together.

Yet no reliable, uniformly collected GDP figures exist for these 15 States. The RBI has the best data, and these are at least two years old, and the RBI will tell you without further explanation that the data across States are not comparable. If that is the case at State-level, I do not see how the national-level Gross Domestic Product can possibly be estimated with any meaningfulness at all.

(C) Then we hear about the Government Budget deficit as a percentage of GDP. Now any national government is able to pay for its activities only by taxation or borrowing or by using its monopoly over the domestic medium of exchange to print new money. In India today, universal money-illusion seems to prevail. It would not be widely recognised by citizens, journalists or policy-makers that, say, 100,000 Rupees nominally taxed at 10% under 20% inflation leaves less real disposable income than the same taxed at 20% with 5% inflation. This is in part because inflation figures are unknown or suspect. There is no reliable all-India or State-level consumer price index. The wholesale price index on the basis of which the Government of India makes its inflation statements, may not accurately reflect the actual decline in the purchasing power of money, as measured, say, by rises in prices of alternative stores of value like land. The index includes artificially low administered or subsidized prices for petroleum, cereals, and electricity. To the extent these prices may be expected to move towards international equilibrium prices, the index contains a strong element of deferred inflation. One urgent task for all macroeconomic research in India is construction of reliable price-data indices at both Union and State levels, or at a minimum, the testing for reliability by international standards of series currently produced by Government agencies.

Without reliable macroeconomic information being spread widely through a reasonably well-informed electorate, the Government of India has been able to wash away fiscal budget constraints by monetization and inflation without significant response from voters. The routine method of meeting deficits has become “the use of the printing press to manufacture legal tender paper money”, either directly by paying Government creditors “with new paper money specially printed for the purpose” or indirectly by paying creditors “out of loans to itself from the Central Bank”, issuing paper money to that amount. Every Budget of the Government of India, including the most recent ones of 1996 and 1997, comes to be attended by detailed Press discussion with regard to the minutae of changes in tax rates or tax-collection — yet the enormous phenomena of the automatic monetization of the Government’s deficit is ill-understood and effectively ignored. Historically, a policy of monetization started with the British Government in India during the Second World War, with a more than five-fold increase in money supply occurring between 1939 and 1945. Inflation rates never seen in India before or since were the result (Charts 0000), attended by the Great Famine of 1942/43. Though these were brought down after succession of C. D. Deshmukh as Governor of the Reserve Bank, the policy of automatic monetization did not cease and continues until the present day. Inflation “sooner or later destroys the confidence, not only of businessmen, but of the whole community, in the future value of the currency. Then comes the stage known as “the flight from the currency.” Had the Rupee been convertible during the Bretton Woods period, depreciation would have signalled and helped to adjust for disequilibrium. But exchange-controls imposed during the War were enlarged by the new Governments of India and Pakistan after the British departure to exclude convertible Sterling Area currencies as well. With the Rupee no longer convertible, internal monetization of deficits could continue without commensurate exchange-rate depreciation.

The Reserve Bank was originally supposed to be a monetary authority independent of the Government’s fiscal compulsions. It has been prevented from developing into anything more than a department of the Ministry of Finance, and as such, has become the captive creditor of the Government. The RBI in turn has utilized its supervisory role over banking to hold captive creditors, especially nationalized banks whose liabilities account for 90% of commercial bank deposits in the country. Also captive are nationalized insurance companies and pension funds. Government debt instruments show on the asset side of these balance-sheets. To the extent these may not have been held had banks been allowed to act in the interests of proper management of depositors’ liabilities and share-capital according to normal principles, these are pseudo-assets worth small fractions of their nominal values. Chart 0000 shows that in the last five years the average term structure of Government debt has been shortening rapidly, suggesting the Government is finding it increasingly difficult to find creditors, and portending higher interest rates.

General recognition of these business facts, as may be expected to come about with increasing transparency, would be a recipe for a crisis of confidence in the banking and financial system if appropriate policies were not in place beforehand.

(D) As two last examples, I offer two charts. The first shows the domestic interest burden of the Government of India growing at an alarming rate, even after it has been deflated to real terms. The second tries to show India’s foreign assets and liabilities together – we always come to know what is happening to the RBI’s reserve levels, what is less known or less understood is the structure of foreign liabilities being accumulated by the country. Very roughly speaking, in terms that everyone can understand, every man, woman and child in India today owes something like 100 US dollars to the outside world. The Ministry of Finance will tell you that this is not to be worried about because it is long-term debt and not short-term debt. Even if we take them at their word, interest payments still have to be paid on long-term debt, say at 3% per annum. That means for the stock of debt merely to be financed, every man, woman and child in India must be earning $3 every year in foreign exchange via the sale of real goods and services abroad. I.e., something like $3 billion must be newly earned every year in foreign exchange merely to finance the existing stock of debt. Quite clearly, that is not happening and it would stretch the imagination to see how it can be made to happen.

In sum, then, India, blessed with democratic political traditions which we had to take from the British against their will — remember Tilak, “Freedom is my birthright, and I shall have it” — may still be stuck with a closed society mentality when it comes to the all-important issue of economic policy. There is simply an absence in Indian public discourse of vigourous discussion of economic models and facts, whether at Union or State levels. A friendly foreign ambassador pointedly observed an absence in India of political philosophy. It may be more accurate to say that without adequate experience of a normal agenda of government being seen to be practised, widespread ignorance regarding fiscal and monetary causalities and inexperience of the technology of governance remains in the Indian electorate, as well as among public decision-makers at all levels. Our politicians seem to spend an inordinate amount of their time either garlanding one another with flowers or garlanding statues and photographs of the glorious dead. It is high time they stopped to think about the living and the future.

[1] Renford Bambrough (ed.) Plato, Popper and Politics: Some Contributions to a Modern Controversy, 1967.

[2] Philosophy, Politics and Society, 2nd Series, Peter Laslett & W. G. Runciman (eds.), 1967.

[3] Thucydides, History of the Pelopennesian War, II.40.