How the India-Bangladesh Enclaves Problem Was Jump-Started in 2007 Towards its 2015 Solution: A Case Study of Academic Impact on Policy

How the India-Bangladesh Enclaves Problem Was Jump-Started in 2007 Towards its 2015 Solution: A Case Study of Academic Impact on Policy

by

Subroto Roy, with Brendan Whyte

Progress on the complex problem of India-Bangladesh enclaves started slightly in 1958 and especially 1974, then came to be stalled completely.  In May 2007 press reports said a joint delegation was doing some survey work.

That same month, I as Contributing Editor at The Statesman newspaper (biding my time away from a corrupted academia) stumbled on the excellent doctoral work done by a young researcher in Australia on what seemed at the time the impossibly intractable problem of India-Bangladesh enclaves.

I wrote to the newspaper’s Editor on 9 May 2007,

Dear Ravi, You may know that there is an incredibly complex problem between India and Bangladesh relating to enclaves between them, some dating back to Cooch Behar and Mughal enclaves 200 years ago. An Australian researcher named Brendan Whyte at the Univ of Melbourne has done the definitive study of the problem. I think we should invite him to produce a 2000-2500 word two parter on his work which would be very helpful to both governments and to public discussion. If you agree, I can write to him and invite him or you can do so directly. I will have to find his email. Regards Suby

I enclosed a published abstract of Whyte’s work:

“Waiting for the Esquimo: An historical and documentary study of the Cooch Behar enclaves of India and Bangladesh. Whyte, Dr Brendan (2002) “Waiting for the Esquimo: An historical and documentary study of the Cooch Behar enclaves of India and Bangladesh” School of Anthropology, Geography and Environmental Studies, University of Melbourne

“Enclaves are defined as a fragment of one country totally surrounded by one other. A list of the world’s current enclaves and a review of the literature about them reveals a geographical bias that has left enclaves outside western Europe almost untouched. This bias is particularly noticeable in the almost complete absence of information on the Cooch Behar enclaves, along Bangladesh’s northern border with India. The Cooch Behar enclaves number almost 200. This total includes about two dozen counter-enclaves (enclaves within enclaves), and the world’s only counter-counter-enclave. Together, these enclaves represent 80% of the total number of enclaves existing in the world since the 1950s, and have been at the centre of Indo-East Pakistani and then Indo-Bangladeshi boundary disputes since Cooch Behar acceded to India in 1949.

The incredibly complex Cooch Behar sector of the Indo-Bangladesh boundary is investigated in detail for the first time, from historical, political and geographical perspectives. The history of the enclaves is traced, from their origin c.1713 until the present, in an attempt to understand their genesis and survival under a succession of states, from the Kingdom of Cooch Behar and the Mughal Empire in the 1700s, to Bangladesh and the Republic of India today. The difficulties of the enclaves’ existence for their residents and the two countries today is contrasted with their peaceful, albeit administratively inconvenient, existence until 1947, to prove that the enclaves themselves are not the cause of border tensions in the area, but are rather a focus for other cross-border disputes.

The current situation of the enclaves is described, highlighting the abandonment of the enclave residents by each country, which refuse to allow the other to administer its exclaves. India’s inability to implement a 1958 treaty with Pakistan, and its continued delay in ratifying a subsequent 1974 treaty with Bangladesh to exchange the enclaves is highlighted as the major factor impeding resolution of the enclave dispute. That the delays have been rooted in Indian internal politics is demonstrated. Highly disparate official and media reports as to the number, area and population of the enclaves are analysed to determine the true extent of the enclave problem, and the first ever large-scale map of the enclaves is published, locating and naming each enclave.”

The Statesman‘s Editor agreed, and I went about trying to locate Dr Whyte. I think I phoned Australia, asked after him, and learnt he was a New Zealander teaching at a university in Thailand.  On 10 May, I wrote to his former department head, Ian Rutherfurd:

Dear Dr Rutherfurd, I am Contributing Editor at The Statesman of Calcutta and New Delhi, and would like to be in touch with your colleague Brendon Whyte but there is no email for him at your site. Please tell him we much wish him to write a two-part article on the editorial page (over two days) for us of less than 2500 words in total on his important research on the India-Bangladesh enclaves. There would be a relatively tiny honorarium probably from the Editor but a large impact on policy and public discussion in both countries. The Statesman is India’s oldest and most eminent newspaper. It may be seen at http://www.thestatesman.net and I am to be found at http://www.independentindian.com Many thanks,  Subroto Roy, PhD (Cantab.), BScEcon (London), Contributing Editor

Brendan Whyte replied the same day:

Dear Dr Roy, I have received your message, and am honoured to be asked to write a piece for your paper. I now work in Thailand. Are there any further details regarding this assignment in addition to your information below? For example, is there a deadline, and if so, when? Do you want/can you accept maps/photos and if so how to send them to you? Can the text be sent to you be email or do you prefer a printed version instead of/in addition to an email? Regarding email should the text be in the body of an email or do you prefer an attachment in Word/RTF or other format? Do you prefer a Word document, or should the text be in the body of an email Thank you very much Brendan Whyte, PhD, Faculty of Management Science,Ubon Ratchathani University, THAILAND

I wrote back the same day

Dear Dr Whyte, Many thanks for the quick reply, and our thanks to your colleagues for locating you. The Statesman’s editorial page is as influential a place as there can be in serious Indian public discussion, though I have to say there is far too little such discussion in the country. At my suggestion, the Editor has invited a 2500 word two-part article (over two days); I have said you may have done the definitive work in the area. I know nothing of the subject and am reluctant to suggest any further guidelines, and leave to you to say what you wish once you get a sense of the audience and likely impact. I have in recent months published numerous special articles in The Statesman, and these may be seen at http://www.independentindian.com to give you a sense of the kind of quality you may aim at — though certainly we are a newspaper and not a technical journal. Regarding graphs, each article would have an illustration a few inches square and if you felt you could squeeze the relevant data into two such articles for the two days it would be excellent. Do drop by Calcutta when you can. The honorarium will be a few thousand rupees I expect though the Editor has not specified it yet. No there is no time rush; I accidentally found your work through a wordpress.com blog on strange maps. On second thoughts, if your articles generated invitations from geography departments in India or other invitations to give lectures on the subject, that too would be a worthwhile aim. Best regards Suby Roy

Brendan sent his proposed article a month later in June.

I replied:

Hello, I have reduced it by 300 words without reducing any substance. I hope you may agree. Can you please try to reduce another 200 words, eg of the Belgian/Dutch case? I normally don’t allow anyone to touch my stuff so if you would like to try to reduce it all yourself, that’s fine. Also, 198 is not equal to 106+91+3+1. Please send all the graphics you may think suitable, and people here will try to figure out what to use. It may all go on one day on the Op-Ed page, I have no iodea what the Editor may decide. Also add your PhD University Thanks for this. The work is excellent and I hope it brings you the publicity you deserve. Suby Roy

Brendan sent his final draft on 16 July 2007

Hi Suby, My apologies that this has taken me so long, but the teaching year has been so busy! I have reduced it to 2274 words, about 10% below your limit of 2500. It is attached as a Word file, and appended below as plain text. I hope to send some illustrations separately in the next day or two. Let me know if the revised article is ok or not. Thanks, Brendan

I wrote to the Editor again the same day:

Subject: India-Bangladesh Enclaves: A Major Foreign Policy Problem Solved

Dear Ravi, Apropos our correspondence two months ago, Dr Brendan Whyte has at our request produced an excellent analysis of one of the trickiest and longest-standing problems between India and Bangladesh, viz. enclaves. Dr Whyte is a political geographer from New Zealand who worked on this subject for his doctoral thesis at the University of Melbourne, Australia. He apparently teaches in Thailand at present. By publishing this, we will be doing the MEA a very big favour, besides of course contributing to an important yet neglected public problem relevant to Eastern India. I recommend it for a Saturday night-Sunday night two-parter, rather than the Perspective page, given its close factual basis. Sincerely, Suby.

I wrote to Brendan:

Hello, Your article looks to me first-rate. The basis of a Government White Paper on this side or that. I have forwarded it to the Editor with my recommendation. Please send me any illustrations asap, as he may go with it any day though likely not before the weekend. Best wishes SR

Brendan Whyte’s 16 July 2007 final draft was this:

“The Enclave Problem: India and Bangladesh can and must solve this 300 year problem!

There are 198 “enclaves” (chhit-mahals) between India and Bangladesh. Cooch Behar district has 106 enclaves in Bangladesh, and Bangladesh has 92 enclaves in India: 88 in Cooch Behar, 3 in Jalpaiguri, and 1 between Cooch Behar and Assam’s Dhubri district. The enclaves vary from clusters of villages to individual fields. The smallest Indian enclave may be Panisala, only 0.1093 ha; the smallest Bangladeshi enclave is Upan Chowki Bhajni #24 at 0.2870 ha. The largest are India’s Balapara Khagrabari at 25.95 sq. km, and Bangladesh’s 18.68 sq. km Dahagram-Angarpota. The 198 enclaves also include 3 Indian and 21 Bangladeshi counter-enclaves (enclaves within enclaves). India also possesses the world’s only counter-counter-enclave: a 0.69 ha jute field inside a Bangladeshi enclave inside an Indian enclave inside Bangladesh! Enclave populations-sizes are unknown. The last censuses to include enclaves were in 1951, although the Pakistani enumeration was incomplete. The population today is probably under 100,000 persons in total, 60% living in Indian enclaves in Bangladesh, the rest in Bangladeshi enclaves in India.

The enclaves are 300 years old, originating during the Mughal wars against Cooch Behar in the late 1600s. A treaty was concluded in 1711 in which the Mughals obtained three chaklas from Cooch Behar, but the Subahdar of Bengal rejected the treaty and forced Cooch Behar to cede further lands in 1713, reducing it to about its present borders. This second treaty is the origin of the enclaves: as in feudal Europe, the holdings of kings and their vassals were not contiguous wholes but rather a patchwork of land parcels, so the ceded chaklas included lands inside the unceded areas and vice versa. The East India Company fixed the Bengal-Cooch Behar boundary about 1773, and by 1814 noted that the enclaves were safe havens for bandits. Yet the Company itself created more enclaves in 1817 when it adjudicated a territorial dispute between Cooch Behar and Bhutan, creating Cooch Behari enclaves in then-Bhutanese territory (now Alipar Duar district of Jalpaiguri). These enclaves remained when the British annexed the Bhutanese lands in 1865.

The British quashed the bandit menace but proliferation of liquor, ganja and opium shops in the enclaves became an excise problem between Bengal and Cooch Behar. After discussions, the main boundary of Cooch Behar became the customs and excise boundary. All Cooch Behar enclaves in British India fell under British excise control while all British enclaves in Cooch Behar fell under Cooch Behari excise control. This practical solution to the problem in hand left the sovereignty of the enclaves intact.

A full exchange of enclaves was suggested by the British in the early 1930s, to reduce the costs of the upcoming survey and demarcation of the Cooch Behar boundary but the idea was dropped in face of strong local objections, and all the enclaves were surveyed and demarcated with pillars by the late 1930s.

Partition and independence in 1947, and the subsequent accession of Cooch Behar to India in 1949, elevated the enclaves to the international level. Initially this was unproblematic, with India and Pakistan concluding agreements on cross-border trade and movement in the enclave areas. Censuses in 1951 included the enclaves. But Pakistan’s unilateral 1952 introduction of visas requirements, and immediate Indian reciprocation sealed the fate of the enclave dwellers. High-level politics subordinated the needs of enclave dwellers on both sides.

Full exchange was again agreed upon by the 1958 Nehru-Noon Accord, and this was reiterated in modified form in the 1974 Indira-Mujib Agreement between India and Bangladesh (Bangladesh would keep its largest enclave, Dahagram-Angarpota, to guarantee access to which, India would lease it a short corridor. But a succession of mainly Indian legal challenges regarding the constitutionality of both accords prevented implementation until 1992, when the Tin Bigha corridor was finally opened. The exchange of the remaining enclaves, agreed in 1958 and 1974 and cleared of legal challenged by 1990 remains unimplemented, despite constant Bangladeshi calls for India to implement the agreements fully.

Meanwhile, since the 1950s the chhit mahalis, or enclave dwellers, have been effectively rendered stateless by the two governments abandoning responsibility for them.

India’s fencing of its border with Bangladesh has added a physical dimension to the political isolation of its own enclaves. The chhit mahalis on both sides are unable to vote, to attend schools or markets, to be helped by NGOs working in either country, or to seek police help or medical attention. Each country claims its original citizens have been forced out of their enclaves by the population of the other country surrounding them, and so each country refuses to extend its governmental responsibilities to the supposed invaders. Simultaneously each denies it can legally assist the populations of the other country’s enclaves inside its own territory. Abandoned by both sides, the chhit mahalis struggle to survive without the ability to protect their rights, homes or lives. Bandits once more make use of the enclaves to escape the jurisdiction of the surrounding state.

The problem is one of India and Bangladesh’s own making but it is not unique. Since 1996, when the Lithuanian enclave of Pogiry in Belarus (population: three) was exchanged for equivalent land, 259 enclaves have remained on the world map. Besides India-Bangladesh, there are 61 enclaves affecting 21 countries as owners or hosts. Most consist of a single farm, or a village and its surrounding farmland, inside a neighbouring country. Some approach the complexity of the Cooch Behar enclaves, such as 30 enclaves (including 8 counter-enclaves) belonging to Belgium and the Netherlands in the village of Baarle (population 8500).

The Belgian-Dutch enclaves originated in a feudal agreement c.1198, and emerged at the international level when Belgium declared independence from the Netherlands in 1830. The enclaves were an annoyance to customs, police and foreign ministry officials; but arrangements allowed goods to pass into and through the enclaves, paying tax only if they were destined for the other country or its enclaves. Nevertheless, smuggling brought prosperity to a village on the economic and political periphery of both countries. Today the village park boasts a statue honouring the smugglers. The economic union of Belgium and the Netherlands and the subsequent European Union have eliminated the profitabililty of smuggling without the need for policing or fences. Differences in tax rates and national laws remain, so that some types of business, such as sex or fireworks shops can only operate in one country and its enclaves, and not in the other. Yet the village happily contains both sorts of shops, each in the permitting country, but serving customers from both. Different planning laws, educational syllabii, post offices, town halls, and churches exist side by side. Several businesses and houses straddle the enclave boundaries, enjoying two postal address and two telephone connections. The policemen from each country share an office. The fire departments work together with special hose-coupling devices. Utilities, sewerage, road maintenance and rubbish collection are conducted by one country or  he other for the population of both. Where a national law unduly inconveniences the enclaves, an exception is granted. Thus while Sunday shopping is illegal in the Netherlands, the shops in Baarle’s Dutch enclaves may open on Sundays to compete with the Belgian shops, and the village has a thriving Sunday market, drawing crowds from both countries. Before the Euro was introduced, all shopkeepers and government offices accepted both national currencies. Overall the village has boomed as a border market, increasingly tourism-oriented, marketing its enclaves as a tourist attraction. Without the enclaves Baarle would be a small unimportant village. The enclaves have allowed it to surpass its neighbouring villages in size and prosperity.

Other enclaves are often placed inside the customs, postal or telephone jurisdiction of the surrounding country. Switzerland tolerates a casino in the Italian tax-haven enclave of Campione d’Italia, on condition that Swiss citizens have a daily betting limit. Germany’s village of Büsingen, also inside Switzerland, is inside the Swiss customs and currency area, not that of the EU. Passage from the UAE into the Omani enclave of Madha and into the UAE’s counter-enclave of Dahwa inside remain free of controls for locals and foreigners alike. On Cyprus, locals from two villages enclaved inside the British territory (and military base) of Dhekelia move about freely, and farm land under both British and Cypriot sovereignty.

What can India and Bangladesh learn from these foreign enclave cases? They have three main options. The worst is to maintain the status quo, each country refusing to properly govern its own enclaves while also forbidding the other to govern its enclaves across the intervening territory. This “dog-in-the-manger” attitude has reduced the enclaves to poverty and despair, countenanced violence and oppression, fostered corruption, and encourages the problems of criminal dens and drug-cultivation in the enclaves.

The second option is an enclave exchange. Inhabitants should be given two independent options concerning citizenship and relocation. For up to two years after the enclave exchange, they should have the option to choose whether to retain their current citizenship or to become citizens of the other country. They should also have the independent option to remain owning and farming the land they occupy after its tranfer to the other country, or of being resettled on land of equivalent value, size and productive capacity in their original country. There is no reason why they should not be able to choose to stay in situ and retain their old citizenship, nor why they could not hold both citizenships: dual nationality is an increasingly common occurrence worldwide.

The problems with this policy include a requirement for equivalent land for the resettlement of those wishing to relocate, and the need for each country to recognise the inhabitants of its enclaves as its own citizens before exchange. An imbalance in the numbers on each side desiring resettlement will cause difficulties. But it would only repeat the injustices of the 1947 partition if an exchange was made without addressing the needs of the enclave inhabitants, and allowing them some input into the process. The enclaves also form the world’s most complicated boundary, and include the world’s only counter-counter-enclave: so another problem with exchange is heritage loss. Finally, an exchange of enclaves is also an admittance of failure.

Enclave exchange will remove a cartographic anomaly but it will not solve the underlying tensions in bilateral relations. The enclaves are not a problem in themselves but are simply a focus point for distrust and tension created elsewhere. Exchange may not improve the lives of the chhit mahalis, who may end up marginalised, landless and dispossessed by the exchange process. Even if able to remain on their lands, they will still be living in an economically and politically peripheral location. Therefore any exchange should be entered into only with the will of, and in full consultation with, the people involved, so as not to become a further injustice.

A third policy is to retain the enclaves but improve their situation. The 30 enclaves of Belgium and the Netherlands at Baarle, along with other enclaves of Europe and the Middle East, are a good model for this. The advantages are many. It would put the enclave dwellers in charge of their own destiny, leaving them on their lands, but able to engage fully as citizens of their own country.

The distances between each country and its own enclaves are small, often less than one kilometre, rarely more than two or three. Designated access routes, for foot, cart and motorised traffic, could be easily set up and policed. This would allow enclave dwellers to traverse the intervening country to reach the nearest schools and markets of their own country. The local district commissioners should be granted authority to meet frequently and at will to discuss any problems and work out local solutions, without having to refer to New Delhi or Dhaka. Officials such as teachers, doctors, district officials, electoral officers, census enumerators and police should also be permitted visa-free access on demand. Which country’s currency, excise laws, and postal system, electricity and other services are used in an enclave should be based on principles of efficiency, not on chauvinistic nationalism.

There is no reason why exchange of enclaves for customs and excise purposes made in the 1930s could not be readopted. Indian enclaves could be alcohol-free like surrounding Bangladesh, and Bangladeshi enclaves could be prohibited from slaughtering cows as in India. This is no more a threat to the sovereignty of either country than is the differing alcohol and tax regimes of the Indian states and territories. The unique border situation of the enclaves would encourage tourism to this forgotten region in both countries, offering new economic possibilities to an area devoid of industrial capability and development.

India and Bangladesh are not alone in wrestling with the problem of enclaves. Similar problems have been solved in most other enclaves around the world. The long-delayed exchange of the Cooch Behar enclaves, mooted since 1910 and agreed upon in 1958 may simplify the border itself, but it is unlikely to improve bilateral relations, assist economic development of the area or improve the lives of the enclave dwellers. The needs and desires of the chhit-mahalis must be taken into account, but action must be taken to remove their current effective statelessness. The examples of successful enclaves elsewhere in the world suggest that even if relations between two countries are not completely harmonious, enclaves can exist and be beneficial to the economic potential of the area and the prosperity of its inhabitants. These two aspects are the raison d’etre of government, hence it behoves the governments concerned to ensure that any solution to the enclave problem addresses these issues and not merely cartographic simplification, which may only cement the 1947 division more firmly.”

Brendan’s article was published in two parts on Sunday and Monday  July 22 2007 &  July 23 2007 with very slight alteration –except the splendid maps he had sent failed to be published!

“The Enclave Problem India, Bangladesh can and must solve this 300-year-old issue! By BRENDANWHYTE

There are 198 “enclaves” (chhit-mahals) between India and Bangladesh. Cooch Behar district has 106 enclaves in Bangladesh, and Bangladesh has 92 enclaves in India: 88 in Cooch Behar, 3 in Jalpaiguri, and 1 between Cooch Behar and Assam’s Dhubri district. The enclaves vary from clusters of villages to individual fields. The smallest Indian enclave may be Panisala, only 0.1093 ha; the smallest Bangladeshi enclave is Upan Chowki Bhajni #24 at 0.2870 ha. The largest are India’s Balapara Khagrabari at 25.95 sq. km, and Bangladesh’s 18.68 sq. km Dahagram-Angarpota. The 198 enclaves also include 3 Indian and 21 Bangladeshi counter-enclaves (enclaves within enclaves). India also possesses the world’s only counter-counter-enclave: a 0.69 ha jute field inside a Bangladeshi enclave inside an Indian enclave inside Bangladesh! Enclave population-sizes are unknown. The last census to include enclaves was conducted in 1951, although the Pakistani enumeration was incomplete. The population today is probably under 100,000 in total, 60% living in Indian enclaves in Bangladesh, the rest in Bangladeshi enclaves in India. The enclaves are 300 years old, originating during the Mughal wars against Cooch Behar in the late 1600s. A treaty was concluded in 1711 in which the Mughals obtained three chaklas from Cooch Behar, but the Subahdar of Bengal rejected the treaty and forced Cooch Behar to cede further lands in 1713, reducing it to about its present borders. This second treaty is the origin of the enclaves: as in feudal Europe, the holdings of kings and their vassals were not contiguous wholes but rather a patchwork of land parcels, so the ceded chaklas included lands inside the unceded areas and vice versa. The East India Company fixed the Bengal-Cooch Behar boundary about 1773, and by 1814 noted that the enclaves were safe havens for bandits. Yet the Company itself created more enclaves in 1817 when it adjudicated a territorial dispute between Cooch Behar and Bhutan, creating Cooch Behari enclaves in then-Bhutanese territory (now Alipurduar district of Jalpaiguri). These enclaves remained when the British annexed the Bhutanese lands in 1865. The British quashed the bandit menace but proliferation of liquor, ganja and opium shops in the enclaves became an excise problem between Bengal and Cooch Behar. After discussions, the main boundary of Cooch Behar became the customs and excise boundary. All Cooch Behar enclaves in British India fell under British excise control, while all British enclaves in Cooch Behar fell under Cooch Behari excise control. This practical solution to the problem in hand left the sovereignty of the enclaves intact. A full exchange of enclaves was suggested by the British in the early 1930s, to reduce the costs of the upcoming survey and demarcation of the Cooch Behar boundary but the idea was dropped in face of strong local objections, and all the enclaves were surveyed and demarcated with pillars by the late 1930s. Partition and independence in 1947, and the subsequent accession of Cooch Behar to India in 1949, elevated the enclaves to the international level. Initially this was unproblematic, with India and Pakistan concluding agreements on cross-border trade and movement in the enclave areas. The 1951 census included the enclaves. But Pakistan’s unilateral 1952 introduction of visa requirements, and immediate Indian reciprocation sealed the fate of the enclave dwellers. High-level politics subordinated the needs of enclave dwellers on both sides. Full exchange was again agreed upon by the 1958 Nehru-Noon accord, and this was reiterated in a modified form in the 1974 Indira-Mujib agreement between India and Bangladesh (Bangladesh would keep its largest enclave, Dahagram-Angarpota, to guarantee access to which, India would lease it a short corridor). But a succession of mainly Indian legal challenges regarding the constitutionality of both accords prevented implementation until 1992, when the Tin Bigha corridor was finally opened. The exchange of the remaining enclaves, agreed in 1958 and 1974 and cleared of legal challenges by 1990 remains unimplemented, despite constant Bangladeshi calls for India to implement the agreements fully. Meanwhile, since the 1950s the chhit mahalis, or enclave dwellers, have been effectively rendered stateless by the two governments abandoning responsibility for them. India’s fencing of its border with Bangladesh has added a physical dimension to the political isolation of its own enclaves. The chhit mahalis on both sides are unable to vote, to attend schools or markets, to be helped by NGOs working in either country, or to seek police help or medical attention. Each country claims its original citizens have been forced out of their enclaves by the population of the other country surrounding them, and so each country refuses to extend its governmental responsibilities to the supposed invaders. Simultaneously each denies it can legally assist the populations of the other country’s enclaves inside its own territory. Abandoned by both sides, the chhit mahalis struggle to survive without the ability to protect their rights, homes or lives. Bandits once more make use of the enclaves to escape the jurisdiction of the surrounding state. The problem is one of India and Bangladesh’s own making but it is not unique. Since 1996, when the Lithuanian enclave of Pogiry in Belarus (population: three) was exchanged for equivalent land, 259 enclaves have remained on the world map. Besides India-Bangladesh, there are 61 enclaves affecting 21 countries as owners or hosts. Most consist of a single farm, or a village and its surrounding farmland, inside a neighbouring country. Some approach the complexity of the Cooch Behar enclaves, such as 30 enclaves (including 8 counter-enclaves) belonging to Belgium and the Netherlands in the village of Baarle (population 8500). The Belgian-Dutch enclaves originated in a feudal agreement c.1198, and emerged at the international level when Belgium declared independence from the Netherlands in 1830. The enclaves were an annoyance to customs, police and foreign ministry officials; but arrangements allowed goods to pass into and through the enclaves, paying tax only if they were destined for the other country or its enclaves. Nevertheless, smuggling brought prosperity to a village on the economic and political periphery of both countries. Today the village park boasts a statue honouring the smugglers. The economic union of Belgium and the Netherlands and the subsequent European Union have eliminated the profitabililty of smuggling without the need for policing or fences. Different town halls and churches exist side by side. Several businesses and houses straddle the enclave boundaries, enjoying two postal addresses and two telephone connections. The policemen from each country share an office. The fire departments work together with special hose-coupling devices. Utilities, sewerage, road maintenance and rubbish collection are conducted by one country or the other for the population of both. Where a national law unduly inconveniences the enclaves, an exception is granted. Thus while Sunday shopping is illegal in the Netherlands, the shops in Baarle’s Dutch enclaves may open on Sundays to compete with the Belgian shops, and the village has a thriving Sunday market, drawing crowds from both countries. Before the Euro was introduced, all shopkeepers and government offices accepted both national currencies. Overall the village has boomed as a border market, increasingly tourism-oriented, marketing its enclaves as a tourist attraction. Without the enclaves Baarle would be a small unimportant village. The enclaves have allowed it to surpass its neighbouring villages in size and prosperity. Other enclaves are often placed inside the customs, postal or telephone jurisdiction of the surrounding country. Switzerland tolerates a casino in the Italian tax-haven enclave of Campione d’Italia, on condition that Swiss citizens have a daily betting limit. Germany’s village of Büsingen, also inside Switzerland, is inside the Swiss customs and currency area, not that of the EU. Passage from the UAE into the Omani enclave of Madha and into the UAE’s counter-enclave of Dahwa inside remain free of controls for locals and foreigners alike. On Cyprus, locals from two villages enclaved inside the British territory (and military base) of Dhekelia move about freely, and farm land under both British and Cypriot sovereignty. (To be concluded)

The enclave problem~II What can India and Bangladesh learn from these foreign enclave cases? They have three main options. The worst is to maintain the status quo, each country refusing to properly govern its own enclaves while also forbidding the other to govern its enclaves across the intervening territory. This “dog-in-the-manger” attitude has reduced the enclaves to poverty and despair, countenanced violence and oppression, fostered corruption, and encouraged the problems of criminal dens and drug-cultivation in the enclaves. The second option is an enclave exchange. Inhabitants should be given two independent options concerning citizenship and relocation. For up to two years after the enclave exchange, they should have the option to choose whether to retain their current citizenship or to become citizens of the other country. They should also have the independent option to remain owning and farming the land they occupy after its transfer to the other country, or of being resettled on land of equivalent value, size and productive capacity in their original country.

Dual nationality There is no reason why they should not be able to choose to stay in situ and retain their old citizenship, nor why they could not hold both citizenships: dual nationality is an increasingly common occurrence worldwide. The problems with this policy include a requirement for equivalent land for the resettlement of those wishing to relocate, and the need for each country to recognise the inhabitants of its enclaves as its own citizens before exchange. An imbalance in the numbers on each side desiring resettlement will cause difficulties. But it would only repeat the injustices of the 1947 Partition if an exchange was made without addressing the needs of the enclave inhabitants, and allowing them some input into the process. The enclaves also form the world’s most complicated boundary, and include the world’s only counter-counter-enclave: so another problem with exchange is heritage loss. Finally, an exchange of enclaves is also an admittance of failure. Enclave exchange will remove a cartographic anomaly but it will not solve the underlying tensions in bilateral relations. The enclaves are not a problem in themselves but are simply a focus point for distrust and tension created elsewhere. Exchange may not improve the lives of the chhit mahalis, who may end up marginalised, landless and dispossessed by the exchange process. Even if able to remain on their lands, they will still be living in an economically and politically peripheral location. Therefore any exchange should be entered into only with the will of, and in full consultation with, the people involved, so as not to become a further injustice. A third policy is to retain the enclaves but improve their situation. The 30 enclaves of Belgium and the Netherlands at Baarle, along with other enclaves of Europe and the Middle East, are a good model for this. The advantages are many. It would put the enclave dwellers in charge of their own destiny, leaving them on their lands, but able to engage fully as citizens of their own country. The distances between each country and its own enclaves are small, often less than one kilometre, rarely more than two or three. Designated access routes, for foot, cart and motorised traffic, could be easily set up and policed. This would allow enclave dwellers to traverse the intervening country to reach the nearest schools and markets of their own country. The local district commissioners should be granted authority to meet frequently and at will to discuss any problems and work out local solutions, without having to refer to New Delhi or Dhaka. Officials such as teachers, doctors, district officials, electoral officers, census enumerators and police should also be permitted visa-free access on demand. Which country’s currency, excise laws, and postal system, electricity and other services are used in an enclave should be based on principles of efficiency, not on chauvanistic nationalism. There is no reason why exchange of enclaves for customs and excise purposes made in the 1930s could not be readopted. Indian enclaves could be alcohol-free like surrounding Bangladesh, and Bangladeshi enclaves could be prohibited from slaughtering cows as in India. This is no more a threat to the sovereignty of either country than is the differing alcohol and tax regimes of the Indian states and territories. The unique border situation of the enclaves would encourage tourism to this forgotten region in both countries, offering new economic possibilities to an area devoid of industrial capability and development.

Economic potential

India and Bangladesh are not alone in wrestling with the problem of enclaves. Similar problems have been solved in most other enclaves around the world. The long-delayed exchange of the Cooch Behar enclaves, mooted since 1910 and agreed upon in 1958 may simplify the border itself, but it is unlikely to improve bilateral relations, assist economic development of the area or improve the lives of the enclave dwellers. The needs and desires of the chhit-mahalis must be taken into account, but action must be taken to remove their current effective statelessness. The examples of successful enclaves elsewhere in the world suggest that even if relations between two countries are not completely harmonious, enclaves can exist and be beneficial to the economic potential of the area and the prosperity of its inhabitants. These two aspects are the raison d’etre of government, hence it behooves the governments concerned to ensure that any solution to the enclave problem addresses these issues and not merely cartographic simplification, which may only cement the 1947 division more firmly.

(Concluded)”

I wrote to him immediately Hello, You were published in yesterday’s Sunday Statesman and continued in this morning’s edition, as the special article on the editorial page. I am enclosing the text as it appears on the Internet edition. Through some apparent editorial mishap, the illustrattions you sent never got published, and two photographs were used. I think you could follow it up with an invited talk in Kolkata. If you wish, I can look into that possibility. Send me a cv if you are interested and I shall see what I can do. Re working with me on the China-India problem, a visit from you might enable us to talk further. I am introducing you separately to the Editor’s assistant who should help with copies, money etc. Best wishes Subroto Roy

All that was between May and July 2007.

On 6 September 2011, Dr Manmohan Singh as India’s PM on a visit to Bangladesh apparently signed what the India’s Foreign Ministry calls the “2011 Protocol”. And now a few days ago, Prime Minister Sheik Hasina, Prime Minister Narendra Modi, along with the agreement of Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, have all signed a comprehensive landmark “Land Boundary Agreement” between India and Bangladesh, solving the 300 year problem!  All’s well that ends well…

And yes, Excellencies, PM Sheikha Hasina, PM Narendra Modi, former PM Manmohan Singh, CM Mamata Banerjee: re the Land Boundary Agreement, Dr Brendan Whyte and I and The Statesman newspaper may all take a bow after you…

Nota Bene:  The Statesman for some reason did not publish along with Dr Whyte’s excellent article these important maps which are now published here below for the first time:

Eastmainwest

A personal note: The words “enclave” and “No Man’s Land” entered my vocabulary due to my father back in January 1965 when we crossed from India through No Man’s Land into what was then East Pakistan. He was with India’s diplomatic post in Dhaka and during the 1965 war would be acting head while his friend G Parthasarathi was head of Mission in Karachi [Correction November 2015: Parthasarathi left shortly before the war, replaced in August 1965 by Kewal Singh]. Half a dozen years later in the summer of 1971, I was a schoolboy volunteer in West Dinajpur helping in small ways the innumerable refugees who had poured across the porous boundary with East Dinajpur during the tyranny West Pakistan had unleashed in East Pakistan; there was effectively no boundary distinction left then. I dedicate my part of this work to my late father MK Roy 1915-2012.

Pakistan’s & India’s Illusions of Power (Psychosis vs Vanity)

Preface: This paper culminates my line of argument since our University of Hawaii Pakistan book in the mid 1980s, through my work on the Kashmir problem in the 1990s, published in The Statesman in 2005/2006 etc and  in my undelivered Lahore lectures of 2011.  https://independentindian.com/2011/10/13/my-seventy-one-notes-at-facebook-etc-on-kashmir-pakistan-and-of-course-india-listed-thanks-to-jd/ The paper has faced resistance from both Indian and Pakistani newspapers for obvious reasons.  I would like to especially thank Beena Sarwar and Gita Sahgal in recent weeks for helpful comments.  (And Frank Hahn, immediately saw when I mentioned it to him in 2004 that my solution was Pareto-improving…etc)

 

The *Bulletin of Atomic Scientists* recently reported an Urdu book *Taqat ka Sarab* (‘*Illusion of Power*) published in Pakistan in December 2014 edited by the physicist Dr AH Nayyar. The book “aims to educate Pakistanis about the attitudes of their leadership toward nuclear weapons”. It says “Pakistan’s people have come to believe that the successful acquisition of nuclear capability means that their nation’s security is forever ensured”. Pakistani politicians, scientists and officials who created these weapons have used them to justify a “right to unlimited authority for ruling over Pakistan”. “Consequently, free discussion and honest opinion about nuclear weapons have been nearly prohibited, under the premise that any such talk poses a basic threat to national security.”

Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri’s order to Indian forces to cross the Punjab border towards Lahore in 1965 in response to President Ayub Khan’s attack in Kashmir genuinely shocked Pakistan’s political and military establishment at the time. It may have continued to do so ever since. Everyone in Lahore for those few days in September 1965 was ready to battle the invasion of infidel India considered imminent when Indian forces reached the Ichogil canal.

“Hindu-dominated India wants to occupy us and destroy the Pakistan Principle for which our martyrs died” has been the constantly heard Pakistani refrain. After 1965 it did not take long for Pakistan, via the ignominy of the 1971 surrender in Dhaka, to acquire by any means the technology to develop its own nuclear weapons, even under the noses of its American friends.

Now Pakistan is said to have some 110 nuclear warheads, mostly in a disassembled state but with a few on fighter-jets in hidden air-bases in Balochistan (made by the USA decades ago) always at the ready, waiting for that Indian attack that will never come. It may all have been psychotic delusion.

India has never initiated hostilities against Pakistan. Not once. Not in 1947, 1965, 1971, 1999, 2008.

In 1971 India undoubtedly supported the Mukti Bahini, and I myself, as a schoolboy distributing supplies to refugees from East Pakistan/Bangladesh, was personally witness to Indian military involvement as of August 1971. Even so, hostilities between the countries formally began on 3 December 1971 with the surprise Pakistani air attack on Indian bases in Punjab and UP.

Though India has never attacked first, the myth continues in Pakistan that wicked Hindu-dominated India wants to attack and suppress their country. What is closer to the truth is that the New Delhi elite is barely able to run New Delhi, and the last place on earth they would want to run is Pakistan.

On our Indian side, the Indian military has been allowed a budgetary carte blanche for decades, especially with foreign exchange resources. (Finance Minister Arun Jaitley on 28 February 2015 has allocated some 2,467 billion INR to the military.)

Despite our vast spending, a band of Lashkar-e-Tayyaba terrorists tyrannized Mumbai for days on end while we seem perpetually without strategy against the People’s Republic of China’s recurrent provocations.

The two world powers with traditional interests in India — Russia and Britain — place their long-term agents in Delhi’s high politics and places with impunity, getting done all they need to in particular cases. The USA, France, Israel and others follow suit – all mainly to do with selling India very expensive military weapons, aircraft etc. that they have in excess inventory.  India now has the notorious distinction of being the world’s largest weapons’ importer.

weaponsimportsfinal

Yet we are hardly a trading or monetary superpower.  We have large current account and budgetary deficits, and we are essentially buying whatever weapons, aircraft, shopping malls etc. that we do on foreign credit that we may or may not have. (Pakistan does the same.)

India’s illusions of power have to do with boasting a very large military that can take on the imperialists. We do not realize the New Imperialism that may control Delhi is not of a Clive or Dupleix but of clandestine or open foreign lobbyists and agents who get done what their masters need to have done on a case-by-case basis. The result is a corrosion of Indian power, sovereignty, and credit, little by little, and may lead to a collapse or grave crisis in the future. Even the BJP/RSS Government of Mr Modi (let aside the Sonia-Manmohan Congress and official Communists) may not realize how it all came about.

The way forward for both Pakistan and India is to seek to break the impasse between ourselves.

And there is no doubt the root problem remains Kashmir, and the hysteria and terrorism it has spawned over the years.  A resolution of these fundamental issues calls for some hard scholarship, political vision and guts. The vapid gassing of stray bureaucrats, journalists, diplomats or generals has gotten everyone precisely nowhere thus far.

I have argued at length in previous publications that the *de facto* boundary that was the Ceasefire Line in 1949, and was later renamed the Line of Control in 1972, is indeed also the *de jure* boundary between India and Pakistan.

Jammu & Kashmir came into existence as a legal entity on 16 March 1846 under the Dogra Gulab Singh, friend of the British during the Sikh wars, and a protégé earlier of the great Sikh Ranjit Singh.

Dogra J&K ended its existence as an entity recognized in international law on 15 August 1947. (Hari Singh, the fourth and last Dogra ruler where Gulab Singh had been the first, desperately sought Clement Attlee’s recognition but did not get it.)  Thanks to British legal confusion, negligence or cunning, the territory of what had been known as Dogra Jammu & Kashmir became sovereign-less or ownerless territory in international law on that date, with the creation of the new Pakistan and new India.

The new Pakistan as of August-September 1947 immediately started to plan to take the territory by force, and sought to implement that plan as of 22 October. Had the Pakistani attackers not stopped to indulge in the Rape of Baramullah, they would have taken Srinagar airport by 26 October, and there would have been no Indian defence of the territory possible. As matters turned out, the ownerless territory of what had been Dogra Jammu & Kashmir came to be divided by “military decision” (to use the UN’s term) between the new Pakistan and new India. Kargil and Drass were taken by Pakistan and then lost. Skardu was held by India and later lost. Neither military ever since is going to permit the other to take an inch from itself either by war or by diplomacy.

The *de facto* boundary over ownerless territory divided by military force is the *de jure* boundary in the Roman law that underlies all international law. Once both sides recognize that properly, we may proceed to the next stages. 

On the Pakistani side, recognizing Indian sovereignty over Indian territory in what had been J&K requires stamping out the LeT etc – perhaps not so much by force as by explaining to them that the fight is over, permanently. There is no jihad against India now or ever. Indian territory is not dar-ul-harb but dar-ul-aman: where more than one hundred million Muslim citizens of India freely and peacefully practice their faith.

On the Indian side, if, say, SAS Geelani and friends, under conditions of individual privacy, security and full information, wish to renounce Indian nationality, become stateless, and apply for some other nationality (like Pakistani or Afghan or Iranian) while continuing to live lawfully and law-abidingly on Indian territory, do we have a problem with that? We can’t really. The expatriate children of the Indian elite have renounced Indian nationality in America, Britain, Australia etc upon far weaker principles or beliefs. India has many foreign nationals living permanently on its territory peacefully and law-abidingly (Sir Mark Tully perhaps the most notable) and can add a few more.

The road would be gradually opened for an exchange of consulates between India and Pakistan in Srinagar and Muzaffarabad (leave aside vice-consulates or tourist offices in Jammu, Gilgit, Skardu, Leh). And the remaining Hurriyat, as new Pakistani nationals living in India, can visit the Pakistani consul in Srinagar for tea every day if they wish, to discuss Pakistani matters like Afridi’s cricket or Bilawal’s politics or whatever. 

The militaries and potentially powerful economies on both sides could then proceed towards real strength and cooperation, having dispelled their current illusions of power.

Viz  https://independentindian.com/2011/10/13/my-seventy-one-notes-at-facebook-etc-on-kashmir-pakistan-and-of-course-india-listed-thanks-to-jd/

 

Delhi can never be improved — until the rest of India improves!

As a general rule, capital cities are economically unproductive places. They neither grow food nor create industry. What they produce, or are supposed to produce, are public discussion, debate, decisions, as well as data and information for governance of the country as a whole.  People who come to capital cities — whether politicians or foreign diplomats or businessmen or students or even bureaucrats and journalists — should come there only for  temporary purposes, and then, once their work or business is done,  leave for their own “native places”… 

Of course only one city is a capital city.  Other cities and towns develop naturally in response to economies of scale in commerce and industry. My second piece of academic research at Cambridge back in 1976-77, which I talked about at the Delhi School of Economics in 1977-78 as a  Visiting Assistant Professor, had to do with India and other developing countries markedly being “Dual Economies”, where city and countryside, towns and metros and hinterland, are linked continuously by that wonderful two-way mass movement known as internal migration….

There is obviously seasonal migration of agricultural workers in search of urban employment during the time a crop is growing in the ground, returning home for the harvest and other festivals.  Beyond such seasonal flows, we may expect  rural-urban migration to continue depending on individual family calculations of expected employment, income, benefits etc, until as it were, the last person who has been thinking about migrating from village to town or from town to city decides not to move but to remain where he/she is.  Families typically maximise their well-being by having some members here, other members there or there etc, meeting up again during seasonal festivals when they can.  Besides, with modern commuter railways, large numbers of day-workers and vendors travel in and out of cities from the towns and villages every day.

The academic literature is vast and excellent, starting with Dale Jorgensen “The development of a dual economy”, 1961 EJ, Harris-Todaro, 1970, AER, and easily available, Jerome Rothenberg’s 1975 MIT discussion paper “On the economics of internal migration” http://dspace.mit.edu/bitstream/handle/1721.1/63948/onmicroeconomics00roth.pdf?sequence=1… See too e.g. from 2010 http://www.csae.ox.ac.uk/conferences/2010-edia/papers/275-eberhardt.pdf

In case of Delhi, despite its lack of water and its inhospitable climatic conditions on the edge of the Rajasthan desert, the British stamped it to become their Imperial child in India for ever more…  Yet even the British routinely fled to Simla or England every summer — as the current Delhi elite flees abroad to their exported children in America, Europe, Australia etc…  

Since British times, Delhi has been pampered with India’s public resources.  Not making its own food or clothing, it must import everything from the rest of India. After 1947,  millions of Hindu & Sikh refugees from the new Pakistan set up shop… then came migrants from all over, Bengal, the South, North East, UP, Bihar, Haryana, Rajasthan, Punjab, Kashmir — everywhere.  Now Delhi’s problems can never be solved until the endless migration slows down. Delhi is India’s capital and the more it is pampered, the better it seems to become and hence the more attractive it seems to India’s many millions of free people.  It is not hard to see that Delhi can never do enough for its residents because, since, qua capital city, it does not grow food or create industry (and is supposed to produce only public debate, decisions etc as a service industry), whatever it spends on public services comes from India’s exchequer, which in turn creates incentives for mass migration to continue from everywhere with no equilibrium being ever reached. 

The fascist solution that was, as I recall, suggested momentarily by a former Congress CM of Delhi, would be to forcibly prevent people from coming in from the outside.   Apparently the PRC as a totalitarian regime has some kind of system of internal passports which restricts citizens from travelling into metros on their own free will.  That cannot work in free India, where the Constitution would forbit forbid it. Hence the correct long-term way to help Delhi solve its problems probably involves trying to improve the rest of the country!  It is something for the AAP Government to think about when it talks to Narendra Modi: seek to help the aam admi *outside* Delhi if you want to really help the aam admi inside Delhi!  In the meantime, try to improve efficiency in the local public goods the local government is supposed to produce, and do not ask for more resources from India.

This has been a 15 minute analysis…More to come…   

Some of My Works, Interviews etc on India’s Money, Public Finance, Banking, Trade, BoP, Land, etc (an incomplete list)

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My “Critique of Monetary Ideas of Manmohan & Modi: the Roy Model explaining to Bimal Jalan, Nirmala Sitharaman, RBI etc what it is they are doing” of 2019 is here.

 

Foundations of India’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s edited by Subroto Roy & William E James, 1986-1992… pdf copy uploaded 2021

Pricing, Planning & Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India 1984, uploaded as pdf 2021

 

My Sep 2019 recommendation PM address each State Legislature, get all India Govt Accounting & Public Decision Making to have integrity; 16 May 2014 Advice scrap “Planning Commission”,integrate its assets with the Treasury, get the nationalised banks & RBI out of the Treasury

My critical assessment dated 23 August 2013 of Professors Jagdish Bhagwati & Amartya Sen and Dr Manmohan Singh is here

 

My critique of PM Modi’s 8 November 2016 statement began on Twitter immediately, and is  summarized here “Modi & Monetary Theory: Economic Consequences of the Prime Minister of India”

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My critical assessment dated 19 August 2013 of Professor Raghuram Rajan is here and here.

My 3 Dec 2012 Delhi talk on India’s Money is now available at You-Tube in an audio version here

My July 2012 article “India’s Money” in the Caymans Financial Review is here and here https://independentindian.com/2012/07/21/my-article-indias-money-in-the-cayman-financial-review-july-2012/

My 5 December 2012 interview by Mr Paranjoy Guha Thakurta, on Lok Sabha TV, the channel of India’s Lower House of Parliament, broadcast for the first time on 9 December 2012 on Lok Sabha TV, is here and here  in two parts.

My interview by GDI Impuls banking quarterly of  Zürich  published on 6 Dec 2012 is here.

My interview by Ragini Bhuyan of Delhi’s Sunday Guardian published on 16 Dec 2012  is here.

 “Monetary Integrity and the Rupee” (2008)

https://independentindian.com/2008/09/28/monetary-integrity-and-the-rupee/

  “India’s Macroeconomics” (2007)

“Fiscal Instability” (2007)

 “Fallacious Finance” (2007)

https://independentindian.com/2007/03/05/fallacious-finance-the-congress-bjp-cpi-m-et-al-may-be-leading-india-to-hyperinflation/

 

https://independentindian.com/2021/12/01/on-the-simplest-smallest-most-universal-direct-flattax-of-500-rupees-per-annum-for-india-accruing-to-the-states-with-a-bpl-exemption-too/

 

Budgets & Financial Positions of Three of India’s Most Populous States (combined population c.300 million)…Brought to you especially by Dr Subroto Roy… Feel free to use (with acknowledgment)…

 

 “Growth and Government Delusion” (2008)

https://independentindian.com/2008/02/22/growth-government-delusion/

 “Distribution of Govt of India Expenditure (Net of Operational Income) 1995”
https://independentindian.com/2008/07/27/distribution-of-govt-of-india-expenditure-net-of-operational-income-1995/

“India in World Trade & Payments” (2007)

https://independentindian.com/2007/02/12/india-in-world-trade-payments/

 

“Path of the Indian Rupee 1947-1993″ (1993)

https://independentindian.com/1993/06/01/path-of-the-indian-rupee-1947-1993/

 

“Our Policy Process” (2007)

https://independentindian.com/2007/02/20/our-policy-process-self-styled-planners-have-controlled-indias-paper-money-for-decades/

 

“Indian Money and Credit” (2006)

https://independentindian.com/2006/08/06/indian-money-and-credit/

 

“Indian Money and Banking” (2006)

https://independentindian.com/2006/04/23/indian-money-and-banking/

 

“Indian Inflation” (2008)

https://independentindian.com/2008/04/16/indian-inflation-upside-down-economics-from-new-delhis-establishment/

 How the Liabilities/Assets Ratio of Indian Banks Changed from 84% in 1970 to 108% in 1998 https://independentindian.com/2008/10/20/how-the-liabilitiesassets-ratio-of-indian-banks-changed-from-84-in-1970-to-108-in-1998/

indiasbanks1

“Growth of Real Income, Money & Prices in India 1869-2004” (2005)

https://independentindian.com/2008/07/28/growth-of-real-income-money-prices-in-india-1869-2004/

 

“How to Budget” (2008)

https://independentindian.com/2008/02/26/how-to-budget-thrift-not-theft-should-guide-our-public-finances/

 

“Waffle but No Models of Monetary Policy: The RBI and Financial Repression (2005)”

https://independentindian.com/2005/10/27/waffle-but-no-models-of-monetary-policy-the-rbi-and-financial-repression/

 

 

“The Dream Team: A Critique” (2006)

https://independentindian.com/2006/01/08/the-dream-team-a-critique/

 

 

“Against Quackery” (2007)

https://independentindian.com/2007/09/24/against-quackery/

 

 

“Mistaken Macroeconomics” (2009)

https://independentindian.com/2009/06/12/mistaken-macroeconomics-an-open-letter-to-prime-minister-dr-manmohan-singh/

 

Towards a Highly Transparent Fiscal & Monetary Framework for India’s Union & State Governments (RBI lecture 29 April 2000)

https://independentindian.com/2000/04/29/towards-a-highly-transparent-fiscal-monetary-framework-for-india%E2%80%99s-union-state-governments/

“The Indian Revolution (2008)”

https://independentindian.com/2008/12/08/the-indian-revolution/

Can India Become an Economic Superpower or Will There Be a Monetary Meltdown? (2005)

https://independentindian.com/2005/05/05/can-india-become-an-economic-superpower-or-will-there-be-a-monetary-meltdown-2005/

 

Memo to Kaushik Basu, 2010

Land, Liberty, & Value, 2006

https://independentindian.com/2006/12/31/land-liberty-value/

On Land-Grabbing, 2007

https://independentindian.com/2007/01/14/on-land-grabbing/

No Marxist MBAs? An amicus curiae brief for the Honourable High Court

https://independentindian.com/2007/08/29/no-marxist-mbasan-amicus-curae-brief-for-the-honourable-high-court/

Coverage in The *Asian Age*/*Deccan Herald* of 4 Dec 2012.

IICtophalf IICtalkbottom,half

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sundayguardiantp sgmiddle sgmid2 sgmid3 sgmid4 sgmid5 3Dec

Posted in Academic research, Amartya Sen, Arvind Panagariya, Bhagwati-Sen spat, Britain in India, China's macroeconomics, China's savings rate, Economic Policy, Economic quackery, Economic Theory, Economic Theory of Growth, Economic Theory of Interest, Economic Theory of Value, Economics of exchange controls, Economics of Public Finance, GDI Impuls Zurich, Government accounting, Government Budget Constraint, Government of India, India's Big Business, India's credit markets, India's Government economists, India's 1991 Economic Reform, India's balance of payments, India's Banking, India's Budget, India's Capital Markets, India's corporate governance, India's corruption, India's currency history, India's Economic History, India's Economy, India's Exports, India's Foreign Exchange Reserves, India's Foreign Trade, India's Government Budget Constraint, India's Government Expenditure, India's Macroeconomics, India's Military Defence, India's Monetary & Fiscal Policy, India's Money, India's nomenclatura, India's political lobbyists, India's Politics, India's pork-barrel politics, India's poverty, India's Public Finance, India's Reserve Bank, India's State Finances, Inflation, Institute of Economic Affairs, International economics, Jagdish Bhagwati, Jean Drèze, Lok Sabha TV, Macroeconomics, Manmohan Singh, Microeconomic foundations of macroeconomics, Milton Friedman, Raghuram Govind Rajan, Raghuram Rajan, Rajiv Gandhi, Reverse-Euro Model for India, Sen-Bhagwati spat, Sonia Gandhi. 1 Comment »

Did Jagdish Bhagwati “originate”, “pioneer”, “intellectually father” India’s 1991 economic reform? Did Manmohan Singh? Or did I, through my encounter with Rajiv Gandhi, just as Siddhartha Shankar Ray told Manmohan & his aides in Sep 1993 in Washington? Judge the evidence for yourself. And why has Amartya Sen misdescribed his work? India’s right path forward today remains what I said in my 3 Dec 2012 Delhi lecture!

Did Jagdish Bhagwati “originate”, “pioneer”, “intellectually father” India’s 1991 economic reform?  Did Manmohan Singh? Or did I, through my encounter with Rajiv Gandhi, just as Siddhartha Shankar Ray told Manmohan & his aides in Sep 1993 in Washington?  Judge the evidence for yourself.  And why has Amartya Sen misdescribed his work? India’s right path forward today remains what I said in my 3 Dec 2012 Delhi lecture!

[See also “I’m on my way out”: Siddhartha Shankar Ray (1920-2010)…An Economist’s Tribute”; “Rajiv Gandhi and the Origins of India’s 1991 Economic Reform”; “Three Memoranda to Rajiv Gandhi 1990-1991″ 

Foundations of India’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s edited by Subroto Roy & William E James, 1986-1992… pdf copy uploaded 2021

Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s, edited by William E James & Subroto Roy, 1986-1993… pdf copy uploaded 2021

Critique of Amartya Sen: A Tragedy of Plagiarism, Fake News, Dissimulation

Contents

 

Part I:  Facts vs Fiction, Flattery, Falsification, etc

1. Problem

2.    Rajiv Gandhi, Siddhartha Shankar Ray, Milton Friedman & Myself

3.     Jagdish Bhagwati & Manmohan Singh?  That just don’t fly!

 4.    Amartya Sen’s Half-Baked Communism:  “To each according to his need”?

  Part II:    India’s Right Road Forward Now: Some Thoughtful Analysis for Grown Ups

5.   Transcending a Left-Right/Congress-BJP Divide in Indian Politics

6.   Budgeting Military & Foreign Policy

7.    Solving the Kashmir Problem & Relations with Pakistan

8.  Dealing with Communist China

9.   Towards Coherence in Public Accounting, Public Finance & Public Decision-Making

10.   India’s Money: Towards Currency Integrity at Home & Abroad

 

Part I:  Facts vs Fiction, Flattery, Falsification, etc

1. Problem


Arvind Panagariya says in the Times of India of 27 July 2013

 “…if in 1991 India embraced many of the Track-I reforms, writings by Sen played no role in it… The intellectual origins of the reforms are to be found instead in the writings of Bhagwati, both solely and jointly with Padma Desai and T N Srinivasan….”

Now Amartya Sen has not claimed involvement in the 1991 economic reforms so we are left with Panagariya claiming

“The intellectual origins of the reforms are to be found instead in the writings of Bhagwati…”

Should we suppose Professor Panagariya’s master and co-author Jagdish Bhagwati himself substantially believes and claims the same?  Three recent statements from Professor Bhagwati suffice by way of evidence:

(A)  Bhagwati said to parliamentarians in the Lok Sabha on 2 December 2010 about the pre-1991 situation:

“This policy framework had been questioned, and its total overhaul advocated, by me and Padma Desai in writings through the late 1960s which culminated in our book, India: Planning for Industrialization (Oxford University Press: 1970) with a huge blowback at the time from virtually all the other leading economists and policymakers who were unable to think outside the box. In the end, our views prevailed and the changes which would transform the economy began, after an external payments crisis in 1991, under the forceful leadership of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh who was the Finance Minister at the time….”

(B)  Bhagwati said to Economic Times on 28 July 2013:

“When finance minister Manmohan Singh was in New York in 1992, he had a lunch for many big CEOs whom he was trying to seduce to come to India. He also invited me and my wife, Padma Desai, to the lunch. As we came in, the FM introduced us to the invitees and said: ‘These friends of mine wrote almost a quarter century ago [India: Planning for Industrialisation was published in 1970 by Oxford] recommending all the reforms we are now undertaking. If we had accepted the advice then, we would not be having this lunch as you would already be in India’.”

(C)  And Bhagwati said in Business Standard of 9 August 2013:

“… I was among the intellectual pioneers of the Track I reforms that transformed our economy and reduced poverty, and witness to that is provided by the Prime Minister’s many pronouncements and by noted economists like Deena Khatkhate.. I believe no one has accused Mr. Sen of being the intellectual father of these reforms. So, the fact is that this huge event in the economic life of India passed him by…”

From these pronouncements it seems fair to conclude Professors Bhagwati and Panagariya are claiming Bhagwati has been the principal author of “the intellectual origins” of India’s 1991 reforms, has been their “intellectual father” or at the very least has been “among the intellectual pioneers” of the reform (“among” his own collaborators and friends, since none else is mentioned).  Bhagwati has said too his friend Manmohan Singh as Finance Minister participated in the process while quoting Manmohan as having said Bhagwati was the principal author. 

Bhagwati’s opponent in current debate,  Amartya Sen, has been in agreement with him that Manmohan, their common friend during college days at Cambridge in the 1950s, was a principal originating the 1991 reforms, saying to Forbes in 2006:

“When Manmohan Singh came to office in the early 1990s as the newly appointed finance minister, in a government led by the Congress Party, he knew these problems well enough, as someone who had been strongly involved in government administration for a long time.”

In my experience, such sorts of claims, even in their weakest form, have been, at best, scientifically sloppy and unscholarly,  at worst mendacious suppressio veri/suggestio falsi, and in between these best and worst interpretations, examples of academic self-delusion and mutual flattery.  We shall see Bhagwati’s opponent, Amartya Sen, has denied academic paternity of recent policies he has spawned while appearing to claim academic paternity of things he has not!  Everyone may have reasonably expected greater self-knowledge, wisdom and scholarly values of such eminent academics.  Their current spat has instead seemed to reveal something rather dismal and self-serving. 

You can decide for yourself where the truth, ever such an elusive and fragile thing, happens to be and what is best done about it.   Here is some evidence.

 

2.  Rajiv Gandhi, Siddhartha Shankar Ray,  Milton Friedman & Myself

Professor Arvind Panagariya is evidently an American economics professor of Indian national origin who holds the Jagdish Bhagwati Chair of Indian Political Economy at Columbia University.   I am afraid I had not known his name until he mentioned my name in Economic Times of  24 October 2001.   He said

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In mentioning the volume “edited by Subroto Roy and William E  James”,  Professor Panagariya did not appear to find the normal scientific civility to identify our work by name, date or publisher.  So here that is now:

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This was a book published in 1992 by the late Tejeshwar Singh for Sage.  It resulted from the University of Hawaii Manoa perestroika-for-India project, that I and Ted James created and led between 1986 and 1992/93.   (Yes, Hawaii — not Stanford, Harvard, Yale, Columbia or even Penn, whose India-policy programs were Johnny-come-latelies a decade or more later…)   There is a sister-volume too on Pakistan, created by a parallel project Ted and I had led at the same time (both now in pdf):

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In 2004 from Britain, I wrote to the 9/11 Commission saying if our plan to study Afghanistan after India and Pakistan had not been thwarted by malign local forces among our sponsors themselves, we, a decade before the September 11 2001 attacks on the USA, may  just have come up with a pre-emptive academic analysis.   It was not to be.

Milton Friedman’s chapter that we published for the first time was a memorandum he wrote in November 1955 for the Government of India which the GoI had effectively suppressed.  I came to know of it while a doctoral student at Cambridge under Frank Hahn, when at a conference at Oxford about 1979-1980, Peter Tamas Bauer sat me down beside him and told me the story.  Later in Blacksburg about 1981, N. Georgescu-Roegen on a visit from Vanderbilt University told me the same thing.  Specifically, Georgescu-Roegen told me that leading Indian academics had almost insulted Milton in public which Milton had borne gamely; that after Milton had given a talk in Delhi to VKRV Rao’s graduate-students,  a talk Georgescu-Roegen had been present at, VKRV Rao had addressed the students and told them in all seriousness “You have heard what Professor Friedman has to say, if you repeat what he has said in your exams, you will fail”.

In 1981-1982 my doctoral thesis emerged, titled “On liberty & economic growth: preface to a philosophy for India”,

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My late great master in economic theory, Frank Hahn (1925-2013), found what I had written to be a “good thesis” bringing “a good knowledge of economics and of philosophy to bear on the literature on economic planning”, saying I had  shown “a good knowledge of economic theory” and my “critique of Development Economics was powerful not only on methodological but also on economic theory grounds”.  

I myself said about it decades later “My original doctoral topic in 1976  ‘A monetary theory for India’ had to be altered not only due to paucity of monetary data at the time but because the problems of India’s political economy and allocation of resources in the real economy were far more pressing. The thesis that emerged in 1982 … was a full frontal assault from the point of view of microeconomic theory on the “development planning” to which everyone routinely declared their fidelity, from New Delhi’s bureaucrats and Oxford’s “development” school to McNamara’s World Bank with its Indian staffers.  Frank Hahn protected my inchoate liberal arguments for India; and when no internal examiner could be found, Cambridge showed its greatness by appointing two externals, Bliss at Oxford and Hutchison at Birmingham, both Cambridge men. “Economic Theory and Development Economics” was presented to the American Economic Association in December 1982 in company of Solow, Chenery, Streeten, and other eminences…” How I landed on that eminent AEA panel in December 1982 was because its convener Professor George Rosen of the University of Illinois recruited me overnight — as a replacement for Jagdish Bhagwati, who had had to return to India suddenly because of a parental death.  The results were published in 1983 in World Development.

Soon afterwards, London’s Institute of Economic Affairs published Pricing, Planning and Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India.  This slim work (now in pdf)  was the first classical liberal critique of post-Mahalonobis Indian economic thought since BR Shenoy’s original criticism decades earlier.  It became the subject of The Times’ lead editorial on its day of publication 29 May 1984 — provoking the Indian High Commission in London to send copies to the Finance Ministry in Delhi where it apparently caused a stir, or so I was told years later by Amaresh Bagchi who was a recipient of it at the Ministry.

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The Times had said

“When Mr. Dennis Healey in the Commons recently stated that Hongkong, with one per cent of the population of India has twice India’s trade, he was making an important point about Hongkong but an equally important point about India. If Hongkong with one per cent of its population and less than 0.03 per cert of India’s land area (without even water as a natural resource) can so outpace India, there must be something terribly wrong with the way Indian governments have managed their affairs, and there is. A paper by an Indian economist published today (Pricing, Planning and Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India by Subroto Roy, IEA £1.80) shows how Asia’s largest democracy is gradually being stifled by the imposition of economic policies whose woeful effect and rhetorical unreality find their echo all over the Third World. As with many of Britain’s former imperial possessions, the rot set in long before independence. But as with most of the other former dependencies, the instrument of economic regulation and bureaucratic control set up by the British has been used decisively and expansively to consolidate a statist regime which inhibits free enterprise, minimizes economic success and consolidates the power of government in all spheres of the economy. We hear little of this side of things when India rattles the borrowing bowl or denigrates her creditors for want of further munificence. How could Indian officials explain their poor performance relative to Hongkong? Dr Roy has the answers for them. He lists the causes as a large and heavily subsidized public sector, labyrinthine control over private enterprise, forcibly depressed agricultural prices, massive import substitution, government monopoly of foreign exchange transactions, artificially overvalued currency and the extensive politicization of the labour market, not to mention the corruption which is an inevitable side effect of an economy which depends on the arbitrament of bureaucrats. The first Indian government under Nehru took its cue from Nehru’s admiration of the Soviet economy, which led him to believe that the only policy for India was socialism in which there would be “no private property except in a restricted sense and the replacement of the private profit system by a higher ideal of cooperative service.” Consequently, the Indian government has now either a full monopoly or is one of a few oligipolists in banking, insurance, railways, airlines, cement, steel, chemicals, fertilizers, ship-building, breweries, telephones and wrist-watches. No businessman can expand his operation while there is any surplus capacity anywhere in that sector. He needs government approval to modernize, alter his price-structure, or change his labour shift. It is not surprising that a recent study of those developing countries which account for most manufactured exports from the Third World shows that India’s share fell from 65 percent in 1953 to 10 per cent in 1973; nor, with the numerous restrictions on inter-state movement of grains, that India has over the years suffered more from an inability to cope with famine than during the Raj when famine drill was centrally organized and skillfully executed without restriction. Nehru’s attraction for the Soviet model has been inherited by his daughter, Mrs. Gandhi. Her policies have clearly positioned India more towards the Soviet Union than the West. The consequences of this, as Dr Roy states, is that a bias can be seen in “the antipathy and pessimism towards market institutions found among the urban public, and sympathy and optimism to be found for collectivist or statist ones.” All that India has to show for it is the delivery of thousands of tanks in exchange for bartered goods, and the erection of steel mills and other heavy industry which help to perpetuate the unfortunate obsession with industrial performance at the expense of agricultural growth and the relief of rural poverty.”…..

I felt there were inaccuracies in this and so replied  dated 4 June which The Times published on 16 June 1984:

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Milton and I met for the first time in the Fall of 1984 at the Mont Pelerin Society meetings at Cambridge when I gave him a copy of the IEA monograph, which he came to think extremely well of.   I told him I had heard of his 1955 document and asked him for it; he sent me the original blue/purple version of this soon thereafter.

[That original document was, incidentally,  in my professorial office among all my books, papers, theses and other academic items including my gown when I was attacked in 2003 by a corrupt gang at IIT Kharagpur —  all yet to be returned to me by IIT despite a High Court order during my present ongoing battle against corruption there over a USD 1.9 million scam !… Without having ever wished to, I have had to battle India’s notorious corruption first hand for a decade!]

I published Milton’s document for the first time on 21 May 1989 at the conference of the Hawaii project over the loud objection of assorted leftists… 

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Amartya Sen, Jagdish Bhagwati, Manmohan Singh or any of their acolytes will not be seen in this group photograph dated 21 May 1989 at the UH President’s House, because they were not there.  The Government of India was represented by the Ambassador to Washington, PK Kaul, as well as the Consul General in San Francisco, KS Rana (later Ambassador to Germany), besides the founding head of ICRIER who had invited himself.  

Manmohan Singh was not there as he precisely represented the Indian economic policy establishment I had been determined to reform!   In any case, he had left India about 1987 on his last assignment before retirement, with Julius Nyerere of Tanzania relating to the “South-South Commission”.  

I have said over more than a half dozen years now that there is no evidence whatsoever of Manmohan Singh having been a liberal economist in any sense of that word at any time before 1991, and scant evidence that he originated any liberal economic ideas since.  The widespread worldwide notion that he is to be credited for originating a sudden transformation of India from a path of pseudo-socialism to one of pseudo-liberalism has been without basis in evidence — almost entirely a political fiction, though an explicable one and one which has served, as such political fictions do, the purposes of those who invent them.

Jagdish Bhagwati and Amartya Sen were in their mid 50s and were two of the three senior-most Indians in US academic economics at the time.  I and Ted James, both in our 30s, decided to invite both Bhagwati and Sen to the Hawaii project-conference as distinguished guests but to do so somewhat insincerely late in the day, predicting they would decline, which is what they did, yet they had come to be formally informed of what we were doing.  We had a very serious attitude that was inspired a bit, I might say, by Oppenheimer’s secret “Manhattan project” and we wanted neither press-publicity nor anyone to become the star who ended up hogging the microphone or the limelight.

Besides, and most important of all, neither Bhagwati nor Sen had done work in the areas we were centrally interested in, namely, India’s macroeconomic and foreign trade framework and fiscal and monetary policies.   

Bhagwati, after his excellent 1970 work with Padma Desai for the OECD on Indian industry and trade, also co-authored with TN Srinivasan a fine 1975 volume for the NBER  Foreign Trade Regimes and Economic Development: India. 

TN Srinivasan was the third of the three senior-most Indian economists at the time in US academia; his work made us want to invite him as one of our main economic authors, and we charged him with writing the excellent chapter in Foundations that he came to do titled “Planning and Foreign Trade Reconsidered”.

The other main economist author we had hoped for was Sukhamoy Chakravarty from Delhi University and the Government of India’s Planning Commission, whom I had known since 1977 when I had been given his office at the Delhi School of Economics as a Visiting Assistant Professor while he was on sabbatical; despite my pleading he would not come due to ill health; he strongly recommended C Rangarajan, telling me Rangarajan had been the main author with him of the crucial 1985 RBI report on monetary policy; and he signed and gave me his last personal copy of that report dating it 14 July 1987.  Rangarajan said he could not come and recommended the head of the NIPFP, Amaresh Bagchi, promising to write jointly with him the chapter on monetary policy and public finance. 

Along with Milton Friedman’s suppressed 1955 memorandum which I was publishing for the first time in 1989, TN Srinivasan and Amaresh Bagchi authored the three main economic policy chapters that we felt we wanted. 

Other chapters we commissioned had to do with the state of governance (James Manor), federalism (Bhagwan Dua), Punjab and similar problems (PR Brass), agriculture (K Subbarao, as proposed by CH Hanumantha Rao), health (Anil Deolalikar, through open advertisement), and a historical assessment of the roots of economic policy (BR Tomlinson, as proposed by Anil Seal).  On the vital subject of education we failed to agree with the expert we wanted very much  (JBG Tilak, as proposed by George Psacharopolous) and so we had to cover the subject cursorily in our introduction mentioning his work.  And decades later, I apologised to Professor Dietmar Rothermund of Heidelberg University for having been so blinkered in the Anglo-American tradition at the time as to not having obtained his participation in the project.  

[The sister-volume we commissioned in parallel on Pakistan’s political economy had among its authors Francis Robinson, Akbar Ahmed, Shirin Tahir-Kehli, Robert La Porte, Shahid Javed Burki, Mohsin Khan, Mahmood Hasan Khan,  Naved Hamid, John Adams and Shahrukh Khan; this book came to be published in Pakistan in 1993 to good reviews but apparently was then lost by its publisher and is yet to be found; the military and religious clergy had been deliberately not invited by us though the name of Pervez Musharraf had I think arisen, and the military and religious clergy in fact came to rule the roost through the 1990s in Pakistan; the volume, two decades old, takes on fresh relevance with the new civilian governments of recent years.] [Postscript  27 November 2015: See my strident critique at Twitter of KM Kasuri, P Musharraf et al  e.g. at https://independentindian.com/2011/11/22/pakistans-point-of-view-or-points-of-view-on-kashmir-my-as-yet-undelivered-lahore-lecture-part-i/ passing off ideas they have taken from this volume without acknowledgement, ideas which have in any case become defunct  to their author, myself.]

Milton himself said this about his experience with me in his memoirs:

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And Milton wrote on my behalf when I came to be attacked, being Indian, at the very University that had sponsored us:

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My obituary notice at his passing in 2006 said: “My association with Milton has been the zenith of my engagement with academic economics…. I was a doctoral student of his bitter enemy yet for over two decades he not only treated me with unfailing courtesy and affection, he supported me in lonely righteous battles: doing for me what he said he had never done before, which was to stand as an expert witness in a United States Federal Court. I will miss him much though I know that he, as a man of reason, would not have wished me to….”

In August 1990 in Delhi I came to tell Siddhartha Shankar Ray about the unpublished India-manuscript resulting from the Hawaii project that was in my possession as it headed to its publisher. 

Ray was a family-friend whose maternal grandfather CR Das led the Congress Party before MK Gandhi and had been a friend and colleague of my great grandfather SN Roy in Bengal’s politics in the 1920s;  Ray had also consented to stand on my behalf as Senior Counsel in a matter in the Supreme Court of India. 

Ray was involved in daily political parlays at his Delhi home with other Congress Party personages led by PV Narasimha Rao.  These senior regional figures seemed to me to be keeping their national leader, Rajiv Gandhi, aloof in splendid isolation at 10 Jan Path. 

Ray told me he and his wife had been in London in May 1984 on the day The Times had written its lead editorial on my work and they had seen it with excitement.  Upon hearing of the Hawaii project and the manuscript I had with me, Ray immediately insisted of his own accord that I must meet Rajiv Gandhi, and that he would be arranging a meeting. 

Hence it came to be a month later that a copy of the manuscript of the completed Hawaii project was be given by my hand on 18 September 1990 to Rajiv Gandhi, then Leader of the Opposition and Congress President, an encounter I have quite fully described elsewhere.  I offered to get a copy to the PM, VP Singh, too but a key aide of his showed no interest in receiving it.

Rajiv made me a senior adviser, and I have claimed principal authorship of the 22 March 1991 draft of the Congress manifesto that actually shook and changed the political thinking of the Congress on economic matters in the direction Rajiv had desired and as I had advised him at our initial 18 September 1990 meeting. 

“… He began by talking about how important he felt panchayati raj was, and said he had been on the verge of passing major legislation on it but then lost the election. He asked me if I could spend some time thinking about it, and that he would get the papers sent to me. I said I would and remarked panchayati raj might be seen as decentralized provision of public goods, and gave the economist’s definition of public goods as those essential for the functioning of the market economy, like the Rule of Law, roads, fresh water, and sanitation, but which were unlikely to appear through competitive forces.

I distinguished between federal, state and local levels and said many of the most significant public goods were best provided locally. Rajiv had not heard the term “public goods” before, and he beamed a smile and his eyes lit up as he voiced the words slowly, seeming to like the concept immensely. It occurred to me he had been by choice a pilot of commercial aircraft. Now he seemed intrigued to find there could be systematic ways of thinking about navigating a country’s governance by common pursuit of reasonable judgement. I said the public sector’s wastefulness had drained scarce resources that should have gone instead to provide public goods. Since the public sector was owned by the public, it could be privatised by giving away its shares to the public, preferably to panchayats of the poorest villages. The shares would become tradable, drawing out black money, and inducing a historic redistribution of wealth while at the same time achieving greater efficiency by transferring the public sector to private hands. Rajiv seemed to like that idea too, and said he tried to follow a maxim of Indira Gandhi’s that every policy should be seen in terms of how it affected the common man. I wryly said the common man often spent away his money on alcohol, to which he said at once it might be better to think of the common woman instead. (This remark of Rajiv’s may have influenced the “aam admi” slogan of the 2004 election, as all Congress Lok Sabha MPs of the previous Parliament came to receive a previous version of the present narrative.)

Our project had identified the Congress’s lack of internal elections as a problem; when I raised it, Rajiv spoke of how he, as Congress President, had been trying to tackle the issue of bogus electoral rolls. I said the judiciary seemed to be in a mess due to the backlog of cases; many of which seemed related to land or rent control, and it may be risky to move towards a free economy without a properly functioning judicial system or at least a viable system of contractual enforcement. I said a lot of problems which should be handled by the law in the courts in India were instead getting politicised and decided on the streets. Rajiv had seen the problems of the judiciary and said he had good relations with the Chief Justice’s office, which could be put to use to improve the working of the judiciary.

The project had worked on Pakistan as well, and I went on to say we should solve the problem with Pakistan in a definitive manner. Rajiv spoke of how close his government had been in 1988 to a mutual withdrawal from Siachen. But Zia-ul-Haq was then killed and it became more difficult to implement the same thing with Benazir Bhutto, because, he said, as a democrat, she was playing to anti-Indian sentiments while he had found it somewhat easier to deal with the military. I pressed him on the long-term future relationship between the countries and he agreed a common market was the only real long-term solution. I wondered if he could find himself in a position to make a bold move like offering to go to Pakistan and addressing their Parliament to break the impasse. He did not say anything but seemed to think about the idea. Rajiv mentioned a recent Time magazine cover of Indian naval potential, which had caused an excessive stir in Delhi. He then talked about his visit to China, which seemed to him an important step towards normalization. He said he had not seen (or been shown) any absolute poverty in China of the sort we have in India. He talked about the Gulf situation, saying he did not disagree with the embargo of Iraq except he wished the ships enforcing the embargo had been under the U.N. flag. The meeting seemed to go on and on, and I was embarrassed at perhaps having taken too much time and that he was being too polite to get me to go. V. George had interrupted with news that Sheila Dixit (as I recall) had just been arrested by the U. P. Government, and there were evidently people waiting. Just before we finally stood up I expressed a hope that he was looking to the future of India with an eye to a modern political and economic agenda for the next election, rather than getting bogged down with domestic political events of the moment. That was the kind of hopefulness that had attracted many of my generation in 1985. I said I would happily work in any way to help define a long-term agenda. His eyes lit up and as we shook hands to say goodbye, he said he would be in touch with me again…. The next day I was called and asked to stay in Delhi for a few days, as Mr. Gandhi wanted me to meet some people…..

… That night Krishna Rao dropped me at Tughlak Road where I used to stay with friends. In the car I told him, as he was a military man with heavy security cover for himself as a former Governor of J&K, that it seemed to me Rajiv’s security was being unprofessionally handled, that he was vulnerable to a professional assassin. Krishna Rao asked me if I had seen anything specific by way of vulnerability. With John Kennedy and De Gaulle in mind, I said I feared Rajiv was open to a long-distance sniper, especially when he was on his campaign trips around the country.  This was one of several attempts I made since October 1990 to convey my clear impression to whomever I thought might have an effect that Rajiv seemed to me extremely vulnerable. Rajiv had been on sadhbhavana journeys, back and forth into and out of Delhi. I had heard he was fed up with his security apparatus, and I was not surprised given it seemed at the time rather bureaucratized. It would not have been appropriate for me to tell him directly that he seemed to me to be vulnerable, since I was a newcomer and a complete amateur about security issues, and besides if he agreed he might seem to himself to be cowardly or have to get even closer to his security apparatus. Instead I pressed the subject relentlessly with whomever I could. I suggested specifically two things: (a) that the system in place at Rajiv’s residence and on his itineraries be tested, preferably by some internationally recognized specialists in counter-terrorism; (b) that Rajiv be encouraged to announce a shadow-cabinet. The first would increase the cost of terrorism, the second would reduce the potential political benefit expected by terrorists out to kill him. On the former, it was pleaded that security was a matter being run by the V. P. Singh and then Chandrashekhar Governments at the time. On the latter, it was said that appointing a shadow cabinet might give the appointees the wrong idea, and lead to a challenge to Rajiv’s leadership. This seemed to me wrong, as there was nothing to fear from healthy internal contests for power so long as they were conducted in a structured democratic framework. I pressed to know how public Rajiv’s itinerary was when he travelled. I was told it was known to everyone and that was the only way it could be since Rajiv wanted to be close to the people waiting to see him and had been criticized for being too aloof. This seemed to me totally wrong and I suggested that if Rajiv wanted to be seen as meeting the crowds waiting for him then that should be done by planning to make random stops on the road that his entourage would take. This would at least add some confusion to the planning of potential terrorists out to kill him. When I pressed relentlessly, it was said I should probably speak to “Madame”, i.e. to Mrs. Rajiv Gandhi. That seemed to me highly inappropriate, as I could not be said to be known to her and I should not want to unduly concern her in the event it was I who was completely wrong in my assessment of the danger. The response that it was not in Congress’s hands, that it was the responsibility of the VP Singh and later the Chandrashekhar Governments, seemed to me completely irrelevant since Congress in its own interests had a grave responsibility to protect Rajiv Gandhi irrespective of what the Government’s security people were doing or not doing. Rajiv was at the apex of the power structure of the party, and a key symbol of secularism and progress for the entire country. Losing him would be quite irreparable to the party and the country. It shocked me that the assumption was not being made that there were almost certainly professional killers actively out to kill Rajiv Gandhi — this loving family man and hapless pilot of India’s ship of state who did not seem to have wished to make enemies among India’s terrorists but whom the fates had conspired to make a target. The most bizarre and frustrating response I got from several respondents was that I should not mention the matter at all as otherwise the threat would become enlarged and the prospect made more likely! This I later realized was a primitive superstitious response of the same sort as wearing amulets and believing in Ptolemaic astrological charts that assume the Sun goes around the Earth — centuries after Kepler and Copernicus. Perhaps the entry of scientific causality and rationality is where we must begin in the reform of India’s governance and economy. What was especially repugnant after Rajiv’s assassination was to hear it said by his enemies that it marked an end to “dynastic” politics in India. This struck me as being devoid of all sense because the unanswerable reason for protecting Rajiv Gandhi was that we in India, if we are to have any pretensions at all to being a civilized and open democratic society, cannot tolerate terrorism and assassination as means of political change. Either we are constitutional democrats willing to fight for the privileges of a liberal social order, or ours is truly a primitive and savage anarchy concealed beneath a veneer of fake Westernization….. Proceedings began when Rajiv arrived. This elite audience mobbed him just as the farmers had mobbed him earlier. He saw me and beamed a smile in recognition, and I smiled back but made no attempt to draw near him in the crush. He gave a short very apt speech on the role the United Nations might have in the new post-Gulf War world. Then he launched the book, and left for an investiture at Rashtrapati Bhavan. We waited for our meeting with him, which finally happened in the afternoon. Rajiv was plainly at the point of exhaustion and still hard-pressed for time. He seemed pleased to see me and apologized for not talking in the morning. Regarding the March 22 draft, he said he had not read it but that he would be doing so. He said he expected the central focus of the manifesto to be on economic reform, and an economic point of view in foreign policy, and in addition an emphasis on justice and the law courts. I remembered our September 18 conversation and had tried to put in justice and the courts into our draft but had been over-ruled by others. I now said the social returns of investment in the judiciary were high but was drowned out again. Rajiv was clearly agitated that day by the BJP and blurted out he did not really feel he understood what on earth they were on about. He said about his own family, “We’re not religious or anything like that, we don’t pray every day.” I felt again what I had felt before, that here was a tragic hero of India who had not really wished to be more than a happy family man until he reluctantly was made into a national leader against his will. We were with him for an hour or so. As we were leaving, he said quickly at the end of the meeting he wished to see me on my own and would be arranging a meeting. One of our group was staying back to ask him a favour. Just before we left, I managed to say to him what I felt was imperative: “The Iraq situation isn’t as it seems, it’s a lot deeper than it’s been made out to be.” He looked at me with a serious look and said “Yes I know, I know.” It was decided Pitroda would be in touch with each of us in the next 24 hours. During this time Narasimha Rao’s manifesto committee would read the draft and any questions they had would be sent to us. We were supposed to be on call for 24 hours. The call never came. Given the near total lack of system and organization I had seen over the months, I was not surprised. Krishna Rao and I waited another 48 hours, and then each of us left Delhi. Before going I dropped by to see Krishnamurty, and we talked at length. He talked especially about the lack of the idea of teamwork in India. Krishnamurty said he had read everything I had written for the group and learned a lot. I said that managing the economic reform would be a critical job and the difference between success and failure was thin….”

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“… I got the afternoon train to Calcutta and before long left for America to bring my son home for his summer holidays with me. In Singapore, the news suddenly said Rajiv Gandhi had been killed. All India wept. What killed him was not merely a singular act of criminal terrorism, but the system of humbug, incompetence and sycophancy that surrounds politics in India and elsewhere. I was numbed by rage and sorrow, and did not return to Delhi….”

In December 1991, I visited Rajiv’s widow at 10 Jan Path to express my condolences, the only time I have met her, and I gave her for her records a taped copy of Rajiv’s long-distance telephone conversations with me during the Gulf War earlier that year.   She seemed an extremely shy taciturn figure in deep mourning, and I do not think the little I said to her about her late husband’s relationship with me was comprehended.  Nor was it the time or place for more to be said.

In September 1993, at a special luncheon at the Indian Ambassador’s Residence in Washington, Siddhartha Shankar Ray, then the Ambassador to Washington, pointed at me and declared to Manmohan Singh, then Finance Minister, in presence of Manmohan’s key aides accompanying him including MS Ahluwalia, NK Singh, C Rangarajan and others,

“Congress manifesto was written on his computer”.

This was accurate enough to the extent that the 22 March 1991 draft as asked for by Rajiv and that came to explicitly affect policy had been and remains on my then-new NEC laptop.

At the Ambassador’s luncheon, I gave Manmohan Singh a copy of the Foundations book as a gift.  My father who knew him in the early 1970s through MG Kaul, ICS, had sent him a copy of my 1984 IEA monograph which Manmohan had acknowledged.  And back in 1973, he had visited our then-home at 14 Rue Eugene Manuel in Paris to advise me about economics at my father’s request, and he and I had ended up in a fierce private debate for about forty minutes over the demerits (as I saw them) and merits (as he saw them) of the Soviet influence on Indian economic policy-making.  But in 1993 we had both forgotten the 1973 meeting.  

In May 2002, the Congress passed an official party resolution moved by Digvijay Singh in presence of PV Narasimha Rao and Manmohan Singh that the 1991 reforms had originated with Rajiv Gandhi and not with either Narasimha Rao or Manmohan; no one dissented.  It was intended to flatter Sonia Gandhi as the Congress President,  but there was truth in it too which all Congress MPs of the 13th Lok Sabha had come to know in a publication of mine they had received from me at IIT Kharagpur where since 1996 I had become Professor.  

Manmohan Singh himself, to his credit, has not at any point, except once during his failed Lok Sabha bid, claimed the reforms as his own invention and has said always he had followed what his Prime Minister had told him. However, he has not been averse to being attributed with all the credit by his flatterers, by the media, by businessmen and many many others around the world, and certainly he did not respond to Ambassador Siddhartha Shankar Ray telling him and his key aides how the Congress-led reform had come about through my work except to tell me at the 1993 luncheon that when Arjun Singh criticised the reforms in Cabinet, he, Manmohan, would mention the manifesto. 

On 28 December 2009, Rajiv’s widow in an official Congress Party statement finally declared her late husband

left his personal imprint on the (Congress) party’s manifesto of 1991.″ 

How Sonia Gandhi, who has never had pretensions to knowledge of economics or political economy or political science or governance or history, came to place Manmohan Singh as her prime ministerial candidate and the font of economic and political wisdom along with Pranab Mukherjee, when both men hardly had been favourites of her late husband, would be a story in its own right.  And how Amartya Sen’s European-origin naturalised Indian co-author Jean Drèze later came to have policy influence from a different direction upon Sonia Gandhi, also a naturalised Indian of European origin, may be yet another story in its own right,  perhaps best told by themselves.

I would surmise the same elderly behind-the-scenes figure, now in his late 80s, had a hand in setting up both sets of influences — directly in the first case (from back in 1990-1991),  and indirectly in the second case (starting in 2004) .  This was a man who in a November 2007 newspaper article literally erased my name and inserted that of Manmohan Singh as part of the group that Rajiv created on 25 September following his 18 September meeting with me!   Reluctantly, I had to call this very elderly man a liar; he has not denied it and knows he has not been libeled.

One should never forget the two traditional powers interested in the subcontinent, Russia and Britain, have been never far from influence in Delhi.  In 1990-1991 what worried vested bureaucratic and business interests and foreign powers through their friends and agents was that they could see change was coming to India but they wanted to be able to control it themselves to their advantage, which they then broadly proceeded to do over the next two decades.  The foreign weapons’ contracts had to be preserved, as did other big-ticket imports that India ends up buying needlessly on credit it hardly has in world markets.  There are similarities to what happened in Russia and Eastern Europe where many apparatchiks and fellow-travellers became freedom-loving liberals overnight;  in the Indian case more than one badly compromised pro-USSR senior bureaucrat promptly exported his children and savings to America and wrapped themselves in the American flag.

The stubborn unalterable fact remains that Manmohan Singh was not physically present in India and was still with the Nyerere project on 18 September 1990 when I met Rajiv for the first time and gave him the unpublished results of the UH-Manoa project.  This simple straightforward fact is something the Congress Party, given its own myths and self-deception and disinformation, has not been able to cope with in its recently published history.   For myself, I have remained loyal to my memory of my encounter with Rajiv Gandhi, and my understanding of him.  The Rajiv Gandhi I knew had been enthused by me in 1990-1991 carrying the UH-Manoa perestroika-for-India project that I had led since 1986, and he had loved my advice to him on 18 September 1990 that he needed to modernise the party by preparing a coherent agenda (as other successful reformers had done) while still in Opposition waiting for elections, and to base that agenda on commitments to improving the judiciary and rule of law, stopping the debauching of money, and focusing on the provision of public goods instead.    Rajiv I am sure wanted a modern and modern-minded Congress — not one which depended on him let aside his family, but one which reduced that dependence and let him and his family alone.

As for Manmohan Singh being a liberal or liberalising economist, there is no evidence publicly available of that being so from his years before or during the Nyerere project, or after he returned and joined the Chandrashekhar PMO and the UGC  until becoming,  to his own surprise as he told Mark Tully,  PV Narasimha Rao’s Finance Minister.  Some of his actions qua Finance Minister were liberalising in nature but he did not originate any basic idea of a change in a liberal direction of economic policy, and he has, with utmost honesty honestly, not claimed otherwise.  Innumerable flatterers and other self-interested parties have made out differently, creating what they have found to be a politically useful fiction; he has yet to deny them.

Siddhartha Shankar Ray and I met last in July 2009, when I gave him a copy of this 2005 volume I had created, which pleased him much. 

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I said to him Bengal’s public finances were in abysmal condition, calling for emergency measures financially, and that Mamata Banerjee seemed to me to be someone who knew how to and would dislodge the Communists from their entrenched misgovernance of decades but she did not seem quite aware that dislodging a bad government politically was not the same thing as knowing how to govern properly oneself.  He,  again of his own accord, said immediately, 

“I will call her and her people to a meeting here so you can meet them and tell them that directly”. 

It never transpired.  In our last phone conversation I mentioned to him my plans of creating a Public Policy Institute — an idea he immediately and fully endorsed as being essential though adding “I can’t be part of it,  I’m on my way out”.

“I’m on my way out”.   That was Siddhartha Shankar Ray — always intelligent, always good-humoured, always public-spirited, always a great Indian, my only friend among politicians other than the late Rajiv Gandhi himself.

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In March February 2010, my father and I called upon the new Bengal Governor, MK Narayanan and gave him a copy of the Thatcher volume for the Raj Bhavan Library; I told him the story about my encounter with Rajiv Gandhi thanks to Siddhartha Shankar Ray and its result;  Narayanan within a few days made a visit to Ray’s hospital-bed, and when he emerged after several hours he made a statement, which in substance he repeated again when Ray died in November 2010:

“There are few people in post-Independence India who could equal his magnificent contribution to India’s growth and progress”.

To what facts did MK Narayanan, a former Intelligence Bureau chief, mean to refer with this extravagant praise of Ray?  Was Narayanan referring to Ray’s politics for Indira Gandhi?  To Ray’s Chief Ministership of Bengal?  To Ray’s Governorship of Punjab?  You will have to ask him but I doubt that was what he meant:  I surmise Narayanan’s eulogy could only have resulted after he confirmed with Ray on his hospital-bed the story I had told him, and that he was referring to the economic and political results that followed for the country once Ray had introduced me in September 1990 to Rajiv Gandhi. But I say again, you will have to ask MK Narayanan himself what he and Ray talked about in hospital and what was the factual basis of Narayanan’s precise words of praise. To what facts exactly was MK Narayanan, former intelligence chief, meaning to refer when he stated Siddhartha Shankar Ray had made a “magnificent contribution to India’s growth and progress”?

 

3.   Jagdish Bhagwati & Manmohan Singh?  That just don’t fly!

Now returning to the apparent desire of Professor Panagariya, the Jagdish Bhagwati Professor of Indian Political Economy at Columbia, to attribute to Jagdish Bhagwati momentous change for the better in India as of 1991, even if Panagariya had not the scientific curiosity to look into our 1992 book titled Foundations of India’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s or into Milton Friedman’s own 1998 memoirs, we may have expected him to at least turn to his co-author and Columbia colleague, Jagdish Bhagwati himself, and ask, “Master, have you heard of this fellow Subroto Roy by any chance?”

Jagdish would have had to say yes, since not only had he received a copy of the proofs of my 1984 IEA work Pricing, Planning and Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India, he was kind enough to write in a letter dated 15 May 1984 that I had

“done an excellent job of setting out the problems afflicting our economic policies, unfortunately government-made problems!” 

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Also Jagdish may or may not have remembered our only meeting, when he and I had had a long conversation on the sofas in the foyer of the IMF in Washington when I was a consultant there in 1993 and he had come to meet someone; he was surprisingly knowledgeable about my personal 1990 matter in the Supreme Court of India which astonished me until he told me his brother the Supreme Court judge had mentioned the case to him!

Now my 1984 work was amply scientific and scholarly in fully crediting a large number of works in the necessary bibliography, including Bhagwati’s important work with his co-authors.  Specifically, Footnote 1 listed the literature saying:

“The early studies notably include: B. R. Shenoy, `A note of dissent’, Papers relating to the formulation of the Second Five-Year Plan, Government of India Planning Commission, Delhi, 1955; Indian Planning and Economic Development, Asia Publishing, Bombay, 1963, especially pp. 17-53; P. T. Bauer, Indian Economic Policy and Development, George Allen & Unwin, London, 1961; M. Friedman, unpublished memorandum to the Government of India, November 1955 (referred to in Bauer, op. cit., p. 59 ff.); and, some years later, Sudha Shenoy, India : Progress or Poverty?, Research Monograph 27, Institute of Economic Affairs, London, 1971. Some of the most relevant contemporary studies are: B. Balassa, `Reforming the system of incentives in World Development, 3 (1975), pp. 365-82; `Export incentives and export performance in developing countries: a comparative analysis’, Weltwirtschaftliches Archiv, 114 (1978), pp. 24-61; The process of industrial development and alternative development strategies, Essays in International Finance No. 141, Princeton University, 1980; J. N. Bhagwati & P. Desai, India: Planning for Industrialisation, OECD, Paris : Oxford University Press, 1970; `Socialism and Indian Economic Policy’, World Development, 3 (1975), pp. 213-21; J. N. Bhagwati & T. N. Srinivasan, Foreign-trade Regimes and Economic Development: India, National Bureau of Economic Research, New York, 1975; Anne O. Krueger, `Indian planning experience’, in T. Morgan et al. (eds.), Readings in Economic Development, Wadsworth, California, 1963, pp. 403-20; `The political economy of the rent-seeking society, American Economic Review, 64 (June 1974); The Benefits and Costs of Import-Substitution in India: a Microeconomic Study, University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, 1975; Growth, distortions and patterns of trade among many countries, Studies in International Finance, Princeton University, 1977; Uma Lele, Food grain marketing in India : private performance and public policy, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, 1971; T. W. Schultz (ed.), Distortions in agricultural incentives, Indiana University Press, Bloomington, 1978; V. Sukhatme, “The utilization of high-yielding rice and wheat varieties in India: an economic assessment”, University of Chicago PhD thesis, 1977….”

There were two specific references to Bhagwati’s work with Srinivasan:

“Jagdish Bhagwati and T. N. Srinivasan put it as follows : `The allocation of foreign exchange among alternative claimants and users in a direct control system . . .would presumably be with reference to a well-defined set of principles and criteria based on a system of priorities. In point of fact, however, there seem to have been few such criteria, if any, followed in practice.’”

and

“But as Bhagwati and Srinivasan report, `. . . the sheer weight of numbers made any meaningful listing of priorities extremely difficult. The problem was Orwellian: all industries had priority and how was each sponsoring authority to argue that some industries had more priority than others? It is not surprising, therefore, that the agencies involved in determining allocations by industry fell back on vague notions of “fairness”, implying pro rata allocations with reference to capacity installed or employment, or shares defined by past import allocations or similar rules of thumb’”

and one to Bhagwati and Desai:

“The best descriptions of Indian industrial policy are still to be found in Bhagwati and Desai (1970)…”

Professors Bhagwati and Panagriya have not apparently referred to anything beyond these joint works of Bhagwati’s dated 1970 with Padma Desai and 1975 with TN Srinivasan.  They have not claimed Bhagwati did anything by way of either publication or political activity in relation to India’s economic policy between May 1984, when he read my soon-to-be-published-work and found I had

done an excellent job of setting out the problems afflicting our economic policies, unfortunately government-made problems”,

and September 1990 when I gave Rajiv the University of Hawaii perestroika-for-India project results developed since 1986, which came to politically spark the 1991 reform in the Congress’s highest echelons from months before Rajiv’s assassination.   

There may have been no such claim made by Bhagwati and Panagariya because there may be no such evidence.  Between 1984 and 1990,  Professor Bhagwati’s research interests were away from Indian economic policy while his work on India through 1970 and 1975 had been fully and reasonably accounted for as of 1984 by myself.

What is left remaining is Bhagwati’s statement :

“When finance minister Manmohan Singh was in New York in 1992, he had a lunch for many big CEOs whom he was trying to seduce to come to India. He also invited me and my wife, Padma Desai, to the lunch. As we came in, the FM introduced us to the invitees and said: ‘These friends of mine wrote almost a quarter century ago [India: Planning for Industrialisation was published in 1970 by Oxford] recommending all the reforms we are now undertaking. If we had accepted the advice then, we would not be having this lunch as you would already be in India’

Now this light self-deprecating reference by Manmohan at an investors’ lunch in New York “for many big CEOs” was an evident attempt at political humour written by his speech-writer.   It was clearly, on its face, not serious history.   If we test it as serious history, it falls flat so we may only hope Manmohan Singh, unlike Jagdish Bhagwati, has not himself come to believe his own reported joke as anything more than that.  

The Bhagwati-Desai volume being referred to was developed from 1966-1970.  India saw critical economic and political events  in 1969, in 1970, in 1971, in 1972, in 1975, in 1977, etc.

Those were precisely years during which Manmohan Singh himself moved from being an academic to becoming a Government of India official, working first for MG Kaul, ICS, and then in 1971 coming to the attention of  PN Haksar, Indira Gandhi’s most powerful bureaucrat between 1967 and 1974: Haksar himself was Manmohan Singh’s acknowledged mentor in the Government, as Manmohan told Mark Tully in an interview.  

After Manmohan visited our Paris home in 1973 to talk to me about economics, my father — who had been himself sent to the Paris Embassy by Haksar in preparation for Indira Gandhi’s visit in November 1971 before the Bangladesh war —

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had told me Manmohan was very highly regarded in government circles with economics degrees from both Cambridge and Oxford, and my father had added, to my surprise, what was probably a Haksarian governmental view that Manmohan was expected to be India’s Prime Minister some day.  That was 1973.

PN Haksar had been the archetypal Nehruvian Delhi intellectual of a certain era, being both a fierce nationalist and a fierce pro-USSR leftist from long before Independence.  I met him once on 23 March 1991, on the lawns of 10 Jan Path at the launch of General V Krishna Rao’s book on Indian defence which Rajiv was releasing, and Haksar gave a speech to introduce Rajiv (as if Rajiv needed introduction on the lawns of his own residence);  Haksar was in poor health but he seemed completely delighted to be back in favour with Rajiv,  after years of having been treated badly by Indira and her younger son.  

 Had Manmohan Singh in the early 1970s gone to Haksar — the architect of the nationalisation of India’s banking going on right then — and said “Sir, this OECD study by my friend Bhagwati and his wife says we should be liberalising foreign trade and domestic industry”, Haksar would have been astonished and sent him packing.  

There was a war on, plus a massive problem of 10 million refugees, a new country to support called Bangladesh, a railway strike, a bad crop, repressed inflation, shortages, and heaven knows what more, besides Nixon having backed Yahya Khan, Tikka Khan et al. 

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Then after Bangladesh and the railway strike etc, came the rise of the politically odious younger son of Indira Gandhi and his friends (at least one of whom is today Sonia Gandhi’s gatekeeper) followed by the internal political Emergency, the grave foreign-fueled problem of Sikh separatism and its control, the assassination of Indira Gandhi by her own Sikh bodyguards, and the Rajiv Gandhi years as Prime Minister. 

Certainly it was Rajiv’s arrival in office and Benazir’s initial return to Pakistan, along with the rise of Michael Gorbachev in the changing USSR, that inspired me in far away Hawaii in 1986 to design with Ted James the perestroika-projects for India and Pakistan which led to our two volumes, and which, thanks to Siddhartha Shankar Ray, came to reach Rajiv Gandhi in Opposition in September 1990 as he sat somewhat forlornly at 10 Jan Path after losing office. “There is a tide in the affairs of men, Which taken at the flood, leads on to fortune….

My friend and collaborator Ted James died of cancer in Manila in May 2010; earlier that year he came to say publicly

“Seldom are significant reforms imposed successfully by international bureaucracies. Most often they are the result of indigenous actors motivated by domestic imperatives. I believe this was the case in India in 1991. It may have been fortuitous that Dr. Roy gained an audience with a receptive Rajiv Gandhi in 1990 but it was not luck that he was prepared with a well-thought out program; this arose from years of careful thought and debate on the matter.”

Changing the direction of a ship of state is very hard, knowing in which direction it should change and to what degree is even harder; it has rarely been something that can be done without random shocks arising let aside the power of vested interests. Had Rajiv Gandhi lived to form a new Government, I have little doubt I would have led the reform that I had chalked out for him and that he had approved of;  Sonia Gandhi would have remained the housewife, mother and grandmother that she had preferred to be and not been made into the Queen of India by the Congress Party; Manmohan Singh had left India in 1987 for the Nyerere project and it had been rumoured at the time that had been slightly to do with him protesting, to the extent that he ever has protested anything, the anti-Sikh pogrom that some of Rajiv’s friends had apparently unleashed after Indira’s killing; he returned in November 1990, joined Chandrashekhar in December 1990, left Chandrashekhar in March 1991 when elections were announced and was biding his time as head of the UGC; had Rajiv Gandhi lived, Manmohan Singh would have had a governor’s career path, becoming the governor of one state after another; he would not have been brought into the economic reform process which he had had nothing to do with originating; and finally Pranab Mukherjee, who left the Congress Party and formed his own when Rajiv took over, would have been likely rehabilitated slowly but would not have come to control the working of the party as he did. I said in my Lok Sabha TV interview on 5 9 December 2012 that there have been many microeconomic improvements arising from technological progress in the last 22 years but the macroeconomic and monetary situation is grim, because at root the fiscal situation remains incoherent and confused. I do not see anyone in Manmohan Singh’s entourage among all his many acolytes and flatterers and apologists who is able to get to these root problems.  We shall address these issues in Part II.

What Manmohan Singh said in self-deprecating humour at an investors’ lunch in New York in 1992 is hardly serious history as Jagdish Bhagwati has seemed to wish it to be.  Besides, it would have been unlike Manmohan,  being the devoted student of Joan Robinson and Nicholas Kaldor as he told Mark Tully,  to have taken such a liberalising initiative at all.  Furthermore, the 1969 American Economic Review published asurvey of Indian economic policy authored by his Delhi University colleagues Jagdish Bhagwati and Sukhamoy Chakravarty which made little mention of his work, and it would have been unreasonable to expect him to have been won over greatly by theirs. Perhaps there is a generous review from the 1970s by Manmohan Singh of the Bhagwati-Desai volume hidden somewhere but if so we should be told where it is.  A list of Manmohan Singh’s publications as an economist do not seem easily available anywhere.  

Lastly and perhaps most decisively, the 1970 Bhagwati-Desai volume, excellent study that it was, was hardly the first of its genre by way of liberal criticism of modern Indian economic policy!   Bhagwati declared in his 2010 speech to the Lok Sabha

“This policy framework had been questioned, and its total overhaul advocated, by me and Padma Desai in writings through the late 1960s…”

But why has Bhagwati been forever silent about the equally if not more forceful and fundamental criticism of “the policy framework”, and advocacy of its “total overhaul”, by scholars in the 1950s, a decade and more earlier than him, when he and Manmohan and Amartya were still students?  Specifically, by BR Shenoy, Milton Friedman, and Peter Bauer?   The relevant bibliography from the mid 1950s is given in Footnote 1 of my 1984 work. 

 

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Peter Tamas Bauer (1915-2002) played a vital role in all this as had he himself not brought the Friedman 1955 document to my attention I would not have known of it.

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As undergraduates at the LSE, we had been petrified of him and I never spoke to him while there, having believed the propaganda that floated around about him; then while a Research Student at Cambridge, I happened to be a speaker with him at a conference at Oxford; he made me sit next to him at a meal and told me for the first time about Milton Friedman’s 1955 memorandum to the Government of India which had been suppressed.  I am privileged to say Peter from then on became a friend, and wrote, at my request, what became I am sure the kiss of death for me at the World Bank of 1982:

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Later he may have been responsible for the London Times writing its lead editorial of 29 May 1984 on my work.

Now Milton had sent me in 1984, besides the original of his November 1955 memorandum to the Government of India, a confidential 1956 document also which seemed to have been written for US Government consumption.  I did not publish this in Hawaii in 1989 as I was having difficulty enough publishing the 1955 memorandum.  I gave it to be published on the Internet some years ago, and after Milton’s passing, I had it published in The Statesman  on the same day as my obituary of him. 

It makes fascinating reading, especially about Mahalanobis and Shenoy, of how what Bhagwati wishes to call “the policy framework” that, he claims, he and Desai called for a “total overhaul” of, came to be what it was in the decade earlier when he and Amartya and Manmohan were still students. 

Friedman’s 1956 document said

“I met PC Mahalanobis in 1946 and again at a meeting of the International Statistical Institute in September 1947, and I know him well by reputation. He was absent during most of my stay in New Delhi, but I met him at a meeting of the Indian Planning Commission, of which he is one of the strongest and most able members.   Mahalanobis began as a mathematician and is a very able one. Able mathematicians are usually recognized for their ability at a relatively early age. Realizing their own ability as they do and working in a field of absolutes, tends, in my opinion, to make them dangerous when they apply themselves to economic planning. They produce specific and detailed plans in which they have confidence, without perhaps realizing that economic planning is not the absolute science that mathematics is. This general characteristic of mathematicians is true of Mahalanobis but in spite of the tendency he is willing to discuss a problem and listen to a different point of view. Once his decision is reached, however, he has great confidence in it. Mahalanobis was unquestionably extremely influential in drafting the Indian five-year plan. There were four key steps in the plan. The first was the so-called “Plan Frame” drafted by Mahalanobis himself. The second was a tentative plan based on the “Plan Frame”. The third step was a report by a committee of economists on the first two steps, and the fourth was a minority report by BR Shenoy on the economists’ report. The economists had no intention of drafting a definitive proposal but merely meant to comment on certain aspects of the first two steps. Shenoy’s minority report, however, had the effect of making the economists’ report official. The scheme of the Five Year Plan attributed to Mahalanobis faces two problems; one, that India needs heavy industry for economic development; and two, that development of heavy industry uses up large amounts of capital while providing only small employment.  Based on these facts, Mahalanobis proposed to concentrate on heavy industry development on the one hand and to subsidize the hand production cottage industries on the other. The latter course would discriminate against the smaller manufacturers. In my opinion, the plan wastes both capital and labour and the Indians get only the worst of both efforts. If left to their own devices under a free enterprise system I believe the Indians would gravitate naturally towards the production of such items as bicycles, sewing machines, and radios. This trend is already apparent without any subsidy. The Indian cottage industry is already cloaked in the same popular sort of mist as is rural life in the US. There is an idea in both places that this life is typical and the backbone of their respective countries. Politically, the Indian cottage industry problem is akin to the American farm problem. Mohandas Gandhi was a proponent of strengthening the cottage industry as a weapon against the British. This reason is now gone but the emotions engendered by Gandhi remain. Any move to strengthen the cottage industry has great political appeal and thus, Mahalanobis’ plan and its pseudo-scientific support for the industry also has great political appeal.  I found many supporters for the heavy industry phase of the Plan but almost no one (among the technical Civil Servants) who really believes in the cottage industry aspects, aside from their political appeal. In its initial form, the plan was very large and ambitious with optimistic estimates. My impression is that there is a substantial trend away from this approach, however, and an attempt to cut down. The development of heavy industry has slowed except for steel and iron. I believe that the proposed development of a synthetic petroleum plant has been dropped and probably wisely so. In addition, I believe that the proposed five year plan may be extended to six years. Other than his work on the plan, I am uncertain of Mahalanobis’ influence. The gossip is that he has Nehru’s ear and potentially he could be very influential, simply because of his intellectual ability and powers of persuasion. The question that occurs to me is how much difference Mahalanobis’ plan makes. The plan does not seem the important thing to me. I believe that the new drive and enthusiasm of the Indian nation will surmount any plan, good or bad. Then too, I feel a wide diversity in what is said and what is done. I believe that much of Nehru’s socialistic talk is simply that, just talk. Nehru has been trying to undermine the Socialist Party by this means and apparently the Congress Party’s adoption of a socialistic idea for industry has been successful in this respect.  One gets the impression, depending on whom one talks with, either that the Government runs business, or that two or three large businesses run the government. All that appears publicly indicates that the first is true, but a case can also be made for the latter interpretation. Favour and harassment are counterparts in the Indian economic scheme. There is no significant impairment of the willingness of Indian capitalists to invest in their industries, except in the specific industries where nationalization has been announced, but they are not always willing to invest and take the risks inherent in the free enterprise system. They want the Government to support their investment and when it refuses they back out and cry “Socialism”..”

I look forward to seeing a fundamental classical liberal critique from India’s distinguished American friends at Columbia University, Professors Jagdish Bhagwati and Padma Desai and Arvind Panagariya, if and when such a critique arises,  of the  “policy framework” in India as that evolved from the mid 1950s to become what exists across India in 2013 today.  Specifically:  Where is the criticism from Bhagwati of Mahalanobis and friends?  And where is Bhagwati’s defence of Shenoy, leave aside of Milton Friedman or Peter Bauer?   They seem not to exist. The most we get is a footnote again without the civility of any references, in the otherwise cogent 1975 Desai-Bhagwati paper “Socialism and Indian Economic Policy” alleging 

” Of these three types of impact of the Soviet example, the Plan-formulation approach was to be enthusiastically received by most commentators and, indeed, to lead to demands on the part of aid agencies for similar efforts by other developing countries. However, the shift to heavy industry was seen as a definite mistake by economic opinion of the Chicago school variety, reflecting their basic unfamiliarity with the structural models of growth and development planning of the Feldman-Mahalanobis variety-an ignorance which probably still persists. The detailed regulation was not quite noticed at the time, except by conservative commentators whose position however was extreme and precluded governmental planning of industrial investments on any scale.”

Desai and Bhagwati naturally found no apparent desire to locate any possible scientific truth or reasonableness among

“conservative commentators”

nor among the unnamed and undescribed

“economic opinion of the Chicago school variety”.   

Could Desai and Bhagwati have done anything different after all, even when talking about India to an American audience, without being at risk of losing their East Coast Limousine Liberal credentials?  Bhagwati used to routinely declare his “socialist” credentials, and even the other day on Indian TV emphatically declared he was not a “conservative” and scornfully dismissed “Thatcher and Reagan” for their “trickle down economics”…

Jagdish Bhagwati has evidently wanted to have his cake and eat it too…

 

 

4.    Amartya Sen’s Half-Baked Communism: “To each according to his need”? 

If I have been candid or harsh in my assessments of Jagdish Bhagwati and Manmohan Singh as they relate to my personal experience with the change of direction in Indian economic policy originating in 1990-1991, I am afraid I must be equally so with Bhagwati’s current opponent in debate, Amartya Sen. Certainly I have found the current spat between Bhagwati and Sen over India’s political economy to be dismal, unscholarly, unscientific and misleading (or off-base) except for it having allowed a burst of domestic policy-discussion in circumstances when India needs it especially much.  

None of this criticism is personal but based on objective experience and the record.  My criticism of Professor Bhagwati and Dr Manmohan Singh does not diminish in the slightest my high personal regard for both of them.

 

Similarly, Amartya Sen and I go back, momentarily, to Hindustan Park in 1964 when there was a faint connection as family friends from World War II  (as Naren Deb and Manindranath Roy were friends and neighbours, and we still have the signed copy of a book gifted by the former to the latter), and then he later knew me cursorily when I was an undergraduate at LSE and he was already a famous professor, and I greatly enjoyed his excellent lectures at the LSE on his fine book On Economic Inequality, and a few years later he wrote in tangential support of me at Cambridge for which he was thanked in the preface to my 1989 Philosophy of Economics — even though that book of mine also contained in its Chapter 10 the decisive criticism of his main contribution until that time to what used to be called “social choice theory”. Amartya Sen had also written some splendid handwritten letters, a few pages of which remain with me, which puzzled me at the time due to his expressing his aversion to what is normally called ‘price theory’, namely the Marshallian and/or Walrasian theory of value. 

Professor Sen and I met briefly in 1978, and then again in 2006 when I was asked to talk to him in our philosophical conversation which came to be published nicely.  In 2006 I told him of my experience with Rajiv Gandhi in initiating what became the 1991 reform on the basis of my giving Rajiv the results of the Hawaii project,  and Amartya was kind enough to say that he knew I had been arguing all this “very early on”, referring presumably to the 1984 London Times editorial which he would have seen in his Oxford days before coming to Harvard.

This personal regard on my part or personal affection on his part aside, I have been appalled to find Professor Sen not taking moral and intellectual responsibility for and instead disclaiming paternity of the whole so-called “Food Security” policy which Sonia Gandhi has been prevailed upon over the years by him and his acolytes and friends and admirers to adopt, and she in her ignorance of all political economy and governance has now wished to impose upon the Congress Party and India as a whole:

“Questioner: You are being called the creator of the Food Security Bill.

Amartya Sen: Yes, I don’t know why. That is indeed a paternity suit I’m currently fighting. People are accusing me of being the father”.

Amartya Sen has repeatedly over the years gone on Indian prime-time television and declared things like

If you don’t agree there’s hunger in the world, there’s something morally wrong with you”

besides over the decades publishing titles like Poverty and Famines: An Essay on Entitlement and Deprivation, Hunger and Public Action, The Political Economy of Hunger etc and ceaselessly using his immense power with the media, with book publishing houses, with US academic departments and the world development economics business,  to promote his own and his acolytes’ opinions around the world, no matter how ill-considered or incoherent these may be.   A passage from his latest book with Jean Drèze reportedly reads

“If development is about the expansion of freedom, it has to embrace the removal of poverty as well as paying attention to ecology as integral parts of a unified concern, aimed ultimately at the security and advancement of human freedom. Indeed, important components of human freedoms — and crucial ingredients of our quality of life — are thoroughly dependent on the integrity of the environment, involving the air we breathe, the water we drink, and the epidemiological surroundings in which we live….”

Had such a passage reached me in an undergraduate essay, I would have considered it incoherent waffle, and I am afraid I cannot see why merely because it is authored  by an eminence at Harvard and his co-author, the evaluation should be any different.   I am reminded of my encounter in 1976 with Joan Robinson, the great tutor in 1950s Cambridge of Amartya and Manmohan:  “Joan Robinson cornered me once and took me into the office she shared with EAG… She came at me for an hour or so wishing to supervise me, I kept declining politely… saying I was with Frank Hahn and wished to work on money… “What does Frankie know about India?” she said… I said I did not know but he did know about monetary theory and that was what I needed for India;  I also said I did not think much about the Indian Marxists she had supervised… and mentioned a prominent name… she said about him, “Yes most of what he does can go straight into the dustbin”…”  The Indian Marxist whom I had referred to in this conversation with Joan was not Amartya but someone else much younger, yet her candid “can go straight into the dustbin” still applies to all incoherent waffle, whomsoever may produce it.

Indeed, Amartya Sen, if anyone, really should get down to writing his memoirs, and candidly so in order to explain his own thinking and deeds over the decades to himself and to the world in order that needless confusions do not arise.  

Else it becomes impossible to explain how someone who was said to be proud to have been a Communist student on the run from the police in West Bengal, who was Joan Robinson’s star pupil at a time she was extolling Maoist China and who has seemingly nurtured a deep lifelong fascination and affection for Communist China despite all its misdeeds, who was feted by the Communist regime of West Bengal after winning the Bank of Sweden Prize (on the same day that same regime had tossed into jail one unfortunate young Mr Khemkha merely for having been rude to its leaders on the Internet), and who seemed to share some of those winnings on social causes like primary education at the behest of the Communist regime’s ministers, etc, how someone with that noble comradely leftist personal history as an economist allows a flattering interviewer with a Harvard connection to describe him in Business Standard of 25 July 2013  as having been all along really a

“neoclassical economist”

who also happens to be

“the greatest living scholar of the original philosopher of the free market, Adam Smith”

Amartya Sen a neoclassical economist and a great scholar of Adam Smith?  It is hilarious to suppose so. The question arises, Does Sen, having published about Adam Smith recently in a few newspapers and leftist periodicals, agree with such a description by his flattering admirer from Harvard at Business Standard?  “Neoclassical” economics originated with men like Jevons, Menger, Walras, Pareto, Marshall, Wicksell, and was marked by the theory of value being explained by a demand-side too, and not, like classical economics, merely by the cost of production alone on the supply side.  Indeed a striking thing about the list below published by the Scandinavian Journal of Economics of Amartya’s books following his 1998 Bank of Sweden Prize

1467-9442.00152_p1is how consistently these works display his avoidance of all neoclassical economics, and the absence of all of what is normally called ‘price theory’, namely the Marshallian and/or Walrasian theory of value.   No “neoclassical economics” anywhere here  for sure!  

It would be fair enough if Professor Sen says he is hardly responsible for an admirer’s ignorant misdescription of his work — except the question still arises why he has himself also evidently misdescribed his own work!  For example, in his 13 July 2013 letter to The Economist in response to the criticism of Jagdish Bhagwati and Arvind Panagariya, he says he had always been keenly interested in

“the importance of economic growth as a means— not an end”

and that this

“has been one of the themes even in my earliest writings (including “Choice of Techniques” in 1960 and “Growth Economics” in 1970)”.

This is a very peculiar opinion indeed to have been expressed by Professor Sen about his own work because the 1970 volume Growth Economics listed above among his books hardly can be said at all to be one of his own “earliest writings” as he now describes it to have been!

What had happened back then was that Sen, as someone considered a brilliant or promising young Indian economist at the time, had been asked by the editors of the famous Penguin Modern Economics Readings series to edit the specific issue  devoted to growth-theory — a compendium of classic already-published essays including those of Roy Harrod, Evsey Domar, Robert Solow and many others, to which young Amartya was given a chance to write an editorial Introduction.   Every economist familiar with that literature knows too that the growth-theory contained in that volume and others was considered highly abstract and notoriously divorced from actual historical processes of economic growth in different countries.  Everyone also knew that the individual editors in that famous Penguin Modern Economics Series were of relative unimportance as they did not commission new papers but merely collected classics already published and wrote an introduction.

This is significant presently because neither Professor Sen nor Professor Bhagwati may be objectively considered on the evidence of his life’s work as an economist to have been a major scholar of economic growth, either in theory or in historical practice.  As of December 1989,  Amartya Sen himself described his own interests to the American Economic Association as

“social choice theory, welfare economics, economic development”

and Jagdish Bhagwati described his interests as

“theory of international trade and policy, economic development”. 

Neither Sen nor Bhagwati mentioned growth economics or economic history or even general economic theory, microeconomics, macroeconomics, monetary economics, public finance, etc.  Furthermore, Sen saying in his letter to The Economist  that he has been always interested in economic growth seems to be baseless in light of the list of his books above, other than the Penguin compendium already discussed.

Incidentally in the same American Economic Association volume of 1989, Padma Desai had described her interests as

“Soviet economy and comparative economic systems”; 

Arvind Panagariya had described his interests as

“economies of scale and trade; smuggling; parallel markets in planned economies”;

and one Suby Roy described his interests as

“foundations of monetary economics”.

Reflecting on Amartya Sen’s works over the 40 year period that I have known them

[and again, my personal copies of his books and those of Bhagwati and Desai, were all in my professorial office at IIT Kharagpur when I was attacked by a corrupt gang there in 2003; and IIT have been under a High Court order to return them but have not done so],

I wonder in fact if it might be fairly said that Sen has been on his own subjective journey over the decades around the world seeking to reinvent economics and political economy from scratch, and inventing his own terminology like “capabilities”, “functionings” and yes “entitlements” etc. to help him do so, while trying to assiduously avoid mention of canonical works of  modern world economics like Marshall’s Principles, Hicks’s Value and Capital, Debreu’s Theory of Value, or Arrow and Hahn’s General Competitive Analysis, all defining the central neoclassical tradition of the modern theory of value.  

But no contemporary science, economics and political economy included, is open to be re-invented from scratch, and what Amartya Sen has ended up doing instead is seeming to be continually trying to reinvent the wheel, possibly without having had the self-knowledge to realise this.  Wittgenstein once made a paradoxical statement that one may know another’s mind better than one knows one’s own…  

Here is a current example.  Professor Sen says

“First, unlike the process of development in Japan, China, Korea and other countries, which pursued what Jean Drèze and I have called “Asian economic development” in our book, India has not had enough focus on public spending on school education and basic healthcare, which these other countries have had….”

Does Sen really believes believe he and Drèze  have now in 2013 discovered and christened an economic phenomenon named “Asian economic development”?  Everyone, from Japan and Bangkok and Manila, to Hawaii and Stanford to the World Bank’s East Asia department, including  especially my Hawaii colleague Ted James, and many many others including especially Gerald M Meier at Stanford, were was publishing about all that every month — in the mid 1980s!  In fact, our project on India and Pakistan arose in the 1980s from precisely such a Hawaiian wave!  Everyone knows all that from back then or even earlier when the Japanese were talking about the “flying geese” model.  (And, incidentally,  Communist China did not at the time belong in the list.)  Where was Amartya Sen in the mid 1980s when all that was happening?  Jean Drèze was still a student perhaps. Is Professor Sen seeking to reinvent the wheel again with “Asian Economic Development” being claimed to be invented in 2013 by him and Drèze now? Oh please!  That just won’t fly either!

A second example may be taken from the year before Professor Sen was awarded the Bank of Sweden Prize when he gave a lecture on “human capital” theory which was published as a survey titled “Human Capital and Human Capability” in World Development 1997 Vol. 25, No. 12, 

Can you see any reference in this 1997 survey to TW Schultz’s 1960 American Economic Association Presidential Address or to Schultz’s classic 1964 book Transforming Traditional Agriculture or to his 1979 Bank of Sweden Prize address?  I could not.   If one did not know better, one might have thought from Professor Sen’s 1997 survey that there was nothing done worth talking about on the subject of “human capital” from the time of Adam Smith and David Hume until Amartya Sen finally came to the subject himself. 

Thirdly,  one is told by Sen’s admirer and collaborator, Professor James Foster of George Washington University, that what  Sen means by his notion of

“effective freedom”

is that this is something

“enhanced when a marginally nourished family now has the capability to be sufficiently nourished due to public action”…

Are Amartya and his acolytes claiming he has invented or reinvented welfare economics ab initio?   That before Amartya Sen, we did not know the importance of the able-bodied members of a community assisting those who are not able-bodied? 

Where have they been? Amartya needed merely to have read Marshall’s Principles evenslightly to find Marshall himself, the master of Maynard Keynes and all of Cambridge and modern world economics, declaring without any equivocation at the very start 

“….the study of the causes of poverty is the study of the causes of the degradation of a large part of mankind…”

But Marshall was interested in study, serious study, of poverty and its causes and amelioration, which is not something as easy or trivial as pontification on modern television.  My 1984 article “Considerations on Utility, Benevolence and Taxation” which also became a chapter of my 1989 Philosophy of Economics surveyed some of Marshall’s opinion.

“From each according to his ability, to each according to his need” was a utopian slogan around 1875 from Karl Marx, which generations of passionate undergraduates have found impressive. Amartya Sen deserves to tell us squarely about his engagement with Marx or Marxist thought from his earliest days until now.  His commitment in recent decades to democracy and the open and free society is clear;  but has he also at the same time all along been committed to a kind of half-baked communist utopia as represented by Marx’s 1875 slogan? 

“To each according to his need” sounds to be the underlying premise that is seeing practical manifestation in the Sonia Congress’s imposition of a so-called “right to food”; “from each according to his ability” is its flip side in the so-called “rural employment guarantee”.  Leave aside the limitless resource-allocation and incentive and public finance problems created by such naive ideas being made into government policy, there is a grave and fundamental issue that Amartya and other leftists have been too blinkered to see:

Do they suppose the organised business classes have been weakly cooperative and will just allow such massive redistribution to occur without getting the Indian political system to pay them off as well?   And how do the organised business classes get paid off?  By their getting to take the land of the inhabitants of rural India.   And land in an environment of a debauching of money and other paper assets is as good as gold.

So the peasants will lose their land to the government’s businessman friends on the one hand while purportedly getting “guaranteed” employment and food from the government’s bureaucrats on the other!  A landless, asset-less slave population, free to join the industrial proletariat! Is that what Amartya wants to see in India?  It may become what results within a few decades from his and his acolytes’ words and deeds. 

Rajiv Gandhi once gave me his private phone numbers at 10 Jan Path.  I used them back in January 1991 during the Gulf war.  But I cannot do so now as Rajiv is gone.  Amartya can.  Let him phone Sonia and prevail upon her to put the brakes on the wild food and employment schemes he and his friends have persuaded her about until he reads and reflects upon what I said in January 2007 in “On Land-Grabbing” and in my July 2007 open letter to him, reproduced below:

“At a business meet on 12 January 2005, Dr Manmohan Singh showered fulsome praise on Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee as “dynamic”, “the Nation’s Best Chief Minister”, whose “wit and wisdom”, “qualities of head and heart”, “courage of conviction and passionate commitment to the cause of the working people of India” he admired, saying “with Buddhadeb Babu at the helm of affairs it appears Bengal is once again forging ahead… If today there is a meeting of minds between Delhi and Kolkata, it is because the ideas that I and Buddhadebji represent have captured the minds of the people of India. This is the idea of growth with equity and social justice, the idea that economic liberalization and modernization have to be mindful of the needs of the poor and the marginalized.”…. Dr Singh returned to the “needs of the poor and the marginalized” at another business meet on 8 January 2007 promising to “unveil a new Rehabilitation Policy in three months to increase the pace of industrialisation” which would be “more progressive, humane and conducive to the long-term welfare of all stakeholders”, while his businessman host pointedly stated about Singur “land for industry must be made available to move the Indian manufacturing sector ahead”. The “meeting of minds between Delhi and Kolkata” seems to be that agriculture allegedly has become a relatively backward slow-growing sector deserving to yield in the purported larger national interest to industry and services: what the PM means by “long-term welfare of all stakeholders” is the same as the new CPI-M party-line that the sons of farmers should not remain farmers (but become automobile technicians or IT workers or restaurant waiters instead).   It is a political viewpoint coinciding with interests of organised capital and industrial labour in India today, as represented by business lobbies like CII, FICCI and Assocham on one hand, and unions like CITU and INTUC on the other. Business Standard succinctly (and ominously) advocated this point of view in its lead editorial of 9 January as follows: “it has to be recognised that the world over capitalism has progressed only with the landed becoming landless and getting absorbed in the industrial/service sector labour force ~ indeed it is obvious that if people don’t get off the land, their incomes will rise only slowly”.  Land is the first and ultimate means of production, and the attack of the powerful on land-holdings or land-rights of the unorganised or powerless has been a worldwide phenomenon ~ across both capitalism and communism.  In the mid-19th Century, white North America decimated hundreds of thousands of natives in the most gargantuan land-grab of history. Defeated, Chief Red Cloud of the Sioux spoke in 1868 for the Apache, Navajo, Comanche, Cheyenne, Iroquois and hundreds of other tribes: “They made us many promises, more than I can remember, but they never kept any except one: they promised to take our land, and they took it.”  Half a century later, while the collapse of grain prices contributed to the Great Depression and pauperisation of thousands of small farmers in capitalist America in the same lands that had been taken from the native tribes, Stalin’s Russia embarked on the most infamous state-sponsored land-grab in modern history: “The mass collectivisation of Soviet agriculture (was) probably the most warlike operation ever conducted by a state against its own citizens…. Hundreds of thousands and finally millions of peasants… were deported… desperate revolts in the villages were bloodily suppressed by the army and police, and the country sank into chaos, starvation and misery… The object of destroying the peasants’ independence…was to create a population of slaves, the benefit of whose labour would accrue to industry. The immediate effect was to reduce Soviet agriculture to a state of decline from which it has not yet recovered… The destruction of the Soviet peasantry, who formed three quarters of the population, was not only an economic but a moral disaster for the entire country. Tens of millions were driven into semi-servitude, and millions more were employed as executants…” (Kolakowski, Main Currents of Marxism).   Why did Stalin destroy the peasants? Lenin’s wishful “alliance between the proletariat and the peasantry” in reality could lead only to the peasants being pauperised into proletarians. At least five million peasants died and (Stalin told Churchill at Yalta) another ten million in the resultant famine of 1932-1933. “Certainly it involved a struggle ~ but chiefly one between urban Communists and villagers… it enabled the regime to obtain much of the capital desired for industrialization from the defeated village… it was the decisive step in the building of Soviet totalitarianism, for it imposed on the majority of the people a subjection which only force could maintain” (Treadgold, 20th Century Russia).  Mr Bhattacharjee’s CPI-M is fond of extolling Chinese communism, and the current New Delhi establishment have made Beijing and Shanghai holiday destinations of choice. Dr Singh’s Government has been eager to create hundreds of “Special Economic Zones” run by organised capital and unionised labour, and economically privileged by the State. In fact, the Singur and Nandigram experiences of police sealing off villages where protests occur are modelled on creation of “Special Economic Zones” in China in recent years.  For example, Chinese police on 6 December 2005 cracked down on farmers and fishermen in the seaside village of Dongzhou, 125 miles North East of Hong Kong. Thousands of Dongzhou villagers clashed with troops and armed police protesting confiscation of their lands and corruption among officials. The police immediately sealed off the village and arrested protesters. China’s Public Security Ministry admitted the number of riots over land had risen sharply, reaching more than seventy thousand across China in 2004; police usually suppressed peasant riots without resort to firing but in Dongzhou, police firing killed 20 protesters. Such is the reality of the “emergence” of China, a totalitarian police-state since the Communist takeover in 1949, from its period of mad tyranny until Mao’s death in 1976, followed by its ideological confusion ever since.  Modern India’s political economy today remains in the tight grip of metropolitan “Big Business” and “Big Labour”. Ordinary anonymous individual citizens ~ whether housewife, consumer, student, peasant, non-union worker or small businessman ~ have no real voice or representation in Indian politics. We have no normal conservative, liberal or social democratic party in this country, as found in West European democracies where the era of land-grabbing has long-ceased. If our polity had been normal, it would have known that economic development does not require business or government to pauperise the peasantry but instead to define and secure individual property rights and the Rule of Law, and establish proper conditions for the market economy. The Congress and BJP in Delhi and CPI-M in Kolkata would not have been able to distract attention from their macroeconomic misdeeds over the decades ~ indicated, for example, by increasing interest-expenditure paid annually on Government debt as a fraction of tax revenues… This macroeconomic rot originated with the Indira Gandhi-PN Haksar capriciousness and mismanagement, which coincided with the start of Dr Singh’s career as India’s best known economic bureaucrat….”

“Professor Amartya Sen, Harvard University,  Dear Professor Sen,  Everyone will be delighted that someone of your worldwide stature has joined the debate on Singur and Nandigram; The Telegraph deserves congratulations for having made it possible on July 23.  I was sorry to find though that you may have missed the wood for the trees and also some of the trees themselves. Perhaps you have relied on Government statements for the facts. But the Government party in West Bengal represents official Indian communism and has been in power for 30 years at a stretch. It may be unwise to take at face-value what they say about their own deeds on this very grave issue! Power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely, and there are many candid communists who privately recognise this dismal truth about themselves. To say this is not to be praising those whom you call the “Opposition” ~ after all, Bengal’s politics has seen emasculation of the Congress as an opposition because the Congress and communists are allies in Delhi. It is the Government party that must reform itself from within sua sponte for the good of everyone in the State.  The comparisons and mentions of history you have made seem to me surprising. Bengal’s economy now or in the past has little or nothing similar to the economy of Northern England or the whole of England or Britain itself, and certainly Indian agriculture has little to do with agriculture in the new lands of Australia or North America. British economic history was marked by rapid technological innovations in manufacturing and rapid development of social and political institutions in context of being a major naval, maritime and mercantile power for centuries. Britain’s geography and history hardly ever permitted it to be an agricultural country of any importance whereas Bengal, to the contrary, has been among the most agriculturally fertile and hence densely populated regions of the world for millennia.  Om Prakash’s brilliant pioneering book The Dutch East India Company and the Economy of Bengal 1630-1720 (Princeton 1985) records all this clearly. He reports the French traveller François Bernier saying in the 1660s “Bengal abounds with every necessary of life”, and a century before him the Italian traveller Verthema saying Bengal “abounds more in grain, flesh of every kind, in great quantity of sugar, also of ginger, and of great abundance of cotton, than any country in the world”. Om Prakash says “The premier industry in the region was the textile industry comprising manufacture from cotton, silk and mixed yarns”. Bengal’s major exports were foodstuffs, textiles, raw silk, opium, sugar and saltpetre; imports notably included metals (as Montesquieu had said would always be the case).  Bengal did, as you say, have industries at the time the Europeans came but you have failed to mention these were mostly “agro-based” and, if anything, a clear indicator of our agricultural fecundity and comparative advantage. If “deindustrialization” occurred in 19th Century India, that had nothing to do with the “deindustrialization” in West Bengal from the 1960s onwards due to the influence of official communism.  You remind us Fa Hiaen left from Tamralipta which is modern day Tamluk, though he went not to China but to Ceylon. You suggest that because he did so Tamluk effectively “was greater Calcutta”. I cannot see how this can be said of the 5th Century AD when no notion of Calcutta existed. Besides, modern Tamluk at 22º18’N, 87º56’E is more than 50 miles inland from the ancient port due to land-making that has occurred at the mouth of the Hooghly. I am afraid the relevance of the mention of Fa Hiaen to today’s Singur and Nandigram has thus escaped me.  You say “In countries like Australia, the US or Canada where agriculture has prospered, only a very tiny population is involved in agriculture. Most people move out to industry. Industry has to be convenient, has to be absorbing”. Last January, a national daily published a similar view: “For India to become a developed country, the area under agriculture has to shrink, urban and industrial land development has to take place, and about 100 million workers have to move out from agriculture into industry and services. This is the only way forward for bringing prosperity to the rural population”.   Rice is indeed grown in Arkansas or Texas as it is in Bengal but there is a world of difference between the technological and geographical situation here and that in the vast, sparsely populated New World areas with mechanized farming! Like shoe-making or a hundred other crafts, agriculture can be capital-intensive or labour-intensive ~ ours is relatively labour-intensive, theirs is relatively capital-intensive. Our economy is relatively labour-abundant and capital-scarce; their economies are relatively labour-scarce and capital-abundant (and also land-abundant). Indeed, if anything, the apt comparison is with China, and you doubtless know of the horror stories and civil war conditions erupting across China in recent years as the Communist Party and their businessman friends forcibly take over the land of peasants and agricultural workers, e.g. in Dongzhou. All plans of long-distance social engineering to “move out” 40 per cent of India’s population (at 4 persons per “worker”) from the rural hinterlands must also face FA Hayek’s fundamental question in The Road to Serfdom: “Who plans whom, who directs whom, who assigns to other people their station in life, and who is to have his due allotted by others?”  Your late Harvard colleague, Robert Nozick, opened his brilliant 1974 book Anarchy, State and Utopia saying: “Individuals have rights, and there are things no person or group may do to them (without violating their rights)”. You have rightly deplored the violence seen at Singur and Nandigram. But you will agree it is a gross error to equate violence perpetrated by the Government which is supposed to be protecting all people regardless of political affiliation, and the self-defence of poor unorganised peasants seeking to protect their meagre lands and livelihoods from state-sponsored pogroms. Kitchen utensils, pitchforks or rural implements and flintlock guns can hardly match the organised firepower controlled by a modern Government.   Fortunately, India is not China and the press, media and civil institutions are not totally in the hands of the ruling party alone. In China, no amount of hue and cry among the peasants could save them from the power of organised big business and the Communist Party. In India, a handful of brave women have managed to single-handedly organise mass movements of protest which the press and media have then broadcast that has shocked the whole nation to its senses.  You rightly say the land pricing process has been faulty. Irrelevant historical prices have been averaged when the sum of discounted expected future values in an inflationary economy should have been used. Matters are even worse. “The fear of famine can itself cause famine. The people of Bengal are afraid of a famine. It was repeatedly charged that the famine (of 1943) was man-made.” That is what T. W. Schultz said in 1946 in the India Famine Emergency Committee led by Pearl Buck, concerned that the 1943 Bengal famine should not be repeated following dislocations after World War II. Of course since that time our agriculture has undergone a Green Revolution, at least in wheat if not in rice, and a White Revolution in milk and many other agricultural products. But catastrophic collapses in agricultural incentives may still occur as functioning farmland comes to be taken by government and industry from India’s peasantry using force, fraud or even means nominally sanctioned by law. If new famines come to be provoked because farmers’ incentives collapse, let future historians know where responsibility lay.  West Bengal’s real economic problems have to do with its dismal macroeconomic and fiscal position which is what Government economists should be addressing candidly. As for land, the Government’s first task remains improving grossly inadequate systems of land-description and definition, as well as the implementation and recording of property rights.  With my most respectful personal regards, I remain, Yours ever, Suby”

How does India, as a state, treat its weakest and most vulnerable citizens? Not very well at all.  It is often only because families and society have not collapsed completely, as they have elsewhere, that the weakest survive.  Can we solve in the 21st Century, in a practical manner appropriate to our times, the problem Buddha raised before he became the Buddha some twenty six centuries ago?  Says Eliot,

“The legend represents him as carefully secluded from all disquieting sights and as learning the existence of old age, sickness and death only by chance encounters which left a profound impression”

It is to this list we add “the poor” too, especially if we want to include a slightly later and equally great reformer some miles west of the Terai in the Levant.  I said some years ago “As we as infants and children need to be helped to find courage to face the start of life, we when very elderly can need to be helped to find courage to face life’s end”.   Old age carries with it the fear of death, fear of the end of life and what that means, which raises the meaning of life itself, or at least of the individual life, because we can hardly grasp what the end of life is if we haven’t what it is supposed to be the end of in the first place. What the very elderly need, as do the dying and terminally ill, is to find courage within themselves to comprehend all this with as much equanimity as possible. Companionship and camaraderie — or perhaps let us call it love — go towards that courage coming to be found; something similar goes for the sick, whether a sick child missing school or the elderly infirm, courage that they are not alone and that they can and will recover and not have to face death quite yet, that life will indeed resume.  

As for the poor, I said in 2009 about the bizarre Indian scheme of “interrogating, measuring, photographing and fingerprinting them against their will” that “the poor have their privacy and their dignity. They are going to refuse to waste their valuable time at the margins of survival volunteering for such gimmickry.”

“What New Delhi’s governing class fails to see is that the masses of India’s poor are not themselves a mass waiting for New Delhi’s handouts: they are individuals, free, rational, thinking individuals who know their own lives and resources and capacities and opportunities, and how to go about living their lives best. What they need is security, absence of state or other tyranny, roads, fresh water, electricity, functioning schools for their children, market opportunities for work, etc, not handouts from a monarch or aristocrats or businessmen….” Or, to put it differently in Kant’s terms, the poor need to be treated as ends in themselves, and not as the means towards the ends of others…

 

Part II India’s Right Road Forward Now: Some Thoughtful Analysis for Grown Ups

5.   Transcending a Left-Right/Congress-BJP Divide in Indian Politics

6.   Budgeting Military & Foreign Policy

7.    Solving the Kashmir Problem & Relations with Pakistan

8.  Dealing with Communist China

9.   Towards Coherence in Public Accounting, Public Finance & Public Decision-Making

10.   India’s Money: Towards Currency Integrity at Home & Abroad

Posted in Academic research, Amartya Sen, Arvind Panagariya, Asia and the West, Bengal's Public Finances, Bhagwati-Sen spat, BJP, Britain in India, Cambridge Univ Economics, Cambridge University, Columbia University, Congress Party, Congress Party History, Credit markets, Economic inequality, Economic Policy, Economic quackery, Economic Theory, Economic Theory of Growth, Economic Theory of Interest, Economic Theory of Value, Economics of Public Finance, Financial Repression, Governance, Government accounting, Government of India, India's Big Business, India's Cabinet Government, India's Government economists, India's 1991 Economic Reform, India's balance of payments, India's Budget, India's bureaucracy, India's Capital Markets, India's constitutional politics, India's corruption, India's currency history, India's Economic History, India's Economy, India's Exports, India's Foreign Exchange Reserves, India's Government Budget Constraint, India's Industry, India's inflation, India's Macroeconomics, India's Monetary & Fiscal Policy, India's Polity, India's Public Finance, India's Reserve Bank, India's State Finances, Institute of Economic Affairs, Jagdish Bhagwati, Jean Drèze, LK Advani, Manmohan Singh, Margaret Thatcher's Revolution, Mihir Kumar Roy (MKRoy), Milton Friedman, Money and banking, Padma Desai, Paper money and deposits, Political Economy, Public Choice/Public Finance, Public property waste fraud, Rajiv Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi's assassination, Reverse-Euro Model for India, Sen-Bhagwati spat, Siddhartha Shankar Ray, Sonia Gandhi, Subroto Roy, Sukhamoy Chakravarty, The Times (London), University of Hawaii, William E (Ted) James (1951-2010). Leave a Comment »

No magic wand, Professor Rajan? Oh but there is…2013 (Plus: 7 Jan 2016 “Professor Rajan stays or goes? My answer to a query”)

7 January 2016
rajan

3 June 2014

from World Economy & Central Banking Seminar at Facebook

Professor Rajan’s statement “I determine the monetary policy. I say what it is….ultimately the interest rate that is set is set by me” equates Indian monetary policy with the money interest rate; but monetary policy in India has always involved far more than that, namely, the bulk of Indian banking and insurance has been in government hands for decades, all these institutions have been willy-nilly compelled to hold vast stocks of government debt, both Union and State, on their asset-sides…and unlimited unending deficit finance has led to vast expansion of money supply, making it all rather fragile. My “India’s Money” in 2012 might be found useful. http://tinyurl.com/o9dhe8d

11 April 2014

from World Economy & Central Banking Seminar at Facebook

I have to wonder, What is Professor Rajan on about? Growth in an individual country is affected by the world monetary system? Everyone for almost a century has seen it being a real phenomenon affected by other real factors like savings propensities, capital accumulation, learning and productivity changes, innovation, and, broadly, technological progress… A “source country” needs to consult “recipient” countries before it starts or stops Quantitative Easing? Since when? The latter can always match policy such as to be more or less unaffected… unless of course it wants to ride along for free when the going is good and complain loudly when it is not…. Monetary policy may affect the real economy but as a general rule we may expect growth (a real phenomenon) to be affected by other real factors like savings propensities, capital accumulation, learning and productivity changes, innovation, and, broadly, technological progress..

22 September 2013

“Let us remember that the postponement of tapering is only that, a postponement. We must use this time to create a bullet proof national balance sheet and growth agenda, which creates confidence in citizens and investors alike…”

I will say the statement above is the first sensible thing I have heard Dr Rajan utter anywhere, cutting through all the hype…I should also think he may be underestimating the task at hand, so here’s some help as to what needs to be done from my 19 Aug 2013 Mint article “A wand for Raghuram Rajan” and my 3 Dec 2012 Delhi lecture:

“Rajan has apparently said, “We do not have a magic wand to make the problems disappear instantaneously, but I have absolutely no doubt we will deal with them.” Of course there are no magic wands but there is a scientific path forward. It involves system-wide improvements in public finance and accounting using modern information technology to comprehend government liabilities and expenditures and raise their productivity. It also involves institutional changes in public decision-making like separating banking and central banking from the treasury while making the planning function serve the treasury function rather than pretend to be above it. It is a road long and arduous but at its end both corruption and inflation will have been reduced to minimal levels. The rupee will have acquired sufficient integrity to become a hard currency of the world in the sense the average resident of, say, rural Madhya Pradesh or Mizoram may freely convert rupees and hold or trade foreign currencies or precious metals as he/she pleases. India signed the treaty of Versailles as a victor and was an original member of the League of Nations, the United Nations and the IMF. Yet sovereign India has failed to develop a currency universally acceptable as freely convertible world money. It is necessary and possible for India to aim to do so because without such a national aim, the integrity of the currency continues to be damaged regularly by governmental abuse. An RBI governor’s single overriding goal should be to try to bring a semblance of integrity to India’s money both domestically and worldwide.”

 

 

19 August 2013

A wand for Raghuram Rajan

9 August 2013

No magic wand, Professor Rajan? Oh but there is… read up all this over some hours and you will find it… (Of course it’s not from magic really,  just hard economic science & politics)

Professor Raghuram Govind Rajan of the University of Chicago Business School deserves everyone’s congratulations on his elevation to the Reserve Bank of India’s Governorship.  But I am afraid I cannot share the wild optimism in India’s business media over this.  Of course there are several positives to the appointment.  First, having a genuine PhD and that too from a top school is a rarity among India’s policy-makers; Rajan earned a 1991 PhD in finance at MIT’s management school for a thesis titled “Essays on banking” (having to do we are told “with the downside to cozy bank-firm relationships”).   Secondly, and related,  he has not been a career bureaucrat as almost all RBI Governors have been in recent decades.  Thirdly, he has been President of the American Finance Association, he won the first Fischer Black prize in finance of that Association, and during Anne Krueger’s 2001-2006 reign as First Deputy MD at the IMF, he was given the research role made well-known by the late Michael Mussa, that of “Economic Counselor” of the IMF.

Hence, altogether, Professor Rajan has come to be well-known over the last decade in the West’s financial media. Given the dismal state of India’s credit in world capital markets, that is an asset for a new RBI Governor to have.

On the negatives, first and foremost, if Professor Rajan has renounced at any time his Indian nationality, surrendered his Indian passport and sworn the naturalization oath of the USA, then he is a US citizen with a US passport and loyalty owed to that country, and by US law he will have to enter the USA using that and no other nationality.  If that happens to be the factual case, it will be something that comes out in India’s political cauldron for sure, and there will arise legal issues and court orders  barring him from heading the RBI or representing India officially, e.g. when standing in for India’s Finance Minister at the IMF in Washington or the BIS in Basle etc.   Was he an Indian national as Economic Counselor at the IMF?   The IMF has a tradition of only European MDs and at least one American First Deputy MD.   The Economic Counselor was always American too; did Rajan break that by having remained Indian, or conform to it by having become American?  It is a simple question of fact which needs to come out clearly.   Even if Rajan is an American, he and the Government of India could perhaps try to cite to the Indian courts the new precedent set by the venerable Bank of England which recently appointed a Canadian as Governor.

Secondly, does Professor Rajan know enough (or “have enough domain knowledge” in the modern term) to comprehend let aside confront India’s myriad monetary and public finance problems?  Much of his academic experience in the USA and his approach to Western financial markets may be quite simply divorced from the reality of Indian credit markets and India’s peculiar monetary and banking system as these have evolved over decades and centuries.  Mathematical finance is a relatively new, small specialised American sub-field of economic theory, and not a part of general economics. Rajan’s academic path of engineering and management in India followed by a finance thesis in the management department of a US engineering school may have exposed him to relatively little formal textbook micro- and macroeconomics, monetary economics, public finance, international economics, economic development etc, especially as these relate to Indian circumstances  “Growing up in India, I had seen poverty all around me. I had read about John Maynard Keynes and thought, wow, here’s a guy who managed to have an enormous influence on the world. Economics must be very important.”… He ran across Robert Merton’s paper on rational option pricing, and something clicked that set him on his own intellectual path. “It all came together. You didn’t have these touchy-feely ways of describing human behavior; there were neat arbitrage ways of pricing things. It just seemed so clever and sophisticated,” he said. “And I could use the math skills that I fancied I had, so I decided to get my PhD.”

Let me take two examples.  Does Rajan realise how the important Bottomley-Chandavarkar debates of the 1960s about India’s rural credit markets influenced George Akerlof’s “Market for Lemons” theory and prompted much work on “asymmetric information”, 325.extract signalling etc in credit-markets, insurance-markets, labour-markets and markets in general, as acknowledged in the awards of several Bank of Sweden prizes?  Or will he need a tutorial on the facts of rural India’s financial and credit markets, and their relationship with the formal sector?  What the Bottomley-Chandavarkar debate referred to half a century ago still continues in rural India insofar as large arbitrage profits are still made by trading across the artificially low rates of money interest caused by financial repression of India’s “formal” monetised sector with its soft inconvertible currency against the very high real rates of return on capital in the “informal” sector.   It is obvious to the naked eye that India is a relatively labour-abundant country.  It follows the relative price of labour will be low and relative price of capital high compared to, e.g. the Western or Middle Eastern economies, with mobile factors of production like labour and capital expected to flow accordingly across national boundaries.   Indian nominal interest-rates in organized credit markets have been for decades tightly controlled, making it necessary to go back to Irving Fisher’s data to obtain benchmark interest-rates, which, as expected, are at least 2%-3% higher in India than in Western capital markets. Joan Robinson once explained “the difference between 30% in an Indian village and 3% in London” saying “side by side with the industrial revolution went great technical progress in the provision of credit and the reduction of lender’s risk.”

What is logically certain is no country can have both relatively low world prices for labour and relatively low world prices for capital!  Yet that impossibility seems to have been what India’s purported economic “planners” have planned to engineer!  The effect of financial repression over decades may have been to artificially “reverse” or “switch” the risk-premium — making it lucrative for there to be capital flight out of India, with real rates of return on capital within India being made artificially lower than those in world markets!   Just as enough export subsidies and tariffs can make a country artificially “reverse” its comparative advantage with its structure of exports and imports becoming inverted, so a labour-rich capital-scarce country may, with enough financial repression, end up causing a capital flight.  The Indian elite’s capital flight out of India exporting their adult children and savings overseas may be explained as having been induced by government policy itself.

431314_10150617690307285_69226771_n

Secondly, Professor Rajan as a finance and banking specialist, will see at once the import of this graph above that has never been produced let aside comprehended by the RBI, yet which uses the purest RBI data.  It shows India’s mostly nationalised banks have decade after decade gotten weaker and weaker financially, being kept afloat by continually pumping in of new “capital” via “recapitalisation” from the government that owns them, using more and more of the soft inconvertible currency that has been debauched merrily by government planners.  The nationalised banks with their powerful pampered employee unions, like other powerful pampered employee unions in the government sector, have been the bane of India, where a mere 30 million privileged people in a vast population work with either the government or the organised private sector.  The RBI’s own workforce at last count was perhaps 75,000… the largest central bank staff in the world by far!

Will Rajan know how to bring some system out of the institutional chaos that prevails in Indian banking and central banking?  If not, he should start with the work of James Hanson “Indian Banking: Market Liberalization and the Pressures for Institutional and Market Framework Reform”, contained in the book created by Anne Krueger who brought him into the IMF, and mentioned in my 2012 article “India’s Money” linked below.

The central question for any 21st century RBI Governor worth the name really becomes whether he or she can stand up to the Finance Ministry and insist that the RBI stop being a mere department of it — even perhaps insisting on constitutional status for its head to fulfill the one over-riding aim of trying to bring a semblance of integrity to India’s currency both domestically and worldwide.  Instead it is the so-called “Planning Commission” which has been dominating the Treasury that needs to be made a mere department of the Finance Ministry, while the RBI comes to be hived off to independence!  

Professor Rajan has apparently said “We do not have a magic wand to make the problems disappear instantaneously, but I have absolutely no doubt we will deal with them.”  Of course there are no magic wands but my 3 December 2012 talk in Delhi  has described the right path forward, complex and difficult as this may be.

The path forward involves system-wide improvements in public finance and accounting using modern information technology to comprehend government liabilities and expenditures and raise their productivity, plus institutional changes in public decision-making like separating banking and central banking from the Treasury while making the planning function serve the Treasury function rather than pretend to be above it.  The road described is long and arduous but at its end both corruption and inflation will have been reduced to minimal levels, and the rupee would have acquired integrity enough to become a hard currency of the world in the sense the average resident of, say, rural Madhya Pradesh or Mizoram may freely convert rupees and hold or trade foreign currencies or precious metals as he/she pleases.

3dec

India signed the Treaty of Versailles as a victor and was an original member of the League of Nations, UN and IMF.  Yet sovereign India has failed to develop a currency universally acceptable as a freely convertible world money. It is necessary and possible for India to do so. Without such a national aim, the integrity of the currency continues to be damaged regularly by governmental abuse. 

Professor Rajan will not want to be merely an adornment for the GoI in world capital markets for a few  years, waiting to get back to his American career and life and perhaps to the IMF again.  As RBI Governor, he can find his magic wand if he reads and reflects hard enough using his undoubted academic acumen, and then acts to lead India accordingly.  Here is the basic reading list:

“India’s Money” (2012)

“Monetary Integrity and the Rupee” (2008)

“India’s Macroeconomics” (2007)

“Fiscal Instability” (2007)

“Fallacious Finance” (2007)

“Growth and Government Delusion” (2008)

“India in World Trade & Payments” (2007)

“Path of the Indian Rupee 1947-1993” (1993)

“Our Policy Process” (2007)

“Indian Money and Credit” (2006)

“Indian Money and Banking” (2006)

Indian Inflation

“Growth of Real Income, Money & Prices in India 1869-2004” (2005)

“How to Budget” (2008)

“Waffle but No Models of Monetary Policy: The RBI and Financial Repression (2005)”

“The Dream Team: A Critique” (2006)

“Against Quackery” (2007)

“Mistaken Macroeconomics” (2009)

“The Indian Revolution (2008)”

https://independentindian.com/2013/11/23/coverage-of-my-delhi-talk-on-3-dec-2012/

Enjoy!

Posted in Academic economics, Academic research, Asia and the West, asymmetric information, Banking, Big Business and Big Labour, Bretton Woods institutions, Britain in India, Capital and labour, Deposit multiplication, Economic Policy, Economic quackery, Economic Theory, Economic Theory of Growth, Economic Theory of Interest, Economic Theory of Value, Economics of exchange controls, Economics of Exchange Rates, Economics of Public Finance, Financial Management, Financial markets, Financial Repression, Foreign exchange controls, Governance, Government accounting, Government Budget Constraint, India's Big Business, India's credit markets, India's Government economists, India's interest rates, India's savings rate, India's stock and debt markets, India's 1991 Economic Reform, India's agriculture, India's balance of payments, India's Banking, India's Budget, India's bureaucracy, India's Capital Markets, India's currency history, India's Foreign Exchange Reserves, India's Foreign Trade, India's Government Budget Constraint, India's Government Expenditure, India's Macroeconomics, India's Monetary & Fiscal Policy, India's nomenclatura, India's Polity, India's poverty, India's Public Finance, India's Reserve Bank, India's State Finances, India's Union-State relations, Inflation, Inflation targeting, Interest group politics, Interest rates, International economics, International monetary economics, International Monetary Fund IMF, Land and political economy, Microeconomic foundations of macroeconomics, Monetary Theory, Money and banking, Paper money and deposits, Power-elites and nomenclatura, Public Choice/Public Finance, Public property waste fraud, Raghuram Govind Rajan, Raghuram Rajan, Rajiv Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi's assassination, Statesmanship, Unorganised capital markets. Leave a Comment »

Cambridge Economics & the Disputation in India’s Economic Policy (2013)

See also

Foundations of India’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s edited by Subroto Roy & William E James, 1986-1992… pdf copy uploaded 2021

Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s, edited by William E James & Subroto Roy, 1986-1993… pdf copy uploaded 2021

2006: https://independentindian.com/2006/05/21/the-politics-of-dr-singh/

2008: https://independentindian.com/2008/04/25/assessing-manmohan-the-doctor-of-deficit-finance-should-realise-the-currency-is-at-stake/

23 August 2013 : 

https://independentindian.com/2013/08/23/did-jagdish-bhagwati-originate-pioneer-intellectually-father-indias-1991-economic-reform-did-manmohan-singh-or-did-i-through-my-encounter-with-rajiv-gandhi-just-as-siddhartha-shan/

19 May 2013

“Manmohan and Sonia have violated Rajiv Gandhi’s intended reforms; the Communists have been appeased or bought; the BJP is incompetent”

is what I said in Sep 2007 in an op-ed in The Statesman. I have to say it again, adding Amartya Sen too for his backing of the so-called “Food Security Bill”…

[Sonia was livid in a speech after I said in 2007 “Manmohan and Sonia have violated Rajiv Gandhi’s intended reforms” … Her stooges wanted me arrested! One said “lined up and shot”… Then she said she only meant to refer to Haryana politics! … https://twitter.com/subyroy/status/1064737873746976768?s=20  ]

But taking Sonia and Rajiv out of it all, we are left with a battle from within Cambridge economics, viz,

Sen and Singh (disciples of Joan Robinson, Kaldor, Dobb et al in the 1950s)

vs

myself … in my PhD thesis of 1981 under Frank Hahn...

PhD

 15 July 2013

I am afraid I cannot remember a cogent coherent book authored by Amartya Sen since his 1972 *On Economic Inequality*, which had nice surveys of the Gini coefficient and related concepts…

My 2006 conversation with him about his book *Identity and Violence* is here.  (see too Is “Cambridge Philosophy” dead, in Cambridge? Can it be resurrected, there? Case Study: Renford Bambrough (& Subroto Roy) preceded by decades Cheryl Misak’s thesis on Wittgenstein being linked with Peirce via Ramsey…”

I now see he and a co-author seem to have produced yet one more piece of extended undergraduate waffle…E.g. “If development is about the expansion of freedom, it has to embrace the removal of poverty as well as paying attention to ecology as integral parts of a unified concern, aimed ultimately at the security and advancement of human freedom. Indeed, important components of human freedoms — and crucial ingredients of our quality of life — are thoroughly dependent on the integrity of the environment, involving the air we breathe, the water we drink, and the epidemiological surroundings in which we live….”

15 July 2013

Where is Amartya’s reply to this?

scan0001

And where is Manmohan’s reply to this?

ppp19842

And where is Manmohan’s reply to this?

602593_10151152229307285_27628359_n

And Manmohan was given a copy of this

indvol

by me at a luncheon at the Indian Embassy Residence in Washington in September 1993 when the Ambassador, the late Barrister SS Ray, told him in the presence of all his senior aides including Montek Ahluwalia and C. Rangarajan, that I had authored the 1991 reform for the then-dead Rajiv Gandhi… on my laptop…

So, to cut to the chase, I have not and do not accept that either Amartya Sen or Manmohan Singh have been leaders of economic thought about India at least (US and British economists can judge for themselves the impact of the former on their own economics). The Sonia Congress has misled itself on the basis of their advocacy and the pity is the BJP, Communists et al in India seem to be even worse…

See also

https://independentindian.com/2013/08/23/did-jagdish-bhagwati-originate-pioneer-intellectually-father-indias-1991-economic-reform-did-manmohan-singh-or-did-i-through-my-encounter-with-rajiv-gandhi-just-as-siddhartha-shan/

My article “India’s Money” in the *Cayman Financial Review*, July 2012

India’s money

India was recognised and received the comity of nations when it signed the Treaty of Versailles as a victor, later becoming a Dominion and successor-state of British India in 1947, and a sovereign republic in 1950. Pakistan emerged as a new state created out of British India in 1947, remaining a Dominion until 1956 when it became an Islamic republic.

India was an original member of the League of Nations, a signatory to the UN’s San Francisco Declaration, a participant at Bretton Woods, and an original member of the IMF.

Yet some 65 years later, sovereign India has failed to develop a currency universally acceptable as a freely convertible world money. Nor do trade, monetary, fiscal or political conditions appear such that the rupee can become a hard currency of the world economy easily or very soon.

JM Keynes in his first book, a century ago, gave a masterly survey of the immediate monetary history. The rupee had been on a silver standard until 1893 when an attempt at bimetallism failed; instead India stumbled into the 20th century on a modified gold standard that chanced to fulfil desiderata known since Ricardo, namely “the currency media used in the internal circulation are confined to notes and cheap token coins, which are made to act precisely as if they were bits of gold by being made convertible into gold for foreign payment purposes”.

Ie, the rupee was legal tender at home and convertible into sterling for international payments in London, the price being set at 1s 4d. Gold at £3.17s.10½d until August 1914 meant a rupee price of Rs 31 per troy oz.- long-forgotten now when gold retails at Rs 90,000 per troy oz, measuring an average annual rate of inflation in the gold price of about 8.5 per cent for the century.

Until 1947 the rupee remained subservient to British policy. Sterling payments included paying for merchandise imports, dividends and repayments on British business, as well as iniquitous “home charges” imposed by Britain to rule India as an unfree imperial dependency. Britain “returned to gold” in 1925, and did so notoriously at the same price as before though the rupee was revalued to 1s 6d.; Indian businessmen complained to no avail that this hurt exports and worsened the large deflation caused by the Depression. The same continued after sterling became a paper money again in September 1931, backed only by London’s position as a financial capital.

India remained a major trading nation during 1870-1914 with a share of world manufactured exports as high as 4 per cent. Keynes found Britain (the world’s largest exporter), exporting most to India; while Germany (the world’s fastest growing economy) received 5 per cent of its imports from India and sent 1½ per cent of its exports to India, making India the sixth largest exporter to Germany (after the USA, Russia, Britain, Austria-Hungary, France) and eighth largest importer from it (after Britain, Austria-Hungary, Russia, France, the USA, Belgium, Italy).

As of 1917-1918, India’s macroeconomics appear idyllic: an export surplus of £61.42 million, official reserves of £66.53 million, total claims on the rest of the world of £127.5 million (32.85 million troy ozs of gold), and a 1916-17 budget surplus of £6,594,885. The rupee, though legal tender only on the subcontinent, became what we might call a “super convertible” currency in being widely accepted in markets and stock markets from the Middle East through South East Asia to Australia.

Even at mid-century, India (without Pakistan) was still a trading power with 2 per cent of world exports and a rank of 16 in the world economy after the USA, Britain, West Germany, France, Canada, Belgium, Holland, Japan, Italy, Australia, Sweden, Venezuela, Brazil, Malaya and Switzerland. But then a collapse occurred over several decades to near insignificance in world trade and payments, from which India has yet to recover.

Of world merchandise exports, the subcontinent’s share fell to less than 1 per cent, and of Asia’s to less than 6 per cent, India accounting for two thirds; Malaysia alone accounted for more. Among 11 major developing countries (Korea, Taiwan, Singapore, Hong Kong, Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, Israel, Yugoslavia), India’s share of manufactured exports fell from 65 per cent in 1953 to 51 percent in 1960 to 31 per cent in 1966 to 10 per cent by 1973. And this was before the entry of China.

Even India’s legendary textiles lost ground steadily. As of 1962-71, India held an average annual market-share of almost 20 per cent of manufactured textile imports into the USA; this fell to 10 per cent by 1972-81 and less than 5 per cent by 1982-91. India’s share of Britain’s imports of textile manufactures fell from 16 per cent in the early 1960s to less than 4 per cent in the 1990s. India may not be among the top thirty merchandise exporters of the world today, although there has been new growth seen in areas like pharmaceuticals and computer-services.

Causes of the collapse include Western protectionism as well as emergence of new technologies and new competitors willing to use these. But it was largely policy-induced. Between 1939 and 1945/46, Britain clamped draconian exchange-controls on what remained of the Sterling Area (which, besides Eqypt and Iraq, included the Empire and Commonwealth without Canada, Newfoundland and Hong Kong). The controls were relative to currencies outside the Sterling area, principally the US dollar.

The new India and new Pakistan, far from ending these war-time controls of their respective rupees (as Britain would itself do gradually with the pound) instead made them more draconian to include the Sterling area as well. Hence the Ricardo-Keynes dictum was breached – the rupee remained an inexpensive medium for internal circulation but was no longer convertible externally, indeed it had become open to being debauched the more easily.

Milton Friedman in November 1955 argued to the government of India that the new sovereign country should remove exchange controls completely and have a freely convertible rupee at a floating market-determined price on the pattern of the Canadian dollar, along with a steady predictable monetary climate. Far from debating such a proposal, the government ignored his advice, and his document was suppressed until I published it 34 years later in May 1989 at the University of Hawaii.

Intricate barriers, subsidies and licensing (based on war-time “essentiality” and “actual user” criteria) continued, now in name of import-substitution and “planning”. Major industries were nationalised, which became leading consumers of imports obtained by administrative rationing of foreign exchange earned by export sectors. Domestic business predictably diverted to the large protected markets that resulted. Import restrictions of consumer goods and gold expectedly led to smuggling and open corruption in Customs.

A vast parallel or “black” economy arose with its thriving “hawala” sector. The exchange-rate was seen as yet another administered price, not a reflection of demand for foreign relative to domestic moneys. Foreign currency earnings from exports were confiscated in exchange for rupees at the administered rate, then rationed first to meet foreign debt repayments and government expenditures abroad like maintenance of embassies, military imports, official foreign travel, etc; then for import of food, fertilisers, petroleum and inputs required by government firms; then for import demands of those private firms successful in obtaining import licenses; lastly, to satisfy demands of the public at large for purposes like travel or study abroad.

Not only was extension of war-time exchange-controls seen as axiomatic, the massive war-time deficit finance via money creation that the British had indulged in with India’s public finances, came to be permanently institutionalised in the name of socialist planning.

On 7 December 1952 the planners said: “The raison d’ être of a planned economy is the fullest mobilisation of available resources and their allocation so as to secure optimum results. There is no doubt that the Reserve Bank, which is a nationalised institution, will play its appropriate part in furthering economic development along agreed lines”’; and on 14 May 1956: “Insofar as government expenditure is financed by central bank credit, there is a direct increase in currency in circulation”.

The fate of India’s paper money was sealed. Just as the Bank of England could “theoretically lend the full amount” the UK government was authorised to spend by Parliament, and the US government had assurance the Federal Reserve “could and would see that the Treasury was supplied with all the money that it needed for war finance beyond those secured by taxation and by borrowing from non-bank sources”, so government of India expenditure over seven decades has been for all practical purposes assured of automatic limitless financing via money creation. Since more than two dozen state governments have no money-creating powers, their debts also effectively accrue to the government of India.

The next mention of money supply was 43 years later on April 5 1999 in the “Ninth Plan” when it was said a “viable monetary posture” was “to accept an average inflation rate in the region of 7 per cent per annum, which would justify a growth rate of money supply (base money) of 16 per cent per annum”. Recent money supply growth has been near 19-21 per cent per annum, and inflation properly measured has been well above 10 per cent. Hidden in thousands of pages of the “Tenth Plan” dated 21 December, 2002, a half century after “planning” started, is found it being said it is “financed almost entirely by borrowing… India’s public finance inherits the consequence of fiscal mismanagement in the past”.

Had the rupee been a hard currency, the vast amounts of government debt that have accumulated today could have been evaluated at world prices. As things stand, the value at world prices of the asset-sides of banks becomes an unknown, making profitability uncertain of the domestic securities’ market in general. This compounds myriad problems of the mostly nationalised banking system, candidly surveyed over years by James A. Hanson and summarised in his sentence: “The Ministry of Finance continues to run the public sector banks”. AC Harberger a decade ago called for “thorough understanding of the facts” and a “serious study of India’s fiscal deficits”.

“Where are they being parked? At what cost? And how much vacant parking space remains to be occupied before major problems emerge?” “… the authorities appear to have little sense of alarm about these deficits. Does this represent a myopic and irresponsible vision, aimed at surviving the moment while passing an ever greater burden to future governments and later generations? Or does it mean the authorities have studied the problem well, and that today’s deficits are being placed in convenient parking lots that still have plenty of unused capacity?”

As no such study has taken place, the possibility of “a myopic and irresponsible vision” takes credence. Besides, foreign lines of credit have become squeezed or closed by separate crises in the USA, Europe and Japan. India is far from being a creditor country able to help out with any world problems at present.

The last 20 years have seen liberalisation in consumer goods imports and travel and study abroad, and the rupee is no longer an administrative price for current account purposes. Indian firms have been permitted to do business abroad, Indian residents to send large cash gifts to relatives abroad, as well as relative liberalisation of gold imports. A natural technological revolution has been underway inducing real growth in India as in the rest of Asia, where populations are large and families stable: even small increases in capital-per-head, combined with modern communication technologies making travel or migration unnecessary, may explain rapid growth in productivity and output.

To move towards a currency of integrity today that befits the real growth requires comprehensive candid study of the structure of government liabilities and expenditures, systematic cleaning of government accounts at their roots, seeking to raise productivity of government investments and expenditures by better use of the audit function, as well as bringing coherence to fiscal and monetary policy through institutional changes in the processes of public decision-making, specifically, separating the banking and central banking functions from the Treasury function, while bringing the planning function to be one serving the Treasury function rather than pretending to be above it.

Waste or ostentation in public expenditure itself creates incentives for evasion of taxes; indeed, the untaxed economy may even have caused an underestimation of real growth being made. The road exists to be taken though it may be one that demands excessive political courage.

The author thanks Dr Warren Coats for constructive comments on earlier versions of this article.

Endnotes

  1. Friedman, Milton “A Memorandum to the Government of India 1955”, in Roy & James (1989).

  2. Friedman, Milton & Rose, Two Lucky People, 1998.

  3. Hanson, James A. “Indian Banking: Market Liberalization and the Pressures for Institutional and Market Framework Reform” in Krueger & Chinoy (2004).

  4. Harberger, Arnold C “Parking the Deficit – The Uncertain Link between Fiscal Deficits and Inflation-cum-Devaluation”, in Krueger & Chinoy (2004).

  5. Keynes, John Maynard, Indian Currency and Finance, 1913.

  6. Krueger, Anne O. & Sajjid Z. Chinoy (eds) Reforming India’s External, Financial and Fiscal Policies, 2004.

  7. Roy, Subroto, Pricing, Planning and Politics: A Study of Economic Distrtions in India, 1984.

  8. Roy, Subroto & WE James (eds), Foundations of India’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s, 1989, 1992

 

My article “India’s Money” in the *Cayman Financial Review*, July 2012, is linked here.

Of related interest:

Monetary Integrity and the Rupee

Towards Making the Indian Rupee a Hard Currency of the World Economy: An analysis from British times until the present day

Pakistan’s Point of View (Or Points of View) on Kashmir: My As Yet Undelivered Lahore Lecture–Part I

Preface

27 April 2015 from Twitter: “My Pakistani hosts never managed to go thru w their 2010/11 invitation I speak in Lahore on Kashmir. After ‪#‎SabeenMahmud‬ s murder, I decline”

October 2015 from Twitter: I have started a quite thorough critique under #kasuri etc at Twitter of the extremely peculiar free publicity given in Delhi and  Mumbai power circles to the dressed up (and false) ISI/Hurriyat narrative of KM Kasuri; the Musharraf “demilitarisation/borderless” idea that Mr Kasuri promotes is originally mine from our Pakistan book in America in the 1980s, which I brought to the attention of both sides (and the USA) in Washington in 1993 but which I myself later rejected as naive and ignorant  after the Pakistani aggression in Kargil in 1999, especially the murder of Lt Kalia and his platoon as POWs. https://independentindian.com/2006/12/15/what-to-tell-musharraf-peace-is-impossible-without-non-aggressive-pakistani-intentions/  https://independentindian.com/2008/11/15/of-a-new-new-delhi-myth-and-the-success-of-the-university-of-hawaii-1986-1992-pakistan-project/ 

see too https://independentindian.com/2011/10/13/my-seventy-one-notes-at-facebook-etc-on-kashmir-pakistan-and-of-course-india-listed-thanks-to-jd/

I have also now made clear how and why my Lahore lecture (confirmed by the Pakistani envoy to Delhi personally phoning me of his own accord at home on 3 March 2011, followed the next day by the Indian Foreign Secretary phoning to give me an appointment to brief her about my talk upon my return) came to be sabotaged by two Pakistanis and two Indian politicians associated with them. (Both of the Indian politicians had bad karma catch up immediately afterwards!)

 

Original Preface  22 November 2011: Exactly a year ago, in late October-November 2010, I received a very kind invitation from the Lahore Oxford and Cambridge Society to speak there on this subject.  Mid March 2011 was a tentative date for this lecture from which the text below is dated.  The lecture has yet to take place for various reasons but as there is demand for its content, I am releasing the part which was due to be released in any case to my Pakistani hosts ahead of time — after all, it would have been presumptuous of me to seek to speak in Lahore on Pakistan’s viewpoint on Kashmir, hence I instead  planned to release my understanding of that point of view ahead of time and open it to the criticism of my hosts.  The structure of the remainder of the talk may be surmised too from the Contents.  The text and argument are mine entirely, the subject of more than 25 years of research and reflection,  and are under consideration of publication as a book by Continuum of London and New York.  If you would like to comment, please feel free to do so, if you would like to refer to it in an online publication, please give this link, if you would like to refer to it in a paper-publication, please   email me.  Like other material at my site, it is open to the Fair Use rule of normal scholarship.

 

On the Alternative Theories of Pakistan and India about Jammu & Kashmir (And the One and Only Way These May Be Peacefully Reconciled): An Exercise in Economics, Politics, Moral Philosophy & Jurisprudence

 by

Subroto (Suby) Roy

Lecture to the Oxford and Cambridge Society of Lahore

March 14, 2011 (tentative)

“What is the use of studying philosophy if all that does for you is to enable you to talk with some plausibility about some abstruse questions of logic, etc., & if it does not improve your thinking about the important questions of everyday life?”  Wittgenstein, letter to Malcolm, 1944

“India is the greatest Muslim country in the world.”

Sir Muhammad Iqbal, 1930, Presidential Address to the Muslim League, Allahabad

 “Where be these enemies?… See, what a scourge is laid upon your hate,… all are punish’d.” Shakespeare

Dr Roy’s published works include Philosophy of Economics: On the Scope of Reason in Economic Inquiry (London & New York: Routledge, 1989, 1991); Pricing, Planning & Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India (London: Institute of Economic Affairs, 1984); and, edited with WE James, Foundations of India’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s (Hawaii MS 1989, Sage 1992)  &  Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s (Hawaii MS 1989, Sage 1992, OUP Karachi 1993); and, edited with John Clarke, Margaret Thatcher’s Revolution: How it Happened and What it Meant (London & New York: Continuum 2005).  He graduated in 1976 with a first from the London School of Economics in mathematical economics, and received the PhD in economics at Cambridge in 1982 under Professor Frank Hahn for the thesis “On liberty & economic growth: preface to a philosophy for India”. In the United States for 16 years he was privileged to count as friends Professors James Buchanan, Milton Friedman, TW Schultz, Max Black and Sidney Alexander.  From September 18 1990 he was an adviser to Rajiv Gandhi and contributed to the origins of India’s 1991 economic reform.  He blogs at http://www.independentindian.com.

CONTENTS

Part I

  1. Introduction

  2. Pakistan’s Point of View (or Points of View)

(a)    1930  Sir Muhammad Iqbal

(b)    1933-1948 Chaudhury Rahmat Ali

(c)    1937-1941 Sir Sikander Hayat Khan

(d)    1937-1947 Quad-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah

(e)    1940s et seq  Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi

(f)     1947-1950 Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan, 1966 President Ayub Khan, 2005 Govt of Pakistan, 2007 President Musharraf, 2008 FM Qureshi, 2011 Kashmir Day

Part II

  1. India’s Point of View: British Negligence/Indifference during the Transfer of Power, A Case of Misgovernance in the Chaotic Aftermath of World War II

(a)    Rhetoric: Whose Pakistan?  Which Kashmir?

(b)    Law: (i) Liaquat-Zafrullah-Abdullah-Nehru United in Error Over the Second Treaty of Amritsar! Dogra J&K subsists Mar 16 1846-Oct 22 1947. Aggression, Anarchy, Annexations: The LOC as De Facto Boundary by Military Decision Since Jan 1 1949.  (ii) Legal Error & Confusion Generated by 12 May 1946 Memorandum. (iii) War: Dogra J&K attacked by Pakistan, defended by India: Invasion, Mutiny, Secession of “Azad Kashmir” & Gilgit, Rape of Baramulla, Siege of Skardu.

  1. Politics: What is to be Done? Towards Truths, Normalisation, Peace in the 21st Century

The Present Situation is Abnormal & Intolerable. There May Be One (and Only One) Peacable Solution that is Feasible: Revealing Individual Choices Privately with Full Information & Security: Indian “Green Cards”/PIO-OCI status for Hurriyat et al: A Choice of Nationality (India, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Iran).  Of Flags and Consulates in Srinagar & Gilgit etc: De Jure Recognition of the Boundary, Diplomatic Normalisation,  Economic & Military Cooperation.

  1. Appendices:

(a)    History of Jammu & Kashmir until the Dogra Native State

(b)    Pakistan’s Allies (including A Brief History of Gilgit)

(c)    India’s Muslim Voices

(d)    Pakistan’s Muslim Voices: An Excerpt from the Munir Report

Part I

1.  Introduction

For a solution to Jammu & Kashmir to be universally acceptable it must be seen by all as being lawful and just. Political opinion across the subcontinent — in Pakistan, in India, among all people and parties in J&K, those loyal to India, those loyal to Pakistan, and any others — will have to agree that, all things considered, such is the right course of action for everyone today in the 21st Century, which means too that the solution must be consistent with the principal known facts of history as well as account reasonably for all moral considerations.

I claim to have found such a solution, indeed I shall even say it is the only such solution (in terms of theoretical economics, it is the unique solution) and plan with your permission to describe its main outlines at this distinguished gathering.  I have not invented it overnight but it is something  developed over a quarter century, milestones along the way being the books emerging from the University of Hawaii “perestroika” projects for India and Pakistan that I and the late WE James led 25 years ago, and a lecture I gave at Washington’s Heritage Foundation in June 1998, as well as sets of newspaper articles published between 2005 and 2008, one in Dawn of Karachi and others in The Statesman of New Delhi and Kolkata.

Before I start, allow me for a moment to remind just how complex and intractable the problem we face has been, and, therefore, quite how large my ambition is in claiming today to be able to resolve it.

“Kashmir is in the Supreme National Interest of Pakistan”, says Pakistan.

“Kashmir is an Integral Part of India”, says India.

“Kashmir is an Integral Part of Pakistan”, says Pakistan.

“Kashmir is in the Supreme National Interest of India”, says India.

And so it goes, in what over the decades has been all too often a Dialogue of the Deaf.  How may such squarely opposed positions be reconciled without draining public resources even further through wasteful weaponry and confrontation of standing armies, or, what is worse, using these weapons and armies in war, plunging the subcontinent into an abyss of chaos and destruction for generations to come?  How is it possible?

I shall suggest a road can be found only when we realize Pakistan, India and J&K each have been and are going to remain integral to one another — in their histories, their geographies, their economies and their societies.  The only place they may need to differ, where we shall want them to differ, is their politics and political systems. We should not underestimate how much mutual hatred and mutual fear has arisen naturally on all sides over the decades as a result of bloodshed and suffering all around, and the fact must also be accounted for that people simply may not be in a calm-enough emotional state to want to be part of processes seeking resolution; at the same time, it bears to be remembered that although Pakistan and India have been at war more than once and war is always a very serious and awful thing, they have never actually declared war against the other nor have they ever broken diplomatic relations – in fact in some ways it has always seemed like some very long and protracted fraternal Civil War between us where we think we know one another so well and yet come to be surprised more by one another’s virtues than by one another’s vices.

Secondly, with any seemingly intractable problem, dialogue can stall or be aborted due to normal human failings of impatience or lack of good will or lack of good humour or lack of a scientific attitude towards finding facts, or plain mutual miscomprehension of one another’s points of view through ignorance or laziness or negligence.  In case of Pakistan and India over J&K, there has been the further critical complication that we of this generation did not cause this problem — it has been something inherited by us from not even our fathers but our grandfathers!  It is two generations old.  Each side must respect the words and deeds of its forebears but also may have to frankly examine in a scientific spirit where errors of fact or judgment may have occurred back then.  The antagonistic positions have changed only slightly over two generations, and one reason dialogue stalls or gets aborted today is because positions have become frozen for more than half a century and merely get repeated endlessly.  On top of such frozen positions have been piled pile upon pile of further vast mortal complications: the 1965 War, the 1971 secession of East Pakistan, the 1999 Kargil War, the 2008 Mumbai massacres.  Only cacophony results if we talk about everything at once, leaving the status quo of a dangerous expensive confrontation to continue.

I propose instead to focus as specifically and precisely as possible on how Jammu & Kashmir became a problem at all during those crucial decades alongside the processes of Indian Independence, World War II, the Pakistan Movement and creation of Pakistan, accompanied by the traumas and bloodshed of Partition.

Having addressed that — and it is only fair to forewarn this eminent Lahore audience that such a survey of words, deeds and events between the 1930s and 1950s tends to emerge in India’s favour — I propose to “fast-forward” to current times, where certain new facts on the ground appear much more adverse to India, and finally seek to ask what can and ought to be done, all things considered, today in the circumstances of the 21st Century.   There are four central facts, let me for now call them Fact A, Fact B, Fact C and Fact D, which have to be accepted by both countries in good faith and a scientific spirit.  Facts A and B are historical in nature; Pakistan has refused to accept them. Facts C and D are contemporary in nature; official political India and much of the Indian media too often have appeared wilfully blind to them. The moment all four facts come to be accepted by all, the way forward becomes clear.  We have inherited this grave mortal problem which has so badly affected the ordinary people of J&K in the most terrible and unacceptable manner, but if we fail to understand and resolve it, our children and grandchildren will surely fail even worse — we may even leave them to cope with the waste and destruction of further needless war or confrontation, indeed with the end of the subcontinent as we have received and known it in our time.

2. Pakistan’s Point of View (Or Points of View)

1930  Sir Muhammad Iqbal

This audience will need no explanation why I start with Sir Muhammad Iqbal (1877-1938), the poetic and spiritual genius who in the 20th Century inspired the notion of a Muslim polity in NorthWestern India, whose seminal 1930 presidential speech to the Muslim League in Allahabad lay the foundation stone of the new country that was yet to be.   He did not live to see Pakistan’s creation yet what may be called the “Pakistan Principle” was captured in his words:

“I would like to see the Punjab, Northwest Frontier Province, Sind and Baluchistan amalgamated into a single state. Self-government within the British Empire or without the British Empire, the formation of a consolidated North West Indian Muslim state appears to me to be the final destiny of the Muslims at least of Northwest India… India is the greatest Muslim country in the world.  The life of Islam as a cultural force in this living country very largely depends on its centralization in a specified territory”.

He did not see such a consolidated Muslim state being theocratic and certainly not one filled with bigotry or “Hate-Hindu” campaigns:

“A community which is inspired by feelings of ill-will towards other communities is low and ignoble. I entertain the highest respect for the customs, laws, religious and social institutions of other communities… Yet I love the communal group which is the source of my life and my behaviour… Nor should the Hindus fear that the creation of autonomous Muslim states will mean the introduction of a kind of religious rule in such states…. I therefore demand the formation of a consolidated Muslim state in the best interests of India and Islam. For India it means security and peace resulting from an internal balance of power, for Islam an opportunity to rid itself of the stamp that Arabian Imperialism was forced to give it, to mobilise its law, its education, its culture, and to bring them into closer contact with its own original spirit and the spirit of modern times.”[1]

Though Kashmiri himself, in fact a founding member of the “All-India Jammu & Kashmir Muslim Conference of Lahore and Simla”, and a hero and role model for the young Sheikh Abdullah (1905-1982), Allama Iqbal was explicitly silent about J&K being part of the new political entity he had come to imagine.  I do not say he would not have wished it to be had he lived longer; what I am saying is that his original vision of the consolidated Muslim state which constitutes Pakistan today (after a Partitioned Punjab) did not include Jammu & Kashmir.  Rather, it was focused on the politics of British India and did not mention the politics of Kashmir or any other of the so-called “Princely States” or “Native States” of “Indian India” who constituted some 1/3rd of the land mass and 1/4th of the population of the subcontinent.  Twenty years ago I called this “The Paradox of Kashmir”, namely, that prior to 1947 J&K hardly seemed to appear in any discussion at all for a century, yet it has consumed almost all discussion and resources ever since.

Secondly, this audience will see better than I can the significance of Dr Iqbal’s saying the Muslim political state of his conception needed

“an opportunity to rid itself of the stamp that Arabian Imperialism was forced to give it”

and instead seek to

“mobilise its law, its education, its culture, and to bring them into closer contact with its own original spirit and the spirit of modern times”.

Dr Iqbal’s Pakistan Principle appears here the polar opposite of Pakistan’s 18th & 19th Century pre-history represented by Shah Waliullah (1703-1762)[2] saying

“We are an Arab people whose fathers have fallen in exile in the country of Hindustan, and Arabic genealogy and Arabic language are our pride”

 or Sayyid Ahmed Barelwi (1786-1831) saying

“We must repudiate all those Indian, Persian and Roman customs which are contrary to the Prophet’s teaching”.[3]

Some 25 years after the Allahabad address, the Munir Report in 1954 echoed Dr Iqbal’s thought when it observed about medieval military conquests

“It is this brilliant achievement of the Arabian nomads …that makes the Musalman of today live in the past and yearn for the return of the glory that was Islam… Little does he understand that the forces which are pitted against him are entirely different from those against which early Islam had to fight… Nothing but a bold reorientation of Islam to separate the vital from the lifeless can preserve it as a World Idea and convert the Musalman into a citizen of the present and the future world from the archaic incongruity that he is today…” [4]

 

1933-1947  Chaudhury Rahmat Ali

Dr Iqbal’s young follower, the radical Cambridge pamphleteer Chaudhury Rahmat Ali (1895-1951) drew a picture not of Muslim tolerance and coexistence with Hindus in a peaceful India but of aggression towards Hindus and domination by Muslims over the subcontinent and Asia itself.  Rahmat Ali had been inspired by Dr Iqbal’s call for a Muslim state in Northwest India but found it vague and was disappointed Iqbal had not pressed it at the Third Round Table Conference.  In 1933, reportedly on the upper floor of a London omnibus, he invented for the then-imagined political entity the name “PAKSTAN”, P for his native Punjab, A for Afghania, K for Kashmir, S for Sind, and STAN for Balochistan.  He sought a meeting with Mr Jinnah in London — “Jinnah disliked Rahmat Ali’s ideas and avoided meeting him”[5] but did meet him.  There is a thesis yet to be written on how Europe’s inter-War ideologies affected political thinking on the subcontinent.  Rahmat Ali’s vituperative views about Hindus were akin to others about Jews (and Muslims too) at the time, all models or counterfoils for one another in the fringes of Nazism.  He referred to the Indian nationalist movement as a “British-Banya alliance”, declined to admit India had ever existed and personally renamed the subcontinent “Dinia” and the seas around it the “Pakian Sea”, the “Osmanian Sea” etc. He urged Sikhs to rise up in a “Sikhistan” and urged all non-Hindus to rise up in war against Hindus. Given the obscurity of his life before his arrival at Cambridge’s Emmanuel College, what experiences may have led him to such views are not known.

All this was anathema to Mr Jinnah, the secular constitutionalist embarrassed by a reactionary Muslim imperialism in that rapidly modernising era that was the middle of the 20th Century.  When Rahmat Ali pressed the ‘Pakstan’ acronym, Mr Jinnah said Bengal was not in it and Muslim minority regions were absent.  At this Chaudhury-Sahib produced a general scheme of Muslim domination all over the subcontinent: there would be “Pakstan” in the northwest including Kashmir, Delhi and Agra; “Bangistan” in Bengal; “Osmanistan” in Hyderabad; “Siddiquistan” in Bundelhand and Malwa; “Faruqistan” in Bihar and Orissa; “Haideristan” in UP; “Muinistan” in Rajasthan; “Maplistan” in Kerala; even “Safiistan” in “Western Ceylon” and “Nasaristan” in “Eastern Ceylon”, etc.  In 1934 he published and widely circulated such a diagram among Muslims in Britain at the time.  He was not invited to the Lahore Resolution which did not refer to Pakistan though came to be called the Pakistan Resolution.  When he landed in the new Pakistan, he was apparently arrested and deported back and was never granted a Pakistan passport.  From England, he turned his wrath upon the new government, condemning Mr Jinnah as treacherous and newly re-interpreting his acronym to refer to Punjab, Afghania, Kashmir, Iran, Sindh, Tukharistan (sic), Afghanistan, and Balochistan.  The word “pak” coincidentally meant pure, so he began to speak of Muslims as “the Pak” i.e. “the pure” people, and of how the national destiny of the new Pakistan was to liberate “Pak” people everywhere, including the new India, and create a “Pak Commonwealth of Nations” stretching from Arabia to the Indies.  The map he now drew placed the word “Punjab” over J&K, and saw an Asia dominated by this “Pak” empire. Shunned by officialdom of the new Pakistan, Chaudhury-Sahib was a tragic figure who died in poverty and obscurity during an influenza epidemic in 1951; the Master of Emmanuel College paid for his funeral and was apparently later reimbursed for this by the Government of Pakistan.  In recent years he has undergone a restoration, and his grave at Cambridge has become a site of pilgrimage for ideologues, while his diagrams and writings have been reprinted in Pakistan’s newspapers as recently as February 2005.

1937-1941 Sir Sikander Hayat Khan

Chaudhary Rahmat Ali’s harshest critic at the time was the eminent statesman and Premier of Punjab Sir Sikander Hayat Khan (1892-1942), partner of the 1937 Sikander-Jinnah Pact, and an author of the Lahore Resolution.  His statement of 11 March 1941 in the Punjab Legislative Assembly Debates is a classic:

“No Pakistan scheme was passed at Lahore… As for Pakistan schemes, Maulana Jamal-ud-Din’s is the earliest…Then there is the scheme which is attributed to the late Allama Iqbal of revered memory.  He, however, never formulated any definite scheme but his writings and poems have given some people ground to think that Allama Iqbal desired the establishment of  some sort of  Pakistan.  But it is not difficult to explode this theory and to prove conclusively that his conception of  Islamic solidarity and universal brotherhood is not in conflict with Indian patriotism and is in fact quite different from the ideology now sought to be attributed to him by some enthusiasts… Then there is Chaudhuri Rahmat Ali’s scheme (*laughter*)…it was widely circulated in this country and… it was also given wide publicity at the time in a section of the British press.  But there is another scheme…it was published in one of the British journals, I think Round Table, and was conceived by an Englishman…..the word Pakistan was not used at the League meeting and this term was not applied to (the League’s Lahore) resolution by anybody until the Hindu press had a brain-wave and dubbed it Pakistan…. The ignorant masses  have now adopted the slogan provided by the short-sighted bigotry of the Hindu and Sikh press…they overlooked the fact that the word Pakistan might have an appeal – a strong appeal – for the Muslim masses.  It is a catching phrase and it has caught popular imagination and has thus made confusion worse confounded…. So far as we in the Punjab are concerned, let me assure you that we will not countenance or accept any proposal that does not secure freedom for all (*cheers*).  We do not desire that Muslims should domineer here, just as we do not want the Hindus to domineer where Muslims are in a minority. Now would we allow anybody or section to thwart us because Muslims happen to be in a majority in this province.  We do not ask for freedom that there may be a Muslim Raj here and Hindu Raj elsewhere.  If that is what Pakistan means I will have nothing to do with it.   If Pakistan means unalloyed Muslim Raj in the Punjab then I will have nothing to do with it (*hear, hear*)…. If you want real freedom for the Punjab, that is to say a Punjab in which every community will have its due share in the economic and administrative fields as partners in a common concern, then that Punjab will not be Pakistan but just Punjab, land of the five rivers; Punjab is Punjab and will always remain Punjab whatever anybody may say (*cheers*).  This, then, briefly is the future which I visualize for my province and for my country under any new constitution.

Intervention (Malik Barkat Ali): The Lahore resolution says the same thing.

Premier: Exactly; then why misinterpret it and try to mislead the  masses?…”

1937-1947  Quad-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah

During the Third Round Table Conference, Dr Iqbal persuaded Mr Jinnah (1876-1948) to return to India; Mr Jinnah, from being settled again in his London law practice, did so in 1934.  But following the 1935 Govt of India Act, the Muslim League failed badly when British India held its first elections in 1937 not only in Bengal and UP but in Punjab (one seat), NWFP and Sind.

World War II, like World War I a couple of brief decades earlier, then changed the political landscape completely. Germany invaded Poland on 1 September 1939 and Britain and France declared war on Germany on 3 September.  The next day, India’s British Viceroy (Linlithgow) granted Mr Jinnah the political parity with Congress that he had sought.[6]  Professor Francis Robinson suggests that until 4 September 1939 the British

“had had little time for Jinnah and his League.  The Government’s declaration of war on Germany on 3 September, however, transformed the situation. A large part of the army was Muslim, much of the war effort was likely to rest on the two Muslim majority provinces of Punjab and Bengal. The following day, the Viceroy invited Jinnah for talks on an equal footing with Gandhi…. As the Congress began to demand immediate independence, the Viceroy took to reassuring Jinnah that Muslim interests would be safeguarded in any constitutional change. Within a few months, he was urging the League to declare a constructive policy for the future, which was of course presented in the Lahore Resolution[7]…. In their August 1940 offer, the British confirmed for the benefit of Muslims that power would not be transferred against the will of any significant element in Indian life. And much the same confirmation was given in the Cripps offer nearly two years later…. Throughout the years 1940 to 1945, the British made no attempt to tease out the contradictions between the League’s two-nation theory, which asserted that Hindus and Muslims came from two different civilisations and therefore were two different nations, and the Lahore Resolution, which demanded that ‘Independent States’ should be constituted from the Muslim majority provinces of the NE and NW, thereby suggesting that Indian Muslims formed not just one nation but two. When in 1944 the governors of Punjab and Bengal urged such a move on the Viceroy, Wavell ignored them, pressing ahead instead with his own plan for an all-India conference at Simla. The result was to confirm, as never before in the eyes of leading Muslims in the majority provinces, the standing of Jinnah and the League. Thus, because the British found it convenient to take the League seriously, everyone had to as well—Congressmen, Unionists, Bengalis, and so on…”[8]

 Mr Jinnah was himself amazed by the new British attitude towards him:

“(S)uddenly there was a change in the attitude towards me. I was treated on the same basis as Mr Gandhi. I was wonderstruck why all of a sudden I was promoted and given a place side by side with Mr Gandhi.”

Britain, threatened for its survival, faced an obdurate Indian leadership and even British socialists sympathetic to Indian aspirations grew cold (Gandhi dismissing the 1942 Cripps offer as a “post-dated cheque on a failing bank”).  Official Britain’s loyalties had been consistently with those who had been loyal to them, and it was unsurprising there would be a tilt to empower Mr Jinnah soon making credible the real possibility of Pakistan.[9]  By 1946, Britain was exhausted, pre-occupied with rationing, Berlin, refugee resettlement and countless other post-War problems — Britain had not been beaten in war but British imperialism was finished because of the War.  Muslim opinion in British India had changed decisively in the League’s favour.   But the  subcontinent’s political processes were drastically spinning out of everyone’s control towards anarchy and blood-letting.  Implementing a lofty vision of a cultured progressive consolidated Muslim state in India’s NorthWest descended into “Direct Action” with urban mobs  shouting Larke lenge Pakistan; Marke lenge Pakistan; Khun se lenge Pakistan; Dena hoga Pakistan.[10]

We shall return to Mr Jinnah’s view on the legal position of the “Native Princes” of “Indian India” during this critical time, specifically J&K; here it is essential before proceeding only to record his own vision for the new Pakistan as recorded by the profoundly judicious report of Justice Munir and Justice Kayani a mere half dozen years later:

“Before the Partition, the first public picture of Pakistan that the Quaid-i-Azam gave to the world was in the course of an interview in New Delhi with Mr. Doon Campbell, Reuter’s Correspondent. The Quaid-i-Azam said that the new State would be a modern democratic State, with sovereignty resting in the people and the members of the new nation having equal rights of citizenship regardless of their religion, caste or creed.  When Pakistan formally appeared on the map, the Quaid-i-Azam in his memorable speech of 11th August 1947 to the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan, while stating the principle on which the new State was to be founded, said:—‘All the same, in this division it was impossible to avoid the question of minorities being in one Dominion or the other. Now that was unavoidable. There is no other solution. Now what shall we do? Now, if we want to make this great State of Pakistan happy and prosperous we should wholly and solely concentrate on the well-being of the people, and specially of the masses and the poor. If you will work in co-operation, forgetting the past, burying the hatchet, you are bound to succeed. If you change your past and work together in a spirit that every one of you, no matter to what community he belongs, no matter what relations he had with you in the past, no matter what is his colour, caste or creed, is first, second and last a citizen of this State with equal rights, privileges and obligations., there will be no end to the progress you will make.  “I cannot emphasise it too much. We should begin to work in that spirit and in course of time all these angularities of the majority and minority communities—the Hindu community and the Muslim community— because even as regards Muslims you have Pathana, Punjabis, Shias, Sunnis and so on and among the Hindus you have Brahmins, Vashnavas, Khatris, also Bengalis, Madrasis and so on—will vanish. Indeed if you ask me this has been the biggest hindrance in the way of India to attain its freedom and independence and but for this we would have been free peoples long long ago. No power can hold another nation, and specially a nation of 400 million souls in subjection; nobody could have conquered you, and even if it had happened, nobody could have continued its hold on you for any length of time but for this (Applause). Therefore, we must learn a lesson from this. You are free; you are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques or to any other places of worship in this State of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion or caste or creed— that has nothing to do with the business of the State (Hear, hear). As you know, history shows that in England conditions sometime ago were much worse than those prevailing in India today. The Roman Catholics and the Protestants persecuted each other. Even now there are some States in existence where there are discriminations made and bars imposed against a particular class. Thank God we are not starting in those days. We are starting in the days when there is no discrimination, no distinction between one community and another, no discrimination between one caste or creed and another. We are starting with this fundamental principle that we are all citizens and equal citizens of one State (Loud applause). The people of England in course of time had to face the realities of the situation and had to discharge the responsibilities and burdens placed upon them by the Government of their country and they went through that fire step by step. Today you might say with justice that Roman Catholics and Protestants do not exist: what exists now is that every man is a citizen, an equal citizen, of Great Britain and they are all members of the nation. “Now, I think we should keep that in front of us as our ideal and you will find that in course of time Hindus would cease to be Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not in the religious sense, because that is the personal faith of each individual, but in the political sense as citizens of the State’. The Quaid-i-Azam was the founder of Pakistan and the occasion on which he thus spoke was the first landmark in the history of Pakistan. The speech was intended both for his own people including non-Muslims and the world, and its object was to define as clearly as possible the ideal to the attainment of which the new State was to devote all its energies. There are repeated references in this speech to the bitterness of the past and an appeal to forget and change the past and to bury the hatchet. The future subject of the State is to be a citizen with equal rights, privileges and obligations, irrespective of colour, caste, creed or community. The word ‘nation’ is used more than once and religion is stated to have nothing to do with the business of the State and to be merely a matter of personal faith for the individual.”

1940s et seq  Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi, Amir Jama’at-i-Islami

The eminent theologian Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi (1903-1979), founder of the Jama’at-i-Islami, had been opposed to the Pakistan Principle but once Pakistan was created he became the most eminent votary of an Islamic State, declaring:

 “That the sovereignty in Pakistan belongs to God Almighty alone and that the Government of Pakistan shall administer the country as His agent”.

 In such a view, Islam becomes

“the very antithesis of secular Western democracy. The philosophical foundation of Western democracy is the sovereignty of the people. Lawmaking is their prerogative and legislation must correspond to the mood and temper of their opinion… Islam… altogether repudiates the philosophy of popular sovereignty and rears its polity on the foundations of the sovereignty of God and the viceregency (Khilafat) of man.”

Maulana Maudoodi was asked by Justice Munir and Justice Kayani:

 “Q.—Is a country on the border of dar-ul-Islam always qua an Islamic State in the position of dar-ul-harb ?

A.—No. In the absence of an agreement to the contrary, the Islamic State will be potentially at war with the non-Muslim neighbouring country. The non-Muslim country acquires the status of dar-ul-harb only after the Islamic State declares a formal war against it”.

“Q.—Is there a law of war in Islam?

A.—Yes.

Q.—Does it differ fundamentally from the modern International Law of war?

A.—These two systems are based on a fundamental difference.

Q.—What rights have non-Muslims who are taken prisoners of war in a jihad?

A.—The Islamic law on the point is that if the country of which these prisoners are nationals pays ransom, they will be released. An exchange of prisoners is also permitted. If neither of these alternatives is possible, the prisoners will be converted into slaves for ever. If any such person makes an offer to pay his ransom out of his own earnings, he will be permitted to collect the money necessary for the fidya (ransom).

Q.—Are you of the view that unless a Government assumes the form of an Islamic Government, any war declared by it is not a jihad?

A.—No. A war may be declared to be a jihad if it is declared by a national Government of Muslims in the legitimate interests of the State. I never expressed the opinion attributed to me in Ex. D. E. 12:— (translation)‘The question remains whether, even if the Government of Pakistan, in its present form and structure, terminates her treaties with the Indian Union and declares war against her, this war would fall under the definition of jihad? The opinion expressed by him in this behalf is quite correct. Until such time as the Government becomes Islamic by adopting the Islamic form of Government, to call any of its wars a jihad would be tantamount to describing the enlistment and fighting of a non-Muslim on the side of the Azad Kashmir forces jihad and his death martyrdom. What the Maulana means is that, in the presence of treaties, it is against Shari’at, if the Government or its people participate in such a war. If the Government terminates the treaties and declares war, even then the war started by Government would not be termed jihad unless the Government becomes Islamic’.

….

“Q.—If we have this form of Islamic Government in Pakistan, will you permit Hindus to base their Constitution on the basis of their own religion?

A—Certainly. I should have no objection even if the Muslims of India are treated in that form of Government as shudras and malishes and Manu’s laws are applied to them, depriving them of all share in the Government and the rights of a citizen. In fact such a state of affairs already exists in India.”

.…

“Q.—What will be the duty of the Muslims in India in case of war between India and Pakistan?

A.—Their duty is obvious, and that is not to fight against Pakistan or to do anything injurious to the safety of Pakistan.”

1947-1950 PM Liaquat Ali Khan, 1966 Gen Ayub Khan, 2005 Govt of Pakistan et seq

In contrast to Maulana Maudoodi saying Islam was “the very antithesis of secular Western democracy”,  Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan (1895-1951)[11] during his first official visit in 1950 to North America was to say the new Pakistan, because it was Muslim, held Asia’s greatest democratic potential:

“At present there is no democracy in Asia which is more free and more unified than Pakistan; none so free from moral doubts and from strains between the various sections of the people.”

He told his audiences Pakistan was created because Hindus were people wedded to caste-differences where Pakistanis as Muslims had an egalitarian and democratic disposition:

“The Hindus, for example, believe in the caste system according to which some human beings are born superior to others and cannot have any social relations with those in the lower castes or with those who are not Hindus.   They cannot marry them or eat with them or even touch them without being polluted.   The Muslims abhor the caste system, as they are a democratic people and believe in the equality of men and equal opportunities for all, do not consider a priesthood necessary, and have economic laws and institutions which recognize the right of private ownership and yet are designed to promote the distribution of wealth and to put healthy checks on vast unearned accumulations… so the Hindus and the Muslims decided to part and divide British India into two independent sovereign states… Our demand for a country of our own had, as you see, a strong democratic urge behind it.  The emergence of Pakistan itself was therefore the triumph of a democratic idea.  It enabled at one stroke a democratic nation of eighty million people to find a place of its own in Asia, where now they can worship God in freedom and pursue their own way of life uninhibited by the domination or the influence of ways and beliefs that are alien or antagonistic to their genius.” [12]

President Ayub Khan would state in similar vein on 18 November 1966 at London’s Royal Institute of International Affairs:

“the root of the problem was the conflicting ideologies of India and Pakistan. Muslim Pakistan believed in common brotherhood and giving people equal opportunity.  India and Hinduism are based on inequality and on colour and race.  Their basic concept is the caste system… Hindus and Muslims could never live under one Government, although they might live side by side.”

Regarding J&K, Liaquat Ali Khan on November 4 1947 broadcast from here in Lahore that the 1846 Treaty of Amritsar was “infamous” in having caused an  “immoral and illegal” ownership of Jammu & Kashmir.  He, along with Mr Jinnah, had called Sheikh Abdullah a “goonda” and “hoodlum” and “Quisling” of India, and on February 4 1948 Pakistan formally challenged the sovereignty of the Dogra dynasty in the world system of nations.  In 1950 during his North American visit though, the Prime Minister allowed that J&K was a “princely state” but said

“culturally, economically, geographically and strategically, Kashmir – 80 per cent of whose peoples like the majority of the people in Pakistan are Muslims – is in fact an integral part of Pakistan”;

“(the) bulk of the population (are) under Indian military occupation”.

Pakistan’s official self-image, portrayal of India, and position on J&K may have not changed greatly since her founding Prime Minister’s statements.   For example, in June 2005 the website of the Government of Pakistan’s Permanent Mission at the UN stated:

“Q: How did Hindu Raja (sic) become the ruler of Muslim majority Kashmir?

A: Historically speaking Kashmir had been ruled by the Muslims from the 14th Century onwards.  The Muslim rule continued till early 19th Century when the ruler of Punjab conquered  Kashmir and gave Jammu to a Dogra Gulab Singh who purchased Kashmir from the British in 1846 for a sum of 7.5 million rupees.”

“India’s forcible occupation of the State of Jammu and Kashmir in 1947 is the main cause of the dispute. India claims to have ‘signed’ a controversial document, the Instrument of Accession, on 26 October 1947 with the Maharaja of Kashmir, in which the Maharaja obtained India’s military help against popular insurgency.   The people of Kashmir and Pakistan do not accept the Indian claim.   There are doubts about the very existence of the Instrument of Accession.  The United Nations also does not consider Indian claim as legally valid: it recognises Kashmir as a disputed territory.   Except India, the entire world community recognises Kashmir as a disputed territory. The fact is that all the principles on the basis of which the Indian subcontinent was partitioned by the British in 1947 justify Kashmir becoming a part of Pakistan:  the State had majority Muslim population, and it not only enjoyed geographical proximity with Pakistan but also had essential economic linkages with the territories constituting Pakistan.”

India, a country dominated by the hated-Hindus, has forcibly denied Srinagar Valley’s Muslim majority over the years the freedom to become part of Muslim Pakistan – I stand here to be corrected but, in a nutshell, such has been and remains Pakistan’s official view and projection of the Kashmir problem over more than sixty years.[13]

Part II

  1. India’s Point of View: British Negligence/Indifference during the Transfer of Power, A Case of Misgovernance in the Chaotic Aftermath of World War II

(a)    Rhetoric: Whose Pakistan?  Which Kashmir?

(b)    Law: (i) Liaquat-Zafrullah-Abdullah-Nehru United in Error Over the Second Treaty of Amritsar! Dogra J&K subsists Mar 16 1846-Oct 22 1947. Aggression, Anarchy, Annexations: The LOC as De Facto Boundary by Military Decision Since Jan 1 1949.  (ii) Legal Error & Confusion Generated by 12 May 1946 Memorandum. (iii) War: Dogra J&K attacked by Pakistan, defended by India: Invasion, Mutiny, Secession of “Azad Kashmir” & Gilgit, Rape of Baramulla, Siege of Skardu.

  1. Politics: What is to be Done? Towards Truths, Normalisation, Peace in the 21st Century

The Present Situation is Abnormal & Intolerable. There May Be One (and Only One) Peacable Solution that is Feasible: Revealing Individual Choices Privately with Full Information & Security: Indian “Green Cards”/PIO-OCI status for Hurriyat et al: A Choice of Nationality (India, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Iran).  Of Flags and Consulates in Srinagar & Gilgit etc: De Jure Recognition of the Boundary, Diplomatic Normalisation,  Economic & Military Cooperation.

  1. Appendices:

(a)    History of Jammu & Kashmir until the Dogra Native State

(b)    Pakistan’s Allies (including A Brief History of Gilgit)

(c)    India’s Muslim Voices

(d)    Pakistan’s Muslim Voices: An Excerpt from the Munir Report

 


[1] EIJ Rosenthal, Islam in the Modern National State, 1965, pp.196-197.

[2] A contemporary of Mohammad Ibn Abdal Wahhab of Nejd.

[3] Francis Robinson in  WE James & Subroto Roy, Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s, 1993, p. 36.  Indeed Barelwi had created a proto-Pakistan in NorthWest India one hundred years before the Pakistan Movement. “In the later 1820s the movement became militant, regarding jihad as one of the basic tenets of faith.  Possibly encouraged by the British, with whom the movement did not feel powerful enough to come to grips at the outset, it chose as the venue of jihad the NW frontier of the subcontinent, where it was directed against the Sikhs.  Barelwi temporarily succeeded in carving out a small theocratic principality which collapsed owing to the friction between his Pathan and North Indian followers; and he was finally defeated and slain by the Sikhs in 1831″ (Aziz Ahmed, in  AL Basham (ed) A Cultural History of India 1976, p. 384).   Professor Robinson answered a query of mine in an email of 8 August 2005: “the fullest description of this is in Mohiuddin Ahmad, Saiyid Ahmad Shahid (Lucknow, 1975), although practically everyone who deals with the period covers it in some way. Barelwi was the Amir al-Muminin of a jihadi community which based itself north of Peshawar and for a time controlled Peshawar.  He called his fellowship the Tariqa-yi Muhammadiya.  Barelwi corresponded with local rulers about him.  After his death at the battle of Balakot, it survived in the region, at Sittana I think, down to World War One.”

[4] Rosenthal, ibid., p 235

[5] Germans

[6] Events remote from India’s history and geography, namely, the rise of Hitler and the Second World War, had contributed between 1937 and 1947 to the change of fortunes of the Muslim League and hence of all the people of the subcontinent.  The British had long discovered that mutual antipathy between Muslims and Hindus could be utilised in fashioning their rule; specifically that organisation and mobilisation of Muslim communal opinion was a useful counterweight to any pan-Indian nationalism emerging to compete with British authority. As early as 1874, long before Allan Octavian Hume ICS conceived the Indian National Congress, John Strachey ICS observed “The existence side by side of these (Hindu and Muslim) hostile creeds is one of the strong points in our political position in India. The better classes of Mohammedans are a source of strength to us and not of weakness. They constitute a comparatively small but an energetic minority of the population whose political interests are identical with ours.” By 1906, when a deputation of Muslims headed by the Aga Khan first approached the British pleading for communal representation, Minto the Viceroy replied: “I am as firmly convinced as I believe you to be that any electoral representation in India would be doomed to mischievous failure which aimed at granting a personal enfranchisement, regardless of the beliefs and traditions of the communities composing the population of this Continent.” Minto’s wife wrote in her diary the effect was “nothing less than the pulling back of sixty two millions of (Muslims) from joining the ranks of the seditious opposition.” (The true significance of Maulana Azad may have been that he, precisely at the same time, did indeed feel within himself the nationalist’s desire for freedom strongly enough to want to join the ranks of that seditious opposition.)

[7] “That geographically contiguous units are demarcated into regions which should be so constituted, with such territorial readjustments as may be necessary, that the areas in which the Muslims are numerically in a majority, as in the North-Western and Eastern zones of India should be grouped to constitute Independent States in which the constituent units shall be autonomous and sovereign”.

[8] Robinson ibid, pp. 43-44.

[9] In the “Indian India” of the Native Princes, Hari Singh and others who sent troops to fight as part of British armies (and who were nominal members of Churchill’s War Cabinet) would have their vanities flattered, while Sheikh Abdullah’s rebellion against Dogra rule would be ignored. See seq. And in British India, Mr Jinnah the conservative Anglophile and his elitist Muslim League would be backed, while the radicalised masses of the Gandhi-Bose-Nehru Congress suppressed as a nuisance.

[10] An anthology about Lahore reports memories of a murderous mob arriving at a wealthy man’s home to be placated  with words like  “They are Parsis not Hindus, no need to kill them…”

[11] An exact contemporary of Chaudhury Rahmat Ali.

[12] Pakistan, Harvard University Press, 1950.

[13] It is not far from this to a certain body of sentiments frequently found, for example, as recently as February 5 2011: “To observe the Kashmir Solidarity Day, various programs, rallies and protests will be held on Saturday (today) across the city to support the people of Kashmir in their struggle against the Indian occupation of their land.  Various religious, political, social and other organizations have arranged different programs to highlight the atrocities of Indian occupant army in held Jammu and Kashmir where about 800,000 Indian soldiers have been committing atrocities against innocent civilians; killing, wounding and maiming tens of thousands of people; raping thousands of women and setting houses, shops and crops on fire to break the Kashmiris’ will to fight for their freedom…Jamat-ud-Dawah…leaders warned that a ‘jihad’ would be launched if Kashmir was not liberated through civil agitation…the JuD leaders said first the former President, Pervez Musharraf, and now the current dispensation were extending the olive branch to New Delhi despite the atrocities on the Kashmiri people….the Pakistani nation would (never compromise on the issue of Kashmir and) would continue to provide political, moral and diplomatic support to the Kashmiri people.”

My Seventy Four Articles, Books (now in pdf 2021), Notes Etc on Kashmir, Pakistan, & of course, India (plus my undelivered Lahore lectures)

2) Law, Justice and Jammu & Kashmir (2006)

https://independentindian.com/2006/07/03/law-justice-and-jk/

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=152464726125

Monday, October 5, 2009

3) Solving Kashmir: On an Application of Reason (2005)
https://independentindian.com/2005/12/03/solving-kashmir-on-an-application-of-reason/

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=152462776125

Monday, October 5, 2009

4) My (armchair) experience of the 1999 Kargil war (Or, How the Kargil effort got a little help from a desktop)

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=388161476125

Thursday, April 29, 2010

5) Understanding Pakistan (2006)

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=152348161125

Monday, October 5, 2009

6) Pakistan’s Allies (2006)

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=152345826125

Monday, October 5, 2009

7) History of Jammu & Kashmir

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=152343836125

Monday, October 5, 2009

8) from 30 years ago, now in pdf

Foundations of India’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s edited by Subroto Roy & William E James

indvol

Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s edited by William E James & Subroto Roy

pakvol

9) Talking to my student and friend Amir Malik about Pakistan and its problems

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=10150297082781126

Tuesday, September 27, 2011

10) My thanks to Mr Singh for seeing the optimality of my Kashmir solution

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=10150271489571126

Sunday, September 4, 2011

11) Zafrullah, my father, and the three frigates: there was no massacre of the Hindu Sindhi refugees in Karachi in 1947

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=10150265008366126

Saturday, August 27, 2011

12) Conversation with Mr Birinder R Singh about my Kashmir solution

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=10150259831611126

Saturday, August 20, 2011

13) On the Hurriyat’s falsification of history

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=10150258949946126

Friday, August 19, 2011

14) Letter from a young Pashtun whose grandfathers were in the 1947 invasion of Kashmir (which the Hurriyat says never happened)

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=10150258851821126

Friday, August 19, 2011

15) More on my solution

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=10150258100876126

Thursday, August 18, 2011

16  ) A Hurriyat/Taliban Islamist emirate in the Valley subject to an Indian blockade would likely face famine.

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=10150257700231126

Wednesday, August 17, 2011

17) There is no Kashmiri nationality and there never has been in the modern era of international law

https://www.facebook.com/notes/subroto-roy/there-is-no-kashmiri-nationality-and-there-never-has-been-in-the-modern-era-of-i/10150255815456126

Monday, August 15, 2011

18) Of the Flag of Pakistan, and the Union Jack, and the Flag of India — August 14-15 1947

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=10150255301456126

Sunday, August 14, 2011

19) Talking about Kashmir in 1947 to Ralph Coti

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=10150254871116126

Saturday, August 13, 2011

20) Conversation with Prof. Bhim Singh about 1947

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=10150254495896126

Saturday, August 13, 2011

21) The LOC represents the division of ownerless, sovereignless territory won by military conquest by either side…

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=10150245816611126

Monday, August 1, 2011

22) Talking to Mr Tauseef

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=10150245521131126

Monday, August 1, 2011

23) J&K had ceased to exist as an entity in international law by August 15 1947, at most by October 22 1947

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=10150244867021126

Sunday, July 31, 2011

24) Would someone be kind enough to tell me which freedoms Indian Kashmiris are being deprived of?

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=10150243323381126

Friday, July 29, 2011

25) Kunan Poshpora: I would say the evidence reported by the Verghese Committee itself was enough to indicate there had been rape 28 July 2011

https://www.facebook.com/notes/subroto-roy/kunan-poshpora-i-would-say-the-evidence-reported-by-the-verghese-committee-itsel/10150242580476126

26) Talking to Mr Rameez Makhdoomi about Kashmir

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=10150241973371126

Wednesday, July 27, 2011

27) And, as you well know, General Hasnain is both Muslim and Kashmiri, besides being the Commanding Officer of 15 Corps.

http://www.facebook.com/subyroy?sk=notes&s=40

Friday, July 22, 2011

28) Kashmir needs a Coroner’s Office!

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=10150238284741126

Friday, July 22, 2011

29) A slogan for Kashmir: No exaggerations, no hallucinations, no cover-ups please: Just the plain facts & accountability

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=10150238136556126

Friday, July 22, 2011

30) Towards a Spatial Model of Kashmir’s Political History

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=10150234599731126

Sunday, July 17, 2011

31) Why did Allama Iqbal say “India is the greatest Muslim country in the world…”?

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=10150233148866126

Friday, July 15, 2011

32) Conversation with Mr Arif

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=10150230793806126

Tuesday, July 12, 2011

33) Omar Qayoom Bhat: A Victim of State Repression in J&K

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=10150229389496126

Monday, July 11, 2011

34) Good and evil in Kashmir over more than a millennium…

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=10150217168656126

Sunday, June 26, 2011

35) Letter to Mr Zargar (Continued)

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=10150212034496126

June 23, 2011

36) From the Official Indian Army website re Human Rights Violations

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=10150210741356126

Wednesday, June 22, 2011

37) A Facebook Discussion on Kashmir with the Lahore Oxford & Cambridge Society

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=10150208871201126

Sunday, June 19, 2011

38) Answering two central questions on the Kashmir Problem

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=10150202054326126

Friday, June 10, 2011

39) Some articles on Jammu & Kashmir, Pakistan, Afghanistan

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=10150201498846126

Friday, June 10, 2011

40) Lar ke lenge Pakistan? Khun se lenge Pakistan?

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=10150195065706126

Thursday, June 2, 2011

41) On Pakistan & Questions of the Nature & Jurisprudence of Polities

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=10150165301016126

Saturday, April 30, 2011

42) On “state involvement” (January 2009)

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?

on Friday, April 22, 2011

43) My four main 2005-06 articles on the existence of a unique, stable solution to Kashmir

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=10150155305266126

Sunday, April 17, 2011

44) On the present state of the Pakistan-India dialogue

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=10150140448906126

Thursday, March 31, 2011

45) Mixed messages (from a Dec 2008 post on Pakistan just after the Mumbai massacres)

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=10150117696731126

Tuesday, March 29, 2011

46) New Foreign Policy? “Kiss Up, Kick Down”? (October 2006)

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=10150098854806126

Friday, March 4, 2011

47) Conversations with Kashmiris: An Ongoing Facebook Note

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=489267761125

Saturday, January 22, 2011

48) On Pakistan and the Theory & Practice of the Islamic State, 1949, 1954

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=486039761125

Saturday, January 15, 2011

49) A Modern Military (2006)

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=483556931125

Monday, January 10, 2011

50) India’s Muslim Voices: Sir Sikandar Hyat Khan (1892-1942), Punjab Prime Minister 1941

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=476020171125

Monday, December 27, 2010

51) Pre-Partition Indian Secularism Case-Study: Fuzlul Huq and Manindranath Roy

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=445015731125

Tuesday, October 26, 2010

52) A Brief Note on Bangladesh, Pakistan, India and the Pashtuns 1971-2010

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=414500306125

Wednesday, July 28, 2010

53) On the Existence of a Unique and Stable Solution to the Jammu & Kashmir Problem that is Lawful, Just and Economically Efficient

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=407478886125

Monday, July 5, 2010

54) Seventy Years Today (Sep 4 2009) Since the British Govt Politically Empowered MA Jinnah

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=407310716125

Monday, July 5, 2010

55) Justice & Afzal (Oct 14 2006)

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=393914236125

Tuesday, May 18, 2010

56) A Brief History of Gilgit

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Monday, March 1, 2010

57)  India-USA interests: Elements of a serious Indian foreign policy (2007)

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Wednesday, February 10, 2010

58) Ambassador Holbrooke’s error of historical fact

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=259713446125

Sunday, January 17, 2010

59) Of a new New Delhi myth & the success of the Univ of Hawaii 1986-1992 Pakistan project (Nov 15 2008)

https://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=247284116125

Sunday, 10 January 2010

60) Was Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah (1905-1982), Lion of Kashmir, the greatest Muslim political leader of the 20th Century?

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=244956301125

Friday, January 8, 2010

61) On Indian Nationhood: From Tamils To Kashmiris & Assamese & Mizos To Sikhs & Goans (2007)

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=222511821125

Friday, December 25, 2009

62) India has never, not once, initiated hostilities against Pakistan (2009)

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=194400926125

Wednesday, December 2, 2009

63) RAND’s study of the Mumbai attacks (Jan 25 2009)

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=189261716125

Wednesday, November 25, 2009

64) Memo to the Hon’ble Attorneys General of Pakistan & India (January 16 2009)

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=189251816125

Wednesday, November 25, 2009

65) On Hindus and Muslims (2005)

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Tuesday, November 3, 2009

66) Iqbal & Jinnah vs Rahmat Ali in Pakistan’s creation (2005)

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Saturday, October 31, 2009

67) Have “mixed messages” caused a “double-bind” in the US-Pakistan relationship?

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=164051251125

Wednesday, October 21, 2009

68) Pakistan’s Kashmir obsession: Sheikh Abdullah Relied In Politics On The French Constitution, Not Islam (Feb 16 2008)

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=154064436125

Thursday, October 8, 2009

69) Two cheers for Pakistan! (April 7 2008)

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Thursday, October 8, 2009

70) What to tell Musharraf: Peace Is Impossible Without Non-Aggressive Pakistani Intentions (Dec 15 2006)

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Wednesday, October 7, 2009

71) India’s Muslim Voices (Dec 4 2008)

http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=153977181125

Wednesday, October 7, 2009

72) Saving Pakistan: A Physicist/Political Philosopher May Represent Iqbal’s “Spirit of Modern Times” (2007)

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Wednesday, October 7, 2009

73) The Greatest Pashtun: Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan (1890-1988)

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Wednesday, October 7, 2009

74) KashNFL

On Pakistan and the Theory & Practice of the Islamic State: An Excerpt from the Munir Report of 1954

On Pakistan and the Theory & Practice of the Islamic State: An Excerpt from the Munir Report of 1954

 

From REPORT of THE COURT OF INQUIRY constituted under PUNJAB ACT II OF 1954 to enquire into the PUNJAB DISTURBANCES OF 1953 “Munir Report”

 

“ISLAMIC STATE
It has been repeatedly said before us that implicit in the demand for Pakistan was the demand for an Islamic State. Some speeches of important leaders who were striving for Pakistan undoubtedly lend themselves to this construction. These leaders while referring to an Islamic State or to a State governed by Islamic laws perhaps had in their minds the pattern of a legal structure based on or mixed up with Islamic dogma, personal law, ethics and institutions. No one who has given serious thought to the introduction of a religious State in Pakistan has failed to notice the tremendous difficulties with which any such scheme must be confronted. Even Dr. Muhammad Iqbal, who must be considered to be the first thinker who conceived of the possibility of a consolidated North Western Indian Muslim State, in the course of his presidential address to the Muslim League in 1930 said:

“Nor should the Hindus fear that the creation of autonomous Muslim States will mean the introduction of a kind of religious rule in such States. The principle that each group is entitled to free development on its own lines is not inspired by any feeling of narrow communalism”.

When we come to deal with the question of responsibility we shall have the occasion to point out that the most important of the parties who are now clamouring for the enforcement of the three demands on religious grounds were all against the idea of an Islamic State. Even Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi of Jama’at-i-Islami was of the view that the form of Government in the new Muslim State, if it ever came into existence, could only be secular.

Before the Partition, the first public picture of Pakistan that the Quaid-i-Azam gave to the world was in the course of an interview in New Delhi with Mr. Doon Campbell, Reuter’s Correspondent. The Quaid-i-Azam said that the new State would be a modern democratic State, with sovereignty resting in the people and the members of the new nation having equal rights of citizenship regardless of their religion, caste or creed. When Pakistan formally appeared on the map, the Quaid-i-Azam in his memorable speech of 11th August 1947 to the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan, while stating the principle on which the new State was to be founded, said:—

 

“All the same, in this division it was impossible to avoid the question of minorities being in one Dominion or the other. Now that was unavoidable. There is no other solution. Now what shall we do? Now, if we want to make this great State of Pakistan happy and prosperous we should wholly and solely concentrate on the well-being of the people, and specially of the masses and the poor. If you will work in co-operation, forgetting the past, burying the hatchet, you are bound to succeed. If you change your past and work together in a spirit that every one of you, no matter to what community he belongs, no matter what relations he had with you in the past, no matter what is his colour, caste or creed, is first, second and last a citizen of this State with equal rights, privileges and obligations., there will be no end to the progress you will make. “I cannot emphasise it too much. We should begin to work in that spirit and in course of time all these angularities of the majority and minority communities—the Hindu community and the Muslim community— because even as regards Muslims you have Pathana, Punjabis, Shias, Sunnis and so on and among the Hindus you have Brahmins, Vashnavas, Khatris, also Bengalis, Madrasis and so on—will vanish. Indeed if you ask me this has been the biggest hindrance in the way of India to attain its freedom and independence and but for this we would have been free peoples long long ago. No power can hold another nation, and specially a nation of 400 million souls in subjection; nobody could have conquered you, and even if it had happened, nobody could have continued its hold on you for any length of time but for this (Applause). Therefore, we must learn a lesson from this. You are free; you are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques or to any other places of worship in this State of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion or caste or creed— that has nothing to do with the business of the State (Hear, hear). As you know, history shows that in England conditions sometime ago were much worse than those prevailing in India today. The Roman Catholics and the Protestants persecuted each other. Even now there are some States in existence where there are discriminations made and bars imposed against a particular class. Thank God we are not starting in those days. We are starting in the days when there is no discrimination, no distinction between one community and another, no discrimination between one caste or creed and another. We are starting with this fundamental principle that we are all citizens and equal citizens of one State (Loud applause). The people of England in course of time had to face the realities of the situation and had to discharge the responsibilities and burdens placed upon them by the Government of their country and they went through that fire step by step. Today you might say with justice that Roman Catholics and Protestants do not exist: what exists now is that every man is a citizen, an equal citizen, of Great Britain and they are all members of the nation. “Now, I think we should keep that in front of us as our ideal and you will find that in course of time Hindus would cease to be Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not in the religious sense, because that is the personal faith of each individual, but in the political sense as citizens of the State”.

The Quaid-i-Azam was the founder of Pakistan and the occasion on which he thus spoke was the first landmark in the history of Pakistan. The speech was intended both for his own people including non-Muslims and the world, and its object was to define as clearly as possible the ideal to the attainment of which the new State was to devote all its energies. There are repeated references in this speech to the bitterness of the past and an appeal to forget and change the past and to bury the hatchet. The future subject of the State is to be a citizen with equal rights, privileges and obligations, irrespective of colour, caste, creed or community. The word ‘nation’ is used more than once and religion is stated to have nothing to do with the business of the State and to be merely a matter of personal faith for the individual.

 

We asked the ulama whether this conception of a State was acceptable to them and everyone of them replied in an unhesitating negative, including the Ahrar and erstwhile Congressites with whom before the Partition this conception was almost a part of their faith.

 

If Maulana Amin Ahsan Islahi’s evidence correctly represents the view of Jama’at-i-Islami, a State based on this idea is the creature of the devil, and he is confirmed in this by several writings of his chief, Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi, the founder of the jama’at. None of the ulama can tolerate a State which is based on nationalism and all that it implies; with them millat and all that it connotes can alone be the determining factor in State activity.

 

The Quaid-i-Azam’s conception of a modern national State, it is alleged, became obsolete with the passing of the Objectives Resolution on 12th March 1949; but it has been freely admitted that this Resolution, though grandiloquent in words, phrases and clauses, is nothing but a hoax and that not only does it not contain even a semblance of the embryo of an Islamic State but its provisions, particularly those relating to fundamental rights, are directly opposed to the principles of an Islamic State.

 

 

FOUNDATIONS OF ISLAMIC STATE

What is then the Islamic State of which everybody talks but nobody thinks? Before we seek to discover an answer to this question, we must have a clear conception of the scope and function of the State.

The ulama were divided in their opinions when they were asked to cite some precedent of an Islamic State in Muslim history. Thus, though Hafiz Kifayat Husain, the Shia divine, held out as his ideal the form of Government during the Holy Prophet’s time, Maulana Daud Ghaznavi also included in his precedent the days of the Islamic Republic, of Umar bin Abdul Aziz, Salah-ud-Din Ayyubi of Damascus, Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni, Muhammad Tughlaq and Aurangzeb and the present regime in Saudi Arabia. Most of them, however, relied on the form of Government during the Islamic Republic from 632 to 661 A. D., a period of less than thirty years, though some of them also added the very short period of Umar bin Abdul Aziz.

Maulana Abdul Haamid Badayuni stated that the details of the ideal State would be worked out by the ulama while Master Taj-ud-Din Ansari’s confused notion of an Islamic State may be gathered from the following portion of his interrogation :—

“Q.—Were you also in the Khilafat movement ?
A.—Yes.
Q.—When did the Khilafat movement stop in India ?
A.—In 1923. This was after the Turks had declared their country to be a secular State.
Q.—If you are told that the Khilafat movement continued long after the Turks had abolished Khilafat, will that be correct?
A.—As far as I remember, the Khilafat movement finished with the abolition of the Khilafat by the Turks.
Q.—You are reported to have been a member of the Khilafat movement and having made speeches. Is it correct ?
A.—It could not be correct.
Q.—Was the Congress interested in Khilafat ?
A.— Yes.
Q.—Was Khilafat with you a matter of religious conviction or just a political movement ?
A.— It was purely a religious movement.
Q.— Did the Khilafat movement have the support of Mr Gandhi ?
A.—Yes.
Q.— What was the object of the Khilafat movement ?
A.— The Britisher was injuring the Khilafat institution in Turkey and the Musalman was aggrieved by this attitude of the Britisher.
Q.— Was not the object of the movement to resuscitate the Khilafat among the    Musalmans ?
A.—No.
Q.— Is Khilafat with you a necessary part of Muslim form of Government ?
A.—Yes.
Q.— Are you, therefore, in favour of having a Khilafat in Pakistan ?
A.—Yes.
Q.— Can there be more than one Khalifa of the Muslims ?
A.— No.
Q.— Will the Khalifa of Pakistan be the Khalifa of all the Muslims of the world ?
A.— He should be but cannot be.”

Throughout the three thousand years over which political thought extends, and such thought in its early stages cannot be separated from religion, two questions have invariably presented themselves for consideration : —

(1) what are the precise functions of the State ? and
(2) who shall control the State ?

If the true scope of the activities of the State is the welfare, temporal or spiritual or both of the individual, then the first question directly gives rise to the bigger question:

What is the object of human life and the ultimate destiny of man? On this, widely divergent views have prevailed, not at different times but at one and the same time. The pygmies of equatorial West Africa still believe that their God Komba has sent them into the forest to hunt and dance and sing. The Epicureans meant very much the same when they said that the object of human life is to drink and eat and be merry, for death denies such pleasures. The utilitarians base their institutions on the assumption that the object of human life is to experience pleasant sensations of mind and body, irrespective of what is to come hereafter. The Stoics believed in curbing and reducing all physical desires, and Diogenes found a tub good enough to live in. German philosophers think that the individual lives for the State and that therefore the object of life is service of the State in all that it might decide to undertake and achieve. Ancient Hindu philosophers believed in the logic of the fist with its natural consequence, the law of natural selection and the struggle for survival. The Semitic theory of State, whether Jewish, Christian or Islamic, has always held that the object of human life is to prepare ourselves for the next life and that, therefore, prayer and good works are the only object of life. Greek philosophers beginning with Socrates thought that the object of human life was to engage in philosophical meditation with a view to discovering the great truths that lie in nature and that the business of the others is to feed the philosophers engaged in that undertaking.

Islam emphasises the doctrine that life in this world is not the only life given to man but that eternal life begins after the present existence comes to an end, and that the status of a human being in the next world will depend upon his beliefs and actions in this world. As the present life is not an end in itself but merely a means to an end, not only the individual but also the State, as opposed to the secular theory which bases all political and economic institutions on a disregard of their consequences on the next life, should strive for human conduct which ensures for a person better status in the next world.

According to this theory Islam is the religion which seeks to attain that object. Therefore the question immediately arises : What is Islam and who is a momin or a Muslim ? We put this question to the ulama and we shall presently refer to their answers to this question. But we cannot refrain from saying here that it was a matter of infinite regret to us that the ulama whose first duty should be to have settled views on this subject, were hopelessly disagreed among themselves.

Apart from how these learned divines have expressed themselves, we conceive of Islam as a system that covers, as every systematic religion must, the following five topics :—
(1) the dogma, namely, the essentials of belief ;
(2) the cult, namely, religious rites and observances which a person must
perform ;
(3) ethics, i. e. rules of moral conduct ;
(4) institutions, social, economic and political ; and
(5) law proper.

The essential basis of the rules on all these subjects is revelation and not reason, though both may coincide. This coincidence, however, is accidental because human reasoning may be faulty and ultimate reason is known only to God, Who sends His message to humanity through His chosen messengers for the direction and guidance of the people. One must, therefore, accept the dogma, observe the cult, follow the ethics, obey the law and establish institutions which God has revealed, though their reason may not be apparent—nay even if they be opposed to human reason. Since an error by God is an impossibility, anything that God has revealed, whether its subject be something occult or preternatural, history, finance, law, worship or something which according to human thought admits of scientific treatment as for instance, birth of man, evolution, cosmology, or astronomy, has got to be accepted as absolute truth. The test of reason is not the acid test and a denial of this amounts to a denial of the supreme wisdom and designs of Allah—it is kufr. Now God has revealed Himself from time to time to His favoured people of whom our Holy Prophet was the last. That revelation is contained in the Qur’an and covers the five topics mentioned above. The true business of a person who believes in Islam is therefore to understand, believe in and act upon that revelation. The people whom God chooses as medium for the transmission of His messages are rasuls (messengers) or nabis (prophets). Since every action or saying of a prophet is, in the case of our own Holy Prophet it certainly was, prompted by Allah, it has the same degree of inerrancy as the formal revelation itself, because prophets are ma’sum, incapable of doing or saying something which is opposed to Divine wishes. These sayings and actions are sunna having the same infallibility as the Qur’an. The record of this sunna is hadith which is to be found in several books which were compiled by Muslim scholars after long, laborious and careful research extending over several generations.

The word hadith means a record of actions or sayings of the Prophet and his companions. At first the sahaba. i. e. people who had lived in the society of the Prophet, were the best authority for a knowledge of the sunna. Later people had to be content with the communications of the tabi’un, i. e. successors, people of the first generation after the Holy Prophet who had received their information from the sahaba, and then in the following generations with the accounts of the so-called successors of the successors (tabi’ul-tabi’un), i.e. people of the second generation after the Holy Prophet, who had concerted with the successors. Marfu’ is a tradition which contains a statement about the Prophet ; mawquf, a tradition that refers only to the sayings or doings of the sahaba ; and maqtu’ a tradition which does not at most go further back than the first generation after the Holy Prophet and deals only with sayings or doings of tabi’un. In some of the ahadith the actual word of God is to be found. Any such tradition is designated Hadith-i-Qudsi or Ilahi as distinguished from an ordinary Hadith-i-Nabvi.

A very large portion of sayings ascribed to the Prophet deals with the ahkam (legal professions), religious obligations, halal and haram (what is allowed and forbidden), with ritual purity, laws regarding food and criminal and civil law. Further they deal with dogma, retribution at the Last Judgment, hell and paradise, angels, creation, revelations, the earlier prophets. Many traditions also contain edifying sayings and moral teachings by the Holy Prophet. The importance of ahadith was realised from the very beginning and they were not only committed to memory but in some cases were reduced to writing. The work of compilation of hadith began in the third century after the Hijra and the Sihah Sitta were all compiled in that century. These are the musannifs of —
(1) Al-Bukhari, died 256/870,
(2) Muslim, died 261/875,
(3) Abu Dawud, died 275/888,
(4) Al-Tirmizi, died 279/892,
(5) All Nasa’i, died 303/915, and
(6) Ibn-i-Maja, died 273/886.

According to modern laws of evidence, including our own, the ahadith are inadmissible evidence of sunna because each of them contains several links of hearsay, but as authority on law they are admissible pro prio vigore. The merit of these collections lies not so much in the fact that (as is often wrongly stated) their authors decided for the first time which of the numerous traditions in circulation were genuine and which false but rather in the fact that they brought together everything that was recognised as genuine in orthodox circles in those days.

The Shias judge hadith from their own stand-point and only consider such traditions reliable as are based on the authority of Ali and his adherents. They have, therefore, their own works on the subject and hold the following five works in particularly high esteem—
(1) Al-Kafi of Muhammad b. Yaqub Al-Kulini, died 328/939,
(2) Man La Yastahdiruhu’ul-Fakih of Muhammad b. Ali b. Babuya Al-Kummi,
died 381/991,
(3) Tahdib Al-Ahkam,
(4) Al-Istibsar Fi-Ma’khtalafa Fihi’l-Akhbar (extract from the preceding) of
Muhammad Altusi, died 459/1067, and
(5) Nahj Al-Balagha (alleged sayings of Ali) of Ali b. Tahir Al-Sharif Al-Murtaza, died 436/1044 (or of his brother Radi Al-Din Al-Baghdadi.)

After the ritual, the dogma and the most important political and social institutions had taken definite shape in the second and third centuries, there arose a certain communis opinio regarding the reliability of most transmitters of tradition and the value of their statement. The main principles of doctrine had already been established in the writings of Malik b. Anas, Al-Shafi’i and other scholars regarded as authoritative in different circles and mainly on the authority of traditional sayings of the Holy Prophet. In the long run no one dared to doubt the truth of these traditions and this almost conclusive presumption of truth has since continued to be attached to the ahadith compiled in the Sihah Sitta.

We have so far arrived at this result that any rule on any subject that may be derived from the Qur’an or the sunna of the Holy Prophet is binding on every Musalman. But since the only evidence of sunna is the hadith, the words sunna and hadith have become mixed up with, and indistinguishable from, each other with the result that the expression Qur’an and hadith is not infrequently employed where the intention is to refer to Qur’an and sunna.

At this stage another principle, equally basic, comes into operation, and that is that Islam is the final religion revealed by God, complete and exhaustive in all respects, and that God will not abrogate, detract from or add to this religion (din) any more than He will send a fresh messenger. The din having been perfected (Akmalto lakum dinokum, Sura V, verse 3), there remains no need for any new code repealing, modifying or amplifying the original code; nor for any fresh messenger or message. In this sense, therefore, prophethood ceased with the Holy Prophet and revelation stopped for ever. This is the doctrine of the cessation of wahi-i-nubuwwat.

If the proposition that Muslim dogma, ethics and institutions, etc., are all based on the doctrine of inerrancy, whether such inerrancy lies in the Qur’an, the sunna, ijma’ or ijtihad-i-mutlaq, is fully comprehended, the various deductions that follow from it will be easily understandable. As the ultimate test of truth, whether the matter be one of a ritual or political or social or economic nature, is revelation and revelation has to be gathered from the Qur’an, and the sunna carries almost the same degree of inerrancy as revelation and the only evidence of sunna is hadith, the first duty of those who desire to establish an Islamic State will be to discover the precise rule applicable to the existing circumstances whether that rule is to be found in the Qur’an or hadith. Obviously the persons most suited for the purpose would be those who have made the Qur’an and hadith their lifelong study, namely, among the Sunnies, the ulama, and among the Shias, the mujtahids who are the spokesmen of the hidden Imam, the ruler de jure divino. The function of these divines would be to engage themselves in discovering rules applicable to particular situations and they will be engaged in a task similar to that in which Greek philosophers were engaged, with only this difference that whereas the latter thought that all truth lay in nature which had merely to be discovered by individual effort, the ulama and the mujtahids will have to get at the truth that lies in the holy Book and the books of hadith.

The ulama Board which was recommended by the Basic Principles Committee was a logical recognition of this principle, and the true objection against that Board should indeed have been that the Board was too inadequate a mechanism to implement the principle which had brought that body into existence.

Ijma’ means concurrence of the mujtahids of the people, i.e., of those who have a right, in virtue of knowledge, to form a judgment of their own, after the death of the Holy Prophet. The authority of ijma’ rests on the principle of a divine protection against error and is founded on a basal tradition of the Holy Prophet, “My people will never agree in error”, reported in Ibn Maja, By this procedure points which had been in dispute were fixed, and when fixed, they became an essential part of the faith and disbelief in them an act of unbelief (kufr). The essential point to remember about ijma’ is that it represents the agreement of the mujtahids and that the agreement of the masses is especially excluded.

Thus ijma’ has not only fixed unsettled points but has changed settled doctrines of the greatest importance.

The distinction between ijma’ and ijtihad is that whereas the former is collective, the latter is individual. Ijtihad means the exerting of one’s self to the utmost degree to form an opinion in a case or as to a rule of law. This is done by applying analogy to the Qur’an and the sunna. Ijtihad did not originally involve inerrancy, its result being always zann or fallible opinion. Only combined ijtihad led to ijma, and was inerrant. But this broad ijtihad soon passed into special ijtihad of those who had a peculiar right to form judgments. When later doctors looked back to the founding of the four legal schools, they assigned to their founders an ijtihad of the first rank (ijtihad-i-mutlaq). But from time to time individuals appeared who returned to the earliest meaning of ijtihad and claimed for themselves the right to form their own opinion from first principles. One of these was the Hanbalite Ibn Taimiya (died 728). Another was Suyuti (died 911) in whom the claim to ijtihad unites with one to be the mujaddid or renewer of religion in his century. At every time there must exist at least one mujtahid, was his contention, just as in every century there must come a mujaddid.

In Shia Islam there are still absolute mujtahids because they are regarded as the spokesmen of the hidden Imam. Thus collective ijtihad leads to ijma’, and the basis of ijma’ is divine protection against error—inerrancy.

 

 

ESSENTIALS OF ISLAMIC STATE
Since the basis of Islamic law is the principle of inerrancy of revelation and of the Holy Prophet, the law to be found in the Qur’an and the sunna is above all man-made laws, and in case of conflict between the two, the latter, irrespective of its nature, must yield to the former. Thus, provided there be a rule in the Qur’an or the sunna on a matter which according to our conceptions falls within the region of Constitutional Law or International Law, the rule must be given effect to unless that rule itself permits a departure from it. Thus no distinction exists in Islamic law between Constitutional Law and other law, the whole law to be found in the Qur’an and the sunna being a part of the law of the land for Muslim subjects of the State. Similarly if there be a rule in the Qur’an or the sunna relating to the State’s relations with other States or to the relations of Muslim subjects of the State with other States or the subjects of those States, the rule will have the same superiority of sanction as any other law to be found in the Qur’an or the sunna.

Therefore if Pakistan is or is intended to be converted into an Islamic State in the true sense of the word, its Constitution must contain the following five provisions:—

(1) that all laws to be found in the Qur’an or the sunna shall be deemed to be a part of the law of the land for Muslims and shall be enforced accordingly;
(2) that unless the Constitution itself is framed by ijma’-i-ummat, namely, by the agreement of the ulama and mujtahids of acknowledged status, any provision in the Constitution which is repugnant to the Qur’an or sunna shall to the extent of the repugnancy be void;
(3) that unless the existing laws of Pakistan are adapted by ijma’-i-ummat of the kind mentioned above, any provision in the existing law which is contrary to the Qur’an or sunna shall to the extent of the repugnancy be void;
(4) that any provision in any future law which is repugnant to Qur’an or sunna shall be void;
(5) that no rule of International Law and no provision in any convention or treaty to which Pakistan is a party, which is contrary to the Qur’an or the sunna shall be binding on any Muslim in Pakistan.

 

 

SOVEREIGNTY AND DEMOCRACY IN ISLAMIC STATE
That the form of Government in Pakistan, if that form is to comply with the principles of Islam, will not be democratic is conceded by the ulama. We have already explained the doctrine of sovereignty of the Qur’an and the sunna. The Objectives Resolution rightly recognised this position when it recited that all sovereignty rests with God Almighty alone. But the authors of that Resolution misused the words ‘sovereign’ and ‘democracy’ when they recited that the Constitution to be framed was for a sovereign State in which principles of democracy as enunciated by Islam shall be fully observed.

It may be that in the context in which they were used, these words could not be misunderstood by those who are well versed in Islamic principles, but both these words were borrowed from western political philosophy and in that sense they were both wrongly used in the Resolution. When it is said that a country is sovereign, the implication is that its people or any other group of persons in it are entitled to conduct the affairs of that country in any way they like and untrammelled by any considerations except those of expediency and policy. An Islamic State, however, cannot in this sense be sovereign, because it will not be competent to abrogate, repeal or do away with any law in the Qur’an or the sunna. Absolute restriction on the legislative power of a State is a restriction on the sovereignty of the people of that State and if the origin of this restriction lies elsewhere than in the will of the people, then to the extent of that restriction the sovereignty of the State and its people is necessarily taken away. In an Islamic State, sovereignty, in its essentially juristic sense, can only rest with Allah. In the same way, democracy means the rule of the demos, namely, the people, directly by them as in ancient Greece and Rome, or indirectly through chosen representatives as in modern democracies. If the power of the people in the framing of the Constitution or in the framing of the laws or in the sphere of executive action is subject to certain immutable rules, it cannot be said that they can pass any law that they like, or, in the exercise of executive functions, do whatever they like. Indeed if the legislature in an Islamic State is a sort of ijma’, the masses are expressly disqualified from taking part in it because ijma’-i-ummat in Islamic jurisprudence is restricted to ulama and mujtahids of acknowledged status and does not at all extend, as in democracy, to the populace.

 

 

OTHER INCIDENTS OF ISLAMIC STATE ACCORDING TO ULAMA

In the preceding pages we have attempted to state as clearly as we could the principles on which a religious State must be built if it is to be called an Islamic State. We now proceed to state some incidents of such State, with particular reference to the ulamas’ conception of it.

 

 

LEGISLATURE AND LEGISLATION

Legislature in its present sense is unknown to the Islamic system. The religiopolitical system which is called din-i-Islam is a complete system which contains in itself the mechanism for discovering and applying law to any situation that may arise. During the Islamic Republic there was no legislature in its modern sense and for every situation or emergency that arose law could be discovered and applied by the ulama. The law had been made and was not to be made, the only function of those entrusted with the administration of law being to discover the law for the purposes of the particular case, though when enunciated and applied it formed a precedent for others to follow. It is wholly incorrect, as has been suggested from certain quarters, that in a country like Pakistan, which consists of different communities, Muslim and non-Muslim, and where representation is allowed to non-Muslims with a right to vote on every subject that comes up, the legislature is a form of ijma’ or ijtihad, the reason being that ijtihad is not collective but only individual, and though ijma’ is collective, there is no place in it for those who are not experts in the knowledge of the law. This principle at once rules out the infidels (kuffar) whether they be people of Scriptures (ahl-i-kitab) or idolators (mushrikeen).

Since Islam is a perfect religion containing laws, express or derivable by ijma’ or ijtihad, governing the whole field of human activity, there is in it no sanction for what may, in the modern sense, be called legislation.

Questioned on this point Maulana Abul Hasanat, President, Jami’at-ul-Ulama-i-Pakistan says :—

“Q.—Is the institution of legislature as distinguished from the institution of a person or body of persons entrusted with the interpretation of law, an integral part of an Islamic State?
A.—No. Our law is complete and merely requires interpretation by those who are experts in it. According to my belief no question can arise the law relating to which cannot be discovered from the Qur’an or the hadith.
Q.—Who were Sahib-ul-hall-i-wal-aqd
A.—They were the distinguished ulama of the time. These persons attained their status by reason of the knowledge of the law. They were not in any way analogous or similar to the legislature in modern democracy.”

The same view was expressed by Amir-i-Shari’at Sayyad Ata Ullah Shah Bukhari in one of his speeches reported in the ‘Azad’ of 22nd April, 1947, in the course of which he said that our din is complete and perfect and that it amounts to kufr to make more laws.

Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi, however, is of the opinion that legislation in the true sense is possible in an Islamic State on matters which are not covered by the Qur’an, the sunna, or previous ijma’ and he has attempted to explain his point by reference to the institution of a body of persons whom the Holy Prophet, and after him the khulafa consulted on all matters relating to affairs of State. The question is one of some difficulty and great importance because any institution of legislature will have to be reconciled with the claim put forward by Maulana Abul Hasanat and some other religious divines that Islam is a perfect and exhaustive code wide enough to furnish an answer to any question that may arise relating to any human activity, and that it does not know of any “unoccupied field” to be filled by fresh legislation. There is no doubt that Islam enjoins consultation and that not only the Holy Prophet but also the first four caliphs and even their successors resorted to consultation with the leading men of the time, who for their knowledge of the law and piety could well be relied upon.

In the inquiry not much has been disclosed about the Majlis-i-Shura except what is contained in Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi’s written statement which he supplied to the Court at its request. That there was a body of men who were consulted is true, but whether this was a standing body and whether its advice had any legal or binding force, seems somewhat doubtful. These men were certainly not elected in the modern way, though their representative character cannot be disputed. Their advice was certainly asked ad hoc, but that they were competent to make law as the modern legislatures make laws is certainly not correct. The decisions taken by them undoubtedly served as precedents and were in the nature of ijma’, which is not legislation but the application of an existing law to a particular case. When consulted in affairs of State, their functions were truly in the nature of an advice given by a modern cabinet but such advice is not law but only a decision.

Nor can the legislature in a modern State correspond to ijma’ because as we have already pointed out, the legislature legislates while the ulama of Majlis-i-Shura who were called upon to determine what should be the decision on a particular point which was not covered by the Qur’an and the sunna, merely sought to discover and apply the law and not to promulgate the law, though the decision when taken had to be taken not only for the purposes of the particular case but for subsequent occasions as a binding precedent.

An intriguing situation might arise if the Constitution Act provided that any provision of it, if it was inconsistent with the Qur’an or the sunna, would be void, and the intra vires of a law made by the legislature were questioned before the Supreme Court on the ground that the institution of legislature itself was contrary to the Qur’an and the sunna.

POSITION OF NON-MUSLIMS

The ground on which the removal of Chaudhri Zafrullah Khan and other Ahmadis occupying key positions in the State is demanded is that the Ahmadis are non-Muslims and that therefore like zimmies in an Islamic State they are not eligible for appointment to higher offices in the State. This aspect of the demands has directly raised a question about the position of non-Muslims in Pakistan if we are to have an Islamic Constitution.

According to the leading ulama the position of non-Muslims in the Islamic State of Pakistan will be that of zimmies and they will not be full citizens of Pakistan because they will not have the same rights as Muslims They will have no voice in the making of the law, no right to administer the law and no right to hold public offices.

A full statement of this position will be found in the evidence of Maulana Abul Hasanat Sayyad Muhammad Ahmad Qadri, Maulana Ahmad Ali, Mian Tufail Muhammad and Maulana Abdul Haamid Badayuni. Maulana Abul Hasanat on being questioned on the subject stated as follows :—

“Q.—If we were to have an Islamic State in Pakistan, what will be the position of the kuffar (non-Muslims)? Will they have a voice in the making of laws, the right of administering the law and the right to hold public offices?
A.—Their position will be that of zimmies. They will have no voice in the making of laws, no right to administer the law and no right to hold public offices.
Q.—In an Islamic State can the head of the State delegate any part of his powers to kuffar?
A.—No.”

Maulana Ahmad Ali, when questioned, said:—
“Q.—if we were to have an Islamic State in Pakistan, what will be the position of the kuffar? Will they have a hand in the making of the law, the right to administer the law and the right to hold public offices ?
A.—Their position will be that of zimmies. They will have no say in the making of law and no right to administer the law. Government may, however, permit them to hold any public office”.

Mian Tufail Muhammad stated as follows :—
“Q.—Read the article on minorities’ rights in the ‘Civil and Military Gazette’ of 13th October, 1953, and say whether it correctly represents your view of an Islamic State? (It was stated in the articles that minorities would have the same rights as Muslims).
A.—I have read this article and do not acknowledge these rights for the Christians or other non-Muslims in Pakistan if the State is founded on the ideology of the Jama’at”.

The confusion on this point in the mind of Maulana Abdul Haamid Badayuni, President, Jami’at-ul-Ulama-i-Pakistan, is apparent from the following: —

“Q.—Have you ever read the aforesaid speech (the speech of the Quaid-i-Azam to the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan on 11th August, 1947)?
A.—Yes, I have read that speech.
Q.—Do you still agree with the conception of Pakistan that the Quaid-i-Azam presented to the Constituent Assembly in this speech in which he said that thereafter there would be only one Pakistan nation, consisting of Muslims and non-Muslims, having equal civic rights, without any distinction of race, religion or creed and that religion would be merely a private affair of the individual ?
A.—I accept the principle that all communities, whether Muslims or non-Muslims, should have, according to their population, proper representation in the administration of the State and legislation, except that non-Muslims cannot be taken in the army or the judiciary or be appointed as Ministers or to other posts involving the reposing of confidence.
Q.—Are you suggesting that the position of non-Muslims would be that of zimmies or any better ?
A.—No. By zimmies are meant non-Muslim people of lands which have been conquered by an Islamic State, and the word is not applicable to non-Muslim minorities already living in an Islamic State. Such minorities are called mu’ahids, i.e. those people with whom some agreement has been made.
Q.—What will be their status if there is no agreement with them ?
A.—In that case such communities cannot have any rights of citizenship.
Q.—Will the non-Muslim communities inhabiting Pakistan be called by you as mu’ahids?
A.—No, not in the absence of an agreement with them. To my knowledge there is no such agreement with such communities in Pakistan.”

So, according to the evidence of this learned divine, the non-Muslims of Pakistan will neither be citizens nor will they have the status of zimmies or of mu’ahids. During the Islamic Republic, the head of the State, the khalifa, was chosen by a system of election, which was wholly different from the present system of election based on adult or any other form of popular suffrage. The oath of allegiance (ba’it) rendered to him possessed a sacramental virtue, and on his being chosen by the consensus of the people (ijma’-ul-ummat) he became the source of all channels of legitimate Government. He and he alone then was competent to rule, though he could delegate his powers to deputies and collect around him a body of men of outstanding piety and learning, called Majlis-i-Shura or Ahl-ul-Hall-i-wal-Aqd. The principal feature of this system was that the kuffar, for reasons which are too obvious and need not be stated, could not be admitted to this majlis and the power which had vested in the khalifa could not be delegated to the kuffar. The khalifa was the real head of the State, all power vesting in him and not a powerless individual like the President of a modern democratic State who is merely to sign the record of decisions taken by the Prime Minister and his Cabinet. He could not appoint non-Muslims to important posts, and could give them no place either in the interpretation or the administration of the law, the making of the law by them, as already pointed out, being a legal impossibility.

This being the position, the State will have to devise some machinery by which the distinction between a Muslim and a non-Muslim may be determined and its consequences enforced. The question, therefore, whether a person is or is not a Muslim will be of fundamental importance, and it was for this reason that we asked most of the leading ulama, to give their definition of a Muslim, the point being that if the ulama of the various sects believed the Ahmadis to be kafirs, they must have been quite clear in their minds not only about the grounds of such belief but also about the definition of a Muslim because the claim that a certain person or community is not within the pale of Islam implies on the part of the claimant an exact conception of what a Muslim is. The result of this part of the inquiry, however, has been anything but satisfactory, and if considerable confusion exists in the minds of our ulama on such a simple matter, one can easily imagine what the differences on more complicated matters will be. Below we reproduce the definition of a Muslim given by each alim in his own words. This definition was asked after it had been clearly explained to each witness that he was required to give the irreducible minimum conditions which, a person must satisfy to be entitled to be called a Muslim and that the definition was to be on the principle on which a term in grammar is defined.

Here is the result : —

Maulana Abul Hasanat Muhammad Ahmad Qadri, President, Jami’at-ul-Ulamai-
Pakistan —
“Q.— What is the definition of a Muslim ?
A — (1) He must believe in the Unity of God.
(2) He must believe in the prophet of Islam to be a true prophet as well as in all other prophets who have preceded him,
(3) He must believe in the Holy Prophet of Islam as the last of the prophets (khatam-un-nabiyin).
(4) He must believe in the Qur’an as it was revealed by God to the Holy
Prophet of Islam.
(5) He must believe as binding on him the injunctions of the Prophet of
Islam.
(6) He must believe in the qiyamat.
Q.—Is a tarik-us-salat a Muslim ?
A.—Yes, but not a munkir-us-salat”

Maulana Ahmad Ali, President, Jami’at-ul-Ulama-i-Islam, Maghribi Pakistan —
“Q.— Please define a Muslim ?
A.—A person is a Muslim if he believes (1) in the Qur’an and (2) what has been said by the prophet. Any person who possesses these two qualifications is entitled to be called a Muslim without his being required to believe in anything more or to do anything more.”

Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi, Amir Jama’at-i-Islami —
“Q.—Please define a Muslim ?
A.—A person is a Muslim if he believes (1) in tauheed, (2) in all the prophets (ambiya), (3) all the books revealed by God, (4) in mala’ika (angels), and (5) yaum-ul-akhira (the Day of Judgment).
Q.—Is a mere profession of belief in these articles sufficient to entitle a man
to call himself a Musalman and to be treated as a Musalman in an Islamic State ?
A.—Yes.
Q.—If a person says that he believes in all these things, does any one have a right to question the existence of his belief ?
A.—The five requisites that I have mentioned above are fundamental and any alteration in anyone of these articles will take him out of the pale of Islam.”

Ghazi Siraj-ud-Din Munir—
“Q.—Please define a Muslim ?
A.—I consider a man to be a Muslim if he professes his belief in the kalima, namely, La Ilaha Illalah-o-Muhammad-ur-Rasulullah, and leads a life in the footsteps of the Holy Prophet.”

Mufti Muhammad Idris, Jamia Ashrafia, Nila Gumbad, Lahore—
“Q.—Please give the definition of a Musalman ?
A.—The word ‘Musalman’ is a Persian one. There is a distinction between the word ‘Musalman’ which is a Persian word for Muslim and the word ‘momin’. It is impossible for me to give a complete definition of the word ‘momin’. I would require pages and pages to describe what a momin is. A person is a Muslim who professes to be obedient to Allah. He should believe in the Unity of God, prophethood of the ambiya and in the Day of Judgment. A person who does not believe in the azan or in the qurbani goes outside the pale of Islam. Similarly, there are a large number of other things which have been received by tavatir from our prophet. In order to be a Muslim, he must believe in all these things. It is almost impossible for me to give a complete list of such things.”

Hafiz Kifayat Hussain, Idara-i-Haquq-i-Tahaffuz-i-Shia—
“Q.—Who is a Musalman?
A.—A person is entitled to be called a Musalman if he believes in (1) tauheed, (2) nubuwwat and (3) qiyamat. These are the three fundamental beliefs which a person must profess to be called a Musalman. In regard to these three basic doctrines there is no difference between the Shias and the Sunnies. Besides the belief in these three doctrines, there are other things called ‘zarooriyat-i-din’ which a person must comply with in order to be entitled to be called a Musalman. These will take me two days to define and enumerate. But as an illustration I might state that the respect for the Holy Book, wajoob-i-nimaz, wajoob-i-roza, wajoob-i-hajj-ma’a-sharait, and other things too numerous to mention, are among the ‘zarooriyat-i-din’ ”

Maulana Abdul Hamid Badayuni, President, Jami’at-ul-Ulama-i-Pakistan :
“Q.—Who is a Musalman according to you ?
A.—A person who believes in the zarooriyat-i-din is called a momin and every momin is entitled to be called a Musalman.
Q.—What are these zarooriyat-i-din ?
A.—A person who believes in the five pillars of Islam and who believes in the rasalat of our Holy Prophet fulfils the zarooriyat-i-din.
Q.—Have other actions, apart from the five arakan, anything to do with a man being a Muslim or being outside the pale of Islam?
(Note—Witness has been explained that by actions are meant those rules of moral conduct which in modern society are accepted as correct.)
A.—Certainly.
Q.—Then you will not call a person a Muslim who believes in arakan-ikhamsa and the rasalat of the prophet but who steals other peoples’ things, embezzles property entrusted to him, has an evil eye on his neighbour’s wife and is guilty of the grossest ingratitude to his benefector?
A.—Such a person, if he has the belief already indicated, will be a Muslim despite all this”.

Maulana Muhammad Ali Kandhalvi, Darush-Shahabia, Sialkot —
“Q.—Please define a Musalman?
A.—A person who in obedience to the commands of the prophet performs all the zarooriyat-i-din is a Musalman.
Q.—Can you define zarooriyat-i-din ?
A.—Zarooriyat-i-din are those requirements which are known to every Muslim irrespective of his religious knowledge.
Q.—Can you enumerate zarooriyat-i-din ?
A.—These are too numerous to be mentioned. I myself cannot enumerate these zarooriyat. Some of the zarooriyat-i-din may be mentioned as salat, saum, etc.”

Maulana Amin Ahsan Islahi —
“Q.—Who is a Musalman?
A.—There are two kinds of Musalmans, a political (siyasi) Musalman and a real (haqiqi) Musalman. In order to be called a political Musalman, a person must:
(1) believe in the Unity of God,
(2) believe in our Holy Prophet being khatam-un-nabiyin, i.e., ‘final
authority’ in all matters relating to the life of that person,
(3) believe that all good and evil comes from Allah,
(4) believe in the Day of Judgment,
(5) believe in the Qur’an to be the last book revealed by Allah,
(6) perform the annual pilgrimage to Mecca,
(7) pay the zaka’at,
(8) say his prayers like the Musalmans,
(9) observe all apparent rules of Islami mu’ashira, and
(10) observe the fast (saum).

If a person satisfies all these conditions he is entitled to the rights of a full citizen of an Islamic State. If any one of these conditions is not satisfied, the person concerned will not be a political Musalman. (Again said) It would be enough for a person to be a Musalman if he merely professes his belief in these ten matters irrespective of whether he puts them into practice or not. In order to be a real Musalman, a person must believe in and act on all the injunctions by Allah and his prophet in the manner in which they have been enjoined upon him.
Q.—Will you say that only the real Musalman is ‘mard-i-saleh’ ?
A.—Yes.
Q.—do we understand you aright that in the case of what you have called a political (siyasi) Musalman, belief alone is necessary, while in the case of a haqiqi Musalman there must not only be belief but also action?
A.—No, you have not understood me aright. Even in the case of a political (siyasi) Musalman action is necessary but what I mean to say is that if a person does not act upon the belief that is necessary in the case of such a Musalman, he will not be outside the pale of a political (siyasi) Musalman.
Q.—If a political (siyasi) Musalman does not believe in things which you
have stated to be necessary, will you call such a person be-din ?
A.—No, I will call him merely be-amal”.

The definition by the Sadr Anjuman Ahmadiya, Rabwah, in its written statement
is that a Muslim is a person who belongs to the ummat of the Holy Prophet and professes belief in kalima-i-tayyaba.

Keeping in view the several definitions given by the ulama, need we make any comment except that no two learned divines are agreed on this fundamental. If we attempt our own definition as each learned divine has done and that definition differs from that given by all others, we unanimously go out of the fold of Islam. And if we adopt the definition given by any one of the ulama, we remain Muslims according to the view of that alim but kafirs according to the definition of every one else.

 

 

APOSTASY

Apostasy in an Islamic State is punishable with death. On this the ulama are practically unanimous (vide the evidence of Maulana Abul Hasanat Sayyad Muhammad Ahmad Qadri, President, Jami’at-ul-Ulama-i-Pakistan, Punjab; Maulana Ahmad Ali, Sadr Jami’at-ul-Ulama-i-Islam, West Pakistan; Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi, founder and ex-Amir-i-Jama’at-i-Islami, Pakistan; Mufti Muhammad Idris, Jami’Ashrafia, Lahore, and Member, Jami’at-ul-Ulama-i-Pakistan; Maulana Daud Ghaznavi, President, Jami’at-i-Ahl-i-Hadith, Maghribi Pakistan; Maulana Abdul Haleem Qasimi, Jami’at-ul-Ulama-i-Islam, Punjab; and Mr. Ibrahim Ali Chishti). According to this doctrine, Chaudhri Zafrullah Khan, if he has not inherited his present religious beliefs but has voluntarily elected to be an Ahmadi, must be put to death. And the same fate should befall Deobandis and Wahabis, including Maulana Muhammad Shafi Deobandi, Member, Board of Talimat-i-Islami attached to the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan, and Maulana Daud Ghaznavi, if Maulana Abul Hasanat Sayyad Muhammad Ahmad Qadri or Mirza Raza Ahmad Khan Barelvi, or any one of the numerous ulama who are shown perched on every leaf of a beautiful tree in the fatwa, Ex. D. E. 14, were the head of such Islamic State. And if Maulana Muhammad Shafi Deobandi were the head of the State, he would exclude those who have pronounced Deobandis as kafirs from the pale of Islam and inflict on them the death penalty if they come within the definition of murtadd, namely, if they have changed and not inherited their religious views.

The genuineness of the fatwa, Ex. D. E. 13, by the Deobandis which says that Asna Ashari Shias are kafirs and murtadds, was questioned in the course of enquiry, but Maulana Muhammad Shafi made an inquiry on the subject from Deoband, and received from the records of that institution the copy of a fatwa signed by all the teachers of the Darul Uloom including Maulana Muhammad Shafi himself which is to the effect that those who do not believe in the sahabiyyat of Hazrat Siddiq Akbar and who are qazif of Hazrat Aisha Siddiqa and have been guilty of tehrif of Qur’an are kafirs. This opinion is also supported by Mr. Ibrahim Ali Chishti who has studied and knows his subject. He thinks the Shias are kafirs because they believe that Hazrat Ali shared the prophethood with our Holy Prophet. He refused to answer the question whether a person who being a Sunni changes his view and agrees with the Shia view would be guilty of irtidad so as to deserve the death penalty. According to the Shias all Sunnis are kafirs, and Ahl-i-Qur’an; namely, persons who consider hadith to be unreliable and therefore not binding, are unanimously kafirs and so are all independent thinkers. The net result of all this is that neither Shias nor Sunnis nor Deobandis nor Ahl-i-Hadith nor Barelvis are Muslims and any change from one view to the other must be accompanied in an Islamic State with the penalty of death if the Government of the State is in the hands of the party which considers the other party to be kafirs. And it does not require much imagination to judge of the consequences of this doctrine when it is remembered that no two ulama have agreed before us as to the definition of a Muslim. If the constituents of each of the definitions given by the ulama are given effect to, and subjected to the rule of ‘combination and permutation’ and the form of charge in the Inquisition’s sentence on Galileo is adopted mutatis mutandis as a model, the grounds on which a person may be indicted for apostasy will be too numerous to count.

In an earlier part of the report we have referred to the proscription of the ‘Ashshahab’, a pamphlet written by Maulana Shabbir Ahmad Usmani who later became Sheikh-ul-Islam-i-Pakistan. In that pamphlet the Maulana had attempted to show from the Qur’an, the sunna, the ijma’ and qayas that in Islam the punishment for apostasy (irtidad) simpliciter is death. After propounding the theological doctrine the Maulana had made in that document a statement of fact that in the time of the Caliph Siddiq-i-Akbar and the subsequent Caliphs vast areas of Arabia became repeatedly red with the blood of apostates. We are not called upon to express any opinion as to the correctness or otherwise of this doctrine but knowing that the suggestion to the Punjab Government to proscribe this pamphlet had come from the Minister for the Interior we have attempted to inquire of ourselves the reasons for Government’s taking a step which ex hypothesi amounted to condemning a doctrine which the Maulana had professed to derive from the Qur’an and the sunna. The death penalty for irtidad has implications of a far-reaching character and stamps Islam as a religion of fanatics, which punishes all independent thinking. The Qur’an again and again lays emphasis on reason and thought, advises toleration and preaches against compulsion in religious matters but the doctrine of irtidad as enunciated in this pamphlet strikes at the very root of independent thinking when it propounds the view that anyone who, being born a Muslim or having embraced Islam, attempts to think on the subject of religion with a view, if he comes to that conclusion, to choose for himself any religion he likes, has the capital penalty in store for him. With this implication Islam becomes an embodiment of complete intellectual paralysis. And the statement in the pamphlet that vast areas of Arabia were repeatedly bespattered with human blood, if true, could only lend itself to this inference that even when Islam was at the height of its splendour and held absolute sway in Arabia there were in that country a large number of people who turned away from that religion and preferred to die than to remain in that system. It must have been some such reaction of this pamphlet on the mind of the Minister for the Interior which prompted him to advise the Punjab Government to proscribe the pamphlet. Further the Minister who was himself well-versed in religious matters must have thought that the conclusion drawn by the author of the pamphlet which was principally based on the precedent mentioned in paras. 26, 27 and 28 of the Old Testament and which is only partially referred to in the Qur’an in the 54th verse of the Second Sura, could not be applicable to apostasy from Islam and that therefore the author’s opinion was in fact incorrect, there being no express text in the Qur’an for the death penalty for apostasy. On the contrary each of the two ideas, one underlying the six brief verses of Surat-ul-Kafiroon and the other the La Ikrah verse of the second Sura, has merely to be understood to reject as erroneous the view propounded in the ‘Ash-Shahab’. Each of the verses in Surat-ul-Kafiroon which contains thirty words and no verse of which exceeds six words, brings out a fundamental trait in man engrained in him since his creation while the La Ikrah verse, the relevant portion of which contains only nine words, states the rule of responsibility of the mind with a precision that cannot be surpassed. Both of these texts which are an early part of the Revelation are, individually and collectively, the foundation of that principle which human society, after centuries of conflict, hatred and bloodshed, has adopted in defining one of the most important fundamental rights of man. But our doctors would never dissociate chauvinism from Islam.

 

 

PROPAGATION OF OTHER RELIGIONS

Closely allied to the punishment for apostasy is the right of non-Muslims publicly to preach their religion. The principle which punishes an apostate with death must be applicable to public preaching of kufr and it is admitted by Maulana Abul Hasanat, Ghazi Siraj-ud-Din Munir and Master Taj-ud-Din Ansari, though the last subordinates his opinion to the opinion of the ulama, that any faith other than Islam will not be permitted publicly to be preached in the State. And Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi, as will appear from his pamphlet ‘Punishment in Islam for an apostate’, has the same views on the subject.

Ghazi Siraj-ud-Din Munir, when questioned on this point, replied :—
“Q.—What will you do with them (Ahmadis) if you were the head of the
Pakistan State ?
A.—I would tolerate them as human beings but will not allow them the right
to preach their religion”.

The prohibition against public preaching of any non-Muslim religion must logically follow from the proposition that apostasy will be punished with death and that any attack on, or danger to Islam will be treated as treason and punished in the same way as apostasy.

JIHAD
Earlier we have pointed out that one of the doctrines on which the Musalmans and Ahmadis are at variance is that of jihad. This doctrine at once raises a host of other allied matters such as the meanings of ghazi, shahid, jihad-bis-saif, jihad fi sabili’llah, dar-ul-Islam, dar-ul-harb, hijrat, ghanima, khums and slavery, and the conflict or reconciliation of these conceptions with modern international problems such as aggression, genocide, international criminal jurisdiction, international conventions and rules of public international law.

An Islamic State is dar-ul-Islam, namely, a country where ordinances of Islam are established and which is under the rule of a Muslim sovereign. Its inhabitants are Muslims and also non-Muslims who have submitted to Muslim control and who under certain restrictions and without the possibility of full citizenship are guaranteed their lives and property by the Muslim State. They must, however, be people of Scriptures and may not be idolaters. An Islamic State is in theory perpetually at war with the neighbouring non-Muslim country, which at any time may become dar-ul-harb, in which case it is the duty of the Muslims of that country to leave it and to come over to the country of their brethren in faith. We put this aspect to Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi and reproduce his views :—

“Q.—is a country on the border of dar-ul-Islam always qua an Islamic State in the position of dar-ul-harb ?
A.—No. In the absence of an agreement to the contrary, the Islamic State will be potentially at war with the non-Muslim neighbouring country. The non-Muslim country acquires the status of dar-ul-harb only after the Islamic State declares a formal war against it”.

According to Ghias-ul-Lughat, dar-ul-harb is a country belonging to infidels which has not been subdued by Islam, and the consequences of a country becoming darul-harb are thus stated in the Shorter Encyclopaedia of Islam :—

“When a country does become a dar-ul-harb, it is the duty of all Muslims to withdraw from it, and a wife who refuses to accompany her husband in this, is ipso facto divorced”.

Thus in case of a war between India and Pakistan, if the latter is an Islamic State, we must be prepared to receive forty million Muslims from across the border into Pakistan.

In fact, Maulana Abdul Haamid Badayuni, President, Jami’at-ul-Ulama-i- Pakistan, thinks that a case for hijrat already exists for the Musalmans of India. The following is his view on this subject :—
“Q.—Do yon call your migration to Pakistan as hijrat in the religious sense ?
A.—Yes”.

We shall presently point out why Mirza Ghulam Ahmad’s version of the doctrine of jihad is relied on as a ground for his and his community’s kufr, but before we do that it is necessary first to state how jihad has been or is understood by the Musalmans. There are various theories about jihad which vary from the crude notion of a megalomaniac moved by religious frenzy going out armed with sword and indiscriminately slaughtering non-Muslims in the belief that if he dies in the combat he becomes a shahid and if he succeeds in killing attains the status of a ghazi, to the conception that a Musalman throughout his life is pitted against kufr, kufr here being used in the sense of evil and wrong, and that his principal activity in life is to strive by argument a where necessary by force to spread Islam until it becomes a world religion. In the latter case he fights not for any personal end but because he considers such strife as a duty and an obligation which he owes to Allah and the only recompense for which is the pleasure of Allah. The Shorter Encyclopedia of Islam contains the following brief article on djihad :—
“DJIHAD (A), holy war. The spread of Islam by arms is a religious duty upon Muslims in general. It narrowly escaped being a sixth rukn, or fundamental duty, and is indeed still so regarded by the descendants of the Kharidjis. This position was reached gradually but quickly. In the Meccan Suras of the Qur’an patience under attack is taught ; no other attitude was possible. But at Medina the right to repel attack appears, and gradually it became a prescribed duty to fight against and subdue the hostile Meccans.

Whether Muhammad himself recognised that his position implied steady and unprovoked war against the unbelieving world until it was subdued to Islam may be in doubt. Traditions are explicit on the point ; but the Qur’anic passages speak always of the unbelievers who are to be subdued as dangerous or faithless. Still, the story of his writing to the powers around him shows that such a universal position was implicit in his mind, and it certainly developed immediately after his death, when the Muslim armies advanced out of Arabia. It is now a fard ala’l-kifaya, a duty in general on all male, free, adult Muslims, sane in mind and body and having means enough to reach the Muslim army, yet not a duty necessarily incumbent on every individual but sufficiently performed when done by a certain number. So it must continue to be done until the whole world is under the rule of Islam. It must be controlled or headed by a Muslim sovereign or imam. As the imam of the Shias is now invisible, they cannot have a djihad until he reappears. Further, the requirement will be met if such a sovereign makes an expedition once a year, or, even, in the later view, if he makes annual preparation for one. The people against whom the djihad is directed must first be invited to embrace Islam. On refusal they have another choice. They may submit to Muslim rule, become dhimmis (q. v.) and pay djizya and kharadj (q. v.) or fight. In the first case, their lives, families and property are assured to them, but they have a definitely inferior status, with no technical citizenship, and a standing only as protected wards. If they fight, they and their families may be enslaved and all their property seized as booty, four-fifths of which goes to the conquering army. If they embrace Islam, and it is open to them to do so even when the armies are face to face, they become part of the Muslim community with all its rights and duties. Apostates must be put to death. But if a Muslim country is invaded by unbelievers, the imam may issue a general summons calling all Muslims there to arms, and as the danger grows so may be the width of the summons until the whole Muslim world is involved. A Muslim who dies fighting in the path of Allah (fi sabil Allah) is martyr (shahid) and is assured of Paradise and of peculiar privileges there. Such a death was, in the early generations, regarded as the peculiar crown of a pious life. It is still, on occasions, a strong incitement, but when Islam ceased to conquer it lost its supreme value. Even yet, however, any war between Muslims and non-Muslims must be a djihad with its incitements and rewards. Of course, such modern movements as the so-called Mu’tazili in India and the Young Turk in Turkey reject this and endeavour to explain away its basis; but the Muslim masses still follow the unanimous voice of the canon lawyers. Islam must be completely made over before the doctrine of djihad can be eliminated”.

The generally accepted view is that the fifth verse to Sura-i-Tauba (Sura IX) abrogated the earlier verses revealed in Mecca which permitted the killing of kuffar only in self-defence. As against this the Ahmadis believe that no verso in the Qur’an was abrogated by another verse and that both sets of verses, namely, the Meccan verses and the relative verses in Sura-i-Tauba have different scopes and can stand together. This introduces the difficult controversy of nasikh and mansukh, with all its implications. It is argued on behalf of the Ahmadis that the doctrine of nasikh and mansukh is opposed to the belief in the existence of an original Scripture in Heaven, and that implicit in this doctrine is the admission that unless the verse alleged to be repealed was meant for a specific occasion and by the coming of that occasion fulfilled its purpose and thus spent itself, God did not know of the subsequent circumstances which would make the earlier verse inapplicable or lead to an undesired result.

The third result of this doctrine, it is pointed out, cuts at the very root of the claim that laws of Islam are immutable and inflexible because if changed circumstances made a new revelation necessary, any change in the circumstances subsequent to the completion of the revelation would make most of the revelation otiose or obsolete.

We are wholly incompetent to pronounce on the merits of this controversy but what has to be pointed out is the result to which the doctrine of jihad will lead if, as appears from the article in the Shorter Encyclopaedia of Islam and other writings produced before us including one by Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi and another by Maulana Shabbir Ahmad Usmani, it involves the spread of Islam by arms and conquest. ‘Aggression’ and ‘genocide’ are now offences against humanity for which under sentences pronounced by different International tribunals at Nuremburg and Tokio the war lords of Germany and Japan had to forfeit their lives, and there is hardly any difference between the offences of aggression and genocide on the one hand and the doctrine of spread of Islam by arms and conquest on the other. An International Convention on genocide is about to be concluded but if the view of jihad presented to us is correct, Pakistan cannot be a party to it. And while the following verses in the Mecca Suras :—

Sura II, verses 190 and 193 :190. “Fight in the Cause of God Those who fight you,
But do not transgress limits ;
For God loveth not transgressors”.
193. “And fight them on
Until there is no more
Tumult or oppression,
And there prevail
Justice and faith in God ;
But if they cease,
Let there be no hostility
Except to those
Who practise oppression”.
Sura XXII, verses 39 and 40:
39. “To those against whom
War is made, permission
Is given (to fight) because
They are wronged;— and verily,
God is most Powerful
For their aid;—”
40. “(They are) those who have
Been expelled from their homes
In defiance of right,—
(For no cause) except
That they say, ‘Our Lord
Is God.’ Did not God
Check one set of people
By means of another,
There would surely have been
Pulled down monasteries, churches,
Synagogues, and mosques, in which
The name of God is commemorated
In abundant measure. God will
Certainly aid those who
Aid His (cause);—for verily
God is Full of Strength,
Exalted in Might,
(Able to enforce His Will),”

contain in them the sublime principle which international jurists have only faintly begun to discover, we must go on preaching that aggression is the chief characteristic of Islam. The law relating to prisoners of war is another branch of Islamic law which is bound to come in conflict with International Law.

As for instance, in matters relating to the treatment of prisoners of war, we shall have to be governed by Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi’s view, assuming that view is based on the Qur’an and the sunna, which is as follows :—

“Q.—Is there a law of war in Islam?
A.—Yes.
Q.—Does it differ fundamentally from the modern International Law of war?
A.—These two systems are based on a fundamental difference.
Q.—What rights have non-Muslims who are taken prisoners of war in a jihad?
A.—The Islamic law on the point is that if the country of which these prisoners are nationals pays ransom, they will be released. An exchange of prisoners is also permitted. If neither of these alternatives is possible, the prisoners will be converted into slaves for ever. If any such person makes an offer to pay his ransom out of his own earnings, he will be permitted to collect the money necessary for the fidya (ransom).
Q.—Are you of the view that unless a Government assumes the form of an Islamic Government, any war declared by it is not a jihad?
A.—No. A war may be declared to be a jihad if it is declared by a national Government of Muslims in the legitimate interests of the State. I never expressed the opinion attributed to me in Ex. D. E. 12:—
“Raha yeh masala keh agar hukumat-i-Pakisten apni maujuda shukl-o-surat ke sath Indian Union ke sath apne mu’ahadat khatm kar-ke i’lan-i-jang bar bhi de to kya us-ki yeh jang jihad ke hukam men a-ja’egi ? Ap ne is bare men jo rae zahir ki hai woh bilkul darust hai – Jab-tak hukumat Islami nizam ko ikhtiyar kar-ke Islami nah ho jae us waqt tak us-ki kisi jang ko jihad kehna aisa hi hai jaisa kisi ghair Muslim ke Azad Kashmir ki fauj men bharti ho-kar larne ko jihad aur us-ki maut ko shahadat ka nam dediya jae – Maulana ka jo mudd’a hai woh yeh hai keh mu’ahadat ki maujudgi men to hukumat ya us-ke shehriyon ka is jang men sharik hona shar’-an ja’iz hi nahin – Agar hukumat mu’ahadat khatm kar-ke jang ka
i’lan kar-de to hukumat ki jang to jihad phir bhi nahin hogi ta-an keh hukumat Islami nah ho jae.’

(translation)

‘The question remains whether, even if the Government of Pakistan, in its present form and structure, terminates her treaties with the Indian Union and declares war against her, this war would fall under the definition of jihad? The opinion expressed by him in this behalf is quite correct. Until such time as the Government becomes Islamic by adopting the Islamic form of Government, to call any of its wars a jihad would be tantamount to describing the enlistment and fighting of a non-Muslim on the side of the Azad Kashmir forces jihad and his death martyrdom. What the Maulana means is that, in the presence of treaties, it is against Shari’at, if the Government or its people participate in such a war. If the Government terminates the treaties and declares war, even then the war started by Government would not be termed jihad unless the Government becomes Islamic’.

About the view expressed in this letter being that of Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi, there is the evidence of Mian Tufail Muhammad, the writer of the letter, who states: “Ex. D. E. 12 is a photostat copy of a letter which I wrote to someone whose name I do not now remember.”

Maulana Abul Hasanat Muhammad Ahmad Qadri’s view on this point is as
follows:—
“Q.—Is there a law of war in Islam?
A.—Yes.
Q.—Does it differ in fundamentals from the present International Law?
A.—Yes.
Q.—What are the rights of a person taken prisoner in war?
A.—He can embrace Islam or ask for aman, in which case he will be treated as a musta’min. If he does not ask for aman, he would be made a slave”.
Similar is the opinion expressed by Mian Tufail Muhammad of Jam’at-i-Islami who says:—
“Q.—Is there any law of war in Islamic laws?
A.—Yes.
Q.—If that comes into conflict with International Law, which will you follow?
A.—Islamic law.
Q.—Then please state what will be the status of prisoners of war captured by your
forces?
A.—I cannot reply to this off hand. I will have to study the point.”
Of course ghanima (plunder) and khums (one-fifth) if treated as a necessary incident of
jihad will be treated by international society as a mere act of brigandage.

REACTION ON MUSLIMS OF NON-MUSLIM STATES
The ideology on which an Islamic State is desired to be founded in Pakistan must have certain consequences for the Musalmans who are living in countries under non-Muslim sovereigns.

We asked Amir-i-Shari’at Sayyad Ataullah Shah Bukhari whether a Muslim could be a faithful subject of a non-Muslim State and reproduce his answer:—
“Q.—In your opinion is a Musalman bound to obey orders of a kafir Government?
A.—It is not possible that a Musalman should be faithful citizen of a non-Muslim Government.
Q.—Will it be possible for the four crore of Indian Muslims to be faithful citizens of their State?
A—No.”

The answer is quite consistent with the ideology which has been pressed before us, but then if Pakistan is entitled to base its Constitution on religion, the same right must be conceded to other countries where Musalmans are in substantial minorities or if they constitute a preponderating majority in a country where sovereignty rests with a non-Muslim community. We, therefore, asked the various ulama whether, if non-Muslims in Pakistan were to be subjected to this discrimination in matters of citizenship, the ulama would have any objection to Muslims in other countries being subjected to a similar discrimination. Their reactions to this suggestion are reproduced below:—

Maulana Abul Hasanat Sayyed Muhammad Ahmad Qadri, President, Jami’at-ul-Ulama-i-Pakistan:—
“Q.—You will admit for the Hindus, who are in a majority in India, the right to have a Hindu religious State?
A.—Yes.
Q.—Will you have any objection if the Muslims are treated under that form of Government as malishes or shudras under the law of Manu?
A.— No.”

Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi :—
“Q.—If we have this form of Islamic Government in Pakistan, will you permit Hindus to base their Constitution on the basis of their own religion?
A—Certainly. I should have no objection even if the Muslims of India are treated in that form of Government as shudras and malishes and Manu’s laws are applied to them, depriving them of all share in the Government and the rights of a citizen. In fact such a state of affairs already exists in India.”

Amir-i-Shari’at Sayyad Ata Ullah Skak Bukhari :—
“Q.—How many crores of Muslims are there in India?
A.—Four crores.
Q.—Have you any objection to the law of Manu being applied to them according to which they will have no civil right and will be treated as malishes and shudras?
A.—I am in Pakistan and I cannot advise them.”

Mian Tufail Muhammad of Jama’at-i-Islami :—
“Q.—What is the population of Muslims in the world?
A.—Fifty crores.
Q.—If the total population of Muslims of the world is 50 crores, as you say, and the number of Muslims living in Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Indonesia, Egypt, Persia, Syria, Lebanon, Trans-Jordan, Turkey and Iraq does not exceed 20 crores, will not the result of your ideology beto convert 30 crores of Muslims in the world into hewers of wood anddrawers of water?
A.—My ideology should not affect their position.
Q.—Even if they are subjected to discrimination on religious grounds and denied ordinary rights of citizenship ?
A.—Yes.”
This witness goes to the extent of asserting that even if a non-Muslim Government were to offer posts to Muslims in the public services of the country, it will be their duty to refuse such posts.

Ghazi Siraj-ud-Din Munir :—
“Q.—Do you want an Islamic State in Pakistan?
A.—Surely.
Q.—What will be your reaction if the neighbouring country was to found
their political system on their own religion?
A.—They can do it if they like.
Q.—Do you admit for them the right to declare that all Muslims in India, are shudras and malishes with no civil rights whatsoever?
A.—We will do our best to see that before they do it their political
sovereignty is gone. We are too strong for India. We will be strong enough to prevent India from doing this.
Q.—Is it a part of the religious obligations of Muslims to preach their religion?
A—Yes.
Q.—Is it a part of the duty of Muslims in India publicly to preach their religion?
A.—They should have that right.
Q.—What if the Indian State is founded on a religious basis and the right to preach religion is disallowed to its Muslim nationals?
A —If India makes any such law, believer in the Expansionist movement as I am, I will march on India and conquer her.”

So this is the reply to the reciprocity of discrimination on religious grounds.

Master Taj-ud-Din Ansari :—
“Q.—Would you like to have the same ideology for the four crores of Muslims in India as you are impressing upon the Muslims of
Pakistan?
A.—That ideology will not let them remain in India for one minute.
Q.—Does the ideology of a Muslim change from place to place and from time to time?
A.—No.
Q.—Then why should not the Muslims of India have the same ideology as you have?
A.—They should answer that question.”

The ideology advocated before us, if adopted by Indian Muslims, will completely
disqualify them for public offices in the State, not only in India but in other countries also which are under a non-Muslim Government. Muslims will become perpetual suspects everywhere and will not be enrolled in the army because according to this ideology, in case of war between a Muslim country and a non-Muslim country, Muslim soldiers of the non-Muslim country must either side with the Muslim country or surrender their posts.

The following is the view expressed by two divines whom we questioned on this point:—

Maulana Abul Hasanat Sayyed Muhammad Ahmad Qadri, President, Jami’at-ul-
Ulama-i-Pakistan :—
“Q.—What will be the duty of Muslims in India in case of war between India
and Pakistan?
A.—Their duty is obvious, namely, to side with us and not to fight against us
on behalf of India.”

Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi : —
“Q.—What will be the duty of the Muslims in India in case of war between
India and Pakistan?
A.—Their duty is obvious, and that is not to fight against Pakistan or to do
anything injurious to the safety of Pakistan.”

OTHER INCIDENTS

Other incidents of an Islamic State are that all sculpture, playing of cards, portrait
painting, photographing human beings, music, dancing, mixed acting, cinemas and
theatres will have to be closed.

Thus says Maulana Abdul Haleem Qasimi, representative of Jami’at-ul-Ulama-i-Pakistan: —

“Q.—What are your views on tashbih and tamseel ?
A.—You should ask me a concrete question.
Q.—What are your views on lahw-o-la’b?
A.—The same is my reply to this question.
Q.—What are your views about portrait painting?
A.—There is nothing against it if any such painting becomes necessary.
Q.—What about photography?
A.—My reply to it is the same as the reply regarding portrait painting.
Q.—What about sculpture as an art?
A.—It is prohibited by our religion.
Q.—Will you bring playing of cards in lohw-o-la’b?
A.—Yes, it will amount to lahw-o-la’b.
Q.—What about music and dancing?
A.—It is all forbidden by our religion.
Q.—What about drama and acting?
A —It all depends on what kind of acting you mean. If it involves immodesty
and intermixture of sexes, the Islamic law is against it.
Q.—If the State is founded on your ideals, will you make a law stopping
portrait painting, photographing of human beings, sculpture, playing
of cards, music, dancing, acting and all cinemas and theatres?
A.—Keeping in view the present form of these activities, my answer is in the affirmative.”

Maulana Abdul Haamid Badayuni considers it to be a sin (ma’siyat) on the part of
professors of anatomy to dissect dead bodies of Muslims to explain points of anatomy to the students.

The soldier or the policeman will have the right, on grounds of religion, to disobey a command by a superior authority. Maulana Abul Hasanat’s view on this is as follows :—

“I believe that if a policeman is required to do something which we consider to be contrary to our religion, it should be the duty of the policeman to disobey the authority. The same would be my answer if ‘army’ were substituted for ‘police’.

Q.—You stated yesterday that if a policeman or a soldier was required by a
superior authority to do what you considered to be contrary to religion, it would be the duty of that policeman or the soldier to disobey such authority. Will you give the policeman or the soldier the right of himself determining whether the command he is given by his superior authority is contrary to religion ?
A.—Most certainly.
Q.—Suppose there is war between Pakistan and another Muslim country and the soldier feels that Pakistan is in the wrong; and that to shoot a soldier of other country is contrary to religion. Do you think he would be justified in disobeying his commanding officer ?
A.—In such a contingency the soldier should take a fatwa of the ‘ulama’.”

We have dwelt at some length on the subject of Islamic State not because we intended to write a thesis against or in favour of such State but merely with a view to presenting a clear picture of the numerous possibilities that may in future arise if true causes of the ideological confusion which contributed to the spread and intensity of the disturbances are not precisely located. That such confusion did exist is obvious because otherwise Muslim Leaguers, whose own Government was in office, would not have risen against it; sense of loyalty and public duty would not have departed from public officials who went about like maniacs howling against their own Government and officers; respect for property and human life would not have disappeared in the common man who with no scruple or compunction began freely to indulge in loot, arson and murder; politicians would not have shirked facing the men who had installed them in their offices; and administrators would not have felt hesitant or diffident in performing what was their obvious duty. If there is one thing which has been conclusively demonstrated in this inquiry, it is that provided you can persuade the masses to believe that something they are asked to do is religiously right or enjoined by religion, you can set them to any course of action, regardless of all considerations of discipline, loyalty, decency, morality or civic sense.

Pakistan is being taken by the common man, though it is not, as an Islamic State. This belief has been encouraged by the ceaseless clamour for Islam and Islamic State that is being heard from all quarters since the establishment of Pakistan. The phantom of an Islamic State has haunted the Musalman throughout the ages and is a result of the memory of the glorious past when Islam rising like a storm from the least expected quarter of the world—wilds of Arabia—instantly enveloped the world, pulling down from their high pedestal gods who had ruled over man since the creation, uprooting centuries old institutions and superstitions and supplanting all civilisations that had been built on an enslaved humanity. What is 125 years in human history, nay in the history of a people, and yet during this brief period Islam spread from the Indus to the Atlantic and Spain, and from the borders of China to Egypt, and the sons of the desert installed themselves in all old centres of civilisation—in Ctesiphon, Damascus, Alexandria, India and all places associated with the names of the Sumerian and the Assyrian civilisations. Historians have often posed the question : what would have been the state of the world today if Muawiya’s siege of Constantinople had succeeded or if the proverbial Arab instinct for plunder had not suddenly seized the mujahids of Abdur Rahman in their fight against Charles Martel on the plains of Tours in Southern France. May be Muslims would have discovered America long before Columbus did and the entire world would have been Moslemised; may be Islam itself would have been Europeanised. It is this brilliant achievement of the Arabian nomads, the like of which the world had never seen before, that makes the Musalman of today live in the past and yearn for the return of the glory that was Islam. He finds himself standing on the crossroads, wrapped in the mantle of the past and with the dead weight of centuries on his back, frustrated and bewildered and hesitant to turn one corner or the other. The freshness and the simplicity of the faith, which gave determination to his mind and spring to his muscle, is now denied to him. He has neither the means nor the ability to conquer and there are no countries to conquer. Little does he understand that the forces, which are pitted against him, are entirely different from those against which early Islam, had to fight, and that on the clues given by his own ancestors human mind has achieved results which he cannot understand. He therefore finds himself in a state of helplessness, waiting for some one to come and help him out of this morass of uncertainty and confusion. And he will go on waiting like this without anything happening. Nothing but a bold re-orientation of Islam to separate the vital from the lifeless can preserve it as a World Idea and convert the Musalman into a citizen of the present and the future world from the archaic in congruity that he is today. It is this lack of bold and clear thinking, the inability to understand and take decisions which has brought about in Pakistan a confusion which will persist and repeatedly create situations of the kind we have been inquiring into until our leaders have a clear conception of the goal and of the means to reach it. It requires no imagination to realise that irreconcilables remain irreconcilable even if you believe or wish to the contrary. Opposing principles, if left to themselves, can only produce confusion and disorder, and the application of a neutralising agency to them can only produce a dead result. Unless, in case of conflict between two ideologies, our leaders have the desire and the ability to elect, uncertainty must continue. And as long as we rely on the hammer when a file is needed and press Islam into service to solve situations it was never intended to solve, frustration and disappointment must dog our steps. The sublime faith called Islam will live even if our leaders are not there to enforce it. It lives in the individual, in his soul and outlook, in all his relations with God and men, from the cradle to the grave, and our politicians should understand that if Divine commands cannot make or keep a man a Musalman, their statutes will not….

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Map of Kabul etc 1879

map7defencessherpurkabul-1600

Map of the Route from Kabul to Kandahar, 1880

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Map of the Battle-field of Kandahar, 1880

map9kanda-2253

Map of Kabul c.1880

map6kabul-1600

On the Existence of a Unique and Stable Solution to the Jammu & Kashmir Problem that is Lawful, Just and Economically Efficient

P Chidambaram may recall our brief interaction at the residence of the late Shri Rajiv Gandhi in September-October 1990, and also my visit in July 1995 when he was a member of Narasimha Rao’s Government.

I am delighted to read in today’s paper that he believes a “unique solution” exists to the grave mortal problem of Jammu & Kashmir.   Almost four years ago, I published in The Statesman my discovery of the existence of precisely such a  unique solution in the three-part article “Solving Kashmir”.

This came to be followed by “Law, Justice and J&K”, “History of Jammu & Kashmir”, “Pakistan’s Allies”, “What to tell Musharraf” and a few others.  The purpose of this open letter is to describe that solution which provides, I believe, the only just and lawful  path available to the resolution of what has been known universally as the Kashmir problem.

Very briefly, it involves recognizing that the question of lawful territorial sovereignty in J&K is logically distinct from the question of the choice of nationality by individual inhabitants.   The solution requires

(a) acknowledging that the original legal entity in the world system  of nations known as Jammu & Kashmir arose on March 16 1846 and ceased to exist on or about October 22 1947; that the military contest that commenced on the latter date has in fact resulted, given all particular circumstances of history, in the lawful and just outcome in international law;

(b) offering all who may be Indian nationals or stateless and who presently live under Article 370, a formal choice of nationality between the Republics of India, Iran, Afghanistan and Pakistan: citizen-by-citizen, without fear or favour, under conditions of full information, individual privacy and security; any persons who voluntarily choose to renounce Indian nationality in such private individual decisions would be nevertheless granted lawful permanent residence in the Indian Republic and J&K in particular.

In other words, the dismemberment of the original J&K State and annexation of its territories by the entities known today as the Republic of Pakistan and Republic of India that occurred since October 22 1947, as represented first by the 1949 Ceasefire Line and then by the 1972 Line of Control, is indeed the just and lawful outcome prevailing in respect of the question of territorial sovereignty and jurisdiction. The remaining democratic question has to do with free individual choice of nationality by inhabitants, under conditions of full information and privacy, citizen-by-citizen, with the grant of permanent residency rights by the Indian Republic to persons under its jurisdiction in J&K who might wish to choose, for deeply personal individual reasons, not to remain Indian nationals but become Afghan, Iranian or Pakistani nationals instead (or remain stateless).  Pakistan has said frequently its sole concern has been the freedom of Muslims of J&K under Indian rule, and any such genuine concern shall have been thereby fully met by India. Indeed if Pakistan agreed to act similarly this entire complex mortal problem of decades shall have begun to be resolved most appropriately. Pakistan and India are both wracked by corruption, poverty and bad governance, and would be able to mutually draw down military forces pit against one another everywhere, so as to begin to repair the grave damage to their fiscal health caused over decades by the deleterious draining away of vast public resources.

The full reasoning underlying this, which I believe to be the only lawful, just, efficient and stable solution that exists, is thoroughly explained in the following six articles. The first five, “Solving Kashmir”, “Law, Justice & J&K”, “History of J&K”, and “Pakistan’s Allies”, “What to Tell Musharraf” were published in The Statesman in 2005-2006 and are marked ONE, TWO, THREE, FOUR and FIVE below, and are also available elsewhere here. The sixth “An Indian Reply to President Zardari”, marked SIX, was published for the first time here following the Mumbai massacres.

I believe careful reflection upon this entire body of reasoning may lead all reasonable men and women to a practically unanimous consensus about this as the appropriate course of action; if such a consensus happened to arise, the implementation of the solution shall only be a matter of (relatively) uncomplicated procedural detail.

Subroto Roy
October 15 2009

ONE
SOLVING KASHMIR: ON AN APPLICATION OF REASON by Subroto Roy First published in three parts in The Statesman, Editorial Page Special Article, December 1,2,3 2005, http://www.thestatesman.net

(This article has its origins in a paper “Towards an Economic Solution for Kashmir” which circulated in Washington DC in 1992-1995, including at the Indian and Pakistani embassies and the Carnegie Endowment, and was given as an invited lecture at the Heritage Foundation on June 23 1998. It should be read along with other articles also republished here, especially “History of J&K”, “Law, Justice and J&K” , “Understanding Pakistan”, “Pakistan’s Allies” and “What to Tell Musharraf”. The Washington paper and lecture itself originated from my ideas in the Introduction to Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy, edited by WE James and myself in the University of Hawaii project on Pakistan 1986-1992.)

I. Give Indian `Green Cards’ to the Hurriyat et al

India, being a liberal democracy in its constitutional law, cannot do in Jammu & Kashmir what Czechoslovakia did to the “Sudeten Germans” after World War II. On June 18 1945 the new Czechoslovakia announced those Germans and Magyars within their borders who could not prove they had been actively anti-fascist before or during the War would be expelled — the burden of proof was placed on the individual, not the State. Czechoslovakia “transferring” this population was approved by the Heads of the USA, UK and USSR Governments at Potsdam on August 2 1945. By the end of 1946, upto two million Sudeten Germans were forced to flee their homes; thousands may have died by massacre or otherwise; 165,000 remained who were absorbed as Czechoslovak citizens. Among those expelled were doubtless many who had supported Germany and many others who had not — the latter to this day seek justice or even an apology in vain. Czechoslovakia punished none of its nationals for atrocities, saying it had been revenge for Hitler’s evil (”badla” in Bollywood terms) and the post Cold War Czech Government too has declined to render an apology. Revenge is a wild kind of justice (while justice may be a civilised kind of revenge).

India cannot follow this savage precedent in international law. Yet we must recognise there are several hundred and up to several hundred thousand persons on our side of the boundary in the State of Jammu & Kashmir who do not wish to be Indian nationals. These people are presently our nationals ius soli, having been born in territory of the Indian Republic, and/or ius sanguinis, having been born of parents who are Indian nationals; or they may be “stateless” whom we must treat in accordance with the 1954 Convention on Stateless Persons. The fact is they may not wish to carry Indian passports or be Indian nationals.

In this respect their juridical persons resemble the few million “elite” Indians who have in the last few decades freely placed their hands on their hearts and solemnly renounced their Indian nationality, declaring instead their individual fidelity to other nation-states — becoming American, Canadian or Australian citizens, or British subjects or nationals of other countries. Such people include tens of thousands of the adult children of India’s metropolitan “elite”, who are annually visited abroad in the hot summer months by their Indian parents and relatives. They are daughters and sons of New Delhi’s Government and Opposition, of retired generals, air marshals, admirals, ambassadors, cabinet secretaries, public sector bureaucrats, private sector businessmen, university professors, journalists, doctors and many others. India’s most popular film-actress exemplified this “elite” capital-flight when, after a tireless search, she chose a foreign husband and moved to California.

The difference in Jammu & Kashmir would be that those wishing to renounce Indian nationality do not wish to move to any other place but to stay as and where they are, which is in Kashmir Valley or Jammu. Furthermore, they may wish, for whatever reason, to adopt, if they are eligible to do so, the nationality of e.g. the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan or the Islamic Republic of Iran or the Islamic Republic of Pakistan.

They may believe themselves descended from Ahmad Shah Abdali whose Afghans ruled or mis-ruled Kashmir Valley before being defeated by Ranjit Singh’s Sikhs in 1819. Or they may believe themselves of Iranian descent as, for example, are the Kashmiri cousins of the late Ayatollah Khomeini. Or they may simply have wished to be, or are descended from persons who had wished to be on October 26 1947, citizens of the then-new British Dominion of Pakistan — but who came to be prevented from properly expressing such a desire because of the war-like conditions that have prevailed ever since between India and Pakistan. There may be even a few persons in Laddakh who are today Indian nationals but who wish to be considered Tibetans instead; there is, however, no Tibetan Republic and it does not appear there is going to be one.

India, being a free and self-confident country, should allow, in a systematic lawful manner, all such persons to fulfil their desires, and furthermore, should ensure they are not penalised for having expressed such “anti-national” desires or for having acted upon them. Sir Mark Tully, the British journalist, is an example of someone who has been a foreign national who has chosen to reside permanently in the Republic of India — indeed he has been an exemplary permanent resident of our country. There are many others like him. There is no logical reason why all those persons in Jammu & Kashmir who do wish not to be Indians by nationality cannot receive the same legal status from the Indian Republic as has been granted to Sir Mark Tully. There are already thousands of Sri Lankan, Bangladeshi and Nepalese nationals who are lawful permanent residents in the Indian Republic, and who travel back and forth between India and their home countries. There is no logical reason why the same could not be extended to several hundred or numerous thousand people in Jammu & Kashmir who may wish to not accept or to renounce their Indian nationality (for whatever personal reason) and instead become nationals, if they are so eligible, of the Islamic Republics of Afghanistan, Iran or Pakistan, or, for that matter, to remain stateless. On the one hand, their renunciation of Indian nationality is logically equivalent to the renunciation of Indian nationality by the adult children of India’s “elite” settled in North America and Western Europe. On the other hand, their wish to adopt, if they are eligible, a foreign nationality, such as that of Afghanistan, Iran or Pakistan, and yet remain domiciled in Indian territory is logically equivalent to that of many foreign nationals domiciled in India already like Sir Mark Tully.

Now if you are a permanent resident of some country, you may legally have many, perhaps most, but certainly not all the rights and duties of nationals of that country. e.g., though you will have to pay all the same taxes, you may not be allowed to (or be required to) vote in national or provincial elections but you may in local municipal elections. At the same time, permanently residing foreign nationals are supposed to be equal under the law and have equal access to all processes of civil and criminal justice. (As may be expected though from human frailty, even the federal courts of the USA can be notorious in their injustice and racism towards “Green Card” holders relative to “full” American citizens.) Then again, as a permanently resident foreigner, while you will be free to work in any lawful trade or profession, you may not be allowed to work in some or perhaps any Government agencies, certainly not the armed forces or the police. Many Indians in the USA were engineering graduates, and because many engineering jobs or contracts in the USA are related to the US armed forces and require US citizens only, it is commonplace for Indian engineers to renounce their Indian nationality and become Americans because of this. Many Indian-American families have one member who is American, another Indian, a third maybe Canadian, a fourth Fijian or British etc.

The same can happen in the Indian State of Jammu & Kashmir if it evolves peacefully and correctly in the future. It is quite possible to imagine a productive family in a peaceful Kashmir Valley of the future where one brother is an officer in the Indian Armed Forces, another brother a civil servant and a sister a police officer of the J&K State Government, another sister being a Pakistani doctor, while cousins are Afghan or Iranian or “stateless” businessmen. Each family-member would have made his/her choice of nationality as an individual given the circumstances of his/her life, his/her personal comprehension of the facts of history, his/her personal political and/or religious persuasions, and similar deeply private considerations. All would have their children going to Indian schools and being Indian citizens ius soli and/or ius sanguinis. When the children grow up, they would be free to join, if they wished, the existing capital flight of other Indian adult children abroad and there renounce their Indian nationality as many have come to do.

II Revealing Choices Privately with Full Information
For India to implement such a proposal would be to provide an opportunity for all those domiciled in Kashmir Valley, Jammu and Laddakh to express freely and privately as individuals their deepest wishes about their own identities, in a confidential manner, citizen by citizen, case by case. This would thereby solve the fundamental democratic problem that has been faced ever since the Pakistani attack on the original State of Jammu & Kashmir commenced on October 22 1947, which came to be followed by the Rape of Baramulla — causing the formal accession of the State to the then-new Dominion of India on October 26 1947.

A period of, say, 30 months may be announced by the Government of India during which full information would be provided to all citizens affected by this change, i.e. all those presently governed by Article 370 of the Indian Constitution. The condition of full information may include, for example, easy access to Afghan, Iranian and Pakistani newspapers in addition to access to Indian media. Each such person wishing to either remain with Indian nationality (by explicitly requesting an Indian passport if he/she does not have one already — and such passports can be printed in Kashmiri and Urdu too), or to renounce Indian nationality and either remain stateless or adopt, if he/she is so eligible, the nationality of e.g. Afghanistan, Iran, or Pakistan, should be administratively assisted by the Government of India to make that choice.

In particular, he/she should be individually, confidentially, and without fear or favour assured and informed of his/her new rights and responsibilities. For example, a resident of Kashmir Valley who chooses to become a Pakistani citizen, such as Mr Geelani, would now enjoy the same rights and responsibilities in the Indian Republic that Mr Tully enjoys, and at the same time no longer require a visa to visit Pakistan just as Mr Tully needs no visa to enter Britain. In case individual participants in the Hurriyat choose to renounce Indian nationality and adopt some other, they would no longer be able to legally participate in Indian national elections or J&K’s State elections. That is something which they say they do not wish to do in any case. Those members of the Hurriyat who chose e.g. Pakistani nationality while still residing in Jammu & Kashmir, would be free to send postal ballots or cross the border and vote in Pakistan’s elections if and when these occur. There are many Canadians who live permanently in the USA who cross home to Canada in order to cast a ballot.

After the period of 30 months, every person presently under Article 370 of the Indian Constitution would have received a full and fair opportunity to privately and confidentially reveal his/her preference or choice under conditions of full information. “Partition”, “Plebiscite”, and “Military Decision” have been the three alternatives under discussion ever since the National Conference of Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah and his then-loyal Deputy, Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad, helped the Indian Army and Air Force in 1947-1948 fight off the savage attack against Jammu & Kashmir State that had commenced from Pakistan on October 22 1947. When, during the Pakistani attack, the Sheikh and Bakshi agreed to the Muslim Conference’s demand for a plebiscite among the people, the Pakistanis balked — the Sheikh and Bakshi then withdrew their offer and decisively and irrevocably chose to accede to the Indian Union. The people of Jammu & Kashmir, like any other, are now bound by the sovereign political commitments made by their forebears. Even so, given the painful mortal facts of the several decades since, the solution here proposed if properly implemented would be an incomparably more thorough democratic exercise than any conceivable plebiscite could ever have been.

Furthermore, regardless of the outcome, it would not entail any further “Partition” or population “transfer” which inevitably would degenerate into a savage balkanization, and has been ruled out as an unacceptable “deal-breaker” by the Indian Republic. Instead, every individual person would have been required, in a private and confidential decision-making process, to have chosen a nationality or to remain stateless — resulting in a multitude of cosmopolitan families in Jammu & Kashmir. But that is something commonplace in the modern world. Properly understood and properly implemented, we shall have resolved the great mortal problem we have faced for more than half a century, and Jammu & Kashmir can finally settle into a period of peace and prosperity. The boundary between India and Pakistan would have been settled by the third alternative mentioned at the time, namely, “Military Decision”.

III. Of Flags and Consulates in Srinagar and Gilgit
Pakistan has demanded its flag fly in Srinagar. This too can happen though not in the way Pakistan has been wishing to see it happen. A Pakistan flag might fly in the Valley just as might an Afghan and Iranian flag as well. Pakistan has wished its flag to fly as the sovereign over Jammu & Kashmir. That is not possible. The best and most just outcome is for the Pakistani flag to fly over a recognised Pakistani consular or visa office in Srinagar, Jammu and Leh. In diplomatic exchange, the Indian tricolour would have to fly over a recognised Indian consular or visa office in Muzaffarabad, Gilgit and Skardu.

Pakistan also may have to act equivalently with respect to the original inhabitants of the territory of Jammu & Kashmir that it has been controlling — allowing those people to become Indian nationals if they so chose to do in free private decisions under conditions of full information. In other words, the “Military Decision” that defines the present boundary between sovereign states must be recognised by Pakistan sincerely and permanently in a Treaty relationship with India — and all of Pakistan’s official and unofficial protégés like the Hurriyat and the “United Jehad Council” would have to do the same. Without such a sovereign commitment from the Government of Pakistan, as shown by decisive actions of lack of aggressive intent (e.g. as came to be implemented between the USA and USSR), the Government of India has no need to involve the Government of Pakistan in implementing the solution of enhancing free individual choice of nationality with regard to all persons on our side of the boundary.

The “Military Decision” regarding the sovereign boundary in Jammu & Kashmir will be so recognised by all only if it is the universally just outcome in international law. And that in fact is what it is.

The original Jammu & Kashmir State began its existence as an entity in international law long before the present Republics of India and Pakistan ever did. Pakistan commences as an entity on August 14 1947; India commences as an entity of international law with its signing of the Treaty of Versailles on June 20 1918. Jammu & Kashmir began as an entity on March 16 1846 — when the Treaty of Amritsar was signed between Gulab Singh Dogra and the British, one week after the Treaty of Lahore between the British and the defeated Sikh regency of the child Daleep Singh.

Liaquat Ali Khan and Zafrullah Khan both formally challenged on Pakistan’s behalf the legitimacy of Dogra rule in Jammu & Kashmir since the Treaty of Amritsar. The Pakistani Mission to the UN does so even today. The Pakistanis were following Sheikh Abdullah and Jawaharlal Nehru himself, who too had at one point challenged Dogra legitimacy in the past. But though the form of words of the Pakistan Government and the Nehru-Abdullah position were similar in their attacks on the Treaty of Amritsar, their underlying substantive reasons were as different as chalk from cheese. The Pakistanis attacked the Dogra dynasty for being Dogra — i.e. because they were Hindus and not Muslims governing a Muslim majority. Nehru and Abdullah denounced monarchic autocracy in favour of mass democracy, and so attacked the Dogra dynasty for being a dynasty. All were wrong to think the Treaty of Amritsar anything but a lawful treaty in international law.

Furthermore, in this sombre political game of great mortal consequence, there were also two other parties who were, or appeared to be, in favour of the dynasty: one because the dynasty was non-Muslim, the other, despite it being so. Non-Muslim minorities like many Hindus and Sikhs in the business and governmental classes, saw the Dogra dynasty as their protector against a feared communalist tyranny arising from the Sunni Muslim masses of Srinagar Valley, whom Abdullah’s rhetoric at Friday prayer-meetings had been inciting or at least awakening from slumber. At the same time, the communalists of the Muslim Conference who had broken away from Abdullah’s secular National Conference, sought political advantage over Abdullah by declaring themselves in favour of keeping the dynasty — even elevating it to become an international sovereign, thus flattering the already pretentious potentate that he would be called “His Majesty” instead of merely “His Highness”. The ancestry of today’s Hurriyat’s demands for an independent Jammu & Kashmir may be traced precisely to those May 21-22 1947 declarations of the Muslim Conference leader, Hamidullah Khan.

Into this game stumbled the British with all the mix of cunning, indifference, good will, impatience, arrogance and pomposity that marked their rule in India. At the behest of the so-called “Native Princes”, the 1929 Butler Commission had hinted that the relationship of “Indian India” to the British sovereign was conceptually different from that of “British India” to the British sovereign. This view was adopted in the Cabinet Mission’s 12 May 1946 Memorandum which in turn came to be applied by Attlee and Mountbatten in their unseemly rush to “Divide and Quit” India in the summer of 1947.

It created the pure legal illusion that there was such a thing as “Lapse of Paramountcy” at which Jammu & Kashmir or any other “Native State” of “Indian India” could conceivably, even for a moment, become a sovereign enjoying the comity of nations — contradicting Britain’s own position that only two Dominions, India and Pakistan, could ever be members of the British Commonwealth and hence members of the newly created UN. British pusillanimity towards Jammu & Kashmir’s Ruler had even extended to making him a nominal member of Churchill’s War Cabinet because he had sent troops to fight in Burma. But the legal illusion had come about because of a catastrophic misunderstanding on the part of the British of their own constitutional law.

The only legal scholar who saw this was B R Ambedkar in a lonely and brilliant technical analysis released to the press on June 17 1947. No “Lapse of Paramountcy” over the “Native Princes” of Indian India could occur in constitutional law. Paramountcy over Indian India would be automatically inherited by the successor state of British India at the Transfer of Power. That successor state was the new British Dominion of India as well as (when it came to be finalised by Partition from India) the new British Dominion of Pakistan (Postscript: the deleted words represent a mistake made in the original paper, corrected in “Law, Justice & J&K” in view of the fact the UN in 1947 deemed India alone the successor state of British India and Pakistan a new state in the world system). A former “Native Prince” could only choose to which Dominion he would go. No other alternative existed even for a single logical moment. Because the British had catastrophically failed to comprehend this aspect of their own constitutional law, they created a legal vacuum whereby between August 15 and October 22-26 1947, Jammu & Kashmir became a local and temporary sovereign recognised only by the Dominion of Pakistan (until October 22) and the Dominion of India (until October 26). But it was not a globally recognised sovereign and was never going to be such in international law. This was further proved by Attlee refusing to answer the J&K Prime Minister’s October 18 1947 telegram.

All ambiguity came to end with the Pakistani attack of October 22 1947, the Rape of Baramulla, the secession of an “Azad Kashmir”declared by Sardar Ibrahim, and the Pakistani coup détat in Gilgit on October 31 1947 followed by the massacre of Sikh soldiers of the J&K Army at Bunji. With those Pakistani actions, Gulab Singh’s Jammu & Kashmir State, founded on March 16 1846 by the Treaty of Amritsar, ceased to logically exist as an entity in international law and fell into a state of ownerless anarchy. The conflict between Ibrahim’s Muslim communalists backed by the new Dominion of Pakistan and Abdullah’s secularists backed by the new Dominion of India had become a civil war within a larger intra-Commonwealth war that itself was almost a civil war between forces of the same military.

Jammu & Kashmir territory had become ownerless. The Roman Law which is at the root of all municipal and international law in the world today would declare that in the ownership of such an ownerless entity, a “Military Decision” was indeed the just outcome. Sovereignty over the land, waters, forests and other actual and potential resources of the erstwhile State of Jammu & Kashmir has become divided by “Military Decision” between the modern Republics of India and Pakistan. By the proposal made herein, the people and their descendants shall have chosen their nationality and their domicile freely across the sovereign boundary that has come to result.

TWO
LAW, JUSTICE AND J&K
by Subroto Roy First published in two parts in The Sunday Statesman, July 2 2006 and The Statesman July 3 2006 http://www.thestatesman.net Editorial Page Special Article

I.
For a solution to J&K to be universally acceptable it must be seen by all as being lawful and just. Political opinion in Pakistan and India as well as all people and parties in J&K ~ those loyal to India, those loyal to Pakistan, and any others ~ will have to agree that, all things considered, such is the right course of action for everyone today in the 21st Century, which means too that the solution must be consistent with the facts of history as well as account reasonably for all moral considerations.

On August 14, 1947, the legal entity known as “British India”, as one of its final acts, and based on a sovereign British decision made only two months earlier, created out of some of its territory a new State defined in international law as the “Dominion of Pakistan”. British India extinguished itself the very next day, and the newly independent “Dominion of India” succeeded to all its rights and obligations in international law. As the legal successor of the “India” which had signed the Treaty of Versailles in 1919 and the San Francisco Declaration of 1945, the Dominion of India was already a member of the new UN as well as a signatory to many international treaties. By contrast, the Dominion of Pakistan had to apply afresh to sign treaties and become a member of international organisations. The theory put forward by Argentina that two new States, India and Pakistan, had been created ab initio, came to be rejected and was withdrawn by Argentina. Instead, Pakistan with the wholehearted backing of India was made a member of the UN, with all except Afghanistan voting in favour. (Afghanistan’s exceptional vote signalled presence of conflict over the Durand Line and idea of a Pashtunistan; Dr Khan Sahib and Abdul Ghaffar Khan were imprisoned by the Muslim League regime of NWFP which later supported the tribesmen who attacked J&K starting October 22, 1947; that conflict remains unresolved to this day, even after the American attack on the Taliban, the restart of a constitutional process in Afghanistan, and the purported mediation of US Secretary of State Condoleeza Rice.)

Zafrullah Khan, Pakistan’s distinguished first ambassador to the UN, claimed in September 1947: “Pakistan is not a new member of UNO but a successor to a member State which was one of the founders of the Organisation.” He noted that he himself had led India to the final session of the League of Nations in Geneva in 1939, and he wished to say that Pakistan had been present “as part of India… under the latter name” as a signatory to the Treaty of Versailles. This was, however, logically impossible. The Treaty of Versailles long predated (1) Mohammad Iqbal’s Allahabad Address which conceptualised for the first time in the 20th Century a Muslim State in Northwest India; (2) Rahmat Ali’s invention of the word “PAKSTAN” on the top floor of a London omnibus; (3) M. A. Jinnah and Fazlul Haq’s Lahore Resolution; and (4) the final British decision of June 3, 1947 to create by Partition out of “British India” a Dominion named Pakistan. Pakistan could not have acted in international law prior to having come into being or been created or even conceived itself. Zafrullah Khan would have been more accurate to say that the history of Pakistanis until August 14, 1947 had been one in common with that of their Indian cousins ~ or indeed their Indian brothers, since innumerable North Indian Muslim families came to be literally partitioned, with some brothers remaining Indians while other brothers became Pakistanis.

Pakistan was created at the behest of Jinnah’s Muslim League though with eventual agreement of the Indian National Congress (a distant ancestor of the political party going by the same name today). Pakistan arose not because Jinnah said Hindus and Muslims were “two nations” but because he and his League wished for a State where Muslims would find themselves ruled by fellow-Muslims and feel themselves part of a pan-Islamic culture. Yet Pakistan was intended to be a secular polity with Muslim-majority governance, not an Islamic theocracy. That Pakistan failed to become secular was exemplified most poignantly in the persecution Zafrullah himself later faced in his personal life as an Ahmadiya, even while he was Pakistan’s Foreign Minister. (The same happened later to Pakistan’s Nobel-winning physicist Abdus Salaam.) Pakistan was supposed to allow the genius of Indo-Muslim culture to flourish, transplanted from places like Lucknow and Aligarh which would never be part of it. In fact, the areas that are Pakistan today had in the 1937 provincial elections shown scant popular Muslim support for Jinnah’s League. The NWFP had a Congress Government in the 1946 elections, and its supporters boycotted the pro-Pakistan referendum in 1947. The imposition of Urdu culture as Pakistan’s dominant ethos might have come to be accepted later in West Punjab, Sindh and NWFP but it was not acceptable in East Bengal, and led inevitably to the Pakistani civil war and creation of Bangladesh by Sheikh Mujib in 1971.

In August 1947, the new Dominions of India and Pakistan were each supposed to protect their respective minority populations as their first political duty. Yet both palpably failed in this, and were reduced to making joint declarations pleading for peace and an end to communal killings and the abduction of women. The Karachi Government, lacking the wherewithal and administrative machinery of being a nation-state at all, and with only Liaquat and an ailing Jinnah as noted leaders, may have failed more conspicuously, and West Punjab, the Frontier and Sindh were soon emptied of almost all their many Sikhs and Hindus. Instead, the first act of the new Pakistan Government in the weeks after August 14, 1947 was to arrange for the speedy and safe transfer of the North Indian Muslim elite by air from Delhi using chartered British aeroplanes. The ordinary Muslim masses of UP, Delhi and East Punjab were left in danger from or were subjected to Sikh and Hindu mob attacks, especially as news and rumours spread of similar outrages against Pakistan’s departing minorities.

In this spiral of revenge attacks and counter-attacks, bloodshed inevitably spilled over from West and East Punjab into the northern Punjabi plains of Jammu, though Kashmir Valley remained conspicuously peaceful. Zafrullah and Liaquat would later claim it was this communal civil war which had caused thousands of newly decommissioned Mirpuri soldiers of the British Army, and thousands of Afridi and other Frontier tribesmen, to spontaneously act to “liberate” J&K’s Muslims from alleged tyranny under the Hindu Ruler or an allegedly illegal Indian occupation.

But the main attack on J&K State that began from Pakistan along the Manshera-Muzaffarabad road on October 22, 1947 was admittedly far too well-organised, well-armed, well-planned and well-executed to have been merely a spontaneous uprising of tribesmen and former soldiers. In all but name, it was an act of undeclared war of the new Dominion of Pakistan first upon the State of J&K and then upon the Indian Dominion. This became obvious to Field Marshall Auchinlek, who, as Supreme Commander of the armed forces of both India and Pakistan, promptly resigned and abolished the Supreme Command in face of the fact that two parts of his own forces were now at war with one another.

The invaders failed to take Srinagar solely because they lost their military purpose while indulging in the Rape of Baramula. Thousands of Kashmiri women of all communities ~ Muslim, Sikh and Hindu ~ were violated and transported back to be sold in markets in Peshawar and elsewhere. Such was standard practice in Central Asian tribal wars from long before the advent of Islam, and the invading tribesmen shared that culture. India’s Army and Air Force along with the militias of the secular democratic movement led by Sheikh Abdullah and those remaining loyal units of J&K forces, fought off the invasion, and liberated Baramula, Naushera, Uri, Poonch etc. Gilgit had a British-led coup détat against it bringing it under Pakistan’s control. Kargil was initially taken by the Pakistanis and then lost by them. Leh could have been but was not taken by Pakistani forces. But in seeking to protect Leh and to retake Kargil, the Indian Army lost the siege of Skardu ~ which ended reputedly with the infamous communication from the Pakistani commander to his HQ: “All Sikhs killed; all women raped.”

Legal theory
Now, in this grave mortal conflict, the legal theory to which both the Indian and Pakistani Governments have been wedded for sixty years is one that had been endorsed by the British Cabinet Mission in 1946 and originated with the Butler Commission of 1929. Namely, that “Lapse of Paramountcy” over the “Indian India” of the “Native States” could and did occur with the extinction of British India on August 15, 1947. By this theory, Hyderabad, J&K, Junagadh and the several other States which had not acceded to either Dominion were no longer subject to the Crown’s suzerainty as of that date. Both Dominions drew up “Instruments of Accession” for Rulers to sign upon the supposed “Lapse” of Paramountcy that was to occur with the end of British India.

Ever since, the Pakistan Government has argued that Junagadh’s Ruler acceded to Pakistan and Hyderabad’s had wished to do so but both were forcibly prevented by India. Pakistan has also argued the accession to India by J&K’s Ruler was “fraudulent” and unacceptable, and Sheikh Abdullah was a “Quisling” of India and it was not his National Conference but the Muslim Conference of Ibrahim, Abbas and the Mirwaiz (precursor of the Hurriyat) which represented J&K’s Muslims.

India argued that Junagadh’s accession to Pakistan or Hyderabad’s independence were legal and practical impossibilities contradicting the wills of their peoples, and that their integration into the Indian Dominion was carried out in an entirely legitimate manner in the circumstances prevailing.

On J&K, India has argued that not only had the Ruler requested Indian forces to fight off the Pakistani attack, and he acceded formally before Indian forces were sent, but also that democratic principles were fully adhered to in the unequivocal endorsement of the accession by Sheikh Abdullah and the National Conference and further by a duly called and elected J&K Constituent Assembly, as well as generations of Kashmiris since. In the Indian view, it is Pakistan which has been in illegal occupation of Indian territory from Mirpur, Muzaffarabad and Gilgit to Skardu all the way to the Khunjerab Pass, Siachen Glacier and K2, some of which it illegally ceded to its Communist Chinese ally, and furthermore that it has denied the peoples of these areas any democratic voice.

Roman law
In June 1947, it was uniquely and brilliantly argued by BR Ambedkar in a statement to the Press that the British had made a catastrophic error in comprehending their own constitutional law, that no such thing as “Lapse” of Paramountcy existed, and that suzerainty over the “Native States” of “Indian India” would be automatically transferred in international law to the successor State of British India. It was a legal illusion to think any Native State could be sovereign even for a single logical moment. On this theory, if the Dominion of India was the sole successor State in international law while Pakistan was a new legal entity, then a Native State which acceded to Pakistan after August 15, 1947 would have had to do so with the consent of the suzerain power, namely, India, as may be said to have happened implicitly in case of Chitral and a few others. Equally, India’s behaviour in integrating (or annexing) Junagadh and Hyderabad, would become fully explicable ~ as would the statements of Mountbatten, Nehru and Patel before October 1947 that they would accept J&K going to Pakistan if that was what the Ruler and his people desired. Pakistan unilaterally and by surprise went to war against J&K on October 22, declared the accession to India “fraudulent”, and to this day has claimed the territory of the original State of J&K is “disputed”. Certainly, even if the Ambedkar doctrine is applied that no “Lapse” was possible under British law, Pakistan did not recognise India’s jurisdiction there as the suzerain power as of August 15, 1947. Altogether, Pakistan’s sovereign actions from October 22 onwards amounted to acting to annex J&K to itself by military force ~ acts which came to be militarily resisted (with partial success) by India allied with Sheikh Abdullah’s National Conference and the remaining forces of J&K. By these military actions, Pakistan revealed that it considered J&K territory to have descended into a legal state of anarchy as of October 22, 1947, and hence open to resolution by “Military Decision” ~ as is indeed the just outcome under Roman Law, the root of all municipal and international law today, when there is a contest between claimants over an ownerless entity.

Choice of nationality
Hence, the present author concluded (“Solving Kashmir”, The Statesman December 1-3, 2005) that the dismemberment of the original J&K State and annexation of its territories by India and Pakistan that has occurred since 1947, as represented first by the 1949 Ceasefire Line and then by the 1972 Line of Control, is indeed the just and lawful outcome prevailing in respect of the question of territorial sovereignty and jurisdiction. The remaining “democratic” question described has to do with free individual choice of nationality by the inhabitants, under conditions of full information and privacy, citizen-by-citizen, with the grant of permanent residency rights by the Indian Republic to persons under its jurisdiction in J&K who may choose not to remain Indian nationals but become Afghan, Iranian or Pakistani nationals instead. Pakistan has said frequently its sole concern has been the freedom of the Muslims of J&K under Indian rule, and any such genuine concern shall have been thereby fully met by India. Indeed, if Pakistan agreed to act similarly, this entire complex mortal problem of decades shall have begun to be peacefully resolved. Both countries are wracked by corruption, poverty and bad governance, and would be able to mutually draw down military forces pit against one another everywhere, so as to begin to repair the grave damage to their fiscal health caused by the deleterious draining away of vast public resources.

THREE
HISTORY OF JAMMU & KASHMIR
by Subroto Roy First published in two parts in The Sunday Statesman, Oct 29 2006 and The Statesman Oct 30 2006, Editorial Page Special Article, http://www.thestatesman.net

At the advent of Islam in distant Arabia, India and Kashmir in particular were being visited by Chinese Buddhist pilgrims during Harsha’s reign. The great “Master of Law” Hiuen Tsiang visited between 629-645 and spent 631-633 in Kashmir (”Kia-chi-mi-lo”), describing it to include Punjab, Kabul and Kandahar. Over the next dozen centuries, Buddhist, Hindu, Muslim, Sikh and again Hindu monarchs came to rule the 85 mile long 40 mile wide territory on the River Jhelum’s upper course known as Srinagar Valley, as well as its adjoining Jammu in the upper plains of the Punjab and “Little Tibet” consisting of Laddakh, Baltistan and Gilgit.

In 1344, a Persian adventurer from Swat or Khorasan by name of Amir or Mirza, who had “found his way into the Valley and in time gained great influence at the Raja’s court”, proclaimed himself Sultan Shamsuddin after the death of the last Hindu monarchs of medieval Kashmir. Twelve of his descendants formed the Shamiri dynasty including the notorious Sikander and the just and tolerant Zainulabidin. Sikander who ruled 1386-1410 “submitted himself” to the Uzbek Taimur the Lame when he approached Kashmir in 1398 “and thus saved the country from invasion”. Otherwise, “Sikander was a gloomy ferocious bigot, and his zeal in destroying temples and idols was so intense that he is remembered as the Idol-Breaker. He freely used the sword to propagate Islam and succeeded in forcing the bulk of the population to conform outwardly to the Muslim religion. Most of the Brahmins refused to apostatise, and many of them paid with their lives the penalty for their steadfastness. Many others were exiled, and only a few conformed.”

Zainulabidin who ruled 1417-1467 “was a man of very different type”. “He adopted the policy of universal toleration, recalled the exiled Brahmins, repealed the jizya or poll-tax on Hindus, and even permitted new temples to be built. He abstained from eating flesh, prohibited the slaughter of kine, and was justly venerated as a saint. He encouraged literature, painting and music, and caused many translations to be made of works composed in Sanskrit, Arabic and other languages.” During his “long and prosperous reign”, he “constructed canals and built many mosques; he was just and tolerant”.

The Shamiri dynasty ended in 1541 when “some fugitive chiefs of the two local factions of the Makri and the Chakk invited Mirza Haidar Dughlat, a relation of Babar, to invade Kashmir. The country was conquered and the Mirza held it (nominally in name of Humayan) till 1551, when he was killed in a skirmish. The line… was restored for a few years, until in 1559 a Chakk leader, Ghazi Shah, usurped the throne; and in the possession of his descendants it remained for nearly thirty years.” This dynasty marks the origins of Shia Islam in Srinagar though Shia influence in Gilgit, Baltistan and Laddakh was of longer standing. Constant dissensions weakened the Chakks, and in 1586, Akbar, then at Attock on the Indus, sent an army under Raja Bhagwan Das into Srinagar Valley and easily made it part of his Empire.

Shivaism and Islam both flourished, and Hindu ascetics and Sufi saints were revered by all. Far from Muslims and Hindus forming distinct nations, here they were genetically related kinsmen living in proximity in a small isolated area for centuries. Indeed Zainulabidin may have had a vast unspoken influence on the history of all India insofar as Akbar sought to attempt in his empire what Zainulabidin achieved in the Valley. Like Zainulabidin, Akbar’s governance of India had as its “constant aim” “to conciliate the Hindus and to repress Muslim bigotry” which in modern political parlance may be seen as the principle of secular governance ~ of conciliating the powerless (whether majority or minority) and repressing the bigotry of the powerful (whether minority or majority). Akbar had made the Valley the summer residence of the Mughals, and it was Jahangir, seeing the Valley for the first time, who apparently said the words agar behest baushad, hamee in hast, hamee in hast, hamee in hast: “if Heaven exists, it is here, it is here, it is here”. Yet like other isolated paradises (such as the idyllic islands of the Pacific Ocean) an accursed mental ether can accompany the magnificent beauty of people’s surroundings. As the historian put it: “The Kashmiris remained secure in their inaccessible Valley; but they were given up to internal weakness and discord, their political importance was gone…”

After the Mughals collapsed, Iran’s Turkish ruler Nadir Shah sacked Delhi in 1739 but the Iranian court fell in disarray upon his death. In 1747 a jirga of Pashtun tribes at Kandahar “broke normal tradition” and asked an old Punjabi holy man and shrine-keeper to choose between two leaders; this man placed young wheat in the hand of the 25 year old Ahmed Shah Saddozai of the Abdali tribe, and titled him “Durrani”. Five years later, Durrani took Kashmir and for the next 67 years the Valley was under Pashtun rule, a time of “unmitigated brutality and widespread distress”. Durrani himself “was wise, prudent and simple”, never declared himself king and wore no crown, instead keeping a stick of young wheat in his turban. Leaving India, he famously recited: “The Delhi throne is beautiful indeed, but does it compare with the mountains of Kandahar?”

Kashmir’s modern history begins with Ranjit Singh of the Sikhs who became a soldier at 12, and in 1799 at age 19 was made Lahore’s Governor by Kabul’s Zaman Shah. Three years later “he made himself master of Amritsar”, and in 1806 crossed the River Sutlej and took Ludhiana. He created a fine Sikh infantry and cavalry under former officers of Napoleon, and with 80,000 trained men and 500 guns took Multan and Peshawar, defeated the Pashtuns and overran Kashmir in 1819. The “cruel rule” of the Pashtuns ended “to the great relief of Kashmir’s inhabitants”.

The British Governor-General Minto (ancestor of the later Viceroy), seeing advantage in the Sikhs staying north of the Sutlej, sent Charles Metcalfe, “a clever young civilian”, to persuade the Khalsa; in 1809, Ranjit Singh and the British in the first Treaty of Amritsar agreed to establish “perpetual amity”: the British would “have no concern” north of the Sutlej and Ranjit Singh would keep only minor personnel south of it. In 1834 and 1838 Ranjit Singh was struck by paralysis and died in 1839, leaving no competent heir. The Sikh polity collapsed, “their power exploded, disappearing in fierce but fast flames”. It was “a period of storm and anarchy in which assassination was the rule” and the legitimate line of his son and grandson, Kharak Singh and Nao Nihal Singh was quickly extinguished. In 1845 the Queen Regent, mother of the five-year old Dalip Singh, agreed to the Khalsa ending the 1809 Treaty. After bitter battles that might have gone either way, the Khalsa lost at Sobraon on 10 February 1846, and accepted terms of surrender in the 9 March 1846 Treaty of Lahore. The kingdom had not long survived its founder: “created by the military and administrative genius of one man, it crumbled into powder when the spirit which gave it life was withdrawn; and the inheritance of the Khalsa passed into the hands of the English.”

Ranjit Singh’s influence on modern J&K was even greater through his having mentored the Rajput Gulab Singh Dogra (1792-1857) and his brothers Dhyan Singh and Suchet Singh. Jammu had been ruled by Ranjit Deo until 1780 when the Sikhs made it tributary to the Lahore Court. Gulab Singh, a great grand nephew of Ranjit Deo, had left home at age 17 in search of a soldierly fortune, and ended up in 1809 in Ranjit Singh’s army, just when Ranjit Singh had acquired for himself a free hand to expand his domains north of the River Sutlej.

Gulab Singh, an intrepid soldier, by 1820 had Jammu conferred upon him by Ranjit Singh with the title of Raja, while Bhimber, Chibal, Poonch and Ramnagar went to his brothers. Gulab Singh, “often unscrupulous and cruel, was a man of considerable ability and efficiency”; he “found his small kingdom a troublesome charge but after ten years of constant struggles he and his two brothers became masters of most of the country between Kashmir and the Punjab”, though Srinagar Valley itself remained under a separate Governor appointed by the Lahore Court. Gulab Singh extended Jammu’s rule from Rawalpindi, Bhimber, Rajouri, Bhadarwah and Kishtwar, across Laddakh and into Tibet. His General Zorawar Singh led six expeditions into Laddakh between 1834 and 1841 through Kishtwar, Padar and Zanskar. In May 1841, Zorawar left Leh with an army of 5000 Dogras and Laddakhis and advanced on Tibet. Defeating the Tibetans at Rudok and Tashigong, he reached Minsar near Lake Mansarovar from where he advanced to Taklakot (Purang), 15 miles from the borders of Nepal and Kumaon, and built a fort stopping for the winter. Lhasa sent large re-inforcements to meet him. Zorawar, deciding to take the offensive, was killed in the Battle of Toyu, on 11-12 December 1841 at 16,000 feet.

A Laddakhi rebellion resulted against Jammu, aided now by the advancing Tibetans. A new army was sent under Hari Chand suppressing the rebellion and throwing back the Tibetans, leading to a peace treaty between Lhasa and Jammu signed on 17 September 1842: “We have agreed that we have no ill-feelings because of the past war. The two kings will henceforth remain friends forever. The relationship between Maharajah Gulab Singh of Kashmir and the Lama Guru of Lhasa (Dalai Lama) is now established. The Maharajah Sahib, with God (Kunchok) as his witness, promises to recognise ancient boundaries, which should be looked after by each side without resorting to warfare. When the descendants of the early kings, who fled from Laddakh to Tibet, now return they will not be stopped by Shri Maharajah. Trade between Laddakh and Tibet will continue as usual. Tibetan government traders coming into Laddakh will receive free transport and accommodations as before, and the Laddakhi envoy will, in turn, receive the same facilities in Lhasa. The Laddakhis take an oath before God (Kunchok) that they will not intrigue or create new troubles in Tibetan territory. We have agreed, with God as witness, that Shri Maharajah Sahib and the Lama Guru of Lhasa will live together as members of the same household.” The traditional boundary between Laddakh and Tibet “as recognised by both sides since olden times” was accepted by the envoys of Gulab Singh and the Dalai Lama.

An earlier 1684 treaty between Laddakh and Lhasa had said that while Laddakh would send tribute to Lhasa every three years, “the king of Laddakh reserves to himself the village of Minsar in Ngarees-khor-sum, that he may be independent there; and he sets aside its revenue for the purpose of meeting the expense involved in keeping up the sacrificial lights at Kangree (Kailas), and the Holy Lakes of Mansarovar and Rakas Tal”. The area around Minsar village near Lake Mansarovar, held by the rulers of Laddakh since 1583, was retained by Jammu in the 1842 peace-treaty, and its revenue was received by J&K State until 1948.

After Ranjit Singh’s death in 1839, Gulab Singh was alienated from the Lahore Court where the rise of his brothers and a nephew aroused enough Khalsa jealousy to see them assassinated in palace intrigues. While the Sikhs imploded, Gulab Singh had expanded his own dominion from Rawalpindi to Minsar ~ everywhere except Srinagar Valley itself. He had apparently advised the Sikhs not to attack the British in breach of the 1809 Treaty, and when they did so he had not joined them, though had he done so British power in North India might have been broken. The British were grateful for his neutrality and also his help in their first misbegotten adventure in Afghanistan. It was Gulab Singh who was now encouraged by both the British and the Sikhs to mediate between them, indeed “to take a leading part in arranging conditions of peace”, and he formally represented the Sikh regency in the negotiations. The 9 March 1846 Treaty of Lahore “set forth that the British Government having demanded in addition to a certain assignment of territory, a payment of a crore and a half of rupees, and the Sikh Government being unable to pay the whole”, Dalip Singh “should cede as equivalent to one crore the hill country belonging to the Punjab between the Beas and the Indus including Kashmir and the Hazara”.

For the British to occupy the whole of this mountainous territory was judged unwise on economic and military grounds; it was not feasible to occupy from a military standpoint and the area “with the exception of the small Valley of Kashmir” was “for the most part unproductive”. “On the other hand, the ceded tracts comprised the whole of the hereditary possessions of Gulab Singh, who, being eager to obtain an indefeasible title to them, came forward and offered to pay the war indemnity on condition that he was made the independent ruler of Jammu & Kashmir.

A separate treaty embodying this arrangement was thus concluded between the British and Gulab Singh at Amritsar on 16 March 1846.” Gulab Singh acknowledged the British Government’s supremacy, and in token of it agreed to present annually to the British Government “one horse, twelve shawl goats of approved breed and three pairs of Kashmir shawls. This arrangement was later altered; the annual presentation made by the Kashmir State was confined to two Kashmir shawls and three romals (handkerchiefs).” The Treaty of Amritsar “put Gulab Singh, as Maharaja, in possession of all the hill country between the Indus and the Ravi, including Kashmir, Jammu, Laddakh and Gilgit; but excluding Lahoul, Kulu and some areas including Chamba which for strategic purposes, it was considered advisable (by the British) to retain and for which a remission of Rs 25 lakhs was made from the crore demanded, leaving Rs 75 lakhs as the final amount to be paid by Gulab Singh.” The British retained Hazara which in 1918 was included into NWFP. Through an intrigue emanating from Prime Minister Lal Singh in Lahore, Imamuddin, the last Sikh-appointed Governor of Kashmir, sought to prevent Gulab Singh taking possession of the Valley in accordance with the Treaty’s terms. By December 1846 Gulab Singh had done so, though only with help of a British force which included 17,000 Sikh troops “who had been fighting in the campaign just concluded”. (Contemporary British opinion even predicted Sikhism like Buddhism “would become extinct in a short time if it were not kept alive by the esprit de corps of the Sikh regiments”.)

The British in 1846 may have been glad enough to allow Gulab Singh take independent charge of the new entity that came to be now known as the “State of Jammu & Kashmir”. Later, however. they and their American allies would grow keen to control or influence the region vis-à-vis their new interests against the Russian and Soviet Empires.

FOUR
PAKISTAN’S ALLIES
by Subroto Roy First published in two parts in The Sunday Statesman, June 4 2006, The Statesman June 5 2006, Editorial Page Special Article, http://www.thestatesman.net

From the 1846 Treaty of Amritsar creating the State of Jammu & Kashmir until the collapse of the USSR in 1991, Britain and later the USA became increasingly interested in the subcontinent’s Northwest. The British came to India by sea to trade. Barren, splendid, landlocked Afghanistan held no interest except as a home of fierce tribes; but it was the source of invasions into the Indian plains and prompted a British misadventure to install Shah Shuja in place of Dost Mohammad Khan leading to ignominious defeat. Later, Afghanistan was seen as the underbelly of the Russian and Soviet empires, and hence a location of interest to British and American strategic causes.

In November 1954, US President Dwight Eisenhower authorized 30 U-2 spy aircraft to be produced for deployment against America’s perceived enemies, especially to investigate Soviet nuclear missiles which could reach the USA. Reconnaissance balloons had been unsuccessful, and numerous Western pilots had been shot down taking photographs from ordinary military aircraft. By June 1956, U-2 were making clandestine flights over the USSR and China. But on May 1 1960, one was shot or forced down over Sverdlovsk, 1,000 miles within Soviet territory. The Americans prevaricated that it had taken off from Turkey on a weather-mission, and been lost due to oxygen problems. Nikita Kruschev then produced the pilot, Francis Gary Powers, who was convicted of spying, though was exchanged later for a Soviet spy. Powers had been headed towards Norway, his task to photograph Soviet missiles from 70,000 ft, his point of origin had been an American base 20 miles from Peshawar.

America needed clandestine “forward bases” from which to fly U-2 aircraft, and Pakistan’s ingratiating military and diplomatic establishment was more than willing to offer such cooperation, fervently wishing to be seen as a “frontline state” against the USSR. “We will help you defeat the USSR and we are hopeful you will help us defeat India” became their constant refrain. By 1986, the Americans had been permitted to build air-bases in Balochistan and also use Mauripur air-base near Karachi.

Jammu & Kashmir and especially Gilgit-Baltistan adjoins the Pashtun regions whose capital has been Peshawar. In August-November 1947, a British coup d’etat against J&K State secured Gilgit-Baltistan for the new British Dominion of Pakistan.

The Treaty of Amritsar had nowhere required Gulab Singh’s dynasty to accept British political control in J&K as came to be exercised by British “Residents” in all other Indian “Native States”. Despite this, Delhi throughout the late 19th Century relentlessly pressed Gulab Singh’s successors Ranbir Singh and Partab Singh to accept political control. The Dogras acquiesced eventually. Delhi’s desire for control had less to do with the welfare of J&K’s people than with protection of increasing British interests in the area, like European migration to Srinagar Valley and guarding against Russian or German moves in Afghanistan. “Sargin” or “Sargin Gilit”, later corrupted by the Sikhs and Dogras into “Gilgit”, had an ancient people who spoke an archaic Dardic language “intermediate between the Iranian and the Sanskritic”. “The Dards were located by Ptolemy with surprising accuracy on the West of the Upper Indus, beyond the headwaters of the Swat River (Greek: Soastus) and north of the Gandarae (i.e. Kandahar), who occupied Peshawar and the country north of it. This region was traversed by two Chinese pilgrims, Fa-Hsien, coming from the north about AD 400 and Hsuan Tsiang, ascending from Swat in AD 629, and both left records of their journeys.”

Gilgit had been historically ruled by a Hindu dynasty called Trakane; when they became extinct, Gilgit Valley “was desolated by successive invasions of neighbouring rulers, and in the 20 or 30 years ending with 1842 there had been five dynastic revolutions. The Sikhs entered Gilgit about 1842 and kept a garrison there.” When J&K came under Gulab Singh, “the Gilgit claims were transferred with it, and a boundary commission was sent” by the British. In 1852 the Dogras were driven out with 2,000 dead. In 1860 under Ranbir Singh, the Dogras “returned to Gilgit and took Yasin twice, but did not hold it. They also in 1866 invaded Darel, one of the most secluded Dard states, to the south of the Gilgit basin but withdrew again.”

The British appointed a Political Agent in Gilgit in 1877 but he was withdrawn in 1881. “In 1889, in order to guard against the advance of Russia, the British Government, acting as the suzerain power of Kashmir, established the Gilgit Agency”. The Agency was re-established under control of the British Resident in Jammu & Kashmir. “It comprised the Gilgit Wazarat; the State of Hunza and Nagar; the Punial Jagir; the Governorships of Yasin, Kuh-Ghizr and Ishkoman, and Chilas”. In 1935, the British demanded J&K lease to them for 60 years Gilgit town plus most of the Gilgit Agency and the hill-states Hunza, Nagar, Yasin and Ishkuman. Hari Singh had no choice but to acquiesce. The leased region was then treated as part of British India, administered by a Political Agent at Gilgit responsible to Delhi, first through the Resident in J& K and later a British Agent in Peshawar. J& K State no longer kept troops in Gilgit and a mercenary force, the Gilgit Scouts, was recruited with British officers and paid for by Delhi. In April 1947, Delhi decided to formally retrocede the leased areas to Hari Singh’s J& K State as of 15 August 1947. The transfer was to formally take place on 1 August.

On 31 July, Hari Singh’s Governor arrived to find “all the officers of the British Government had opted for service in Pakistan”. The Gilgit Scouts’ commander, a Major William Brown aged 25, and his adjutant, a Captain Mathieson, planned openly to engineer a coup détat against Hari Singh’s Government. Between August and October, Gilgit was in uneasy calm. At midnight on 31 October 1947, the Governor was surrounded by the Scouts and the next day he was “arrested” and a provisional government declared.

Hari Singh’s nearest forces were at Bunji, 34 miles from Gilgit, a few miles downstream from where the Indus is joined by Gilgit River. The 6th J& K Infantry Battalion there was a mixed Sikh-Muslim unit, typical of the State’s Army, commanded by a Lt Col. Majid Khan. Bunji controlled the road to Srinagar. Further upstream was Skardu, capital of Baltistan, part of Laddakh District where there was a small garrison. Following Brown’s coup in Gilgit, Muslim soldiers of the 6th Infantry massacred their Sikh brothers-at-arms at Bunji. The few Sikhs who survived escaped to the hills and from there found their way to the garrison at Skardu.

On 4 November 1947, Brown raised the new Pakistani flag in the Scouts’ lines, and by the third week of November a Political Agent from Pakistan had established himself at Gilgit. Brown had engineered Gilgit and its adjoining states to first secede from J&K, and, after some talk of being independent, had promptly acceded to Pakistan. His commander in Peshawar, a Col. Bacon, as well as Col. Iskander Mirza, Defence Secretary in the new Pakistan and later to lead the first military coup détat and become President of Pakistan, were pleased enough. In July 1948, Brown was awarded an MBE (Military) and the British Governor of the NWFP got him a civilian job with ICI~ which however sent him to Calcutta, where he came to be attacked and left for dead on the streets by Sikhs avenging the Bunji massacre. Brown survived, returned to England, started a riding school, and died in 1984. In March 1994, Pakistan awarded his widow the Sitara-I-Pakistan in recognition of his coup détat.

Gilgit’s ordinary people had not participated in Brown’s coup which carried their fortunes into the new Pakistan, and to this day appear to remain without legislative representation. It was merely assumed that since they were mostly Muslim in number they would wish to be part of Pakistan ~ which also became Liaquat Ali Khan’s assumption about J&K State as a whole in his 1950 statements in North America. What the Gilgit case demonstrates is that J&K State’s descent into a legal condition of ownerless anarchy open to “Military Decision” had begun even before the Pakistani invasion of 22 October 1947 (viz. “Solving Kashmir”, The Statesman, 1-3 December 2005). Also, whatever else the British said or did with respect to J & K, they were closely allied to the new Pakistan on the matter of Gilgit.

The peak of Pakistan’s Anglo-American alliance came with the enormous support in the 1980s to guerrilla forces created and headquartered in Peshawar, to battle the USSR and Afghan communists directly across the Durand Line. It was this guerrilla war which became a proximate cause of the collapse of the USSR as a political entity in 1991. President Ronald Reagan’s CIA chief William J. Casey sent vast sums in 1985-1988 to supply and train these guerrillas. The Washington Post and New Yorker reported the CIA training guerrillas “in the use of mortars, rocket grenades, ground-to-air missiles”. 200 hand-held Stinger missiles were supplied for the first time in 1986 and the New Yorker reported Gulbudin Hikmatyar’s “Hizbe Islami” guerrillas being trained to bring down Soviet aircraft. “Mujahideen had been promised two Stingers for every Soviet aircraft brought down. Operators who failed to aim correctly were given additional training… By 1986, the United States was so deeply involved in the Afghan war that Soviet aircraft were being brought down under the supervision of American experts”. (Raja Anwar, The Tragedy of Afghanistan, 1988, p. 234).

The budding US-China détente brokered by Pakistan came into full bloom here. NBC News on 7 January 1980 said “for the first time in history (a senior State Department official) publicly admitted the possibility of concluding a military alliance between the United States and China”. London’s Daily Telegraph reported on 5 January 1980 “China is flying large supplies of arms and ammunition to the insurgents in Afghanistan. According to diplomatic reports, supplies have arrived in Pakistan from China via the Karakoram Highway…. A major build-up of Chinese involvement is underway ~ in the past few days. Scores of Chinese instructors have arrived at the Shola-e-Javed camps.”

Afghan reports in 1983-1985 said “there were eight training camps near the Afghan border operated by the Chinese in Sinkiang province” and that China had supplied the guerrillas “with a variety of weapons including 40,000 RPG-7 and 20,000 RPG-II anti tank rocket launchers.” Like Pakistan, “China did not publicly admit its involvement in the Afghan conflict: in 1985 the Chinese Mission at the UN distributed a letter denying that China was extending any kind of help to the Afghan rebels” (Anwar, ibid. p. 234). Support extended deep and wide across the Arab world. “The Saudi and Gulf rulers … became the financial patrons of the Afghan rebels from the very start of the conflict”. Anwar Sadat, having won the Nobel Peace Prize, was “keen to claim credit for his role in Afghanistan…. by joining the Afghanistan jihad, Sadat could re-establish his Islamic credentials, or so he believed. He could thus not only please the Muslim nations but also place the USA and Israel in his debt.” Sadat’s Defence Minister said in January 1980: “Army camps have been opened for the training of Afghan rebels; they are being supplied with weapons from Egypt” and Sadat told NBC News on 22 September 1981 “that for the last twenty-one months, the USA had been buying arms from Egypt for the Afghan rebels. He said he had been approached by the USA in December 1979 and he had decided to `open my stores’. He further disclosed that these arms were being flown to Pakistan from Egypt by American aircraft. Egypt had vast supplies of SAM-7 and RPG-7 anti-aircraft and anti-tank weapons which Sadat agreed to supply to Afghanistan in exchange for new American arms. The Soviet weapons, being light, were ideally suited to guerrilla warfare. … the Mujahideen could easily claim to have captured them from Soviet and Afghan troops in battle.… Khomeini’s Iran got embroiled in war (against Iraq) otherwise Kabul would also have had to contend with the full might of the Islamic revolutionaries.” (Anwar ibid. p. 235).

Afghanistan had been occupied on 26-27 December 1979 by Soviet forces sent by the decrepit Leonid Brezhnev and Yuri Andropov to carry out a putsch replacing one communist, Hafizullah Amin, with a rival communist and Soviet protégé, Babrak Karmal. By 1985 Brezhnev and Andropov were dead and Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev had begun his attempts to reform the Soviet system, usher in openness, end the Cold War and in particular withdraw from Afghanistan, which by 1986 he had termed “a bleeding wound”. Gorbachev replaced Karmal with a new protégé Najibullah Khan, who was assigned the impossible task of bringing about national reconciliation with the Pakistan-based guerrillas and form a national government. Soviet forces withdrew from Afghanistan in February 1989 having lost 14,500 dead, while more than a million Afghans had been killed since the invasion a decade earlier.

Not long after Russia’s Bolshevik Revolution, Gregory Zinoviev had said that international communism “turns today to the peoples of the East and says to them, `Brothers, we summon you to a Holy War first of all against British imperialism!’ At this there were cries of Jehad! Jehad! And much brandishing of picturesque Oriental weapons.” (Treadgold, Twentieth Century Russia, 1990, p. 213). Now instead, the Afghan misadventure had contributed to the collapse of the Soviet Empire itself, the USSR ceasing to be a political entity by 1991, and even Gorbachev being displaced by Boris Yeltsin and later Vladimir Putin in a new Russia.

What resulted for the people of the USA and Britain and the West in general was that they no longer had to live under threat of hostile Soviet tanks and missiles, while the people of Russia, Ukraine and the other erstwhile Soviet republics as well as Eastern Europe were able to throw off the yoke of communism that had oppressed them since the Bolshevik Revolution and instead to breathe the air of freedom.

What happened to the people of Afghanistan, however, was that they were plunged into further ghastly civil war for more than ten years. And what happened to the people of Pakistan was that their country was left resembling a gigantic Islamist military camp, awash with airfields, arms, ammunition and trained guerrillas, as well as a military establishment enlivened as always by perpetual hope that these supplies, provisions and personnel of war might find alternative use in attacks against India over J& K. “We helped you when you wished to see the Soviet Union defeated and withdrawing in Afghanistan”, Pakistan’s generals and diplomats pleaded with the Americans and British, “now you must help us in our wish to see India defeated and withdrawing in Kashmir”. Pakistan’s leaders even believed that just as the Soviet Union had disintegrated afterwards, the Indian Union perhaps might be made to do the same. Not only were the two cases as different as chalk from cheese, Palmerstone’s dictum there are no permanent allies in the politics of nations could not have found more apt use than in what actually came to take place next.

Pakistan’s generals and diplomats felt betrayed by the loss of Anglo-American paternalism towards them after 1989.

Modern Pakistanis had never felt they subscribed to the Indian nationalist movement culminating in independence in August 1947. The Pakistani state now finally declared its independence in the world by exploding bombs in a nuclear arsenal secretly created with help purchased from China and North Korea. Pakistan’s leaders thus came to feel in some control of Pakistan’s destiny as a nation-state for the first time, more than fifty years after Pakistan’s formal creation in 1947. If nothing else, at least they had the Bomb.

Secondly, America and its allies would not be safe for long since the civil war they had left behind in Afghanistan while trying to defeat the USSR now became a brew from which arose a new threat of violent Islamism. Osama bin Laden and the Taliban, whom Pakistan’s military and the USA had promoted, now encouraged unprecedented attacks on the American mainland on September 11 2001 ~ causing physical and psychological damage which no Soviet, Chinese or Cuban missiles ever had been allowed to do. In response, America attacked and removed the Taliban regime in Afghanistan, once again receiving the cooperative use of Pakistani manpower and real estate ~ except now there was no longer any truck with the Pakistani establishment’s wish for a quid pro quo of Anglo-American support against India on J&K. Pakistan’s generals and diplomats soon realised their Anglo-American alliance of more than a half-century ended on September 11 2001. Their new cooperation was in killing or arresting and handing over fellow-Muslims and necessarily lacked their earlier feelings of subservience and ingratiation towards the Americans and British, and came to be done instead under at least some duress. No benefit could be reaped any more in the fight against India over Jammu & Kashmir. An era had ended in the subcontinent.

FIVE

WHAT TO TELL MUSHARRAF: PEACE IS IMPOSSIBLE WITHOUT NON-AGGRESSIVE PAKISTANI INTENTIONS by Subroto Roy, First published in The Statesman December 15 2006 Editorial Page Special Article, www.thestatesman.net

In June 1989 a project at an American university involving Pakistani and other scholars, including one Indian, led to the book Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s published in Karachi, New Delhi and elsewhere. The book reached Nawaz Sharif and the Islamabad elite, and General Musharraf’s current proposal on J&K, endorsed warmly by the US State Department last week, derives from the last paragraph of its editorial introduction: “Kashmir… must be demilitarised and unified by both countries sooner or later, and it must be done without force. There has been enough needless bloodshed on the subcontinent… Modern Pakistanis and Indians are free peoples who can voluntarily agree in their own interests to alter the terms set hurriedly by Attlee or Mountbatten in the Indian Independence Act 1947. Nobody but we ourselves keeps us prisoners of superficial definitions of who we are or might be. The subcontinent could evolve its political identity over a period of time on the pattern of Western Europe, with open borders and (common) tariffs to the outside world, with the free movement of people, capital, ideas and culture. Large armed forces could be reduced and transformed in a manner that would enhance the security of each nation. The real and peaceful economic revolution of the masses of the subcontinent would then be able to begin.”

The editors as economists decried the waste of resources involved in the Pakistan-India confrontation, saying it had “greatly impoverished the general budgets of both Pakistan and India. If it has benefited important sections of the political and military elites of  both countries, it has done so only at the expense of the general welfare of the masses.”

International law

Such words may have been bold in the early 1990s but today, a decade and a half later, they seem incomplete and rather naïve even to their author, who was myself, the only Indian in that project. Most significantly, the position in international law in the context of historical facts had been wholly neglected. So had been the manifest nature of the contemporary Pakistani state.

Jammu & Kashmir became an entity in international law when the Treaty of Amritsar was signed between Gulab Singh and the British on March 16 1846. British India itself became an entity in international law much later, possibly as late as June 1919 when it signed the Treaty of Versailles. As for Pakistan, it had no existence in world history or international law until August 14 1947, when the British created it as a new entity out of certain demarcated areas of British India and gave it the status of a Dominion. British India dissolved itself on August 15 1947 and the Dominion of India became its successor-state in international law on that date. As BR Ambedkar pointed out at the time, the new India automatically inherited British India’s suzerainty over any and all remaining “princely” states of so-called “Indian India”. In case of J&K in particular, there never was any question of it being recognised as an independent entity in global international law.

The new Pakistan, by entering a Standstill Agreement with J&K as of August 15 1947, did locally recognise J&K’s sovereignty over its decision whether to join Pakistan or India. But this Pakistani recognition lasted only until the attack on J&K that commenced from Pakistani territory as of October 22 1947, an attack in which Pakistani forces were complicit (something which, in different and mutating senses, has continued ever since). The Dominion of India had indicated it might have consented if J&K’s Ruler had decided to accede to Pakistan in the weeks following the dissolution of British India. But no such thing happened: what did happen was the descent of J&K into a condition of legal anarchy.

Beginning with the Pakistani attack on J&K as of October 22 upto and including the Rape of Baramulla and the British-led Pakistani coup détat in Gilgit on one side, and the arrival of Indian forces as well as mobilization by Sheikh Abdullah and Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad of J&K’s civilians to repel the Pakistani invaders on the other side, the State of Jammu & Kashmir became an ownerless entity in international law. In Roman Law, from which all modern international and municipal law ultimately derives, the ownership of an ownerless entity is open to be determined by “military decision”. The January 1949 Ceasefire Line that came to be renamed the Line of Control after the 1971 Bangladesh War, demarcates the respective territories that the then-Dominions and later Republics of India and Pakistan acquired by “military decision” of the erstwhile State of J&K which had come to cease to exist.

What the Republic of India means by saying today that boundaries cannot be redrawn nor any populations forcibly transferred is quite simply that the division of erstwhile J&K territory is permanent, and that sovereignty over it is indivisible. It is only sheer ignorance on the part of General Musharraf’s Indian interviewer the other day which caused it to be said that Pakistan was willing to “give up” its claim on erstwhile J&K State territory which India has held: Pakistan has never had nor even made such a  claim in international law. What Pakistan has claimed is that India has been an occupier and that there are many people inhabiting the Indian area who may not wish to be Indian nationals and who are being compelled against their will to remain so ~  forgetting to add that precisely the same could be said likewise of the Pakistani-held area.

Accordingly, the lawful solution proposed in these pages a year ago to resolve that matter, serious as it is, has been that the Republic of India invite every person covered under Article 370, citizen-by- citizen, under a condition of full information, to privately and without fear decide, if he/she has not done so already, between possible Indian, Iranian, Afghan or Pakistani nationalities ~ granting rights and obligations of permanent residents to any of those persons who may choose for whatever private reason not to remain Indian nationals. If Pakistan acted likewise, the problem of J&K would indeed come to be resolved. The Americans, as self- appointed mediators, have said they wish “the people of the region to have a voice” in a solution: there can be no better expression of such voice than allowing individuals to privately choose their own nationalities and their rights and responsibilities accordingly. The issue of territorial sovereignty is logically distinct from that of the choice of nationality by individual inhabitants.

Military de-escalation

Equally significant though in assessing whether General Musharraf’s proposal is an  anachronism, is Pakistan’s history since 1947: through Ayub’s 1965 attack, the civil war and secession of Bangladesh, the Afghan war and growth of the ISI, the Kargil incursion, the 1999 coup détat, and, once or twice removed, the 9/11 attacks against America. It is not a history that allows any confidence to arise in Indians that we are not dealing with a country misgoverned by a tiny arrogant exploitative military elite who remain hell-bent on aggression against us. Like the USA and USSR twenty years ago, what we need to negotiate about, and negotiate hard about, is an overall mutual military drawdown and de-escalation appropriate to lack of aggressive intent on both sides. Is General Musharraf willing to discuss that? It would involve reciprocal verifiable assessment of one another’s reasonable military requirements on the assumption that each was not a threatening enemy of the other. That was how the USA-USSR drawdown and de-escalation occurred successfully. If General Musharraf is unwilling to enter such a discussion, there is hardly anything to talk about with him. We should wait for democracy to return.

SIX

“AN INDIAN REPLY TO PRESIDENT ZARDARI: REWARDING PAKISTAN FOR BAD BEHAVIOUR LEADS TO SCHIZOPHRENIC RELATIONSHIPS”

by Subroto Roy, December 17 2008

Pakistan President Asif Ali Zardari’s recent argument in the New York Times resembles closely the well-known publications of his ambassador to the United States, Mr Husain Haqqani. Unfortunately, this Zardari-Haqqani thesis about Pakistan’s current predicament in the world and the world’s predicament with Pakistan is shot through with clear factual and logical errors. These need to be aired because true or useful conclusions cannot be reached from mistaken premises or faulty reasoning.

1. Origins of Pakistan, India, J&K, and their mutual problems

Mr Zardari makes the following seemingly innocuous statement:

“…. the two great nations of Pakistan and India, born together from the same revolution and mandate in 1947, must continue to move forward with the peace process.”

Now as a matter of simple historical fact, the current entities in the world system known as India and Pakistan were not “born together from the same revolution and mandate in 1947”. It is palpably false to suppose they were and Pakistanis indulge in wishful thinking and self-deception about their own political history if they suppose this.

India’s Republic arose out of the British Dominion known as “India” which was the legal successor of the entity known previously in international law as “British India”. British India had had secular governance and so has had the Indian Republic.

By contrast, the Islamic Republic of Pakistan arose out of a newly created state in international law known as the British Dominion of Pakistan, consisting of designated territory carved out of British India by a British decision and coming into existence one day before British India extinguished itself. (Another new state, Bangladesh, later seceded from Pakistan.)

The British decision to create territory designated “Pakistan” had nothing to do with any anti-British “revolution” or “mandate” supported by any Pakistani nationalism because there was none. (Rahmat Ali’s anti-Hindu pamphleteering in London could be hardly considered Pakistani nationalism against British rule. Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan’s Pashtun patriots saw themselves as Indian, not Pakistani.)

To the contrary, the British decision had to do with a small number of elite Pakistanis — MA Jinnah foremost among them — demanding not to be part of the general Indian nationalist movement that had been demanding a British departure from power in the subcontinent. Jinnah’s separatist party, the Muslim League, was trounced in the 1937 provincial elections in all the Muslim-majority areas of British India that would eventually become Pakistan. Despite this, in September 1939, Britain, at war with Nazi Germany, chose to elevate the political power of Jinnah and his League to parity with the general Indian nationalist movement led by MK Gandhi. (See, Francis Robinson, in William James and Subroto Roy (eds), Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s.) Britain needed India’s mostly Muslim infantry-divisions — the progenitors of the present-day Pakistan Army — and if that meant tilting towards a risky political idea of “Pakistan” in due course, so it would be. The thesis that Pakistan arose from any kind of “revolution” or “mandate” in 1947 is fantasy — the Muslim super-elite that invented and endorsed the Pakistan idea flew from Delhi to Karachi in chartered BOAC Dakotas, caring not a hoot about the vulnerability of ordinary Muslim masses to Sikh and Hindu majority wrath and retaliation on the ground.

Modern India succeeded to the rights and obligations of British India in international law, and has had a recognized existence as a state since at least the signing of the Armistice and Treaty of Versailles in 1918-1919. India was a founding member of the United Nations, being a signatory of the 1945 San Francisco Declaration, and an original member of the Bretton Woods institutions. An idea put forward by Argentina that as of 1947 India and Pakistan were both successor states of British India was rejected by the UN (Argentina withdrew its own suggestion), and it was universally acknowledged India was already a member of the UN while Pakistan would have to (and did) apply afresh for membership as a newly created state in the UN. Pakistan’s entry into the UN had the enthusiastic backing of India and was opposed by only one existing UN member, Afghanistan, due to a conflict that continues to this day over the legitimacy of the Durand Line that bifurcated the Pashtun areas.

Such a review of elementary historical facts and the position in law of Pakistan and India is far from being of merely pedantic interest today. Rather, it goes directly to the logical roots of the conflict over the erstwhile State of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) — a state that itself originated as an entity in the world system a full century before Pakistan was to do so and more than half a century before British India did, but which would collapse into anarchy and civil war in 1947-1949.

Britain (or England) had been a major nation-state in the world system recognized since Grotius first outlined modern international law. On March 16 1846, Britain entered into a treaty, the Treaty of Amritsar, with one Gulab Singh, and the “State of Jammu & Kashmir” came to arise as a recognizable entity in international law for the first time. (See my “History of Jammu and Kashmir” published in The Statesman, Oct 29-30 2006, available elsewhere here.)

Jammu & Kashmir continued in orderly existence as a state until it crashed into legal and political anarchy and civil war a century later. The new Pakistan had entered into a “Standstill Agreement” with the State of Jammu & Kashmir as of August 15 1947. On or about October 22 1947, Pakistan unilaterally ended that Standstill Agreement and instead caused military forces from its territory to attack the State of Jammu & Kashmir along the Mansehra Road towards Baramula and Srinagar, coinciding too with an Anglo-Pakistani coup d’etat in Gilgit and Baltistan (see my “Solving Kashmir”; “Law, Justice & J&K”; “Pakistan’s Allies”, all published in The Statesman in 2005-2006 and available elsewhere here).

The new Pakistan had chosen, in all deliberation, to forswear law, politics and diplomacy and to resort to force of arms instead in trying to acquire J&K for itself via a military decision. It succeeded only partially. Its forces took and then lost both Baramula and Kargil; they may have threatened Leh but did not attempt to take it; they did take and retain Muzaffarabad and Skardu; they were never near taking the summer capital, Srinagar, though might have threatened the winter capital, Jammu.

All in all, a Ceasefire Line came to be demarcated on the military positions as of February 1 1949. After a war in 1971 that accompanied the secession of Bangladesh from Pakistan, that Ceasefire Line came to be renamed the “Line of Control” between Pakistan and India. An ownerless entity may be acquired by force of arms — the erstwhile State of Jammu & Kashmir in 1947-1949 had become an ownerless entity that had been dismembered and divided according to military decision following an armed conflict between Pakistan and India. The entity in the world system known as the “State of Jammu & Kashmir” created on March 16 1846 by Gulab Singh’s treaty with the British ceased to exist as of October 22 1947. Pakistan had started the fight over J&K but there is a general rule of conflicts that he who starts a fight does not get to finish it.

Such is the simplest and most practical statement of the history of the current problem. The British, through their own compulsions and imperial pretensions, raised all the talk about a “Lapse of Paramountcy” of the British Crown over the “Native Princes” of “Indian India”, and of how, the “Native Princes” were required to “accede” to either India or Pakistan. This ignored Britain’s own constitutional law. BR Ambedkar pointed out with unsurpassed clarity that no “Lapse of Paramountcy” was possible even for a single logical moment since “Paramountcy” over any “Native Princes” who had not joined India or Pakistan as of August 15 1947, automatically passed from British India to its legal successor, namely, the Dominion of India. It followed that India’s acquiescence was required for any subsequent accession to Pakistan – an acquiescence granted in case of Chitral and denied in case of Junagadh.

What the Republic of India means by saying today that boundaries cannot be redrawn nor any populations forcibly transferred is quite simply that the division of erstwhile J&K territory is permanent, and that sovereignty over it is indivisible. What Pakistan has claimed is that India has been an occupier and that there are many people inhabiting the Indian area who may not wish to be Indian nationals and who are being compelled against their will to remain so ~ forgetting to add that precisely the same could be said likewise of the Pakistani-held area. The lawful solution I proposed in “Solving Kashmir, “Law, Justice and J&K” and other works has been that the Republic of India invite every person covered under its Article 370, citizen-by-citizen, under a condition of full information, to privately and without fear decide, if he/she has not done so already, between possible Indian, Iranian, Afghan or Pakistani nationalities ~ granting rights and obligations of permanent residents to any of those persons who may choose for whatever private reason not to remain Indian nationals. If Pakistan acted likewise, the problem of J&K would indeed come to be resolved. The Americans, as self-appointed mediators, have said they wish “the people of the region to have a voice” in a solution: there can be no better expression of such voice than allowing individuals to privately choose their own nationalities and their rights and responsibilities accordingly. The issue of territorial sovereignty is logically distinct from that of the choice of nationality by individual inhabitants.

2. Benazir’s assassination falsely compared to the Mumbai massacres
Secondly, President Zardari draws a mistaken comparison between the assassination last year of his wife, Benazir Bhutto, and the Mumbai massacres a few weeks ago. Ms Bhutto’s assassination may resemble more closely the assassinations in India of Indira Gandhi in 1984 and Rajiv Gandhi in 1991.

Indira Gandhi died in “blowback” from the unrest she and her younger son and others in their party had opportunistically fomented among Sikh fundamentalists and sectarians since the late 1970s. Rajiv Gandhi died in “blowback” from an erroneous imperialistic foreign policy that he, as Prime Minister, had been induced to make by jingoistic Indian diplomats, a move that got India’s military needlessly involved in the then-nascent Sri Lankan civil war. Benazir Bhutto similarly may be seen to have died in “blowback” from her own political activity as prime minister and opposition leader since the late 1980s, including her own encouragement of Muslim fundamentalist forces. Certainly in all three cases, as in all assassinations, there were lapses of security too and imprudent political judgments made that contributed to the tragic outcomes.

Ms Bhutto’s assassination has next to nothing to do with the Mumbai massacres, besides the fact the perpetrators in both cases were Pakistani terrorists. President Zardari saying he himself has lost his wife to terrorism is true but not relevant to the proper diagnosis of the Mumbai massacres or to Pakistan-India relations in general. Rather, it serves to deflect criticism and condemnation of the Pakistani state’s pampered handing of Pakistan’s terrorist masterminds, as well as the gross irresponsibility of Pakistan’s military scientists (not AQ Khan) who have been recently advocating a nuclear first strike against India in the event of war.

3. Can any religious nation-state be viable in the modern world?

President Zardari’s article says:

“The world worked to exploit religion against the Soviet Union in Afghanistan by empowering the most fanatic extremists as an instrument of destruction of a superpower. The strategy worked, but its legacy was the creation of an extremist militia with its own dynamic.”

This may be overly simplistic. As pointed out in my article “Pakistan’s Allies”, Gregory Zinoviev himself after the Bolshevik Revolution had declared that international communism “turns today to the peoples of the East and says to them, ‘Brothers, we summon you to a Holy War first of all against British imperialism!’ At this there were cries of Jehad! Jehad! And much brandishing of picturesque Oriental weapons.” (Treadgold, Twentieth Century Russia, 1990, p. 213). For more than half of the 20th century, orthodox Muslims had been used by Soviet communists against British imperialism, then by the British and Americans (through Pakistan) against Soviet communism. Touché! Blowback and counter-blowback! The real question that arises from this today may be why orthodox Muslims have allowed themselves to be used either way by outside forces and have failed in developing a modern nation-state and political culture of their own. Europe and America only settled down politically after their religious wars were over. Perhaps no religious nation-state is viable in the modern world.

4. Pakistan’s behaviour leads to schizophrenia in international relations

President Zardari pleads for, or perhaps demands, resources from the world:

“the best response to the Mumbai carnage is to coordinate in counteracting the scourge of terrorism. The world must act to strengthen Pakistan’s economy and democracy, help us build civil society and provide us with the law enforcement and counterterrorism capacities that will enable us to fight the terrorists effectively.”

Six million pounds from Mr Gordon Brown, so much from here or there etc – President Zardari has apparently demanded 100 billion dollars from America and that is the price being talked about for Pakistan to dismantle its nuclear weapons and be brought under an American “nuclear umbrella” instead.

I have pointed out elsewhere that what Pakistan seems to have been doing in international relations for decades is send out “mixed messages” – i.e. contradictory signals, whether in thought, word or deed. Clinical psychologists following the work of Gregory Bateson would say this leads to confusion among Pakistan’s interlocutors (a “double bind”) and the symptoms arise of what may be found in schizophrenic relationships. (See my article “Do President-elect Obama’s Pakistan specialists believe…”; on the “double bind” theory, an article I chanced to publish in the Journal of Genetic Psychology, 1986, may be of interest).

Here are a typical set of “mixed messages” emanating from Pakistan’s government and opinion-makers:

“We have nuclear weapons
“We keep our nuclear weapons safe from any misuse or unauthorized use
“We are willing to use nuclear weapons in a first strike against India
“We do not comprehend the lessons of Hiroshima-Nagasaki
“We do not comprehend the destruction India will visit upon us if we strike them
“We are dangerous so we must not be threatened in any way
“We are peace-loving and want to live in peace with India and Afghanistan
“We love to play cricket with India and watch Bollywood movies
“We love our Pakistan Army as it is one public institution that works
“We know the Pakistan Army has backed armed militias against India in the past
“We know these militias have caused terrorist attacks
“We are not responsible for any terrorist attacks
“We do not harbour any terrorists
“We believe the world should pay us to not use or sell our nuclear weapons
“We believe the world should pay us to not encourage the terrorists in our country
“We believe the world should pay us to prevent terrorists from using our nuclear weapons
“We hate India and do not want to become like India
“We love India and want to become like India
“We are India and we are not India…”

Etc.

A mature rational responsible and self-confident Pakistan would have said instead:

“We apologise to India and other countries for the outrageous murders our nationals have committed in Mumbai and elsewhere
“We ask the world to watch how our professional army is deployed to disarm civilian and all “non-state” actors of unauthorized firearms and explosives
“We do not need and will not demand or accept a dollar in any sort of foreign aid, military or civilian, to solve our problems
“We realize our economic and political institutions are a mess and we must clean them up
“We will strive to build a society imbued with what Iqbal described as the spirit of modern times..”

As someone who created at great personal cost at an American university twenty years ago the book Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s, I have a special interest in hoping that Pakistan shall find the path of wisdom.”

My Ten Articles on China, Tibet, Xinjiang, Taiwan in relation to India (2007-2009)

nehru
I have had a close interest in China ever  since the “Peking Spring” more than thirty years ago (if not from when I gave all my saved pocket money to Nehru in 1962 to fight the Chinese aggression) but I had not published anything relating to China until 2007-2008 when I published the ten articles listed below:

“Understanding China”, The Statesman Oct 22 2007

“India-US interests: Elements of a serious Indian foreign policy”, The Statesman Oct 30 2007

“China’s India Aggression”, The Statesman, Nov 5 2007,

“Surrender or Fight? War is not a cricket match or Bollywood movie. Can India fight China if it must? “ The Statesman, Dec 4 2007

“China’s Commonwealth: Freedom is the Road to Resolving Taiwan, Tibet, Sinkiang” The Statesman, December 17, 2007

“Nixon & Mao vs India: How American foreign policy did a U-turn about Communist China’s India aggression”. The Statesman, January 7 2008.

“Lessons from the 1962 War: there are distinct Tibetan, Chinese and Indian points of view that need to be mutually comprehended,” The Statesman, January 15, 2008

“China’s India Example: Tibet, Xinjiang May Not Be Assimilated Like Inner Mongolia, Manchuria”, The Statesman, March 25, 2008

“China’s force and diplomacy: The need for realism in India”, The Statesman, May 31, 2008

“Transparency and history” (with Claude Arpi), Business Standard, Dec 31 2008

With new tensions on the Tibet-India border apparently being caused by the Chinese military, these may be helpful for India to determine a Plan B, or even a Plan A, in its dealings with Communist China.

See also https://independentindian.com/1990/09/18/my-meeting-jawaharlal-nehru-2/

https://independentindian.com/2009/11/25/on-the-zenith-and-nadir-of-us-india-relations/

scan0010

The BBC retrogresses once more in its knowledge of history & geography

On March 30 this year, I was finally able to congratulate the BBC for having retracted its prevarication about Jammu & Kashmir.  Unfortunately, it has retrogressed again!  Today’s broadcast at 1530 Indian Standard Time of purported world news showed a purported map of the Indian Republic without J&K.   Time for the GoI to make some phone calls again please!

Subroto Roy

 

Seventy Years Today Since the British Government Politically Empowered MA Jinnah (2009)

Seventy Years Today Since the British Government Politically Empowered MA Jinnah

by

Subroto Roy

The bloated armies of Indian and Pakistani historians and pseudo-historians have failed to recognize the significance of the precise start of the Second World War upon the fortunes of the subcontinent.  Yet, twenty years ago, in the book I and WE James created at an American university, Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s (now in pdf), one of our authors, Professor Francis Robinson of the University of London, had set out the principal facts most clearly as to what flowed from the September 4 1939 empowerment of MA Jinnah by the British Government.

Germany invaded Poland on September 1 1939 and Britain declared war on Germany on September 3. The next day, Linlithgow, the British Viceroy in India, started to treat MA Jinnah’s Muslim League on par with the Congress’s nationalist movement led by MK Gandhi. Until September 4 1939, the British “had had little time for Jinnah and his League. The Government’s declaration of war on Germany on 3 September, however, transformed the situation. A large part of the army was Muslim, much of the war effort was likely to rest on the two Muslim majority provinces of Punjab and Bengal. The following day, the Viceroy invited Jinnah for talks on an equal footing with Gandhi” (Robinson, in James & Roy (eds) Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy 1989, 1992).

Jinnah himself was amazed by the new British attitude towards him: “suddenly there was a change in the attitude towards me. I was treated on the same basis as Mr Gandhi. I was wonderstruck why all of a sudden I was promoted and given a place side by side with Mr Gandhi.”

Jinnah’s political weakness had been made obvious by the electoral defeats the Muslim League had suffered in the 1937 elections in the very provinces which more or less came to constitute West Pakistan and today constitute modern Pakistan. Britain, at war with Germany and soon Japan, was faced with the intransigence of the Congress leadership.  It was unsurprising this would contribute to the British tilt empowering Congress’s declared adversary, Jinnah and the Muslim League, and hence make credible the possibility of the Pakistan that they had demanded:

“As the Congress began to demand immediate independence, the Viceroy took to reassuring Jinnah that Muslim interests would be safeguarded in any constitutional change. Within a few months, he was urging the League to declare a constructive policy for the future, which was of course presented in the Lahore Resolution. In their August 1940 offer, the British confirmed for the benefit of Muslims that power would not be transferred against the will of any significant element in Indian life. And much the same confirmation was given in the Cripps offer nearly two years later…. Throughout the years 1940 to 1945, the British made no attempt to tease out the contradictions between the League’s two-nation theory, which asserted that Hindus and Muslims came from two different civilisations and therefore were two different nations, and the Lahore Resolution, which demanded that ‘Independent States’ should be constituted from the Muslim majority provinces of the NE and NW, thereby suggesting that Indian Muslims formed not just one nation but two. When in 1944 the governors of Punjab and Bengal urged such a move on the Viceroy, Wavell ignored them, pressing ahead instead with his own plan for an all-India conference at Simla. The result was to confirm, as never before in the eyes of leading Muslims in the majority provinces, the standing of Jinnah and the League. Thus, because the British found it convenient to take the League seriously, everyone had to as well—Congressmen, Unionists, Bengalis, and so on….”(Robinson in James & Roy (eds) Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy,  pp. 43-44).

Even British socialists who were sympathetic to Indian aspirations, would grow cold when the Congress seemed to abjectly fail to appreciate Britain’s predicament during war with Germany and Japan (Gandhi, for example, dismissing the 1942 Cripps offer as a “post-dated cheque on a failing bank”).

By the 1946 elections, Muslim mass opinion had changed drastically to seem to be strongly in favour of the creation of a Pakistan. The intervening years were the ones when urban mobs all over India could be found shouting the League’s slogans: “Larke lenge Pakistan; Marke lenge Pakistan, Khun se lenge Pakistan; Dena hoga Pakistan; Leke rahenge Pakistan” (We will spill blood to take Pakistan, you will have to yield a Pakistan.)

Events remote from India’s history and geography, namely, the rise of Hitler and the Second World War, had contributed between 1937 and 1947 to the change of fortunes of the Muslim League and hence of all the people of the subcontinent.

The British had long discovered that the mutual antipathy between Muslims and Hindus could be utilised in fashioning their rule; specifically that the organisation and mobilisation of Muslim communal opinion in the subcontinent was a useful counterweight to any pan-Indian nationalism which might emerge to compete with British authority. As early as 1874, well before Allan Octavian Hume, ICS, had conceived the Indian National Congress, John Strachey, ICS, was to observe “The existence side by side of these (Hindu and Muslim) hostile creeds is one of the strong points in our political position in India. The better classes of Mohammedans are a source of strength to us and not of weakness. They constitute a comparatively small but an energetic minority of the population whose political interests are identical with ours.” By 1906, when a deputation of Muslims headed by the Aga Khan first approached the British pleading for communal representation, Minto the Viceroy replied: “I am as firmly convinced as I believe you to be that any electoral representation in India would be doomed to mischievous failure which aimed at granting a personal enfranchisement, regardless of the beliefs and traditions of the communities composing the population of this Continent.” Minto’s wife wrote in her diary that the effect was “nothing less than the pulling back of sixty two millions of (Muslims) from joining the ranks of the seditious opposition.” (The true significance of MAK Azad may have been that he, precisely at the same time, did indeed feel within himself the nationalist’s desire for freedom strongly enough to want to join the ranks of that seditious opposition.)

If a pattern emerges as to the nature of the behaviour of the British political state with respect to the peoples of this or similar regions, it is precisely the economic one of rewarding those loyal to them who had protected or advanced their interests, and penalising those perceived to be acting against their will. It is wishful to think  of members of the British political state as benevolent paternalists, who met with matching deeds their often philanthropic words about promoting the general welfare of their colonial wards or subordinate allies. The slogan “If you are not with us you are against us” that has come to be used by many from the Shining Path Maoists of Peru to President George W. Bush, had been widely applied already by the British in India, especially in the form “If you dare not to be with us, we will be certainly with your adversaries”. It came to be used with greatest impact on the subcontinent’s fortunes in 1939 when Britain found itself reluctantly at war with Hitler’s Germany.

British loyalties lay with those who had been loyal to them.

Hence in the “Indian India” of the puppet princes, Hari Singh and other “Native Princes” who had sent troops to fight as part of the British armies would be treated with a pusillanimity and grandeur so as to flatter their vanities, Sheikh Abdullah’s rebellion representing the Muslim masses of the Kashmir Valley would be ignored. And in British India, Jinnah the conservative Anglophile and his elitist Muslim League would be backed, while the radicalised masses of the Gandhi-Bose-Nehru Congress would have to be suppressed as a nuisance.

(Similarly, much later, Pakistan’s bemedalled army generals would be backed by the United States against Mujibur Rehman’s impoverished student-rebels, and India’s support frowned upon regardless of how just the Bangladeshi cause.)

Altruism is a limited quality in all human affairs, never more scarce than in relations between nations. In “Pakistan’s Allies”, I showed how the strategic interests of Britain, and later Britain’s American ally, came to evolve in the Northwest of the subcontinent ever since the 1846 Treaty of Amritsar as long as a Russian and later a Soviet empire had existed. A similar evolution of British domestic interests in India is distinctly observable in British support for the Pakistan Movement itself, leading on August 14 1947 to the creation of the new Dominion of Pakistan.

Sheikh Abdullah’s democratic urges or  Nehru’s Indian nationalism or the general welfare of the subcontinent’s people had no appeal as such to the small and brittle administrative machinery in charge of Britain’s Indian Empire — even though individual Britons had come to love, understand and explain India for the permanent benefit of her people. This may help to explain how Britain’s own long democratic traditions at home could often be found so wonderful by Indians yet the actions of the British state abroad so incongruent with them.

 

Eleven days and counting after the 15th Lok Sabha was elected and still no Parliament of India! (But we do have 79 Ministers — might that be a world record?)

A lawyer friend tells me she thinks it a “technicality” that there is no Lok Sabha or Parliament in India today despite eleven long days and nights having passed since the 15th Lok Sabha came to be elected by the people of India.  “At least we did not get Advani and Modi to rule”, is how she sought to justify the current circumstance.   I am afraid I think she has produced a non sequitur, and also forgotten the constitutional law she would have read as a student.

The best argument that I think the Government of India shall be able to give justifying their legal error in not having the 15th Lok Sabha up and running yet 11 days after India’s people have spoken would run something like this:

(1) The President of India invites a Council of Ministers led by a PM to form the government and has done so.

(2) The President must be satisfied that the PM commands a majority in the Lok Sabha, and the President has been satisfied by the 322  “letters of support” that the PM produced.

(3) The Government of the day calls parliamentary sessions and does so at its discretion, and the Government of the day headed by this PM has announced when it shall call the 15th Lok Sabha which will be in a few days yet.

Any such argument, I am afraid, would be specious because it simply puts the cart before the horse.

Parliament is sovereign in India, to repeat what I have said several times before.

Parliament is sovereign in India — not even the President who is the symbol of that sovereignty.  We do not follow the British quite exactly in this because we are a republic and not a monarchy.  In Britain sovereignty rests with “The King in Parliament”.  With us, Parliament is sovereign and the President is the symbol of that sovereignty.  In all matters of state, our President must act in a manner that Parliament and parliamentary law says.

Parliament is sovereign in India — not the Executive Government, certainly not its largest political party or its leader.

Parliament is sovereign in India because the people of India have chosen it to be so within the Constitution of India.

Parliament is sovereign in India and the people of India have elected the 15th Lok Sabha which has still not been allowed to meet eleven days later.

To the contrary, as noted days ago, the purported “Cabinet” of the 14th Lok Sabha, a dead institution, met on May 18 2009, some 48 hours after the 15th Lok Sabha had already been declared!   The 14th Lok Sabha in fact stood automatically dissolved in law when General Elections came to be announced.

Is all this merely a “technicality” as my friend believes?  I think not.

Executive Government in India derives its political legitimacy from being elected  by Parliament,  i.e., from holding the confidence of Parliament, and that means the Lok Sabha.

The Government of the day might  for sake of convenience have a prerogative of calling sessions of the 15th Lok Sabha once it has been constituted but the Government of the day cannot logically constitute a Lok Sabha after a General Election because it itself receives legitimacy from such a Lok Sabha.

If the 15th Lok Sabha has not met, confidence in any Executive has yet to be recorded, and hence any such Government has yet to receive legitimacy.

Do “322 letters of support” suffice?  Hardly.  They are signed after all by persons who have yet to take their seats in the Lok Sabha!  (Let us leave aside the fact that the PM, not being a member of the Lok Sabha, is in this case unable to be one of those 322 himself!)

Yet we have 79 “Ministers” of this new “Government” holding press-conferences and giving out free-bees and favours etc already.  As I have said before, Ambedkar, Nehru and others of their generation, plus Indira and Rajiv too, would all have been appalled.

Because the incompetence of the fascists and communists in the Opposition may continue to  be expected, it will be up to ordinary citizens and voters of India to point out such  simple truths whenever the Emperor is found to be naked.  (Our docile juvenile ingratiating media may well remain mostly hopeless.)

Subroto Roy

Why does India not have a Parliament ten days after the 15th Lok Sabha was elected? Nehru and Rajiv would both have been appalled (2009)

see too

Why has the Sonia Congress done something that the Congress under Nehru-Indira-Rajiv would not have done, namely, exaggerate the power of the Rajya Sabha and diminish the power of the Lok Sabha?

There are at least three Supreme Court lawyers, all highly voluble, among the higher echelons of Congress Party politicians; it is surprising that not one of them has been able to get the top Party leadership of Sonia Gandhi and Manmohan Singh to see the apparent breach of normal constitutional law in Parliament not having met more than 10 days after it was elected.

A Government has been formed, Ministers have entered their offices and have been holding press-conferences and taking executive decisions,  wannabe-Ministers continue to be wrangling night-and-day for the plums of office — BUT THERE IS NO PARLIAMENT!

Today is the death-anniversary of Jawaharlal Nehru and last week was the death anniversary of  Rajiv Gandhi.

Nehru, whatever his faults and infirmities, was an outstanding parliamentarian and a believer in the Westminster model in particular.  He was intimately familiar with its  unpoken customs and unwritten laws.   He would have been completely appalled by the situation today where luminaries of the party that goes by the  same name as the one he had led are paying obeisance to his memory 45 years after his death but have failed to see the absurdity in having a Government in office with no new Parliament ten days after a month-long General Election was over!  (Incidentally, had he not left explicit instructions against any hero-worship  taking place of himself too?)

Rajiv knew his grandfather and had acquired a sense of noblesse oblige from him.  He too would have been appalled that the procedural business of government  had been simply  procrastinated over like this.

It surprises me that Dr Manmohan Singh, having been a post-graduate of Cambridge, having earned a doctorate from Oxford, and more recently having been awarded honorary doctorates from both Ancient Universities, should seem so unaware of the elements of the Westminster model of  constitutional jurisprudence which guides our polity too.

It is too late now and the mistakes have been made.   I hope his  new Government will  come to realise at some point and then keep in mind that our Executive receives political legitimacy from Parliament, not vice versa.   An Executive can hardly be legitimately in office until the  Parliament that is supposed to elect it has been sworn in.

As for our putative Opposition in the Parliament-yet-to-meet, it seems to have drawn a blank too, and eo ipso revealed its own constitutional backwardness and lethargy.

Subroto Roy

How tightly will organised Big Business be able to control economic policies this time?

The power of organised Big Business over New Delhi’s economic policies (whether Congress-led or BJP-led) was signalled by the presence in the audience at Rashtrapati Bhavan last week of several prominent lobbyists when Dr Manmohan Singh and his senior-most Cabinet colleagues were being sworn-in by the President of India. Why were such witnesses needed at such an auspicious national occasion?

Organised Big Business (both private sector and public sector) along with organised Big Labour (whose interests are represented most ably by New Delhi’s official communist parties like the CPI-M and CPI), are astutely aware of how best to advance their own economic interests; this usually gets assisted nicely enough through clever use of our comprador English-language TV, newspaper and magazine media. Shortly after the election results, lobbyists were all over commercial TV proposing things like FDI in insurance and airports etc– as if that was the meaning of the Sonia-Rahul mandate or were issues of high national priority. A typical piece of such “pretend-economics” appears in today’s business-press from a formerly Leftist Indian bureaucrat: “With its decisive victory, the new Manmohan Singh government should at last be able to implement the required second generation reforms. Their lineaments (sic) are well known and with the removal of the Left’s veto, many of those stalled in the legislature as well as those which were forestalled can now be implemented. These should be able to put India back on a 9-10 per cent per annum growth rate…”

Today’s business-press also reports that the new Government is planning to create a fresh “Disinvestment Ministry” and Dr Singh’s chief economic policy aide is “a frontrunner among the names short-listed to head the new ministry” with Cabinet rank.

Now if any enterprising doctoral student was to investigate the question, I think the evidence would show that I, and I alone – not even BR Shenoy or AD Shroff or Jagdish Bhagwati — may have been the first among Indian economists to have argued in favour of the privatisation of India’s public sector. I did so precisely 25 years ago in Pricing, Planning and Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India, which was so unusual for its time that it attracted the lead editorial of The Times of London on the day it was published May 29 1984, and had its due impact on Indian economic policy then and since, as has been described elsewhere here.  In 1990-1991 while with Rajiv Gandhi, I had floated an idea of literally giving away shares of the public sector to the public that owned it (as several other countries had been doing at that time), specifically perhaps giving them to the poorest panchayats in aid of their development.  In 2004-2005, upon returning to Britain after many years, I helped create the book Margaret Thatcher’s Revolution: How it Happened and What it Meant, and Margaret Thatcher if anyone was a paragon of privatisation.

That being said, I have to say I think a new Indian policy of creating a Ministry to privatise India’s public sector is probably a very BAD idea indeed in present circumstances — mainly because it will be driven by the interests of the organised Big Business lobbies that have so profoundly and subtly been able to control the New Delhi Government’s behaviour in recent decades.

Such lobbyist control is exercised often without the Government even realising or comprehending its parameters. For example, ask yourself: Is there any record anywhere of Dr Manmohan Singh, in his long career as a Government economist and then as a Rajya Sabha MP, having ever proposed before 2004-2005 that nuclear reactors were something vitally important to India’s future? And why do you suppose the most prominent Indian business lobby spent a million dollars and registered itself as an official lobbyist in Washington DC to promote the nuclear deal among American legislators? Because Big Business was feeling generous and altruistic towards the “energy security” of the ordinary people of India? Hardly.  Indian Big Business calculates and acts in its own interests, as is only to be expected under economic assumptions; those interests are frequently camouflaged by their lobbyist and media friends into seeming to be economic policy for the country as a whole.

Now our Government every year produces paper rupees and bank deposits in  practically unlimited amounts to pay for its practically unlimited deficit financing, and it has behaved thus over decades. Why we do not hear about this at all is because the most prominent Government economists themselves remain clueless — sometimes by choice, mostly by sheer ignorance — about the nature of the macroeconomic process that they are or have been part of.  (See my  “India’s Macroeconomics”, “The Dream Team: A Critique” etc elsewhere here). As for the Opposition’s economists, the less said about the CPI-M’s economists the better while the BJP, poor thing, has absolutely no economists at all!

Briefly speaking, Indian Big Business has acquired an acute sense of this long-term nominal/paper expansion of India’s economy, and as a result acts towards converting wherever possible its own hoards of paper rupees and rupee-denominated assets into more valuable portfolios for itself of real or durable assets, most conspicuously including hard-currency denominated assets, farm-land and urban real-estate, and, now, the physical assets of the Indian public sector. Such a path of trying to transform local domestic paper assets – produced unlimitedly by Government monetary and fiscal policy and naturally destined to depreciate — into real durable assets, is a privately rational course of action to follow in an inflationary economy.  It is not rocket-science  to realise the long-term path of the Indian rupee is downwards in comparison to the hard-currencies of the world – just compare our money supply growth and inflation rates with those of the rest of the world.

The Statesman of November 15 2006 had a lead editorial titled Government’s land-fraud: Cheating peasants in a hyperinflation-prone economy. It said:

“There is something fundamentally dishonourable about the way the Centre, the state of West Bengal and other state governments are treating the issue of expropriating peasants, farm-workers, petty shop-keepers etc of their small plots of land in the interests of promoters, industrialists and other businessmen. Singur may be but one example of a phenomenon being seen all over the country: Hyderabad, Karnataka, Kerala, Haryana, everywhere. So-called “Special Economic Zones” will merely exacerbate the problem many times over. India and its governments do not belong only to business and industrial lobbies, and what is good for private industrialists may or may not be good for India’s people as a whole. Economic development does not necessarily come to be defined by a few factories or high-rise housing complexes being built here or there on land that has been taken over by the Government, paying paper-money compensation to existing stakeholders, and then resold to promoters or industrialists backed by powerful political interest-groups on a promise that a few thousand new jobs will be created. One fundamental problem has to do with inadequate systems of land-description and definition, implementation and recording of property rights. An equally fundamental problem has to do with fair valuation of land owned by peasants etc. in terms of an inconvertible paper-money. Every serious economist knows that “land” is defined as that specific factor of production and real asset whose supply is fixed and does not increase in response to its price. Every serious economist also knows that paper-money is that nominal asset whose price can be made to catastrophically decline by a massive increase in its supply, i.e. by Government printing more of the paper it holds a monopoly to print. For Government to compensate people with paper-money it prints itself by valuing their land on the basis of an average of the price of the last few years, is for Government to cheat them of the fair present-value of the land. That present-value of land must be calculated in the way the present-value of any asset comes to be calculated, namely, by summing the likely discounted cash-flows of future values. And those future values should account for the likelihood of a massive future inflation causing decline in the value of paper-money in view of the fact we in India have a domestic public debt of some Rs. 30 trillion (Rs. 30 lakh crore) and counting, and money supply growth rates averaging 16-17% per annum. In fact, a responsible Government would, given the inconvertible nature of the rupee, have used foreign exchange or gold as the unit of account in calculating future-values of the land. India’s peasants are probably being cheated by their Government of real assets whose value is expected to rise, receiving nominal paper assets in compensation whose value is expected to fall.”

Mamata Banerjee started her famous protest fast-unto-death in Kolkata not long afterwards, riveting the nation’s attention in the winter of 2006-2007.

What goes for the government buying land on behalf of its businessman friends also goes, mutatis mutandis, for the public sector’s real assets being bought up by the private sector using domestic paper money in a potentially hyperinflationary economy.  If Dr Singh’s new Government wishes to see real public sector assets being sold, let the Government seek to value these assets not in inconvertible rupees which the Government itself has been producing in unlimited quantities but rather in forex or gold-units instead!

Today’s headline says “Short of cash, govt. plans to revive disinvestment ministry”. Big Business’s powerful lobbies will suggest  that real public assets must be sold  (to whom? to organised Big Business of course!) in order to solve the grave fiscal problems in an inflationary economy caused precisely by those grave  fiscal problems! What I said in 2002 at IndiaSeminar may still be found to apply: I said the BJP’s privatisation ideas “deserve to be condemned…because they have made themselves believe that the proceeds of selling the public sector should merely go into patching up the bleeding haemorrhage which is India’s fiscal and monetary situation… (w)hile…Congress were largely responsible for that haemorrhage to have occurred in the first place.”

If the new Government would like to know how to proceed more wisely, they need to read and grasp, in the book edited by myself and Professor John Clarke in 2004-2005, the chapter by Professor Patrick Minford on Margaret Thatcher’s fiscal and monetary policy (macroeconomics) before they read the chapter by Professor Martin Ricketts on Margaret Thatcher’s privatisation (microeconomics).  India’s fiscal and monetary or macroeconomic problems are far worse today than Britain’s were when Thatcher came in.

During the recent Election Campaign, I contrasted Dr Singh’s flattering praise in 2005 of the CPI-M’s Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee with Sonia Gandhi’s pro-Mamata line in 2009 saying the CPI-M had taken land away from the poor.  This may soon signal a new fault-line in the new Cabinet too on economic policy with respect to not only land but also public sector privatisation – with Dr Singh’s pro-Big Business acolytes on one side and Mamata Banerjee’s stance in favour of small-scale unorganised business and labour on the other.  Party heavyweights like Dr Singh himself and Sharad Pawar and Pranab Mukherjee will weigh in one side or the other with Sonia being asked in due course to referee.

I personally am delighted to see the New Rahul Gandhi deciding not to be in Government and to instead reflect further on the “common man” and “common woman” about whom I had described his father talking to me on September 18 1990 at his home. Certainly the “aam admi” is not someone to be found among India’s organised Big Business or organised Big Labour nor their paid lobbyists in the big cities.

Subroto Roy

Posted in Academic research, AD Shroff, Asia and the West, Big Business and Big Labour, BR Shenoy, Britain, Britain in India, British history, Economic Policy, Economic quackery, Economic Theory, Economics of exchange controls, Economics of Public Finance, Economics of real estate valuation, Financial Management, Financial markets, Foreign exchange controls, Government Budget Constraint, Government of India, India's Big Business, India's Banking, India's bureaucracy, India's Capital Markets, India's corporate finance, India's corporate governance, India's corruption, India's currency history, India's Economic History, India's Economy, India's Government Budget Constraint, India's Government Expenditure, India's Industry, India's inflation, India's Macroeconomics, India's Monetary & Fiscal Policy, India's nomenclatura, India's peasants, India's political lobbyists, India's Politics, India's pork-barrel politics, India's poverty, India's Public Finance, Inflation, Land and political economy, Macroeconomics, Mamata Banerjee, Manmohan Singh, Margaret Thatcher, Margaret Thatcher's Revolution, Martin Ricketts, Mendacity in politics, Microeconomics, Monetary Theory, Money and banking, Mumbai financial world, New Delhi, Patrick Minford, Political cynicism, Political Economy, Political mendacity, Political Science, Politics, Pork-barrel politics, Power-elites and nomenclatura, Practical wisdom, Principal-agent problem, Privatisation, Public Choice/Public Finance, Public property waste fraud, Rajiv Gandhi, Rational decisions, Singur and Nandigram, Sonia Gandhi, Statesmanship, The Statesman, The Times (London), University of Buckingham. Leave a Comment »

Why has the Sonia Congress done something that the Congress under Nehru-Indira-Rajiv would not have done, namely, exaggerate the power of the Rajya Sabha and diminish the power of the Lok Sabha?

We in India did not invent the idea of Parliament, the British did.  Even the British did not invent the idea of a “Premier Ministre”, the French did that, though the British came to develop its meaning most.  Because these are not our own inventions, when something unusual happens in contemporary India to political entities and offices known as “Parliament”, “Prime Minister” etc, contrast and comparison is inevitable with standards and practices that have prevailed around the world in other parliamentary democracies.

Indeed we in India did not even fully invent the idea of our own Parliament though the national struggle led by the original Indian National Congress caused it to come to be invented.  The Lok Sabha is the outcome of a long and distinguished constitutional and political history from the Morley-Minto reforms a century ago to the Montagu-Chelmsford reforms and Government of India Act of 1919 to the Government of India Act of 1935 and the first general elections of British India in 1937 (when Jawaharlal Nehru briefly became PM for the first time) and in due course the 1946 Constituent Assembly.   Out of all this emerged the 1950 Constitution of India, drafted by that brilliant jurist BR Ambedkar as well as other sober intelligent well-educated and dedicated men and women of his time, and thence arose our first Lok Sabha following the 1951 General Elections.

About the Lok Sabha’s duties, I said in my March 30 2006 article “Logic of Democracy” in The Statesman

“What are Lok Sabha Members and State MLAs legitimately required to be doing in caring for their constituents? First of all, as a body as a whole, they need to elect the Government, i.e. the Executive Branch, and to hold it accountable in Parliament or Assembly. For example, the Comptroller and Auditor General submits his reports directly to the House, and it is the duty of individual legislators to put these to good use in controlling the Government’s waste, fraud or abuse of public resources.   Secondly, MPs and MLAs are obviously supposed to literally represent their individual constituencies in the House, i.e. to bring the Government and the House’s attention to specific problems or contingencies affecting their constituents as a whole, and call for the help, funds and sympathy of the whole community on their behalf.  Thirdly, MPs and MLAs are supposed to respond to pleas and petitions of individual constituents, who may need the influence associated with the dignity of their office to get things rightly done. For example, an impoverished orphan lad once needed surgery to remove a brain tumour; a family helping him was promised the free services of a top brain surgeon if a hospital bed and operating theatre could be arranged. It was only by turning to the local MLA that the family were able to get such arrangements made, and the lad had his tumour taken out at a public hospital. MPs and MLAs are supposed to vote for and create public goods and services, and to use their moral suasion to see that existing public services actually do get to reach the public.”

What about the Rajya Sabha?  I said in the same article:

“Rajya Sabha Members are a different species altogether. Most if not all State Legislative Councils have been abolished, and sadly the present nature of the Rajya Sabha causes similar doubts to arise about its utility. The very idea of a Rajya Sabha was first mooted in embryo form in an 1888 book A History of the Native States of India, Vol I. Gwalior, whose author also advocated popular constitutions for the “Indian India” of the “Native States” since “where there are no popular constitutions, the personal character of the ruler becomes a most important factor in the government… evils are inherent in every government where autocracy is not tempered by a free constitution.”  When Victoria was declared India’s “Empress” in 1877, a “Council of the Empire” was mooted but had remained a non-starter even until the 1887 Jubilee. An “Imperial Council” was now designed of the so-called “Native Princes”, which came to evolve into the “Chamber of Princes” which became the “Council of the States” and the Rajya Sabha.  It was patterned mostly on the British and not the American upper house except in being not liable to dissolution, and compelling periodic retirement of a third of members. The American upper house is an equal if not the senior partner of the lower house. Our Rajya Sabha follows the British upper house in being a chamber which is duty-bound to oversee any exuberance in the Lok Sabha but which must ultimately yield to it if there is any dispute.  Parliament in India’s democracy effectively means the Lok Sabha — where every member has contested and won a direct vote in his/her constituency. The British upper house used to have an aristocratic hereditary component which Tony Blair’s New Labour Government has now removed, so it has now been becoming more like what the Rajya Sabha was supposed to have been like.”

The Canadian upper house is similar to ours in intent: a place for “sober second thought” intended to curb the “democratic excesses” of the lower house.   In the Canadian, British, Australian, Irish and our own cases, the Prime Minister, as the chief executive of the lower house has immense indirect power over the upper house, whether in appointing members or even, in the Australian case, dissolving the entire upper house if he/she wishes.

Now yesterday apparently Shrimati Sonia Gandhi, as the duly elected leader of the largest political party in the 15th Lok Sabha, accompanied by Dr Manmohan Singh, as her party’s choice for the position of Prime Minister, went to see the President of India where the Hon’ble President apparently appointed Dr Singh to be the Prime Minister of India – meaning the Prime Minister of the 15th Lok Sabha, except that Dr Singh is not a member of the Lok Sabha and apparently has had no intent of becoming one.

In 2004 Shrimati Gandhi had declined to accept an invitation to become PM and instead effectively recommended Dr Singh to be PM despite his not being a member of the Lok Sabha nor intending to be so.   This exploited a constitutional loophole to the extent that the drafters of our 1950 Constitution happened not to have explicitly stated that the PM must be from the Lok Sabha.  But the reason the founders of our democratic polity such as BR Ambedkar and Jawaharlal Nehru did not specify that the PM must be from the Lok Sabha was quite simply that it was a matter of complete obviousness to them and to their entire generation that this must be so — it would have been  appalling to them and something beyond their wildest imagination that a later generation, namely our own, would exploit such a loophole and allow a PM to be appointed who is not a member of the Lok Sabha and intends not to be so.

Ambedkar, Nehru and all others of their time knew fully well that the history and intended purpose of the Lok Sabha was completely different from the history and intended purpose of the Rajya Sabha.  They knew too fully well that Lord Curzon had been explicitly denied the leadership of Britain’s Tory Party in 1922 because that would have made him a potential PM  when he was not prepared to be a member of the House of Commons.  That specific precedent culminated a centuries’-old  democratic trend of  political power flowing from monarchs to lords to commoners, and has governed all parliamentary democracies  worldwide ever since — until Dr Singh’s appointment in 2004.

When such an anomalous situation once arose in Britain, Lord Home resigned his membership of the House of Lords to contest a House of Commons seat as Sir Alec Douglas Home so that he could be PM in a manner consistent with parliamentary law.

Dr Singh instead for five years remained PM of India while not being a member of the Lok Sabha.  Even if reasons and exigencies of State could have been cited for such an anomalous situation during his first term, there was really no such reason for him not to contest the 2009 General Election if he wished to be the Congress Party’s prime ministerial candidate a second time.  Numerous Rajya Sabha members alongside him have contested Lok Sabha seats this time, and several have won.

As of today, Dr Singh is due to be sworn in tomorrow as Prime Minister for a second term while still having no declared intention of resigning from the Rajya Sabha and contesting a Lok Sabha seat instead.   What the present-day Congress has done is elect him the leader of the “Congress Parliamentary Party” and claim that it is in such a capacity that he received the invitation to be Prime Minister of India.   But surely if the question had been asked to the Congress Party under Nehru or Indira or Rajiv: “Can you foresee a circumstance ever in which the PM of India is not a member of the Lok Sabha?” their answer in each case would have been a categorical and resounding  “no”.

So the question does arise why the Congress under Sonia Gandhi has with deliberation allowed such an anomalous situation to develop.  Its effect is to completely distort the trends of relative political power between the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha.  On the one hand, the Lok Sabha’s power is deliberately made to diminish as the chief executive of the Government of India shall not be from the Lok Sabha but from “the other place” despite the Lok Sabha having greater political legitimacy by having been directly elected by India’s people.   This sets a precedent that  might  get repeated in India  in the future but which contradicts the worldwide trend in parliamentary democracies over decades and centuries in precisely the opposite direction –  of power flowing in the direction of the people not away from them.   On the other hand, the fact this anomalous idea has been pioneered by the elected leader of the largest political party in the Lok Sabha while her PM is in the Rajya Sabha causes a member of the lower house to have unexpected control over the upper house when the latter is supposed to be something of an independent check on the former!

It all really seems an unnecessary muddle and a jumbling up of normal constitutional law and parliamentary procedure.  The Sonia-Manmohan Government at the outset of its second term should hardly want to be seen by history as having set a poor precedent using brute force.  The situation can be corrected with the utmost ease by following the Alec Douglas Home example, with Dr Singh being given a relatively safe seat to contest as soon as possible, if necessary by some newly elected Congress MP resigning and allowing a bye-election to be called.

Subroto Roy

Memo to the Hon’ble President of India (May 16, 2009)

H.E. The Hon’ble Shrimati Pratibha Patil

President of India

Your Excellency,

As India is fortunately a Republic and not a Monarchy, we do not have  a “Kissing Hands Ceremony”  where “the monarch invites the incoming prime minister to form a government and swear allegiance to the throne”.

While we do not have such a ceremony literally, we do have its republican equivalent in the well-established constitutional custom of the President of India after a General Election inviting one person to be Prime Minister and to form the new  Government.

It soon shall be your solemn duty to invite such a new Prime Minister of India to form the Government.

Given the results of the 15th General Elections to the Lok Sabha, that invitation may be extended only to the Leader of the winning coalition in the Lok Sabha, who is Shrimati Sonia Gandhi.

The outgoing Prime Minister, Dr Manmohan Singh, not having contested the Lok Sabha election, may not by  you be invited to be Prime Minister at this stage.

What happened in 2004 was that Shrimati Sonia Gandhi declined to accept such an invitation and instead effectively appointed Dr Singh to be PM despite his not being a member of the Lok Sabha nor intending to be so.

This exploited a constitutional loophole to the extent that our Constitution did not explicitly state that the PM must be from the Lok Sabha.

What may have been passable as the hurried exploitation of a loophole in 2004 is surely not acceptable in 2009.

Why the founders of our democratic polity such as BR  Ambedkar and Jawaharlal Nehru did not specify that the PM must be from the Lok Sabha was quite simply that it was a matter of complete obviousness to them and to their entire generation that this must be so — it would have been  appalling to them and something beyond their wildest imagination that a later generation, namely our own, would exploit this loophole and allow a PM to be appointed who is not a member of the Lok Sabha and intends not to be so.

Ambedkar, Nehru and all others of their time knew fully well that Lord Curzon had been explicitly denied the leadership of Britain’s Tory Party in 1922 because that would have made him a potential PM  when he was not prepared to be a member of the House of Commons.

That specific precedent (culminating a centuries-old  democratic trend of  political power flowing from monarchs to lords to commoners) has governed all parliamentary democracies  worldwide ever since  — until Dr Singh’s appointment in 2004.

In fact,  when such an anomalous situation once arose in Britain, Lord Home resigned his membership of the House of Lords to contest a House of Commons seat as Sir Alec Douglas Home  so that he could be PM in a manner consistent with parliamentary law.

I believe you are fully within constitutional law and precedent to invite Shrimati Sonia Gandhi to form the new Government of India after the 15th General Elections to the Lok Sabha.  If she declines and instead requests again the use of the loophole to appoint Dr Singh as PM,  I believe that parliamentary law and precedent requires him to resign from the Rajya Sabha and instead contest a seat in the Lok Sabha.

Respectfully submitted

Subroto Roy, PhD (Cantab.), BScEcon (London)

Citizen and Voter

Postscript: Please see also here “Inviting a new Prime Minister of India to form a Government: Procedure Right and Wrong”.

What is Christine Fair referring to? Would the MEA kindly seek to address what she has claimed asap?

Almost three years ago when the Baloch leader Nawab Bugti was killed by bombardment during the Musharraf-regime, I was moved to research and write a short analysis of Balochistan for the first time. I said inter alia

“because there are two million Balochis in Iranian Balochistan, Pakistan’s Balochi nationalists have had a declared enemy to their west in the Iranian Government ~ the Pahlevi regime even provided Italian-made American Huey helicopter gunships with Iranian pilots to help Bhutto crush the Baloch rebellions of the early 1970s. In fact, Balochi rebels have had no military allies except the pre-communist Government of Afghanistan under Daud, who ‘ordered the establishment of a training camp at Qandahar for Baloch liberation fighters. Between 10,000 and 15,000 Baloch youths were trained and armed there’ (R Anwar, The Tragedy of Afghanistan 1988, p. 78). The Governments of India or the United States lack motivation or capability to help, and Balochistan may be doomed to becoming a large human rights/genocidal disaster of the next decade. An independent Balochistan may be unviable, being overwhelmed by its riches while having too small, uneducated and backward a population of its own, and powerful greedy neighbours on either side… Today, the Pashtun of Pakistan and Afghanistan (as well as perhaps Sindhis of Baloch origin) may be the only interlocutors who can prevent a genocide and mediate a peace between Balochi nationalists and Musharraf’s ruthless Punjabi military-businessmen determined to colonize Balochistan completely with Chinese help, effectively subsidising their misgovernance elsewhere with Balochistan’s riches…”

Raja Anwar had been a close friend and associate of ZA Bhutto, the founder of Pakistan’s ruling party,  and his book on Afghanistan published 20 years ago is required reading.

The wonders of the Internet sent me back to this subject a few days ago when a Pakistani website claimed that the American analyst Dr Christine Fair of RAND said she had visited an Indian consulate in Zahedan, Iran, and alleged to her interlocutors that the consulate was “not issuing visas as the main activity” .

Dr Fair’s reported words seemed to me to be surprising, so I wrote to her seeking a confirmation that she had been quoted correctly, when the Pakistani website very kindly sent me the link to her words at a recent gathering of American and British observers discussing Pakistan.  This is what Dr Fair said at that gathering on this topic (emphasis added):

“I think it would be a mistake to completely disregard Pakistan’s regional perceptions due to doubts about Indian competence in executing covert operations. That misses the point entirely. And I think it is unfair to dismiss the notion that Pakistan’s apprehensions about Afghanistan stem in part from its security competition with India. Having visited the Indian mission in Zahedan, Iran, I can assure you they are not issuing visas as the main activity! Moreover, India has run operations from its mission in Mazar (through which it supported the Northern Alliance) and is likely doing so from the other consulates it has reopened in Jalalabad and Qandahar along the border. Indian officials have told me privately that they are pumping money into Baluchistan. Kabul has encouraged India to engage in provocative activities such as using the Border Roads Organization to build sensitive parts of the Ring Road and use the Indo-Tibetan police force for security. It is also building schools on a sensitive part of the border in Kunar–across from Bajaur. Kabul’s motivations for encouraging these activities are as obvious as India’s interest in engaging in them. Even if by some act of miraculous diplomacy the territorial issues were to be resolved, Pakistan would remain an insecure state. Given the realities of the subcontinent (e.g., India’s rise and its more effective foreign relations with all of Pakistan’s near and far neighbors), these fears are bound to grow, not lessen. This suggests that without some means of compelling Pakistan to abandon its reliance upon militancy, it will become ever more interested in using it — and the militants will likely continue to proliferate beyond Pakistan’s control.”

Now I have nothing to do with the Government of India and have no idea about the evidence relating to the precise facts being alleged here. But I do have some circumstantial evidence as well as  a personal reason to be curious, as my father was an Indian diplomat in Tehran during 1954-1957 and I was in fact born there.

I recalled him having told me he had travelled in that region and today he confirmed that he had in fact, from the Tehran Embassy as part of his official duties as Commercial Secretary and Consul, visited what was then an Indian Vice-Consulate at Zahedan, peopled by a single Indian Vice-Consul with whom he had spent two days.

That was more than 50 years ago — so the “Indian mission” that Dr Fair said she visited in Zahedan is far from being anything new whatsoever. In fact, I would predict it was probably something that existed during British India too and that it was precisely an outpost of British India issuing visas for anyone headed towards Quetta in what was then British Baluchistan.

Could the Consulate be upto anything else?  Hmmm, let’s see, how about assisting in the complex overall discussions, now apparently stalled or aborted, between Iran, Pakistan and India over the gas pipeline perhaps?

In other words, there might be any number of perfectly legitimate reasons for India to be represented in Zahedan as it has been for more than half a century — the allegation contained in the American discussion of India fomenting trouble for Pakistan in Balochistan may be entirely baseless.

Did India once support the Northern Alliance? Of course, as did Iran too, but that was all pre 9/11 during the extended Afghan civil war before the toppling of the Mullah Umar Government by the Northern Alliance allied with the United States! That is wholly a separate thing from any claim that India from Iranian soil has caused trouble in Balochistan.

Such an aspersion coming from such a source would be easily and delightedly picked up by those in Pakistan looking for exogenous explanations of their problems.   For example, if you watch the video of the ghastly murder of the Polish engineer Piotr Stanczak by the Pakistani Taliban, you will find a demented Pakistani commentator in the background disclaiming any Pakistani responsibility for it saying instead it was all India’s fault and India has been financing the Pakistani Taliban with “billions”!   (Postcript June 8 2009: Jemima Khan reported a few days ago: “Pakistan pulsates with conspiracy theories. One, which has made it into the local newspapers, is that the Taliban when caught and stripped were revealed to have been “intact, not Muslims”, a euphemism for uncircumcised. (Pakistanis are big on euphemisms.) Their beards were stuck on with glue. “Foreign elements” (India) are suspected.”)

Such is the extent of the psychosis.  “Delta Dawn, what’s that flower you have on…?”

The Government of India obviously needs to address Dr Fair’s claim and seek to squarely refute what she has said in these remarks.

Subroto Roy, Kolkata

Alfred Lyall on Christians, Muslims, India, China, Etc, 1908

“THE STATE IN ITS RELATION TO EASTERN AND WESTERN RELIGIONS”

By Sir Alfred Comyn Lyall (1835-1911)

Delivered as President of the Congress for the History of Religions, September 1908.—Fortnightly Review, November 1908.

“In considering the subject of my address, I have been confronted by this difficulty—that in the sections which regulate the order of our proceedings, we have a list of papers that range over all the principal religions, ancient and modern, that have existed and still exist in the world. They are to be treated and discussed by experts whose scholarship, particular studies, and close research entitle them all to address you authoritatively. I have no such special qualifications; and in any case it would be most presumptuous in me to trespass upon their ground. All that I can venture to do, therefore, in the remarks which I propose to address to you to-day, is to attempt a brief general survey of the history of religions from a standpoint which may possibly not fall within the scope of these separate papers.

The four great religions now prevailing in the world, which are historical in the sense that they have been long known to history, I take to be—Christianity, Islam, Buddhism, and Hinduism. Having regard to their origin and derivation, to their history and character, I may be permitted, for my present purpose only, to class the two former as the Religions of the West, and the two latter as the Religions of the East. These are the faiths which still maintain a mighty influence over the minds of mankind. And my object is to compare the political relations, the attitude, maintained toward them, from time to time, by the States and rulers of the people over which these religions have established their spiritual dominion.

The religion of the Jews is not included, though its influence has been incalculable, because it has been caught up, so to speak, into Christianity and Islam, and cannot therefore be counted among those which have made a partition of the religious world. For this reason, perhaps, it has retained to this day its ancient denomination, derived from the tribe or country of its origin; whereas the others are named from a Faith or a Founder. The word Nazarene, denoting the birthplace of Christianity, which is said to be still used in that region, was, as we know, very speedily superseded by its wider title, as the Creed broke out of local limits and was proclaimed universal. There has evidently been a foretime, though it is prehistorical, when, so far as we know, mankind was universally polytheistic; when innumerable rites and worships prevailed without restraint, springing up and contending with each other like the trees in a primeval forest, reflecting a primitive and precarious condition of human society.

I take polytheism to have been, in this earliest stage, the wild growth of superstitious imagination, varied indefinitely by the pressure of circumstance, by accident, by popular caprice, or by the good or evil fortunes of the community. In this stage it can now be seen among barbarous tribes—as, for instance, in Central Africa. And some traces of it still survive, under different pretexts and disguises, in the lowest strata of civilised nations, where it may be said to represent the natural reluctance of the vagrant human fancy to be satisfied with higher forms and purer conceptions that are always imperfectly assimilated by the multitude. Among primitive societies the spheres of human and divine affairs were intermixed and identical; they could not be disentangled. But with the growth of political institutions came gradual separation, or at any rate the subordination of religion to the practical necessities of orderly government and public morals.

That polytheism can exist and flourish in the midst of a highly intellectual and civilised society, we know from the history of Greece and Rome. But in ancient Greece its direct influence upon political affairs seems to have been slight; though it touched at some points upon morality. The function of the State, according to Greek ideas, was to legislate for all the departments of human life and to uphold the moral standard. The law prohibited sacrilege and profanity; it punished open impiety that might bring down divine wrath upon the people at large. The philosophers taught rational ethics; they regarded the popular superstitions with indulgent contempt; but they inculcated the duty of honouring the gods, and the observance of public ceremonial. Beyond these limits the practice of local and customary worship was, I think, free and unrestrained; though I need hardly add that toleration, as understood by the States of antiquity, was a very different thing from the modern principle of religious neutrality. Under the Roman government the connection between the State and religion was much closer, as the dominion of Rome expanded and its power became centralised. The Roman State maintained a strict control and superintendence over the official rituals and worships, which were regulated as a department of the administration, to bind the people together by established rites and worships, in order to cement political and social unity. It is true that the usages of the tribes and principalities that were conquered and annexed were left undisturbed; for the Roman policy, like that of the English in India, was to avoid giving offence to religion; and undoubtedly this policy, in both instances, materially facilitated the rapid building up of a wide dominion. Nevertheless, there was a tendency to draw in the worship toward a common centre. The deities of the conquered provinces were respected and conciliated; the Roman generals even appealed to them for protection and favour, yet they became absorbed and assimilated under Roman names; they were often identified with the gods of the Roman pantheon, and were frequently superseded by the victorious divinities of the new rulers—the strange deities, in fact, were Romanised as well as the foreign tribes and cities. After this manner the Roman empire combined the tolerance of great religious diversity with the supremacy of a centralised government. Political amalgamation brought about a fusion of divine attributes; and latterly the emperor was adored as the symbol of manifest power, ruler and pontiff; he was the visible image of supreme authority. This régime was easily accepted by the simple unsophisticated paganism of Europe. The Romans, with all their statecraft, had as yet no experience of a high religious temperature, of enthusiastic devotion and divine mysteries. But as their conquest and commerce spread eastward, the invasion of Asia let in upon Europe a flood of Oriental divinities, and thus Rome came into contact with much stronger and deeper spiritual forces. The European polytheism might be utilised and administered, the Asiatic deities could not be domesticated and subjected to regulation; the Oriental orgies and strange rites broke in upon the organised State worship; the new ideas and practices came backed by a profound and fervid spiritualism. Nevertheless the Roman policy of bringing religion under authoritative control was more or less successful even in the Asiatic provinces of the empire; the privileges of the temples were restricted; the priesthoods were placed under the general superintendence of the proconsular officials; and Roman divinities gradually found their way into the Asiatic pantheon. But we all know that the religion of the Roman empire was falling into multitudinous confusion when Christianity arose—an austere exclusive faith, with its army of saints, ascetics, and unflinching martyrs, proclaiming worship to be due to one God only, and sternly refusing to acknowledge the divinity of the emperor. Against such a faith an incoherent disorderly polytheism could make no better stand than tribal levies against a disciplined army. The new religion struck directly at the sacrifices that symbolised imperial unity; the passive resistance of Christians was necessarily treated as rebellion, the State made implacable war upon them. Yet the spiritual and moral forces won the victory, and Christianity established itself throughout the empire. Universal religion, following upon universal civil dominion, completed the levelling of local and national distinctions. The Churches rapidly grew into authority superior to the State within their own jurisdiction; they called in the temporal government to enforce theological decisions and to put down heresies; they founded a powerful hierarchy. The earlier Roman constitution had made religion an instrument of administration. When one religion became universal, the churches enlisted the civil ruler into the service of orthodoxy; they converted the State into an instrument for enforcing religion. The pagan empire had issued edicts against Christianity and had suppressed Christian assemblies as tainted with disaffection; the Christian emperors enacted laws against the rites and worships of paganism, and closed temples. It was by the supreme authority of Constantine that, for the first time in the religious history of the world, uniformity of belief was defined by a creed, and sanctioned by the ruler’s assent.

Then came, in Western Europe, the time when the empire at Rome was rent asunder by the inrush of barbarians; but upon its ruins was erected the great Catholic Church of the Papacy, which preserved in the ecclesiastical domain the autocratic imperial tradition. The primacy of the Roman Church, according to Harnack, is essentially the transference to her of Rome’s central position in the religions of the heathen world; the Church united the western races, disunited politically, under the common denomination of Christianity. Yet Christianity had not long established itself throughout all the lands, in Europe and Asia, which had once been under the Roman sovereignty, when the violent irruptions of Islam upset not only the temporal but also the spiritual dominion throughout Western Asia, and along the southern shores of the Mediterranean. The Eastern empire at Constantinople had been weakened by bitter theological dissensions and heresies among the Christians; the votaries of the new, simple, unswerving faith of Mohammed were ardent and unanimous.

In Egypt and Syria the Mohammedans were speedily victorious; the Latin Church and even the Latin language were swept out of North Africa. In Persia the Sassanian dynasty was overthrown, and although there was no immediate and total conversion of the people, Mohammedanism gradually superseded the ancient Zoroastrian cultus as the religion of the Persian State. It was not long before the armies of Islam had triumphed from the Atlantic coast to the Jaxartes river in Central Asia; and conversion followed, speedily or slowly, as the direct result of conquest. Moreover, the Mohammedans invaded Europe. In the south-west they subdued almost all Spain; and in the south-east they destroyed, some centuries later, the Greek empire, though not the Greek Church, and consolidated a mighty rulership at Constantinople. With this prolonged conflict between Islam and Christianity along the borderlands of Europe and Asia began the era of those religious wars that have darkened the history of the Western nations, and have perpetuated the inveterate antipathy between Asiatic and European races, which the spread of Christianity into both continents had softened and might have healed. In the end Christianity has fixed itself permanently in Europe, while Islam is strongly established throughout half Asia. But the sharp collision between the two faiths, the clash of armies bearing the cross and the crescent, generated fierce fanaticism on both sides. The Crusades kindled a fiery militant and missionary spirit previously unknown to religions, whereby religious propagation became the mainspring and declared object of conquest and colonisation.

Finally, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the great secession from the Roman Church divided the nations of Western Europe into hostile camps, and throughout the long wars of that period political jealousies and ambitions were inflamed by religious animosities. In Eastern Europe the Greek Church fell under almost complete subordination to the State. The history of Europe and Western Asia records, therefore, a close connection and community of interests between the States and the orthodox faiths; a combination which has had a very potent influence, during many centuries, upon the course of civil affairs, upon the fortunes, or misfortunes, of nations.

Up to the sixteenth century, at least, it was universally held, by Christianity and by Islam, that the State was bound to enforce orthodoxy; conversion and the suppression or expulsion of heretics were public duties. Unity of creed was thought necessary for national unity—a government could not undertake to maintain authority, or preserve the allegiance of its subjects, in a realm divided and distracted by sectarian controversies. On these principles Christianity and Islam were consolidated, in union with the States or in close alliance with them; and the geographical boundaries of these two faiths, and of their internal divisions respectively, have not materially changed up to the present day.

Let me now turn to the history of religion in those countries of further Asia, which were never reached by Greek or Roman conquest or civilisation, where the ancient forms of worship and conceptions of divinity, which existed before Christianity and Islam, still flourish. And here I shall only deal with the relations of the State to religion in India and China and their dependencies, because these vast and populous empires contain the two great religions, Hinduism and Buddhism, of purely Asiatic origin and character, which have assimilated to a large extent, and in a certain degree elevated, the indigenous polytheism, and which still exercise a mighty influence over the spiritual and moral condition of many millions. We know what a tremendous power religion has been in the wars and politics of the West. I submit that in Eastern Asia, beyond the pale of Islam, the history of religion has been very different. Religious wars—I mean wars caused by the conflict of militant faiths contending for superiority—were, I believe, unknown on any great scale to the ancient civilisations. It seems to me that until Islam invaded India the great religious movements and changes in that region had seldom or never been the consequence of, nor had been materially affected by, wars, conquests, or political revolutions. Throughout Europe and Mohammedan Asia the indigenous deities and their temples have disappeared centuries ago; they have been swept away by the forces of Church and State combined to exterminate them; they have all yielded to the lofty overruling ideal of monotheism.

But the tide of Mohammedanism reached its limit in India; the people, though conquered, were but partly converted, and eastward of India there have been no important Mohammedan rulerships. On this side of Asia, therefore, two great religions, Buddhism and Brahmanism, have held their ground from times far anterior to Christianity; they have retained the elastic comprehensive character of polytheism, purified and elevated by higher conceptions, developed by the persistent competition of diverse ideas and forms among the people, unrestrained by attempts of superior organised faiths to obliterate the lower and weaker species. In that region political despotism has prevailed immemorially; religious despotism, in the sense of the legal establishment of one faith or worship to the exclusion of all others, of uniformity imposed by coercion, of proselytism by persecution, is unknown to history: the governments have been absolute and personal; the religions have been popular and democratic. They have never been identified so closely with the ruling power as to share its fortunes, or to be used for the consolidation of successful conquest. Nor, on the other hand, has a ruler ever found it necessary, for the security of his throne, to conform to the religion of his subjects, and to abjure all others. The political maxim, that the sovereign and his subjects should be of one and the same religion, ‘Cujus regio ejus religio’, has never prevailed in this part of the world.

And although in India, the land of their common origin, Buddhism widely displaced and overlaid Brahmanism, while it was in its turn, after several centuries, overcome and ejected by a Brahmanic revival, yet I believe that history records no violent contests or collisions between them; nor do we know that the armed force of the State played any decisive part in these spiritual revolutions. I do not maintain that Buddhism has owed nothing to State influence. It represents certain doctrines of the ancient Indian theosophy, incarnate, as one might say, in the figure of a spiritual Master, the Indian prince, Sakya Gautama, who was the type and example of ascetic quietism; it embodies the idea of salvation, or emancipation attainable by man’s own efforts, without aid from priests or divinities. Buddhism is the earliest, by many centuries, of the faiths that claim descent from a personal founder. It emerges into authentic history with the empire of Asoka, who ruled over the greater part of India some 250 years before Christ, and its propagation over his realm and the countries adjacent is undoubtedly due to the influence, example, and authority of that devout monarch.

According to Mr. Vincent Smith, from whose valuable work on the Early History of India I take the description of Asoka’s religious policy, the king, renouncing after one necessary war all further military conquest, made it the business of his life to employ his autocratic power in directing the preaching and teaching of the Law of Piety, which he had learnt from his Buddhist priesthood. All his high officers were commanded to instruct the people in the way of salvation; he sent missions to foreign countries; he issued edicts promulgating ethical doctrines, and the rules of a devout life; he made pilgrimages to the sacred places; and finally he assumed the yellow robe of a Buddhist monk.

Asoka elevated, so Mr. Smith has said, a sect of Hinduism to the rank of a world-religion. Nevertheless, I think it may be affirmed that the emperor consistently refrained from the forcible conversion of his subjects, and indeed the use of compulsion would have apparently been a breach of his own edicts, which insist on the principle of toleration, and declare the propagation of the Law of Piety to be his sole object. Asoka made no attempt to persecute Brahmanism; and it seems clear that the extraordinary success of Buddhism in India cannot be attributed to war or to conquest. To imperial influence and example much must be ascribed, yet I think Buddhism owed much more to its spiritual potency, to its superior faculty of transmuting and assimilating, instead of abolishing, the elementary instincts and worships, endowing them with a higher significance, attracting and stimulating devotion by impressive rites and ceremonies, impressing upon the people the dogma of the soul’s transmigration and its escape from the miseries of sentient existence by the operation of merits. And of all great religions it is the least political, for the practice of asceticism and quietism, of monastic seclusion from the working world, is necessarily adverse to any active connection with mundane affairs.

I do not know that the mysterious disappearance of Buddhism from India can be accounted for by any great political revolution, like that which brought Islam into India. It seems to have vanished before the Mohammedans had gained any footing in the country.

Meanwhile Buddhism is said to have penetrated into the Chinese empire by the first century of the Christian era. Before that time the doctrines of Confucius and Laotze were the dominant philosophies; rather moral than religious, though ancestral worship and the propitiation of spirits were not disallowed, and were to a certain extent enjoined. Laotze, the apostle of Taoism, appears to have preached a kind of Stoicism—the observance of the order of Nature in searching for the right way of salvation, the abhorrence of vicious sensuality—and the cultivation of humility, self-sacrifice, and simplicity of life. He condemned altogether the use of force in the sphere of religion or morality; though he admitted that it might be necessary for the purposes of civil government. The system of Confucius inculcated justice, benevolence, self-control, obedience and loyalty to the sovereign—all the civic virtues; it was a moral code without a metaphysical background; the popular worships were tolerated, reverence for ancestors conduced to edification; the gods were to be honoured, though it was well to keep aloof from them; he disliked religious fervour, and of things beyond experience he had nothing to say.

Buddhism, with its contempt for temporal affairs, treating life as a mere burden, and the soul’s liberation from existence as the end and object of meditative devotion, must have imported a new and disturbing element into the utilitarian philosophies of ancient China. For many centuries Buddhism, Taoism, and Confucianism are said to have contended for the patronage and recognition of the Chinese emperors. Buddhism was alternately persecuted and protected, expelled and restored by imperial decree. Priesthoods and monastic orders are institutions of which governments are naturally jealous; the monasteries were destroyed or rebuilt, sacerdotal orders and celibacy suppressed or encouraged by imperial decrees, according to the views and prepossessions of successive dynasties or emperors. Nevertheless the general policy of Chinese rulers and ministers seems not to have varied essentially. Their administrative principle was that religion must be prevented from interfering with affairs of State, that abuses and superstitious extravagances are not so much offences against orthodoxy as matters for the police, and as such must be put down by the secular arm. Upon this policy successive dynasties appear to have acted continuously up to the present day in China, where the relations of the State to religions are, I think, without parallel elsewhere in the modern world. One may find some resemblance to the attitude of the Roman emperors towards rites and worships among the population, in the Chinese emperor’s reverent observance and regulation of the rites and ceremonies performed by him as the religious chief and representative before Heaven of the great national interests. The deification of deceased emperors is a solemn rite ordained by proclamation. As the Ius sacrum, the body of rights and duties in the matter of religion, was regarded in Rome as a department of the Ius publicum, belonging to the fundamental constitution of the State, so in China the ritual code was incorporated into the statute books, and promulgated with imperial sanction. Now we know that in Rome the established ritual was legally prescribed, though otherwise strange deities and their worships were admitted indiscriminately. But the Chinese Government goes much further. It appears to regard all novel superstitions, and especially foreign worships, as the hotbed of sedition and disloyalty. Unlicensed deities and sects are put down by the police; magicians and sorcerers are arrested; and the peculiar Chinese practice of canonising deceased officials and paying sacrificial honours to local celebrities after death is strictly reserved by the Board of Ceremonies for imperial consideration and approval. The Censor, to whom any proposal of this kind must be entrusted, is admonished that he must satisfy himself by inquiry of its validity. An official who performs sacred rites in honour of a spirit or holy personage not recognised by the Ritual Code, was liable, under laws that may be still in force, to corporal punishment; and the adoration by private families of spirits whose worship is reserved for public ceremonial was a heinous offence. No such rigorous control over the multiplication of rites and deities has been instituted elsewhere. On the other hand, while in other countries the State has recognised no more than one established religion, the Chinese Government formally recognises three denominations. Buddhism has been sanctioned by various edicts and endowments, yet the State divinities belong to the Taoist pantheon, and their worship is regulated by public ordinances; while Confucianism represents official orthodoxy, and its precepts embody the latitudinarian spirit of the intellectual classes. We know that the Chinese people make use, so to speak, of all three religions indiscriminately, according to their individual whims, needs, or experience of results. So also a politic administration countenances these divisions and probably finds some interest in maintaining them. The morality of the people requires some religious sanction; and it is this element with which the State professes its chief concern. We are told on good authority that one of the functions of high officials is to deliver public lectures freely criticising and discouraging indolent monasticism and idolatry from the standpoint of rational ethics, as follies that are reluctantly tolerated. Yet the Government has never been able to keep down the fanatics, mystics, and heretical sects that are incessantly springing up in China, as elsewhere in Asia; though they are treated as pestilent rebels and law-breakers, to be exterminated by massacre and cruel punishments; and bloody repression of this kind has been the cause of serious insurrections. It is to be observed that all religious persecution is by the direct action of the State, not instigated or insisted upon by a powerful orthodox priesthood. But a despotic administration which undertakes to control and circumscribe all forms and manifestations of superstition in a vast polytheistic multitude of its subjects, is inevitably driven to repressive measures of the utmost severity. Neither Christianity nor Islam attempted to regulate polytheism, their mission was to exterminate it, and they succeeded mainly because in those countries the State was acting with the support and under the uncompromising pressure of a dominant church or faith. Some writers have noticed a certain degree of resemblance between the policy of the Roman empire and that of the Chinese empire toward religion. We may read in Gibbon that the Roman magistrates regarded the various modes of worship as equally useful, that sages and heroes were exalted to immortality and entitled to reverence and adoration, and that philosophic officials, viewing with indulgence the superstitions of the multitude, diligently practised the ceremonies of their fathers. So far, indeed, his description of the attitude of the State toward polytheism may be applicable to China; but although the Roman and Chinese emperors both assumed the rank of divinity, and were supreme in the department of worships, the Roman administration never attempted to regulate and restrain polytheism at large on the Chinese system. The religion of the Gentiles, said Hobbes, is a part of their policy; and it may be said that this is still the policy of Oriental monarchies, who admit no separation between the secular and the ecclesiastic jurisdiction. They would agree with Hobbes that temporal and spiritual government are but two words brought into the world to make men see double and mistake their lawful sovereign. But while in Mohammedan Asia the State upholds orthodox uniformity, in China and Japan the mainspring of all such administrative action is political expediency. It may be suggested that in the mind of these far-Eastern people religion has never been conceived as something quite apart from human experience and the affairs of the visible world; for Buddhism, with its metaphysical doctrines, is a foreign importation, corrupted and materialised in China and Japan. And we may observe that from among the Mongolian races, which have produced mighty conquerors and founded famous dynasties from Constantinople to Pekin, no mighty prophet, no profound spiritual teacher, has arisen. Yet in China, as throughout all the countries of the Asiatic mainland, an enthusiast may still gather together ardent proselytes, and fresh revelations may create among the people unrest that may ferment and become heated up to the degree of fanaticism, and explode against attempts made to suppress it. The Taeping insurrection, which devastated cities and provinces in China, and nearly overthrew the Manchu dynasty, is a striking example of the volcanic fires that underlie the surface of Asiatic societies. It was quenched in torrents of blood after lasting some ten years. And very recently there has been a determined revolt of the Lamas in Eastern Tibet, where the provincial administration is, as we know, sacerdotal.

The imperial troops are said to be crushing it with unrelenting severity. These are the perilous experiences of a philosophic Government that assumes charge and control over the religions of some three hundred millions of Asiatics.

I can only make a hasty reference to Japan. In that country the relations of the State to religions appear to have followed the Chinese model. Buddhism, Confucianism, Shintoism, are impartially recognised. The emperor presides over official worship as high priest of his people; the liturgical ordinances are issued by imperial rescripts not differing in form from other public edicts. The dominant article of faith is the divinity of Japan and its emperor; and Shinto, the worship of the gods of nature, is understood to be patronised chiefly with the motive of preserving the national traditions. But in Japan the advance of modern science and enlightened scepticism may have diminished the importance of the religious department. Shinto, says a recent writer, still embodies the religion of the people; yet in 1877 a decree was issued declaring it to be no more than a convenient system of State ceremonial.[ The Development of Religion in Japan, G. W. Knox, 1907] And in 1889 an article of the constitution granted freedom of belief and worship to all Japanese subjects, without prejudice to peace, order, and loyalty.

In India the religious situation is quite different. I think it is without parallel elsewhere in the world. Here we are at the fountainhead of metaphysical theology, of ideas that have flowed eastward and westward across Asia. And here, also, we find every species of primitive polytheism, unlimited and multitudinous; we can survey a confused medley of divinities, of rites and worships incessantly varied by popular whim and fancy, by accidents, and by the pressure of changing circumstances. Hinduism permits any doctrine to be taught, any sort of theory to be held regarding the divine attributes and manifestations, the forces of nature, or the mysterious functions of mind or body. Its tenets have never been circumscribed by a creed; its free play has never been checked or regulated by State authority. Now, at first sight, this is not unlike the popular polytheism of the ancient world, before the triumph of Christianity. There are passages in St. Augustine’s Civitas Dei, describing the worship of the unconverted pagans among whom he lived, that might have been written yesterday by a Christian bishop in India. And we might ask why all this polytheism was not swept out from among such a highly intellectual people as the Indians, with their restless pursuit of divine knowledge, by some superior faith, by some central idea. Undoubtedly the material and moral conditions, and the course of events which combine to stamp a particular form of religion upon any great people, are complex and manifold; but into this inquiry I cannot go. I can only point out that the institution of caste has riveted down Hindu society into innumerable divisions upon a general religious basis, and that the sacred books separated the Hindu theologians into different schools, preventing uniformity of worship or of creed. And it is to be observed that these books are not historical; they give no account of the rise and spread of a faith. The Hindu theologian would say, in the words of an early Christian father, that the objects of divine knowledge are not historical, that they can only be apprehended intellectually, that within experience there is no reality. And the fact that Brahmanism has no authentic inspired narrative, that it is the only great religion not concentrated round the life and teachings of a person, may be one reason why it has remained diffuse and incoherent. All ways of salvation are still open to the Hindus; the canon of their scripture has never been authoritatively closed. New doctrines, new sects, fresh theological controversies, are incessantly modifying and superseding the old scholastic interpretations of the mysteries, for Hindus, like Asiatics everywhere, are still in that condition of mind when a fresh spiritual message is eagerly received. Vishnu and Siva are the realistic abstractions of the understanding from objects of sense, from observation of the destructive and reproductive operations of nature; they represent among educated men separate systems of worship which, again, are parted into different schools or theories regarding the proper ways and methods of attaining to spiritual emancipation. Yet the higher philosophy and the lower polytheism are not mutually antagonistic; on the contrary, they support each other; for Brahmanism accepts and allies itself with the popular forms of idolatry, treating them as outward visible signs of an inner truth, as indications of all-pervading pantheism. The peasant and the philosopher reverence the same deity, perform the same rite; they do not mean the same thing, but they do not quarrel on this account. Nevertheless, it is certainly remarkable that this inorganic medley of ideas and worships should have resisted for so many ages the invasion and influence of the coherent faiths that have won ascendancy, complete or dominant, on either side of India, the west and the east; it has thrown off Buddhism, it has withstood the triumphant advance of Islam, it has as yet been little affected by Christianity. Probably the political history of India may account in some degree for its religious disorganisation. I may propound the theory that no religion has obtained supremacy, or at any rate definite establishment, in any great country except with the active co-operation, by force or favour, of the rulers, whether by conquest, as in Western Asia, or by patronage and protection, as in China. The direct influence and recognition of the State has been an indispensable instrument of religious consolidation. But until the nineteenth century the whole of India, from the mountains to the sea, had never been united under one stable government; the country was for ages parcelled out into separate principalities, incessantly contending for territory. And even the Moghul empire, which was always at war upon its frontiers, never acquired universal dominion. The Moghul emperors, except Aurungzeb, were by no means bigoted Mohammedans; and their obvious interest was to abstain from meddling with Hinduism. Yet the irruption of Islam into India seems rather to have stimulated religious activity among the Hindus, for during the Mohammedan period various spiritual teachers arose, new sects were formed, and theological controversies divided the intellectual classes. To these movements the Mohammedan governments must have been for a long time indifferent; and among the new sects the principle of mutual toleration was universal. Towards the close of the Moghul empire, however, Hinduism, provoked by the bigotry of the Emperor Aurungzeb, became a serious element of political disturbance. Attempts to suppress forcibly the followers of Nanak Guru, and the execution of one spiritual leader of the Sikhs, turned the Sikhs from inoffensive quietists into fanatical warriors; and by the eighteenth century they were in open revolt against the empire. They were, I think, the most formidable embodiment of militant Hinduism known to Indian history. By that time, also, the Marathas in South-West India were declaring themselves the champions of the Hindu religion against the Mohammedan oppression; and to the Sikhs and Marathas the dislocation of the Moghul empire may be very largely attributed. We have here a notable example of the dynamic power upon politics of revolts that are generated by religious fermentation, and a proof of the strength that can be exerted by a pacific inorganic polytheism in self-defence, when ambitious rebels proclaim themselves defenders of a faith. The Marathas and the Sikhs founded the only rulerships whose armies could give the English serious trouble in the field during the nineteenth century. On the whole, however, when we survey the history of India, and compare it with that of Western Asia, we may say that although the Hindus are perhaps the most intensely religious people in the world, Hinduism has never been, like Christianity, Islam, and to some extent Buddhism, a religion established by the State. Nor has it suffered much from the State’s power. It seems strange, indeed, that Mohammedanism, a compact proselytising faith, closely united with the civil rulership, should have so slightly modified, during seven centuries of dominion, this infinitely divided polytheism. Of course, Mohammedanism made many converts, and annexed a considerable number of the population—yet the effect was rather to stiffen than to loosen the bonds that held the mass of the people to their traditional divinities, and to the institution of castes. Moreover the antagonism of the two religions, the popular and the dynastic, was a perpetual element of weakness in a Mohammedan empire. In India polytheism could not be crushed, as in Western Asia, by Islam; neither could it be controlled and administered, as in Eastern Asia; yet the Moghul emperors managed to keep on good terms with it, so long as they adhered to a policy of toleration. To the Mohammedan empire has succeeded another foreign dominion, which practises not merely tolerance but complete religious neutrality.

Looking back over the period of a hundred years, from 1757 to 1857, during which the British dominion was gradually extended over India, we find that the British empire, like the Roman, met with little or no opposition from religion. Hindus and Mohammedans, divided against each other, were equally willing to form alliances with, and to fight on the side of, the foreigner who kept religion entirely outside politics. And the British Government, when established, has so carefully avoided offence to caste or creed that on one great occasion only, the Sepoy Mutiny of 1857, have the smouldering fires of credulous fanaticism broken out against our rule. I believe the British-Indian position of complete religious neutrality to be unique among Asiatic governments, and almost unknown in Europe. The Anglo-Indian sovereignty does not identify itself with the interests of a single faith, as in Mohammedan kingdoms, nor does it recognise a definite ecclesiastical jurisdiction in things spiritual, as in Catholic Europe. Still less has our Government adopted the Chinese system of placing the State at the head of different rituals for the purpose of controlling them all, and proclaiming an ethical code to be binding on all denominations. The British ruler, while avowedly Christian, ignores all religions administratively, interfering only to suppress barbarous or indecent practices when the advance of civilisation has rendered them obsolete. Public instruction, so far as the State is concerned, is entirely secular; the universal law is the only authorised guardian of morals; to expound moral duties officially, as things apart from religion, has been found possible in China, but not in India. But the Chinese Government can issue edicts enjoining public morality and rationalism because the State takes part in the authorised worship of the people, and the emperor assumes pontifical office. The British Government in India, on the other hand, disowns official connection with any religion. It places all its measures on the sole ground of reasonable expediency, of efficient administration; it seeks to promote industry and commerce, and material civilisation generally; it carefully avoids giving any religious colour whatever to its public acts; and the result is that our Government, notwithstanding its sincere professions of absolute neutrality, is sometimes suspected of regarding all religion with cynical indifference, possibly even with hostility. Moreover, religious neutrality, though it is right, just, and the only policy which the English in India could possibly adopt, has certain political disadvantages. The two most potent influences which still unite and divide the Asiatic peoples, are race and religion; a Government which represents both these forces, as, for instance, in Afghanistan, has deep roots in a country. A dynasty that can rely on the support of an organised religion, and stands forth as the champion of a dominant faith, has a powerful political power at its command. The Turkish empire, weak, ill-governed, repeatedly threatened with dismemberment, embarrassed internally by the conflict of races, has been preserved for the last hundred years by its incorporation with the faith of Islam, by the Sultan’s claim to the Caliphate. To attack it is to assault a religious citadel; it is the bulwark on the west of Mohammedan Asia, as Afghanistan is the frontier fortress of Islam on the east. A leading Turkish politician has very recently said: ‘It is in Islam pure and simple that lies the strength of Turkey as an independent State; and if the Sultan’s position as religious chief were encroached upon by constitutional reforms, the whole Ottoman empire would be in danger.’ We have to remember that for ages religious enthusiasm has been, and still is in some parts of Asia, one of the strongest incentives to military ardour and fidelity to a standard on the battlefield. Identity of creed has often proved more effective, in war, than territorial patriotism; it has surmounted racial and tribal antipathies; while religious antagonism is still in many countries a standing impediment to political consolidation. When, therefore, we survey the history of religions, though this sketch is necessarily very imperfect and inadequate, we find Mohammedanism still identified with the fortunes of Mohammedan rulers; and we know that for many centuries the relations of Christianity to European States have been very close. In Europe the ardent perseverance and intellectual superiority of great theologians, of ecclesiastical statesmen supported by autocratic rulers, have hardened and beat out into form doctrines and liturgies that it was at one time criminal to disregard or deny, dogmatic articles of faith that were enforced by law. By these processes orthodoxy emerged compact, sharply defined, irresistible, out of the strife and confusion of heresies; the early record of the churches has pages spotted with tears and stained with blood. But at the present time European States seem inclined to dissolve their alliance with the churches, and to arrange a kind of judicial separation between the altar and the throne, though in very few cases has a divorce been made absolute. No State, in civilised countries, now assists in the propagation of doctrine; and ecclesiastical influence is of very little service to a Government. The civil law, indeed, makes continual encroachments on the ecclesiastical domain, questions its authority, and usurps its jurisdiction. Modern erudition criticises the historical authenticity of the scriptures, philosophy tries to undermine the foundations of belief; the governments find small interest in propping up edifices that are shaken by internal controversies. In Mohammedan Asia, on the other hand, the connection between the orthodox faith and the States is firmly maintained, for the solidarity is so close that disruptions would be dangerous, and a Mohammedan rulership over a majority of unbelievers would still be perilously unstable. I have thus endeavoured to show that the historical relations of Buddhism and Hinduism to the State have been in the past, and are still in the present time, very different from the situation in the West. There has always existed, I submit, one essential distinction of principle. Religious propagation, forcible conversion, aided and abetted by the executive power of the State, and by laws against heresy or dissent, have been defended in the West by the doctors of Islam, and formerly by Christian theologians, by the axiom that all means are justifiable for extirpating false teachers who draw souls to perdition. The right and duty of the civil magistrate to maintain truth, in regard to which Bossuet declared all Christians to be unanimous, and which is still affirmed in the Litany of our Church, is a principle from which no Government, three centuries ago, dissented in theory, though in practice it needed cautious handling. I do not think that this principle ever found its way into Hinduism or Buddhism; I doubt, that is to say, whether the civil government was at any time called in to undertake or assist propagation of those religions as part of its duty. Nor do I know that the States of Eastern Asia, beyond the pale of Islam, claim or exercise the right of insisting on conformance to particular doctrines, because they are true. The erratic manifestations of the religious spirit throughout Asia, constantly breaking out in various forms and figures, in thaumaturgy, mystical inspiration, in orgies and secret societies, have always disquieted these Asiatic States, yet, so far as I can ascertain, the employment of force to repress them has always been justified on administrative or political grounds, as distinguishable from theological motives pure and simple. Sceptics and agnostics have been often marked out for persecution in the West, but I do not think that they have been molested in India, China, or Japan, where they abound, because they seldom meddle with politics.[ ‘Atheism did never disturb States’ (Bacon)]. It may perhaps be admitted, however, that a Government which undertakes to regulate impartially all rites and worship among its subjects is at a disadvantage by comparison with a Government that acts as the representative of a great church or an exclusive faith. It bears the sole undivided responsibility for measures of repression; it cannot allege divine command or even the obligation of punishing impiety for the public good. To conclude. In Asiatic States the superintendence of religious affairs is an integral attribute of the sovereignty, which no Government, except the English in India, has yet ventured to relinquish; and even in India this is not done without some risk, for religion and politics are still intermingled throughout the world; they act and react upon each other everywhere. They are still far from being disentangled in our own country, where the theory that a Government in its collective character must profess and even propagate some religion has not been very long obsolete. It was maintained seventy years ago by a great statesman who was already rising into prominence, by Mr. Gladstone. The text of Mr. Gladstone’s argument, in his book on the relations of the State with the Church, was Hooker’s saying, that the religious duty of kings is the weightiest part of their sovereignty; while Macaulay, in criticising this position, insisted that the main, if not the only, duty of a Government, to which all other objects must be subordinate, was the protection of persons and property. These two eminent politicians were, in fact, the champions of the ancient and the modern ideas of sovereignty; for the theory that a State is bound to propagate the religion that it professes was for many centuries the accepted theory of all Christian rulerships, though I think it now survives only in Mohammedan kingdoms. As the influence of religion in the sphere of politics declines, the State becomes naturally less concerned with the superintendence of religion; and the tendency of constitutional Governments seems to be towards abandoning it. The States that have completely dissolved connection with ecclesiastical institutions are the two great republics, the United States of America and France. We can discern at this moment a movement towards constitutional reforms in Mohammedan Asia, in Turkey, and Persia, and if they succeed it will be most interesting to observe the effect which liberal reforms will produce upon the relation of Mohammedan Governments with the dominant faith, and on which side the religious teachers will be arrayed. It is certain, at any rate, that for a long time to come religion will continue to be a potent factor in Asiatic politics; and I may add that the reconciliation of civil with religious liberty is one of the most arduous of the many problems to be solved by the promoters of national unity.”

Progress! The BBC retracts its prevarication!

I have over several months had to severely criticize an institution I would much rather have not, namely the BBC.  This had to do with pointing out that the BBC, probably under influence of its Pakistani staffers, had been deliberately distorting the history and geography of the subcontinent by portraying maps of India with Jammu & Kashmir entirely lopped off.

Imagine my surprise some minutes ago to see there seems to have been some real impact!

A few days ago, in a Damian Gramaticas story from a Gurgaon shopping-mall, a map of India was shown again with J&K lopped off — these people are hopeless, I felt. But then, wait, the next day there was a map of Pakistan too shown by the same BBC, with areas of Pakistani Jammu & Kashmir also not shown as part of it.  Hmmmm, I thought, something’s going on at least within the BBC and some little bureaucratic debate must be taking place across a table somewhere by which some bureaucratic committee has finally decided that Jammu & Kashmir is going to be lopped off all BBC maps of both India and Pakistan in the BBC’s own new version of history and geography. At least that meant the Pakistani moles within the organisation were not going  wholly unanswered (or that they were left satisfied with some kind of JKLF ideology).

And finally this morning, twenty minutes ago, success! There was another report by the same Mr Gramaticas allowing an Indian politician to get on with some spin, but wait, what preceded all this waffle? A map of India with J&K on the Indian side of the Line of Control within India — and perhaps even Aksai Chin on the other side of the Line of Actual Control with China too!

Hurray!

I had sent an email about all this to the nice man who is presently the UK’s diplomat in Kolkata (far nicer than his immediate predecessors). Perhaps someone at the British Foreign Office had finally picked up the phone and said to the bureaucrats at the BBC “Now now, look ye here, if the UK Government and the European Union recognize Indian de facto and de jure sovereignty in a certain manner in Jammu & Kashmir,  corresponding to the LOC and LAC, you had better do so too, it seems to us, as you are a public British broadcaster and  cannot really go about inventing your own history and geography as you please, no matter how badly you might want to.   We don’t want to see you being asked  by the Indians to pack your bags and leave after all, do we? Indians are rather sensitive about this whole Kashmir thing, or didn’t you know?”.

Anyway, BBC, however this has happened, well done with your progress, may you maintain it consistently and not retrogress backwards.

Subroto Roy

An Academic Database of Doctoral & Other Postgraduate Research Done at UK Universities on India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and Other Asian Countries Over 100 Years

British universities have in the last one hundred years produced a vast and unsurpassable body of doctoral and other postgraduate research relating to India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Burma, Afghanistan, Malaysia and  other Asian countries.

The first table below contains almost 3,300 entries,  each beginning with the date of award and the degree, followed by the University (and College), followed by the title of the thesis, followed by the AUTHOR in capital letters, followed by the name of the thesis supervisor where provided.

NB: There is a second table  that follows containing a further 78 77 entries — these latter are, however, incomplete in that either the year or the degree appears not to be available.

If you are an author or thesis-supervisor or other academic representative and you are able to correct any inadvertent error or omission, please feel free to write to me promptly by email and I shall seek to account for it.  For omissions, please also identify yourself clearly and send a comment  to the post along with the necessary data that you believe should be accounted for.  Numerous typos existed in the original transcription, several of which have been corrected though many might remain.  In several cases,  it is not impossible the original transcription has mis-spelt a name but authentication could require  the original thesis to be checked.

This  database has been created from public data and is published below with the aim of encouraging further research and reflection.  It may be of special interest to notice the choice and quality of subjects in the context of particular times.

Subroto Roy

Postscript:   More than one grateful reader has called this document someone’s  “labour of love”.   I agree though I have to say it was not mine — my contribution has been merely to  transform a confused spreadsheet into HTML, editing it very slightly, removing some but not all typos yet, and publishing it.  The spreadsheet was one of a million files on my computer, which must mean I downloaded it from some public source at some time though I am afraid I have no record where, most probably in British academia.

Degree    University & College    Title    AUTHOR    Supervisor

1909    MA    Liverpool    The interaction of England and India during the early years of George III    Dorothy DUDLEY
1917    BLitt    Oxford    The history of the occupation and rural administration of Bengal by the English Company from the time of Clive to the permanent settlement under Cornwallis    W K FIRMINGER
1917    MA    Liverpool    The constitutional relations of the Marquess Wellesley with the home authorities    Beatrice L FRAZER
1917    BLitt    Oxford    Agricultural cooperation in British India    J MATTHAI
1921    BA    Cambridge    Relations between the Bombay government and the Marathi powers up to the year 1774    W S DESI
1921    MA    Manchester    The movement of opinion in England as regards Indian affairs, 1757-1773    E EMMETT    Prof Muir
1921    MA    Manchester    The relations of the Mahrattas with the British power    I Kathleen WALKER    Prof Muir
1922    BLitt    Oxford    The history of Burma to 1824    G E HARVEY
1922    PhD    London    Commercial relations between India and England, 1600-1757    B KRISHNA
1922    MSc    London    Agricultural problems and conditions in the Bombay Presidency, 1870-1914    M A TATA
1922    BLitt    Oxford    The Indian calico trade and its influence on English history    P J THOMAS
1922    MSc    London    The cotton industry in India to 1757    J N VARMA    Prof Sargeant
1922    PhD    Manchester    The administration of Bengal under Warren Hastings    Sophia WEITZMAN    Prof Muir
1923    MA    Manchester    The administrative and judicial reforms of Lord Cornwallis in Bengal (excluding the permanent settlement)    A ASPINALL    Mr Higham
1923    MA    Manchester    The Residency of Oudh during the administration of Warren Hastings    C C BRACEWELL    Prof Davis
1923    MLitt    Cambridge    Industrial evolution of India in recent times    D R GADGIL
1923    PhD    London    The Punjab as a sovereign state, 1799-1839    GULSHAM LALL    Prof Dodwell
1924    BLitt    Oxford    Development of the cotton industry in Indian from the early 19th century    S DESOUANDE
1925    MA    Liverpool    Henry Dundas and the government of India, 1784-1800    Dorothy THORNTON    Prof Veitch
1926    PhD    Cambridge    The North West Frontier of India, 1890-1909, with a survey of policy since 1849    C C DAVIES
1927    PhD    Leeds    A study of the development of agriculture in the Punjab and its economic effects    K S BAJWA
1927    BLitt    Oxford    The military system of the Mahrattas: its origin and development from the time of the Shivaji to the fall of the Mahratta empire    S SEN
1928    MA    Birmingham    The East India Company crisis, 1770-1773    R BEARD
1928    PhD    Edinburgh    A comparative study of the woollen industry in Scotland and the Punjab    J W SIRAJUDDIN    Dr Rankin
1929    PhD    London    The relations of the Governor-General and council with the Governor and council of Madras under the Regulating Act of 1773    A Das GUPTA    Prof Dodwell
1929    PhD    London, LSE    The evolution of Indian income tax, 1860-1922: a historical, critical and comparative study    J P NIYOGI
1929    PhD    London    Development of Indian ralways, 1842-1928    N SANYAL    Prof Foxwell; Dr Slater
1930    PhD    London    Financial history of Mysore, 1799-1831    M H GOPAL    Dr Slater; Prof Dodwell
1930    BLitt    Oxford, St Cath’s Soc    The development of political institutions in the state of Travancore, 1885-1924    V M ITTYERAH
1930    BLitt    Oxford    Sir Charles Crosthwaite and the consolidation of Burma    Mys J MAY-OUNG
1930    PhD    London, SOAS    Revenue administration of the Sirkars under the East India Company down to 1802    Lanka SUNDERAM
1930    PhD    London, LSE    Hastings’ experiments in the judicial administration    N J M YUSUF
1931    PhD    London    State policy and economic development in Mysore State since 1881    UDAYAM ABHAYAMBAL    Miss Anstey
1931    PhD    London    The origin and early history of public debt in India    P DATTA    Prof Coatman
1931    MA    London    Lord Macaulay and the Indian Legislative Council    C D DHARKAR    Prof Dodwell
1931    MA    London    The bilingual problem in Ceylon    T D JAYASURIYA
1931    PhD    London; LSE    Study of agricultural cooperation in India based upon foreign experience    H L PASRICHA    Prof Gregory
1931    PhD    London, UC    The administration of Mysore under Sir Mark Cubbon. 1834-1861    K N V SASTRI    Prof Dodwell

1931    PhD    London, SOAS    Administrative beginnings in British Burma, 1826-1843    Barbara J STEWART

1931/32    PhD    Cambridge, St Cath’s    English social life in India in the 18th century    T G P SPEAR
1932    PhD    London    The growth and development of the Indian tea industry and trade    S M AKHTAR    Dr Anstey
1932    PhD    London    Anglo-Sikh relations, 1839-1849    K C KHANNA    Prof Dodwell
1932    PhD    London, LSE    Indian commodity market speculation    L N MISRA    Prof Coatman
1932    PhD    London, LSE    Indian foreign trade, 1870-1930    Parimal RAY    Prof Sargent
1932    PhD    London, King’s    Ceylon under the British occupation: its political and economic development, 1795-1833    C R de SILVA    Prof Newton
1932    PhD    London    Post-war labour legislation in India – a comparison with Japan    Sasadhar SINHA    Dr Anstey
1932    PhD    London    Local finance in India    G C VARMA    Prof Coatman
1933    PhD    Leeds    Historical survey of the financial policy of the government of India from 1857 to 1900 and of its economic and other consequences    H S BHAI
1933    PhD    London    The relations between the Board of Commissioners for the affairs of India and the Court of Directors, 1784-1816    P CHANDRA    Prof Coatman
1934    PhD    London    The influence of the home government on land revenue and judicial administration in the Presidency of Fort William in Bengal from 1807-1822    B S BALIGA    Prof Dodwell
1934    MSc    Leeds    A survey of the resources of tanning materials and the leather industry of Bhopal State, India    G W DOUGLAS
1934    PhD    Edinburgh    Human geography of Bengal    Arthur GEDDES
1934    BLitt    Oxford, Somerville    A study of the legal and administrative records of Dacca as illustrating the policy of Warren Hastings in East Bengal    F M SACHSE
1934    BLitt    Oxford    Biography of Maharaja DalipSingh    K S THAPER
1935    DPhil    Oxford    The development of the Indian administrative and financial system, 1858-1905, with special reference to the relations    F J THOMAS
1936    MSc    London    British Indian administration: a historical study    K R Ramaswami AIYANGAR
1936    MA    London    Lord Ellenborough’s ideas on Indian policy    Kathleen I GARRETT    Dr Morrell
1936    MA    London    British public opinion regarding Indian policy at the time of the mutiny    Jessie HOLMES    Dr Morrell
1936    PhD    London, SOAS    The rise and fall of the Rohilla power in Hindustan, 1707-1774 AD    A F M K RAHMAN
1936/37    PhD    Edinburgh    Indian foreign trade, 1900-1931, and its economic background: a study    W B RAGHAVIAH
1937    PhD    Cambridge, Gonville    The national income of British India, 1931-1932    V K R V RAO
1937    PhD    London, LSE    Culture change in South-Western India    A AIYAPPAN
1937    PhD    London, UC    Banks and industrial finance in India    R BAGCHI
1937    PhD    London    Development of social and political ideas in Bengal, 1858-1884    B C BHATTACHARYA    Prof Dodwell
1937    MSc    Leeds    An interpretation of the distribution of the population within the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh    Nora Y BOYDELL
1937    PhD    London, LSE    Rise and growth of Indian liberalism    M A BUCH
1937    PhD    London, LSE    Industrial finance and management in India    N DAS
1937    MSc    London, LSE    The effect of the breakdown of the international gold standard on India    R DORAISWAMY
1937    PhD    London, LSE    The problem of rural indebtedness in Indian economic life    B G GHATE
1937    MSc    London, LSE    Indian coal trade    J GUHATHAKURTA
1937    PhD    London SOAS    Reorganisation of the Punjab government (1847-1857)    R C LAI

1937    PhD    London, External    An economic and regional geography of the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh    S M T RIZVI
1937    PhD    Wales    Purposes and methods of recording and accounting as applied to agriculture, with special reference to provision and use of economic data relating to agriculture in India    Arjan SINGH
1938    PhD    London, SOAS    The relations between Oudh and the East India Company from 1785-1801    P BASU
1938    PhD    London,  SOAS    East India Company’s relations with Assam, 1771-1826    S K BHUYAN
1938    PhD    London, LSE    Discretionary powers in the Indian Government with special reference to district administration    B CHAND
1938    MA    London, SOAS    The British conquest of Sind    K A CHISHTI
1938    PhD    Cambridge, Christ’s    The working of the Bengal legislative council under the Government of India Act, 1919    J G DRUMMOND
1938    MA    London    British relations with the Sikhs and Afghans, July 1823 to March 1840    E R KAPADIA
1938    PhD    London, SOAS    The East India interest and the British government, 1784-1833    C H PHILIPS
1938    PhD    London, LSE    The position of the Viceroy and Governor General of India    A RUDRA
1938    MA    London    British relations with the Sikhs and Afghans, July 1823 to March 1840    Charles WADE
1938/39    PhD    Edinburgh    Agricultural geography of the United Provinces    B N MUKERJI
1939    PhD    London, LSE    Industrial development of Mysore    R BALAKRISHNA
1939    MA    London, LSE    A general geographical account of the North West Frontier Province of India    M A K DURRANI
1939    PhD    Wales    The international production and exchange of rice with special reference to the production, market demand and consumption of rice in India and Burma    Ahmas KHAN
1939    BLitt    Oxford, St Cath’s Soc    The Governor-Generalship of Sir John Shore, 1793-1798    A W MAHMOOD
1939    PhD    London, LSE    Indian provincial finance (1919-1937) with special reference to the United Provinces    B R MISRA
1940    PhD    London, LSE    Recent economic depression in India with reference to agriculture and rural life    R K BHAN
1940    PhD    Wales    The future of agricultural cooperation in the United Provinces (with an examination of the cooperative experience)with special reference to the problems of agricultural cooperation in the United Provinces, India    H R CHATURVEDI
1940    PhD    London, LSE    An administrative study of the development of the civil service in India during the Company’s regime    A K GHOSAL
1940    PhD    Wales    The production, marketing and consumption of the chief oilseeds in India and the supply and use of oilseeds in the United Kingdom    A S KHAN
1940    PhD    Wales    Principles of agricultural planning with reference to relationships of natural resources, populations and dietaries in India and with further reference to rural development in certain provinces of India    Jaswant SINGH
1941    PhD    London, LSE    Financing of local authorities in British India    A N BANERJI
1941    PhD    London    The political and cultural history of the Punjab including the North West Frontier Province in its earliest period    L CHANDRA    Prof Barnett
1941    PhD    London, LSE    Capital development of India, 1860-1913    A KRISHNASAWMI
1941    PhD    London, LSE    Influence of European political doctrines upon the evolution of the Indian governmental institutions and practice, 1858-1938    G PRASAD
1942    MLitt    Cambridge, Fitzwilliam    Economic and political relations of India with Iran and Afghanistan since 1900    T BASU
1942    PhD    Edinburgh    A study of missionary policy and methods in Bengal from 1793 to 1905    W B S DAVIS    Prof Watt; Prof Buleigh
1943    PhD    London, LSE    Development of large scale industries in India and their localisation    N S SASTRI
1944    BLitt    Oxford, St Cath’s    Communal representation and Indian self-government    I J BAHADOORSINGH
1944    MA    London, External    The physiographic evolution of Ceylon    K KULARATNAM
1946    MA    London, SOAS    The origins and development to 1892 of the Indian National Congress    Iris M JONES
1947    PhD    London, LSE    The agricultural geography of Bihar    P DAYAL
1947    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    Consumer expenditure in India, 1931/32 to 1940/41    R L DESAI
1947    MA    London, LSE    Power resources and utilisation in the United Provinces    P K DUTT
1947    PhD    London, LSE    Cultural change with special reference to the hill tribes of Burma and Assam    Edmund Ronald LEACH
1947    PhD    London, SOAS    The judicial administration of the East India Company in Bengal, 1765-1982    B B MISRA
1947    PhD    London, LSE    The monetary policy of the Reserve Bank of India with special reference to the structural and institutional factors in the economy    K N RAJ
1948    PhD    Wales    The principles and practice of health insurance as applied to India    J AGRAWALA
1948    MSc    London, LSE    International monetary policy since 1919 with special reference to India    D C GHOSE
1948    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    British policy on the North East Frontier of India, 1826-1886    S GUPTA
1948    DPhil    Oxford, St Cath’s    Local self-government in the Madras Presidency, 1850-1919    K K PILLAY
1948    PhD    London, LSE    The problem of the standards of the Indian currency    A SADEQUE
1948    DPhil    Oxford, Exeter    The social function of religion in a south India community    Mysore Narasimhashar SRINIVAS
1948    BLitt    Oxford, St Cath’s Society    Some aspects of agricultural marketing in India with reference to developments in western marketing systems    R S SRIVASTAVA
1948    PhD    London,. SOAS    Muslims in India: a political analysis (from 1885-906)    Rafiq ZAKARIA
1949    PhD    London, LSE    Settlements in the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh    E AHMAD
1949    PhD    London, SOAS    The growth of self-government in Assam, 1984-1919    A K BARKAKOTY
1949    PhD    London, SOAS    British administration in Assam (1825-1845)with special reference to the hill tribes on the frontier    H BARPUJARI
1949    MA    London    An enquiry into the development of training of teachers in the Punjab during the British period    Aquila B BERLAS
1949    PhD    London, LSE    The problem of federation in India with special reference to economic relations    J N BHAN
1949    PhD    London, LSE    A study of methods of national income measurements with special reference to the problems of India    V K CHOPRA
1949    PhD    London, LSE    An analysis of the Indian price structure from 1861    A K GHOSH
1949    DPhil    Oxford, Keble    The achievement of Christian missionaries in India, 1794-1833    Kenneth INGHAM
1949    PhD    Wales    The organization and methods of agricultural cooperation in the British Isles and the possibility of their application in the Central Province of India    N Y KHER
1949    PhD    London, LSE    Industrial geography of Bihar    S A MAJID
1949    PhD    London, LSE    Development of Indian public finance during the war, April 1939-March 1946    S MISRA
1949    PhD    London, LSE    A study of the methods of state regulation of wages with special reference to their possible applications in India    S B L NIGAM
1949    PhD    London, SOAS    The development of marriage in ancient India    B C PAUL
1949    PhD    St Andrews    The social and administrative reforms of Lord William Bentinck    G SEED
1950    PhD    London, LSE    Jails and borstals with special reference to West Bengal    B BHATTACHARYYA    Dr Mannheim
1950    PhD    London    The growth of local self-government in Assam, 1874-1919    A K BORKAKOTY    Prof C R Philips; Prof Hall
1950    DPhil    Oxford, Lady Margaret Hall    The problem of the Indian immigrant in British colonial policy after 1834    I Mary CUMPSTON
1950    PhD    London, LSE    Underemployment and industrialisation: a study of the basic problems with special reference to India    B DATTA
1950    PhD    London, UC    The agriculture of Mysore    G K GHORI
1950    PhD    London, SOAS    The influence of western, particularly English, political ideas on Indian political thought, with special reference to the political ideas of the Indian National Congress, 1885-1919    Sailesh C GHOSH
1950    PhD    London, LSE    Principles of unemployment insurance and assistance with special reference to their application to India    D GUPTA
1950    PhD    Newcastle    Anglo-Afghan relations, 1798-1878, with particular reference to British policy in Central Asia and on the North West Frontier of India    M KHAN
1950    PhD    London, LSE    The social consequences of imperialism with special reference to Ceylon    P R PIERIS
1950    PhD    London, LSE    An experiment in the estimation of national income and the in the construction of social accounts of India, 1945-1946    D N SAXENA    Mr Booker
1950    PhD    London, SOAS    The relations between the home and Indian governments, 1858-1870    Zahinuddin  Husain ZOBERI
1951    PhD    London, External    Memoir of the geology and mineral resources of the neighbourhood of Bentong, Pahang and adjoining portions of Selangor and Negri Sembilan, incorporating an account of the prospecting and mining activities of the Bentong District    J B ALEXANDER
1951    BLitt    Oxford, Exeter    The political organization of the plains Indians    Frederick George BAILEY
1951    BLitt    Oxford, Corpus    Southern India under Wellesley, 1798-1805    A S BENNELL    Mr C C Davies
1951    PhD    London, LSE    Problems of the Indian foreign exchanges since 1927    D GHOSH
1951    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    The Viceroyalty of Lord Ripon, 1880-1884    S GOPAL    Mr R C Davies
1951    MA    Wales    The problem of the Straits, 1896-1936    E W GRIFFITHS
1951    PhD    London, LSE    Sources of Indian official statistics relating to production    O P GUPTA    Dr Rhodes
1951    MA    Manchester    The administration and financial control of municipalities and district boards in the UP    N K KATHIA
1951    PhD    Glasgow    The legal and constitutional implications of the evolution of Indian independence    R KEMAL
1951    PhD    Cambridge, Jesus    An analysis of the Hindu caste system in its interactions with the total social structure in certain parts of the Malabar coast    E J MILLER    Prof Hutton
1951    PhD    Cambridge, Girton    Changes in matrilineal kinship on th Malabar coast    E K MILLER    Prof Hutton
1951    PhD    Bristol    Agriculture and horticulture in India – sundry papers    K C NAIK
1951    MA    Manchester    An economic survey of West Pakistan    A SHARIF
1951    PhD    Cambridge    The interpretation of legislative powers under the Government of India Act, 1935    S D SHARMA
1951    BLitt    Oxford, St Cath’s Society    Religion and society among some of the tribes of Chota Nagpur    H N C STEVENSON
1951        London, SOAS    The political development of Burma during the period 1918-1935    OHN TIN
1951    PhD    London, LSE    The working of the Donoughmore constitution of Ceylon, 1931-1947: a study of a colonial central government by executive committees    Irripitwebadalge don Samaradasa WEERAWARDANA    Mr W H Morris-Jones
1952    PhD    London SOAS    The career of Mir Jafar Khan, 1757-1765 AD    Raya ATULA-CHANDRA    Prof C H Philips
1952    PhD    London, LSE    The development of Calcutta: a study in urban geography    M GUHA    Prof L D Stamp; Prof O H K Spate
1952    PhD    London, LSE    The East India Company’s land policy and management in Bengal from 1698 to 1784    Mazharul HUQ    Dr Anstey
1952    MA    Leeds    The social accounts relating to Ceylon    E L P JAYTILAKA
1952    MSc    London, LSE    Rural industries in India: a study in rural economic development with special reference to Madras    C K KAUSUKUTTY    Dr Anstey
1952    MSc    London, LSE    India’s balance of international payments with special reference to her food and agricultural conditions    G B KULKARNI    Dr Anstey; Dr Raeburn
1952    PhD    Cambridge    Utilitarian influence and the formation of Indian policy, 1820-1840    E T STOKES
1952    PhD    London, SOAS    Local government in India and Burma, 1908-1937: a comparative study of the evolution and working of local authorities in Bombay, the United Provinces and Burma    Hugh R TINKER    Prof Hall
1953    PhD    London, LSE    Economic geography of East Pakistan    N AHMAD    Prof Stamp
1953    MSc    London, UC    the changing pattern of India’s foreign trade, with special reference to the impact of large scale industrial development since 1919    A ALAGAPPAN
1953    PhD    London, SOAS    The East India Company and the economy of Bengal from 1704 to 1740    Sukumar BHATTACHARYYA    Prof C H Philips
1953    MA    Wales    National income of Pakistan for the year 1948-49    Z ul H CHAUDRI
1953    MLitt    Cambridge, Fitzwilliam    The influence of Western thought on social, educational, political and cultural development of India, 1818-1840    V DATTA    Dr T G P Spear
1953    MSc    Belfast    The growth of trade unions in India    S DAYAL
1953    PhD    London    The establishment of Dutch power in Ceylon, 1638-1658     K W GOONEWARDENA    Prof Hall
1953    PhD    London, LSE    The submontane region of North West Pakistan: a geographical study of its economic development    Maryam KARAM-ELAHI    Prof Buchanan; Prof Stamp
1953    PhD    London, LSE    A study of rhe measurement of national product and its distribution, with special reference to Pakistan    A H KHANDKER
1953    PhD    Edinburgh    A regional study of survival, mortality and disease in British India in relation to the geographic factors, 1921-1940    A T A LEARMONTH
1953    PhD    London, SOAS    Development of the Muslims of Bengal and Bihar, 1819-1856, with special reference to their education    A R MAALICK    Prof Philips
1953    DPhil    Oxford, Jesus    The study of the economy of self-subsisting rural communities: the methods of investigation, economic conditions and economic relations, with specific reference to India    P K MUKHOPADHYAY
1953    PhD    London, LSE    The relationship of land tenure to the economic modernization of Uttar Pradesh    W C NEALE
1953    PhD    London, Bedford    Social status of women during the past fifty years (1900=1950)    T N PATEL    Mrs B Wootton
1953    PhD    London, LSE    The state in relation to trade unions and trade disputes in India    Anand PRAKASH    Mr W H Morris-Jones; Mr Roberts
1953    MA    London, SOAS    The tribal village in Bihar    SACHCHIDANANDA    Prof C Haimendorf
1953    PhD    London, UC    Delegated legislation in India    V N SHULKA    Prof Keeton
1953    PhD    London, SOAS    The internal policy of the Indian government, 1885-1898    H L SINGH    Prof C H Philips
1953    PhD    London, SOAS    The internal policy of Lord Auckland in British India, 1836-1842, with special reference to education    D P SINHA    Prof C H Philips
1953/54    MA    Leeds    Demand for certain exports of Ceylon    K THARMARATNAM
1954    MA    London    The administration of Sir Henry Ward,Governor of Ceylon, 1855-1860    S V BALASINGHAM    Prof Graham
1954    PhD    London, SOAS    Social policy and social change in Western India, 1817-1830    Kenneth A BALLHATCHET    Prof C H Philips
1954    Dphil    Oxford, St Hilda’s    Lord William Bentinck in Bengal, 1828-1835    C E BARRETT    Dr C C Davies
1954    MA    London    A historical survey of the training of teachers in Bengal in the 19th and 20th centuries    S BHATTACHARYA
1954    MA    London, SOAS    Evolution of representative government in India, 1884-1909    Sasadhar CHAKRAVARTY    Prof C H Philips

1954    PhD    London, LSE    Consumption levels in India    T P CHAUDHURI
1954    PhD    London, LSE    The forests of Assam: a study in economic geography    H DAS
1954    MSc    Leeds    A study of price fixing for agricultural products with special reference to milk in Great Britain and Bombay    N K DESAI
1954    BLitt    St Andrews    Eldred Pottinger and the North West Frontier, 1838-1842    D W F GOURLAY    Sir C Ogilvie
1954    PhD    London, LSE    The Korean crisis and the Indian Union    K GUPTA
1954    MA    Manchester    Some aspects of the development of Pakistan’s financial structure    M HOSSAIN
1954    MSc    London, LSE    Financing economic development in Ceylon    A T JAYAKODDY    Prof Paish; Dr Anstey
1954    PhD    London, LSE    Measurement of profits: a study of methods with special reference to India    R K NIGAM
1954    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    A study of communal representation in constitutional systems of the British Commonwealth with specific reference to Ceylon, Kenya and Fiji    Carl Gustav ROSBERG    Mr K E Robinson
1954    PhD    London, LSE    Land utilization in Eastern Uttar Pradesh (comprising the districts of Jaunpur, Banares, Guezipur, Azamgarh and Baldea)    M SHAFI    Prof Stamp; Mr R R Rawson
1954    PhD    London, LSE    Representation and representative government in the Indian Republic    Irene C TINKER    Mr W H Morris-Jones
1954    PhD    London, SOAS    Trade and finance in the Bengal Presidency, 1793-1833    Amales TRIPATHY    Prof C H Phillips
1954    PhD    London, LSE    Some aspects of the history of the coffee industry in Ceylon with specific reference to 1823-1885    I H VAN DEN DRIESEN    Mr Fisher
1954    PhD    London, LSE    The Manning constitution of Ceylon, 1924-1931    Alfred Jeyaretnam WILSON    Mr R Bassett; Mr W H Morris-Jones
1955    MSC    London, LSE    Some aspects of the history of British investments in the private sector of the Indian economy, 1876-1914    N Z AHMED    Dr Ashworth; F J Fisher
1955    PhD    Manchester    The social organisation of a village on the Hindu frontier of Orissa    Frederick George BAILEY
1955    LLM    London, LSE    Recognition and enforcement of foreign judgements in India: a comparative study    B N BANERJEE
1955    PhD    London    The administration of criminal justice in Bengal from 1773 to 1861    T K BANERJEE    S A de Smith; Prof A Gledhill
1955    MA    London    The East India Company in Madras, 1707-1744    R N BANERJI
1955    PhD    London    The factory of the English East India Company at bantam, 1602-1682    D K BASSETT    Prof D G E Hall
1955    PhD    London, LSSE    Pressure of population on land in India: a regional approach    B S BHIR
1955    MA    London, SOAS    The economic policy of the Government of India, 1898-1905    Edna BONNER    Prof C R Philips
1955    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    The educational policy of the East India Company, 1781-1854    J G BOWEN    Mr C C Davies
1955    BLitt    Oxford, Magdalen    Indian labour migration to Malaya, 1867-1910    D A CALMAN    Dr A F Madden
1955    PhD    London, LSE    Consumption levels in India    T P CHOUDHURY
1955    PhD    London, LSE    The Malay family in Singapore    J DJAMOUR
1955    PhD    Edinburgh    The abolition of the East India Company’s monopoly, 1833    D EYLES    Prof Pares
1955    MLitt    Cambridge. Fitzwilliam House    The mongoloids and their contributions to the growth of Assamese culture    M C GOSWAMI    Dr J E Lindgren
1955    PhD    London, SOAS    The administration of the Delhi Territory, 1803-1832    Jessie HOLMES    Prof C H Philips
1955    MSc (Econ)    London, LSE    Taxation and saving in India    D JHA
1955    MSc    London, LSE    A comparison of the federal aspects of the Government of India Act, 1935, and the constitution of 1950    S KHAN
1955    MA    London, SOAS    Some aspects of the social history of Bengal with special reference to the Muslims, 1854-1884    L KHATOON    Prof Philips
1955    PhD    Aberdeen    Ports of the Indian ocean: an historical geography    W KIRK    A C O’Dell
1955    PhD    Cambridge, Peterhouse    British investment in Indian guaranteed railways, 1845-1875    W J MACPHERSON    Mr K E Berrill
1955    PhD    London, UC    Fundamental freedoms, with particular reference to the Indian constitution    J C MEHDI    Prof G W Keeton
1955    PhD    Birmingham    The educational ideas of Mahatma Gandhi    N P PILLAI
1955    MA    Manchester    Cottage industries in Bihar    S B SAXENA
1955    PhD    London, LSE    The Indian jute industry: a study of agricultural geography    P SENGUPTA
1955    PhD    London,  LSE    The political philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi in relation to the English liberal tradition    Bishan Sarup SHARMA
1955    LLM    London, SOAS    Distribution of legislative power under the India constitution    R P SHARMA
1955    PhD    London , SOAS    The Council of India, 1858-1919    S SINGH    Prof C H Philips
1955    PhD    London LSE    The origin and development of left wing movements and ideas in India, 1919-1947    Lalan Prasad SINHA    R Mikband; W H Morris-Jones
1955    PhD    London; SOAS    British interest in trans-Burma trade routes to China, 1826-1876    Ma THAUNG
1955    MA    London    The training of teachers in the Bombay Presidency during the British period: a historical survey    N L VAIDYA
1955    PhD    Edinburgh    Save there, eat here: a cultural study of labour migration from a Pakhtun village    Francis Philip WATKINS
1955    PhD    London, LSE    The southeast quadrant of Ceylon: a study of the geographical aspects of land use    W A R WIKKRAMATILEKE
1956    PhD    London, SOAS    The Dutch power in Ceylon, 1658-1687    S ARASARATNAM    Prof D Hall
1956    PhD    London, LSE    Land use and soil erosion problems of Bist Jullundur Doab, Punjab, India    O P BHARDWAJA
1956    PhD    London, SOAS    British rule in Assam, 1845-1858    B CHAUDHURI    Prof C R Philips
1956    PhD    London, SOAS    Sir Josiah Child and the East India Company at the end of the 17th century    A L CROWE    Prof C Philips
1956    MSc    London, LSE    Scope and method of agricultural economic surveys in India    N Y Z FARUQI    Dr Raeburn
1956    PhD    London, LSE    A study of capital taxation and its scope in India    I S GULATI
1956    PhD    London, LSE    An analysis of the monetary experience of Ceylon    H A de S GUNASEKERA    Prof Sayers; Mr Wilson
1956    PhD    London, LSE    Federal finance and economic development with special reference to Pakistan    M HOSSAIN
1956    PhD    London, LSE    The demand for Indian exports and imports: an econometric study of selected commodities    A K MUKERJI    Prof Allen; Dr Norton
1956    PhD    London, LSE    Capital development in India with special reference to recent trends in investments    Dinanath Kashinath RANGNEKAR    Prof Paish; Dr Anstey
1956    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    A study of India’s balance of payments, 1901-1913 and 1924-1936    B S RAO    Prof E A G Robinson
1956    MA    London, SOAS    The relations between the Indian central and provincial governments with special reference to the Presidencies of Madras and Bombay, 1858-1882    D N SINGH    Prof C H Philips
1957    MA    Birmingham    An examination in disposal and treatment of juvenile delinquents in Bombay State in relation to practice in England    A D ATTAR
1957    MA    London    The development and reconstruction of university education in Pakistan since 1854    S M A AZIZ
1957    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Social organisation of the Jaffna Tamils of North Ceylon with special reference to kinship, marriage and inheritance    M Y BANKS    Mr E R Leach
1957    PhD    London, LSE    West Midnapore: a study of land use    S C CHAKRABORTI
1957    BLitt    Oxford, St Cath’s    The place of agricultural development in India’s first two Five-Year Plans    A CORREIA-AFONSO
1957    PhD    London, SOAS    Studies in the economic and social development of Inida, 1848-1856    M N DAS    Prof C Philips
1957    MA    London, LSE    The population of Chota Nagpur    H P DEVI    Prof L D Stamp
1957    MSc    London, LSE    Small scale and cottage industries as a means of providing better opportunities for labour in India    Q H FAROOQUEE    Prof A Plant; Mr Foldes
1957    PhD    London, LSE    Fiscal policy and inflation in post-war India, 1945-1954    K V G GOWDA
1957    DPhil    Oxford    Anglo Sikh relations, 1799-1849    B J HASRAT    C C Davies
1957    MLitt    Cambridge, Girton    Indian constitutional development, 1927-1935    M B HASSEN    Dr T G P Spear
1957    PhD    London, LSE    The commitee system in British and Indian local authorities    C JHA    Prof W A Robbins
1957    DPhil    Oxford, St Cath’s    The development of money and banking in Ceylon    J B KELEGAMA
1957    PhD    London, LSE    The civil service in independent India: the All India and Union Civil Services    B S KHANNA    Prof W A Robson
1957    PhD    London, LSE    Urbanization in West Pakistan    K KURESHY
1957    PhD    London, LSE    Hinduism and economic growth: a study of the nature of the impact of Hinduism on India’s economic growth with special emphasis on theperiod since the mid 18th century    B B MISHRA    Dr Anstey
1957    PhD    London, External    Large scale sampling surveys in agriculture in the Punjab (Pakistan)    D M QURESHI
1957    PhD    London, SOAS    British land policy in Oudh    j RAJ    Prof C H Philips
1957    DPhil    Oxford    The Dutch in Coromandel, 1605-1690    Tapan RAYCHAUDHURI
1957    PhD    London, LSE    Geomorphological evolution of the highaland of Chota Nagpur and the adjoining districts of Bihar    R P SINGH
1957    PhD    London, LSE    Credit problems of small farmers in Ceylon    Wijetunga Mudianselagadera TILAKARATNA    Mr A D Knox
1957    PhD    London    The urban geography of Agra    A R TIWARI    Prof A E Smailes
1957/58    PhD    London, SOAS    The life and career of Jonathan Duncan, 1756-1795    V NARAIN
1957/58    PhD    Manchester    A comparative study of informal relationships in a Chinese village in Malaya and north India    W H NEWELL
1957/58    PhD    Manchester    The history of the Arghuns and Tarkhans of Sind    M H SIDDIQI
1957/58    PhD    Manchester    An analysis of the demand for, and the supply of, food in India    R P SINHA
1958    MA    London, Inst Ed    The missionary activities of the CMS and CZEMS in Kashmir during the second half of the 19th century    S Z AHMED SAH    Prof J A Lauwerys
1958    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    The political organisation of the Swat Pathans    T F W BARTH    Mr E R Leach
1958    MA    London, Inst Ed    A historical survey of the languages problem in Bengal from the Muslim period to the end of the British period    K BHATTACHARYYA
1958    MSc    Cambridge, Fitzwilliam    The financing of planned economic development in India    S R DATTA GUPTA    Dr A R Prest
1958    MA    London, LSE    Sociology of marriage rituals in India: a study of Sanskritisation and de-Sanskritisation    B DATTAGUPTA
1958    MSc    Londond, LSE    Some aspects of Indo-British trade during the 20th century with special reference to capital goods    V P DHITAL
1958    MA    London, SOAS    The political system of the Rajputs    Sylvia J DUTRA    Dr Bauley; Prof C von Furer-Haimendorf
1958    MSc    London, LSE    The economics of the tea industry in Ceylon    J M F G FERNANDO    Dr V Anstey
1958    PhD    London    The development of the Indian National Congress, 1892-1909    Pansy C GHOSH    Dr K Balhatchet
1958    PhD    London, LSE    Inflation in India, 1939-1952: a study of inflation in an underdeveloped economy    S K GHOSH    Dr Anstey; Mr Day
1958    PhD    London,SOAS    The internal administration of Lord Lytton, with special reference to social and economic policy, 1876-1880    L M GUJRAL
1958    MLitt    Cambridge, King’s    Sir Richard Jenkins and the Residency at Nagpur, 1807-1818    F A HAGAR    Dr T G P Spear
1958    PhD    London, LSE    Agrarian problems in Bihar based, primarily, on surveys in five villages    F Tomasson JANNUZI    Dr V Anstey
1958    BLitt    Oxford, Campion Hall    An economic and historical study of food grain controls in India during the second world war and after    S C JOSEPH
1958    MSc    London, LSE    Union-state administrative cooperation in India (1937-1952)    M KAMAL    Prof W A Robson
1958    MSc    London, LSE    Problems of the agricultural labourers in India    R P KAMAT
1958    MSc    Cambridge, Newnham    The employment problem in Ceylon    I KANNANGARA    Mrs J V Robinson
1958    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    The commercial and diplomatic relations between India and Tibet in the nineteenth century    H A LAMB    Dr V W W S Purcell
1958    PhD    Cambridge, St Catharine’s    The Dutch East India Company and Mysore, 1762-1790    J van LOHUIZEN    Dr T G P Spear
1958    MA    London, LSE    Social and economic geography of the Mathura District (western Uttar Pradash)    S D MISRA    Mr R R Rawson
1958    PhD    London, LSE    Economics of nutritional problems in India    R N MITRA    Dr Raeburn
1958    PhD    Cambridge, Peterhouse    The analysis of Kandyan marriage: landlords, labourers and aristocrats    OSMAN YALMAN NUR
1958    PhD    London, SOAS    Sir Elijah Impey in India, 1774-1783    Bishwa Nath PANDEY    Prof C H Philips
1958    MA    London, LSE    A geography of the Peshawar region    M Z SAHIBZADA
1958    PhD    London, LSE    Indian monetary policy and debt management since 1939    J C D SETHI    Dr V Anstey; Mr R Turvey
1958    PhD    London, LSE    Strategic aspects of India’s foreign policy    V B L SHARMA
1958    BLitt    Oxford, St Antony’s    The rise and growth of the Praja Socialist Party of India (1934-1935)    H K SINGH    Mr F G Carnell
1958    PhD    London, LSE    Allahabad: a study in urban geography    Ujaqir SINGH    Prof D L Stamp

1958 PhD London, SOAS  Asoka and the Decline of the Mauryas  Romila THAPAR Prof A.L.Basham [viz., note from Prof Thapar dated 4 March 2016]

1958    MA    London, SOAS    History of the development of Rangoon    TUN THET    Prof Hall
1958    PhD    London, LSE    India’s membership of the sterling area    Jai Dev VARMA
1958    PhD    Cambridge    The present situation and the probably future of cotton in West Pakistan’s economy    S B WHITEHILL
1958    PhD    Edinburgh    The economic geography of Madhya Pradesh (formerly Central Provinces and Behar)    R H ZAIDI
1959    MSc(Econ)    London, LSE    The industrial worker in East Pakistan: a study in the adaptation of an industrial labour force    A K AHMADULLAH    Prof Phelps
1959    MA    Manchester    The recruitment of Indians into the covenanted civil service, 1853-1892    M R ANWAR
1959    PhD    Manchester    Britain and Muslim India: a study of British public opinion vis-a-vis the development of Muslim nationalism in India, 1905-1947    K K AZIZ
1959    MSc    London, LSE    Problems in corporation taxation with special reference to India    M P BHATT    Mr Turvey
1959    PhD    London, LSE    Applications of linear programming to the development plans of India    B BHATTACHARYYA
1959    MA    London    Trincocmalee and the East Indies Squadron, 1746-1844    H A COLGATE    Prof Graham
1959    PhD    London, LSE    Economic development of Assam with special reference to the 20th century    P GOSWAMI    Dr Anstey
1959    PhD    London    The nationalist movement in Ceylon betweem 1910 and 1931, with special reference to communal and elective problems    D K GREENSTREET    Dr Miliband
1959    BLitt    Oxford, St Cath’s    Land tenure in the Kandyan provinces of Ceylon    U A GUNASEKERA    Dr D F Pocock
1959    BLitt    Oxford, St Anne’s    The analysis of external trade and economic structure of Ceylon, 1900-1955    O E B GUNEWARDENA    Miss P H Ady
1959    PhD    London, LSE    Some problems of the organisation and administration of public enterprise with special reference to India    L N GUPTA    Prof Robson; Dr Anstey
1959    PhD    Edinburgh    The collection of agricultural statistics and the use of data in the United Kingdom and Pakistan: an objective study to explore possibilities of improvement in Pakistan    Muhammed Altaf HUSSAIN
1959    MA    London, SOAS    Social and administrative policy of the Government of Bengal, 1877-1890    Rokeya KABEER    Prof Basham
1959    PhD    London, External    Industrial relations in India    C B KUMAR
1959    PhD    London, LSE    Some aspects of the problem of implementing agricultural planning in India    Gouri NAG    Mr Knox; Mr Lancaster
1959    PhD    Edinburgh    Early English travellers in India. A study in the travel literature of the Elizabethan and Jacobean periods with particular reference to India    R C PRASAD    Prof W L Renwick; Mr G A Shepperson
1959    PhD    London, LSE    Judicial review in India: a study in constitutional theory and judicial practice    V R RAVIKANTI    Mr S de Smith
1959    MA    London, LSE    The position of women in Hinayana Buddhist countries (Burma, Ceylon, Thailand)    S SEIN    Mr F Freedman
1959    PhD    London , LSE    British opinion and Indian neutralism: an analysis of India’s foreign policy in the  light of British public reactions, 1947-1957    Shri Ram SHARMA    Prof Manning
1959/60    PhD    Cambridge, Fitzwilliam    The cottage industries of India: an enquiry into their economics with special reference to developmental planning    Kedarnath PRASAD
1959/60    PhD    Cambridge, Queen’s    The role of transport and foreign trade in the economic development of Burma under British rule, 1885-1914    Maung SHEIN
1959/60    PhD    London, External    North east Baluchistan, Quetta Division: a critical evaluation of the land and its resources    A H SIDDIQI
1959/60    MA    Manchester    An analysis of the principal factors affecting India’s policy toward her Himalayan border    J TOOMRE
1960    PhD    London, SOAS    Some aspects of the history of the Muslim community in Bengal, 1884-1912    Sufia AHMED    Prof C H Philips
1960    MA    London    Aspects of the economic development of the Assam valley, 1858-1884    A C BARUA    Dr K Ballhatchet
1960    PhD    Cambridge    Thomas Munro and the development of administrative policy in Madras, 1791-1818: the origins of “the Munro system”    T H BEAGLEHOLE    Dr K Ballhatchet
1960    PhD    London, LSE    Measurements of production and productivity in Indian industry with special reference to methodological aspects    G C BERI
1960    PhD    London, SOAS    The state and the cooperative movement in the Bombay Presidency, 1880-1930    I J CATANACH    Dr K Ballhatchet
1960    PhD    London, LSE    The centrally recruited services in Pakistan    M A CHAUDHURI    Prof P Robson
1960    DPhil    Oxford, Lincoln    Portuguese society in India in the sixteenth and seveteenth centuries    K J CROWTHER
1960    PhD    Cambridge, St Cath’s    Cottage industries of Ceylon    H D DIAS    Mr B H Farmer
1960    MSc (Econ)    London    Someproblems of agriculture in the Vale of Peshawar (West Pakistan)    Lloyd Suttor EDMONDS
1960    PhD    Cambridge, Fitzwilliam    Malabar in Asian trade, 1740-1800    Asin Ranjan Das GUPTA

1960    MA    Wales, Swansea    Indian international transactions 1948 to 1958    C GURUPRASAD
1960    PhD    London, SOAS    British policy on the North West Frontier Province of India, 1889-1901    L HARRIS    Prof K Ballhatchet
1960    PhD    London, External    Agricultural geography of East Pakistan    B L C JOHNSON
1960    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    The Indian National Congress, 1918-1923    G KKRISHNA    Dr G F Hudson
1960    PhD    London    The growth of the idea of Commonwealth in India. 1900-1929    S R MEHROTRA    Prof Philips
1960    PhD    London    The Burma-China boundary since 1886    Khin Maung NYUNT
1960    PhD    London, Birkbeck    Colombo: a study in urban geography    D B L PANDITARATNA    Prof A L Basham
1960    PhD    London, LSE    The law and the banker in Ceylon    M J L RAJANAYAGAM    Prof Gower
1960    PhD    London, LSE    Land reforms and some allied agrarian problems in Madras State since independence    Arungiri RAMASWAMI
1960    PhD    London LSE    Economic aspects of the sugar industry in India    Saraswathi RAU    Dr Raeburn
1960    PhD    London, LSE    Industrial injuries schemes in India and Britain: a comparative study    B RAYCHAUDHURI
1960    MSc    London, LSE    Wage boards in British and the application of their proceedings in India    C J N SAXENA    Prof Phelps Brown
1960    PhD    London, LSE    Recent changes in land use in the Upper Damodar Basin, India    A SHARAN    Mr Rawson
1960    PhD    London, SOAS    English relations with Haidar Ali, 1760-1782    B SHEIK ALI
1960    MA    London, Inst Ed    A comparative study of the language problem at the university level in India    R K YADAVA
1960    PhD    London, SOAS    Anglo-Chinese diplomacy regarding Burma, 1885-1897    Nancy Iu YAN-KIT
1960/61    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    Surplus manpower in agriculture and economic development with special reference to India    P S SANGHVI    Dr M R Fisher
1960/61    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    A critique of surplus labour doctrine as applied to the Pakistan in 1947-1957    Rehana TANWIR
1961    PhD    London    Constitutional and political aspects of the public corporation in Britain and India    R S ARORA
1961    BLitt    Oxford, Exeter    Some aspects of change in the structure of the Muslim family in the Punjab under British rule    T ASAD    Dr D F Pocock
1961    PhD    London, SOAS    The structure and organisatioin of the Bengal Native Infantry with special reference to the problems of discipline (1796-1852)    Amiya BARAT    Dr K Ballhatchet
1961    PhD    London, LSE    Howrah: an urban study    A CHATTOPADHYAY    Dr E Jones
1961    PhD    Leeds    India, Britain and Russia: a study of British opinion    V K CHAVDA    Prof Briggs
1961    DPhil    Oxford, Magdalen    Muslim politics in the Indo-Pakistan sub-continent, 1858-1916    M CHUGHTAI    Dr C C Davies
1961    DPhil    Oxford, Nuffield    Henry Dundas and the government of India, 1773-1801    B DE    Mr Davies
1961    PhD    London, SOAS    Some aspects of the development of social policy in Ceylon, 1840-1955 with special reference to the influence of missionary organisations    K M DE SILVA    Dr K Ballhatchet
1961    MSc    London    The economics, organisation and administration of the Indian paper industry    B N DHAR
1961    PhD    London    The administration of Guntur District with special reference to local influences on revenue policy, 1837-1848    Robert Eric FRYKENBERG    Dr K Ballhatchet
1961    PhD    Cambridge    Sir Richard Temple and the government of India 1868-1880: some trends in Indian administrative policy    G R G HAMBLY
1961    PhD    London, SOAS    Tribal unrest on the south-west frontier of the Bengal Presidency, 1831-1833    J C JHA
1961    MA    London, SOAS    Changing values in the Naga Hills and Manipur State    M KALABOVA    Prof C Von Furer Haimerdorf
1961    PhD    London, External    Financial administration in Ceylon since independence    V KANESALINGHAM
1961    MSc    London, LSE    Government of India policy towards Portuguese possessions in India from 1947 to 1957    R A KHAN
1961    PhD    London, SOAS    The development of nationalist ideas and tactics and the policies of the government of India    J R McLANE
1961    PhD    London, SOAS    The Kurumas of Malabar    Richard Lionel ROOKSBY
1961    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity Hall    The Ceylon economy, 1920-1938: a national accounts study    M R P SALGADO    Dr B B Das Gupta
1961    MA    London, SOAS    The social and political organisation of the Kandyan Kingdom (Ceylon)    S B W WICKREMASEKERA
1961/62    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    The growth of agricultural labour in the Madras Presidency in the nineteenth century    Dharma KUMAR    Mr J Gallagher
1962    MA    London, LSE    Population changes in West Bengal, 1872-1951    A BHATTACHARYYA    Prof Jones
1962    MA    London, Inst Ed    Policies regarding higher education in Ceylon during the 19th and 20th centuries with special reference to the establishment of the University of Ceylon    P CHANDRASEGARAM    Mr B Holmes
1962    PhD    London    The development of the English East India Company with special reference to its trade and organization, 1600-1640    K N CHAUDHURI
1962    PhD    Edinburgh    The control of public expenditure in less-developed countries with special reference to India    usha DAR
1962    PhD    London, LSE    Investment and economic growth in Ceylon    S B D DE SILVA    Prof Paish
1962    PhD    Londond, Birkbeck    The North West frontier of West Pakistan: a study in regional geography    D DICHTER    Prof East
1962    PhD    London    Social institutions in Ceylon 5th century BC to 4th century AD    H ELLAWALLA    Prof Basham; Dr de Casparia
1962    MLitt    Durham    The political ideas of Sir Alfred Comyn Lyall    P HASSAN    Prof W H Morris Jones
1962    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Some aspects of the social and political thought of Mahatma Gandhi    Raghavan Narasimhan IYER    Mr J P Plamenatz
1962    PhD    London, SOAS    Murshid Quli Khan and his times    Abdul KARIM    Mr Harrison
1962    PhD    London    Indo-Ceylon relations since independence    Shelton Upatissa KODIKARA
1962    PhD    London    The fiscal policy of the central government of India since independence and its economic effects    J MADHAB
1962    DPhil    Oxford, Wadham    The impeachment of Warren Hastings    Peter James MARSHALL    Principal of Lady Margeret Hall
1962    PhD    London, External    Social geography of Himachal Pradesh    S D MISRA
1962    PhD    London, LSE    Public administration aspects of community development in India (with special reference to Rajasthan)    D C POTTER
1962    PhD    London, LSE    The development of the Indian capital market with special reference to the managing agent system    B PRASAD    Dr Paish; Dr Anstey
1962    PhD    London,  LSE    A study of productivity problems in the cotton textile industries of the UK (Lancashire) and India (Bombay and Ahmedabad) since the Second World War    S P S PRUTHI    Mr Roberts
1962    PhD    London    The political and constitutional evolution of Burma from 1923-1936    Asha RAM
1962    PhD    London, Inst Ed    Education in colonial Ceylon, being a research study on the history of education in Ceylon for the period 1796 to 1834    T R A RUBERU
1962    PhD    Edinburgh    Scottish experience in the impact of farm mechanisation on the employment and use of man labour with observatioins on possible Indian problems in this field    Kalyan Kumar SARKAR
1962    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity Hall    The emergence of Indian nationalism, 1885-1915    A SEAL    Mr J Gallagher
1962    PhD    Manchester    A comparative study of the central administrative organisation in India and in some other Commonwealth countries    S C SETH
1962    DPhil    Oxford, Nuffield    India’s export performance, 1951-1960, export prospects and policy implications    M V SINGH    Dr I M D Little
1962    PhD    Manchester    Some aspects of the administration of community projects in India    T N SRIVASTAVA
1962    PhD    London, QMC    Aspects of the urban geography of new Delhi    M P THAKORE    Prof Smailes
1962    PhD    London    Family planning in India: a field study of attitudes and behaviour in a population of Delhi compared with results of existing research in India and elsewhere    S THAPER
1962   PhD    London, SOAS    Lord Minto and the Indian nationalist movement with special reference to the political activities of the Indian Muslims, 1905-1910    S R WASTI
1962    DPhil    Oxford, New    The formation of policy in the India Office, 1858-1866, with special reference to the Political, Judicial, Revenue and Public Works Departments    D WILLIAMS    Mr C C Davies
1962/63    MA    London, Inst Ed    Education in the Roman Catholic missions in Ceylon in the second half of the 19th century (1842-1905)    C N V FERNANDO    Dr Weitzman
1962/63    PhD    London, External    Sterling tea and rubber companies in Ceylon, 1889-1958    N RAMACHANDRAN
1963    DPhil    Oxford, St Cath’s    Land systems in the Punjab (including North West Frontier Province)as affected by British rule between 1849 and 1901    R AHMAD    Mrs U K Hicks
1963    PhD    London, SOAS    The Bengali reaction to Christian missionary activities, 1833-1957    M M ALI
1963    PhD    Manchester    Economic ideas and Indian economic policies in the nineteenth century    S AMBIRAJAN
1963    PhD    London, UC    The development of the constitution of Jammu and Kashmir    A S ANAND    Mr Holland
1963    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Private investment and partial planning in India    Amiya Kumar BAGCHI
1963    PhD    London    The law of parliamentary elections in India and the United Kingdom    R K BAHL
1963    PhD    London, SOAS    British policy towards the Panjab, 1844-1849    S S BAL    Dr K Ballhatchet
1963    PhD    London    Estimates of the current and capital accounts of the balance of payments of India, 1921/22 to 1938/39, incorporating also the estimates of the government of India    A K BANERJI
1963    MS    London    The governorship of Sir William Gregory in Ceylon    B E St J BASTIAMPILLAI    Prof G S Graham
1963    PhD    Manchester    The industrial growth and technological pluralism in India with special reference to the cotton textile industry    AS BHALLA
1963    PhD    London, LSE    Financial administration of nationalised industries in UK and India    G S BHALLA
1963    MA    London, Inst Ed    A cross-cultural study of interests and attitudes of British and Indian university students    J K BHATNAGAR
1963    MSc    London, LSE    American attitudes towards foreign aid with special reference to the Indian sub continent    E I BRODKIN    Mr Chambers
1963    PhD    London, SOAS    Lord Curzon and the Indian states. 1899-1905    I A BUTT    Dr K A Ballhatchet

1963    MsC    London, UC    A comparative study of the nature and effectiveness of selective credit controls in the UK, India and Australia since 1951    J G CHAPATWALA    Dr Cramp
1963    PhD    London, SOAS    Slavery in the Bengal Presidency under East India Company rule, 1772-1843    A K CHATTOPADHYAY    Major Harrison
1963    PhD    London, SOAS    The rice industry of Burma, 1852-1940    Siok-hwa CHENG    Prof C D Cowan
1963    MA    London, Inst Ed    The effects of diarchy upon educational developments in Bengal, 1919-1953    S K DUTTA GUPTA
1963    PhD    London, LSE    Colonisation of the dry zone of Ceylon    H N C FONSECA
1963    PhD    London    British relations with Kashmir, 1885-1893    D K GHOSE    Dr K Ballhatchet
1963    PhD    Sheffield    The Marquis of Dalhousie and education in India, 1848-1956    Kamala GHOSH
1963    PhD    Manchester    The British Conservative Party and Indian problems. 1927-1935    S C GHOSH
1963    PhD    London, SOAS    British historical writing from Alexander Dow to Mountstuart Elphinstone on Muslim India    J S GREWAL    Dr Hardy
1963    PhD    London, SOAS    Indian politics and the British right, 1914-1922    M R HASSAN    Dr K Ballhatchet
1963    PhD    London, LSE    Ritual pollution and social structure in Hindu Assam    T T S HAYLEY
1963    MSc    London, LSE    English, German, Spanish relations in the Sulu question, 1987-1877    S C HUNTER
1963    PhD    London, LSE    Rainfall, rice fields and irrigation needs in West Bengal    P HUR    Mr Rawson
1963    MSc    London, LSE    Ideological influences in the foreign policy of Pakistan    A HUSSAIN    Dr Manning
1963    MA    Sheffield    The industrial geography of Madras State    Iyer Balasubramanyan HYMA
1963    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    The supply of Sinhalese labour to Ceylon plantations, 1830-1930: a study of imperial policy in a peasant society    L R U JAYAWARDENA    Mr K E Berrill
1963    PhD    London, External    Caste and class in pre-Muslim Bengal: studies in social history of Bengal    N KUNDU
1963    DPhil    Oxford, Jesus    The role and limits of state authority in northern India in the early historical period: an empirical examination of the administration of government    Ian W MABBETT    Prof T Borrow
1963    DPhil    Oxford, Lady Margaret    Lord Minto’s administration in India (1807-1813)with special reference to his foreign policy    Amita MAJUMDAR    Mr C C Davies
1963    DPhil    Oxford, St Hugh’s    Imperial policy in India, 1905-1910    V MAZUMDAR    Dr C C Davies
1963    PhD    London, LSE    The origin, development and problems of village (“community”) projects in India    Vindhyeshwari Prasad PANDE
1963    PhD    London, LSE    Constitutional protection of property in India: a critical and comparative study    P P PANDIT
1963    DPhil    Oxford, Regent’s Park    British Baptist missions and missionaries in India, 1793-1837    E D POTTS    Mr C C Davis
1963    DPhil    Oxford, Somerville    Land revenue administration in the ceded and conquered provinces and its economic background, 1819-1833    Asiya SIDDIQI    Mr C C Davis
1963    MA    London, SOAS    British administration in Upper Burma, 1885-1897    Jagjit Singh SIDHU
1963    BLitt    Oxford, St Cath’s    The Jats: an ethnographic survey    Gunter TIEMANN    Dr D F Pocock
1963    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    The development and significance of transport in India (1834-1882)    K E VERGHESE    Mr C C Davies
1963    PhD    London,  SOAS    Some aspects of Indian society as depicted in the Pali Canon    N K WAGLE
1963    MA    London, LSE    Magic in Malaya    W D WILDER
1963    PhD    London, UC    Basic democracies in Pakistan    M S K YOUSUFZAI    Prof Holland
1964    LlM    London, UC    The origin and nature of presidential powers in Pakistan    M ARIF    Mr Holland
1964    PhD    London, SOAS    The ideological differences between moderates and extremists in the Indian national movement with special reference to Surendranath Banerjea and Lajpat Rai, 1882-1919    D ATGOV    Prof H Tinker
1964    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    The Indian Constituent Assembly and the framing of the Indian constitution    G S AUSTIN    Mr F G Carnell
1964    PhD    London, SOAS    The role of Shaikh Ahmad of Sarhind in Islam in India    M Q BAIG    Prof Basham
1964    PhD    London, SOAS    David Scott on the North East Frontier of India and in Assam    N K BAROOAH    Mr Harrison
1964    BLitt    Oxford, Somerville    An examination of marriage ritual among selected groups in South India    B E F BECK
1964    PhD    London, LSE    The mobilisation of savings and the role of financial institutions with special reference to India    M Q M S DALVI    Dr Anstey
1964    PhD    London, LSE    Producers’ rationality and technical changes in agriculture with special reference to India    S DASGUPTA    Dr Anstey; Mr Joy
1964    PhD    London, SOAS    British policy towards the Pathans and Pindaris in central India, 1805-1818    B GHOSH    Dr K Ballhatchet
1964    PhD    Cambridge. Newnham    Service centres in Southern Ceylon    K A GUNAWARDENA    Mr B H Farmer

1964 PhD London, UCL, A Comparative Study of Pakistani Bilingual and Monoglot School Children’s Performance in Verbal and Non Verbal Tests   Rafia HASAN Dr Charlotte Banks (added thanks to information of Naveed Hasan Henderson, PhD London 1995, in a comment below, and confirmed by the University of London Library)

1964    PhD    London, External    An appraisal of public investment policy in India, 1951-1961    J M HEALEY
1964    PhD    London    The formation of British land revenue policy in the ceded and conquered provinces of northern India. 1801-1833    M I HUSAIN    Dr K A Ballhatchet
1964    PhD    London, LSE    Soviet Russia’s policy towards India and its effect on Anglo-Soviet relations, 1917-1928    Z IMAM    Mr Schapiro
1964    PhD    London, Wye    Efficiency in agricultural production; its meaning, measurement and improvement in peasant agriculture with special reference to Pakistan    M S ISLAM
1964    PhD    London, LSE    The urban labour movement in Ceylon with reference to political factors, 1893-1947    V K JAYAWARDENA    Prof Roberts
1964    PhD    London, External    A study of the current trends in the industrial development of Ceylon    V KANAPATHY
1964    PhD    London, LSE    The modern Muslim political elite in Bengal    Abdul Khair Nazmul KARIM
1964    PhD    London, LSE    Iron and steel prices in India since independence    S S MENSINKAI
1964    PhD    London, SOAS    Sir Charles Wood’s Indian policy, 1953-1866    R J MOORE    Prof Basham
1964    PhD    London, SOAS    Lord Northwood’s Indian administration, 1872-1876    E C MOULTON    Dr K Ballhatchet
1964    PhD    London, LSE    Some aspects of agrarian reorganizationin India with special reference to size of holding    B MUKHERJEE    D Anstey
1964    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    British commercial interests and the expansion of the Bombay Presidency, 1784-1806    P NIGHTINGALE    Dr T G P Spear
1964    PhD    London, SOAS    The rise of the Muslim middle class as a political factor in India and Pakistan    A H M NOORUZZAMAN    Prof H Tinker
1964    PhD    London, SOAS    The rev. James Long and Protestant missionary policy in Bengal, 1840-1872    G A ODDIE    Prof K Ballhatchet
1964    PhD    London, Inst Ed    Some issues between the church and state in Ceylon in the education of the people from 1870 to 1901    A RAJAINDRAN    Dr Holmes
1964    PhD    London, LSE    Rural development in India with special reference to agriculture, education and administration    K RAJARATNAM    Dr Anstey
1964    PhD    Durham    The central legislature in British India, 1921-1947    Md RASHIDUZZAMAN    Prof W H Morris-Jones
1964    PhD    London, LSE    Land tenure as related to agricultural efficiency and rural welfare in India    Paramahansa RAY    Dr Anstey; Mr Joy
1964    PhD    London    The revenue administration of Chittagong from 1761 to1784    Alamgir Muhammad SERAJUDDIN    Mr Harrison
1964    BLitt    Oxford, St Hilda’s    A study of representation in multi-lateral communities with special reference to Ceylon and Trinidad from 1946-1961    A SPACKMAN    Dr A F Madden
1964    MSc    London, LSE    Trends in the pattern of distribution of consumer goods in India    B K VADEHRA
1964    PhD    London, SOAS    British administration in the maritime provinces of Ceylon, 1796-1802    U C WICKREMERATNE    Prof K A Ballhatchet
1964    MA    Nottingham    British policy and the defence of Asia, 1903-1905: with special reference to China and India    B WILLCOCK    Dr J A S Grenville
1964/65    PhD    Manchester    Revolution and counter-revolution: a study of British colonial policy as a factor in the growth and disintegration of national liberation movements in Burma and Malaya    F NEMENZO
1964/65    PhD    Nottingham    Impact of the size of the organization on the personnel management function: a comparative study of personnel departments in some British and Indian industrial firms    B P SINGH
1965    DPhil    Oxford, New College    Life and conditions of the people of Bengal (1765-1785)    Z AHMA    Mr C C Davies
1965    PhD    London, External    The commercial progress and administrative development of the East India company on the Coromandel coast during the first half of the 18th century    R N BANERJI
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    The minorities of Southern Asia and public policy with special reference to India (mainly since 1919)    J H BEAGLEHOLE    Prof H Tinker
1965    PhD    Manchester    Urban unemployment in India    RC BHARDWAJ
1965    DPhl    Oxford, Balliol    The governor-generalship of the Marquess of Hastings, 1813-1823, with special reference to the Supreme Council and Secretariat…Palmer Company    Richard J BINGLE    Mr C C Davies
1965    MSc    London, SOAS    Ministerial government under the dyarchical reforms with special reference to Bengal and Madras    K A CHOWDHURY
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    The idea of freedom in the political thought of Vivekananda, Aurobindo, Gandhi and Tagore    D G DALTON
1965    MA    London, LSE    Irrigation and winter crops in East Pakistan    O HUQ    Mr Rawson
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    Conditions of employment and industrial disputes in Pakistan    A HUSAIN    Prof A Gledhill
1965    PhD    London, LSE    Democratic decentralization and planning in rural India    A C S ILCHMAN    Dr Anstey; Prof Self
1965    MSc    London, King’s    A social geography of Chitral State    ISRAR-UD-DIN    Prof Jones
1965    MSc (Econ)    London, LSE    Economic problems and organisation of public enterprise in Ceylon, 1931-1963    A S JAYAWARDENE    Mr Foldes
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    The rights and liabilities of the Bengal raiyats under tenancy legislation from 1885 to 1947    L KABIR
1965    MA    Manchester    The failure of parliamentary system of government in Pakistan    M A KHAN
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    Curzon, Kitchener and the problem of India army administration, 1899-1909    J E LYDGATE    Prof Robinson
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    A study of urban centres and industries in the central provinces of the Mughal Empire between 1556 and 1803    H K NAQVI    Mr Harrison
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    Sir Charles Metcalfe’s administration and administrative ideas in India, 1806-1835    D N PANIGRAHI    Prof C H Philips
1965    PhD    Birmingham    Peasant farming past and present in the wet zone of Ceylon    P D A PERERA    Prof H Thorpe; Dr W B Morgan
1965    DPhil    Oxford, Merton    Some aspects of British economic and social policy in Ceylon, 1840-1871    M W ROBERTS    Prof J A Gallagher
1965    PhD    London    The rise of business corporations in India and their development during 1851-1900    R S RUNGTA    Prof Paish; Dr V Ansty
1965    PhF    London, SOAS    The Sultanate of Jaunpur    Mian Muhhammad SAEED    Prof Basham
1965    BLitt    Oxford, Lady Margaret    Agricultural policy and economic development in India    K N V SASTRI    Mr G R Allen
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    A comparative study of the traditional political organisation of Kerala and Punjab    S J SHAHANI    Dr Mayer
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    The joint Hindiu family: its evolution as a legal institution    Gunther-Dietz SONTHEIMER    Dr Derrett
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    Nullity of marriage in modern Hindu law    S K TEWARI    Dr J D M Derrett
1965    MA    London, Inst Ed    The social and political significance of Anglo-Indian schools in India    Rosalind TIWARI    Dr King
1965    MA    Manchester    Federalism in south-East Asia with special reference to Burma    Margaret YIYI
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    The partition of Bengal and its annulment: a survey of the schemes of territorial redistribution of Bengal, 1902-1911    S Z H ZAIDI    Prof Basham
1965/66    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    Economic geography of rubber production in Ceylon    G H PEIRIS    Mr B H Farmer
1965/66    PhD    Leeds    Impact of money supply on the Indian economy, 1950/51 – 1963/64    K PRASAD
1965/66    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    The structure and working of the commercial banking system in Ceylon, 1945-1963    A J A N SILVA    Miss P M Deane
1965/66    PhD    Durham    Aspects of hte administration of the Punjab, judicial, revenue and political, 1849-1858    S K SONI
1965/66    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity House    The public finances of Ceylon, 1948-1961    G USWATTE-ARATCHI    Dr A R Prest

1966  PhD Manchester University Ramgopal AGARWALA  An econometric model of India, 1948-49 to 1960-61 Mr R.J. Ball

1966    PhD    London, LSE    Expenditure classification and investment planning with special reference to Pakistan    K U AHMAD    Dr Anstey
1966    PhD    London, LSE    The methodology of studying fertility differentials with reference to East Pakistan    M AHMAD    Prof Glass; Mr Carrier
1966    PhD    Bristol    The role of a higher civil service in Pakistan    A AHMED
1966    PhD    London, SOAS    Conditions of employment and industrial disputed in Pakistan    H AHMED
1966    MScEcon    London, SOAS    Political parties and the Labour Movement in India in the 1920s    N BEGAM
1966    MLitt    Edinburgh    Patronage and education in the East India Company civil service, 1800-1857    J T BEYER
1966    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    Regional cooperation for development in South Asia with special reference to India and Pakistan    S R BOSE    Mr W B Reddaway
1966    PhD    London    The constitutional history of Malaya with special reference toe Malay states of Perak, Selangor, Negri Sembilan and Pahong, 1874-1914    P L BURNS    Prof C D Cowan
1966    PhD    Cambridge, Girton    The impact of planning upon federalism in India, 1951-1964    A CHATTERJI    Prof Sir Ivor Jennings
1966    PhD    London, UC    Industrial conciliation and arbitration in India    R L CHAUDHARY
1966    PhD    London, UC    Lahore: a geographical study    M M CHAUDHURY
1966    PhD    Manchester    The approach to planning in Pakistan    M K CHOWDHURY
1966    PhD    London, LSE    Jamshedpur – the growth of the city and its region    M DUTT    Prof Jones
1966    DPhil    Oxford, Campion Hall    The Tana Bhagats:a study in social change    P EKKA    Mr K O L Burridge
1966    PhD    London, LSE    The scope for wage policy as an instrument of planning in early stages of national economic development: a comparative study of the USSR, India and the UAR    M A ELLEISI    Prof Phelps Brown; Dr Ozga
1966    PhD    London, SOAS    The social condition of the British community in Bengal, 1757-1800    S C GHOSH    Prof A L Basham
1966    PhD    Cambridge, Girton    The transfer of power to Pakistan and its consequences (1946-1951)    M HASAN    Prof N Mansergh
1966    PhD    London, UC    The Indian Supreme Court and the constitution    M IMAM    Dr D C Holland
1966    PhD    London, LSE    Cotton futures markets in India: some economic studies    T ISLAM    Prof Yamey
1966    PhD    London, LSE    The extensions of the franchise in Ceylon with some consideration of the their political and social consequences    K H JAYASINGHE    Mr Pickles
1966    MA    London, External    The control of education in Ceylon: the last fifty years of British rule and after (1900-1962)    C S V JAYAWAWEERA
1966    PhD    London, External    A comparative study of British and American colonial educational policy in Ceylon and the Philippines from 1900 to 1948]    S JAYAWEERA
1966    PhD    Manchester    Import substitution in relations to industrial growth and balance of payments iof Pakistan, 1965-1970    A H KADRI
1966    PhD    London, SOAS    Origins of Indian foreign policy: a study of Indian nationalist attitudes to foreign affairs, 1927-1939    T A KEENLEYSIDE    Prof H Tinker
1966    PhD    London, SOAS    The transition in Bengal, 1756-1775: a study of Muhammad Reza Khan    Abdul Majed KHAN    Mr Harrison
1966    PhD    London, SOAS    The British administration of Sind between 1843 and 1865: a study in social and economic development    Hamida KHUHRO    Mr Harrison
1966    PhD    London, SOAS    The internal administration of Lord Elgin in India, 1984-1898    P L MALHOTRA    Mr Harrison
1966    PhD    London, SOAS    A study of Murshidabad Distrrict, 1765-1793    K M MOHSIN    Mr Harrison
1966    PhD    London, SOAS    The new province of Eastern Bengal and Assam, 1905-1911    M K U MOLLA    Dr Hardy; Dr Pandey
1966    PhD    London, SOAS    The early history of the East Indian Railways, 1845-1879    Hena MUKHERJEE    Dr Chaudhuri
1966    PhD    London, King’s    British military policy and the defence of India: a study of British military policy, plans and preparations during the Russian crisis, 1876-1880    A W PRESTON    Prof M E Howard
1966    PhD    London, LSE    Changes in caste in rural Kumaon    R D SANWAL    Dr Freedman
1966    PhD    London,  SOAS    The Christian missionaries in Bengal. 1793-1833    K SENGUPTA    Prof Basham
1966    PhD    London, LSE    Central control and supervision of capital expenditure in the public sector in the UK and India    Ram Parkash SETH    Prof Greaves; Prof Self
1966    PhD    London, King’s    Surveying and charting the Indian Ocean    W A SPRAY    Prof G S Graham
1966    PhD    London, SOAS    Politics and change in the Madras Presidency, 1884-1894: a regional study of Indian nationalism    R SUNTHARALINGAM    Prof H R Tinker
1966    PhD    London, External    The law relating to directors and managing agents of companies limited by shares in Pakistan    Muhammad ZAHIR    Prof Gledhill
1966/67    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Planning and regional development: the application of a multi-sectoral programming model to inter-regional planning in Pakistan    A R KHAN    Dr J A Mirrlees
1966/67    MPhil    London, Inst Ed    The impact of the creation of Pakistan on Muslim education in Pakistan    G NABI
1966/67    PhD    Manchester    A study of fiscal policy in Pakistan, 1950-51, with special reference to its contribution to economic development    M NAYIMUDDIN
1966/67    PhD    Edinburgh    The fisheries of Pakistan: their present position and potentialities    R NIAZI
1966/67    PhD    Leeds    An evaluation of the human impact on the nature and distribution of wild plant communities in the Ceylon Highlands    N P PERERA
1966/67    PhD    Reading    Intra-party relationships and federalism: a comparative study of the Indian Congress Party and the Australian political parties    Y A RAFEEK
1966/67    PhD    Cambridge, St Cath’s    The share of labour in value added during the inflation in the modern sector in under-developed economies: a comparative study of the experience of India, Peru and Turkey between 1939 and 1958    W M WARREN    Mr J A C Bowen
1967    LLM    Queen’s, Belfast    A comparative study of the provisions for emergency powers in the constitutions of the Indian, Australian, Nigerian and Malaysian federations with special emphasis on the Malaysian constitution    A ABIDIN
1967    PhD    Edinburgh    The peasant family and social status in East Pakistan    Nizam Uddin AHMED
1967    BLitt    Glasgow    Foreign trade policy of India    N M AMIN
1967    PhD    London, SOAS    English educated Ceylonese in the official life of Ceylon from 1865 to 1883    W M D D ANDRADI    Mr J B Harrison
1967    PhD    London, SOAS    Some aspects of the relationship of political and constitutional theories to the constitutional evolution of India and Pakistan with special reference to the period 1919-1956    B P BARUA    Prof H Tinker
1967    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    Indian education and politics,1898-1920    A BASU    Prof J A Gallagher

1967    MA    Sussex    Choice of technique: an activity analysis approach with special reference to the Indian cotton textiles industry    C L BELL
1967    PhD    Cambridge, Selwyn    Anglo-Afghan relations, 1870-1880    S CHAKRAVARTY    Dr T G Spear
1967    PhD    Cambridge, Clare    The relations of the Court of Directors, the India Board, the India Office and the Government of India, 1853-1865    P K CHATTARJI    Dr T G Spear
1967    MA    Sussex    The regulation of communal disturbances in West Bengal and East Pakistan in 1950    M CHAUDHURY
1967    MSc    London, SOAS    Political parties in the Bombay Presidency, 1920-1929    D S CHAVDA    Prof H Tinker
1967    PhD    London, SOAS    Oil prices and the Indian market, 1886-1964    Biplab Kumar DASGUPTA    Prof Penrose
1967    MPhil    London, LSE    Some aspects of stratificatioin in Indian rural communities    K S DASGUPTA    Prof Glass
1967    DPhil    Oxford, Lady Margaret    The growth of urban leadership n Western India with special reference to Bombay City, 1845-1885    C E DOBBIN    Prof J A Gallagher
1967    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    Judicial control of administrative action in India and Pakistan    A FAZAL    Prof H W R Wade
1967    DPhil    Oxford, Linacre House    Patterns of investment, political stability and rates of growth: an analysis of central government expenditure of Ceylon, 1930-1963    S T G FERNANDO    Lady Hicks
1967    MA    Sussex    Development administration and Calcutta metropolitan government    R FOGEL
1967    PhD    London, QMC    Peasant production of tea in Sri Lanka    R S GUNAWARDENA    Dr Hodder; Prof Smailes
1967    PhD    London, SOAS    The policy of Sir James Fergusson as Governor of Bombay Presidency, 1880-1885    A GUPTA    Prof K Ballhatchet
1967    PhD    Cambridge, Sidney    The effect of a change in the terms of trade on the economic growth of Pakistan: a study of the third five year plan    I U HAQUE    Mr W B Reddaway
1967    PhD    London, LSE    Agricultural taxation in a newly developing country: the case of Pakistan    A HASHEM    Prof Peston
1967    PhD    London, SOAS    A price stabilisation model for Pakistan: jute    A K M S HUQ    Prof Penrose
1967    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    The failure of parliamenary politics in Pakistan, 1953-1958    I HUSAIN    Prof M Beloff
1967    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    The development of Indian politics, 1888-1909    G JOHNSON    Dr A Seal
1967    MA    Sussex    Language as an issue in Indian politics    J KABANGO
1967    MA    London, LSE    The changing distribution of cash crops in East Pakistan, 1945-1962    A K M KALIMULLAH    Dr Board
1967    PhD    Aberdeen    The development of transport in East Pakistan    Abul Fazal Muhammed KAMALUDDIN
1967    MPhil    London, SOAS    The advent of the British in Ceylon, 1762-1803    V L B MENDIS    Dr Bastin
1967    MPhil    Leeds    The linguistic world of Anglo-India    K MUSA
1967    MPhil    London, SOAS    Some aspects of the Hindu-Muslim relationship in India, 1876-1892    Shamsun NAHAR    Dr B N Pandey
1967    PhD    Edinburgh    The contribution of Scottish missions to the rise and growth of responsible churches in India    James McMichael ORR    Dr H Watt; Prof A C Cheyne
1967    PhD    London, LSE    The impact of industrialisation on urban growth: a case study of Chotanagpur    P PANDEYA    Prof Jones
1967    DPhil    Oxford, Jesus    British relations with Pakistan, 1947-1962: a study of British policy towards Pakistan    M A QURESHI    Mr G Wint
1967    PhD    London    The evolution for civil procedure in Bengal from 1772 to 1806    Z RAHMAN
1967    PhD    London, SOAS    Local government services in India: a case study of Punjab, 1860-1960    D R SACHDEVA    Prof H Tinker
1967    PhD    London, UC    Judicial interpretation of the Government of India Act, 1935    H SAHARAY
1967    MA    London, SOAS    Political conflict in selected villages of India, Pakistan and Ceylon    M J SHEPPERSDSON    Prof Mayer
1967    PhD    Leicester    Some early tertiary ostracods from West Pakistan    Qadeer Ahmad SIDDIQUI
1967    PhD    London, SOAS    Evolution of the structure of civil judiciary in Bengal, 1800-1831    C SINHA    Dr Pandey
1967    PhD    London, External    The social structure of an Indian-Jewish community    S STRIZOWER
1967    MPhil    London, Inst Ed    Education and international understanding between the East and the West with special reference to the UK and Pakistan    Q J SURI    Prof Lauwery; Mr Goodings
1967    MPhil    London, Inst Ed    Education in Kerala and the missionary contribtion to it during the first half of the nineteenth century    Joseph THAIKOODAN
1967    PhD    London, SOAS    Customs and institutions connected with the domestic life of the Sinhalese in the Kandyan period:    Miniwan P TILLAKARATNE
1967    PhD    London, SOAS    Trends in and prospectsof Pakistan’s exports to the UK and the European Economic Community, 1951-1970    Z A VAINCE    Prof Penrose
1967    DPhil    Oxford, Merton    The policies of the government of Ceylon concerning education and religion, 1865-1885    L A WICKREMERATNE    Mr K A Ballhatchet
1967    BLitt    Oxford, Somerville    The sociological implications of educational policies in Ceylon since 1947    C K WICKREMESINGHE    Dr D F Pocock
1967    BLitt    Oxford, St Hilda’s    Henry Russell’s activities in Hyderabad, 1811-1820    Z YAZDANI    Mr K A Ballhatchet
1967/68    PhD    Cambridge, Corpus    The causes and consequence of trade fluctuations in Ceylon, 1948-1960    M A FERNANDO    Mr H H Leisner
1967/68    PhD    London, External    British relations with Tanjore (1748-1799)    C S RAMANUJAM
1967/68    PhD    Edinburgh    The agricultural geography of Hissar District    Jasbur SINGH
1967-68    PhD    Cambridge, Christ’s    Anglo-Mughal relations in western India and the development of Bombay, 1662-1690    G Z REFAI
1968    MA    Durham    The influence of religion on politics in Pakistan, 1947-1956    S R AHMAD
1968    PhD    London, SOAS    The administration of the North West Frontier,1901-1919    L BAHA    Dr Hardy
1968    MSc    Cambridge, Christ’s    Industrial expansion and regional cooperation in South Asia: a study of selected industries    Peter Douglas BALACS
1968    MLitt    Cambridge, Trinity Hall    The working of the supreme government of India and its constitutional relations with the home authorities, 1833-1853    A G BANERJEE    Dr T G P Spear
1968    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    On price relationships in Indian agriculture    K BARDHAN    P M Deane
1968    DPhil    Oxford, Somerville    Social and conceptual order in Kongu: a region of South India    B E F BECK    Dr R K Jain
1968    PhD    London    The urban geography of Lyallpur    M H BOKHARI    Prof A E Smailes
1968    PhD    Cambridge    Rohilkhand from conquest to revolt, 1774-1858: a study in the origins of the Indian Mutiny uprising    E I BRODKIN    Dr E T Stokes
1968    PhD    Cam,bridge, Girton    Gandhi in India, 1915-1920: his emergence as a leader and the transformation of politics    J M BROWN    Dr A Seal
1968    MPhil    London    The development of education in India under Lord Curzon, 1899-1905    Hamida I BUTT
1968    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Bengali political unrest (1905-1918)with special reference to terrorism    H CHAKRABARTI    Prof K Ballhatchet
1968    MPhil    London, King’s    The development of mountain warfare in India in the 19th century    S CHANDRA    Prof M E Howard
1968    DPhil    Oxford, St Cath’s    American policy towards India, 1941-1947, with emphasis on the Phillips mission to India, 1943    F L CHASE    Prof J A Gallagher
1968    DPHil    Oxford, Linacre    The agrarian economy and agrarian relations in Bengal, 1859-1885    B B CHAUDHURI    Dr K A Ballhatchet
1968    BLitt    Oxford, Linacre    Some aspects of English Protestant missionary activities in Bengal, 1857-1885    T CHAUDHURI    Dr S Gopal
1968    DPhil    Oxford, University    British government and society in the residency of Bengal, 1858-1880: an examination of certain aspects of British policy in relation to the changing nature of society    J M COMPTON    Mr K A Ballhatchet
1968    DPhil    Oxford, Magdalen    British reform policy and Indian politics on the eve of the rise of Gandhi    R J DANZIG    Dr S Gopal
1968    PhD    Cambridge, Magdalen    Optimum investment decisions with special reference to the Indian fertilizer industry    A K DAS GUPTA    Dr J A Mirrlees
1968    DPhil    Oxford, Somerville    Public opinion and Indian policy, 1872-1880    U DAS GUPTA    Dr S Gopal
1968    MPhil    London, Inst Ed    The contribution of the Wesleyan missionaries to southern India    P W DE SILVA
1968    PhD    York    The verbal piece in spoken Hindi: a morpho-syntactic study    Hans DUA
1968    MPhil    London, Inst Ed    An enquiry into the purpose and development of Catholic education in Madras. 1850-1950    M A DUNNE    Prof Lauwerys
1968    PhD    London, LSE    Some political aspects of foreign aid in India, 1947-1966    P J ELDRIDGE    Prof Goodwin
1968    DPhil    Oxford, Linacre House    The development of a new elite in Ceylon with special reference to educational and occupational background, 1910-1931    P T M FERNANDO    Dr A H Halsey
1968    BLitt    Oxford, Exeter    An historical survey and assessment of the ecclesiastical and missionary policy of the East India Company    I J GASH    Mr C C Davies
1968    MLitt    Bristol    The civil servant and contemporary government in India    B GIRI
1968    PhD    Birmingham    Consumption patterns in India: a regional analysis    D B GUPTA
1968    DPhil    Oxford, St Edmund Hall    The debts of the Nawab of Arcot, 1763-1776    J D GURNEY    Dame L Sutherland
1968    PhD    London, LSE    Econometrics of import planning in India (1947-1965): a case study of selected commodities    M L HANDA    Prof Sargan; De Desai
1968    DPhil    Oxford, Nuffield    Moral and religious changes in an urban village of Bangalore, South India    M N HOLSTROM    Dr D P Pocock
1968    MPhil    London SOAS    Lord Mayo’s Viceroyalty (1869-1872) with special reference to problems of external security and internal stability    M A HOSSAIN    Dr Zaidi
1968    PhD    London, LSE    British policy towards Persia and the defence of British India, 1798-1807    R INGRAM ELLIS    Miss H Lee
1968    PhD    London, LSE    Karachi: a pre-industrial city in transition    M Z KHAN    Prof Jones
1968    PhD    London, SOAS    The Dutch in Ceylon, 1743-1766    D A KOTELAWEL    Dr Bastin
1968    PhD    London, SOAS    The contribution of Christian missionaries to education in Bengal, 1793-1837    M A LAIRD    Prof K Ballhatchet

1968    PhD    London, LSE    Socio-economic determinants of infant and child mortality in Sri Lanka: an analysis of post-war experience     S A MEEGAMA    Prof Glass
1968    MPhil    London, UC    Higher judiciary in Pakistan    M Y MIRZA    Mr Holland
1968    BLitt    Oxford, St Cath’s    Funeral ritual in South India    M M MOFFATT    Dr R K Jain
1968    MPhil    London, LSE    Land use and nutrition in Lucknow District    I MOHIUDDIN    Mr R Rawson
1968    PhD    London, SOAS    Political relations between India and Nepal, 1877-1923    K MOJUMDAR    Prof K Ballhatchet
1968    MPhil    London, Bedford    The cities of Hyderabad-Secunderabad with special reference to their industrial development    K B MUSTAFA    Mr Mountjoy
1968    MPhil    London, LSE    Concepts of purity and pollution in Indian religion    Judith Ann OSTROW
1968    PhD    Lancaster    The evolution and history of the Buddhist monastic order with special reference to the Sangha in Ceylon    Gunaratne PANABOKKE
1968    PhD    London, SOAS    The invasion of Nepal: John Company at war, 1814-1816    J C PEMBLE    Dr Moore
1968    PhD    London, SOAS    The All-India Muslim League in Indian politics, 1906-1912    M RAHMAN    Dr Moore
1968    MPhil    London, SOAS    The reform of local self-government in India under Lord Ripon, 1880-1884: a study in the formation of policy    Q RAHMAN
1968    PhD    Wales, Bangor    An economic appraisal of agricultural marketing in Pakistan    Abdur RASHID
1968    PhD    Edinburgh    A geographical analysis of the historical development of towns in Ceylon    L K RATNAYAKE    Prof J W Watson; Dr R Jones
1968    MA    Sussex    Constitutional change and the depressed classes: the representations from the depressed classes in the United Provinces to the Indian Statutory Commission, 1928, and their outcome    L SEN-GUPTA
1968    PhD    London, External    The role of railway transport in Ceylon: present problems and future prospects    K SUNDERALINGAM
1968    PhD    London, Inst Ed    A critical study of the history and development of university education in modern India, with special reference to problems and patterns of growth since 1847    C TICKOO
1968    DPhil    Oxford, St Cath’s    Kinship and marriage among the Jat of Haryana in northern India    Gunter TIEMANN    Dr R K Jain
1968    PhD    Edinburgh    The strategy of Christian missions to the Muslims: Anglican and reformed contributions in India and the Near East from Henry Martyn to Samuel Zwemmer, 1800-1938    Lyle L VANDER WERFF    Prof M Watt; Prof AC Cheyne
1968    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Indian historical writing in English, 1870-1920, with special reference to the influence of nationalism    Johannes H VOIGT    Mr K A Ballhatchet
1968    MPhil    London, LSE    The hierarchy of towns in Vidarbha, India, and its significance for regional planning    Sudhir Vyankatesh WANMALI.  Prof MJ Wise
1968    MA    Manchester    The relevance of land reform to economic progress in Pakistan    M A ZAMAN
1968/69    PhD    Glasgow    Planning for economic development: a comparative case study of Indian and Egyptian experience, 1946-1966, with special reference to planning strategy and effectiveness    A El- H H EL-GHAZALI
1968/69    PhD    Cambridge, Girton    Muslim politics and government policy: studies in  the development of Muslim organisation and its social background in North India and Bengal, 1885-1917    Janetr Mary RIZVI
1969    PhD    Durham    The working of district administration in Pakistan, 1947-1964    N ABEDIN    Prof W H Morris-Jones
1969    PhD    Cambridge, Fitzwilliam    The formation of the Government of India Act, 1935    W AHMAD    Dr T G P Sper
1969    MPhil    London, SOAS    Ideological factors in selected fields of policy making in India    Zoe F ALLEN
1969    PhD    London, SOAS    British famine and agricultural policies in India with special reference to the administration of Lord George Hamilton    S K BANDYOPADHYAY    Dr R J Moore
1969    PhD    London, SOAS    The political and economic conditions of Indians in Burma, 1900-1941    N R CHAKRAVARTI
1969    PhD    London, SOAS    The amending process in the Indian constitution    H CHAND
1969    PhD    London    Trade and commercial organisation in Bengal with special reference to the English East India Company, 1650-1720    S CHAUDHURY    Dr K N Chaudhuri
1969    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    The Bombay political service, 1863-1924    I F S COPLAND    Prof J A Gallagher
1969    PhD    London, Birkbeck    The Colonial Office and political problems in Ceylon and Mauritius, 1907-1921    L B L CROOK    Dr I M Cumpston
1969    DPhil    Oxford, Nuffield    British defence policy in the Indian Ocean region between the Indian Independence Act, 1947, and the British defence review, 1966    P G C DARBY    Prof N H Gibbs
1969    DPhil    Oxford    An evaluation of the Eastern bloc assistance to India (1956-57 to 1965-66)    DATARHA
1969    PhD    London, LSE    The effect of international labour migration on trade and real income: a case study of Ceylon, 1920 to 1938    A DUTTA    Prof Johnson
1969    PhD    London, Bedford    The development of the sugar industry in Nizamabad, Andhra Pradesh    A H FAROOQI
1969    PhD    London    Lord William Bentinck in Madras, 1803-1807    M GUPTA    Dr B M Pandey
1969    PhD    London, External    A study of the planning techniques in India: India’s five year plans    S GUPTA
1969    PhD    Manchester    A typical support structure of leadership in Punjab – the faction    J J M HAUDHRI
1969    PhD    Manchester    A structural study of Pakistan’s monetary sector    K A IMAN
1969    PhD    London, LSE    Regional development in Pakistan with special reference to the effects of import licensing and exchange control    A I A ISLAM
1969    PhD    London    Social aspects of the historical geography of East Pakistan, 1608-1857    Bilquis JAHAN    Miss E M J Campbell
1969    PhD    London, External    The sources and development of the customary laws of the Sinhalese up to 1835    M L S JAYASEKERA
1969    MSocSc    Birmingham    Industrial development and organization in Ceylon – a case study of the Ceylon cement industry    G W JAYSURIYA
1969    PhD    London    Dutch rule in maritime Ceylon, 1766-1796    V KAMAPATHYPILLAI    Dr J S Bastin
1969    PhD    London, LSE    Domestic instability as a factor in Pakistan’s foreign policy, 1952-1958    M KAMLIN    Dr Lyon
1969    PhD    London, LSE    A study of import control, with special reference to India    H KUSARI
1969    PhD    London, LSE    Britain and the termination of the India-China opium trade, 1905-1913    Margaret J B-C LIM    Prof Medlicott; Mr Dilks
1969    BLitt    Oxford, Linacre    Financing agricultural development with special reference to the place of agricultural credit in West Pakistan after 1947    A M MALIK    Mr R G Opie
1969    PhD    London, SOAS    Election laws in Pakistan    M D MALIK
1969    PhD    London, SOAS    The development of the jurisdiction and powers of the superior courts in Pakistan    M A MANNAN    Prof Gledhill
1969    MA    Sussex    Th Krishak Praja Party and the Bengal provincial elections, 1937    H MOMEN
1969    BPhil    St Andrews    Muslim politics in India, 1858-1918    S NAZ    D G Seed
1969    PhD    London, SOAS    Jury and police reform during the Indian Vice-Royalty of Lord Lansdowne, 1888-1894    R RAHMAN    Dr P Hardy
1969    PhD    London, LSE    Frontier problems in Pakistan’s foreign policy    S M M RAZVI    Dr P H Lyon
1969    DPhil    Oxford, Merton    The Commission of Eastern Inquiry in Ceylon, 1829-1837: a study of a Royal Commission of Colonial Inquiry    V K SAMARAWEERA    Dr A F Madden
1969    PhD    London, SOAS    Hinduism in a Kangra village    U M SHARMA    Pror Mayer
1969    PhD    London, SOAS    The reorganization of the Indian armies, 1858-1879    A H SHIBLEY    Dr Moore
1969    PhD    London, SOAS    Land resumption in Bengal, 1819-1846    A M WAHEEDUZZAMA    Dr Zaidi
1969    PhD    London, External    Methodism in north Ceylon: its history and influences, 1814-1890    D K WILSON
1969/70    PhD    Bristol    On the construction and implementation of a planning model for Ceylon    S NARAPALASINGAM
1969/70    PhD    Durham    Some aspects of central banking in Pakistan, 1948-1966    A K NIAZI
1969/70    PhD    Edinburgh    Settlement geography of the Indian desert (Rajasthan area)    Ram C SHARMA
1969/70    PhD    Bristol    The relations between central and provincial governments in Pakistan    M A TAYYEB    Prof Bromhead
1969/70    PhD    London, SOAS    Some legal aspects of agrarian reform in India    Namgi Lal UPADHYAYA
1970    MPhil    London, LSE    Production and trade in the raw cotton and cotton textile industries of Pakistan,1948-1966    Q K AHMAD    Prof H Myint
1970    PhD    Edinburgh    Regionalism and political integration in Pakistan: a case study in political geography    Masood ALI
1970    MPhil    London, SOAS    The urban geography of Kanpur    S A ALI
1970    MPhil    London, LSE    Peasant agriculture in Ceylon, 1933-1893    A C L AMEER ALI    Prof F J Fisher
1970    PhD    Edinburgh    Possible developments in building technology in relations to low cost housing in Pakistan    Mohammed M BAJWA
1970    DPhil    Oxford, St Anthony’s    The growth of political organization inthe Allahabad locality, 1880-1925    C A BAYLY    Prof J A Gallgher
1970    PhD    Cambridge, Gonville       Spatial organizationof some villages in Northern India    P M BLAIKIE    Mr B H Farmer
1970    PhD    Cambridge    British impact on the Indian cotton textile industry, 1757-1865    J G BORPUJARI    Dr W J Macpherson
1970    MPhil    London, UC    Some problems of physical planning in Ceylon    S W P BULANKULAME
1970    PhD    London, LSE    The behaviour of prices in India, 1952-1966: an empirical study    S K CHAKRABARTI    Prof Walters
1970    MSc    Bristol    The long-term outlook for the consumption of tea in India – a quantitative analysis    B M CHAMBERS
1970    MA    Manchester    Social change in Indian towns    M K CHATERJEE
1970    PhD    Cambridge, St Cath’s    Sir Alfred Comyn Lyall: a study of the Anglo-Indian official mind    E C T CHEW    Dr E T Stokes
1970    PhD    London, SOAS    British policy on the North East frontier of India, 1865-1914    D P CHOUDHURY    Prof K Ballhatchet
1970    MA    Kent    Recent trends in Indian federalism    S DAS
1970    MPhil    London, Inst Ed    Development of adult education in India since independence with special reference to rural reconstruction    B DUTTA
1970    BLitt    Oxford, Keble    Identity amongst Muslims in West Bengal, India, and its relationship with political, social and economic change    P J K EADE    Dr R K Jain
1970    BLitt    Oxford, St Edmund Hall    Aspects of history of the Indian National Congress with special reference to the Swarajya Party, 1919-1927    R A GORDON    Prof J A Gallagher
1970    PhD    Wales, Swansea    A study of the social and economic geography of the coastal fishing industry of Ceylon    Suniti Danissari GUNASEKERA
1970    PhD    London, SOAS    British policy and Baluchistan, 1854-1876    T A HEATHCOTE    Dr M E Yapp
1970    MPhil    London, King’s    Selected aspects of agricultural development in West Pakistan    J HUSSAIN
1970    PhD    London, SOAS    Social and political change in Ceylon, 1900-1919 with special reference to the disturbances of 1915     p v i JAYASEKERA    Prof K A Ballhatchet
1970    MSc    Edinburgh    Language and politics in modern India    P KARAT
1970    PhD    London, SOAS    Protection of minority interests under the Indian constitution    G T LUIS    Prof Derrett
1970    DPhil    Oxford, Wadham    Sociological aspects of revival and change in Buddhism in nineteenth century Ceylon    Kitsiri MALALGODA    Mr B R Wilson
1970    PhD    London, SOAS    The administration of British Burma, 1852-1885    J A MILLS    Prof C D Cowan
1970    DPhil    Oxford, St John’s    Renewable natural resources planning for regional development with special reference to Kashmir    Maharaj K MUTHOO    Mr J J Macgregor
1970    DPhil    Sussex    Labour organisation in the Bombay textile industry, 1918-1929    R NEWMAN    Dr Reeves
1970    PhD    London, QMC    Land development in the Sinharaja foothill of Ceylon    M P PERERA    Mr B W Hodder
1970    PhD    London, SOAS    Shareholders’ control of public companies in Pakistan    A K RANJHA
1970    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    The politics of U.P. Muslims    Francis Christopher Rowland ROBINSON    Dr Seal
1970    MPhil    London, Inst Ed    Urbanisation – its educational implications in India    P SAJNANI
1970    PhD    York    Predicate complement constructions in Hindi and English    Anil SINHA
1970    PhD    London, LSE    Water supply and irrigation in the dry zone of Ceylon    K U SIRINANDA    Mr P Rawson; Dr Chandler
1970    PhD    Cambridge, Jesus    Ceylon’s export trends and prospects    M P S SURIAARACHCHI    Mr H Leisner
1970    MA    London, Inst Ed    The t rainingof teachers in Bombay Province (including Gujerat) since 1947    M N UPADHYAYA
1970    MSc    Wales    Britain’s forgotten war: the British role in the confrontation of Malaysia by Indonesia    Michael R WAGSTAFF
1970    MPhil    London, SOAS    A structural analysis of myths from the North east frontier of India    James Mackie WILSON
1970    PhD    Leeds    The role of the Ceylon civil service before and after independence    Watareke Aratchchige WISWA WARNAPALA
1970/71    PhD    St Andrews    The theory, practice and administration of Waqf with special reference to the Malayan state of Kadah    M Z B H OTHMAN    Dr J Burton
1970/71    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    The politics of U P muslims    M A ROWLANDS
1970/71    PhD    London, LSHTM    Dynamics of malaria in Ceylon    C SIVAGNANASUNDRAM
1971    MPhil    London, SOAS    A comparative study of social heirarchies in selected areas of India and Pakistan    Makhdum Tasadduq AHMAD    Dr Mayer
1971    PhD    Lancaster    Technical change and economic development of agriculture: the case of Bangladesh    M ALAMGIR
1971    MPhil    London, UC    A select bibliography of periodical literature published in English, German, French, Sanskrit, Hindi, Pali and Bengali during 1951-1966 on some aspects of Indian culture (philosophy, religion, linguistics, literature)from the post-Vedic to the pre-Kalidasa era    P BISWAS
1971    MPhil    London, SOAS    Symbolic and material aspects of institutions in political process: analysis of two North Indian villages    Bengt-Erik Per Gustaf BORGSTROM
1971    MLitt    Cambridge, Firtzwilliam    Metropolitan dominance in South India    R W BRADNOCK    Mr B H Farmer
1971    PhD    London, SOAS    Social change of marriage patterns in the North Western Himalayas (Churah, Pangi and Ladakh)    Bharpur Singh BRAR
1971    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    Political alliances in rural Western Maharashtra    Anthony Thomas CARTER
1971    PhD    London, External    Culture conflicts and education in Ceylon after independence    Ida W DESILVA
1971    PhD    London, SOAS    The internal politics of the Kandyan kingdom, 1707-1760    Lorna S DEWARAJA
1971    PhD    Durham    Patterns of population structure and growth in East Pakistan    K Maudood ELAHI
1971    PhD    London, LSE    An econometric growth model for Pakistan    A FAROOQUI    Mr J M Desai
1971    DPhil    Sussex    Municipal politics in Calcutta: elite groups and the Calcutta corporation, 1875-1900     C P M FUREDY    Prof A Low
1971    BLitt    Oxford, St John’s    Statutory provisions for the settlement of collective industrial disputes in England and Australia and India    S T GOH
1971    MA    Exeter    A study of the authority structure of an industrial organisation in a transitional setting: case study of a Ceylon industrial plant    S GOONATILAKE
1971    MSc    Hull    The impact of foreign aid on India’s international trade, 1951-1965    C P HALLWOOD
1971    PhD    Nottingham    Pakistan’s external relations    A K M A HAQUE    Prof Pear
1971    PhD    Durham    The working of parliamentary government in Pakistan, 1947-1958    S C HARUN
1971    MLitt    Glasgow    Government expenditure: a study with reference to economic development in Pakistan    M HUQ
1971    PhD    London, King’s    Freedom of interstate trade in India    C K M JARIWALA
1971    DPhil    Oxford, St Hilda’s    Government policy and economic and social change in western India,1850-1875    J F M JHIRAD    Prof K A Ballhatchet
1971    MSc    Strathclyde    Administrative aspects of social security programmes for factory labourers in East Pakistan    M KABIR
1971    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    Nationalism n Bengal, 1903-1911: a study of Bengali reactions to the partition of the province with special reference to the social groups involved    A P KANNANGARA    Prof K A Ballhatchet
1971    PhD    London, SOAS    Some aspects of society and politics in Bengal, 1927 to 1936    B R KHAN    Mr J B Harrison
1971    MPhil    London, SOAS    The tripartite countries [Iran, Pakistan and Turkey]of the regional cooperation for development: a geographical study of a regional grouping    Durray S KURESHI
1971    DPhil    Sussex    Administrative structures, economic change and problems of rural development in Aligarh District, Uttar Pradesh, India    Bismarck U MWANSASU
1971    PhD    London, King’s    A comparative study of the executive in Australia and India    J D OJO
1971    PhD    London, SOAS    Some aspects of the Indian Viceroyalty of Lord Elgin, 1862-1863    J A RAHMAN    Dr Harrison
1971    PhD    London, SOAS    Legal aspects of the “doctrine of pleasure” in relation to public servants in India    U R RAI
1971    MPhil    London, LSE    A comparative study of manpower in selected industries with similar technologies in India and the UK    S F RICHARDS    Prof Wise
1971    MPhil    Leeds    The military in politics in India and Pakistan since 1947    A H RIZVI    Prof Hanson; Dr O A Hartley
1971    PhD    London, SOAS    The government of India under Lord Chelmsford, 1916-1921, with special reference to the policies adopted towards constitutional change and political agitation in British India    P G ROBB    Prof K A Ballhatchet
1971    PhD    York    A generative semantic treatment of some aspects of English and Hindigrammar    Prajapati SAH
1971    PhD    London, LSE    The problem of economic holdings in the peasant agriculture of the dry zone of Ceylon    Somasundaram SELVANAYAGAM
1971    PhD    London,  SOAS    Status, power and resources: the study of a Sinhalese village    S P F SENATATNE
1971    MPhil    London. LSE    British opinion and Indian independence: a study of some British pressure groups which advanced the cause of Indian independence    Kumar Indra VIJAY
1971    MLitt    Edinburgh    David Livingstone and India    rOSINA g VISRAM    Prof G A Shepperson
1971    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    Employment incomes in Ceylon: an inquiry into the structure and determination of wage and salary earnings in Ceylon, 1949-1969    Pabawathie C WICKREMASINGHE
1971    MPhil    London, Inst Ed    A critical analysis of the problems of higher education in Pakistan since independence (1947) with special reference to student unrest    U S ZAMAN
1971/72    PhD    Liverpool    British opinion and Indian reform, 1858-1876    Nilima SAHA    Mr P J N Tuck
1972    DPhil    Oxford, Christ Church    Economic aspects of some peasant colonizations in Ceylon    G M ABAYARATNA    Miss M R Haswell
1972    PhD    Leeds    Economic, political and administrative aspects of planning for development in a divided country: a study of relationships between East Bengal and West Pakistan, 1947-1971    Shaikh Magsood ALI
1972    MSc    Bristol    Capital finance in a developing economy – Ceylon    Bernard V ANTHONISZ
1972    PhD    Cambridge, Clare Hall    Communal conflict in Ceylon politics and the advance towards self-government    Rupasinghe A ARIYARATNE
1972    MPhil    London, Inst Ed    A comparative study of language policies and problems in Ceylon and India since independence    V ARUMUGAM
1972    MPhil    London, SOAS    Judicial control of the machinery of government in Pakistan    Chaudhary M Y ASIM
1972    PhD    Cambridge, Queens    Politics in South India. 1917-1947    Christopher J BAKER
1972    PhD    Durham    The hierarchy of central places in Northern Ceylon    P BALASUNDARAMPILLAI
1972    PhD    London, LSE    Some aspects of the strains and stresses in Indo-British relations, 1947-1965: an analysis of the causes and course of gradual decline in Britain’s importance to India    A R BANERJI    Mr J B L Mayall
1972    PhD    London, QMC    Fiscal policy in India (with reference to taxation)over three five year plans    S BHADURI    Prof M H Peston
1972    DPhil    Sussex    Political change in Rohilkhand, 1932-1952: a study of the rleationships between provincial and district level politicans    L BRENNAN
1972    PhD    London, SOAS    An examination of the development and structure of the legal profession at Allahabad, 1866-1935    Gilliam F BUCKEE
1972    MPhil    Sussex    Educational administration in Bombay Presidency, 1913-1937    J L BUTLER
1972    PhD    London, SOAS    Extra-constitutional actions in Pakistan    Z I CHOUDHURY
1972    PhD    London, SOAS    The politics and functioning of the East Bengal legislature, 1947-1958    Najma CHOWDHURY
1972    MEd    Manchester    The social and educational changes brought about in some South Indian villages by the Saruodaya movement    A G CLARK
1972    DPhil    Oxford    Decentralisation and political change in the United Provinces, 1880-1921    W F CRAWLEY
1972    PhD    Aberdeen    The development and influence of British missionary movements toward India, 1786-1830    Allan K DAVIDSON    Mr A F Walls
1972    PhD    Cambridge, Emmanuel    The official mind and the problem of agrarian indebtedness in India, 1870-1910    Clive J DEWEY
1972    PhD    London, SOAS    Juristic techniques in the Supreme Court of India (195-1971)in some selected areas of public and personal law    Rajeev DHAVAN

1972    MA    Hull    Resource allocation in the public sector in Malaysia with special reference to the Muda River irrigation scheme    CHEW CHAI DOAN
1972    PhD    Hull    Some aspects of private foreign enterprise in Ceylon    L E N FERNANDO
1972    PhD    London, SOAS    Rural money markets in India    Subrata GHATAK
1972    MA    Manchester    Traditional India and the meaning of caste    Beth GOLDBLATT
1972    DPhil    Sussex    Optimum location of paddy improvement schemes in Ceylon    J M GUNADESA
1972    MA     Exeter    Industrialization and protective tariffs in Pakistan    A M A HAKIM
1972    PhD    Cambridge,St John’s    The place of India in the strategic and political consideration of the Axis powers, 1939-1942    Milan HAUNER    Prof F H Hinsley
1972    MA    Exeter    Foreign capital and economic development: the case of Pakistan    M E HOSSAIN
1972    PhD    London, LSE    Rural society and leadership in Malaya with special reference to three selected communities    Syed HUSIN ALI
1972    BLitt    Oxford, Lady Margaret    Some aspects of religion and culture in Bengal    H K ION
1972    PhD    London, SOAS    Agricultural development of Bengal: a quantitative study, 1920-1946    M M ISLAM    Dr Chaudhuri
1972    PhD    London, SOAS    Bengali Moslem public opinion as reflected in the vernacular press between 1901 and 1930    Mustafa N ISLAM
1972    PhD    London, SOAS    The permanent settlement and the landed interests in Bengal from 1793 to 1819    M S ISLAM    Mr G B Harrison
1972    BLitt    Oxford, Somerville    A social anthropological study of Jainism in Northern India    S JAIN    Dr R G Leinhardt
1972    DPhil    Sussex    Techno-economic survey of industrial potential in Sri Lanka    N D KARUNARATNE
1972    PhD    London, SOAS    Constitutional protection of the freedom of association in Pakistan    Hamiduddin KHAN
1972    PhD    London, UC    Kowloon: a factorial study of urban land use and retail structure    Chi-sen LIANG    Prof P Wood
1972    PhD    London, SOAS    The rajas and nawabs of Bengal, 1911-1919    Pronoy Chand MEHTAB
1972    PhD    Cambridge, Fitzwilliam    Income distribution and savings in Pakistan: an appraisal of development strategy    T E NULTY    Prof W B Reddaway
1972    DPhil    Oxford    The organisational basis of Indian agriculture with special reference to the development of capitalistic farming (ie based on wage-labour and following economic criteria for investment) in selected regions in recent years    U PATNAIK
1972    PhD    York    A systematic treatment of certain aspects of Telugu phonology    Vennelakanti PRAKASAM
1972    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Regional disparities in the growth of incomes and population in India, 1951-1965    Siripurapu Kesava RAO    Dr A K Bagchi
1972    PhD    Exeter    The impact of devaluation on prices and production in Pakistan    M M SHAIKH
1972    PhD    London, SOAS    The study of inflation in Pakistan, 1955-1968    Qamarul H SIDDIQI    Prof E Penrose
1972    PhD    London, UC    Functions of international conflict: a case study of Pakistan    K SIDDIQUI    Dr J W Burton
1972    PhD    London    The home government of India, 1834-1853    Robert F S TATE    Mr Harrison
1972    PhD    London, SOAS    Indian politics and the elections of 1937    D D TAYLOR    Prof H Tinker
1972    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    Economic integration and development with special reference to four Asian countries [India, Ceylon, Burma and Malaysia]    Ransit Corneille WANIGATUNGA    Prof G L Rees
1972    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    The development and function of the transport system in Ceylon: a network analysis    Poonanulkarange C H WEERASURIYA    Dr B T Robson
1972    MPhil    London, SOAS    Tribal identity among the Santals, 1770-1857    Michael Piers YORKE
1972/73    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Social conflict and political unrest in Bengal, 1875-1908    Rajat K RAY
1972/73    PhD    Reading    The applicability of linear programming to resource allocation in an irrigated agriculture with special reference to the Punjab of Pakistan    T U REHMAN
1973    BLitt    Oxford, Balliol    A study of Bengal peasants, 1765-1812    S U AHMED    Dr C C Davies
1973    PhD    London    The role of the Zamindars in Bengal, 1707-1772    Shirin AKHTAR    J B Harrison
1973    DPhil    Sussex    Political structure and economic development in rural West Pakistan    H ALAVI
1973    MPhil    London, Inst Ed    The impact of British educational thought onthe concept of university education in Sri Lanka    Chandra Lilian AMARASEKERA
1973    PhD    London, Wye    A study of economic resource use and production possibilities on settlement schemes in Sri Lanka (with special reference to the Minipe Colonisation Scheme)    Nihal St Michael Aloysius AMERASINGHE
1973    DPhil    Sussex    Nationalism and the regional politics: Tamiland, India, 1920-1937    D J ARNOLD    Prof D A Low
1973    PhD    London, QMC    Functions and status of urban settlement in West Bengal    Mira DAS
1973    DPhil    Sussex    Peasant movements in India,c.1920-1950    D N DHANAGARE
1973    PhD    London, LSE    The development of the port of Colombo, 1860-1939    K DHARMASENA    Prof F J Fisher
1973    MPhil    York    Male nurses in Ceylon: a study of the career problems of male nurses in the Ceylon health service, 1972    Malsiri K DIAS
1973    BLitt    Oxford, Campion Hall    Some aspects of agricultural policy in Ceylon since independence with special reference to youth resettlement schemes    B W DISSANAYAKE    Miss M R Haswell
1973    PhD    Exeter    Orgnisational forms in post traditional society with special reference to South Asia    P D S  GOONATILAKE
1973    PhD    London, SOAS    A study of the revenue administration of Sylhet District in Bengal, 1765-1792    Kusha HARAKSINGH    Prof K A Ballhatchet
1973    DPhil    Sussex    Revolutionary networks in Northern Indian politics, 1907-1935: a case study of the terrorist movement in Delhi, the Punjab, the United Provinces and adjacent princely states    M HARCOURT
1973    PhD    London, LSE    Indian population policy and the family planning programme    Edward C HARRIMAN
1973    BLitt    Oxford, Jesus    The role of law in the politics of Pakistan from 1947 to 1956    S F A HASSAN    Prof H W R Wade
1973    DPhil    Oxford, St Catharine’s    Foreign aid in the economic development of Ceylon    W HETTIARACHI    Miss P H Ady
1973    MSc    Lancaster    Monetary management, commercial bank credit expansion and economic development in Pakistan    Rafiqul ISLAM
1973    PhD    London, External    Economic development in Ceylon    Halwalage N S KARUNATILAKE
1973    MSocSc    Birmingham    Distribution of rate of suicide according to age and sex on the basis on caste in Gujerat State    H KAZI
1973    PhD    Hull    Some economic aspects of the oil palm industry of West Malaysia    Hacharan Singh KHERA
1973    DPhil    Oxford    Terms of trade, public policy and economic development of Ceylon, 1948-1958    W D LAKSHMAN
1973    PhD    Wales    An economic analysis of recent developments in the production and marketing of jute with particular reference to their implications for the economy of Pakistan    Saidur R LASKER
1973    PhD    London, LSE    Local government and administration in Ceylon    Genevieve R LEITAN
1973    PhD    York    Some aspects of Bhartrhari’s linguistic theory as represented in the Vakyapadiya    Kaluwachchimule MAHANAMA
1973    PhD    London, SOAS    The changing position and functions of the Rajahs and Nawabs of Bengal, 1911-1919    P C MAHTAB    Prof K Ballhatchet
1973    DPhil    Oxford, Nuffield    Private corporate industrial investment in India, 1947/1967: factors affecting its size, fluctuations and sectoral distribution    P PATNAIK    Mr P P Streeten
1973    PhD    London, King’s    The legal framework for the settlement of industrial disputes in Ceylon    Stanislaus Edward PULLE    Mr A Hughes
1973        London, SOAS    The minorities of Ceylon,, 1926-1931 with special reference to the Donoughmore Commission    G QUINTUS
1973    PhD    London, SOAS    The covenanted civil servant and the government of India, 1858-1883: a study of his part in the decision-making and decision implementing process in India    Muhammad A RAHIM    Mr J B Harrison
1973    MPhil    London, QMC    The markets of Calcutta: an analysis of the evolution of indigenous marketing systems and shopping facilities    Mondira Sinha RAY
1973    DPhil    Sussex    Poverty and policy: the impact of rural public works in the Kosi area of Bihar, India    Gerry RODGERS    L Joy
1973    PhD    Cambridge, Lucy     Polarization on Colombo in the economic geography of Ceylon    Liyanage Kundali Vidyamali SAMARASINGHE    Mr B H Farmer
1973    PhD    Birmingham    A quantitative analysis of the patterns of export: a case study of India    M L SETH
1973    MA    Sussex    A multisectoral model of production for Sri Lanka    Paran SIRISENA
1973    MSc    Cambridge, Girton    Underutilized industrial capacity in India    Nancy SLOCUM
1973    MPhil    London, QMC    External aspects of Pakistan’s political geography    A H SYED
1973    PhD    London, SOAS    Extradition in the light of the Indian constitution    Madan M TEWARI
1973    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    The Vice-royalty of Lord Irwin in 1926/31 with special reference to political and constitutional developments    James Frederick Caleb WATTS    Dr A F Madden
1973    PhD    Cambridge, Clare Hall    Some aspects of prodcution and market surplus in the rice sector of Ceylon    Piyasiri WICKRAMASEKARA
1973    PhD    Exeter    A theory of multiple exchange rates and exchange rate management in Ceylon    G W P WICKRAMASINGHE
1973/74    PhD    London, Wye    The marketing of tea with special reference to India’s share of thew world market    N C NANDA
1973/74    PhD    East Anglia    Constraints on optimum resource use in an irrigated land settlement scheme in Ceylon    D H R J PERERA
1973/74    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    Locational analysis and government sponsored large-scale industries in Ceylon    Y RASANAYAGAM

1973/74    DPhil    Sussex    A multisectoral model of production for Sri Lanka    N L SIRISENA
1973/74    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    The kinship and social organization of a Roman Catholic fishing village in Ceylon    Roderick Lennox STIRRAT
1974    PhD    Brunel    Defence expenditure and economic growth with reference to India    V AGARWAL
1974    MSc    London, LSHTM    Current patterns of food administration in the West and their application to Pakistan    A AHMED
1974    DTPH    London, LSHTM    Some problems in family planning in rural Sri Lanka    E R AMARASEKERA
1974    PhD    London, Inst Comm    Trotskyism in Ceylon: a study of the development, ideology and political role of Lanka Sama Samaja Party, 1935-1964    Y R AMARASINGHE    Prof W H Morris-Jones
1974    PhD    London, SOAS    Changes in patterns and practices of wheat farming since the introduction of the new high yielding varieties. A study of six villages in the Bulandshahr District, Uttar Pradesh, Northern India    Kathleen May BAKER
1974    PhD    London    Urban society in Bengal, 1850-1872,with special reference to Calcutta    Ranu BASU    Prof K Ballhatchet
1974    MPhil    London, Wye    Some economic aspects of rubber production in Sri Lanka    Gamlath Rallage CHADRASIRI
1974    PhD    Cambridge, Pembroke    Agrarian society and British administration in Western India, 1847-1920    Neil Rex Foster CHARLESWORTH
1974    DPhil    Sussex    Innovation, inequality and rural planning: the economics of Tubewell irrigation in the Kosi region, Bihar, India    Edward J CLAY
1974    PhD    Kent    Money and monetary policy in a lerss developed economy: the case of Ceylon (Sri Lanka)1950-1970    E CONTOGIANNIS
1974    DPhil    Sussex    A study of wages of the coal miners in India (with special reference ot the Raniganj and Jharia coalfields)    A DASGUPTA
1974    MSc    Wales, Aberystwyth    The factor shares of Indian international trade, 1947-1948 to 1967-1968    Mazumdar D DATT
1974    MPhil    Nottingham    A Marxist analysis of the economic development of India    Brian DAVEY    Prof Parkinson
1974    PhD    London    The intrigues of the German government and the Ghadr Party against British rule in India, 1914-1918    T G FRASER    Mr D N Dilks
1974    DTPH    London, LSHTM    Some public health problems of the labour force in Sri Lanka    A N HANIFFA
1974    MPhil    London, SOAS    The role of “reasonable restrictions” under the Indian constitution    Tirukattupali Kalyana Krishnamurthy IYER
1974    PhD    London    Buddhist-Christian relationships in British Ceylon, 1797-1948    C W KARUNARATNA    E G S Parrinder
1974    MSc    London, LSHTM    Growth study of the preschool children of Pakistan    M M R KHAN
1974    MPhil    Edinburgh    Implementation of development plans in Pakistan    S J KHAWAJA
1974    DPhil    Oxford, St Hugh’s    The movement towards constitutional reform in Ceylon, 1880-1910    N N LABROOY
1974    DPhil    Oxford    Social and political attitudes of British expatriates in India, 1880-1920    Margaret O MACMILLAN    Prof Gallagher
1974    PhD    Queen’s, Belfast    Allahabad: a study in social structure and urban morphology    L MALVIYA
1974    DPhil    Oxford    The Donoughmore Commission in Ceylon, 1927-1931    Tilaka Piyaseeli METHTHANANDA
1974    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    India’s exports and export policies in the sixties    D NAYYAR    Mr P P Streeten
1974    DPhil    Oxford    Prelude to partition: all-India moslem politics, 1920-1932    D J H PAGE
1974    PhD    London, King’s    The social background, motivation and training of missionaries to India, 1789-1858    Frederic S PIGGIN
1974    PhD    York    Some aspects of the Vanni dialect of Sinhalese as contrasted with the dialect of the western region of Sri Lanka    Pushpakumara PREMARATNE
1974    PhD    Manchester    The commercial pressure on the British government policy towards Indian nationalist movement, 1919-1935    M R PREST
1974    PhD    Cambridge, Clare Hall    Change in Bengal agrarian society c.1760-1850: a study of selected districts    Ratnalekha RAY    Prof E G Stokes
1974    PhD    London, SOAS    Education and society in the Bombay Presidency, 1840-1858    A J ROBERTS    Prof K S Ballhatchet
1974    PhD    Bradford    Pakistani villages in a British city: the world of the Mirpuri villager in Bradford and in his village of origin    Verity J SAIFULLAH-KHAN
1974    DPhil    Oxford    Labour and industrial organization in the Indian coal-mining industry, 1900-1939    Colin P SIMMONS    Prof P Mathias
1974    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Nationalism and Indian politics: the Indian National Congress, 1934-1942    B R TOMLINSON    Dr A Seal
1974    PhD    Hull    The European plantation rubber industry in South East Asia, 1876-1921    Phin Keong VOON
1974    PhD    London, SOAS    British scholarship and Muslim rule in India: the work of William Erskine, Sir Henry Elliot, John Dowson, Edwards Thomas, J Talboys Wheeler and Henry J Keene    Tripta WAHI    Dr P Hardy
1974    PhD    Cambridge, Tinity    The society and politics of the Madras Presidency, 1880-1920    D A WASHBROOK    Dr A Seal
1974    PhD    Hull    The Saribas Malays of Sarawak: their social and economic organisation and system of values    BIN kLING ZAINAL
1974/75    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    Landlords, planters and colonial rule: a study of tensions in Bengal rural society, c. 1830-1860    Chittabrata PALIT    Prof E T Stokes
1974/75    PhD    London, SOAS    The Khilafat movement in India, 1919-1924    M Naeem QURESHI    SDr Moore
1974/75    PhD    Birmingham    A multisectoral model for manpower and educational planning in Sri Lanka    T W Y RANAWEERA
1974/75    MSc    Cambridge Trinity    The extraction and use of surplus in India and China, 1950-1960    Chiranjivi Shumshere THAPA
1975    MSc    Strathclyde    Foreign indebtedness and debt servicing capacity of Pakistan, 1955-1970    M K ACHIGZAI
1975    MSc    London, LSHTM    Mortality and fertility trends in Orissa, 1951-1972    V AHMAD
1975    PhD    Edinburgh    Industrialisation and the problems of access to finance of small and medium sized forms in Ceylon    C A BALASURIYA
1975    MA    Ulster    Bangladesh: a divided Pakistan    N J BEST
1975    PhD    Manchester    Science and politics in India: accountability of scientific research policy structures, 1952-1970    B BHANEJA
1975    MSc    Salford    Factionalism and party building in India with special reference to the State of Rajasthan    R BHARGAVA
1975    MSc    Wales, Swansea    Population planning in Bangladesh    A R BHUIYAN    Mr J Whetton
1975    PhD    Lancaster    As assessment of the economic effects of a customs union among the South Asian countries of India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka    M A R BHUYAN
1975    PhD    London    The East India Company and its army, 1600-1778    G J BRYANT    Dr P J Marshall
1975    DPhil    sussex    The effects of external assistance on economic development: the case of Sri Lanka    A CHANDRA-RANDENI
1975    PhD    Leeds    The marketing of cotton in Pakistan    I U CHAUDHRY
1975    MSc    Wales, Swansea    Social welfare services in Pakistan: the integration of state and welfare activity    A CHOUDRY    Jim Whetton
1975    PhD    Londond, Wye    Factors influencing India’s exports since 1950    Kashmir Singh DHINDSA
1975    DPhil    Oxford    The journals and memoirs of British travellers and residents in India in the late 18th century and the 19th century prior to the Mutiny    Ketaki K DYSON    Dr C M Ing
1975    PhD    London, SOAS    The structure of politics in South India, 1918-1939: conflict and adjustment in Madras City    J A ELLIS
1975    MA    Sussex    The Vidhan Sabha election, Uttar Pradash, India, of February 1974    J GOODMAN
1975    MPhil    London, UC    Problems of port development in Sri Lanka, with special reference to Colombo    Daya Somalatha GUNATILLAKE
1975    DPhil    Sussex    Peasant agitations in Kheder District, Gujerat, 1917-1934    D R HARDIMAN    Mr P K Chaudhuri
1975    MSc    Wales, Swansea    Organisation and staffing needs in four state social services departments in Malaysia    Kamariah Mohd ISMAIL    Mr C Gore
1975    MScEcon    Wales    Economic development and the problem of unemployment with special reference to Bangladesh    Halim JAHANGIR
1975    PhD    Edinburgh    Public sector investment in the direct development of urban housing in Sri Lanka (Ceylon)    M E JOACHIM
1975    DPhil    Sussex    The relation between land settlement and party politics in Uttar Pradesh, India, 1950-69, with special reference to the formulation of the Bharatiya Kranti Dal    M H JOHNSON
1975    PhD    London, SOAS    Business, labour and opposition movements in the politics of Ahmedabad City, 1960-1972    Bharti KANSARA    Prof W H Morris-Jones
1975    MLitt    Aberdeen    South Asian international relations since rthe emergence of Bangladesh    A KHAN
1975    MA    Sussex    The Congress split of 1969: a study in factional and ideological conflicts    H KINASE-LEGGETT
1975    PhD    London    Legal aspects of stage carriage licensing in India    P LEELAKRISHNAN
1975    PhD    London, SOAS    Economics of higher yielding varieties of rice with special reference to a south Indian district…West Godavari (Andhra Pradesh)    S MADHAVAN    Mr T J Byres
1975    DPhil    Sussex    Political change in an Indian state: Mysore, 1910-1952    James G MANOR    Prof A Low; Dr Reeves
1975    PhD    Leeds    Financial institutions and private investment in Pakistan, 1955/56 to 1969/70    A M M MASIH    Finance
1975    MPhil    London, UC    Self-help in Hyderabad’s urban development    Catherine Anne MEDE
1975    PhD    London, LSE    An analysis of the economy and social organisation of the the Malapantara – a south Indian hunting and gathering people    Brian MORRIS
1975    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    The Indian National Congress and political mobilization in the United Provinces, 1926-1934    G PANDEY

Mr D K Fieldhouse
1975    PhD    Edinburgh    A prototype system for the control of land use and settlements in the planned development of Bangladesh    A M A QUAZI
1975    PhD    London, Inst Comm    The emergence of Bangladesh as a sovereign state    Mizanur RAHMAN
1975    DPhil    Oxfird, Linacre House    Some aspects of the Indian government’s policy of state railways, 1869-1884    V SHANMUGASUNDARAM    Prof K Ballhatchet
1975    PhD    Edinburgh    Changing patterns of cropland use in Bist Doab, Punjab, 1951-1968    Gurjeet SINGH
1975    PhD    London, LSE    A demographic analysis of the sterilization programme in the Indian states, 1957-1973    Veena SONI    Prof D Glass
1975    MLitt    St Andrews    Tax revenue forecasting in a developing economy with special reference to India    D K SRIVASTAVA
1975    DPhil    Sussex    The British in Malabar, 1792-1806    B S W SWAI    Prof D A Low; Dr P Reeves
1975    PhD    London, SOAS    The cotton trade and the commercial development of Bombay, 1855-1875    Antonia M VICZIANY    Dr K N Chaudhuri
1975    PhD    London, SOAS    The Moplah rebellion of 1921-1922 and its genesis    Conrad WOOD
1975/76    PhD    Birmingham    Significance of size in Indian public limited companies    N P NAYAR
1975/76    DPhil    Oxford, Trinity    British policy and the political impasse in India during the viceroyalty of Lord Linlithgow    Gowher RIZVI
1976    MPhil    London, UC    Development of printing in Urdu, 1743-1857    Nazir AHMAD    Mr R Staveley
1976    PhD    London, SOAS    The beginnings of British rule in Upper Burma: the study of British policy and Burmese reaction, 1885-1890    Muhammad S ALI    Prof C D Cowan
1976    MLitt    Glasgow    Jute in the agrarian history of Bengal, 1870-1914: a study in primary production    M W ALI    Prof S Checkland; Mr J F Munro
1976    PhD    Cambridge, Queen’s    Private industrial investment in Pakistan    Rashid AMJAD    Mr M A King
1976    PhD    London, SOAS    The Tamil renaissance and Dravidian nationalism, 1905-1944, with special reference to the works of Maraimalai Atikal    K Nambi AROORAN    Prof K Ballhatchet
1976    PhD    Lancaster    Regional dualism: a case study of Pakistan, 1947/48 to 1969/70    M AZHAR-UD-DIN
1976    PhD    London, SOAS    Patterns of rural development in Tamil Nadu    Robert Wilfred BRADNOCK
1976    DPhil    Sussex    Patterns of tractorization in the major rice growing areas of Sri Lanka    M N CARR
1976    DPhil    Oxford, St John’s    Aspects of the registration and legal control of trade unions in India with some comparative observations    B K CHANDRASHEKAR
1976    MSc    Heriot-Watt    The development of tourism in Sri Lanka(Ceylon)with special reference to Nuwara Elyia    E G DHARMASIRIWARANDE
1976    MPhil    Edinburgh    Some guidelines for a spatial framework for regional planning in Sri Lnaka    N D DICKSON
1976    PhD    London, UC    Some problems relating to constitutional amendments in India    Bhubaneswar DUTTA
1976    MA    Sheffield    An examination of the letters and papers of a Wesleyan missionary (the Rev. James John Ellis of India, 1883-1962    J ELLIS    Prof J Atkinson; Dr J C G Binfield
1976    DPhil    Sussex    Caste and Christianity: a study of the development and influence of attitudes and policies concerning caste held by Protetsant Anglo-Saxon missions in India    D B FORRESTER
1976    DPhil    Sussex    Sri Lanka and the powers: an investigation into Sri Lanka’s relations with Britain, India, US, Soviet Union and China, 1948-1974    Birty GAJAMERAGEDARA    Coral Bell
1976    PhD    Cambridge, Selwyn    Bombay city businessmen and politics, 1918-1933: the politics of indigenous colonial businessmen in relation to rising nationalism and a modernising economy    A D D GORDON    Prof J A Gallagher
1976    MSc    Wales, UWIST    The impact of the Central Freight Bureau of Sri Lanka on liner conferences and trade patterns    M H GUNARATNE
1976    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    Programming for a balanced development of modern industries in Bangladesh    A K Md HABIBULLAH    Prof P N Mathur
1976    MPhil    East Anglia    Techniques and management of annual planning with reference to Bangladesh    Shamsul HAQUE
1976    MSc    Wales, Swansea    Employment planning in Sri Lanka    Nimal HETTIARATCHY
1976    PhD    Cambridge, Christ’s    Agrarian structure and land productivity in Bangladesh: an analysis of farm level data    Mahabub HOSSAIN    Mrs S Paine
1976    PhD    Glasgow    Factor price distortions in Bangladesh    M M HUQ
1976    PhD    London, SOAS    A quantitative study of price movements in Bengal during the 18th and 19th centuries    A S M A HUSSAIN    Dr K N Chaudhuri
1976    MPhil    London    A study of 19th century historical work on Muslim rule in Bengal: Charles Stewart to Henry Beveridge    Muhammad D HUSSAIN    Dr P Hardy
1976    MSc    Wales    Construction and use of new system of national accounts for Sri Lanka    Siripala IPALAWATTE    Prof P N Mathur
1976    PhD    London, LSE    Factor intensity and labour absorption in manufacturing industries: the case of Bangladesh    R ISLAM    Prof A Sen; Dr Dasgupta
1976    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    An investigation into the effect of farm structure on resource productivitiy in selected areas of Bangladesh    Md Abdul JABBAR
1976    PhD    London, Inst Comm    India in the British Commonwealth: the problem of diplomatic representation 1917-1947    James L KEMBER    Dr T Reese
1976    PhD    Aberdeen    International relations in the South Asian sub-continent since the emergence of Bangladesh: conflict or co-operation ?    Ataur Rahman KHAN
1976    MSc    Strathclyde    Indian decision making and the Sino-Indian boundary conflict    R LOUDIS
1976    PhD    Glasgow    Regional disparities and structural change in an underdeveloped economy: a case study of India    M MAJMUDAR
1976    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Radical nationalism in India, 1930-1942: the role of the All India Congress Socialist Party    Z M MASANI
1976    PhD    London, SOAS    Political leadership among the Hindu community in Calcutta, 1857-1885    John G McGUIRE    Prof K A Ballhatchet
1976    MPhil    Leeds    Public enterprise and the economic development of Pakistan: a study of the relationship between industrial finance corporations and the development of the private sector    I MEHDI
1976    PhD    Manchester    Marketing of social products: family planning in Bangladesh    M A MIYAN
1976    PhD    London, UC    History of printing in Bengali characters up to 1866    Hussain Khan MOFAKHKHAR
1976    PhD    Cambridge, Christ’s    An Indian rural society: aspects of the structure of rural society in the United Provinces, 1860-1920    P J MUSGRAVE    Prof E T Stokes
1976    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    The British in India, 1740-1763: a study in imperial expansion into Bengal    J B NICHOL    Prof E T Stokes
1976    PhD    London, LSE    Education and educated manpower in Bangladesh: a study of development after the 1947 partition    M NURUZZAMAN    Dr C M Phillips
1976    PhD    Manchester    The sensitivity of the demand for Indian exports to world prices: a study of particular commodities    N G PEERA
1976    PhD    Glasgow    Some methodological aspects of the cost benefit analysis of irrigation projcts: a case study of the Telegana region of India    Gautam PINGLE    Mr E RAdo; Dr R P Sinha
1976    DPhil    Oxford, St John’s    The role of India in imperial defence beyond its frontiers and home waters, 1919-1939    J O RAWSON    Prof N H Gibbs
1976    PhD    London, LSE    Towards a spatial strategy for Indian development    L R SATIN
1976    PhD    London, SOAS    Municipal markets of Calcutta: three case studies    Mondira SINHA RAY
1976    PhD    London, SOAS    Munda religion and social structure    Hilary STANDING
1976    PhD    London, SOAS    Pakistan: a geopolitical analysis, 1947-1974    Arif Hassan SYED
1976    MSc    Wales, Swansea    Child welfare planning in India    Kalyani Sarojini THADI
1976    PhD    Aston    Techno-economic aspects of the competitive position of natural rubber with special reference to the natural rubber industry in Sri Lanka    G VARATHUNGARAJAN
1976    PhD    Cambridge, Sidney    The impact of tariff protection on Indian industrial growth, 1918-1939, with special reference to the steel, cotton mill and sugar industries    D M WAGLE    Dr W J Macpherson
1976    DPhil    Sussex    The use of project appraisal techniques in the Indian public sector: a case study of the fertiliser industry    John WEISS
1976    PhD    London, SOAS    Decisions and analogy: political structure and discourse among the Ho tribes of India    Michael Piers YORKE
1976/77    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    Living saints and their devotees: a study of guru cults in urban Orissa    Deborah Anne SWALLOW    Prof E R Leach
1977    PhD    London, LSE    The jute manufacturing industry of Bangladesh, 1947-1974    Q K AHMAD
1977    DPhil    Oxford    The Bengal Muslims, circa 1871-1906: the re-definition of identity    R AHMED
1977    PhD    Hull    The Boria: a study of a Malay theatre in its socio-cultural context    RAHMAN AZMAN
1977    PhD    London,SOAS    Guardianship in South Asia with special reference to alienation and limitation    M BADARUDDIN
1977    PhD    Lancaster    The image of Gandhi in the Indo-Anglican nove    D CHATTERJEE
1977    PhD    Cambridge, Selwyn    Lancashire cotton trade and British policy in India, 1919-1939    Basudev CHATTERJI
1977    PhD    Aberdeen    Doctrinal and exegetical issues in the Hindu-Christian debate during the nineteenth century Bengal renaissance with special reference to St Paul’s teaching on the religions of the nations    Chee Pang CHOONG
1977    PhD    Glasgow    Technological change in agriculture: the development experience of Tamil Nadu    M D’SA
1977    PhD    Cambridge, Selwyn    Indigo plantations and agrarian society in North Bihar in the 19th and early 20th centuries    C M FISHER    Prof E Stokes
1977    PhD    Edinburgh    Some aspects of the colonial administration in Ceylon, 1855-1865    Alison C FORBES    Dr T J Barron
1977    PhD    Manchester    A model of manpower planning for India    R D GAIHA
1977    PhD    East Anglia    Paddy and rice marketing in Northern Tamil Nadu, India    Barbara HARRISS
1977    PhD    East Anglia    Technological change in agriculture and agrarian social structure in Northern Tamil Nadu    John Charles HARRISS
1977    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Indian National congress and the Indian Muslims (1916-1928)    M HASAN    Dr A Seal
1977    MEd    Wales, Aberystwyth    Television strategies for health education in Pakistan    Muhammad Anwar HASSAN
1977    PhD    London, UC    The tax burden on Bangladeshi agriculture – a welfare economics approach    M HUQ
1977    PhD    Durham    Differentiation, polarisation and confrontation in rural Bangladesh    B K JAHANGIR
1977    DPhil    Oxford, St Hugh’s    Gangaguru: the public and private life of a Brahmin community of North India    A S JAMESON
1977    PhD    Edinburgh    A Bangladeshi town’s elite: a sociological study    F KHAN
1977    MPhil    London, King’s    South Asia Muslims and the ocncept of equality with reference to the 20th century    M LAHLOU    Dr P Hardy
1977    PhD    London, SOAS    Evaluation of integrated rural development project in Pakistan    W E LOVETT
1977    PhD    London    Depression kills more than a self: concepts of mental distress among Pakistanis    R MALIK
1977    PhD    London, SOAS    The origins and early years of the British Committee of the Indian National Congress, 1885-1907    Margot I MORROW    Prof K A Ballhatchet
1977    MPhil    London, SOAS    Caste, rituals and strategies    Rina NAYAR
1977    PhD    Edinburgh    The directors of the East India Company, 1754-1790    J G PARKER    Dr J N M Maclean; Prof V G Kiernan
1977    PhD    Hull    Anglo-Burmese relations, 1795-1826    Gandadharan Padmanabhan RAMACHANDRA
1977    PhD    Leicester    The development of local transport in Bangladesh    Abu REZA
1977    DPhil    Sussex    An analysis of the export performance and policies of Bangladesh since 1950 with special reference to the income and employment implications of trade in manufactures    S A L REZA
1977    DPhil    Sussex    A study of political elites in Bangladesh, 1947-1970    Rangalal SEN    Prof T B Bottomore
1977    PhD    Leeds    Organisation and leadership of industrial labour in Karachi, Pakistan    Z A SHAHEED
1977    PhD    Kent    A monetary macro-economic model for India, 1951/52-1965/66    M A SHAHI
1977    MLitt    Cambridge, Girton    The Congress ministry in Bombay, 1937-1939    Rani SHANKAREDASS    Prof J Gallagher
1977    mpHIL    Edinburgh    A comparative study of development policies in Pakistan, 1955-1970    S H SYED
1977    MPhil    London, Birkbeck    Differences between the UK and Indian management attitudes to organization development (OD) and manpower planning: a comparative study    M N THAKUR
1977    PhD    London, LSE    Anglo-Indian  economic relations, 1913-1928: with special reference to the cotton trade    James David TOMLINSON    Mr M E Falkus; Mr D E Baines
1977/78    PhD    Cambridge, Selwyn    Thje unemployment problem and development planning in Pakistan    Ghazy bin Subh-o MUHJAHID    Mr D A S Jackson
1977/78    PhD    London, LSE    Economic inequality and group welfare: theory and application in Bangladesh    S R OSMANI    Prof A Sen
1977/78    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    The interrelation of agriculture and industry in a developing country: the case of Bangladesh    A H WAHIDUDDIN MAHMUD    Dr R M Goodwin
1978    PhD    London, SOAS    The economic and social organization of selected Mohmand Pukhtun settlements    Akbar S AHMED
1978    MPhil    Leeds    Disguised unemployment in the rural sector in Bangladesh    A H W M ALAM
1978    PhD    London, SOAS    British policy towards the Indian states, 1905-1939    S R ASHTON    Dr B N Pandey
1978    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Lord Willington and India, 19192-1936    George W BERGSTROM    Dr A F Madden
1978    DPhl    Sussex    Inequality, demand, structures and employment: the case of India    R BERRY
1978    PhD    Edinburgh    The Kui people: changes in belief and practice    Barbara Mather BOAL
1978    MPhil    Sussex    Islam in India since the partition of the sub-continent: issues in self-definition    J A BOND
1978    PhD    Leicester    The civil and military patronage of the East India Company, 1784-1840    John Michael BOURNE
1978    PhD    London, SOAS    The history of Janakpurdham: a study of asceticism and the Hindu polity    Richard BURGHART
1978    PhD    London, SOAS    The Hindu family firm and its future in the light of Indian tax law    S C CHAKRABORTY
1978    PhD    Exeter    The production and trade of rice and cotton in Pakistan with special reference to exports to the European Community    M A CHOUDHRY
1978    DPhil    Oxford    The colonial police and anti-terrorism: Bengal 1930-1936, Palestine 1837-1947 and Cyprus 1955-1959    D J CLARK    Prof M E Howard
1978    DPhil    Oxford, Hertford    International trade and payments and economic policy in Ceylon during 1938/1953: a case study in the economics of independence    D C DOLAWATTA    Mr R W Bacon
1978    MPhil    Leicester    An econometric model of consumer behaviour in India, 1950/51-1972/73    A GHATAK
1978    PhD    Durham    Kinship and ritual in a South Indian micro-region    Anthony GOOD
1978    PhD    Cambridge, Wolfson    Pineapples from Sri Lanka: the export potential of fresh fruit in relation to some aspects of post-harvest deterioration    S J GOONERATNE    Dr P H Lowings
1978    PhD    London    The law of homicide in Pakistan    M HANIF

1978    PhD    Cranfield    Inter-urban bus operation in Bangladesh: a comparative study of the efficiency of the public and private bus sectors    M ISLAM
1978    PhD    Lancaster    Religion and moderenisation: a case study of interactions between Christianity, Hinduism and modernisation in Northern Orissa, 1947-197    A KANJAMALA
1978    PhD    Manchester    Analysis of industrial efficiency in Pakistan, 1959/60 to 1969/70    A R KEMAL
1978    PhD    Cambridge    Indian business and nationalist politics, 1931-1939: the political attitude of the indigenous capitalist class in relation to the crisis of the colonial economy    Claude MARKOVITS    Dr A Seal
1978    PhD    Lancaster    Herman Merivale and the British Empire. 1806-1874, with special reference to British North America, Southern Africa and India    D T McNAB    Dr J M MacKenzie
1978    DPhil    Oxford.     The era of civillisation: British policy for the Indians of the Canadas, 1830-1860    John Sheridan MILLOY    Dr F Madden
1978    PhD    Exeter    An analysis of the world jute economy and its implications for Bangladesh    M G MOSTAFA
1978    PhD    Surrey    Causes of educated unemployment in less developed countries: the case of Sri  Lanka    T PERERA
1978    PhD    Leeds    Public expenditure growth and its role in developing countries: the case of Bangladesh    A H PRAMANIK
1978    DPhil    Sussex    Capacity utilisation and labour employment in large scale manufacturing plant in Bangladesh    Alimur RAHMAN    B Dasgupta
1978    MPhil    Liverpool    A study in some aspects of demand and supply of food in a rapidly expanding population: the case of Bangladesh    F RAHMAN
1978    PhD    Essex    Tenancy and production behaviour in agriculture: a study of Bangladesh agriculture    K M RAHMAN
1978    MPhil    Leeds    The political economy of inflation: a case study of Bangladesh, 1959-1975    Syed Z SADEQUE
1978    PhD    Wales, InstSciTech    Spatial impact of growth poles in the context of regional development planning: a case study in the Ranchi Region (Bihar), India    Suranjit Kumar SAHA
1978    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Agrarian structure, technology and marketed surplus in the Indian economy    A SAITH
1978    MPhil    London, LSE    The Cominterm and the Communist Party of India, 1920-1929    Dushka Hyder SAIYID    Prof J Joll
1978    PhD    London, SOAS    Relations between Roman Catholics and Hindus in Jaffna, Ceylon, 1900-1926: a study of religious encounter    N M SAVERIMUTTU    Prof K A Ballhatchet
1978    PhD    London, SOAS    Legal aspects of public enterprise in India and Tanzania: a comparative study    A SEN
1978    PhD    London, SOAS    The life and writings of Sir John William Kaye, 1814-1876    Nihar Nandan Prasad SING
1978    PhD    London, SOAS    Some aspects of education and educational administration in the Madras Presidency between 1870 and 1898: a study of British educational policy in India    S SRIVASTAVA    Mr J Harrison
1978    PhD    London, SOAS    Public expenditure and state accumulation in India, 1960-1970    John F J TOTE    Mr T J Byres
1978    PhD    London, SOAS    Law and order in Oudh, 1856-1877    D B TRIVEDI    Prof K A Ballhatchet
1978    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    Periodic markets in south Bihar, India    Sudhir Vyankatesh WANMALI    Dr GP Chapman Mr BH Farmer
1978    PhD    Brunel    Job satisfaction and labour turnover among women workers in Sri Lanka    W T WEERAKOON
1978    PhD    London, SOAS    Gandhists and socialists: the struggle for control of the Indian National Congress, 1931-1939    James Carroll WILSON
1978    MPhil    London, Insti Comm    Political conflict and regionalism: Orissa, 1938-1948    T W WOLF    Prof W H Morris-Jones
1979    MPhil    Edinburgh    National parks planning in Malaysia    A K bin ABANG MORSHIDI
1979    PhD    Cambridge    Labour market and labour utilisation in Bangladesh agriculture: an analysis of farm level data    Iqbal AHMED
1979    PhD    London, SOAS    The history of the city of Dacca, 1840-1884    S U AHMED    Mr Harrison
1979    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    Sugar cane cultivation in Gorakhpur, Uttar Pradesh c.1890-1940: a study in the interrelations between capitalistic enterprise and a dependent peasantry    S AMIN    Dr Raychaudhuri
1979    PhD    London, UC    Occupational and spatial mobility among shanty dwellers in Poona: a study of selected settlements and implications for housing policy    M M BAPAT
1979    MLitt    Oxford, St Antony’s    The Punjab and recruitment to the Indian Army (1846-1918)    D BRIEF
1979    PhD    Keele    UN India Pakistan Observation Mission (UNIPOM), 1965-1966    S CHAUHDRY
1979    PhD    Wales    Local government finance in Bangladesh    Amirul Islam CHOWDHURY    Mr J Eaton
1979    PhD    Warwick    Interrelationships between income redistribution and economic growth with special reference to Sri Lanka    H M A CODIPPILY
1979    MPhil    London, SOAS    The constitutional history of Sri Lanka with special reference to the judiciary    M J A COORAY
1979    PhD    London, SOAS    Local politics in Bengal, Midnapur District    Swapan DAS GUPTA
1979    PhD    Edinburgh    Government and princes: India 1918-1939    G J DOUDS
1979    PhD    Manchester    The establishment of nuclear industry in less developed countries: the cases of Argentine, Brazil and India    M DUAYER DE SOUZA
1979    DPhil    Sussex    Levels, the communication of programmes and sectional strategies in Indian politics with reference to the Bharatiya Kranti Dal and the Republican Party of India in Uttar Pradesh State and Aligarh District (UP)    R I DUNCAN
1979    DPhil    Oxford, Keble    An anthropological analysis of the identity of the educated Bengali Muslim middle class of Calcutta, India    P J K EADE    Prof M Freeman
1979    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    Bombay peasants and Indian nationalism: a study of economic change and political activity in the Bombay countryside, 1919-1939    Simon J M EPSTEIN
1979    DPhil    Sussex    Bilateral trade and payments agreements as an instrument of trade policy in Ceylon, 1952-1971    L S FERNANDO    D Wall
1979    DPhil    Oxford    Military aid as a factor in Indo-Soviet relations, 1961-1971    P C GERHARDT
1979    PhD    Manchester    Image makers of Kumartuli: the transformation of a caste-based industry in a slum quarter of Calcutta    Beth GOLDBLATT
1979    PhD    Lancaster    Achieving national development in the Third World: a systems study [Sri Lanka and Venezuela]    P W GUNAWARDENA
1979    PhD    London, SOAS    Industrial development of Bengal, 1902-1939    A Z M IFTIKHAR-UL-AWWAL
1979    PhD    Cambridge    Afghanistan in British imperial strategy and diplomacy, 1919-1941    Lesley Margaret JACKMAN
1979    DPhil    Sussex    Changing production relations and population in Uttar Pradesh    Vinod K JAIRATH    S Epstein
1979    DPhil    Oxford, Merton    Religion and politics among the Sikhs in the Punjab, 1873-1925    R A KAPUR    Prof R E Robinson
1979    PhD    Aberdeen    Nationalism in Bangladesh    Ataur R KHAN
1979    MLitt    Oxford, Wolfson    Communities in Ceylon: an ethnic perspective on Sinhalese-Tamil relations    P LANGTON    Dr Schuyler-Jones
1979    PhD    London, Wye    An economic analyses of resource use with respect of farm size and tenure in an area of Bangladesh    Md Abdur Sattar MANDAL
1979    DPhil    Oxford    Hindu pilgrimage with particular reference to West Bengal, India    E Alan MORINIS
1979    MPhil    York    Sociolinguistics of language planning: a historical study of language planning in Sri Lanka    Abul Monsur Md Abu MUSA    Dr M W S De Silva
1979    PhD    London, SOAS    Chittagong Port: a study of its fortunes, 1892-1912    S H OSMANY    Mr J B Harrison
1979    PhD    Cambridge, St Cath’s    Punjab peasants and politics: a study of the Lower Chenab Canal, 1890-1020    B J POFF    Prof E Stokes
1979    PhD    Cambridge, Clare    Agrarian structure and capital formation: a study of Bangladesh agriculture with farm level data    Atiqur RAHMAN
1979    PhD    London, SOAS    The non-official British in India, 1883-1920    R K RENFORD
1979    PhD    Aberdeen    The soils of the central Sarawak lowlands, Malaysia    I M SCOTT
1979    PhD    Durham    The socio-cultural determinants of fertility and the population policy in India    M SEKHRI
1979    PhD    St Andrews    Macroeconmic forecasting in developing countries with special reference to fiscal policy: a case study of India    Dinesh K SRIVASTAVA    Dr GK Shaw
1979    PhD    London,  SOAS    Emergency powers in the Indian constitution    Jahnavi K P SRIVASTAVA
1979    PhD    London, LSE    Democratic considerations and population policies in development planning: a survey of third world countries with case studies of Bangladesh and Pakistan    B F M STAMFORD    Prof D V Glass
1979    PhD    Edinburgh    The development of British Indology    K B SWANSON
1979    PhD    London, Royal Holloway    Anglo-French diplomacy overseas, 1935-1845, with special reference to West Africa and the Indian Ocean    Rosalind M WALLER    Prof G N Sanderson
1979/80    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    Some aspects of the monetary and financial experience of a mixed economy: the case of Ceylon, 1950-1970    S W R D SARMARASINGHE    Mr M G Kuczynski
1980    MPhil/PhD    London, LSHTM    Sex differential mortality: a study of the status of women in Pakistan    A AHMAD
1980    DPhil    Sussex    Overseas aid and the transfer of technology – agricultural mechanisation in Sri Lanka    D F BURCH    E Brett
1980    PhD    Aberdeen    Aspects of population changes in British colonial Malacca: a study in social geography    Kok Eng CHAN
1980    PhD    London, SOAS    Rural power and debt in Sind in late 19th century, 1865-1901    David CHEESMAN    Dr Zaidi
1980    PhD    London, UC    Optimal development and various public policies: a case study of Bangladesh    Omar H CHOWDHURY    Mr Lal
1980    PhD    Cambridge    The agrarian economy of northern India, 1800-1880: aspects of growth and stagnation in the Doab    S J COMMANDER    Prof Stokes
1980    PhD    Leeds    Methodism and Sinhalese Buddhism: the Wesleyan-Methodist missionary encounter with Buddhism in Ceylon, 1814-1868, with special reference to the work of Robert Spencer Hardy    Barbara A R COPLANS    Dr E M Pye; Dr R C Towler
1980    PhD    London, King’s    British and Indian strategy and policy in Mesopotamia, November 1914-May 1916    P K DAVIS    Dr M L Dockrill
1980    MPhil    Edinburgh    Use of technology: rural industrialization in Sri Lanka    A DE WILDE
1980    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    The Indian Civil Service. 1919-1947    H A EWING    Dr A Seal
1980    PhD    Edinburgh    Devotional music in Mysore    Gordon GEEKIE
1980    MPhil    CNAA    An approach to the assessment and control by developing countries of the economic costs and benefits of their national fleets, with particular reference to Sri Lanka    M D H GUNATILLAKE
1980    DPhil    Sussex    Development of capitalism in agriculture in Pakistan with special reference to the Punjab Province    S A HUSSAIN
1980    PhD    Cambridge    Popular Christianity, caste and Hindu society in south India, 1800-1915: a study of Travancore and Tirunelveli    Susan Banks KAUFMANN
1980    PhD    Edinburgh    The cost and effictiveness of export incentive schemes in Pakistan, 1950-1970    Mohammad KHAYRAT
1980    PhD    London, SOAS    The city of Lucknow before 1856 and its buildings    Rosaleen M LLEWELLYN-JONES    Dr Chaudhuri
1980    PhD    Manchester    Domestic worship and the festival cycle in the south Indian city of Madurai    Penelope LOGAN
1980    PhD    Leeds    The policy of the government of India towards Afghanistan, 1919-1947    C MAPRAYIL    Prof D Dilks
1980    PhD    Strathclyde    Appropriate products, employment and income distribution in Bangladesh and Ghana: a case study of the soap industry    A K A MUBIN
1980    PhD    Manchester    Choice and transfer of technology: the case of modernization of dairying in India    S K MUKERJI
1980    DPhil    Oxford    The rebellion in Awadh, 1857-1858: a study in popular resistance    R MUKHERJEE
1980    DPhil    Sussex    The Muriya and Tallot Mutte: a study of the concept of the earth among the Muriya Gonds of Bastar District, India    Terrell POPOFF
1980    DPhil    Oxford    Saving in Pakistan, 1950-1977: estimation and analysis    M Z M QURESHI
1980    PhD    Durham    A study of the status of women in Islamic law and society with special reference to Pakistan    S F SAIFI
1980    PhD    London, SOAS    The political economy of rural poverty in Bangladesh    K U SIDDIQUI    Mr T J Byres
1980    DPhil    Sussex    Export led industrial development: the case of Sri Lanka    Upanda VIDANAPATHIRANA    Mr Godfrey
1980    PhD    London    Foreign investment law and policy of India: the control of private direct foreign investment    S L WATKINS
1980    PhD    Kent    The little businessman of Bukit Timah: a study of the economic, social and political organisation of traders in a market complex in Singapore    C W WONG
1981    PhD    London, External    An analysis of academic libraries in the Punjab (Pakistan)and proposals for their future development    Nazir AHMAD
1981    DPhil    Sussex    Institutional structure, income distribution and economic development: a case study of Pakistan    S E AHMAD    R Jolly; P Chaudhuri
1981    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    Productivity, prices and distribution in Pakistan’s manufacturing sector, 1955-1970    Meekal A AHMED    Mr Z A Silberston
1981    PhD    Birmingham    Pakistani entrepreneurs, their development, characteristics and attitudes    Zafar ALTAF
1981    MPhil    Reading    Approaches to the optimisation of calving interval in large dairy herds in Sri Lanka    V ARIYAKUMAR
1981    DPhil    Sussex    Adoption of high-yielding varieties of paddy: a case study of Bangladesh agriculture    M ASADUZZAMAN
1981    MPhil    Oxford    Alternative approaches to the analysis of Indian agriculture: an evaluation    P BALAKRISHNAN
1981    MLitt    Oxford, Balliol    The Indian state and the state of emergency    Ashis BANERJEE    Mr N Maxwell
1981    DPhil    Oxford, St Cath’s    Migration theory with special reference to Delhi    B BANERJEE    Prof I M D Little
1981    PhD    London, SOAS    Evaluation of changes brought about by resettlement scheme in Sri Lanka    G S BETTS
1981    PhD    Newcastle    Genetic variation and structure in selected populations of India    S M S CHAHAL
1981    PhD    London, LSE    Commercial policy and industrialization with special reference to India since independence    S CHATTERJEE    Prof T Scitovsky
1981    PhD    Edinburgh    The politics and technology ofsharing  the Ganges    B CROW
1981    PhD    Hull    Karst water studies and environment in West Malaysia    J CROWTHER
1981    DPhil    Sussex    Land and politics in West Bengal: a sociological study of a multicaste village    A S DASGUPTA
1981    DPhil    Sussex    Population trends and changes in village organisation – Rampur revisited    M DASGUPTA    S Epstein; R Cassen
1981    MPhil    London, King’s    A study of female offenders in Sri Lanka and England    S S H DE SILVA
1981    MPhil    Oxford    Educated unemployment in India    D J DONALDSON
1981    DPhil    Sussex    Rules and transactions: some aspects of marriage among the Dhund Abbasi of North East Pakistan    H DONNAN
1981    PhD    London    India’s relations with developing countries: a study of the political economy of Indian investment, aid, overseas banking and insurance    S K DUTT
1981    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    Geomorphology and environmental change in South India and Sri Lanka    Rita A M GARDNER    Dr A S Goudie
1981    PhD    Aberdeen    A study of Bangladesh tea soils with particular reference to the efficiency of phosphatic fertilizers    A K M GOLAM KIBRIA
1981    MPhil    Oxford    Some early British socialists in India    N GOPAL
1981    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    The agrarian economy of the Bombay Deccan, 1818-1941    Sumit GUHA
1981    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Planning for growth and structural change in an under-nourished economy: the case of India    U R GUNJAL    Dr D M Nuti
1981    PhD    Manchester    Buddism, magic and society in a southern Sri Lankan town    M C HODGE
1981    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    An investigation of the impact of British rule in India, c 1820-1860 in the context of political, social and economic continuity and change    D J HOWLETT    Dr G Johnson
1981    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    The origins of the partition of India, 1936-1947    Anita INDER SINGH
1981    PhD    Cambridge    Jinnah, the Muslim League and the demand for Pakistan    A JALAL
1981    PhD    London, Imperial    Supervisory style and work group satisfaction: an empirical study in the textile industry in Sri Lanka    N W N JAYASIRI
1981    MPhil    Sussex    The effect of proximity to urban influence on rural leadership in Sri Lanka    s JAYATILAKE    R Dore
1981    MPhil    London, LSHTM    Relations between estimation biases and response errors in the analysis of a retrospective demographic survey of Bangladesh    Mokbul Ahmed KHAN    Prof W Brass
1981    MTh    Aberdeen    Salvation in a Malaysian context    Boo Wah KHOO
1981    MPhil    Edinburgh    British and Indian post-war new towns: a comparative analysis    D KUMER
1981    PhD    London, LSE    Bhutto, the People’s Pakistan Party and political development in Pakistan,1867-1977    M LODHI
1981    PhD    Bradford    The economics of railway traction with particular reference to India    J MAJUMDAR
1981    PhD    London, SOAS    Law and development in Sri Lanka: an historical perspective, 1796-1989     M L MARASINGHE
1981    PhD    Glasgow    The techno-economic development of the Indian machine tool industry, with special emphasis on aspects affecting efficiency    Ronald G MATTHEWS
1981    PhD    Durham    Spatial patterns of population growth and agricultural change in the Punjab, Pakistan, 1901-1972    M A MIAN
1981    PhD    Cambridge    Patterns of long-run agrarian change in Bombay and Punjab, 1881-1972    S C MISHRA
1981    PhD    Edinburgh    An empirical analysis of export promotion in Pakistan, 1959-1977    K MOHAMMAD
1981    DPhil    Sussex    The state and peasantry in Sri Lanka    M P MOORE
1981    PhD    Warwick    Rural factor markets in Pakistan    I NABI    Prof Stern
1981    PhD    Wales, UCNW    Basic needs fulfillment and the evaluation of land use alternatives with special reference to forestry in Kerala State, India    C T S NAIR
1981    MPhil    Oxford    The structure of Indian society: a study of some aspects of the work of Louis Dumont    S S RANDERIA
1981    DPhil    Sussex    The historical problems of agricultural productivity with special reference to the use of modern technology inputs: a case study of Meerut district in western Uttar Pradesh    Sumit ROY    B Dasgupta
1981    PhD    London, SOAS    The thakur and the goldsmith: aspects of legitimation in an Indian village    Christopher Thomas SELWYN
1981    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity Hall    The agrarian constraint to economic development: the case of India    Abhijit SEN    Mr J A Rowthorn
1981    MPhil    London, LSE    Control and regulation of cotton marketing in India, 1950-1975    J SENGUPTA    Prof B S Yamey
1981    MPhil    Kent    Patani nationalism    O bin SHEIKH AHMAD
1981    PhD    Cambridge, St Edmund’s    Canal irrigation and agrarian change under colonial rule: a study of the UP Doab, India, 1830-1930    Ian Edward STONE
1981    PhD    London    The growth of the Muslim League in the Punjab, 1937-1946    I A TALBOT
1981    MPhil    Brunel    A study of financing of small industries in UK and India    J P TEWARI
1981    DPhil    Sussex    Population, growth and labour utilisation in a rural/urban context: a Sri Lanka case study    W TILAKARATNE
1981    PhD    London, SOAS    Determinants of change in population resource relationships at village level: a study of two south Indian villages    Christopher Louis WILDE
1981    PhD    Bath    Class formation, state intervention and rural development in South Asia    G D WOOD
1981    PhD    London, LSE    The identification of developing Soviet strategy interests in the Indian Ocean, 1968-1974    Rashna Minoo WRITER    Mr P Windsor
1981    PhD    London, SOAS    The impact of canal irrigation on the rural structuresof the Punjab: the canal colony districts, 1880 to 1940    Fareeha ZAFAR
1982    DPhil    Sussex    Capital accumulation, land productivity and agrarian structure in Bangladesh agriculture    M ALAM
1982    PhD    Warwick    Effects of taxation on business in less developed countries with special reference to Sri Lanka    P BENNETT
1982    DPhil    Sussex    Agrarian structure, economic change and poverty: the experience of central Gujerat    BHANWARSINGH
1982    PhD    London, Imperial    Development of the labour process in the Indian electrical industry    B BHUSHAN
1982    PhD    Edinburgh    Energy flows in subsistence agriculture: a study of a dry zone village in Sri Lanka    Jan Roderic BIALY
1982    PhD    Cambridge    Conjugal units and single persons: an analysis of the social system of the Naiken of the Nilgirirs (South India)    Nirut BIRD
1982    PhD    Aberdeen    A sociological study of the development of social classes and social structure of Bangladesh    B M CHODWHURY
1982    PhD    Salford    Foreign aid and economic development: a case study of Pakistan with special reference to poverty and income distribution    M K CHOUDHARY
1982    PhD    Cabridge    A study of cotton-weaving in Bangladesh: the relative advantages and disadvantages of handloom weaving and factory production    Nuimuddin CHOWDHURY
1982    DPhil    Sussex    Technological innovation in agriculture in India: an analysis of economic policy and political pressures    F C CLIFT
1982    DPhil    Sussex    Open unemployment and poverty in the rural sector in Sri Lanka    I COOMARASWAMY
1982    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    The jute economy of Bengal, 1900-1947: unequal interaction between the industrial, trading and agricultural sectors    O GOSWAMI    Dr Raychaudhuri
1982    DPhil    Sussex    Changing socio-economic relations in a Kandyan countryside    P N GUNASINGHE    S Epstein
1982    MPhil    Leeds    Recovery of gemstones from river gravels in Sri Lanka    S M HERATH BANDA
1982    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    The changing structure of cotton textile production in Bengal under the impact of the East India Company, 1750-1813, and the textile producers of Bengal    Hameeda HOSSAIN    Dr T Raychaudhuri
1982    MPhil    Sussex    The difference between ideological planning and service performance and the problems of differential access to agricultural credit in Bangladesh: the case of the integrated rural development programme    Sajjad HUSSAIN
1982    PhD    London, LSE    Boundary problems in South Asia    K H KAIKOBAD    Prof I Brownlie
1982    DPhil    Sussex    Spring Valley: a social, anthropological and historical enquiry into the impact of the tea estates upon a Sinhalese village in the Uva Highlands of Sri Lanka    C P KEMP
1982    DPhil    Oxford, Trinity    Pakistan’s relations with the USA, the USSR, China and India from the Sino-Indian war of 1962 to the Simla Pact    Mohamed Jameelur Rehman KHAN    Dr S Rose
1982    PhD    London    Aspects of the urban history, social, administrative and insttitutional of Dacca City, 1921-1947    Nazia KHANUM    Mr J B Harrison
1982    MPhil    Cambridge, Magdalene    The British policy of withdrawal from India: in particular with reference to its impact on the subsequent political development of India    S W KIM    Mr C Barnett
1982    DPhil    Oxford, New    The Indian coal industry after nationalisation    Rajiv KUMAR    Mr S Lall
1982    PhD    Lonon, SOAS    Industrial location and regional policy in south India    James William MACKIE    Dr Bradnock
1982    PhD    Cambridge    Women’s work and economic power in the family: a study of two villages in West Bengal    Linda Catherine MAYOUX
1982    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    Construction of capital and labour coefficient matrices for the India economy and their use in framing a development plan    Deba Kumar Datt MAZUMDAR    Prof F N Mathur
1982    PhD    Edinburgh    Relativization in Bengali    A K M MORSHED
1982    PhD    London, LSE    India and the EEC, 1962-1973    Bishakha MUKHERJEE
1982    PhD    Keele    Social aspects of production and reproduction in Bonda society    Bikram N NANDA
1982    MPhil    Reading    The evaluation and control of constraints on the development of dairying in the Jaffna District of Sri Lanka    A NAVARATNARAJAH
1982    DPhil    Sussex    Social change and class relations in rural Sri Lanka    U L PERERA    R Dore
1982    PhD    Manchester    An evaluationof the problems of measuring the profit performance of multinational enterprise in less developed countries: a case study of Bangladesh    M Z RAHMAN
1982    DPhil    Sussex    Villagers education aspirations and their relationship to rural development: a south Indian case study    Sudha V RAO    S Epstein
1982    PhD    Cambridge, Corpus    On liberty and economic growth: preface to a philosophy for India    Subroto ROY    Prof F Hahn
1982    PhD    London, LSHTM    Education and fertility in Pakistan    Zeba A SATHAR
1982    PhD    London, LSE    Maintaining non-alignment: India’s political relations with the superpowers in the 1970s    Muhammad Azher Zafar SHAH    Mr C J Hill
1982    DPhil    Sussex    The process of rural change and its impact on income distribution in Gujerat    Bhanwar SINGH    R Cassen
1982    PhD    Leeds    Analytical techniques in agricultural development planning: a critical appraisal of a project for the modernization of an irrigation scheme in Sri Lanka    Nelson VITHANAGE    Mr I G Simpson
1982    PhD    Reading    A biological study of the benefits of intercropping in England and India    N VORASOOT
1982/83    PhD    Birmingham    Pakistan: the energy sector: a study in sector planning    Tariq RIAZ
1982/83    PhD    Cambridge    A study of the development of the sugar industry in Ahmednagar Diustrict, Maharashtra, (with particular reference to the harvesting and carting labourers employed in the industry    Joy RICHARDSON
1982/83    PhD    London, SOAS    Politics and the state in Pakistan, 1947-1975    Mohammad WASEEM
1983    PhD    London, LSHTM    Dimensions of intra-household food and nutrient allocation: a study of a Bangaldeshi village    M ABDULLAH    Ms Wheeler
1983    PhD    Aberdeen    Inter-religious controversy in India: the interpretation of Jesus in the works of Rammohun Roy and Sayyid Ahmad Khan    Muda Ismail bin AB-RAHMAN
1983    DPhil    Oxford    Emerson and India    S ACHARYA
1983    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    The contribution of Elphinstone College to higher education and political leadership in the Bombay Presidency. 1840-1940    Naheed AHMAD    Prof R E Robinson
1983    PhD    London, Inst Comm    The Mujib regime in Bangladesh, 1972-75: an analysis of its problems and performance    A U AHMED
1983    PhD    London, King’s    Chromite deposits of the Sakhakot-Qila ultramafic complex, Pakistan    Zulfiqar AHMED
1983    PhD    Cambridge, St Cath’s    Rural society and politics in Bengal, 1900-1950    Sugata BOSE    Prof T E Stokes
1983    PhD    City    Conflict and communication in the Third World: a study of class and ethnic bases of conflict and relationships between these and the mass media in Pakistan and Nigeria    C M BRYNIN
1983    PhD    London, SOAS    Contemporary problems in Hindu religious endowments    Nihar Ranjan CHAKRABARTI
1983    PhD    Cambridge    Labour and society in Bombay, 1918-1940: workplace, neighbourhood and social organization    R S CHANDAVARKAR    Dr A Seal
1983    MLitt    Oxford, Trinity    The Congress ministers and the Raj, 1937-1939: a style of British policy and Indian politics    Sunil CHANDER    Dr T Raychaudhuri
1983    PhD    London, King’s    Transforming a traditional agriculture: the change from subsistence to commercial cropping in a part of Hazara District, Pakistan    K L COOK
1983    PhD    London, SOAS    Family and business in a small town of Rajasthan    C COTTAM    Dr L Caplan
1983    MPhil    Edinburgh    Towards a national human settlements strategy for Pakistan    M CRAGLIA
1983    PhD    London, SOAS    The urban demography of industrialization and its economic implications, with particular reference to a region of India from 1951 to 1971    Nigel Royden CROOK
1983    PhD    Newcastle    Agricultural export diversification and earnings instability of Sri Lanka    Maxwell Peter DE SILVA
1983    PhD    London, SOAS    British firms and the economy of Burma, with special reference to the rice and teak industries    Maria Serena Icaziano DIOKNO
1983    MPhil    London, UC    Jammu and Kashmir: a selected and annotated bibliography of manuscripts, books and articles together with a survey of its history, languages and literature from Rajatarangini, 1977/8    Ramesh Chander DOGRA
1983    PhD    London, SOAS    Trade unionism in Bengal before 1922: historical origins, development and characteristics    Stephen N GOURLAY    Dr K chaudhuri
1983    PhD    Exeter    Forms of Chhou: an investigation of an Indian theatre tradition    S J HAWKES
1983    PhD    London, Wye    Food production and food entitlement in rural Bangladesh: five year outlook for a small community in an irrigated area    Walza Md Hossaine JAIM    Mr G Allanson
1983    PhD    Cambridge    The economic and social bases of political allegiance in Sri Lanka, 1947-1982    D J JAYANNATHA    Mr G P Hawthonr
1983    PhD    London, SOAS    Domestic terms of trade and agricultural taxation policy in Pakistan, 1970-1977    Shahnaz KAZI    Mr T Byres
1983    PhD    Wales    Production technology and industrial development: India’s planning period    Edward Lawrence LYNK
1983    PhD    London, SOAS    Transport systems and urban growth in Punjab, Pakistan    M K MALIK    Dr R W Bradnock
1983    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    Peasant society and agricultural development: a case study from coastal Orissa    S MITRA    Prof J A Barnes
1983    PhD    London    A general information programme for Pakistan: some problems and prospects with special reference to the promotion of cultures in the libraries and other information centres    Rafia MOHADADALLY
1983    PhD    London, UC    A general information programme for Pakistan: some problems and prospects with special reference to the promotion of culture in the libraries and other information centres    Rafia MOHAMMADALLY
1983    PhD    Cranfield    Smallholder mechanization in Pakistan    A Q A MUGHAL
1983    DPhil    Oxford    Madrasahs, scholars and saints: Muslim response to the British presence in Delhi and the Upper Doab, 1803-1857    Farhan Ahmed NIZAMI    Dr T Raychaudhuri
1983    MPhil    Edinburgh    Social consequences of rural economic change in South Asia    O NOTE
1983    PhD    London, SOAS    A study of low caste consciousness and social protest in Western India in the later 19th century    Rosalind O’HANLON    Prof K Ballhatchet
1983    PhD    Bradford    Gandhi as a political organiser; an analysis of local and national campaigns in Inda    B OVERY
1983    PhD    London, SOAS    Contact and controversy between Islam and Christianity in northern India, 1833-1857: the relations between Muslim and Protestant missionaries in the north-western provinces and Oudh    Avril Ann POWELL    Prof K Ballhatchet
1983    DPhil    Sussex    Technological capacity and production performance in the fertilizer and the paper industries in Bangladesh    H A QUAZI
1983    PhD    London, SOAS    Differrentiation of the peasantry in Bangladesh: an empirical study with micro-level data    A RAHMAN    Mr T J Byres
1983    MPhil    Edinburgh    Planning for rural development with particular reference to Bangladesh    A H S RAHMAN    Mr J B Leonard; Prof P Johnson-Marshall
1983    PhD    Birmingham    A study of small indigenous church movements in Andra Pradesh    S RAJ
1983    PhD    London, InstiComm    Problems of organisation, policies and mobilisation in the development of the Bengal Provincial Muslim League, 1936-1947    Mohammed Harun-Or RASHID    Prof W H Morris-Jones
1983    PhD    London, UC    Commodity taxes and employment policy in developing countries (with special reference to India)    B RAYCHAUDHURI
1983    PhD    Edinburgh    Responsiveness and rules: parent-child interaction in Scotland and India    V REDDY
1983    MPhil    Sueery    Alignment in Pakistan’s foreign policy, 1954-1977    Arif H SYED    Prof C Pick
1983    MLitt    Aberdeen    The 1853 Government of India Act    Jane THOMAS    Miss R M RTyzack; Dr E C Bridges
1983    PhD    Cambridge, Corpus    Labour migration and economic development in an Indian hillarea    W WHITTAKER    Mr B H Farmer
1983    PhD    Warwick    Some experiments with a multisectoral intertemporal optimization model for Sri Lanka    D E WIJESINGHE
1984    PhD    Bristol    The socio-economic aspects of the population age structure of Uttar Pradesh, India    Mhammed ABUZAR    Dr Morgan
1984    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    Peasant production and capitalist development: a model with reference to Bangladesh    Abu M S ADNAN
1984    PhD    London, LSE    Squatter settlements of Karachi: a comparative perspective of the culture of activism    M O L AZAM
1984    PhD    Cambridge, Sidney    Regional dependence and rural development in Central India, 1820-1930    C N BATES    Dr D A Washbrook
1984    DPhil    Oxford    Agricultural growth in Bangladesh and West Bengal    J K BOYCE
1984    PhD    Edinburgh    The Vellore Mutiny, 1806    Alan D CAMERON    Prof G Shepperson
1984    PhD    Cambridge, Jesus    Opening up the interior: the impact of railways on the north Indian economy and society, 1860-1914    Ian David DERBYSHIRE
1984    PhD    Reading    Technology, growth and distribution in Sri Lanka’s paddy sub-sector    J FARRINGTON
1984    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    Non capitalist land rent: theories and the case of North India    J GHOSH    Mr T Byres
1984    PhD    Ulster    The 1st Marquess of Dufferin and Ava: Whig Ulster landlord and imperial statesman     A T HARRISON    Dr T G Fraser
1984    PhD    Edinburgh    The cultural determinants of fertility in a region of South India    Heather M  JACKSON
1984    PhD    London, SOAS    Human rights – the Sri Lanka experience    N JAYAWICKRAMA
1984    PhD    London, Bedford    Urban transport problems: the case of Bombay    P JOSHI    Dr D Hilling
1984    PhD    London, LSE    Caste and temple service in a Sinhalese highland village    Andrew John KENDRICK    Dr J P Perry
1984    PhD    London, SOAS    Tribal settlement and socio-economic integration: a case study of the Bannu lowlands, Pakistan    Gul Mohammad KHAN    Dr R Bradnock
1984    MPhil    Sussex    The effects of the changing patterns of leadership on succession problems and the use of ideology: a comparative study of India (1962-1969)and Japan (1929-1936)    H KINASE-LEGGETT    B D Graham
1984    PhD    London, SOAS    The British administaration of the Kandyan provinces of Sri Lanka, 1815-1833    K M P KULASEKERA    Prof K A Ballhatchet
1984    PhD    Cambridge, Clare    Studies in the development of India’s non-traditional manufactured exports, 1957-1980    A KUMAR    Prof W B Reddaway
1984    DPhil    Sussex    Implications of international mobility of labour for trade and development with particular reference to Bangladesh    Raisul MAHMOOD    Mr Godfrey
1984    MLitt    Oxford, St Antony’s    The Communist Movement in West Bengal. 1962-1980    Ross MALLICK    Dr T Raychaudhuri
1984    PhD    London, SOAS    Role and ritual in Hindu marriage    Werner F MENSKI    Prof J D M Derrott
1984    DPhil    Oxford, Magdalen    Political mobilisation and the nationalism movement in India – a study of eastern Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, 1936-1942    Chandan S MITRA    Dr T Raychaudhuri
1984    PhD    Cambridge, Christ’s    Instability in food grain production: causes, adjustments, policies: a case study of Bangladesh    K A S MURSHID    Prof A Robinson
1984    DPhil    Sussex    Poverty and inequality in rural India: a state-wide analysis of trends since 1950    R NAYYAR    P Chaudhuri
1984    PhD    Edinburgh    Productivity and innovation in traditional agriculture: a comparative study of agricultural development in the Forth Valley, 1760-1841 and the Bengal Presidency, 1870-1914    Alastair William ORR
1984    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Alliance and elopement: economy, social order and sexual antagonism the Kalasha (Kalash Kafirs) of Chitral    Peter S C PARKES    Dr Schuyler-Jones
1984    PhD    Leicester    The structure, petrology and geochemistry of the Kohistan batholith, Gilgit, Kashmir, North Pakistan    Michael George PETTERSON
1984    PhD    Cambridgew    Respecting power: temples, resources and authority in southern Tamilnadu, India    Gordon Darge PRAIN
1984    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    The evolution of the agrarian economy of western India, 1860-1940: a case study of selected Gujerat and Deccan districts    S PRAKASH    Dr G Johnson
1984    PhD    London, LSE    Rural protest and politics: a study of peasant movements in Western Maharashtra, 1875-1947    Livi Nancy Mary RODRIGUES
1984    PhD    London, SOAS    Crime and society in the Sinhala speaking areas of Sri Lanka, 1865-1905    John D ROGERS    Prof K Ballhatchet
1984    MPhil    Nottingham    The right to property under the Indian independence constitution    J S SANGHIA    Prof Pear
1984    PhD    Cambridge    Rural organizations in Sri Lanka: official policy and institutional reform in the peasant agricultural sub-sector, 1948-1977    S SATHANANDAN
1984    PhD    London, SOAS    Muslim society and politics in the Punjab    P SCRAGG    Dr Zaidi
1984    MPhil    London, LSE    Bengal economic development, 1790-1830    P SEN    Mr M E Falkus
1984    PhD    Reading    Tropical forest monitoring using digital Landsat data in northeastern India    Ashbindu SINGH
1984    PhD    Cambridge    Temple “prostitution” and community reform: an examination of the ethnographic, historical and textual context of the devadasi of Tamil Nadu, south India    A SRINAVASAN

1984    PhD    Edinburgh    Technology transfer in the Indian and Indonesian pharmaceutical industries    A J STOKER

1984 PhD London, SOAS, British Attitudes to Indian Nationalism, 1922-1935. Pillarisetti SUDHIR. Professor Kenneth A. Ballhatchet.

1984    PhD    London,  SOAS    Ritual status in the life cycles of women in a village of central India    catherine S THOMPSON    Prof A Mayer
1984    DPhil    Sussex    Gender as a variable in the political process: a case study of women’s participation in state-level electoral politics, Andhra Pradesh, India    C WOLKOWITZ
1985    PhD    Strathclyde    The development of small-scale enterprises: a study of the agriculture-related engineering industry in Pakistan Punjab    K AFTAB
1985    PhD    London, Royal Holloway    The emergence of Muslim socialists in North India, 1917-1947    Khizar H ANSARI    Dr F C R Robinson
1985    PhD    Salford    The impact of farm mechanization on productivity and employment: a case study of Punjab, Pakistan    M ASHRAF
1985    PhD    Durham    Blue-green algal nitrogen fixation associated with deepwater rice in Bangladesh    A AZIZ
1985    PhD    London, SOAS    Indian opium and Sino-Indian trade relations    F BAKHALA    Prof K N Chaudhuri
1985    PhD    Cambridge    On the Srawacs or Jains: processes of division and cohesion among two Jain communities in India and England    M J BANKS
1985    PhD    London, SOAS    Martial law in Bangladesh, 1975-`979: a legal analysis    M E BARI
1985    PhD    London, SOAS    Thomas Munro: the decision making process in Madras, 1795-1830    H BREITMEYER    Prof K A Ballhatchet
1985    PhD    London, LSE    Political radicalism and middle class ideology in Bengal: a study of the politics of Subhas Chandra Bose, 1928-1940    B CHAKRABARTY
1985    PhD    Cambridge, Girton    The behaviour of industrial prices in India, 1947-1977    Ruchira CHATTERJI    Dr G Meeks
1985    PhD    Edinburgh    Lateritic soils and their managment in parts of West Bengal    Sandip K CHAUDHURI
1985    PhD    London, SOAS    Social change and the development of “modern” politics in Travancore from the late 19th century to 1938    James L CHIRIYANKANDATH    Dr P G Robb
1985    PhD    Manchester    The role of exchange rate policies in the balance of payments and adjustment process in a small open developing economy: a case study of Sri Lanka    S S COLOMBAGE
1985    DPhil    Sussex    Sharecropping and sharecroppers’ struggles in Bengal, 1930-1950    Adrienne J COOPER    Mr R Guha
1985    MSc    Stirling    The mechanism of distribution of marketed surplus in the models of dual economies through the Soviet, Chinese and Indian practice towards economic development    Z COTTI
1985    PhD    Sheffield    Vegetation and land use studies in the Udawalawe Basin, Sri Lanka    D S EPITAWATTA
1985    PhD    Newcastle    Analysis of the lactation curve of Pakistani dairy buffaloes    K Z GONDAL
1985    DPhil    Oxford, St Edmund Hall    The relations between Britian, India and Burma in the formulaton of imperial policy, 1890-1905    G P GUYER
1985    PhD    Lancaster    The continuity of Madhyamaka and Yogacara in Indian Mahayana Buddhism    I C HARRIS
1985    PhD    London, LSE    Women in the urban labour force in Pakistan: the case of Lahore    Emma HOOPER
1985    PhD    Strathclyde    The choice of technique in cotton textiles and its impact on employment in Bangladesh    M R ISLAM
1985    DPhil    Sussex    The impact of male outmigration on intra-village social relationships: a case study of Meharabad, a Punjabi village in Pakistan    Naveed-I-Rahat JAAFRI
1985    PhD    Edinburgh    Health and the state in India    Roger JEFFERY
1985    PhD    Oxford    Limites and renewals: transformations of belief in Kipling’s fiction    S KEMP
1985    PhD    Queen’s, Belfast    The traditional tabla drumming of Lucknow in its social and cultural context    J R KIPPEN
1985    MPhil    CNAA, Kingston Poly    The rubber industry in India: a vital industry in the planned economy    P A MARS
1985    PhD    Cambridge    Economic relations between a centrally planned and a developing market economy: Indo-Soviet trade (1970-1982)and technology transfer (post 1955)    Santosh Kumar MEHROTRA    Dr P Nolan
1985    DPhil    Oxford    The Bengal Muslim intelligentsia, 1937-1977: the tension between the religious and the seccular    Tazeen Mahnaz MURSHID
1985    PhD    Kent    The impact of colonial rule in Johore: a case of social and political adjustment    M S H MUSTAJAB
1985    PhD    London, LSE    The sacred city of Anuradhapura: aspect of Sinhalese Buddhism and nationhood    Elizabeth NISSAN    Dr C J Fuller; Dr J P Parry
1985    MPhil    Manchester    Land ownership and irrigation development in the Sind region of Pakistan: institutional constraints on technical change    Meherunissa M K PANWHAR
1985    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    Social and political implications of changing land and labour relations in rural Bangladesh: a village level study    Tanyal RAHMAN VIROOMAL
1985    DPhil    Oxford, Lincoln    The Naxalites and their ideology: a study in the sociology of knowledge    Rabindra RAY    Dr F Parkin
1985    PhD    Cambridge    Honour, nurture and festivity: aspects of female religiosity amongst Jain women in Jaipur    J REYNELL
1985    PhD    Queen’s, Belfast    An analysis of the structure, conduct and performance of the date marketing system in Sind-Pakistan    Muneer Ali Shah RIZVI
1985    PhD    Brunel    The influence of the state in the industrial relations systems of third world countries with special reference to Bangladesh    S A SIDDIQ
1985    MPhil    London, LSHTM    Refugees, health and development: a case study of Tibetan refugees in India    Staphanie Pietre Pardoe SIMMONDS
1985    PhD    Durham    Ritual tradition of Berava caste of southern Sri Lanka    Robert SIMPSON    Mr D Brooks
1985    DPhil    Oxford, Christ Church    Some aspects of implementing appropriate technology with special reference to cotton textiles in India    Harsha Vardhana SINGH    Mrs F J Stewart
1985    PhD    Aston    Nations and organisations: a comparative study of English and Indian work-related values and attitudes in matched manufacturing firms    M H TAYEB
1985    PhD    London, SOAS    Planned language and Penang Hokkien: the socioeconomic effects of language planning on an urban Chinese community in West Malaysia    Diane Arnauld de TERRA
1985    PhD    London, Inst Ed    Education and rural development in India since independence in 1947: with special reference to Kerala    Joseph THAIKOODAN    Prof B holmes
1985    PhD    London, Queen Elizabeth    Class, nutrition education and growth: a class analysis of the impact on infant nutritional status of maternal education concerning early supplementation in Bangladesh    Katharine J WILSON    Dr C Greissler
1985    PhD    Edinburgh    Upholding the veil: Hindu women’s perceptions of gender and caste identity in rural Pakistan    Caroline Sara Lindsay YOUNG

1986    PhD    Bradford    Higher education in developing countries    M A ADEEB
1986    DPhil    Oxford, St Cath’s    Information, uncertainty and rural credit markets in Pakistan    Irfan ALEEM    Prof J A Mirrlees
1986    MPhil    Edinburgh    Housing and the state in Lahore, Pakistan    I U BAJWA
1986    MPhil    Edinburgh    Visual patterns and the landscape of wet zone Sri Lanka    S I BALASURIYA
1986    MPhil    Ulster    Russio-Afghan boundary demarcation. 1884-1895    Anila BALI    Dr T G Fraser
1986    PhD    London, SOAS    The devolution of government in Sri Lanka: legal aspects of the relationship between central and local government: an historical and comparative study    S A BANDARANAYAKE
1986    PhD    Keele    Migrant employment in the urban formal sector: the jute industry in Dacca, Bangladesh    Salma BANU    Prof D Dwyer
1986    PhD    Sheffield    The economic impact of a regional economy: the case of Bhilai Steel Plant (India)    S BHATARA    Mr W D Watts
1986    PhD    Open    Implementation across national boundaries: implementing the Government of India Act, 1935    V BOROOAH
1986    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    British politics and the East India Company, 1767-1773    H V BOWEN    Prof P D H Thomas
1986    PhD    London, LSHTM    Evaluation of a community based oral rehydration programme in rural Bangladesh    Ahmed M R CHOWDHURY
1986    PhD    Exeter    Household, kin and community in a Bangladesh village    M A M CHOWDHURY
1986    PhD    Cranfield    Rice by-product production, disposal and utilisation in Sri Lanka    S ELIAS
1986    PhD    London    Trade, kinship and Islamisation: a comparative study of the social and economic organisation of Muslim and Hindu traders in Tirunelveli District, South India    Frank Sylvester FANSELOW
1986    PhD    Aberdeen    Inter-religious conflict in India – the dynamics of Hindu-Muslim relations in North Malabar, 1498-1947    Theodore Paul Christian GABRIEL    Prof A Walls
1986    DPhil    Sussex    Rice in Bangladesh: post harvest losses, technology and employment    M T GREELEY
1986    MSc    Cambridge    The impact of Sri Lankan land reform measures, 1972-1975, on the tea sub-sector    S A P JAYATILAKA
1986    MLitt    Oxford, Trinity    The nature of Indian state: an investigation into the interrelationship between economic and political crisis (1965-75)    A K JHA
1986    PhD    London, LSE    The functions of children in the household economy and levels of fertility: a case study of a village in Bangladesh    N KABEER    Mr C M Langford
1986    MPhil    Edinburgh    The role of incentives for paddy cultivation in developing countries with reference to Bangladesh and Sri Lanka    G A M KARUNARATNE
1986    PhD    Reading    Obstacles to the adoption of modern rice cultivation practices by small farmers in Bangaldesh    Md Abul KASHEM
1986    PhD    Glasgow    Handling of industrial disputes in the public sector industries in Bangladesh    M A A KHAN
1986    DPhil    York    The state, village society and political economy of agricultural development in Bangladesh. 1960-1985    S A KHAN
1986    DPhil    Oxford, Corpus    Instability of jute prices and supplies: the impact on and implications for jute fibre production in Bangladesh    Reza KIBRIA    Mr M F G Scott
1986    MPhil    Essex    Selected aspects of India’s foreign trade in the 1970s    S LAKRA
1986    MTh    Wales, Aberystwyth    The life of the people of north Mizoram prior to and subsequent to the advent of Christianity, up the the year of the Mizo Church’s jubilee in 1944    J M LLOYD
1986    PhD    Bradford    The modelling and analysis of national development strategies for India    P MANDAL
1986    PhD    Cambridge, Emmanuel    Financial and manpower aspects of the Dominions and India’s contribution to Britain’s war effort, 1914-1919    G W MARTIN    Dr Z S Steiner
1986    PhD    Leicester    Fulfilment theology: the Aryan race theory and the work of British Protestant missionariesin Victorian India    Martin MAW
1986    PhD    London, LSHTM    Patterns of adult energy nutrition in a south Indian village    G McNEILL
1986    PhD    Dundee    Estimates of gross domestic product by provinces in Pakistan    A M MIRZA
1986    DPhil    Oxford, New    Caste, Christianity and Hinduism: a study of social organisation and religion in rural Ramnad    C MOSSE    Dr N J Allen
1986    MPhil    East Anglia    Go plough and eat: the impact of Gandhian intervention in a Bihar village between 1954 and 1974    Ivan Charles NUTBROWN
1986    PhD    Londonb, SOAS    A history of the London Missionary Scoiety in the Straits Settlements, 1815-1847    Ronnie Leona O’SULLIVAN    Prof K Ballhatchet
1986    PhD    Aston    Investigation of relationship betrween product design and production departments in manufacturing companies (India)    K PAWAR
1986    PhD    Manchester    Landed property and dynamic of instability: Bengal: the property-power nexus: state formation under colonialism and its contemporary siginificance    H Z RAHMAN
1986    PhD    Cranfield    Appropriateness of incentives for small scale enterprise location in less developed areas: the experience of the UK, Japan and India    K RAMACHANDRAN
1986    DPhil    London, St Antony’s    Exchange rate and commercial policy in a controlled trade regime: a case study of India    Narhari RAO
1986    PhD    City    The social and economic conditions of export orientated industrialisation as a strategy of development [Sri Lanka]    K RUPESINGHE
1986    PhD    City    British press coverage and the role of the Pakistan press from independence to the emergence of Bangladesh    M SHAMSUDDIN
1986    PhD    London SOAS    Vallabhbhal Patel: his role and style in Indian politics, 1928-1947    R D SHANKARDASS
1986    PhD    Sheffield    Transport and regional development in Bangladesh: a geographical study    A H M Raihan SHARIF
1986    PhD    London, SOAS    Sri Lanka: an examination of economic and social development associated with recolonisation on an irrigation scheme    Richard Paul SLATER    Dr A Turton
1986    PhD    Leeds    Pakistan’s relations with Britain, 1947-1951: with particular reference to some problems of partition    M SOHAIL
1986    DPhil    Oxford, Linacre    Tenna: peasant, state and nation in the making of a Sinhalese rural community    Jonathan R SPENCER
1986    PhD    Salford    Rural-urban population mobility in Bangladesh: its implications for rural areas with particular reference to two villages    R M TALUKDAR
1986    PhD    London, LSE    Sacrifice and divine power: Hindu temple rituals and village festivals in a fishing village, Sri Lanka    Masakazu TANAKA
1986    DPhil    Oxford, St Peter’s    India: colonialism, nationalism and perception sof develeopment    Kevin WATKINS
1986    PhD    Manchester    Agrarian change in India: a case study of Bundwan District, West Bengal    Neil Anthony WEBSTER
1986    MLitt    Oxford, Wolfson    A critical examination of Aurobindo’s contribution to the tradition of Vedanta    Yvonne WILLIAMS    Prof B K Matilal
1986    PhD    East Anglia    Cyclone vulnerability and housing policy in the Krishna Delta, South India, 1977-83    Peter WINCHESTER    Dr P M Blaikie
1986    MPhil    East Anglia    Urban unemployment in peninsular Malaysia    S R YAHYA    Dr J T Thoburn
1986    PhD    Edinburgh    The realities of life from a Hindu Sindi perspective    John Nicol YOUNG
1986    PhD    London, LSE    Sacrifice and the sacred in a Hindu “t-irtha”: the case of Pushkar, India    Sushila Jane ZEITLYN    Dr J R Parry
1986/87    PhD    Cambridge, Wolfson    Surplus appropriation and accumulation by rural households in India: a case study based on fieldwork in Uttar Pradesh    Ravi Shankar SRIVASTAVA
1987    PhD    London Royal Holloway    All India Muslim League, 1906-1919    M S AHMAD
1987    PhD    Sheffield    Formulation of design criteria for industrial architecture in Bangladesh in light of the developments made in the United Kingdom and other developed countries    N AHMED
1987    MPhil    CNAA Sheffield Poly    The effects of climate on the design and location of windows for buildings in Bangladesh    Z N AHMED
1987    PhD    Nwecastle    Housing for the lower income people of Dhaka,Bangladesh: a peri-urban development approach    S AMEEN
1987    MPhil    City    Personality, leadership and subordinate satisfaction: an empirical study in the civil service of Singapore    C T ANG
1987    PhD    London, RHBNC    The Pirs of Sind and their relationship with the British, 1843-1947    Sarah Frances Deborah ANSARI    Dr F R C Robinson
1987    MPhil    Strathclyde    The development of sugar manufacturing in Pakistan    M AURANGZEB
1987    PhD    Keele    The growth and development of trade unionism in Bangladesh, 1947-1986    M Z BADIUZZAMAN
1987    PhD    Loughborough    A strategy for the integrated development of squatter settlements: a Karachi case study    Q A BAKHTEARI
1987    PhD    Edinburgh    State and indigenous medicine in nineteenth and twentieth-century Bengal, 1800-1947    Poonam BALA
1987    PhD    Cambridge    Sectoral price determination and the inflationary process in the Indian economy, 1950-1980    P BALAKRISHNAN
1987    PhD    East Anglia    Draught animal power in Bangladesh    D BARTON    Dr D P Gibbon
1987    MPhil    Manchester    The role and contribution of the Alilgarh Muslim University in modern Indian Islam, 1877-1947    G N BUDDHANI
1987    PhD    Cambridge, Magdalene    From a pre-colonial order to a princely state: Hyderabad in tranition, c.1748-1865    S CHANDER
1987    PhD    Dundee    Financial development and agricultural development in Pakistan, 1952-1982    Mohammad Jamil CHAUDHARY
1987    PhD    Leicester    Conflict and change among the Khyber Afridis: a study of British policy and tribal society on the North-West Frontier, 1839-1947    R O CHRISTENSEN
1987    PhD    Cambridge, Sidney     State, tribe and region: policy and politics in Indiaa’s Jharkhand, 1900-1980    S E CORBRIDGE    Mr B H Farmer
1987    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Communal riots in Bengal, 1905-1947    Suranjan DAS    Dr T Raychoudhuri
1987    PhD    Cambridge    Money and finance in an underdeveloped economy: some themes from Indian economic history, 1914-1917    T DATTA    Mr M G Kuczynki
1987    PhD    London, SOAS    Images and metaphor: an analysis of Iban collective representations    J DAVISON
1987    PhD    Keele    The United Nations Military Observer Group in India and Pakistan (UNMOGIP), 1948-1965, with postscript on the impact of UNMOGIP on the Indo-Pakistan war of 1971    Pauline DAWSON    Prof A M James
1987    PhD    London, SOAS    The changing role of women in Bengal, c.1890-c.1930, with special reference to British and Bengali discourse on gender    Dagmar ENGELS    Prof K Ballhatchet
1987    PhD    London, SOAS    Psychiatry and colonialism: the treatment of European lunatics in British India, 1800-1858    Waltraud ERNST    Prof K A Ballhatchet
1987    PhD    Manchester    The origins of inflation in Pakistan, 1959-1982: an evaluation of alternative hypotheses    Faiz B FIROZE
1987    PhD    Cambridge    The brick trade in India: energy use, tradition and development    S GANDHI
1987    DPhil    Oxford    Money and the real economy: a study of India, 1960-1984    S E GHANI
1987    PhD    Cranfield    Computer simulation of runoff and soil erosion from small agricultural catchments in Sri Lanka    E GUNAWARDENA
1987    PhD    Exeter    Tariqah-i-Muhammadiyah movement and its contribution to creating a separatist political consciousness among the Muslims of India, 1818-1872    Ghulam Muhammad JAFFAR
1987    PhD    Salford    Agricultural marketing and agrarian relations in Pakistan: a case study of the Nawahshak districrt, Sind    M A KAMDAR    Dr C P Simmons
1987    MLitt    Cambridge, Trinity Hall    Communal politics in the United Provinces, 1935-1947    Mukul KESAVAN    Dr C A Bayley
1987    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    Poverty and public policy: government intervention and levels of living in Kerala, India    Bhaskar Gopalakrishna KUMAR    Prof A K Sen
1987    DPhil    Oxford, Hertford    The rise and fall of the Indian cotton mill industry, 1900-1985: the Swadeshi movement and its political legacy    Simon Robert Bough LEADBEATER    Mr G P Williams
1987    DPhil    Oxford, Oriel    British architecture in Victorian Bombay    Christopher W LONDON    Dr R A Beddard
1987    PhD    Cambridge    West Bengal government policy, 1977–1985    Ross MALLICK
1987    PhD    London, LSE    Muslims, work and status in Aligargh    Elizabeth Ashley MANN
1987    PhD    London, SOAS    Migration and the international Goan community    Stella V MASCARENHAS-KEYES
1987    MPhil    Edinburgh    Women and the housing process: observations in a Katchi Abadi in Pakistan    F McCLUNEY
1987    PhD    Leicester    The mineralogy and geochemistry of the carbonatites, syenites and fenites of North West Frontier Province, Pakistan    Ihsanullah MIAN
1987    MPhil    Sussex    Linguistic nationalism in Pakistan (with special reference to the role and history of Urdu in the Punjab)    Yameema MITHA    Dr R I Duncan
1987    PhD    Stirling    Food retailing in Malaysia: a study of supermarket use in peninsular Malaysia    K B OTHMAN
1987    DPhil    Oxford    British rule and the Konds of Orissa: a study of tribal administration and its legitimating discourse    Felix J PADEL
1987    PhD    Reading    Extension needs of a plantation industry with special reference to the tea industry in Sri Lnaka    W A PADMASIRI WANIGASUNDARA
1987    PhD    Wales, UWIST    The role of government in the administration and management of major ports in developing countries with special reference to India    Jose PAUL
1987    PhD    London, LSE    Time, work and the gods: temporal strategies and industrislisation in central India    Christopher PINNEY
1987    DPhil    York    The political dynamics of Indo-Soviet relations, 1930-1977    S S RAI
1987    PhD    London, SOAS    Islamization of laws in Pakistan with particular reference to the status of women    Abdur RASHID
1987    PhD    Aberdeen    Availability and retention of zinc, especially in relation to the soils of Bangladesh    H M RASHID
1987    DPhil    York    Indo-Soviet relations during the period 1955-1974    S S ROY
1987    PhD    Liverpool    The role of small towns in rural development: a case study of Bangaldesh    Toufiq Mohammad SERAJ
1987    PhD    Liverpool    An analysis of squatter settlements in Dhaka, Bangladesh    M T SHAKUR
1987    PhD    London, LSE    Communism in Punjab up to 1867    Gurharpal SINGH
1987    PhD    Edinburgh    The implementation of systematic nursing in selected hospsitals in India: a chronicle of the change process    Esther SIRRA
1987    DPhil    Sussex    Sri Lankan traders: a case study of credit relations and coconut marketing in a rural economy    sARAH lLEWELLYN SOUTHWOLD
1987    PhD    Leeds    The life and influence of Shapurji Saklatvala    Michael John SQUIRES
1987    PhD    Leicester    Evolution of the southern part of the Aravalli-Delhi orogen western India    Tim J SUGDEN
1987    MSc    Aberdeen    Supply response analysis of palm oil in Malaysia, 1961-1985    B A TALIB
1987    PhD    Leicester    Communication and development in South India    Pradip Ninan THOMAS
1987    PhD    Southampton    Developing a critical success factor approach to a holistic institutional evaluation for polytechnics in the states of Gujerat and Madhya Pradesh, 1977-1984    V N TRAFFORD
1987    PhD    Cranfield    The social relevance of postgraduate management education: a case study of India    S VYAKARNAM
1988    PhD    London    Breast feeding, weaning and infant growth in rural Chandpur, Bangladesh    S AHMED
1988    PhD    London, External    Islam in contemporary Bangladesh     Umne Asman Begum Razia AKEER BANU    Dr D Taylor
1988    PhD    Bradford    The impact of public policy on the poor in Sri Lnaka, 1970-1982    Pat ALAILIMA    C Dennis; S Curry
1988    PhD    Manchester    Makran and Baluchistan from the early Islamic times to the Mongol invasion    S S M AL-HUMAIDI    Prof Bosworth
1988    PhD    Birmingham    The British iron and steel industry and India, 1919-1939    H J ANDERSEN
1988    PhD    Edinburgh    Some aspects of the political and commercial history of the Muslims of Sri Lanka with special referenmce to the British period    Mahmudu Naina Marikar Kamil ASAD
1988    MPhil    Kent    The image of women in selected Malaysian novels    Rosnah BAHARUDIN
1988    PhD    Wales, UCNW    Ecology, management and conservation of Pinus roxburghii forests in Kumaun Himalaya, India    Bhagat Singh BURFAL
1988    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    The nineteenth-century book trade in Sind    Allah Rakhio BUTT
1988    PhD    London, King’s    Soldiers of Christ: evangelicals and India, 1784-1833    Penelope S E CARSON
1988    DPhil    Oxford, Exeter    Punjab politics, 1909-1923    Amrita CHEEMA    Dr T Raychaudhuri
1988    MSc    Wales    Economic appraisal of irrigated plantations of the Punjab, Pakistan: Changa Manga case study    Faqir Ahmad CHOUDHRY
1988    PhD    Reading    State sponsrship of investment credit to promote rural development in India    J G COPESTAKE
1988    PhD    Leicester    Leucogranites of the North West Himalaya: crust-mantle interaction beneath the Karakoram and the magmatic evolution of collisional belts    Mark B CRAWFORD
1988    MPhil    Brunel    Aspects of the development of manufacturing industries of India    Parviz DABIR-ALAI
1988    MLitt    Oxford, Keble    An ecumneical episcopate: Edwin James Palmer, seventh Bishop of Bombay and the reunion of the churches, with special reference to the church of South India    R W DAVIS
1988    PhD    Cambridge    The irrigation and water supply systems of the city of Vijayanagara    D J DAVISON-JENKINS
1988    PhD    Kent    Law, nation and cosmology in Sri Lanka: deconstructioni and the failure of closure    Rochan DE SILVA    Prof F Fitzpatrick
1988    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Application of social accounting matrix framework to agricultural policy analysis in Pakistan    Shafique DHANANI    Mr G H Peters
1988    DPhil    Sussex    Rural commerce in Sri Lanka: commercialisation and farm credit in the Uva highlands    E DUE
1988    PhD    Nottingham    Environmental upgrading and intra-urban migration in Calcutta    Margaret Sylvia FOSTER    Prof J C Moughton; Dr T Oc
1988    PhD    Southampton    Catholic education in Sri Lanka during its first century as a British colony, 1796-1901    J B GNANAPRAGASAM
1988    PhD    East Anglia    Inter- and intra-household analysis in North Bihar village: implications for agricultural research    Ruth GROSVENOR-ALSOP    Dr S D Biggs
1988    PhD    Cambridge    Conservation and colonial expansion: a study of the evolution of environmental attitudes and conservation policies on St Helena, Mauritius and in India, 1660-1860    R H GROVE
1988    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Art, artists and aesthetics in Bengal, c.1850-1920: westernising trends and nationalist concerns in the making of new “Indian” art    Tapati GUHA-THAKURTA    Dr T. Raychaudhuri
1988    MSc    Manchester    Science and technology policy in developing countries of South Asia and South East Asia    K R GUPTA
1988    PhD    Queen’s, Belfast    The sitar music of Calcutta: a study of two gharanas    J S HAMILTON
1988    PhD    London, UC    Inbreeding and fertility in a South Indian village population    Katherine Louise  HANN    Dr J Landers
1988    PhD    London, Inst Ed    Education and political instability in Pakistan, 1937-1971    M HAQUE
1988    PhD    Strathclyde    Tubewell irrigation and green revolution: impact on productivity and income distribution    A IKRAMULLAH
1988    MPhil    Edinburgh    Marketing problems of farmers in Punjab, Pakistan: a case study    Qamar-ul ISLAM
1988    PhD    Edinburgh    The reawakening of Islamic consciousness in Malaysia, 1970-1987    Fadzillah bin Mohd JAMIL
1988    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    Clientelism, corruption and capitalist development: an analysis of state intervention with special reference to Bangladesh    Mushtaq Husain KHAN
1988    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    External developments and policy choices facing the non-oil developing countries in the post 1973 period    Faizullah KHILJI    Mrs F J Stewart
1988    DPhil    Sussex    Political and economic organisation in a Sri Lanka market town    Colin KIRK
1988    PhD    Leicester    Media education, communications and public policy: an Indian perspective    K J KUMAR
1988    PhD    Leeds    R K Narayan and V S Naipaul: a comparative study of some Hindu aspects of their work    P LANGRAN
1988    DPhil    Oxford    Orientalism, utilitarianism and British India: James Mill’s “The history of British India” and the romantic orient    Javed MAJEED    Dr N G Shrimpton
1988    MPhil    Edinburgh    Policy issues for conservation: the case of Lahore walled city    M I MIAN
1988    PhD    Sheffield    Development of small and medium sized towns in Bangladesh: a regional planning approach    Mohammed A MOHIT
1988    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    The question of nuclear weapons proliferation in the Indian sub-continent    Ziba MOSHAVER    Mr E A Roberts
1988    PhD    London, UC    The theoretical modelling and empirical measurement of the shadow economy with application to India    U MUKHERJEE
1988    MPhil    Reading    Farming systems and information needs of tea smallholders in Sri Lanka    D K NAWARATNA
1988    PhD    London, SOAS    A social history of a colonial steroetype: the “criminal tribes and castes” of Uttar Pradesh    S B L NIGAM
1988    PhD    London, LSE    Policy making in the Indian offshore oil industry with reference to the period 1974-1986    M L NORONHA    Prof D C Watt
1988    PhD    London, LSE    The Asiatic mode of production, historical materialism and Indian historiography    Denis Brendan O’LEARY
1988    PhD    Leicester    Terraces, uplift and climate, Karakoram Mountains, Northern Pakistan    Lewis Andrew OWEN
1988    MPhil    London, LSE    The tea plantation labour movement in the “Dooars” region of north Bengal, 1900-1951    Nayantara PALCHOUDHURI
1988    PhD    Oxford, St Antony’s    Decline of the Bengal zamindars: Mindapore, 1870-1920    C PANDA    Dr T Raychaudhuri
1988    PhD    London, King’s    Between Mars and Mammon: the military and the political economy of British India at the time of the first Burma war, 1824-1826    Douglas M PEERS
1988    PhD    Cambridge, Corpus    British intelligence and Indian subversion: the surveillance of Indian revolutionaries in India and abroad    R J POPPLEWELL
1988    PhD    London, SOAS    Socio-economic change in Bihar (India) in the later 19th and early 20th century    Bihdeshwar RAM    Dr P Robb
1988    PhD    Kent    Figuring Naipaul: the subject of the post-colonial world    Dulluri Venkat RAO
1988    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    Aspects of the ethnoarchaeology of Adilabad (Andhra-Pradesh), India    Nandini Rameshwar RAO

1988    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    The determinants of India’s manufactured export performance: industry-level and firm-level evidence    Amit Shovon RAY
1988    DPhil    Sussex    Religion, class and function: the politics of communalism in twentieth century Punjab    Mark ROBINSON    Dr R I Duncan
1988    PhD    London, SOAS    The evolution of the printed Bengali character from 1778 -1978    Fiona Georgina Elizabeth ROSS
1988    PhD    Keele    Marginality, identity and the politicisation of the Bhangi community, Delhi    Rama SHARMA
1988    PhD    Kent    Class, kinship and ritual: Islam and the politics of change in Pakistan    S R SHERANI
1988    PhD    De Montfort    Temple architecture of the Marathas in Maharashtra    A SOHONI
1988    PhD    London, SOAS    Nalanda Mahayihara, 1812-1939: some aspects of the study of its art and archaeology    M L STEWART
1988    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    White-collar crime: a study of the nature, extent and control of income tax evasion in Pakistan    Muhammad Shoaib SUDDLE
1988    PhD    CNAA, Westminster     A critical and comparative study of the practice and theology of Christian social witness in Indonesia and India between 1974 and 1983 with special reference to the work of Wayan Mastra in the Protestant Christian Church of Bali and of Vinay Samual in the Church of South India    C M N SUGDEN
1988    PhD    Leeds    Some aspects of Muslim politics in the Pubab, 1921-1947    Qalb-i-Abid SYED    Prof D N Dilks
1988    PhD    Wales, UCNW    Utility-based social shadow pricing and its comparison with other evaluation techniques: a cost-benefit study of fuelwood plantations in Bihar, India    Satyendra Nath TRIVEDI
1988    PhD    Glasgow    Characteristics of public enterprise management in Bangladesh    Syed J UDDIN    Dr D Buchanan
1988    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity Hall    The economic and political context of Indian independence    R P WANCHOO    Dr C A Dayly
1988    PhD    Bath    In the teeth of the crocodile: class and gender in rural Bangladesh    Sarah C WHITE
1988    PhD    Nottingham    Presenting the Raj: the politics of representation in recent fiction on the British empire    R J F WILLIAMS
1988    PhD    East Anglia    Sources of growth and its beneficiaries in Pakistan’s large-scale manufacturing sector, 1955-1981    S WIZARAT
1988/89    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    Household energy in rural Pakistan: a technical, environmental and socio-economic assessment    A N QAZI
1988/89    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    Administration, classification and knowledge:land revenue settlements in the Panjab at the start of British rule    R W SAUMAREZ-SMITH
1989    PhD    Cambridge    Sedimentology and structure of the Southern Kohat, Trans Indus Ranged, Pakistan    Iftikhar AHMED
1989    PhD    York    Pakistan since independence: the political role of the Ulama    Safir AKHTAR    Dr T V Sathyamurthy
1989    PhD    Strathclyde    Growth of tubewell irrigation and agricultural development in the North West Frontier Province of Pakistan    M AKRAM
1989    PhD    London, Wye    A quantitative analysis of marketable surplus of paddy and food policy in Bangladesh    S AKTER
1989    MA    Leeds    Communication influences on the political socialisation of Bangladeshi adolescents    A M ALI    Prof J G Blumer; Dr T J Nossiter
1989    MPhil    London, LSE    The India League and the Indian reconciliation group as factors in Indo-British relations, 1930-1949    Keshava Chand ARORA    Prof I H Nish
1989    PhD    London, King’s    Pakistan crisis 1971: its political and strategic causes    F J AZIZ
1989    PhD    London, SOAS    Indian monetary policy and the international liquidity crisis during rthe inter-war years (1919-1939)    Gopalan BALACHANDRAN
1989    PhD    London, LSE    Communism in Tripura up to 1965    Harihar BHATTACHARYYA    Dr T J Nossiter
1989    DPhil    Oxford    The evolution of classical Indian dance literature: a study of the Sanskritic tradition    M BOSE
1989    PhD    Kent    An ethnographic account of the religious practice in a Tibetan Buddhist refugee monastery in Northern India    Catherine Mary CANTWELL    Dr J Endes
1989    MPhil    Reading    Cropping systems research in North West Frontier Province, Pakistan    E W CHARLES
1989    PhD    Glasgow    The inter-war depression in British India: aspects of its economic and social impact, 1929-36    P S COLLINS
1989    DPhil    Sussex    Paliamentary representation in Sri Lanka, 1931-1986    R COOMARASWAMY    Prof Lloyd
1989    PhD    London, LSE    Ideology and urban planning: the case of Hong Kong    A R CUTHBERT    Dr D R Diamond
1989    PhD    Cambridge, Sidney     Unfulfilled promises, popular protest, the Congress and the national movement in Bihar    V DAMODARAN
1989    PhD    London, LSE    Embodying spirits: village oracles and possession rituals in Ladakh, North India    Sophia Elizabeth DAY    Dr J P Parry
1989    PhD    London, SOAS    Discourses of ethnicity: the adivasis of Jharkhand    S B C DEVALLE
1989    MPhil    Wales, Cardiff    Rice leaffolders: natural enemies and management ractices in Sri Lanka    Malgaha Gamage DHANAPALA
1989    PhD    London, SOAS    The growth of Buddhist monastic institutions in Sri Lanka as depicted in the Brahmi inscriptions    K D M DIAS
1989    PhD    Cambridge    The socio-economic impact of a minor flood control project in rural Bangladesh    B J DODSON
1989    PhD    Bath    Water to the swamp ? Irrigation and patterns of accumulation and agrarian change in Bangladesh    M GLASER
1989    MPhil    Cranfield    Vocational training and self employment in developing countries: aspects of the design and approach of sucessful programmes    John Patrick GRIERSON    Prof M H Harper
1989    MPhil    CNAA, Poly NLondon    British women and the British empire in India, 1915-1947    Florence HAMILTON    Mr E Wilson; Dr D Judd
1989    MPhil    London, LSE    The problem of federalism and regional autonomy in Pakistan    Fayyaz Ahmad HUSSAIN    P Dawson
1989    PhD    Bradford    The monetary transmission mechanism in Sri Lanka, 1977-1985    Ranee JAYAMAHA    P Wilson; J Weiss
1989    DPhil    Sussex    The impact of international labour migration on the rural “Barani” areas of Northern Pakistan    A F KHAN
1989    PhD    Sheffield    The implementation of rural poor programmes in Bangladesh    T A KHAN
1989    PhD    Manchester    Perception and response to floods in Bangladesh    M S KHONDAKER
1989    PhD    Wales, Bangor,    Cost benefit analysis and sustained yield forestry in India    Periyapattanam Jayapal Dilip KUMAR
1989    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    Medical knowledge in rural Rajasthan: popular constructions of illness and therapeutic practice    Helen Susanna LAMBERT    Dr N J Allen
1989    MPhil    London    The expansion of the Indian Army during the Great War    I D LEASK    Prof M E Yapp
1989        Bath    Technologies and transactions: a study of the interaction between new technology and agrarian structure in Bangladesh    D J LEWIS
1989    PhD    Edinburgh    One or two sons: class, gender and fertility in north India    Andrew LYON
1989    DPhil    Sussex    Capital accumulation in agriculture in the Punjab (Pakistan)    Moazam MAHMOOD    Prof M Lipton
1989    DPhil    Oxford    The performance of selected public sector industries in Bangladesh, 1972-1985    Syed A MAHMOOD
1989    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity Hall    Missionary of the Indian Road: a study of the thought and work of E Stanley Jones between 1915 and 1948 in the light of certain issues raised by M K Gandhi for Anglo-Saxon Protestant missionaries during the period    P A J MARTIN    Dr J J Lipner
1989    PhD    Glasgow    Exchange rate regimes of less developed countries: the cxase of India    M J MELAZHAKAM
1989    PhD    London, UC    Appropriate evaluation techniques for urban planning in Sri Lanka    N S P MNEDIS
1989    PhD    Cambridge, Magdalene    The Harappan civilisation: a study in variation and regionalisssssssation in Haryana, India    V MOHAN    Dr F R Allchin
1989    PhD    Lancaster    Three Hindu philosophers: comparative philosophy and philosophy in modern India    Paul Martin MORRIS    Prof N Smart; Dr D Smith
1989    PhD    Manchester    The role of financial information in collective bargaining in a developing country: the case of Bangladesh    A J M H MURSHED
1989    PhD    East Anglia    Agrarian structure and rural poverty in Western India    Thomas PALAKUDIYIL    Dr J C Harriss
1989    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    The role of accounting in the economic development of Bangladesh    Michael John PARRY
1989    PhD    London, LSE    Household organisation and marriage in Ladakh Indian Himalaya    Maria Christina PHYLACTOU    Dr C J Fuller
1989    PhD    London, LSE    Social representations of birth control and family welfare: an Indian study    Ragini PRAKASH    Prof R Farr
1989    PhD    London, LSHTM    Household food insecurity and its implications on health, nutrition and work – a study of a dry land farming community in Sri Lanka    M K RATNAYAKE
1989    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Colonial policy, ethnic politics and the minorities in Ceylon    Nira Konjit SAMARASINGHE    Dr T Raychaudhuri
1989    PhD    Cambridge    Administration, classification and knowledge: land revenue settlements in the Panjab at the start of British rule    R S SMITH
1989    DPhil    Oxford, Somerville    Inequality and economic mobility: an analysis of panel data from a south Indian village    Madhura SWAMINATHAN    Dr S Anand
1989    DPhil    Oxford    Art, artists and aesthetics in Bengal, c. 1850-1920: westernising trends and nationalist concerns in the making of a new “Indian” art    Tapati G THAKURTA
1989    PhD    Middlesex Polytechnic    The impact of flood control on agricultural development in India: a case study in north Bihar    P M THOMPSON    Prof E Penning-Rowsell
1989    MPhil    East Anglia    The state and the determinants of the fiscal process in India: an application of James O’Connor’s Theory of the Fiscal Crisis of the State    Sarah VARKKI
1989    PhD    Aberdeen    Some aspects of the chemistry and mineralogy of soil potassium in Sri Lanka acid tea soils and Scottish soils under a range of crops    G WIMALADASA
1989    PhD    Strathclyde    Marketing implications of intermediate technology in the textile industry in Pakistan    M ZAFARULLAH
1989    PhD    Edinburgh    Strategic planning: an exploratory study of its practice by agro-based public enterprises in Malaysia    M ZAINAL ABIDIN
1990    PhD    Cambridge, Wolfson    The politics of pollution control: the Ganges at Varanasi    Sara AHMED    Prof T O’Riordan
1990    PhD    London, LSE    The budgetary process in uncertain contexts: a study of public sector corporations in Bangladesh    Mansurai ALAM
1990    PhD    Aberdeen    Petroleum geochemistry of the tertiary sediments and oil samples from the Bengal Basin, Bangladesh    M ALAM
1990    PhD    Glasgow    Size and management characteristics in the public sector: a case of Pakistan International Airlines    A H M H H AL-ESHAIKER
1990    PhD    CNAA Birmingham Poly    The low-income housing production process in Lakore, Pakistan    M I A ALVI
1990    PhD    Aberdeen    Theological education in relation to the identificaton of the task of mission and the development of ministries in India: 1947 to 1987 with special reference to the Church of South India    Siga ARLES
1990    MPhil    London, QMW    A study of some influences on the development of Ruth Jhabvala’s Indian fiction    Jayanti BAILUR
1990    PhD    London, LSE    Pakistan and the birth of the regional pacts in Asia, 1947-1955    Farooq Naseem BAJWA    Prof I H Nish
1990    PhD    Cam,bridge, King’s    Procedural rationality in public expenditure decision making with specific reference to India    A BASU
1990    PhD    Cambridge    Inter-urban and rural-urban linkages in terms of migration and remittances    J R CHAUDHURI
1990    MPhil    Bradford    Kashmir and the partition of India: the politicians and the personalities involved in the partition of India, particularly in relation to the position of Kashmir at the moment of independence on 15th August, 1947    S CHOUDHRY    Dr M J LeLohe
1990    PhD    Aberdeen    An Indian perspective on the church in the context of poverty and religious pluralism, with special reference to the works of M M Thomas    Ashish J CHRISPAL    Prof. Terrance
1990    PhD    London, LSE    Petty-trading in Calcutta: a socio-political analysis of a third world city    Nandini DASGUPTA
1990    PhD    London, King’s    Rural Bengal: social structure and agrarian economy in the late eighteenth century    Rajat DATTA    Prof P Marshall
1990    PhD    London, SOAS    Development of Sinhala drama: a socio-cultural analysis (from Nadagama to modern theatre, up to 1922)    T R G DELA BANDARA
1990    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    Indian death rituals: the enactment of ambivalence    Gillian A  EVISON    Prof R F Gombrich
1990    PhD    Bradford    Financial reforms in Sri Lanka, 1977-1987    D J G FERNANDO
1990    PhD    London, SOAS    Discussions of polygamy and divorce by Muslim modernists in South Asia, with special reference to their treatment in Qur’an and Sunna    Rehana FIRDOUS
1990    PhD    Kent    The six-nation initiative    C FRANGONIKOLOPOULOS    Prof A J R Groom
1990    PhD    Sheffield    Man mosquito interaction: the social context of Malaria transmisson in Sri Lanka    Jayaratne Pinnikamaha GAMAGE    Ms J M M Hoogvelt; Dr R A Dixon
1990    PhD    London, LSE    Paddy fields and jumbo jets: overseas migration and village life in Sylhet district, |Bangladesh    Katherine Jane GARDNER
1990    PhD    York    The politics of British aid policy formation: the case of Bangladesh, 1972-1986    M GUHATHAKURTA
1990    DPhil    Oxford    Exports and exchange rate policy: the case of India    B D GUPTA
1990    PhD    London, SOAS    The short story in Pakistan Panjab, 1947-1980    Salim Ullah HAIDRANI
1990    PhD    London, External    The phenomenonology of religious change in Bangladesh in relation to the theology and practice of conversion    Ian McLaurin HAWLEY
1990    PhD    London, UC    The single dominant party system and political development: case studies of India and Japan    Takako HIROSE
1990    MPhil    London, External    The economy and development of education in Bangladesh with particular reference to cost and some aspects of efficiency and effectiveness of higher education for the period 1972-1985    Mohammad Tazammul HUSSAIN
1990    PhD    London    Variations in mountain front geometry across the Potwar Plateau and Hazara/Kalachitta Hill ranges, North Pakistan    C N IZATT
1990    PhD    Open    Charnockite formation in Southern India    D H JACKSON
1990    PhD    Leeds    The effects of agrarian development on class formation and production relations in Pakistan    Muhammad Siddique JAVED    Mr J V Hillard
1990    MPhil    Manchester Poly    Ethnic identity and contemporary female costumes of Sri Lanka    V R JAYASURIYA
1990    PhD    London, UC    Transfer of private external capital to LDCs with special reference to India in comparison to Brazil    Veena JHA
1990    PhD    Salford    The impact of decentralisation on development, with special reference to the experience of Bangladesh since 1982    A K M A KALAM    Prof M B Gleave; Dr B Ingham
1990    PhD    Exeter    Some statistical aspects of child health and growth modelling in Pakistan    S KAMAL
1990    MSc    Wales, Cardiff    Analysis of the provision of sites and services schemes as a solution to low income housing in Colombo, Sri Lanka    Somas Kandarajah KANDIAH
1990    PhD    London, LSE    Gender, caste and class in rural South India    Karin KAPADIA
1990    DPhil    Oxford, St Cath’s    The consequence of economic liberalisation in Sri Lanka    Saman B KELEGAMA    Dr S Anand
1990    PhD    London, SOAS    Revenue, agriculture and warfare in North India: technical knowledge and the post-Mughal elites from the mid-18th century to the early 19th century    Iqbal Ghani KHAN
1990    PhD    Kent    Bengali elites’ perceptions of Pakistan – the road to disillusionment: uneven development or ethnicity    Alqama KHAWAJA    Prof A J R Groom
1990    PhD    Bath    Impact of irrigation upon the rural political economy in Bangladesh    David LEWIS    Dr G D Wood
1990    DPhil    Oxford, Magdalen    United States-Indian relations, 1961-1989: the pursuit and limits of accommodation    Satu P LIMAYE    Dr G Rizvi
1990    PhD    London, UC    Hydrogeology of part of South-Eastern Bangladesh    S M MAHABUB-UL-ALAM
1990    PhD    Lancaster    The atavara myth in the in the Harivamsa, the Visnupurana and the Bhagavatapurana    Freda MATCHETT    Prof N Smart; Dr D Smith
1990    PhD    Open    East India patronage and the political management of Scotland, 1720-1774    G K McGILVARY    Dr A L R Calder; Mr J Riddy
1990    PhD    London, UC    Epidemiology of coronary heart disease in Asians in Britain    Paul Matthew McKEIGUE
1990    PhD    Hull    The fiction of Ruth Prawer Jhabvala: irony within a dual philosophical framework    F F MERICAN
1990    PhD    Leicester    A thermotectonic evolution for the main central thrust and higher Himalaya, Western Garhwal, India    Richard Paul METCALFE
1990    PhD    Leeds    A history of Nandyal Diocese in Andhra Pradesh, 1947-1990    Constance Mary MILLINGTON    Prof A Hastings
1990    PhD    Newcastle    Becoming bilingual: a sociolinguistic study of the communication of young mother tongue Panjabi-speaking children    S MOFFAT
1990    PhD    Wales, BBangor    Ecology and silviculture of Malamus manan in peninsular Malaysia    A B MOHAMAD
1990    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    The politics of Oriya nationalism, 1903-1936    Bishnu Narayan MOHAPATRA    Dr G Rizvi
1990    PhD    London, UC    Rural development and the problem of access: the case of the integrated rural development programme in Bangladesh    Salim MOMTAZ    Prof R J C Munton
1990    PhD    CNAA, Oxford Poly    Geology and geochemistry of the Closepet granite, Karnataka, South India    K A OAK
1990    PhD    London, SOAS    Indian Muslims and the Ottomans (1877-1914): a study of Indo Muslim attitudes to Pan-Islamism and Turkey    Azmi OZCAN
1990    PhD    London, Inst Ed    The cooperative movement in the Jaffa district of Sri Lanka from 1911 to 1970    Kanthappoo PARAMOTHAYAN
1990    PhD    Sheffield    Man-mosquito interaction: the social context of malaria transmission in Sri Lanka    J PINIKAHANAN GAMAGE
1990    PhD    London, SOAS    The mercantile community of Penang and the changing pattern of trade, 1890-1941    Chuleeporn PONGONGSUPATH    Dr I Brown
1990    PhD    Salford    Gandhi and deep ecology: experiencing the nonhuman environment    S A POWER
1990    PhD    London, External    Socio-economic and environmental aspects of under nutrition and ill health in an urban slum in Bangladesh    Jane Allison PRYER
1990    PhD    London, External    Impact of zinc supplementation on Bangladeshi children suffering from acute and persistent diarrhoea    Swapan Kumar ROY
1990    PhD    London, Wye    Persistent poverty among rice farmers in the major irrigated colonization scheme of Sri Lanka    Madar SAMAD    I Carruthers
1990    PhD    London, Wye    Persistent poverty among rice farmers in the major irrigated colonization schemes of Sri Lanka    Madar SAMAD
1990    PhD    St Andrews    Political violence in the Third World: a case study of Sri Lanka, 1971-1987    Gemini SAMARANAYAKE    Prof P Wilkinson
1990    PhD    London, QMW    The use of Hindu mythology in some novels of R K Narayan and Raja Rao    Chitra SANKARAN
1990    PhD    Liverpool    State intervention in rural development: a case study of Bangladesh    A E SARKER
1990    PhD    London, SOAS    The emergence of a Muslim “middle class” in Bengal: attitudes and rhetoric of communalism, 1880-194    Mohammad SHAH    Dr P G Robb
1990    PhD    Edinburgh    Socioeconomic planning in social forestry with particular reference to Orissa State, India    Ran Avtar SHARMA
1990    PhD    Cambridge    A “despotism of law”: a British criminal justice and public authority in north India, 1772-1837    Radhika SINGHA    Dr C A Bayley
1990    PhD    Wales, Swansea    Indian merchant communities in 19th century western India    Sheila M SMITH    Dr R K Newman
1990    PhD    London, LSHTM    The estimation of fertility from incomplete birth registration records, with application to India    Govind Singh SOMAWAT    B Brass
1990    PhD    Cranfield    The role of industrial extension for  the local production of agricultural machinery in developing countries with particular reference to Sri Lanka    K-H STEINMANN    I Crawford; F Inns
1990    PhD     North London Poly    The Viceroyalty of Lord Reading, 1921-1926, with particular reference to Indian political constitutional problems and progress    Christine TURNBULL    Dr D Judd
1990    PhD    Cambridge    Constructing difference: social categories and Girahya women: social kinship and resources in south Rajasthan    Maya UNNITHAN    Dr C Humphrey
1990    MPhil    Essex    An analysis of the effects of salinity on the growth of Sri Lankan rice cultivars    S C WANIGASURIYA
1990    PhD    London, Imperial    The structure and metamorphism of the northern margin of Indian Plate, North Pakistan    Mathew Philipps WILLIAMS
1991    MPhil    Trinity College, Bristol    Identity, Islam and Christianity in rural Bangladesh    D W ABECASSSIS
1991    MPhil    London, LSHTM    Fertility trends in Pakistan: a birth order analysis    Mohamed AFZAL    J Blacker
1991    PhD    Sheffield    Intraurban residential mobility in the city of Karachi    N AHMAD
1991    PhD    Wales, Swansea    Decentralisation and the local state under peripheral capitalism: a study in the political economy of local government in Pakistan    Tofail AHMAD
1991    PhD    Newcastle upon Tyne    The effects of price and non-price factors on the production of major crops in Bangladesh    S ALAM
1991    PhD    Cambridge, St Cath’s    North Indian military culture in transition, 1770-1830    S ALAVE    Dr C A Bayly
1991    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Inheriting then earth: Pakistan People’s Party: popular mobilisation and political conflict in Pakistan, 1967-1971    R F ALI    Mr P G Hawthorn
1991    PhD    London, LSHTM    Anti-microbial chemotherapy of leprosy: a quantitiave theoretical basis for trial regimens with particular reference to India    J E ALMEIDA
1991    PhD    London, King’s    The international arms trade: case studies of India and Pakistan, 1947-86    I ANTHONY
1991    PhD    Manchester    The role of the housing market in the development of Jaffna City and its fringe    Krishnapillai ARUMUHAM    Prof B Robson
1991    PhD    London, SOAS    Agricultural production in six selected Qasbas in eastern Rajasthan (c. 1700-1780)    Madhavi BAJAKAL
1991    PhD    LondonSOAS    Agricultural production in six selected qasbas of eastern Rajastan (c.1700-1780)    Madhavi BAJEKAL    Prof K N Chaudhuri
1991    PhD    Salford    Some environmental implications of agricultural and agro-industrial developments in rural India    S K BARAT
1991    PhD    Newcastle upon Tyne    Swami Vivekananda’s practical vedanta    Vivienne BAUMFIELD    Dr D H Killingley
1991    PhD    Wales, Swansea    The significqance of “Ostindien” in the evolution of German colonial thought, 1840-1885    Theodore Robert Maria BOSKE    Prof M E Chamberlain
1991    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Communal politics and the partition of Bengal, 1932-1947    Joya CHATTERJI    Dr A Seal
1991    PhD    Cambridge    A study of subsistance and settlement patterns during the late prehistory of northcentral India    U C CHATTOPADHYAYA
1991    PhD    London, King’s    Indian nuclear strategy    Mohammad Zafar Iqbal CHEEMA    Prof L D Freedman
1991    MPhil    Bradford    Kashmir and the partition of India    S CHOUDRY
1991    PhD    London, UC    The social implications of thalassaemia major among Muslims of Pakistani origin: family experience and service delivery    Aamra Rashid DARR
1991    MPhil    CNAA, Architectural Assoc    The roots of power and root power: an enquiry into negotiations for the consolidation of illegal settlements in New Delhi, India    S DASAPPA
1991    PhD    London, SOAS    Strategy and structure: a case study in imperial policy and tribal society in British Baluchistan    Simanti DUTTA
1991    PhD    Loughborough    The Revd A G Fraser: his ecclesiastical, educational and political activity in Ceylon, 1904-1924    Brian EATHARD    Dr Avril Powell
1991    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    The political culture of the urban poor: the United Provinces between the two World Wars    N GOOPTU    Dr R S Chandavarkar
1991    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    Azariah and Indian Christianity in the late years of the Raj    S Bharper HARPER, s b
1991    DPhil    Oxford, Green College    Public health and medical research in India, c. 1860-1914    Mark HARRISON    Miss M H Pelling; Dr P J Weindling
1991    PhD    London, King’s College    Rhizolith occurrence and formation within the quartnary coastal deposits of Tamil Nadu State, South East India    Derek Albert HENDRY    Dr R Garner
1991    PhD    London, Wye    Economic analysis of production opportunities, constraints and improvement policies in coconut-based farming systems in Sri Lanka    Mudiyanselage Anura Lokubandara HERATH
1991    MPhil    Wales    Performance, problems and potential of irrigated land settlements in Sri Lanka: an analysis of past policies    Thosapala HEWAGE
1991    PhD    Cambridge    Tax reform, public pricing and trade protection in Bangladesh    S M HOSSAIN
1991    PhD    London, SOAS    The production and use of ritual terracottas in India    Stephen Porter HUYLER
1991    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Defence production in a third world country: the case of the Indian aircraft industry 1940-1980    Shireen Karim Alimohamed JANMOHAMED    Prof E A Roberts
1991    PhD    London, LSE    Rice, work and community among the Kelabit of Sarawak, East Malaysia    Monica Rachel Hughes JANOWSKI
1991    PhD    Stirling    Fishery, population dynamics and breeding biology of Panulirus homarus (L.)on the south coast of Sri Lanka    D S JAYAKODY
1991    PhD    Stirling    The utilisation of acid sulphate on soils for shrimp (Oenaeus monodon)culture on the west coast of Sri Lanka    J JAYASINGHE
1991    PhD    Durham    Perception of, and adjustment to. drought hazard by farmers in southern Sri Lanka    N L A KARUNARATNE
1991    DPhil    Oxford, Trinity    Competing through technology and manufacturing: a study of the Indian commerical vehicles industry    Sanjay KATHURIA    Dr J L Enos
1991    PhD    Leicester    Primary geochemistry and secondary dispersion from gold prospects in the Karkoram and Hindu Kush, northern Pakistan    Abdul KHALIQ
1991    PhD    London, RHBNC    The contribution of the All India Muslim Educational Conference to the educational and cultural development of Indian Muslims, 1886-1947    Abdul Rashid KHAN    Dr F C Robinson
1991    PhD    Sheffield    Low income settlement in city fringes: a case study of eastern fringe Dhaka    R A KHAN    Dr C Choguill
1991    PhD    Edinburgh    Women’s work and rural transformation in India: a study from Gujerat    Uma KOTHARI
1991    DPhil    Sussex    The role of women in household survival strategies: a case study from an urban low-income settlement in Colombo, Sri Lanka    Chandrika KOTTEGODA    Dr K Young
1991    PhD    Warwick    Critical reflections on law and public enterprises in Bangladesh    A K MASUDAL HAQUE
1991    PhD    Sheffield    Urban services in the national cities of India: organisation, financing, planning and delivery    B MATHUR
1991    DPhil    Oxford    The ecological interaction between habitat composition, habitat quality and abundance of some wild ungulates in India    V B MATHUR
1991    PhD    Bath    Poverty and patronage: a study of credit, development and change in rural Bangladesh    James Allister McGREGOR    Dr D G Wood
1991    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Caste, nationalism and communism in Malabar, 1900-1948    D M MENON    Dr R S Chandravarkar
1991    PhD    Southampton    Municipal finance and local self government: the Indian experience    Rajalakshmi MISHRA    Dr D M Hill
1991    PhD    Durham    Industrial water pollution in a surface water system in Colombo, Sri Lanka    S K MOHAMMED-ALI    Prof I G Simmons
1991    PhD    Warwick    The migration and racialisation of doctors fromthe Indian subcontinent    P J MOSS
1991    PhD    London, LSE    India and the Middle East: constancy of policy in the context of changing perspectives, 1947-1986    Prithvi Ram MUDIAM    Dr G Sen
1991    PhD    Surrey    The impact of industrialisation and urbanisation on Patidar women in the Khada District of Gujerat    P R NATTRESS
1991    PhD    Cambridge, Clare Hall    People and trees: gender relations and participation in social forestry in West Bengal, India    C A NESMITH    Dr T P Bayliss-Smith
1991    PhD    Nottingham    Urban lower-middle class and middle income housing: an investigation into affordability and options, Dhaka, Bangladesh    Mohammed Mahbubur RAHMAN    Prof J C Moughton; Mr S Jalloh
1991    PhD    Exeter    Location-allocation modelling for primary health provision in Bangladesh    S-U RAHMAN
1991    MSc    Kent    On the systematics and ecology of some freshwater turtles of Bangladesh    S M A RASHID
1991    PhD    London, SOAS    Structure and performance: a case study of Pakistan’s large scale manufacturing sector (1950-1987)    Shahnaz RAUF
1991    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    Inter-urban and rural-urban linkages in terms of migration and remittances: case study – Durgapur (West Bengal)    J RAY CHAUDHURI    Prof G P Chapman
1991    PhD    London, King’s    A comparison of the diet and health of pre-menopausal Indian and Caucasian vegetarian women    Sheela REDDY
1991        Cranfield, Silsoe    A case study on training and development of cooperative managers in implementing “Irrigation management programme” of Bangladesh Rural Development Board in Hossainpur Upazila, Bangladesh    M A SADEQUE
1991    PhD    Warwick    Towards a definition of Indian literary feminism: an analysis of the novels of K Markandaya, N Sahgal and A Desai    Minola K SALGADO    Ms P Dunbar
1991    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    South Asian Muslim politics, 1937-1958    Ahmad Y SAMAD    Dr T Raychaudhuri
1991    PhD    London, SOAS    Poverty, growth and stagnation in north Indian agriculture: a comparative study in the political economy of poverty generation in western and eastern Uttar Pradash in the early 1970s    Jean Diana SARGENT
1991    PhD    CNAA, Leicester Poly    Speech in Sri Lankan cleft palate subjects with delayed palatoplasty    D A SELL
1991    DPhil    Oxford, Wadham    The biology of vitex (verbenaceae)in Sri Lanka    Balangeda M P SINGHAKUMARA    Dr C Huxley-Lambrick
1991    PhD    London, King’s    Nabob, historian and orientalist: the life and writing of Robert Orme (1728-1801)    Asora SW TAMMITA-DELGODA    Prof P J Marshall
1991    PhD    London, LSE    Donors, development and dependence: some lessons from Bangladesh, 1971-1986    Peter Graeme Rugge THOMSON    Prof M Desai
1991    PhD    East Anglia    Errant males and the divided woman: melodrana and sexual difference in the Hindi social film of the 1950s    Ravi VASUDEVAN
1991    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    The uplift history of the Western Ghats in India    Mike WIDDOWSON    Dr K G Cox; Prof A S Goudie
1991    PhD    Salford    The causes and processes of rural-urban migration in 19th and early 20th century India: the case of Ratnagiri district    G M YAMIN
1992    PhD    East Anglia    Models of household behaviour in subsistence agriculture: a case study of NWFP in Pakistan    Farman ALI    Prof A Parikh
1992    PhD    London, King’s    Nation-building and the nature of conflict in South Asia: a search for patterns in the use of force as a political instrument within and between the states of the region    Syed Mahmud ALI
1992    PhD    Aberdeen    Aspects of Islamic revival and consciousness in Bangladesh, 1905 AC and 1975 AC    A N M AMIN
1992    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Colonialism and the transformation of matriliny in Malabar, 1850-1940    G ARUNIMA    Dr R S Chandavarkar
1992    LLD    Edinburgh    Dravidian studies    Ronald ASHER
1992    PhD    Kent    The political implications of migration: a study of the British Sikh community    S BALI    Mr K Webb
1992    PhD    Manchester    A study of aspects of Indian theatre and its role: consideration and strategies for developing theatre in education in India    S N BARHANPURKAR    Dr Jackson
1992    PhD    London^hUC    The temples of the interface: a study of the relation between Buddhism and Hinduism at the Munnervaram temples, Sri Lanka    Rohan Neil BASTIN
1992    PhD    London, SOAS    Poverty and power: survival strategies of the poorest in three villages of West Bengal, India    Anthony BECK    Dr R W Bradnock
1992    DPhil    Oxford, St Anne’s    The English East India Company and Hindu laws of property in Bengal, 1765-1801: appropriation and invention of tradition    Nandini BHATTACHARYYA-PANDA    Dr T Raychaudhuri
1992    MLitt    Oxford, Magdalen     South Asian women, midwives and the maternity system: the role of cultural differences in the creation of inequality    Isobel M W BOWLER    Dr R W Dingwall
1992    PhD    London, LSE    Agricultural pricing in developing countries: Pakistan 1960-1988    David Patrick COADY    Prof N H Stern
1992    PhD    St Andrews    Alexander Dalrymple (1737-1808), hydrographer to the East India Company and to the Admiralty, as publisher: a catalogue of books and charts.    Andrew COOK    Dr B P Lenman
1992    PhD    Cambridge, Selwyn    Cross cultural conflict analysis: the “reality” of British victory in the second Anglo-Maratha War, 1803-1805    Randolf G S COOPER    Dr G Johnson
1992    DPhil    Sussex    The determinants of private consumption and the impact of fiscal policy: a study of Sri Lanka    Ginige A C DE SILVA    Prof M T Sumner
1992    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Aspects of community participation among the slum dwellers in achieving housing in Bombay    Vandana DESAI    Dr M J Banks; Dr G C K Peach
1992    DPhil    Sussex    Biomass entitlements and rural poverty in India: a village study of crop residues in south Gujerat    Priyamwada DESHINGKAR    Dr M Greeley
1992    PhD    Cambridge, Girton    Indian thought, myth and folklore in the fiction of Rudyard Kipling and E M Forster    C R DEVADAWSON    Prof J B Beer
1992    PhD    London, UC    Residential location of low-income households in Hyderabad, India    Pothuia Jonathan DHARMARAJ
1992    PhD    London, UC    Residential location of low-income households in Hyderabad, India    J P DHARMARAT
1992    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    Religion, identity and authority among the Satnamis in colonial central India    S DUBE    Dr R O’Hanlon
1992    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson College    Continuity and recreation in the performing arts of India: a study of two artistic traditions    Anne-Marie GASTON    Mr B R Wilson
1992    PhD    Cambridge, Wolfson    The institutional politics of gender in development policy for rural development in Bangladesh    A M M GOETZ    Mr G P Hawthorn
1992    PhD    CNAA, Central England    The “Karnata Dravida” tradition: development of Indian temple architecture in Karnataka 7th to 13th centuries    C A HARDY
1992    PhD    Open    State policy, liberalisation and the development of the Indian software industry    Richard Brendan HEEKS
1992    DPhil    Oxford    Entreprenurial decline and the end of Empire: British business in India, 1919-1949    A-M HISRA
1992    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    Music of Northern Pakistan    C E HUEHNS    Dr R F Davis
1992    PhD    London, SOAS    Female migrants’ adaptation in Dhaka: a case study of the processes of urban socio-economic change    Shahnaz HUQ-HUSSAIN    Dr R W Bradnock
1992    PhD    Bristol    Hindu Muslim inter group relations in Bangladesh: a cognitive inter group analysis    Mir R ISLAM    Prof M R C Hewstone
1992    MLitt    Cambridge, Christ’s    Medical choice in an urban village: a study of Zamrudpur, Delhi    R JALOTA
1992    MPhil    London, Wye    The economics of tea investments: an assessment of factors influencing the profitability of management and rehabilitation of tea establishments in Sri Lanka    Jayakodi Arachchige Maikanthi JAYAKODY
1992    MPhil    Liverpool    The response of democratic governments to armed resistance: India, Argentina, Peru, Colombia and Northern Ireland    J KARUMBIAH
1992    PhD    Leicester    Plume-lithosphere interaction: petrology of Rajmahal continental flood basalts and associated lamproites, Northeast India    Raymond William KENT
1992    PhD    Nottingham    Housing and landslides: a case study in Murree, Pakistan    Amir Nawaz KHAN    Prof J C Moughtin; Mr S Jalloh
1992    MPhil    Bradford    Investment in human capital in Pakistan    M N KHAN
1992    PhD    Strathclyde    Foreign aid, domestic saving and economic growth in retrospect: the case of Pakistan (1960-1988)    Naheed Zia KHAN    Dr E Rahim
1992    PhD    Strathclyde    Settlement processes and strategy in metropolitan areas: policy options for improvements of slums in Pakistan    Dost-Ali KHOWAJA    A Ramsey
1992    PhD    London, Wye    Irrigation systems management under diversified cropping in Sri Lanka: a multiple objective economic assessment on performance of main-water management    Hemesiri Bandara KOTAGAMA
1992    DPhil    Oxford, St Cath’s    A description of the trade in readers for children by Longmans to British India and by Thomas Nelson to the British West Indies (1900-1939)and an examination of the structure of motifs in the readers’ texts    Wayne Barry KUBLALSINGH    Dr T F Eagleton
1992    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill College    State power and the erosion of colonial authority in Uttar Pradesh, India, 1930-42    G KUDAISYA    Prof D A Low
1992    PhD    Cambridge    The public career of G D Birla, 1911-1947    M Mlf G S KUDAISYA    Prof D A Low
1992    PhD    London, LSE    An anthropological account of Islamic holy men in Bangladesh    Samual Peter LANDELL-MILLS    Dr A A F Gell
1992    PhD    London, LSE    Inequality, poverty and mobility: the experience of a north Indian village    Peter Frederik LANJOUW    Prof N Stern
1992    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    Planning education in small dispersed island states with particular reference to the Maldives    Mohamed  LATHEEF
1992    PhD    London, LSE    The demography of Indian famines: a historical perspective    A MAHARATNA
1992    MPhil    London, King’s    The British in Bihar, 1757-81    Paramita MAHARATNA    Prof P J Marshall
1992    MPhil    London, King’s    The establishment of British rule in Bihar, 1757-1981    Paraamita MAHARATNA    Prof P J Marshall
1992    MPhil    East Anglia    Rural development in Pakistan: role and some effects of public sector    Abrar Ahmad MALIK
1992    DPhil    Sussex    A study of rural poverty in Pakistan with special reference to agricultural price policy    Shahnawaz MALIK    Mr P Chaudhuri
1992    PhD    Liverpool    Prevalence and genetics of resistance of antimicrobial agents in faecal enterobacteriaceae from children in Bangladesh    K Z MAMUM
1992    PhD    Bradford    Foreign joint ventures in Bangladesh: an empirical investigation of joint ventures in a less developed country between foreign multinational countries and local enterpirses: the case of Bangladesh    G S MAOLA    Prof P J Buckley
1992    DPhil    Oxford, St Hilda’s     Entreprenurial decline and the end of the Empire: British business in India, 1919-1949    Anna-Maria MISRA    Dr T Raychaudhuri; Dr D R Tomlinson
1992    PhD    London, Birkbeck    Languages as identity symbols: an investigation into language attitudes and behaviour amongst second-generation South Asian schoolchildren in Britain including the special case of Hindi and Urdu    M C MOBBS
1992    PhD    Cambridge, Gonville       From cattle to cane: the economic and social transformation of a Tarai village, North India    R H MONTGOMERY    Dr C Humphrey
1992    MPhil    Leicester    British newspaper coverage of Pakistan    Ahmad MUKHTAR    P Golding
1992    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    Food Engel curves and equivalence scales in Sri Lanka    M MURTHI
1992    PhD    Glasgow    The institution of cooperation, credit and the process of of development in the Indian and Pakistan Punjabs    K MUSTAFA
1992    PhD    CNAA, Huddersfield    Hindu students in a further education college: an ethnographic enquiry    P OLIVER
1992    DPhil    Oxford , Hertford College    Distress sales and exchange relations in a rural area of Rayalaseema Andhra Pradesh    Wendy K OLSEN    Mrs J U Heyer
1992    PhD    Newcastle    Vulnerability, seasonality and the public distribution system in western India: a micro-level study    E A OUGHTON
1992    PhD    Warwick    Education and community in colonial Jallandhar, 1880-1935    Rajvinder S PAL    Dr D A Washbrook
1992    PhD    London, LSE    Electricity demand and pricing in India, 1947-1986    Kirtida Vimai PARIKH    Dr M S Morgan
1992    PhD    London, Wye    Micropropogation of the Sri Lankan anthurium cultivar “Crinkled Red” (Anthurium andreanum Lind)    Sriyani Edussuriya PEIRIS
1992    MPhil    CNAA, St John’s College, Nottingham    The extended family in spouse selection: a critical study and theological evaluation of the patterns of Christian family life in India (especially in the churches of South India)    P S C POTHAN
1992    PhD    Sheffield    A study of rainfall fluctuations in the homogeneous rainfall regimes in Sri Lanka    M PUVANESWARAN
1992    PhD    Stirling    Studies of filter feeding carps of commerical importance in Bangladesh with particular emphasis on the use of automated counting methods    S RAHMATULLAH
1992    PhD    Strathclyde    Solar radiation assessment in Pakistan    I A RAJA
1992    DPhil    Oxford, Nuffield    Forest policy in the Central Provinces, 1860-1914    Mahesh RANGARAJAN    Dr T Raychaudhuri
1992    DPhil    Oxford, Linacre College    Ecophysiology of natural regeneration of “Abies pindrow” in the moist temperate forest of Pakistan    RAZA-UL-HAQ    Mr F B Thompson; Dr P S Savill
1992    PhD    London, External    Recent Christian-Hindu dialogue with reference to Christology    Robert Arthur ROBINSON
1992    MPhil    Newcastle upon Tyne    Changing the attitudes of staff in a residential setting in India – a case study    N ROTTON
1992    PhD    Cambridge, Fitzwilliam    The effect of regular deworming on the growth, health and nutritional status of pre-school children in Bangladesh    Emily Kate ROUSHAM    Dr C G Mascie-Taylor
1992    PhD    South Bank    Effects of psycho-cultural factors on the socialization of British born Indian and indigenous British children living in England    D SACHDEV
1992    PhD    Birmingham    An ecumenical ecclesiology: an historical and systemaic theological enquiry into the Church of North India    D K SAHU
1992    PhD    Reading    A systems approach to the study of potential production of boro rice in the Haor region of Bangladesh    M U SALAM
1992    PhD    Aberdeen    Farm level approaches to tree growing in agroforestry in Haryana, India    P K SARDANA
1992    DPhil    Oxford, Green    Adoption and rejection of eucalyptus on farms in North-West India    Naresh C SAXENA    Dr B Harriss; Mr J E M Arnold
1992    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Women workers in the Bengal jute industry, 1890-1940: migration, motherhood and militancy    S SEN    Dr R S Chandabarkar
1992    PhD    Cambridge^hTrinity    Literary representation of national identity and the rhetoric of nationalism in Raja Rao’s Kanthapura    R SETHI    Mr T J L Cribb
1992    DPhil    Sussex    The determinants of private consumption and the impact of fiscal policy: a study of Sri Lanka    G A C de SILVIA
1992    PhD    Cambridge, Gonville    A forest policy for Western India: the Dangs, 1800s-1920s    A SKARIA    Prof C A Bayly
1992    MPhil    Birmingham    The encounter between Christianity and Buddhism in Sri Lanka from the perspective of the Lausanne Movement    S F SKUCE
1992    MPhil    Birmingham    The development of Gandhi’s moral and religious philosophy from 1888-1921    G E SMITH
1992    PhD    Leicester    The geology of the roof-zone of the Kohistan Batholith, Northwestern Pakistan    Michael A SULLIVAN
1992    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    The military and the state in colonial Punjab, 1900–1939    T Yong TAN    Prof D A Low
1992    PhD    London, SOAS    Competing identities: the problem of what to wear in late colonial and contemporary India    Emma Josephine TARLO
1992    DPhil    Oxford, St John’s College    Studies in English and European writing on India, 1600-1800    Kate ( Katherine S) TELTSCHER    Prof J Carey; Mr J B Katz
1992    PhD    London, LSE    Health attitudes and personal health care decisions in Bombay, India    Bayjool THAKKER    Dr J E Stockdale
1992    PhD    London, LSE    Personal health care decisions in Bombay, India    B THAKKER
1992    PhD    East Anglia    NGOs and rural development process in India: case studies from Rayalaseema    V UMA
1992    PhD    London, SOAS    The personal pronouns and their related clitics in six Khasi dialects: a grammatical and sociolinguistic study    B WAR
1992    PhD    CNAA, North London    Sir Walter Lawrence and India, 1879-1918    Catherine Mary WILSON    Prof D Judd; Dr P Mercer
1993    PhD    Open    Women’s home-based income generation as a strategy towards poverty survival: dynamics of the “Khannawalli” (mealmaking)activity of Bombay    D ABBOTT    Mr A Thoms
1993    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    The role of communication in the rise of the Islamic movements in the Muslim world with special reference to Egypt, Kuwait, Afghanistan, Pakistan and Turkey    K ABU-ALKHAIR
1993    PhD    Cambridge, Girton    The People’s Party, the National Awami League and the political dynamics of federalism in Pakistan    S J AHMED    Mr G P Hawthorn
1993    PhD    Dundee    E M Forster at home and abroad: British and non-British elements in his fiction    A AL-HOUT
1993    PhD    Reading    Farmer-extension worker interaction and upstream information transfer in the T   V extension system in Bangladesh    Md. Mozahar ALI    Prof M J Rolls
1993    PhD    London, Ext (LSHTM)    Cultural influences on contraceptive behaviour in rural Bangaldesh    A AL-SABIR    J Simons
1993    PhD    Bradford    Agricultural credit for small farmers in Northern Pakistan: an analysis of access and productivity impact    Shehla Nasreen AMJAD    Dr Allan Low; Dr Behrooz Morvaridi
1993    PhD    East Anglia    Women’s experiences of a survival strategy: commoditisation of folk embroidery in Gujarat, India    J B ANDHARIA
1993    PhD    Liverpool    Seaweed resources in Sri Lanka: culture of Gracilaria and intertidal surveys    P ANNESTY JAYASURIYA
1993    PhD    Sheffield    A study of significant historic buildings in Lahore, leading towards the formulation of a national conservation policy for Pakistan    M Y AWAN    A Craven
1993    DPhil    York    The management of ethnic secessionist conflict with special reference to devolution of government: the external dimension and the big neighbour syndrome    Abersinghe BANDARA    Prof A Dunsire; Dr A Leftwich
1993    DPhil    Oxford, Somerville    A study of the Khudai Khidmatgar movement 1930-1947, North West Frontier Province, British India    Mukulika BANERJEE    Prof J Davis
1993    MPhil    Eales, Cardiff    A survey of the Pakistani Muslim community in Cardiff    P G BATEMAN
1993    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    Agrarian reforms and the politics of the Left in West Bengal    D BHATTACHARYYA    Mr G P Hawthorn
1993    PhD    Leeds    Salisbury at the India Office, 1866-67 and 1874-78    Paul R BRUMPTON    Dr E D Steele
1993    PhD    London, SOAS    Contesting the resource: the politics of forest management in colonial Burma    Raymond Leslie BRYANT
1993    PhD    London, UC    The incompatability between the the needs of low-income households and the perceptions and attitudes of architects and planners: a case study of Lahore, Pakistan    Arif Qayyum BUTT
1993    PhD    Kent    Confidence building measures in South Asia    Navnita CHADHA    Prof A J R Groom
1993    DPhil    Oxford    The changing nature of the Indian hill station    A CHATERJI
1993    MLitt    Oxford, St Hilda’s    The changing nature of the Indian Hill Station    Aditi CHATTERJI    Dr D I Scargill
1993    PhD    Keele    Paul Scott’s “Raj Quartet”: historical approaches and Bakhtinian readings    P CHILDS
1993    MPhil    Sheffield    Applicability of the CDS-ISIS package in the automation of University libraries with partciular reference to India    S CHOWDHURY
1993    PhD    London, SOAS    Colonialism and cultural identity: the making of a Hindu discourse, Bengal, 1867-1905    Indira CHOWDHURY-SENGUPTA    Prof D J Arnold
1993    MPhil    London, SOAS    The rhythmic organisation of North Indian classical music: tal, lay and laykari    Martin Richard Lawson CLAYTON
1993    PhD    London, SOAS    From Bhakti to Buddhism: early Dalit literature and ideology    Philip John CONSTABLE    Prof D J Arnold
1993    PhD    London    The relevance and feasibility of community-based production of leaf concentrate as a supplement for pre-school children in Sri Lanka    David Nicholas COX
1993    PhD    Edinburgh    Size isn’t everything: an anthropologist’s view of the cook, the potter, her engineer and his donor in appropriate technology development in Sri Lanka, Kenya and UK    Emma CREWE    Dr A Good; Dr M Noble
1993    PhD    Essex    An empirical study of technical and allocative efficiency of wheat farmers in the Indian village of Palanpur    A CROPPENSTEDT
1993    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Privilege and policy: the indigenous elite and the colonial education system in Ceylon, 1869-1948    Lakshmi K DANIEL    Dr T Raychaudhuri
1993    PhD    REading    Weed ecology studies in Sri Lanka: competition studies with maize, barley and oilseed rape    N P DISSANAYAKER
1993    M.Phil    Edinburgh    A study of the indigenous contribution to Tamil Saiva bhakti    C J EDEN
1993    PhD    Lancaster    Epic naratives inthe Hoysala temples: the Ramayana, Mahabharata and Bhagavata Purana in Halebid, Belur and Amrtapura    Kirsti Kaarina EVANS    Dr David Smith
1993    PhD    CNAA, Brighton Poly    Sport and South Asian male youth    S FLEMING
1993    PhD    Manchester    Intermarriage of Zoroastrian women in bombay    H K FRASER
1993    PhD    Brunel    TV talk in a London Punjabi peer culture    M GILLESPIE
1993    PhD    Keele    Occasions of grace: interpretations of truth in Paul Scott’s “The Raj Quartet”    P A GLOVER
1993    PhD    London, LSE    The multiplicity of agencies promoting the health of refugees, with a case study of the Afghans in Pakistan, 1978-1989    Nancy GODFREY    Prof B Abel-Smith
1993    PhD    Open    The Gujeratis of Bolton: the leaders and the led    K G HAHLO
1993    PhD    Loughborough    Acquiring foreign language materials for Pakistani libraries: a study    Syed Jalaluddin HAIDER    Prof J P Feather
1993    Phil    East Anglia    The implications of tourism for the environment: a Maldives case study    H HAMEED
1993    PhD    London, SOAS    Eurasians in British India, 1773-1833: the making of a reluctant community    Christopher John HAWES    Prof D J Arnold
1993    PhD    Aberdeen    Some aspects of the chemistry and mineralogy of soil magnesium in relation to Camellia growth on Sri Lankan acid tea soils    L HETTIARACHCHI
1993    PhD    Manchester    Management control in public sector enterprises: a case study of budgeting in the jute industry of Bangladesh    A K M Z HOQUE    Prof T Hopper
1993    PhD    Salford    Rural accessibility and agricultural development in Bangladesh    N A HUQ    Dr R D Knowles
1993    PhD    London, LSE    Decentralized resource allocation in primary health care: formal methods and their application in Britain and Pakistan    M ISHFAQ
1993    PhD    Manchester    Transnational corporations and economic development: a study of the Malaysian electronics industry    M N ISMAIL
1993    PhD    Edinburgh    Rice marketing in Pakistan: the case for liberalisation ?    Amanat Ali JALBANI
1993    DPhil    York    Language maintenance and bilingualism in Darbhanga    Shailjanand JHA    Dr C Verma
1993    PhD    Cambridge    Industrial concentration and performance: an empirical study of the structure, conduct and performance of Indian industry (1970-1985)    U S KAMBHAMPATI
1993    PhD    London    A genetic analysis of diabetes mellitus in subjects of Indian origin    Parminder Kaur KAMBO
1993    MPhil    Strathclyde    Famine and poliocy in the Central Provinces of India: the crises of 1896/97 and 1899/1900    Nicalas W KEYS    Dr P S Collins
1993    PhD    Kent    Regional conflict in South Asia: the route to intractability in the Kashmir conflict, 1947-1990    A Robert KHAN    Prof A J R Groom
1993    MPhil    Wales, Bangor    Wood production through agroforestry in Charsadda district, North West Frontier Province, Pakistan    F S KHAN
1993    DPhil    Oxford, St Hilda’s     Indian Muslim perceptions of the West during the 18th century    Gulfishan KHAN    Dr I Malik
1993    PhD    Wales, Bangor    Ex-post cost benefit analysis of village woodlots of Gujarat, India    J A KHAN
1993    PhD    London, External    The history of printing and publishing in Ceylon, with special reference to Sinhalese books, 1737-1912    Egodahettiarachchige Don Tilakapala KULARATNE
1993    MLitt    Cambridge    The security of new states, Pakistan and Singapore: a study in contrast and compulsion    A UL I LATIF
1993    MLitt    Glasgow    The imperial eye: perceptions in British photography (1850-1870)of India and the Near East    Alison J LINDSAY    Dr C A Wilson
1993    DPhil    Oxford, Somerville    The role of culture in India’s international relations    V MANI
1993    PhD    London, SOAS    Caring women: power and ritual in Gujerati households in East London    Merryle Ann McDONALD    Dr N Lindisfarne
1993    PhD    Cambridge    Governance and resistance in north Indian towns, c.1860-1900    Patrick M McGINN    Prof C A Bayly
1993    PhD    City    Gamaka and Alamkara: concepts of vocal ornamentation with reference to Bara Khayal    S M McINTOCH
1993    PhD    Aston    Management role in employee participation: a comparative study of multination enterprisei n India and the UK    Santrupt MISRA    Dr R Lumley
1993    PhD    Aston    Management role in employee participation: a comparative study of multinational enterprises in India and the UK    Santrupt MISRA    Dr R Lumley
1993    PhD    London, LSE    Inside and outside: conceptual continuities from household to region in Kumaon, North India    Joanne MOLLER    Dr C Fuller
1993    MPhil    Loughborough    Performance of concrete buried pipe distribution systems of surface irrigation under farm manager’s management in Tangail, Bangladesh    Mohammed Abdul Karim MRIDHA    Mr I K Smout
1993    PhD    London, Wye    The economic evaluation of agricultural research in Sri Lanka    Jeyaluxmy NADARAJAH
1993    PhD    Cambridge, St Edmund’s    Co-option and control: the role of the colonial army in India, 1918-47    Namrata NARAIN    Dr R S Chandavarkar
1993    PhD    London, LSE    Kinship, marriage and womanhood among the Nakarattars of South India    Yuko NISHIMURA    Dr C Fuller
1993    PhD    Guildhall    The determinants of direct overseas investment from Singapore    Samual Bassey OKPOSEN    M Cowen
1993    PhD    Hull    British policy and Chinese policy in Malaya, 1942-1955    HAK CHING OONG    C J Christie
1993    PhD    London, LSE    Making hierarchy natural: the cultural construction of gender and maturity in Kerala, India    Caroline OSELLA    Dr C Fuller; Dr J P Parry
1993    PhD    London, LSE    Caste, class, power and social mobility in Kerala, India    Filippo OSELLA    Dr C Fuller; Dr J P Parry
1993    DPhil    Oxford, Christ Church    The confusions of an imperialist inheritance: the Labour Party and the Indian problem, 1940-1947    Nicholas J OWEN    Dr J G Darwin
1993    DPhil    York    Imperialism, insularity and identity: the novels of Paul Scott    G Martin PATERSON    Mr Landig White
1993    PhD    London, UC    Effects of land use policies on land prices in middle income housing, Hyderabad, India    Padmavathi PERVAR
1993    PhD    London, UC    Sir Leonard Rogers F.R.S. (1868-1962): tropical medicine in the Indian Medical Service    Helen Joy POWER    Prof WF Bynum
1993    DPhil    Oxford, Campion Hall    Satnamis: the changing status of a scheduled caste in Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradash    Gnana PRAKASAM    Dr N J Allen
1993    MPhil    Wales, Aberystwyth    The career of Robert, first  baron Clive (1725-1764) with special reference to his administrative and political career    David Livett PRIOR    Prof P D G Thomas
1993    PhD    London, QMW    Belonging and not belonging: understanding India in novels by Paul Scott, Ruth Prawer Jhabvala and V S Naipaul    Janet Mariana PUGH
1993    PhD    Newcastle upon Tyne    Coping strategies of domestic workers: a study of three settlements in Delhi metropolitan region, India    P RAGHURAM    Dr J D Jones
1993    MPhil    Leicester    Conceptions of health and health care among two generations of Gujerati-speaking Hindu women in Leicester    V RAJA
1993    PhD    London, LSE    The political economy of agrarian policies in Kerala: a study of state intervention in agricultural commodity markets with particular reference to dairy pmarkets    Velayudhan RAJAGOPALAN    Prof T J Nossiter
1993    PhD    Hull    Religion, politics and the secular state in India after independence    C S RANGANATHAN
1993    PhD    London, LSE    Construction of female gender in rural north India    Deborah Edith RUTTER    Dr J P Parry
1993    MPhil    Newcastle-upon-Tyne    Modelling growth of rainfed and irrigated sugarcane in the dryzone of Sri Lanka    K SANMUGANATHAN
1993    PhD    Hull    Tribes, politics and social change in India: a case study iof the Mullukurumbas of the Nilgiri Hills    S SATHIANATHAN
1993    PhD    Keele    The sources and supply of basic foods in Dhaka City    Sayeed SAYEED
1993    PhD    London, SOAS    Pollution theory and Harijan strategies among south Indian Tamils    Yasumasa SEKINE
1993    PhD    London, Inst Comm    The linkages between Pakistan’s domestic policies and its foreign policy, 1971-1991    Mehtab-Ali SHAH    Dr P H Lyon
1993    PhD    UEA    Various approaches to the measurement of inefficiency in Pakistani agriculture: an empirical investigation    M K SHAR
1993    PhD    London, SOAS    Consumer protection law in India: a socio-legal study    Gurjeet SINGH
1993    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    Quarternary alluvial sedimentology in Bihar, India    Rajeev SINHA    Dr P F Friend
1993    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    On religion and renunciation: the case of the Raikas of western Rajahastan    Vinay Kumar SRIVASTAVA    Dr C Humphrey
1993    PhD    Leicester    The empire aggrandized, a study in commemorative portrait statuary exported from Britain to her colonies in South Asia, 1800-1939    M A STEGGIES
1993    MPhil    Warwick    South Asians and employment in Great Britain with particular reference to agriculture    R H G SUGGETT
1993    OhD    London, SOAS    Peasant agriculture and tenancy in Orissa (India): a study of three villages at different levels of development, with special reference to share tenancy    M SWAIN
1993    PhD    Warwick    The politics of homeland: a study of ethnic linkages and political mobilisation amongst Sikhs in Britain and North America    D S TALLA
1993    PhD    Edinburgh    Lakshmi in the market place: traders and farmers in a north Indian market    M S TOMAR    Dr P M Jeffrey; Dr R Jeffrey
1993    PhD    Hull    Nagas in the museum: an anthropological study of the material cculture of the Hill People of the Assam-Burnma border    Andrew OChristopher WEST    Mr L G Hill
1993    PhD    London, SOAS    The politics of moderation: Britain and the Indian Liberal Party, 1917-1923    Philip Graham WOODS    Prof D J Arnold
1993    PhD    Leeds    Afghanistan in the defence of India, 1903-1915    Christopher Mark WYATT    Dr K M Wilson
1993    PhD    Exeter    The correlates of contraceptive and fertility behaviour withon the framework of sociocultural ideology: a case study of two urban centres of Pakistan    M I ZAFAR
1994    PhD    Glasgow    The non-compliant behaviour of the small states of South Asia: Nepal and Bangladesh in relation to India    S AFROZE
1994    MPhil    Lancaster    The status of women and fertility: a case study of Pakistani women in Rochdale     Salma AHMAD    Dr Suzette Heald; Dr Sarah Franklin
1994    PhD    London, UC    The hydrogeology of the Dupi Tila sands acquifer of the Barind tract, NA Bangladesh    Kazi Matin Uddin AHMED    Dr W G Burgess
1994    PhD    Cambridge, Wolfson    Behavioural ecology of the Hoolock gibbon (Hylobates Hoolock)in Bangladesh    M F AHSAN    Dr D J Chivers
1994    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    Violence and the state in the partition of Punjab, 1947-48    Swarna AIYAR    Prof D A Low
1994    PhD    Manchester    Taxation and economic development in Bangladesh with special reference to indirect taxation    Sofia H J ALI    Ms W Olsen
1994    PhD    Salford    Environmental assessment for wetlands management in Sri Lanka    M D AMARASINGHE
1994    PhD    Cambridge, Fitzwilliam    Residential land price changes in selected peripheral colonies of Lucknow City, India, 1970-1990    F AMITABH    Dr S E Corbridge
1994    PhD    Cranfield, Silsoe    Mechanisation of grain harvesting in Pakistan    Nadeem AMJAD
1994    PhD    London, SOAS    Women’s consciousness and assertion in colonial India: gender, social reform and politics in Maharashtra, c.1870-c.1920    P ANAGOL-McGINN
1994    PhD    London, SOAS    Women’s consciousness and assertion in colonial India: gender, social reform and politics in Maharashtra, c.1870-1920    Padma ANAGOL-McGINNnagol    Prof D J Arnold
1994    PhD    Strathclyde    Tourism in developing countries: a case study of Pakistan    M I ANWAR
1994    PhD    Bradford    The understanding of truth and the human person in Gandhi’s thought    C ARBER
1994    PhD    Leicester    Mineralogy, geochemistry and stable isotope studies of the ultramafic rocks from the Swat Valley ophiolite, North Western Pakistan: implications for the genesis of emerald and nickeliferous opaque phases    Mohammad ARIF
1994    PhD    Edinburgh    The understanding of pastoral care and counselling in the Church of South India, with special reference to the work of the Christian Counselling Centre, Velore    Nalini ARLES    Prof A F Walls; Dr D Lyall
1994    PhD    Birmingham    Bangladeshi community organisations in East London: a case study analysis    M A ASGHAR
1994    PhD    London, SOAS    Naqshbandi Sufis in a western setting    A T ATAY
1994    PhD    London, LSHTM    Cost effectiveness of anti-malaria activities in Sri Lanka    A M G G N K ATTANAYAKE
1994    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Is education beneficial ? A microeconomic analysis of the impact of education on the economic welfare of a developing country, Sri Lanka    D H C ATURUPANE    Dr P B Seabright
1994    PhD    Leicester    The Koga feldspathoidal syenite, North Western Pakistan: mineralogy and industrial applications    Iftikar Hussain BALOCH
1994    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    Workers’ politics in Bengal, 1890-1929: mill-towns, strikes and nationalist agitations    Subho BASU    Dr R S Chandavarkar
1994    BLitt    Oxford, Lady Margaret    The famine of 1899-1900 and the government of India    M BHABA
1994    PhD    Essex    A comparative sociolinguistic study of urban and rural Sindhi    M Q BUGHIO
1994    PhD    Southampton    India, Sri Lanka and the Tamil crisis, 1976-1990    A J BULLION
1994    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    Fluvial landforms and sediments in the North-Central Gangetic plain, India    S CHANDRA    Dr K S Richards
1994    PhD    London, LSE    Legislators in India: a comparison of MLAs in five states    Virender Kumar CHOPRA    Prof T J Nossiter
1994    PhD    London, King’s    The development of Singapore land law as influenced by English and Australian law    Panicker Alice CHRISTUDASON
1994    PhD    Cambridge, King’s     Urban texts: an interpretation of the architectural, textual and artefactual records of a Sri Lankan early historic city    R A E CONINGHAM    Dr F R Allchin
1994    PhD    Kent    Indias of the mind: the construction of post-colonial identity in Salman Rushdie’s fiction    C P CUNDY
1994    MLitt    Bristol    British Baptist missionary activity in Orissa, 1822-1914    P K DAS
1994    PhD    Cambridge, St Cath’s     The making of a Jat identity in the Southeast Punjab circa 1880-1936    Monica DATTA    Prof C A Bayly
1994    MPhil    Wales, Cardiff    An evaluation of the attractiveness to Apia cerana F. of the honeybee flora growing in the Dhaka region of Bangladesh and the socio-economic value of these plants to the local community    R J DAY
1994    DPhil    Oxford, New    Indian industry 1950-1990: growth, demand and productivity    Ranu DAYAL
1994    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    Technical change and efficiency in Sri Lanka’s manufacturing sector    Sonali D P DERANIYAGALA    Mrs F J Stewart
1994    PhD    Edinburgh    Energy resources and the role of mini and micro hydro power in Northern India    Alison DOIG
1994    PhD    London, Wye    Reaching the poor ? The identification and assessment of rural poverty by a non-governmental organisation (NGO)in Gujerat, India    Talib Baahadurail Karmali ESMAIL
1994    PhD    London, LSE    Defence industrialization in the NICs: case studies from Brazil and India    Carol Vervain EVANS
1994    PhD    London    Dying: death and bereavement in a British Hindu community    Shirley Jean FIRTH
1994    MPhil    Bristol    Pakistan: a power in central Asia     N GHUFRAN    Dr V Hewitt
1994    PhD    Hull    Construction of the European Union: implications for the developing countries: case study of India    D K GIRI
1994    PhD    London    Sufism and its development inthe Panjab    Shuja Ul HAQ
1994    PhD    Aberdeen    Export performance and marketing strategy for Malaysian palm oil    A HASHIM
1994    PhD    Bradford    Microenterprises in Pakistan: an efficiency and performance analysis of manufacturing microenterprises in North West Frontier Province, Pakistan    Syed Amjad Farid HASNU    Mr Michael Yaffey
1994    PhD    Birmingham    The quest of Ajneya: a theological appraisal of the search for meaning in his three Hindi novels    R H HOOKER
1994    PhD    Newcastle    Mechanisation of wheat production in Bangladesh based on a growth modelling approach    A H M S HOSSAIN
1994    PhD    Newcastle    Some factors affecting the performance of draught buffaloes in wetland rice cultivation in Sri Lanka    S M HULANGAMUWA
1994    PhD    Edinburgh    The scented garden in Deccani Muslim literature    S A A HUSAIN
1994    PhD    Durham    Rural-urban integration in Bangladesh: a study of linkages between villages and small urban centres    M N ISLAM    Dr P J Atkins
1994    PhD    Nottingham    Standards of safety in the underground coal mining industry of Pakistan    K G JADOON
1994    PhD    Bradford    Trade liberalization and performance: the impact of trade reform on manufacturing sector performance: Sri Lanka, 1977-89    Kangesu JAYANTHAKUMARAN    Prof C Kirkpatrick; Mr Michael Yaffey
1994    PhD    Reading    Changing patterns ofinformal and formal finance in a Rajasthan village    J Howard M JONES    Mr A Harrison
1994    PhD    London, SOAS    Polygamy and purdah in the royal households of Rajastan – 13th-19th centuries    Varsha JOSHI    Prof D J Arnold
1994    MPhil    Oxford, St Cath’s    Sustainability of public debt: an application to India    Alka KACKER    Dr E V K Fitzgerald
1994    PhD    Reading    Comparison of extension provision for the smallholder and estate tea sectors in Sri Lanka    H R K K KARUNADASA    Dr C J Garforth
1994    PhD    Glasgow    Factor price distortions, underutilisation of capacity and employment in the large-scale manufacturing sector of Pakistan    R KAUSER
1994    PhD    London, SOAS    Missionaries: the Hindu state and British paramountcy in Travancore and Cochin, 1858-1936    Koji KAWASHIMA    Prof D J Arnold
1994    MPhil    Strathclyde    Famine and famine policy in the central provinces of India: the crises of 1896-7 and 1899-1900    N W KEYS
1994    PhD    Wales, Lampeter    Indian Muslims in the political process    O KHALIDI
1994    PhD    Strathclyde    Poverty, uneven development, urbanisation and economic planning policies in Pakistan: a case study of Peshawar, North West Frontier Province    Assmatullah KHAN    Prof U Wannop
1994    PhD    Strathclyde    Interlinkages between land-lease and credit markets: impact on the introduction of modern technology in the North West Frontier Province (Pakistan)    H KHAN
1994    PhD    Lancaster    Saiva priests of Tamil Nadu    G LAZAR
1994    PhD    London    Fertility transition in Malaysia: an analysis by state and ethnic group    R LEETE
1994    PhD    London, Inst Ed    A comparative study of educational disadvantage in India within the Anglo-Indian community: a historical and contemporary analysis    Antoinette Iris Grace LOBO    Mr C Jones
1994    PhD    London, SOAS    The transformation of colonial perceptions into legal norms: legislating for crime and punishment in Bengal, 1790s to 1820s    Shahdeen MALIK
1994    PhD    Central England    Housing finance in developing countries: a case study of Lahore, Pakistan    T H MALIK
1994    PhD    Open    Thermal comfort for urban housing in Bangladesh    F H MALLICK
1994    PhD    London, Bedford    Consciousness and the actors: a re-assessment of Western and Indian approaches to the actor’s emotional involvement from the perspective of Vedic psychology    Daniel MEYER-DINKGRAFE
1994    DPhil    Sussex    The comprehensive crop insurance scheme in India, 1985-1991: a study of its working with special reference to Gujerat    Pramod K MISHRA    Prof M Lipton
1994    PhD    London, SOAS    From patriarchy to gender equity: family law and its impact on women in Bangladesh    Taslima MONSOOR
1994    DPhil    Sussex    Re-reading the Raj: narrative and power in British fictions of India    P G MOREY
1994    PhD    Reading    An effective communication model for the acceptance of new agricultural technology by farmers in the Punjab, Pakistan    Sher MUHAMMAD    Dr C J Garforth
1994    DPhil    Sussex    Brother, there are only two Jatis – men and women: the construction of gender identity, women, the state and personal laws in India    M MUKHOPADHYAY
1994    PhD    London, LSHTM    Visceral leishmaniasis vectors in Pakistan    Mohammad Arif MUNIR
1994    PhD    Leeds    Ramayana and Mahabharata: contemporary theatrical experiments in English with Indic oral traditions of storytelling    V NAIDU
1994    PhD    Durham    Rural-urban interaction in Bangladesh: a study of linkages between villagers and small urban centres    M N I NAZERN
1994    PhD    Queen’s, Belfast    Rukmini Devi and the Bharata Natyam – the revival of classical dance in India    K OHTANI
1994    PhD    London, SOAS    Bauls of West Bengal: with special reference to Raj Khyapa and his followers    Jeanne OPENSHAW    Dr A Cantlie
1994    DPhil     Sussex    Agrarian structure, new technology and labour absorption in Indian agriculture: an empirical investigation of Gujerat    Kirankumar Manubhai PANDYA
1994    PhD    London    Gender, discipleship and charismatic authority in the Rajneesh movement    Marie Elizabeth PUTTICK
1994    PhD    Durham    Social change and fertility transition in Sri Lanka    P PUVANARAJAN    Prof J I Clarke; Mr A R Townsend
1994    PhD    London, LSHTM    Epidemiology of visceral leishmaniasis in northern areas of Pakistan with particular reference to the reservoir(s)    Mohammed Abdur RAB
1994    PhD    Brunel    Management education and development strategies in Bangladesh    A S M M RAHMAN
1994    PhD    Wales, Swansea    Decentralisation and rural society in Bangladesh: a study of bureaucratic restraints on access in the UPAZILA structure     Mohammed Halibur RAHMAN    Dr C Gerry
1994    DPhil    Oxford, Worcester    India and the north-south politics of global environmental issues: the case of ozone depletion, climate change and loss of biodiversity    Mukund G RAJAN    Dr A J Hurrell
1994    PhD    Kent    Causal factors and transmission mechanisms of inflationary impulses in Sri Lanka, 1970-1989    Purnima RAJAPAKSE    Prof Thirlwall
1994    MPhil    London, SOAS    Remembering Burma: Tamil migrants and memories    Audrey Beatrice Stephanie RAMAMURTHY    Dr N Lindisfarne
1994    PhD    Reading    The analysis of farmer information systems for feeding dairy cattle in two villages of Kerala State, India    S N RAMKUMAR
1994    PhD    City    Perception-production in relation to fronting of velars in Hindi and Marati speaking children    M E RAO
1994    PhD    London, UC    Socio-economic status, channels of recruitment and the rural to urban migration of labour: a case study of the squatter settlements of Delhi, India    Himmat Singh RATNOO
1994    PhD    London, UC    Haemoglobin disorders among the tribal population of Madhya Pradesh, India    P H REDDY
1994    PhD    Cambridge, Sidney    Mohajir subnationalism and the Mohajir Qaumi Movement in Sindh Province, Pakistan    J J RICHARDS    Dr S Corbridge
1994    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Conversion and catholicism in Southern Goa, India    R T ROBINSON    Dr C Humphrey
1994    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Rural labour arrangements in West Bengal, India    Benjamin N ROGALY    Dr B Harriss
1994    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    The politics of fiscal policy: some reflections on fiscal policy and state intervention in developing economies with special reference to India    R ROY
1994    PhD    Reading    The taxonomy and ecology of the genus Licuala (Palmae)in Malaya    L G SAW
1994    PhD    Cambridge, Clare Hall    Politics in Orissa, 1900-1956: regional identity and popular movements    Jayanta SENGUPTA    Dr R S Chandavarkar
1994    MPhil    Newcastle    Public participation in the Malaysian structure plan system practice, response and impact studies    K SHAMSUDIN
1994    PhD    Aberdeen    Attitudes of tribal people towards social forestry with reference to Madhya Pradesh, India    A SHUKLA
1994    PhD    Manchester    Decentralisation, participation and rural development in Bangladesh: an analysis pf the Upazila system    N A SIDDIQUEE    Dr D Hulme
1994    PhD    Bradford    The political economy of agricultural change in India    Kalim U SIDDIQUI    Dr Carolyn Dennis; Dr Behrooz Morvaridi
1994    PhD    Leicester    Electoral campaigns and the media: the coverage of India’s 1991 general election in the Indian and the British press    Balwinder SINGH    Ms O Linne
1994    DPhil    York    Case and agreement in Hindi: a GB approach    Joga SINGH    Mr M K Verma
1994    PhD    Manchester    Historical relations: representing collective identities. Small group portraiture in eighteenth-century England, British India and America    K S STANWORTH
1994    PhD    London, SOAS    The symbolic construction of the Sri Lankan Hindu Tamil community in Britain    D A TAYLOR
1994    PhD    Leeds    The development of the Bangladesh jute industry since 1971    F TERKELSEN
1994    PhD    Reading    Exploring media non-professionals’ participation in access television: towards a participatory production model for development broadcasting in India    Korula VARGHESE    Dr P Norrish
1994    PhD    London, Goldsmiths’    What the neighbours say: gender and power in two low-income settlemets in Madras    Penny VERA-SANSO    Prof P Caplan
1994    PhD    Queen’s, Belfast    Creation in Santal tribal religion and Christian faith: a study in comparative religion    W WALKER
1994    PhD    Manchester    Growth and adjustment after trade liberalisation: Sri Lanka, 1977-1992    D N WEERAKOON
1994    PhD    London, UC    The management of official records in Sri Lanka and its impact on public administration    Sarath Sisira Kumara WICKRAMANAYAKA
1994    PhD    REading    The solubility of rice straw silica and its use as a silicon source in paddy cultivation    D E WICKRAMASINGHE
1994    PhD    London    Effect of climatic factors on the growth of tea (“Camellia sinensis”)in the low country wet zone of Sri Lanka    Madawala Arachchillage WIJERATNE
1994    PhD    Leeds    Young British Hindu women’s interpretation of the images of womenhood in Hinduism    S M WILKINSON
1994    PhD    Bradford    Interlocking directorates in Hong Kong business organizations: a longitudinal study of their changing patterns    G Y-Y WONG
1994    PhD    London, SOAS    Mission-conversion-dialogue: the process of Christianization of the Richi in south-West Bangladesh    Cosimo ZENE    Dr A Cantlie
1995    PhD    London, King’s    The implications of the Falklands War for the defence of India’s island territories    Biju ABRAHAM    Prof G Till
1995    PhD    Exeter    An investigation into programme factors and providers and providers’ perceptions of family welfare centres in Faisalabad district of Pakistan    A AHMAD
1995    PhD    Exeter    An initiative into programme factors and providers’ perceptions at family welfare centres in Faisalbad district of Pakistan    Ashfaq AHMED
1995    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    Aspects of influence over accounting and accounting for currency devaluation in Bangladesh    J AHMED
1995    PhD    Birmingham    Social relations and migration: a study of post-war migration with particular reference to migration from Bangladesh to Britain    F ALAM
1995    PhD    Hull    Keralites in Abu Dhabi: a study of skilled and unskilled Keralite migrant workers in the city of Abu Dhabi    S A S ALKOBAISI
1995    PhD    Reading    The effect of a prolonged release formulation of bovine somatotropin (sometribove)on milk production of Bos Taurus and dairy crossbred cows in Malaysia    A AZIZAN
1995    PhD    Stirling    Scholarly publishing in Malaysia: a study of marketing environment and influences on readership behaviour    Firdaus Ahmad AZZAM
1995    PhD    Strathclyde    The role of the private sector in the provision of sites and services schemes for low income groups: a case study of Lahore, Pakistan    Ihsan-Ullah BAJWA    P Green
1995    PhD    Open    Crustal evolution and metamorphism in the high-grade terrain of South India    J M BARTLETT
1995    PhD    Lancaster    A study of continuity within the Ramakrishna Math and Mission with reference to the practice of seva, service to humanity    G T BECKERLEGGE
1995    MPhil    Wales    Population planning and its effect upon the development of agricultural policies in India since 1947    Austin BICKERS
1995    PhD    London, SOAS    An Indian cloth painting and its art worlds: perceptions of Orissan “patta” paintings    Helle BUNDGAARD    Dr C Pinney
1995    PhD    London, LSE    Gender, exchange and person in a fishing community in Kerala, South India    Cecilia Jane BUSBY    Dr Henrietta Moore
1995    PhD    Cambridge, Clare Hall    Britain, India and the genesis of the Colombo Plan, 1945-51    Philip J CHARRIER    Prof D A Low
1995    MPhil    Warwick    Such a long journey: the Anglo-Indian literary tradition: a study in duality    Mithu CHATTOPADHYAY
1995    DPhil    Oxford, Somerville    Orientalist themes and English verse in nineteenth century India    Rosinka CHAUDHURI    Dr R Young
1995    MPhil    London, King’s College    So peculiarly formed a corps: the beginnings of Gorkha service with the British     A P (Jim) COLEMAN    Prof B J Bond
1995    PhD    London    The elites of the Maldives: sociopolitical organisation and change    Elizabeth Overton COLTON
1995    PhD    Cambridge, Gonville      Origins, development and organisation of national Antarctic programmes with special reference to the United Kingdom and India    A DEY-NUTTALL
1995    PhD    London    The control of Callosobruchus maculatus (Fab.)in cowpeas in Sri Lanka: effect of varietal resistance, conventional insecticides and locally available bontanicals    C M D DHARMASENA
1995    PhD    London, SOAS    The Gujerati lyrics of Kavi Dayarambhai    R M J DWYER
1995    PhD    Edinburgh    Community health care the NGO way: an anthropological study of a maternal-child health and family planning programme in rural Bangladesh    R V EBDON    Dr A Good; Dr M C Jedrej
1995    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    Co-option and exclusion: a study of Indian MPs    Paul C R FLATHER    Dr A F Heath
1995    PhD    Strathclyde    Solar based technology for crop drying in rural Pakistan    Mohammad GHAFFAR    Dr G Zawdie
1995    PhD    Cambridge, St Edmund’s    The enforcement of the zini ordinance by the Federal Shariat Court in the period 1980-1990 and its impact on women    E GIUNCHI    Dr B F Musallam
1995    PhD    London, SOAS    Popular resistance to Zamindari oppression in the Eastern Uttar Pradesh, Northern India, 1920-1960    Kusum GOPAL    Prof D J Arnold
1995    PhD    London, SOAS    Geology in India, 1770-1851: a study in the methods and motivations of a colonial science    Andrew GROUT    Dr P G Robb
1995    PhD    London    Carbon dioxide abatement in an empirical model of the Indian economy: an integration of micro and macro analysis    S GUPTA
1995    DPhil    Oxford    The Kishangarh school of painting, c 1680-1850    N N HAIDAR
1995    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    The implications of resettlement on Vasava identity: a study of a community displaced by the Sardar Sarovar (Narmada)Dam project    R P HAKIM    Mr G P Hawthorn
1995    PhD    Keele    Dimensions and types of Malay family interaction in Malaysia: a humanistic approach    L M H HARUN
1995    PhD    London, LSE    Management practices and business development in Pakistan, 1950-1988    Naveed HASAN    Dr G M Austin
1995    PhD    London, Wye    Factors influencing post-harvest longevity of embul bananas    K S HEWAGE
1995    PhD    Durham    Singapore’s experience in ASEAN: the nature of trade and inward investment    M A HILEY    Dr R J A Wilson
1995    PhD    East London    Women’s right to divorce in rural Bangladesh    Naima HUQ    Mr J Roche; Dr J Cooper; Dr J Eade
1995    MPhil    Wales, Lampeter    Resistance, reformation and rejection: modernity and tradition in ninteenth century Hinduism    S B JACOBS
1995    PhD    London, LSHTM    Gynaecological and mental health of low-income urban women in India    Surinda Kaur Parmar JASWAL
1995    PhD    Edinburgh    Estate Tamil: a morphosyntactic study    Nagita KADRURGAMUWE
1995    PhD    Leeds    Provision of corporate financial information in Bangladesh    A K M Waresul KARIM    Prof P Moizer; Ms H Short
1995    PhD    East London    Changing responses to child labour: the case of female children in the Bangladesh garment industry    Sumaiya KHAIR    Dr H Lim; Prof M Freeman
1995    PhD    London, Imperial    Inclincations towards enterprise – a typology of poor, enterprising and non-enterprising women in India    U E KRAUS-HARPER
1995    PhD    London, SOAS    Metropolitan encounters: a study of Indian students in Britain, 1880-1930    Shompa LAHIRI    Dr P G Robb
1995    PhD    Exeter    How to measure default risk: an empirical study on India’s operations in the loan and bond markets    Geeta LAKSHMI    Mr J Matatko; B Pearson
1995    DPhil    Oxford, Nuffield    Financial development, economic growth and the effect of financial innovation on the demand for money in an open economy: an econometric analysis for Singapore    Lamin LEIGH    Dr J Muellbauer; Prof D F Hendry
1995    PhD    Kent    Structured dependency: lone mothers and social security in Hong Kong    L C LEUNG
1995    PhD    London, RHBNC    Sufism, sufi leadership and modernisation in South Asia since c.1800    Claudia LIEBESKIND    Prof F R C Robinson
1995    PhD    Wales, Swansea    Planning for the participation of vulnerable groups in communal management of forest resources: the case of the Western Ghats forestry projects    Catherine LOCKE    Prof Alan Rew
1995    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    Aspects of urban design with special reference to image and identity in built form – case study of Kuala Lumpur    B S MAHBOB
1995    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Pakistan’s foreign policy, 1971-1981: the search for security    Niloufer Q MAHDI    Dr G Rizvi
1995    DPhil    Oxford, St Peter’s     Impact of highland-lowland interaction on agriculture in the Hunza Valley: the socio-economic transformation of mountain societies    Arif MAHMUD    Prof G C K Peach
1995    DPhil    Oxford, Oriel    Contractual arrangements in Pakistani agriculture : a study of share tenancy in Sindh    Nomaan MAJID    Dr B Harriss
1995    MD    Manchester    Maternal and environmental factors and the development of Pakistani children (6-18 months)    S MAQBOOL
1995    PhD    Nottingham    Resource partitioning and productivity of perennial pigeonpea/groundnut agroforestry systems in India    F M MARSHALL
1995    PhD    Essex    Social factors shaping fertility behaviour in Pakistan    Rukhsana MASOOD    Dr Joan Busfield; Mr? Sullivan
1995    PhD    Kent    Toward an integral ecotheology relevant for India    MATHEW
1995    PhD    Edinburgh    Alexander Duff and the theological and philosophical background to the General Assembly’s mission in Calcutta to 1840    Ian Douglas MAXWELL    Prof A F Walls; Dr A C Ross
1995    PhD    London, SOAS    Tibet and the British Raj, 1904-47: the influence of the Indian political department officers    Alexander Colin McKAY    Dr P G Robb
1995    PhD    Cambridge, New Hall    The politics of nationalism: the cast of the Chittagong Hill Tracts, Bangladesh    A A MOHSIN    Mr G P Hawthorn
1995    PhD    Leicester    Media, state and political violence: the press construction of terrorism in the Indian Pubjab    Vipul MUDGAL    Anders Hansen
1995    PhD    Leicester    Media, state and political violence: the press construction of terrorism in the Indian Punjab    Vipul MUDGAL
1995    PhD    Manchester    An analysis of factors affecting farmers’ participation in two rice irrigation schemes in Sri Lanka    S H MUDIYANSELAGE
1995    PhD    Edinburgh    Evolution of the early Himalayan Foreland Basin in North West India and its relationship to orogenesis    Y M R NAJMAN
1995    PhD    Lancaster    The Mills and Boon memsahibs: women’s romantic Indian fiction, 1877-1947    Dominic OMISSI    Prof J M MacKenzie
1995    PhD    Surrey    Consumption, fiscal policy and endogenous growth: the case of India    I PATNAIK
1995    PhD    Durham    A theological reappraisal of the mission of the Christian church in Tamilnadu in the light of the challenge presented by the Dravida Kazhagam Movement (a secular humanistic)movement    R PAULRAJ
1995    PhD    Bradford    A cointegration analysis of money demand in a developing country: a case study of Pakistan    A QAYYUM
1995    PhD    Edinburgh    A comparative study of native and Pakistani geology research articles    Mujib RAHMAN
1995    PhD    Newcastle    Eco-engineering prtactices in Malaysia    N RAHMAN
1995    PhD    Edinburgh    Activating vs. resetting functional categories in second language acquisition: the acquisition of AGR and TNS in English by Sinhalese first language speakers    Hemamala Vajira RATWATTE
1995    PhD    Edinburgh    George Orwell, the BBC and India: a critical study    Abha S RODRIGUES    Mr G D Carnell; Dr R C Craig
1995    PhD    London, LSE    Socio-cultural changes in an Indian peasant society    Arild Engelsen RUUD    Dr J Harries
1995    PhD    London, UC    Public transport in Kuala Lumpur: a model based approach    A F SADULLAH
1995    MPhil    Loughborough    The macroeconomic impact of foreign capital inflows: a case study of Pakistan    T SAEED
1995    PhD    Strathclyde    The lessons from privatization experience for privatization in Pakistan: from public sector enterprises to monopolistic utilities    Mushtaq A SAJID
1995    PhD    Leicester    Mineralogy, geochemistry and possible industrial applications of illite-smectite rich clays from Karak, Northwestern Pakistan    Akhtar Ali SALEEMI
1995    PhD    Stirling    Small enterprise development in Bangladesh: a study of the nature and effectiveness of support services    J H SARDER
1995    PhD    Cambridge    Histological techniques for estimating age at death from human bone:an Indian case study    A SAXENA
1995    MPhil    Newcastle    An analysis of prices and marketing margins for potatoes and onions in Pakistan    S SHAH
1995    MPhil    Leeds    The development of an environmentally sensitive information system in the water industry in Bangladesh    Mohammad Taslim Uddin SHARIF    Prof T Moizer
1995    PhD    Open    A comparative study of Milton Keynes (UK)and Islamabad (Pakistan)    M I H SIDDIQI    Mr R Thomas; Mr J B Harison
1995    PhD    Newcastle    The reproductive biology and histology of three species of sceractinian corals from the Republic of Maldives, India Ocean    C J SIER
1995    PhD    Wales, Bangor    Economic evaluation of agroforestry, forestry and agriculture projects in Orissa, India: with particular reference to financial profitability and basic needs fulfilment    Jitendra Prasad SINGH    Mr T H Thomas
1995    DPhil    Oxford, Linacre    The impact of migration, environment and economic conditions on the biological growth and physique of Sikhs    Lakhwinder P SINGH    Prof G A Harrison
1995    PhD    London, Inst Ed    Design and standardisation of a developmental test for Indian children: the Indian picture puzzle test    R SINGHANIA
1995    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    The stylistic development of the sculpture of Kashmir    John E C SIUDMAK    Mr G J S Sanderson
1995    MPhil    London, LSE    Auctioning the dreams: economy, community and philanthropy in a North Indian city    Roger Graham SMEDLEY    Dr C Fuller; Dr J P Parry
1995    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    The stylistic development of the sculpture of Kashmir    J E C SUIDMAK
1995    PhD    Lancaster    I see all the gods in your body: a study of religious doctrine in the Mahabharata    N SUTTON
1995    PhD    Sussex    Utilisation of industrial R & D findings in Malaysia: a case study of selected public research institutions, universities and industry    K THIRUCHELVAM
1995    PhD    Middlesex     A regional power : United States policy in the Indian Ocean and the definition of national security, 1978-1980    Paul TODD    T Putnam; Prof F Halliday
1995    PhD    London, LSE    Sacred grove (kaavu): ancestral land of “landless agricultural labourers” in Kerala, India    Yasushi UCHIYAMADA    Dr C Fuller
1995    PhD    East Anglia    Employment and the small enterprise economy in India: an inquiry into its growth and significance for development    Nalini VITTAL
1995    PhD    Edinburgh    Social control and deviance in Edinburgh’s Pakistani community    Abdul Ali WARDAK
1995    MLitt    Aberdeen    From Banff to Bengal and beyond: the list, travel and writings of a remarkable north-east loon: Robert Wilson, M D. (1787-1871)    Thelma G WATT    Prof R Bridges
1995    phD    Edinburgh    Environmental effects on the growth of broad-leaved trees introduced under pine stands in Sri Lanka    N D R WEERAWARDANE
1995    DPhil    Oxford, Magdalen    Manufactured exports, outward-orientation, and the acquisition of technological capabilities in Sri Lanka, 1997-1989    Ganeshan WIGNARAJA    Dr S Lall
1995    PhD    Birmingham    A study of recent conversion to and from Christianity in the Tamil area of South India    A D C WINGATE
1995    PhD    Bradford    The economic impact of temporary migrant workers remittances on the Pakistan economy: estimates from a macro economic model    K U ZAMAN
1996    MLitt    Oxford, Exeter    The women’s movement in Pakistan in the 1980s and 1990s    Nilofer AFRIDI-QAZI    Dr M W Lau
1996    PhD    Leicester    Paleoenvironments, diagenesis and geochemical studies of the Dungan formation (Palaocene)eastern Sulaiman Range, Pakistan    Nazir AHMAD
1996    PhD    Sheffield    A study of changes occurring in valuable aspects ofthe built environment of the core areas of historic settlements in Pakistan    T AHMAD    A Craven
1996    PhD    Open    Approaches to bioclimatic urban design for the tropics with special reference to Dhaka, Bangladesh    K S AHMED
1996    DPhil    Oxford, Linacre    Oral traditions in Ladakh    Monisha AHMED    Dr R Barnes Dr N J Allen
1996    PhD    London, RHBNC    The emergence of Muslim feminism in South Asia, 1920-1960    Azra Asghar ALI    Prof F R C Robinson
1996    MPhil    Liverpool    Molecular epidemiology of human and environmental enterobacteriaceae in rural Bangladesh    K S ANWAR
1996    DPhil    Sussex    The spread of technology and the level of development: a comparative study of steel mills using electric arc furnace technology in India and Britain    S S ATHREYE
1996    PhD    Londond, SOAS    A garland of razors: the life of a traditional musician in contemporary Pakistan    Khalid Manzoor BASRA
1996    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    Bharat versus India: peasant politics and rural-urban relations in North West India    M J R BENTALL    Dr S E Corbridge
1996    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    Four essays on the labour market in India    Sonia R BHALOTRA    Prof S J Nickell
1996    MPhil    York    Women writing India: a study of prose fiction by Ruth Prawer Jhabvala, Nayantara Sahgal and Sashi Deshpanda    Shivani BHARGAVA    Dr Joe Bristow
1996    PhD    London, SOAS    A necessary weapon of war: state policies towards propaganda and information in Eastern India, 1939-1945    Sanjoy BHATTACHARYA    Dr P G Robb
1996    PhD    Birmingham    Rich pickings ? the political economy of solid waste management in Calcutta, India    A BOSE    I C Blore
1996    PhD    Glasgow    Cultural strategies of young women of south Asian origin in Glasgow, with special reference to health    H BRADBY
1996    PhD    Cambridge, Corpus    European authority and caste disputes in South India, 1650-1850    N BRIMNES    Prof C A Bayly
1996    PhD    London, SOAS    Contemporary uses of Vastu Vidya, the traditional Indian knowledge of architecture    Vibhuti CHAKRABARTI    Dr Giles Tillotson
1996    PhD    Strathclyde    Waterlogging and salinity in the Sukkur region of Sindh: causes and remedies    Mohammed Nawaz CHAND    Prof A I Clunies Ross
1996    PhD    London, SOAS    Slavery and the household in Bengal, 1770-1880    Indrani CHATTERJEE    Prof D J Arnold

1996    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    A comparative analysis of centre-local relations in government with special reference to Pakistan and Britain    Ishtiaq Ahmed CHOUDHRY
1996    PhD    Dundee    Audit expectations gap in the public sector of Bangladesh    R R CHOWDHURY
1996    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    Gujjars in Garhwal – parallel lives: situational identity and exchange    B DALAL    Dr C Humphrey
1996    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    The Europeans of Calcutta, 1858-1883    Damayanti DATTA    Prof C A Bayley
1996    MPhil    Reading    The effectiveness of different radio programme formats for the dissemination of information on safe use of insecticides in paddy cultivation in Mahaweli system C in Sri Lanka    N DE SILVA
1996    PhD    Cranfield    Estimating groundwater recharge with limited resources with special emphasis on spatial variability: a study in the dry zone of Sri Lanka    Roshan Priyantha DE SILVA    R C Carter
1996    PhD    London, LSE    Religion and nationalism in India: the case of Punjab, 1960-1990    Harnick DEOL    Prof A Smith
1996    MPhil    London, SOAS    Love and mysticism in the Punjabi Qissas of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries    Jeevan Singh DEOL    Prof C Shackle
1996    PhD    Lancaster    The development of Bhuddist monastic education in Sri Lanka with special reference to the modern period    Naimbala DHAMMADASSI    Prof G Samuel; Dr H Kawanami
1996    PhD    Strathclyde    Solar-based technology for crop drying in Pakistan    M G DOUGGAR
1996    PhD    Lancaster    Touring the Taj: tourist practices and narratives at the Taj Mahal and in Agra    T EDENSOR
1996    PhD    London    Indian music and the west: a critical history    GJ FARRELL
1996    PhD    Hull    Standarisation versus adaptation of marketing strategies: British multinationals in Pakistan    G GHOUS
1996    PhD    Hull    The religious and political thought of Swami Vivekananda    A HARILELA
1996    PhD    Leicester    Cross cultural interpretatioins of television: a phenomenonological hermeneutic enquiry [India]    Ramaswami HARINDRANATH    Mr R Dickinson
1996    PhD    Cambridge, Corpus    Pre-cursors to post-colonialism : Leonard Woolf, E. J. Thompson, and E. M. Forster and the rhetoric of English India    R B P HARRISON    Prof J B Beer
1996    PhD    Wales, Bangor    Farmers’ knowledge and the development of complex agroforestry practices in Sri Lanka    H HITINAYAKE
1996    PhD    Aberdeen    Effects of periodic drought on Acacia magum Willd. and Acacia auriculiformis A.Cunn.ex Benth growing on sand tailings in Malaysia    A L HOE
1996    DPhil    Sussex    Replacing market with government: the Indian experience in credit control    R KOHLI
1996    DPhil    Oxford, Wadham    Indian civil servants, 1892-1937: an age of transition    Takehiko HONDA    Prof J M Brown; Dr M C Curthoys
1996    PhD    London, SOAS    Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain, 1880-1932: the status of Muslim women in Bengal    H Y HOSSAIN
1996    PhD    East London    Born to be wed: Bangladeshi women and the Muslim marriage contract    Shahnaz HUDA    Dr K Green; Ms A Stewart
1996    PhD    Manchester    Social, psychological and economic factors in the growth of a small firm: a study of the small scale furniture and footwear firms in Pakistan    S A HUSSAIN
1996    PhD    Cambridge, Jesus    Fluvial sedimentology of the Kamial Formation (Miocene)Himalayan Foreland, Pakistan    J A HUTT    Dr P F Friend
1996    DPhil    York    Development through conservation: a sustainable development strategy with special reference to a heritage zone in Madras    R V ISIAH
1996    PhD    Reading    Improvement of Erythrina variegata L.: a multipurpose fast growing tree species in Bangladesh    S ISLAM
1996    PhD    East Anglia    Constraints to the adoption of modern rice varieties during the Aman season in Bangladesh    Md Abdul JABBER    Dr Richard Palmer-Jones
1996    PhD    London, UC    Modern agricultural production and the environment: the case of wheat production in the Indian Punjab, 1971-1988    Amballur Jospeh JAMES
1996    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    Agro-ecological knowledges and forest managment in the Jharkhand, India: tribal development or populist impasse ?    S L JEWITT    Dr T P Bayliss-Smit
1996    PhD    Glasgow    A study of human rights organizations and issues in India    M JHA
1996    PhD    London, UC    Early iron and steel in Sri Lanka: a study of the Samanalawewa area    G JULEFF
1996    PhD    London, LSHTM    Areal variations in use of modern contraceptives in rural Bangladesh    Nashid KAMAL    A Sloggett
1996    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    A longitudinal anthropometric study of mother-infants pairs in Dhaka, Bangladesh    E KARIM
1996    PhD    Southampton    Development of dietary assessment methods for use in the South Asian community    N A KARIM
1996    DPhil    Oxford, St Edmund Hall    Capital market liberalization in Pakistan: 1980-1992    Bashir A KHAN    Mr C J Cowton
1996    PhD    Bradford    Public sector accounting and financial reporting oractices in Bangladesh    M A S KHAN
1996    PhD    Leicester    Genesis of stratabound scheelite and stratiform Pb-Zn mineralisation, Chitral, Northern Pakistan, and its comparison with South West England tin-tungsten deposits    Mohammad Zahid KHAN
1996    PhD    Wales, Swansea    A political economy of forest resource use: case studies of social forestry in Bangladesh    Niaz Ahmed KHAN    Prof A Rew
1996    PhD    Loughborough    An analysis of risk sharing in Islamic finance with reference to Pakistan    T KHAN
1996    PhD    Leeds    Central-local government relations in Pakistan since 1979    T KHAN    Dr Owen Hartley
1996    PhD    London, UC    Economic values of resource depreciation and environmental degradation in Bangladesh    Fahmida Akter KHATUN
1996    PhD    Warwick    Analysis of tariff and tax policies in Bangladesh: a computable general equilibrium approach    B H KHONDKER
1996    PhD    London, UC    Subsistence and petty-capitalist landlords: an enquiry into the petty commodity production of rental housing in low-income settlements in Madras, India    S KUMAR
1996    PhD    London, LSE    Civil-military relationships in British and independent India, 1918-1962, and coup prediction theory    Apurba KUNDU    Prof T J Nossiter
1996    PhD    London, King’s    Marketing and economic development: a case study of maize marketing in Mardan District, North West Frontier Province, Pakistan    Teshome LEMMA    R Black; M Byron; M E Frost
1996    PhD    London, Imperial    The effects of ozone and nitrogen dioxide on Pakistan wheat (“Triticum aestivum”l.)and rice (“Oryza sativa”L) cultivars    R MAGGS
1996    PhD    Keele    The European Community and South Asia: development, economic cooperation and trade policies with India, Bangladesh and Bhutan, 1973-1993    M MARWAHA    Christopher Brewin
1996    PhD    Hull    Corporate management styles of Malaysian parent companies in managing their local subsidiaries in the manufacturing sector    N A MAZELAN
1996    PhD    Cambridge    Fertility and frailty: demographic change and the health and status of Indian women    K McNAY
1996    MPhil    Leicester    Constraints to professionalism in Sri Lankan newspaper journalism    Mahim MENDIS    Anders Hansen
1996    PhD    Wales, Bangor    The ecology and management of traditional home gardens in Bangladesh    M MILLAT-E-MUSTAFA
1996    PhD    East London    Land reform and landlessness in Bangaldesh    M A MOMEN
1996    PhD    London, King’s    Passing it on: the army in India and the development of frontier warfare, 1849-1947    Timothy Robert MOREMAN    Prof B J Bond
1996    MPhil    London, SOAS    Legal and penal institutions within a middle class perspective in colonial Bengal, 1854-1910    Anindita MUKHOPADHYAY    Prof D J Arnold
1996    DPhil    Oxford    Space, class and rhetoric in Lahore    R McG MURPHY
1996    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity     The crisis of the Burmese State and the foundations of British colonial rule in Upper Burma (1853-1900)    T MYINT-U    Prof C A Bayly
1996    PhD    Nottingham    Open distance learning aspects of adult basic educastion in the UK and their implications for Kerala (India)    Chandrasekharan NAIR-MADHAVEN    W J Morgan
1996    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    Chidambaram – city and people in the Tamil tradition    V NANDA    Dr F R Allchin
1996    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    Chidambaram: temple and city in the Tamil tradition    Vivek NANDA    Dr F R Allchin
1996    PhD    London, Inst Ed    Manpower planning in Pakistan: a study of its assumptions concerning the education-occupation relationship    H K NIAZI
1996    PhD    Southampton    Exploring a bottom up approach to networking for open learning in India    Asad Mohd NIZAM    Dr A P Hart
1996    MPhil    East Anglia    Contradictions of organisation: a case study of a rural development NGO in Rajasthan, India    Jane Elizabeth OLIVER
1996    PhD    Reading    Studies of black pepper (Piper nigrum L)virus disease in Sri Lanka    D PADMINI DE SILVA
1996    PhD    Sheffield    The role of small towns and intermediate cities in regional development in India    A PANNEERSELVAM    C L Chogull
1996    PhD    Birmingham    The word of God is not bound: the necounter of Sikhs and Christians in India and the United Kingdom    J M PARRY
1996    DPhil    Oxford, Green College    Regeneration and sucession following shifting cultivation of dry tropical deciduous forests of Sri Lanka    Gamaralalage A D PERERA    Dr N D Brown; Dr P S Savill
1996    PhD    London    Bureaucrats, development and decentralisation in India: the bureau-shaping model applied to Panchayati in Karnataka, 1987-1991    H J PERRY
1996    PhD    London, LSHTM    Linear growth retardation (stunting)in Sri Lankan children and the role of dietary calcium    Ambegoda Geekiyanage Damayanthi PIYADASA
1996    DPhil    Sussex    English studies and the articulation of the nation in India    P K PODDAR
1996    MPhil    REading    Village organisations and extension: a case study of Balochistan rural support programme    A R QAZI
1996    PhD    Cambridge    Lactational amenorrhoea, infant feeding patterns and behaviours in Bangladeshi women    M RAHMAN
1996    PhD    Cambridge    Relation between energetics, body composition and length of post-partum amenorrhoea in Bangladeshi women    M RASHID
1996    MPhil    Leicester    Thermobarometry of the garnet bearing rocks of the Jijal complex (western Himalayas, northern Pakistan)    Lucie RINGUETTE
1996    PhD    London, SOAS    The devotional poetry of Svami Haridasa    Ludmila Lupu ROSENSTEIN    Dr R Snell
1996    PhD    London, SOAS    Local perceptions of environmental change in a tropical coastal wetland: the case of Koggala Lagoon, Galle, Sri Lnaka    V N SAMARASEKARA
1996    PhD    Newcastle    The production of seed potato (Solanum tuberosum L)tubers from stem cuttings in Sri Lanka    P W S M SAMARASINGHE
1996    PhD    London, SOAS    Mangrove ecology in Sri Lanka    V SAMARESKARA    Prof P Stott
1996    PhD    London, King’s    Agrarian impacts on manufacturing expansion in the Indian Punjab    Jagpal Kaur SANGHA    Dr L Hoggart
1996    DPhil    York    A sociolinguistic study of Panjabi Hindus in Southall: language maintenance and shift    Mukul SAXENA    C Wallace
1996    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    Political alignments, the state and industrial policy in Pakistan: a comparison of performance in the 1960s and 1980s    A U SAYEED    Dr M H Khan
1996    PhD    Manchester    The role of agriculture in the Indian economy: an analysis using a general equilibrium model based on a social accounting matrix    Sabyasachi SEN    Prof D Colman; Dr A Ozanne
1996    PhD    London, SOAS    Famine, state and society in North India, c.1800-1840    Sanjay Kumar SHARMA    Dr P G Robb
1996    PhD    Wales, Bangor    Project appraisal under risk, threat and uncertainty: a case study of the afforestation project of Bihar, India    Devendra Kumar SHUKLA    Dr C Price
1996    PhD    London    Pakistan’s arms procurement decision-making    A SIDDIQA
1996    PhD    London, SOAS    Political prisoners in India, 1920-1977    Ujjwal Kumar SINGH    Dr Taylor
1996    PhD    Liverpool    Molecular and seroepidemiological studies of rotavirus from children in Bangladesh    S TABASSUM
1996    PhD    Beradford    Environmental education and distance teaching: a case study from Pakistan    F TAHIR
1996    MPhil    Liverpool John Moores    The demand for money in Pakistan: simple-sum versis Divisia    S M TARIQ
1996    PhD    Cambridge, Corpus    Property rights and the issue of power: the case of inland fisheries in Bangladesh    Kazi Ali TOUFIQUE    Dr M H Khan
1996    MPhil    Open    Gender issues and social change: evaluating programme impact in rural Bangladesh    A M VAN SWINDEREN    Mr A Thomas
1996    PhD    Cranfield    The performance in public enterprises in a developing country: Sri Lanka’s experience in perspective    Tillaka S WEERAKOON    Prof Chris Brewster
1996    PhD    Reading    Evaluation of the effectiveness of radio and television in changing the knowledge and attitudes of cinnamon growers in Sri Lanka    J WEERASINGHE
1996    PhD    Manchester    Rationales of accounting controls in a developing context: a mode of production theory anaysis of two Sri Lankan case studies    D P WICKRAMASINGHE    Prof T Hopper
1996    PhD    Cambridge, St Cath’s    Socialist development ? Economic and political change in rural West Bengal under the Left Front    G O WILLIAMS    Dr S Corbridge
1996    PhD    Bristol    The politics of caste in India with special reference to the Dalit Christian campaign for scheduled caste reservations    Andrew K J WYATT    Dr D Turner; Dr V Hewitt
1997    PhD    Stirling    Strategic planning and strategic awareness in small enterprise: a study of small engineering firms in Bangladesh    A F M ABDUL MOYEEN
1997    PhD    Loughborough    A strategy for managing brickwork in Sri Lanka    W V K M ABEYSEKERA    Dr A Thorpe
1997    PhD    East Anglia    Sex ratio imbalances in India: a disaggregated analysis    S B AGNIHOTRI
1997    PhD    Lancaster    Gender roles and fertility: a comparative analysis of women from Britain and Pakistan    S AHMAD
1997    PhD    Nottingham    Modelling the impact of agricultural policy at the farm level in the Punjab, Pakistan    Z AHMAD
1997    PhD    London, Imperial    Particulate air pollution and respiratory morbidity in New Delhi, India    S AKBAR
1997    PhD    East London    Keeping a wife at the end of a stick: law and wife abuse in Bangladesh    Nusrat AMEEN    Dr Kate Green; Ms N Lacey
1997    PhD    Birmingham    The generation of a tool for screening the early grammatical development of Bangla-speaking children and the potential useof this instrument in classes of hearing-impaired children    N ANAM
1997    PhD    Durham    A mission for India: Dr Ellen Farrer and India, 1891-1933    Imogen S ANDERSON    A J Heesom
1997    DPhil    Sussex    Changes in poverty and inequality in Pakistan during the period of structural adjustment (1987-88 to 1990-91)    T ANWAR
1997    PhD    Cranfield    Sustainable farming systems and the role of change agents: Moneragala District, Sri Lanka    J P ATAPATTU
1997    PhD    Edinburgh    Common property resource management in Haryana State, India: analysis of the impact of participation in the management of common property resources and the relative effectiveness of common property regimes    Pasumarthy Venkata Subhash Chandra BABU
1997    MPhil    Oxford, Nuffield    Recognising minorities: a study of some aspects of the Indian Constituent Assembly debates, 1946-1949    Rochana BAJPAI    Dr N Gooptu; Prof M S Freeden
1997    PhD    London, SOAS    The transformation of domesticity as an ideology: Calcutta, 1880-1947    Sudeshna BANERJEE    Prof D J Arnold
1997    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    Decentralising forest management in India: the case of Van Panchayats in Kumaun    P C BAUMANN    Mr G P Hawthorn
1997    PhD    London, LSE    Households, livelihoods and the urban environmental social development perspectives on solid waste management in Faisalabad, Pakistan    J D BEALL
1997    PhD    London, SOAS    Tribe and state in Waziristan, 1849-83    Hugh BEATTIE    Prof M E Yapp
1997    DPhil    Sussex    A study of small-scale community tank irrigation systems in the dry zone of Sri Lanka    Saleha BEGUM    Dr M Moore
1997    PhD    Aberdeen    The “empire of the raj:” conflict and cooperation with Britain over the shape and function of the Indian sphere in Eastern Africa and the Middle East, 1850s-1930s    Robert J BLYTH    Prof R C Bridges; Ms Rosemary M Tyzack
1997    PhD    Manchester    Comparative human resource managment: a cross national study of India and Britain    P S BUDHWAR
1997    PhD    Wales, Lampeter    Decision making and idjtihad in Islamic environments: a comparative study of Pakistan, Malaysia, Singapore and the United Kingdom    G L R BUNT
1997    DPhil    Oxford, St Hilda’s    A history of the trade to South Asia of Macmillan   Co and Oxford University Press, 1875-1900    Rimi B CHATTERJEE    Mr M Turner; Mr L W St Clair
1997    PhD    East Anglia    Innovation paths in developing country agriculture: true potato seed in India, Egypt and Indonesia    a CHILVER
1997    PhD    Cambridge, Clare Hall    From nabob to sahib: the construction of the British body in India, c.1800-1914    Elizabeth M COLLINGHAM    Prof C A Bayley
1997    PhD    London, UC    Of moths and candle flames: the aesthetics of fertility and childbearing in the Northern areas of Pakistan    Teresa Mary Helen COLLINS    Dr N Redclift; Dr Murray Last
1997    PhD    London, UC    Environmental aspects of industrial location policy in India    Mala DAMODARAN
1997    PhD    Cambridge, Pembroke    A comparative analysis of sharecropping and mudaraba business in Pakistan: a study of PLS in the context of the new theory of the firm    M H A DAR    Dr A M M McFarquhar
1997    PhD    Open    Multiple realities, multiple meanings: a reception analysis of television and nationhood in India    S DAS
1997    PhD    Portsmouth    Control of mycotoxins in major food commodities in Bangladesh    M DAWLATANA
1997    PhD    Liverpool    Evidence based decision making and managerial chaos in population displacement emergencies: a case study of Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, 1992-93    P M DISKETT
1997    PhD    Hull    An investigation into effective management structure for tuna resources in the West Indian Ocean    EDALY
1997    PhD    London, External    Parasitical clinical and sero-epidemiological studies of visceral leishmaniasis in Bangladesh    Md A EL-MASUM
1997    PhD    Manchester    Production, consumption and labour supply linkages of farm households in the rice-wheat zone of Punjab, Pakistan    U FAROOQ
1997    PhD    Aberdeen    An economic analysis of factors affecting the adoption of coconut-based intercropping systems in Sri Lanka    M T N FERNANDO
1997    PhD    Edinburgh    Varieties of pilgrimage experience: religious journeying in central Kerala    Alexander David Hanson GATH
1997    PhD    Warwick    Against purity, identity, Western feminism and Indian complications    I GEDALOF
1997    PhD    Oxford Brookes    Spatial setting for household income generation: The case of intermediate sized cities, Bangladesh    Shayer GHAFUR
1997    PhD    Cambridge, Clare    Literature, language and print in Bengal, c.1780-1900    Anindita GHOSH    Dr R O’Hanlon
1997    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    Conservation ecology of primates and human impact in North East India    A K GUPTA    Dr D J Chivers
1997    DPhil    Oxford, New College    The monetary system of Mughal India    Syed N HAIDER    Dr D A Washbrook
1997    PhD    London    Diet, exercise and CHD risk: a comparison of children in the UK and Pakistan    Rubina HAKEEM
1997    PhD    London, LSE    India’s information technology industry: adapting to globalisation and policy change in the 1990s    Gopalakrishnan HARINDRANATH
1997    PhD    Cambridge, Girton    State and local power relations in the towns of Gujerat, Surat and Cambray, c.1572-1740    F HASAN    Dr G Johnson
1997    PhD    Exeter    The organisation, development and management of the population training programmes: a case study in Bangladesh    Md Akhter HOSSAIN    Dr A Ankomah;  C Allison
1997    PhD    Reading    Involving women in the process of rural development: a project case study from Balochistan, Pakistan    U HUBNERR
1997    MPhil    London, Goldsmith’s    Significant other: Anglo Indian female authors, 1880-1914    Karyn Marie HUENEMANN    Dr B Moore-Gilbert
1997    PhD    Cambridge, Queens’    Public housing in Hong Kong    E C M HUI    Dr B J Pearce
1997    PhD    East London    Law as a site of resistance: recourse to the law by “garments women” in Bangladesh    Farmin ISLAM    Dr Hilary Lim; Prof J Cooper
1997    PhD    Middlesex    The impact of flooding and methods of assessment in urban areas of Bangladesh    K N ISLAM
1997    DPhil    Sussex    Democratic adjustment: explaining the political sustainability of economic reform in India     Robert S JENKINS    Prof J Manor
1997    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    Labour and nationalism in Sholapur: conflict, confrontation and control in a Deccan city, Western India, 1918-39    M N KAMAT    Dr R S Chandavakar
1997    PhD    London, LSE    Political communication in India    Kavita KARAN    Prof T J Nossiter
1997    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    The social history of the Rajput clans in colonial North India circa 1800-1900    Malavika KASTURI    Prof C A Bayley
1997    PhD    Aberdeen    Sustainability of small-holder sugar cane based production systems in Sri Lanka    Adhikari P KEERTHIPALA
1997    PhD    Manchester    The market for local capital for small firms in Bangladesh: loan evaluation, monitoring and contracting practices    Mohammed Hassanul Abedin KHAN    P Taylor
1997    PhD    Reading    Improving precision of agricultural field experiments in Pakistan    M I KHAN
1997    PhD    London, Wye    The mango production and marketing system in Sindh Pakistan: constraints and opprtunities    A M KHUSHK
1997    PhD    Aberdeen    Factors influencing adoption of farm level tree planting in social forestry in Orissa, India    A K MAHAPATRA
1997    PhD    Bradford    The quality of higher education in Pakistan: an exploration into the quality of curriculum taught in the universities    M J MALIK
1997    PhD    Surrey    Management consultancies in developing countries: strategies for a competetive era – the case of Pakistan    S H MALLICK
1997    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    Non-seccessionist regionalism in India: the demand for a separate state of Uttarakhand    E E MAWDSLEY    Dr S E Corbridge
1997    PhD    Cambridge    Sadhana and salvation: soteriology in Ramanuja and John Wesley    P R MEADOWS
1997    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    The unit head nurse in Pakistani hospitals: current and desired levels of practice    G P MILLER
1997    PhD    Edinburgh    The lunatic asylum in British India, 1857-1880: colonialism, medicine and power    James Henry MILLS    Dr C N Bates; Dr P J Bailey
1997    PhD    London, SOAS    The making of a cultural identity: language, literature and gender in Orissa in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries    Pragati MOHAPATRA    Dr P G Robb
1997    PhD    Leicester    Conceptualising post-colonial policing: an analysis and application of policing public order    S C MUKHOPADHYAY
1997    DPhil    Sussex    Small firm industrial districts in Pakistan    Khalid M NADVI    Dr H Schmitz
1997    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    British and American Army counterinsurgency learning during the Malaysian emergency and the Vietnam War    J A M NAGL
1997    PhD    London, External    Constitutional breakdown and the judiciary in Pakistan    M F NASEEM
1997    PhD    Sheffield    The external environment of housing in the third world: sustainability and user satisfaction in planned and unplanned low-income housing in Lahore, Pakistan    N NAZ
1997    PhD    London, UC    Dynamics of urban spatial and formal changes of old Dhaka: a developmental influence on a historical city of the Third World    Farida NILUFAR    Alan Penn
1997    PhD    London, SOAS    The Hindi public sphere, 1920-1940    Francesca ORSINI    Dr A S Kalsi
1997    PhD    London, InstChild Health    Iodine deficiency in the Northern Pujab of Pakistan    M POULTON
1997    PhD    REading    Studies on weed management during early establishment of tea in low-country of Sri Lanka    K G PREMATILAKA
1997    PhD    Reading    The effect of defoliation of vetch, barley and their mixtures on forage yield, quality and residual effects on succeeding crops in the rainfed areas of Pakistan    I A QAMAR
1997    PhD    Cambridge, Lucy     Shifting culture in the global terrain: cultural identity constructions amongst British Hindu Punjabis    D S RAJ    Dr S N Bensen
1997    PhD    Manchester    The rural poor and technological change: an enquiry into agricultural extention in Sri Lanka    T T RANASINGHE    Dr J Mullen
1997    PhD    Bradford    Environmental education and agricultural education in Pakistan    G RASUL
1997    PhD    London, SOAS    Social history of North Bengal, c.1870-1949    Rubhajyoti RAY    Dr P G Robb
1997    PhD    Cambridge, St Cath’s    Indian elites, urban space and the restructuring of Ahmedabad city, 1890-1947    Siddhartha RAYCHAUDHURI    Prof C A Bayly
1997    PhD    City    Military rule and the media: a study of Bangladesh     REZWAN-UL-ALAM
1997    PhD    London, LSE    The Kalbelias of Rajasthan: Jogi Nath snake charmers, an ethnography    Miriam ROBERTSON    Dr J Parry; Dr J Woodburn
1997    MPhil    Open    The role of caste in prostitution: culture and violence in the life histories of prostitutes in India    M R ROZARIO
1997    PhD    Hull    A socio-economic assessment of collective choices in the coastal trawl fishery of Malaysia    K H SALIM
1997    PhD    London, LSHTM    Contraception following birth in Bangladesh    S M SALWAY    Prof J Cleland
1997    PhD    Nottingham    People’s participation in community development and community work activities: a case study in a planned village settlement in Malaysia    Asnarulkhadi Abu SAMAH
1997    PhD    Bristol    A basket of resources: women’s resistence to domestic violence in Calcutta    P SEN
1997    MPhil    Reading    Evaluation of adoption levels of innovations in coffee in relation to technology transfer process in the Central Province of Sri Lanka    M A P K SENEVIRATNE
1997    PhD    Kent    Choice and collection of agricultural survey data in Punjab and its use in planning improved food supply    Javid SHABBIR    Mr G M Clarke
1997    DPhil    Sussex    Participatory village resource management: case study of Aga Khan Rural Support Programme (AKRSP), India    Parmesh SHAH    Dr M T Howes
1997    PhD    London, SOAS    The formation of the Indo-European telegraph line: Britain, the Ottoman Empire and Persia, 1855-1865    Sulieman SHAHVAR    R M Burrell
1997    PhD    Cambridge, Emmanuel    The development of an Indian nuclear doctrine since 1980    W P S SIDHU    Dr I Clark
1997    PhD    Leeds    Gender and nation in selected contemporary writing from Sri Lanka, India and Pakistan    N M S SILVA
1997    PhD    York    Changing attitudes to design with nature: the urban Indian context    P SINGH
1997    PhD    Cambridge, Emmanuel    Pollution and environmental policy in the Ganga Basin: a case study of heavy metal pollution by tanneries near Kanpur, India    S SINHA    Dr K S Richards
1997    PhD    East Anglia    Framing the nation: languages of “modernity” in India    Ajanta SIRCAR
1997    PhD    London, UC    Islamic anthropology and religious practice among Muslims in a southern Sri Lankan town    Llyn Frances SMITH    Prof B Kapferer
1997    PhD    Sussex    The formal and informal sector of solid waste management in Hyderabad, India    Marielle SNEL    Dr T Binns
1997    PhD    London, UC    Urban development and the information technology industry: a study of Bangalore, India    Sampath SRINIVAS    Ms Julie Davila
1997    PhD    London    Land policies in Delhi: their contribution to unauthorised land development    K SRIRANGAN
1997    PhD    Southampton    Coronary heart disease, diabetes, serum lipid concentrations and lung function in relation to fetal growth in South India    C E STEIN
1997    PhD    Open    The involvement of the Church of Pakistan in development    P SULTAN
1997    PhD    Salford    Off-farm activities in India: a case stury of rural househlds in Rurka Kalan Development Block, Punjab, c. 1961-1993    S S SUPRI
1997    PhD    Cambridge, Robinson    Gandhara art in the Swat Valley, Pakistan: a study based on the Peshawar University collection    M F SWATI    Dr J R Knox
1997    PhD    Reading    The compound verb in Assamese    J TAMULI
1997    MPhil    Newcastle    Socio-economic problems of second genertion settelrs in Mahaweli irigation settlement in Sri Lanka    T M P B TENNAKOON
1997    PhD    London, SOAS    The political economy of Burma    TIN MAUNG MAUNG THAN    Prof R Taylor
1997    PhD    Warwick    Reconstructing the history of women’s participation in the nationalist movement in India, 1905-1945: a study of women activitists inUttar Prqdesh    Suruchi THAPAR-BJORKERT    Dr C Wolkowitz; Ms Joanna Liddle
1997    PhD    London, LSE    Spiritual communities in India    Dimitrios THEODOSSOPOULOS    Dr P Loizos
1997    DPhil    Oxford, New    Rajput painting in Mewar    A S TOPSFIELD
1997    PhD    Manchester    The role of management control systems in privatisation: a labour process analysis of a Bangladeshi case study    S N UDDIN
1997    PhD    Cambridge, Clare Hall    Distribution improving development policies for Bangladesh: applying the equilibrium framework    W J A VAN DER GEEST    Prof D M G Newbery
1997    MPhil    City    Women, gender and news values: a case study of Bangladesh    F R VEENA
1997    PhD    Kingston    Miocene-aged extension within the main mantle thrust zone, Pakistan Himalaya    K J VINCE    Dr P Treloar; Dr J Grocott
1997    PhD    London, SOAS    The development of Siraiki language in Pakistan    M A WAGHA
1997    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    Worth its weight: gold, women and value in North West India    H WARD    Dr C Humphrey
1997    PhD    London, Birkbeck    Colonialism and culture in nineteenth century British India    Caroline L WEAVER
1997    PhD    Cambridge    Hedgerow intercropping for soil improvement in Sri Lanka    S M WEERASINGHE
1997    PhD    London, LSHTM    Control of anopheline vectors in a gem mining area in Sri Lanka    A M G M YAPABANDARA
1998    PhD    Liverpool    Malaria and malarial control in Jeli Peninsular Malaysia    M R ABDULLAH
1998    PhD    Reading    The management practices and organisational culture of large Malaysian construction contractors    R ABU BAKER
1998    MPhil    Aberdeen    The determination of sheep and goat prices in the markets of Balochistan – Pakistan    M AFZAL
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    Litigating in the name of the people: stresses and strains of the development of public interest litigation in Bangladesh    Naim AHMED
1998    PhD    London, UC    An approach for the prevention of thalassaemia in Pakistan    S AHMED
1998    PhD    Leeds    Foreign direct investment in Pakistan    M AKHTAR    Hugo Radice
1998    PhD    Durham    Water rationality: mediating the Indus Waters Treaty    U Z ALAM    Dr J D Rigg
1998    PhD    Bath    Fish consumption behaviour in Bangladesh    Zulfiqar ALI    Prof Chris Heady; Dr J A McGregor
1998    DPhil    Oxford    Operationalizing Amartya Sen’s capability approach to human development: a framework for identifying valuable capabilities    Sabina ALKIRE
1998    PhD    Reading    The impact of Anand Pattern Cooperative Societies on the status of women in dairying households in Kerala, India    S S ANIL
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    The politics of time: “primitives” and the writing of history in colonial Bengal    Prathama BANERJEE    Prof D J Arnold
1998    PhD    Bristol    Scripture as empowerment for liberation and justice: the experience of Christian and Muslim women in Bangaldesh    Mukti BARTON    Prof U King
1998    PhD    Nottingham    The protection of human rights in Islamic Republic of Pakistan with special reference to Islamic Shari’ah under 1973 Constitution    A H BOKHARI
1998    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    A comparison of vocational schools and industrial training institutes in Malaysia    A BRAHIM
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    The Nayak temple complex: architecture and ritual in southern Tamilnadu, 1550-1700    Crispin Peter C BRANFOOT    Dr G Tillotson
1998    PhD    Bristol    Studies in early Indian Madhyamaka epistemology    David F BURTON    Dr P Williams; Dr R Gethin
1998    PhD    Cambridge    Agency, animacy and personification in “A passage to India”    R BUZZA
1998    MPhil    Birmingham    Identifying the requirements of a parent education programme for the primary prevention of child physical abuse in the Indian State of Maharashtra    M CAESAR
1998    PhD    Birmingham    Recent structural reforms in India: the role of the government    S CHATTERJEE
1998    PhD    Manchester    Gender implications of industrial reforms and adjustment in the manufacturing sector of Bangladesh    Salma  CHAUDHURI ZOHIR    Ms D Elson
1998    PhD    Wales, Swansea    Order and diversity: representing and assisting organisational learning in non government aid organisations [Bangladesh]    Richard J DAVIES    Prof A Rew
1998    PhD    Kent    Law, nation and cosmology in Sri Lanka: deconstruction and the failure of closure    B R DE SILVE WIJEYERATNE
1998    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    Muslim women in colonial North India, c.1920-1947: politics, law and community identity    Karin A DEUTSCH    Dr R O’Hanlon
1998    PhD    Bath    Factors influencing the growth of sustainable people’s organisations at grassroots level: the case of Caritas DEEDS and Sangathan in Bangladesh    Benedict D’ROZARIO
1998    PhD    Aberdeen    South Asia: a case study of a subordinate internaltional system approach with a speicla reference fo India’s security policy during the Cold War    B DUSADEEISARIYAWONG
1998    PhD    London    Childhood cataract in South India: aetiology, management and outcome    M B ECKSTEIN
1998    PhD    Leeds    Neighbourhood perceptiopns of health and the value placed on health care deliverers in the slums of Mumbai    Nick EMMEL    Dr Ray Bush; J Soussan
1998    PhD    Strathclyde    Patrick Geddes, education and society in colonial India    Michael EYRE    Prof B R Tomlinson
1998    PhD    London, LSE    Migrants to citizens: changing orientations among Bangladeshis of Tower Hamlets, London    K S GAVRON
1998    PhD    Bradford    Evaluating the performance of public infrastructure: the case of electric power and telecommications in Pakistan    A G GHAFOOR
1998    PhD    Bradford    Budget deficits and the economy: the macro-economic effects of budget deficits in Sri Lanka, 1978-1996    Nandana Wijesiri GOONEWARDENA    Prof C Kirkpatrick; Mr Roland Clarke
1998    MPhil    Bradford    An assessment of the survival of dairy residues associated with archaeological and ethnographic ceramics: GC and GC/MS analysis of lipid residues extracted from archaeological (Bronze Age Harappa)and ethnographic (modern Pakistan and India)ceramic vessels    S M GRAYSON
1998    PhD    Southampton    Household structure, health and mortality in three Indian states    Paula L GRIFFITHS    Dr P Hinde
1998    PhD    London, Goldsmiths    Local politics in the Suru Valley of northern India    Nicola GRIST    Dr Sophie Day
1998    PhD    London, LSHTM    The impact of peer counsellers on breast feeding practices in Dhaka, Bangladesh    Rukhsana HAIDER

1998    PhD    Oxford Brookes    Spatial setting of manufacturing activities in the metropolitan cities of developing countries: the example of Dhaka, Bangladesh    Mahmudul HASAN
1998    DPhil    Oxford, Jesus    The Hindu Kush of Pakistan: mountain range evolution from an active margin to continent-continent collision    P R HILDEBRAND    Prof J F Dewe; Dr M P Searle
1998    PhD    London, Institute of Child Health    Iodine nutrition, cognition and school achievement of Bangladeshi schoolchildren    S N HUDA
1998    PhD    Open    Education as a missionary tool: a study in Christian missionary education by English Protestant missionaries in India with special reference to cultural change    J C INGLEBY
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    Urban planning in new Bombay: physical and socio-economic growth and development of a counter-magnet in India    Alain JAQUEMIN
1998    PhD    Open    A critical and comparative study of the relationship between missionary strategy, Dalit consciousness and socio-economic transformation in the missionary work by SPG among the Nadar and Paraiya communities of Tirunelveli District between 1830 and 1930    S JAYAKUMAR
1998    PhD    Birmingham    Portfolio behaviour ofIslamic banks: case studies for Pakistan, 1974-1994, and Iran, 1984-1994    K A A KAGIGI
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    Performative politics: artworks, festival praxis and nationalism with reference to Ganipatil Utsav in western India    Raminder Kaur KAHLON    Dr C Pinney
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    The Vishnu Hindu Parishad in the rise of Hindu militancy in India    Manjari KATJA    Dr Taylor
1998    PhD    Bradford    Foreign aid as a determinant of health expenditure, life expectancy at birth and infant mortality rate in Pakistan, 1971-1990    S G H KAZMI
1998    PhD    Reading    Farmers’ objectives and the choice of new crops in the irrigated farming systems of Pakistan’s Punjab    M A KHAN
1998    PhD    Reading    Improving the potential for adoption of agricultural technology through enhanced use of the mass media and the religious community in disadvantaged environments in Pakistan    N KHAN
1998    MPhil    Salford    Pakistan’s and international textile and clothing trade regime    S M KHAN
1998    MPhil    Manchester    Women’s access to credit and gender relations in Bangladesh    Mubina KHONDKAR    Dr D Hulme; Dr U Kothari
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    Politics of mass literacy in India; a case study of two North Indian villaages under the “Total Literacy” campaign (198-1995)    Ajay KUMAR    Dr S Kaviraj
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    Contesting seclusion: the political emergence of Muslim women in Bhopal, 1901-1930    Siobhan LAMBERT-HURLEY    Dr A A Powell
1998    PhD    Cambridge, Clare    Prosodic prominence in Singapore English    E L LOW    Dr F J D Nolan
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    Pativratas and Kupattis: gender, caste and identity in Punjab, 1870-1920    Anshu MALHOTRA    Dr A A Powell
1998    PhD    Warwick    Modelling macroeconomic adjustment with growth in developing economies: the case of India    Sushanta Kumar MALLICK
1998    PhD    London, UC    Religion, ritual and the pantheon amongst the Sinhalese Buddhist traders of Kandy City, Sri Lanka    Desmond MALLIKARACHCHI    Prof Bruce Kapferer; Dr Danny Miller
1998    DPhil    Sussex    Rapid credit deepening and the joint liability of credit contract: a study of Grameen Bank borrowers in Madhupur    Imran MATIN
1998    PhD    Leeds    Spatial and temporal change in the caste system: the Punjab to Bradford    D J MEDWAY
1998    DPhil    Sussex    Contexts of scarcity: the political economy of water in Kutch, India    Lyla MEHTA    Dr M Greeley
1998    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    Popular princes: kingship and social change in Travancore and Cochin, 1870-1930    Vikram MENON    Prof J M Brown; Dr D A Washbrook
1998    PhD    Manchester    Perception of adolescent problems by form four malay students in Sarawak, Malaysia    Z MERAWI
1998    DPhil    Sussex    The peculiar mission of Christian womanhood: the selection and preparation of women missionaries of the Church of England Zenana Missionary Society, 1880-1920    Jennifer MORAWIECKI    C A Dyhouse; Prof P M Thane
1998    PhD    Dundee    Approaches to the integrated management of potato cyst nematode in Pakistan    A MUNIR
1998    PhD    Wales    A study of the relation between Christianity and Khasi-Jaintia culture, 1899-1969, with particular reference to the theology and practice of the Khasi-Jaintia Presbyterian Church    L MYLLIEMNGAP
1998    PhD    London, Wye    The pineapple industry in Sri Lanka: constraints and opportunities for its future development    Arumugam NAGENDRAM
1998    PhD    Southampton    Study of rice blast fungus Magnaporthe grisea (Herbert)of Bangladesh    N S NAHAR
1998    PhD    London, LSHTM    A study of policy process and implementation of the national tuberculosis programme India    Thelma NARAYAN
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    English in the colonial university and the politics of language: the emergence of a public sphere in western India, 1830-1880    Veena NAREGAL    Dr S Kaviraj
1998    PhD    Southampton    Women in Bangladesh: a study of the effects of garment factory work on control over income and autonomy    M H NEWBY
1998    MPhil    Oxford, Hertford    Homeward bound ? the influence of the national norm on voluntary repatriation on the construction of Indian refugee policy with reference to the Bangladeshi Jumma refugees and the Sri Lanka Tamil refugees    Pia A OBEROI
1998    PhD    Southampton    Theorising nuclear weapons proliferation: understanding the nuclear policies of India, South Africa, North Korea and Ukraine    T OGILVIE-WHITE
1998    PhD    Queen’s, Belfast    Credit and women’s relative well-being: a case study of the Grameen Bank, Bangladesh    L N K OSMANI
1998    PhD    Warwick    Pakistani children in Oslo: Islamic nurture in a secular context    Sissel OSTBERG

1998    PhD    London, UC    Control of childhood epilepsy in rural India    D K PAL
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    The politics of development and identity in the Jharkhand Region of Bihar (India), 1951-1991    Amit PRAKASH
1998    PhD    Bristol    The Assam Movement and the construction of Assamese identity    G PRICE
1998    PhD    Lancaster    Social access to housing: a study of low-income settlements around the walled city of Amritsar, Punjab, India    N K PUREWAL
1998    PhD    Aberdeen    An analysis of beef and bovine marketing systems in Pothwar Plateau of Punjab, Pakistan    A H QURESHI
1998    PhD    Aberdeen    An analysis of beef and bovine marketing systems in Pothwar Plateau of Punjab, Pakistan    A H QURISHI
1998    PhD    Reading    The role of the migrant moneylenders in North East India: the Kabuliwallahs of Assam    S RAFIQUE
1998    MPhil    Newcastle    Integrated crop growth modelling system for Barind in Bangladesh    M S RAHMAN
1998    PhD    Kent    Socio legal status of Bengali women in Bangladesh: implications for development    S RAHMAN
1998    PhD    Wales, Bangor    Risk, store of wealth and land use choice: a socio-economic analysis of farmer adoption of woodlots in Karnataka, India    D RAVINDRAN
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    Idealizing motherhood: the brahmanical discourse on women in ancient India (c500 BCE-300CE)    Ujjayini RAY    Dr I J Leslie
1998    DPhil    Oxford, Somerville    British women writers on India between the mid-eighteenth century and 1857    Rosemary A RAZA    Prof J M Brown; Mr J M Prest
1998    PhD    London, LSE    Organisational identification of managers in multinational corporations: a quantitative case study in India and Pakistan    C E W READE
1998    PhD    London, RHBNC    Intense weathering regimes of Deccan basalts    Jennifer Lesley REEVES    Dr J N Walsh
1998    PhD    Leeds    Sedimentology and dynamics of mega-dunes, Jamuna River, Bangladesh    Julie Elizabeth RODEN    Prof P Ashworth
1998    PhD    Newcastle    Owner-occupiers’ transformation of public low-cost housing in Peninsular Malaysia    Azizah SALIM    Dr A G Tipple
1998    PhD    Strathclyde    A study in inter-sectoral relations of linkages, trade and technology: the case of Bangladesh (an application of input-output analysis)    Mohammed SALIMULLAH    Prof I McNicoll
1998    PhD    Wales, Swansea    Contraband trade between Sri Lanka and India    M SARVATHAN    Mr J Whetton
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    The transitional state: Congress and government in Uttar Pradesh, India, 1947-1955    Suhit Kumar SEN    Dr P G Robb
1998    PhD    Manchester    Gender implications of economic reforms in the education sector in India-care of Haryana abd Madhya Pradesh    Manju SENAPATY    Ms D Elson
1998    PhD    Cambridge, St Cath’s    The creation of religious identities in the Punjab, c,1850-1920    Anil SETHI    Prof C A Bayly
1998    PhD    Reading    Relative efficiency of crop production n the cotton-wheat cropping system of Pakistan’s Punjab    M SHAFIQ
1998    PhD    Nottingham    Educational management: an exploratory study of management roles and possibilities of management development at college level in AJK, Pakistan    Saeeda Jahan Ara SHAH    Dr M Parker-Jenkins; Dr M Griffiths
1998    DPhil    Oxford, Worcester    Muslim politics in the North West Frontier Province, 1937-1947    Sayed W A SHAH    Prof J M Brown
1998    PhD    Reading    Economic and non-economic factors that influence the adoption of no-tillage technologies at farm level in rice-wheat and cotton-wheat areas of Pakistana’s Punjab    A D SHEIKH
1998    PhD    Bradford    Project performance and the impact of official development assistance: aid to agricultural development in Pakistan    M K SHEIKH
1998    MLitt    Aberdeen    Selective evaluation of the cycle of women’s status through religious and social practices with special reference to Bengal    S K SIRKAR
1998    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    Transplanting liberal education: higher education in 19th century Bombay Presidency, India    Anne H E SLIWKA    Prof J M Brown
1998    MPhil    Newcastle    The  Permatent emergency shelter cum roofing unit for Bangladesh    David SORRILL    Dr A G Tipple
1998    PhD    Cambridge, Queens’    Colonialism and linguistic knowledge: John Gilchrist and the representation of Urdu in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries    R D STEADMAN-JONES    Dr V A Law
1998    PhD    London, LSHTM    Child work and school attendance in urban India    H TAYLOR    Prof I Timaeus; N Crook (SOAS)
1998    PhD    Edinburgh    Building Christianity on Indian foundations: the theological legacy of Brahmabandav Upadhyay (1861-1907)    Timothy Craig TENNENT
1998    PhD    Leeds    Homelands and the representation of cultural and political identity in selected South Asian texts, 1857 to the present    g f h TICKELL
1998    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    Between two civilisations: history and self representation of Bangladeshi Buddhism    Paola G TINTI    Prof R F Gombrich
1998    PhD    Kent    Readings in the works of Michael Ondaatje (1963-1982)    Monica TURCI    Prof C L Innes
1998    PhD    Queens, Belfast    Formal and de facto states of emergency: the Indian experience, 1947-1997    K S VENKATESWARAN
1998    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    Studies on the biology and control of Tropilaelaps clareae: Asian parasitic brood mite in Apis mellifera colonies in Islamabad, Pakistan    Camphour E S WAGHCHOURE
1998    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    Studies on the biology and control or Tropilaelaps clareae: Asian parasitic brood mites in Apis mellifera colonies in Islamabad, Pakistan    Elizabeth S WAGHCHOURE-CAMPHOR
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    India’s small scale industry policy: an evaluation and a case study    Trevor L WILLIAMS
1998    PhD    Aberdeen    Studies on weed populations in sugar cane in Sri Lanka    W R G WITHARAMA
1998    PhD    Strathclyde    Industrialization and economic growth: a case study of Bangladesh    A K M ZASHEEM UDDIN AHMED    Dr M M Huq
1998    PhD    Bristol    Sangathan: the pursuit of a Hindu ideal in colonial India: the idea of organisation in the emergence of Hindu nationalism, 1870-1930    John ZAVOS    Prof U King
1998    PhD    Ulster    Groundwater pollution and its environmental impact in Karachi Region (Pakistan)    A ZUBAIR
1999    PhD    London. LSE    Banking and debt recovery: a comparative study of the law and practice in India, Sri Lanka and Malaysia    Sonil G ABEYRATNE
1999    PhD    Oxford Brookes    A micro-level view of low-income rural housing in Bangaldesh    K I AHMED
1999    PhD    Cambridge    A political economy of industrial policy and development: a comparative study of Pakistan and Malaysia    A AKHLAQUE    Industrial productivity
1999    MPhil    Newcastle    An appraisal of processes of soil degradation in the Barind Tract, Bangladesh    S M M ALAM
1999    PhD    Leeds    Urban women in households and in the labour market under structural adjustment policy and programmes: a case study of Pakistani working women    K ALI
1999    DPhil    Oxford, Magdalen    Operationalising Amartya Sen’s capability approach: a framework for identifying valuable capabilities    S M ALKIRE    Prof F J Stewart; Prof J M Finnis
1999    PhD    Manchester    Economic reform in India since 1991 with particular reference to direct foreign investment and privatisation    Thanhkom ARUN    Prof F Nixson
1999    PhD    Hull    Opium and heroin production in Pakistan    A Z ASAD
1999    DPhil    York    Biodiversity and community ecology of mangrove plants, molluscs and crustaceans in two mangrove forests in Peninsular Malaysia in relation to local management practices    E C ASHTON
1999    PhD    Southampton    A multilevel model of the impact of health services on child mortality in Bangladesh    Michael Dennis ASHTON    Dr J McDdonald
1999    PhD    Southampton    Genetic diversity of jackfruit in Bangladesh and development of propagation methods    A K AZAD
1999    PhD    London, King’s    Nuclear weapons in the Indo-Pakistan conflict    Sanjay BADRI-MAHARAJ
1999    PhD    Leicester    The growth of farm firms through production,investment and capital formation in the rice-wheat zone of the Punjab Province of Pakistan    K A BAJWA
1999    PhD    Aberdeen    An economic analysis of farm household pluriactivity in Sri Lanka    G BALASURIYA
1999    DPhil    Oxford, St Cross    This work on Oriya literature and the Jagannath cult, 1866-1936: quest for identity    Subhakanta BEHERA    Dr F A Nizami
1999    PhD    London, UC    Structure of the DP in Bangla    Tanmoy BHATTACHARYA
1999    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    The politics of religious identity in South Asia in the late nineteenth century     Torkel BREKKE    Prof R F Gombrich
1999    MSc    Stirling    Investigations to the biology and ecology of an unidentified isopod affecting the CARE CAGES aquaculture programme, Bangladesh    P BULCOCK
1999    DPhil    Sussex    The global and the local in the post-colonial: popular music in Calcutta (1992-1997)    R CHAKRAVARTY
1999    PhD    London, SOAS    Change and continuity in Naqshbandi Sufism: Mujaddidi branch and its Hindu environment    T W P DAHNHARDT    Prof C Shackle
1999    PhD    Ulster    Traveller acts: a critical ethngraphy of backpacker India    K J DAVIDSON
1999    PhD    London , LSE    Tamil warps and wefts: an anthropological study of urban weavers in South India    Geert Raymond DE NEVE    Prof C Fuller; Prof J Parry
1999    PhD    London, Wye    Amelioration of the physical conditions of sandy soils with organic amendments under tropical conditions    S H S A DE SILVA
1999    PhD    Cambridge, Jesus    Youth, gender and community change: a case study of Bangladeshi students in an inner city    Eva DEBNATH    Dr M M Arnot
1999    PhD    Bath    One foot in each boat: the macro politics and micro sociology of NGOs in Bangladesh    Joseph DEVINE    Dr G D Wood; Dr A McGregor
1999    PhD    London, RHUL    The image of the prophet in Bengali Muslim piety, 1850-1950    Amit DEY    Prof F C R Robinson
1999    PhD    London, RHBNC    Images of the Prophet in Bengali Muslim piety, 1850-1950    Amit DEY    Prof F R C Robinson
1999    PhD    London, LSE    Women and gold: gender and urbanisation in comtemporary Bengal    Fentje Henrike DONNER    Dr J F Parry; Dr C Fuller
1999    DPhil    Oxford, Linacre    A study of the origin, evolution and role in society of a group of chiselled steel Hindu arms and armour from Southern India, c.1400-1800 A D    Robert F W ELGOOD    Dr Schuyler Jones

1999    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    Caste, ethnicity and nation in the politics of the Muslims of Tamil Nadu, 1930-1967    S M A K FAKHRI    Dr R S Chandravarkar
1999    PhD    Cambridge, Selwyn    The ecology and behaviour of the pig-tailed macaque (Macaca Nemestrina Leonina)in Bangladesh    M M FEEROZ
1999    PhD    Wales    At the feet of the goddess: a comparative study of local goddess worship in Khurdapur, a village settlement in Orisssa and Cholavandan, a small town in Tamil Nadu    L F FOULSTON
1999    PhD    Leeds    Socio-economic changes in the peri-urban villages in Penang, Malaysia    Suriati GHAZALI    Dr D Preston
1999    PhD    London, SOAS    The dynamics of scientific culture under a colonial state: Western India, 1823-1880    Vaswati Bidhan Chandra GHOSH    Prof P G Robb
1999    PhD    Southampton    A passage from India: British women travelling home, 1915-1947    Georgina GOWANS
1999    PhD    London, External    Solid waste management: a case study of Delhi    V I GROVER
1999    PhD    Aberdeen    A study of factors influencing participation in joint forest management in the northwest Himalayas, India    H K GUPTA
1999    PhD     Southampton    British relations with the Marathas under the Wellesley regime     William A C HALLIWELL    Dr C M Woolgar
1999    PhD    Leeds    A corpus-based study of apposition in written Malay    H A HAROON
1999    PhD    London, UC    The vulnerability of the Dupi Tila Aquifer, Daka, Bangladesh    Muhammed Kamrul HASAN    Dr W G Burgess; Dr J Dottridge
1999    PhD    London, LSHTM    The prevalence of reproductive tract infections in rural Bangladesh    Sarah Jane HAWKES
1999    PhD    Warwick    The colonial city and the challenge of modernity: urban hegemonies and civic contestations in Bombay City, 1905-1925    H HAZAREESINGH
1999    PhD    Warwick    Gandhi and the Muslim question    Sandip HAZARIESINGH    Dr D A Washbrook
1999    PhD    London    Malaria in Afghan refugee communities in North-Western Pakistan: appropriate strategies for vector control and personal protection    S E HEWITT
1999    PhD    London, SOAS    Kings, things and courtly ideal in pre-colonial south India, 1500-1800    Jennifer Anne HOWES    Dr Giles Tillitson
1999    PhD    Cambridge, Clare    The Gujerati literati and the construction of a regional identity in the late 19th century    Riho ISAKA    Dr R S Chandavarkar
1999    DPhil    Sussex    The Grameen Bank: rhetoric and reality    Sanae ITO    Dr M T Greeley
1999    PhD    Stirling    Gender and management: factors affecting career advancement of women in the federal civil service of Pakistan    N JABEEN
1999    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    Hindu identity, nationalism and globalization    S R JACOBS
1999    PhD    Reading    Residual effect of phosphate fertiliser measured using the Olsen method in Pakistani soils    Shahid JAVID
1999    PhD    Edinburgh    When horizons darken: the process and experience of religious conversion among Sri Lankan Tamil refugees in London    A W JEBANESAN
1999    DPhil    Oxford, Nuffield    Press and Empire: the London press, government news management and India, c.1900-1922    Chandrika KAUL    Dr J G Darwin
1999    PhD    Edinburgh    Informal Islamic leadership in a Bangladeshi village    Jeffrey William John KEMP
1999    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    The economics of milk production and marketing in the development of Pakistan with special reference to Peshawar District    M KHAN
1999    PhD    Essex    Narratives of rise and fall: family, memory and mobility in Jaipur City    Ajay K KHANDELWAL    Prof P Thompson
1999    PhD    Durham    The provision of infrastructure services in Rohtak and Bhiwani Districts, Haryana, India, 1981-1998: a geographical analysis    N KUMAR
1999    PhD    Edinburgh    From people’s theatre to people’s Eucharist: resources from popular theatre for Eucharist reform in the Church of South India, Kerala State.    George KURUVILLA
1999    PhD    Nottingham    Spectrohistory: new historicism and beyond in Salman Rushdie’s novels    C-H LAI
1999    PhD    London, SOAS    Institutional and social change among the Muslims of Malabar, with special refernce to Calicut, 1870-1947    Lakshminarayayanapuram R S LAKSHMI    Dr Avril A Powell
1999    PhD    London, LSE    India’s relationship with the non-resident Indians, 1947-1996: a missed opportunity ?    Marie-Carine LALL
1999    PhD    London, SOAS    The Islamic marble carving and architecture of Cambay in Gujerat between 1200 and 1350: a collection of merits from difference sources    E A LAMBOURN
1999    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Science and related consciousness: a study of the response to modern science in colonial Bengal. c 1870-1930    John Bosco LOURDUSAMY    Dr D A Washbrook
1999    PhD    Manchester    Runoff modelling from large glacierised basins in the Karakoram Himalayas using remote sensing of the transient snowline    A LOWE
1999    MPhil    Edinburgh    The influence of light availability on attack by the mahogany shoot-borer (Hypsipyla rubusta Moore)in Sri Lanka    M R MAHROOF
1999    PhD    Kent    The interpretation of Islam and nationalism by the elite through the English language media in Pakistan    A L MAJOR
1999    PhD    Hull    Ethnicity and politics in the Kashmir Valley    I S MALIK
1999    PhD    London, LSHTM    Undernutrition and impaired functional ability amongst elderly slum dwellers in Mumbai, India    Mary C MANANDHAR
1999    PhD    East Anglia    Cotton leaf curl disease in Pakistan: molecular characterisation, diagnostics and genetically engineered virus resistance    S MANSOOR
1999    PhD    Birmingham    Some historical responses to disability in South Asia and reflections on service provision, with focus on mental retardation in India, Pakistan and Bangladesh, and some consideration of blindness    M MILES
1999    PhD    Kent    Sacred anthropology: a study of nondual conceptions of man in Hinduism and Christianity    J R MILNE
1999    PhD    Hull    Perception of Islam in Indian nationalist thought    A MISRA
1999    PhD    London, Inst Comm    The politics of privatisation in Bangladesh    Mobasser MONEM    Prof J Manor
1999    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    The Kisan world abd human rights: a displaced people of eastern India    Ranjit NAYAK    Dr K J Hart
1999    PhD    Salford    An analysius of information systems development across time and space: the case of outsourcing to Infia    Brian NICHOLSON
1999    MLitt    Oxford, St Anne’s    Shaikh Mohammad Abdulllah and the movement for Muslim female education in North India (1890-1945)    Farah NIZAMI    Prof J M Brown; Prof F Robinson
1999    DPhil    Oxford, Lincoln    India, parliament and the press under George III: a study of British attitudes towards the East India Company amd empire in the later 18th and early 19th centuries    Jeremy R OSBORN    Dr D A Washbrook
1999    DPhil    Oxford, Brasenose    Identity and institutions in ethnic conflict:the Muslims of Sri Lanka    Meghan L O’SULLIVAN    Dr N Gooptu
1999    PhD    Warwick    Labour and land rights of women in rural India with particular reference to Western Orissa    Reena PATEL
1999    PhD    Edinburgh    Legislating forests in colonial India, 1800-1880    Akhileshwar PATHAK
1999    DPhil    York    An environmental Leibenstein framework: population pressure, agricultural land use and and environmental change in Orissa (India)    Lopamudra PATNAIK    Prof C Perrings
1999    PhD    Edinburgh    Social and cultural processes of healing and rehabilitation in Sri Lanka    Abigail PENNY    Dr J Spencer
1999    PhD    City    Development and international business: an application to India    M RAMAN
1999    PhD    Liverpool    Fertility in Kerala: the impacts of social development policies and gender relations    Linda REICHENFELD    Prof R I Woods; Mr W T S Gould
1999    PhD    London     Paleoclimate of South Asia over the last 80 ka: luminescent ages of sediments from former glaciations in Nepal and Pakistan    B W M RICHARDS
1999    PhD    Nottingham    Fiscal response to foreign aid: applications to Pakistan and Costa Rica    S E RODRIGUEZ

2000    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    Religion and the economics of fertility in South India    S IYER
2000    MPhil    London, Inst Ed    Privatisation and equity: the case of Pakistan urban secondary schools    B R JAMIL
2000    PhD     Exeter    The Penjdeh crisis and its impact on the Great Game and the defence of India, 1885-1897     Robert A JOHNSON    Prof J Black
2000    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    The state and the political economy of industrial development in India: the automobile industry circa 1980-1996    Indraneel KARLEKAR    Dr S E Corbridge
2000    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Gender, identity and development among the Wakhi of northern Pakistan    Sabrina KASSAM-JAN    Dr D Parkes; Dr N J Allen
2000    PhD    Exeter    Drug addiction syndrome among university students in Pakistan    W KAUSAR
2000    PhD    Bath    Struggle for survival: networks and relationships in a Bangladesh slum    M Iqbal Alam KHAN    Prof G Wood; Dr J A McGregor
2000    PhD    Cambridge, Queens’    An empirical study of human resource management in a developing country – the case of the banking industry of Pakistan    Shaista Ensan KHILJI    Mr C G Gill
2000    PhD    Cambridge. Queens    Human resource management in a developing country: the case of banking industry in Pakistan    S E KHILJI    Mr C G Gill
2000    PhD    Cambridge, Fitzwilliam    A study of debates on Christian conversion in India, 1947-1999 from the perspective of Christian mission    Sebastian Chang-Hwan KIM    Dr B Stanley
2000    DPhil    Oxford, St Edmund Hall    The “domestic” world of the Mughals in the reigns of Babar, Humayan and Akbar (1500-1605)    Ruby LAL    Dr D A Washbrook;  Dr J D Gurney
2000    PhD    East Anglia    Perceiving disability and practising community-based rehabilitiation: a critical examination with case studies from south India    R P LANG
2000    PhD    Keele    The internationalisation of Malaysian business and its relevance to Malay entrepreneurs    A J MAHAJAR
2000    PhD    Birmingham    The administration of waqf, pious endowment in Islam: a critical study of the State Islamic Religious Councils as the sole trustees of awqaf assets and the implementation of istibdal in Malaysia with special reference to the Federal Territory of Kuala Lumpur    S M MAHAMOOD
2000    PhD    Strathclyde    Price competetitiveness and performance of manufactured exports: the case of Pakistan    Seema K MAKHDOOMI    Dr M Huq; Prof J Love
2000    MPhil    Nottingham    Levels of flat ownership by middle-income households in Dhaka, Bangladesh    Nasima MATIN    Mr S Jalloh; Prof J C Moughtin
2000    MPhil    London, LSE    European images of India before the rise of orientalism in the late eighteenth century    Kyoko MATSUKAWA    Dr G Wilson
2000    PhD    East London    Thermal comfort in havelis of Jaisalmer    Jane MATTHEWS
2000    DPhil    Sussex    Distress diversification or growth linkages ? Explaining rural non-farm employment variations in Andhra Pradesh, India    Prasado R MECHARIA    D M Hunt
2000    PhD    Bradford    Social policy in Malaysia: a study of social support for the elderly in a rural area    N MOHAMED
2000    PhD    Oxford Brookes    Seismic interpretation and sequence stratigraphy of the offshore Indus basin of Pakistan    S MOHAMMAD
2000    PhD    London    Nationalism, literature and ideology in colonial India and occupied Egypt    A A  MONDAL
2000    MPhil    Manchester    Burma and British Cold War policy, 1946-1951    Benjamin John MORRIS    Dr P C Lowe
2000    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Gender, work and familial ideology: women workers in the unorganised garment export industry, New Delhi, India    T MUKHOPADHYAY    Prof G P Hawthorn
2000    PhD    Newcastle    Supply reponse of major agricultural commodities in Pakistan    K MUSHTAQ
2000    MPhil    London, SOAS    Political economic dimensions of East Asian development: South Korea, India    Rajiv Chitazhi NARAYAN    Dr R H Taylor
2000    DPhil    Oxford, Christ Church    Conservation management of the tiger, Panthera Tigris Tigris, in Bandhavgarh National Park, India    Latika NATH    Dr D W MacDonald
2000    PhD    LSHTM    Epidemiological immunochemistry of Helicobacter pylori in Jessore, BBHangladesh    J NESSA
2000    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    An operational evaluation test of MEDLINE on CD-ROM  in Malaysia with special reference to investigating practicable relevance-based perfoormance measures    Roslina OTHMAN
2000    PhD    Hull    Changing dimensions of single European Market: implications for the non-member countries – a case study on India’s textile and clothing exports    S Gnanasekara PANDIAN
2000    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    Technology and environmental leapfrogging: three case studies from India    R M PERKINS    Dr B Vira
2000    PhD    London, LSE    Legal systems as a determinant of foreign direct investment: the case of Sri Lanka    Amanda Joan PERRY    Mr P Muchlinski
2000    PhD    Lancaster    A critical ethnography on the production of the Indian MBA discourse    E PRIYADHARSHINI
2000    PhD    Nottingham Trent    Douglarisation and the politics of Indian/African relations in Trinidad writing    Sheila RAMPERSAD
2000    PhD    Edinburgh    Another member of our family: aspects of television culture and social change in Varanasi, North India    Simon William ROBERTS    Dr A Good; Dr J Spencer
2000    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Communal conflict in Bengal, 1930-1947: political parties, the Muslim intelligentsia and the Pakistan Movement    Sulagna ROY    Dr R S Chandavarkar
2000    PhD    Cambridge    Matrilineal comunities, patriarchial realities: female headship in eastern Sri Lanka – a feminist economic reading    K N RUWANPURA    Mrs S Fennell
2000    MPhil    Newcastle    Modelling privatised minor irrigation systems in Bangladesh: an economic analysis    F I M G W SARKER
2000    PhD    Durham    The influence of British political thought in China and India: the cases of Sun Yat-Sen, Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru    N A SCOTT
2000    PhD    Wales, Bangor    The influence of farmer knowledge, shade and planting density on smallholder rubber/banana intercropping in Sri Lanka    A M W K SENEVIRATHNA
2000    DPhil    Sussex    Mother/child health and health care in Pakistan    Shafqat SHEHZAD    Mr P Chaudhuri; Dr A Wagstaff
2000    PhD    Southampton    Constitutional rights relating to criminal justice in South Asia: a comparison with the European Convention on Human Rights    Kabiniyage Buddhappriya Asola SILVA
2000    PhD    Warwick    Gendered labour process and flexibility: a study of jewellery production in India    U SONI-SINHA
2000    PhD    London, SOAS    The impact of Islamization on the Christian community of Pakistan    P SOOKHDEO
2000    PhD    Southampton    The impact of rural-urban migration on child survival in India    Robert STEPHENSON    Dr J McDdonald
2000    PhD    Open    Coproducing universal primary education in a context of social exclusion: households, community organisations and state administration in a district of Karnataka, India    R SUBRAHMANIAN
2000    PhD    Edinburgh    Development of a range management decision support system (RAMDSS)for forest planning in the Banavasi Range of the Western Ghats, India    Ramanathan SUGUMARAN
2000    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Women’s political strategies to combat poverty: a study of a squatter settlement in Dhaka    S M SULTAN    Dr R S Chandavarkar
2000    PhD    Cambridge, Wolfson    Mapping hinduism: “Hinduism” and the study of Indian religions, 1630-1776    Barry W H  SWEETMAN    Dr J Lipner
2000    PhD    Essex    The perception of social support and the experience of depression in Pakistani women    E TAREEN
2000    PhD    Southampton    Rural poverty and the role of the non-farm sector in economic development: the Indian experience    M TIWARI
2000    PhD    Portsmouth    Illiteracy in India: a multi-level analysis    S VENKATASUBRAMANIAN
2000    PhD    Warwick    The influence of culture and politics on accounting change in India from 1947 to 1998    Shradda VERMA
2000    PhD    Cambridge, Corpus    Cranial diversity and the evolutionary history of South Asians    Samanti Dineshkumari WARUSAWITHANA KULATILAKE
2000    MPhil    Wales, Aberystwyth    Britain and the Muslims: imperial perceptions of Indian Muslims, 1914-1922    R A J WHITE
2000    MPhil    Oxford, St Cross    Released on both sides ? The origin and position of formless meditation in early Indian Buddhism    Alexander WYNNE    Prof R F Gombrich
2000    PhD    Edinburgh    The forest cooks and the people eat: nature and society in Mayurbhanj, Orissa    Hannele Kirsi Aija YLO’NEN
2000    PhD    Bradford    Agriculture and pastorarlism in the late Bronze Age, North West Frontier, Pakistan    R L YOUNG
2001    MPhil    Glasgow    Colonisation and Hijab: a case study of Egypt and India    N AHMAD
2001    PhD    Stirling    Socio-economic aspects of freshwater prawn culture development in Bangladesh    N AHMED
2001    PhD    Leeds    Thalassaemia carrier testing in pregnant Pakistani women: perceptions of “information ” and “consent”    Shenaz AHMED
2001    PhD    London, SOAS    Early Indian moulded terracotta: the emergence of an iconography and variations in style, circa second century BC to first century AD    Naman Parmeshwar AHUJA
2001    PhD    Essex    Pakistan’s export performance, 1972-1998    M AKBAR
2001    PhD    Durham    Slaves of water: indigenous knowledge of fisheries on the floodplain of Bangladesh    M ALAM
2001    PhD    Aberdeen    Evaluation of environmental sustainability of forest land use policies of Bangladesh    Mohammad ALI
2001    PhD    Aberdeen    The effects of low temperature and seed quality on the germination of fifteen rice (Oryza sative L)cultivars from Bangladesh    M G  ALI
2001    PhD    Portsmouth    The rise of a service class culture in India: the software industry in Bangalore    Elaine ASSAR
2001    PhD    Portsmouth    The emergence of a new culture class: the software industry in Bangalore, India    Elain Risa ASSER    Dr P Churmer-Smit
2001    PhD    Brunel    The development of India’s crafts and their implication upon Indo-European furniture    N W BAMFORTH
2001    PhD    Strathclyde    A critique of tourism development planning: a case of Sri Lanka    H M BANDARA
2001    PhD    Wales, Bangor    Developing fodder resources on the forest grassland of tribal areas in western India    Peter George BEZKOROWAJNYI
2001    PhD    Bristol    Conceptions: an exploration of infertility and assisted conception in India    A BHARADWAJ
2001    PhD    Oxford, St Antony’s    The emergence of the Bombay film industry, 1913-1937    Kaushik BHAUMIK    Dr D A Washbrook
2001    PhD    Strathclyde    Consumer preferences and public policy: a case study of water supply and waste management in Madras (Chennai), India    A P BHAYAN KARAM
2001    PhD    Strathclyde    Contingent variation in a developing metropolis: an exploration of water and waste management in Madres    Anand Prathivadi BHAYANKARAM    Mr R Perman
2001    PhD    Kingston    The initiation and magmatic evolution of a juvenile island arc: the Kohistan arc, Pakistan Himalaya    S M BIGNOLD
2001    PhD    London, LSHTM    The rational use of blood in India: intervention to promote good transfusion practice    Timothy John BRAY
2001    PhD    Aberdeen    Chipko and crofter: land movements in northern India and the Highlands of Scotland    Nandini B CHADHA    Mr W T C Brotherstone; Dr J Forster
2001    PhD    Strathclyde    The impact of trade policy on growth in India    Ramesh CHANDRA    Prof J Love
2001    PhD    Cambridge, Girton    Colonial power and agrarian politics in Kheda District (Gujarat), c.1890-1930    Vinayak CHATURVEDI    Prof C A Bayly
2001    PhD    Leeds    Appropriate disposal of sewage in urban and suburban Sri Lanka    E J H COREA
2001    PhD    London, RHUL    Faith, unity, discipline: the making of a socio-political formation in urban India, Lahore,1935-1953    Markus DAECHSEL    Prof F C R Robinson
2001    PhD    Cambridge, Sidney     Whither urban governance ? Self-help civil society, political conflicts and environmental services in Chennai, India    S L DAHIYA    Dr B J Devereux
2001    PhD    Glasgow    The Bengal Army and the outbreak of the Indian Mutiny, 1856-1857    Julian Saul Markham DAVID    Prof H F A Strachen
2001    PhD    London    Air pollution and agricultural insect pests in urban and peri-urban areas of India    C DAVIES
2001    PhD    Essex    No time to play: social, economic and legal dimensions of child labour practices in India    Rie DEBABRATA
2001    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    Sikh discourses of community and sovereignty in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries     Jeevan S DEOL    Prof C A Bayley
2001    PhD    Exeter    The effects of marital dissolution, fertility and contraceptive behaviour among men and woimen in Addu Atoll, Maldives    Aminath Mohamed DIDI    Dr N Ford; Dr A Ankomah
2001    PhD    Cambridge, Queens’    The scars of piety: Islam and the dynamics of religious dispute on Androth Island, South India    Brian John DIDIER    Dr J A Laidlaw
2001    PhD    London, RHUL    Traditional rule and western conventions: the Maharajas of Bikaner and their partnership with the Raj, 1887-1947    Paolo DURISOTTO    Prof F C R Robinson
2001    PhD    Loughborough    Venture capital financing in India: a study of venture capitalist’s valuation, structuring and monitoring practices     Mansoor DURRANI
2001    PhD    Cambridge, Clare Hall    Commerce and diaspora: locating the business practices of Hindu Sindhis     Mark Anthony FALZON    Dr J A Laidlaw
2001    PhD    London, SOAS    Buddhist narratives in Burmese murals    Alexandra Raissa GREEN    Dr E H Moore; Dr G H R Tillitson
2001    PhD    Lancaster    A critical review of ecological impact assessment in Sri Lanka: with particular reference to the shrimp aquaculture industry    Miriya Prasanni GUNAWARDENA
2001    DrPH    London, LSHTM    Regulation of the private health care sector in Pakistan    Ajmal HAMID
2001    PhD    South Bank    Social exclusion and women’s health in Lahore, Pakistan    N A HAMID
2001    PhD    Liverpool    Identity, conflict and nationalism: the Naga and Kuki peoples of northeast India and northwest Burma    Seilen HAOKIP
2001    MPhil    London, LSE    Humanitarian assistance: the relationship between NGOs and the government of Sri Lanka    Marit HAUG    Prof C Fuller; Prof M Light
2001    PhD    Durham    The engineering behaviour of the tropical clay soils of Dhaka, Bangladesh    A S HOSSAIN
2001    PhD    London, Imperial    The nitrogen economy of rice-based cropping systems in Bangladesh    F HOSSAIN
2001    PhD    Southampton    Assessment of family planning outreach workers’ contact and contraceptive use dynamics in rural Bangladesh using multilevel modelling    M B HOSSAIN
2001    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Essays on consumption and asset mobility in rural Pakistan: a microeconomic approach    Taimur HYAT    Prof B Harriss-White
2001    PhD    Leeds    Internet implementation and strategic subsidiary context of Malaysias subsidiaries located in the UK    Azizi Ali IBRAHIM
2001    PhD    Edinburgh    The scent of jasmine: experiencing knowledge and emotion in cross cultural contextrs of South Indian classical dance    Joanna Rose JACOBSON
2001    PhD    Stirling    Fishery biology and population dynamics of shrimps (Penaeua indicus)and Metapenaeus dobsoni)in the lagoon and coastal area of Negombo, Sri Lanka    P A A T JAYAWARDANE
2001    PhD    Birmingham    A cluster randomised controlled trial of reorganising maternal health services in Sindh, Pakistan    A H JOKHIO
2001    DPhil    Oxford, St Edmund Hall    Christian and non-Christian Angami Nagas with special reference to traditional healing practices    Vibha JOSHI    Dr N J Allen
2001    PhD    London, SOAS    The making of colonial psychiatry, Bombay Presidentcy, 1849-1940    Shruti KAPILA    Prof D J Arnold
2001    PhD    London, Inst Comm.    Security, development and political accommodation in Bangladesh    Shahnaz KARIM    Prof J Manor; Prof R F Holland
2001    PhD    Southampton    Maternal health care utilisation among the urban poor of Maharashtra, India    F KAUSAR
2001    DPhil    Oxford    Echo words in Tamil    Elinor KEANE
2001    PhD    Newcastle    Enhancement of nutritional quality of straw-based diets in Pakistan by urea treatment or suppementation with protein or energy    Muhammad Aslam KHAN
2001    PhD    Nottingham    Environmental hazards, risk perception and general environmental beliefs: a cross cultural study between UK and Pakistan    N R KHAN
2001    DPhil    Oxford, Wadham    Poverty in Pakistan: a study on health, nutrition, income and consumption    Salman H KHAN    Dr C Muller
2001    DPhil    Oxford, Wadham    State, society and labour in colonial Bombay, 1893-1918    Prashant K KIDAMBI    Dr D A Washbrook
2001    PhD    Birminghm    Mission pneumatology with special reference to the Indian theologies of the holy spirit of Stanley Samartha, Vandana and Samuel Rayan    K KIM
2001    PhD    Reading    Sociolinguistic variation in urban India: a study of Marathi-speaking adolescents in Pune    Sonal KULKARNI
2001    PhD    Birmingham    British South Asian identities and the popular cultures of British Bhangra music, Bollywod films and Zee TV in Birmringham    r KUMAR DUDRAH
2001    PhD    London, External    Sarangi style in North Indian art music    Nicolas Fairchild MAGRIEL    Dr R Widdess
2001    PhD    Lancaster    Economic reforms in India: impact on savings and productivity of the manufacturing sector    Vidya MAHAMBARE    Prof V N Balasubramanyam
2001    PhD    Stirling    Small scale multispecies demersal fishery off Negombo, Sri Lanka    R R P MALDENIYA
2001    PhD    Oxford, St Antony’s    A reluctant warrior: Hong Kong in Anglo-American interactions, 1949-1957    Chi Kwan MARK    Dr R J Foot
2001    PhD    Brunel    Rushdie’s legacy: the emergence of a radical British Muslim identity    G A McROY
2001    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    African NGOs: turning knowledge and experience into power    Sarah G MICHAEL    Dr C Elliott
2001    PhD    London, SOAS    Painting awareness: a study in the use of exotic cultural traditions by the artists of the Emperor Akbar’s Khamsa of Nizami    Gregory B MINISSALE
2001    PhD    Leeds    Weak market efficiency and the determinants of share returns: a study of the listed companies on the Dhaka Stock Exchange    Asma MOBAREK    Prof K Keasey; Dr H Short
2001    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Love and marriage in Delhi    Perveez MODY SPENCER    Dr J A Laidlaw
2001    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    Dispute settlement mechanism in the ASEAN free trade area (AFTA}    Rahmat MOHAMAD
2001    PhD    Leeds    Dividend policy and behaviour and security price reaction to the announcement of dividends in an emergency market: a study of companies listed on the Dhaka Stock Exchange    A Sabur MOLLAH    Prof K Keasey
2001    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    Writing crime, writing empire: representing the colony in nineteenth century fiction fo crime    Upamanyu Pablo MUKHERJEE    Prof C I Donaldson
2001    PhD    Kent    On the strength of a likeness: Kipling and the analogical connections between India and Ireland    Kaori NAGAI
2001    PhD    Leeds    Perceptions of empowerment and reproductive health decisions amongst rural India women    Ann Marie NICHOLS    Dr Ray Bush; Dr Z Aydin
2001    PhD    London, LSE    The Singapore entrepreneurial state in China: a sociological study of the Suzhou industrial park, 1992-1999    Alexius A PEREIRA    Dr A Power
2001    PhD    Hull    Population biology and management of hilsa shad (Tenualosa ilisha)in Bangladesh    Md Jalilur RAHMAN
2001    PhD    London, LSHTM    Utilisation of primary health care services in rural Bangladesh: the population and provider perspectives    S A RAHMAN
2001    PhD    Manchester    Modelling demand and supply in Bangladesh agriculture: a computable general equilibrium approach to public policy and economic welfare    S M Osman RAHMAN    Dr N Russell
2001    PhD    City    The evolving devi: education, employment and British Hindu Gujerati women’s identity    Hasmita RAMJI
2001    DPhil    Oxford, Christ Church    Constrictions of identity and cultural translation in relation to origin and destination: a generational comparison of South Asian expatriate and immigrant writers in Britain (1937-present)    Ruvani RANASINHA    Dr J A Mee
2001    PhD    London, QMW    Public interest environmental legislation in India, Pakistan and Bangladesh    J RAZZAQUE
2001    PhD    Manchester    Participation and protected area conservation in India: ecodevelopment theory and practice    Trevor Pritchard REES    Prof D Hulme
2001    PhD    Cambridge, Clare Hall    The making of ethnoHinduism: communalism, reservations and the Ahmedabad riot of 1985    Ornit SHANI    Dr R S Chandravarkar
2001    PhD    London, LSE    Merchants, “saints” and sailors: the social production of islamic reform in a port town of western India    Edward Lawrence SIMPSON
2001    PhD    Wales, Swansea    Gender participation and community forestry: the case of joint forest management in Madhya Pradesh, India    R SINGH
2001    PhD    Reading    International experience of plant variety protection: lessons for India    Chittur SSRINIVASAN    Prof C G Thirtle
2001    PhD    Cambridge, Sidney Sussex    Ecological institutions: joint forest management in Bihar (Jharkhand)and West Bengal, India    M TIWARY    Dr S E Corbridge
2001    PhD    Cambridge, Gonville    Contested notions of sovereignty in Bengal under British rule, 1765-1785    Thomas R TRAVERS    Prof C A Bayly
2001    MPhil    Open    The legacy of the controversies: the continuing impact on interfaith encounters in Sri Lanka of nineteenth century controversies between Buddhists and Christians     M S VASANTHAKUMAR
2001    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    The appeal of a modern god-person in contemporary India: the case of Mata Amritanandamayi and her mission    M WARRIER    Dr S B Bayley
2001    PhD    Hertfordshire    Identifying potential barriers to business process and information systems reengineering in Sri Lanka    V WEERAKKODY
2001    PhD    Southampton    Short birth intervals and infant health in India    Alison K WHITWORTH
2001    DPhil    Oxford, St Hughes    Governing property, making law: British conceptions of agrarian society and the administration of rural Bengal, c.1785-1835    Jon E WILSON    Dr D A Washbrook
2001    DPhil    Oxford, St Cross    Process analysis of a total literacy campaign in India: a case study of Udaiput District    Rie YAGI    Dr C Brock
2001    PhD    Loughborough    The globalisation of Western advertising: a case study of the impact of imported advertising on cultural values    Azizul Halim YAHYA
2001    PhD    London, SOAS    The intertextuality of women in Urdu litterature: a study of Fahmida Riaz and Kishwar Naheed    Amina YAQIN
2002    PhD    Wales, Bangor    Basic needs analysis of social forestry participants in northwest Bangladesh    S AKHTER    Prof C Price
2002    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Child labour in the Bombay Presidency, 1850-1920    Emma Catherine ALEXANDER    Dr R S Chandavarkar
2002    PhD    London, Imperial    Biological variation and chemical control of Rhizoctonia solani causing rice sheath blight disease in Bangladesh    Md Ansar ALI
2002    PhD    LSHTM    An analysis of private hospital markets in Bangladesh    M A AMIN
2002    PhD    Stirling    A question of “Chineseness”: the Chinese diaspora in Singapore, 1819-1950s    Lynn Ling-Yin ANG    Dr S Mishra
2002    MPhil    Newcastle    Trophy hunting and conservation: Himalayan Ibrex Capra Ibex sibirica in northern Pakistan    Masood ARSHAD
2002    PhD    London    The political economy of policy reform: labour market regulation in India    Roli ASTHANA
2002    PhD    Sheffield    Children’s drawings as research tool: establishing children’s environmental concepts and preferences with reference to urban openspace planning design in Johore Bahru, Malaysia    M S A BAKAR
2002    PhD    London, SOAS    Buddhism and shamanism in village Sikkim    A BALIKCI
2002    DPhil    Oxford, Somerville    The other side of the Raj: representation of colonial India in the writings of Edward John Thompson    Nilanjana BANERJI    Prof R J C Young
2002    PhD    London, SOAS    An investigation into the 56 Vinayakas in Banares and their origins    Isabelle O T BERMIJN
2002    DPhil    Oxford, Linacre    Biodiversity and conservation of a cultural landscape in the Western ghats of India    Shonil A BHAGWAT    Dr N D Brown; Dr P S Savill
2002    DPhil    Oxford, St Anne’s    Stylistic features of Sanskrit in the Upanisads and Pali in early Buddhist texts with special reference to prose word order    Pathompong BODHIPRASIDDHINAND    Prof R F Gombrich
2002    PhD    Cambridge, Wolfson    Archaeological science as anthropology: time, space and matreriality in rural India and the ancient past    Nicole Lise BOIVIN    Dr C A French
2002    MPhil    London, Birkbeck    Religion and the experiences of Indo-Pakistani women in the fiction of Bharati Mukherjee, Bapsi Sidhwa, Hanif Kureishi and Salmon Rushdie    N H BOWEN
2002    PhD    London, SOAS    Baloch nationalism: its origin and development up to 1980    Taj Mohammad BRESEEG
2002    PhD    London    Asakta Karman in the Bhagavadgita    Simon Pearse BRODBECK
2002    PhD    London, SOAS    Indian religions    Simon Pearse BRODBECK
2002    PhD    Newcastle    The integration of poverty-focused aquaculture in large-scale irrigation systems in South Asia    Cecile D BRUGERE
2002    PhD    London    Local governance in Calcutta: bureaucratic performance and health care delivery    Indranil CHAKRABARTI
2002    MLitt    Oxford, St Antony’s    Ashraf identity in early Urdu fiction    Shardul Kumar CHATURVEDI    Dr D A Washbrook; Dr N Gooptu
2002    PhD    Bristol    Towards the socialisation of children’s learning: pupils, parents and primary education in an Indian district – an ethnographic survey    Rita CHAWLA-DUGGAN
2002    PhD    London, UC    The influence of ethnicity and beliefs on the course and outcome of schizophrenia in Singapore    J L CHUA
2002    PhD    London, LSE    Social mobility in a Chamar community in eastern Uttar Pradesh, northern Indian    Manuela CIOTTI
2002    DPhil    Sussex    Rural poverty in Bangaldesh: a comparative study of determinants of economic well-being and inequality    Maria Jose A  CORTIJO
2002    PhD    Open    Environmental impact of Deccan Trap flood basalt volcanism: assessment of regional floral responses to late Cretaceous-early Tertiary activity    Jennifer Ann CRIPPS
2002    PhD    De Montfort    Maharashtra and the cross-fertilisation of style of Brahmanical caves in India    Deepanjana DANDA
2002    PhD    London, LSHTM    The long term effect of child bearing on adult mortality in Matlab, Bangladesh    Lisa Sioned DAVIES
2002    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    British policy in Bengal: 1939-1954    Bikramjit DE    Prof J M Brown; Prof T Raychaudhuri
2002    PhD    London, SOAS    Institutionalizing education: colonial government, missionary and household education in British colonial Punjab    Jeffrey Mark DIAMOND    Dr A A Powell
2002    PhD    Oxford Brookes    The molecular basis of thalassaemia in Sri Lanka    Christopher A FISHER
2002    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    Globalization and religious revival in the imperial cities of the Indian Ocean rim, 1870-1820    Mark Ravinder FROST    Dr T N Harper
2002    PhD    Durham    Indigenous knowledge, livelihood and decision -making strategies on floodplain farmers in Bangladesh    G P GHOSH
2002    PhD    Bath    Competing interests and institutional ambiguities: problems of sustainable forest management in the northern areas of Pakistan    A GOHAR
2002    PhD    Edinburgh    Untouchable citizens: an analysis of the Liberation Panthers and democratistion in Tamil Nadu    Hugh GORRINGE
2002    PhD    London, SOAS    The Sufi saints of Awrangabad: narratives, contexts and identities    Nile S GREEN
2002    PhD    Cambridge. St John’s    Mantle plumes and depositional sequences: onshore/offshore India    A R W HALKETT    Dr N J White
2002    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Famine process and famine policy: a case study of Ahmednagar District, Bombay Presidency, 1870-84    David N J HALL-MATTHEWS    Dr D A Washbrook; Dr B Harriss
2002    PhD    Leeds    Computer misuse within the organisation: an evaluation of computer misuse legislation in Britain and Malaysia    Zaiton HAMIN
2002    PhD    London, Imperial    Characterisation of Bacillus cereus strains in Bangladeshi rice    Md Anwarul HAQUE
2002    PhD    Edinburgh    Growing gods: bidayuh processes of religious change in Sarawak, Malaysia    F M A HARRIS
2002    DPhil    Sussex    British collecting of Indian art and artifacts in the 18th and 19th centuies    Lucian G HARRIS
2002    PhD    Reading    Understanding farmers’ attitudes and behaviours towards the use of pesticides on cotton crop in Pakisdtan’s Punjab    Tariq HASSAN
2002    PhD    London    The curriculum for health education in schools: issues of definition, choice and implementation: an illuminative study based on Uganda, Zambia and India    Hubert William Richmond HAWES
2002    PhD    Strathclyde    The significance of ethnic ties and entreprenurial networks in the internationalisation of the firm: case study: the internationalisation of UK Indian enterprises    Jaswinder Singh HAYER
2002    PhD    Leeds    The expression of syntax in Sri Lankan English: speech and writing    S M F HERAT
2002    PhD    Hull    US – Pakistan partnership in response to the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, 1979-1988: causes, dynamics and consequences    A Z A HILALI
2002    PhD    Strathclyde    An integrated performance measurement system of health care services: an empirical study of public and private hospitals in Malaysia    Abdul Razak IBRAHIM
2002    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    Alternative methods and sources for measuring vaccination coverage in rural Bangladesh    MdD Shafiqul ISLAM    Dr C G N Mascie-Taylor
2002    DPhil    Sussex    Voice, responsiveness and collaboration: democratic decentralization and service delivery in two Indian cities    Jennifer JALAL    J P Gaventa
2002    PhD    Wales, Bangor    Drivers of land use change and policy analysis: the case of Bangladesh    Mohammed JASHIMUDDIN    Prof G Edwards-Jones
2002    PhD    Open    An investigation of teaching and learning biology at a distance: with special reference to Sri Lanka    B G JAYATILLEKE
2002    DPhil    York    Cultural construction of the “Sinhala woman” and women’s lives in post-independence Sri Lanka    J D JAYAWARDENA    Dr J de Groot
2002    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Greeks, Saracens and Indians: imperial builders in south India, 1800-1880    Ioma Shanti JAYEWARDENE-PILLAI    Dr D A Washbrook
2002    PhD    London, RHUL    Being Sri Lankan: three cultural geographies    Tariq JAZEEL    Dr C Nash; Prof D Gower
2002    PhD    Southampton    The rhetoric and reality of gender issues in the domestic water sector: a case study from India    Deepa JOSHI
2002    PhD    Cambridge, Selwyn    Behavioural ecology of sympatric langures in Bangladesh    Md Mofizul KABIR    Dr D J Chivers
2002    MD    Leeds    Genetic and environmental determinants of cardiovascular risk factors in South Asian patients with cerebrovascular disease and their first degree relatives    K KAIN
2002    PhD    Nottingham    The categories of Hindu nationalism: a neo-structuralist analysis of the discourse of Hindutva    Christian KARNER
2002    PhD    Manchester Metropolitan    Public participation in environmental impact assessment in the developing and developed worlds: Pakistan and UK perspectives    Amjad Ali KHAN
2002    PhD    Kent    Memory, dis-location, violence and women in the partition literature of Pakistan and India     Furrukh Abbas KHAN    Dr A S Gurnah
2002    MPhil    London, UC    Vitamin A deficiency in children in the North West Frontier Province (NWFP)of Pakistan    M A KHAN
2002    PhD    Manchester    An evaluation of the performance of small and medium enterprises in Bangladesh with special reference to finance    Md Saiful Amin KHAN    Prof F Nixson
2002    PhD    Durham    Women’s voices: the presentation of women in the fiction of South Asian women    Lisa Ee Jia LAU    Dr M A Crang; Dr E E Mawdsley
2002    PhD    London    The role of Islam in the legal system of Pakistan    Martin Wilhelm LAU
2002    PhD    Kent    Power and patronage in Pakistan    Stephen M LYON    Mr R S Edmond
2002    PhD    Reading    The role of English in higher education in Pakistan    S MANSOOR
2002    PhD    Bristol    The global regulation of marine fisheries and its impact on two developing states: Namaibia and Kerala    Leonarda Enrica Camilla MARAZZI
2002    DClinPsy    Leicester    Illness representations, coping and locus of control in breast cancer: a comparative study amongst South Asian Indian women and white indigenous women    R MARTYN
2002    PhD    Durham    Sowing new ideas; an investigation of anthropology’s contribution to rural development in south east Sri Lanka    M MARZANO
2002    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    The sepoy army and colonial Madras, c1806-57    Carina Anne MONTGOMERY    Dr D A Washbrook
2002    PhD    London, SOAS    A lot of history: sexual violence, public memory and the Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971    Nayanika MOOKHERJEE    Dr C Pinney; Dr C Osella
2002    PhD    London, SOAS    Hindi film songs: and the cinema    Anna Frances MORCOM    Dr R Widdess
2002    PhD    Bristol    A study of the late Madhyamaka doxography    Jundo NAGASHIMA
2002    PhD    East Anglia    Between work and school: children in rural Andhra Pradesh    Masako OTA    Prof J D Seddon; Dr R Palmer-Jones

2002    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    The fragile web of order: conflict avoidance and dispute resolution in Ladakh    Fernanda PIRIE    Dr M J Banks; Prof D Parkin
2002    PhD    Glasgow    Morphological and molecular systematic studies of Asian caecilians (Amphibia: Gymnophiona)    Bronwen PRESSWELL
2002    PhD    London, LSE    US foreign  policy to Pakistan, 1947-1960: reconstructing strategy    Saqib Iqbal QUERESHI    Dr C Coker
2002    PhD    Essex    India in the making of liberal identities: the case of Mary Carpenter and Harrier Martineau    Brenda A QUINN    Prof C M Hall
2002    PhD    Wales, Bangor    Muslims and crime: a comparative criminological study of South Asian Muslims in Britain and Pakistan    Muzammil QURAISHI    Dr J Wardhaugh
2002    PhD    London, LSE    US foreign policy to Pakistan, 1947-1960: re-constructing strategy    Saqib Iqbal QURESHI    Dr C Coker
2002    PhD    Aberdeen    Seasonal availability and utilisation of feed resources and their impact on the nutrition of livestock in an agro pastoral system of the Hindu Kush Karakoram Himalayan region of Pakistan    Abdur RAHMAN
2002    PhD    East Anglia    Standing one’s ground: gender, land and livelihoods in the Santal Parganas, Jharkhans, India    Nitya RAO    Prof C Jackson; Dr B Rogaly
2002    PhD    Bradford    Opening up spaces: engendering protracted social conflict and conflict transformation: an analysis with special reference to Sri Lanka    C REIMANN
2002    PhD    London, LSHTM    Sustaining menstrual regulation policy: a case study of the policy process in Bangladesh    Gabrielle Catherine ROSS
2002    PhD    Aberdeen    The economic viability of shrimp farming in the coastal areas of Pakistan    Nizam SABIR
2002    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    Raj Bhakta Marg: the path of devotion to Srimad Rajcandra: a Jain community in the twenty first century    E K SALTER    Dr Johnson
2002    PhD    Edinburgh    Negotiations and contradictions: local perceptions of tourism on Langkawi Island, Malaysia    Nor Hafizah SELAMAT
2002    PhD    London, UC    A study to determine the effects of the status of women on child growth undertaken in the Mysore region of Karnataka, India    K SETHURAMAN
2002    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    The resolution of environmental disputes in India    D SHANNUGANATHAN
2002    PhD    Newcastle    Application of information technology to improve the design process in the construction sector in Pakistan: a case of the specification management process    B K SHAR
2002    PhD    London, SOAS    Communism in India    Shalini SHARMA    Dr S Kaviraj
2002    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    The sacred geography of Sanchi Hill: the archaeological setting of Buddhist monasteries in central India    J SHAW    Dr D K Chakrabarti
2002    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    Metaphysical psychology: an analysis of Sri Aurobindo Ghose’s theory of psychological consciousness development with special reference to his concepts of integral Brahman and the psychic entity     Girija SHETTAR    Dr Johnson
2002    MPhil/PhD    Reading    Credit constraints on the growth of rural non-farm sector in India    Anchita SHUKLA (TRIPATHI)    Dr S L Wiggins
2002    PhD    Bath    Escape and “struggle”: routes to women’s liberation in Bihar    Indu B SINHA    Dr G Wood; Dr J A McGregor
2002    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    Representative agent modes and macroeconomic poliocy: an application to the UK    Naveen SRINIVASAN
2002    DPhil    Oxford, Trinity    Bhuvanekabahu VII and the Portuguese: temporal and spiritual encounters in Sri Lanka, 1521-1551    Alan Leiper STRATHERN    Dr P B R Carey; Prof T F Earle
2002    PhD    Cranfield, Silsoe    An evaluation of public and private groundwater irrigation systems in Bangladesh and Pakistan    David SUTHERLAND    Dr R Carter
2002    DPhil    Oxford    Clothing culture: sex, gender and transvestism with reference to UK transvestites and the hijras of India    Charlotte SUTHRELL    Prof M Banks
2002    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    A study of consecration ritual in Indian Buddhist tantrism: a critical and annotated transslation of selected sections of the Kriyasagrahapanjika of Kuladatta    Ryugen TANEMURA    Prof A G J Sanderson
2002    PhD    Wales, Bangor    Influence of crop profitability, market, labour and land on smallholder cropping systems in rubber-growing areas of Sri Lanka    Sunethra Pushpa Kumri Thennakoon  THENNAKOON-MUDIYANSELAGE    Dr F Sinclair
2002    DPhil    Oxford, Hertford    Negotiating the boundaries of gender and empire: Lady Mary Curzon, Vicereine of India    Nicola J THOMAS    Dr P Coones; Dr J R Ryan
2002    PhD    Cambridge, Fitzwilliam    The institutional responses to the water needs of peri-urban communities in Delhi, India    Kathryn Signe TOVEY    Dr B Vira
2002    PhD    Cambridge, Christ’s    Crafting discourse: mat weaving in Pattamadai, South India    S VENKATESAN    Dr D A Swallow
2002    PhD    East Anglia    Foreign aid, power and elementary education reform in Pakistan from 1992 to 1999    Michael WARD    Dr R McBride
2002    PhD    Nottingham    Salman Rushdie: imagining the other name foe Islam    Y YACOUBI
2002    PhD    London, SOAS    The Vinaya in India and China: spirit and transformation    Jing YIN    Dr T Skorupski
2002    PhD    Reading    An application of theory of planned behaviour and logistic regression models to understand farm level tree planting and its determinants in the district of Dera Ismail of Pakistan’s North West Frontier Province    Muhammad ZUBAIR
2003    PhD    Birmingham    Women empowerment and intrahousehold resource allocation through micro-finance: a comparative study of two micro-finance institutions in Bangladesh    Shahnaz Tarannum ABDULLAH
2003    PhD    Glasgow    An ethnographic study of violence experienced by Dalit Christian women in Kerala State, India, and the implications of this for feminist theology    S ABRAHAM
2003    PhD    London, LSE    Federal formation and consociational stabilisation: the politics of national identity, articulation and ethnic conflict regulation in India and Pakistan    Katharine ADENEY    Prof B O’Leary
2003    PhD    Stirling    An empirical study of employee share ownership in Malaysia    Mohmad ADNAN B ALIAS
2003    PhD    Exeter    Linking India with Britain: the Persian Gulf cable, 1864-1906    Farajollah AHMADI    Prof J Black; Dr L P Morris
2003    PhD    London, UC    Ethnicity and environment in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. Bangladesh    Farid AHMED    Dr M Banerjee
2003    DPhil    Sussex    The construction of childhood in Monipur: negotiating boundaries through activities    Iftikhar AHMED
2003    PhD    Manchester    Sri Lankan export-orientated clothing manufacturing industry: a comparison of management development practices across foreign, joint venture and local companies    Vathsala AKURATIYAGAMAGE    B Cooke; A Mamman
2003    PhD    Queen’s, Belfast    We are fighting for the women’s liberation also: a comparative study of female combatants in the national conflicts in Sri Lanka and Northern Ireland    M ALISON
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Dominant texts, subaltern performances: two tellings of the Ramayan in central India    S ANITHA
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Wolfson    A political biography of Don Stephen Senanyake, (1931-1952): the former prime minister of Sri Lanka    Drene Terana APONSO    Dr G Johnson
2003    DPhil    Oxford, St Cross    Education reform in developing countries:decentralisation with reference to India and Pakistan    Linda F C ARTHUR    Dr C Brock
2003    PhD    London, UC    Childhood epilepsy in Bangladesh: clinical profile, predictors of outcome and randomised controlled trial of efficacy and side effects of treatment    S H BANU
2003    MPhil    Birmingham    A comparative examination of critical, religious and interreligious ingredients contributing to intercommunal harmony and disharmony in Sri Lanka: Sri Lankan Tamil Hindu dynamism, British Christian evangelism and the rise of 20th century Sinhalese Buddhist militancy    A R BECKETT
2003    PhD    Manchester    Perceptions of user education in the university libraries of Pakistan    Rubina BHATTI    T Christie; G Price
2003    PhD    Oxford Brookes    Revolution, military personnel and the war of liberation in  Banglaldesh    O A BIR BIKRAM
2003    MPhil    London, SOAS    Hindustani music in the reign of Aurangzeb    Katherine Ruth BROWN    Dr R Widdess
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    We Nelpalis: language, lliterature and the formation of a Nepali public sphere in India, 1914-1940    Rhoderick Alasdair MacDonald CHALMERS    Dr M Hutt
2003    PhD    Leeds    The relationship between knowledge and power in the work of Amitav Ghosh    C G CHAMBERS
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity Hall    Mysore: the making and unmaking of a model state, c. 1799-1834    Nigel Hugh Mosman CHANCELLOR    Prof C A Bayly
2003    PhD    Edinburgh    Rishtas: transational Pakistani marriages    Katharine CHARSLEY
2003    PhD    Sheffield    Birth for some women in Pakistan: defining and defiling    M CHESNEY
2003    PhD    Edinburgh    Admitted truths in Muslim-Christian dialogue: a study of William Muir, Sayyid Ahmad Khan and William Goldsack in 19th century India    David Otis COFFEY
2003    DPhil    Oxford, Queen’s    Marxism and middle class intelligentsia: political ideology and culture in Bengal, 1920-1950    Rajarshi DASGUPTA    Dr N Gooptu
2003    DPhil    Oxford, St Hugh’s    Bridging educational and social divides ? private school outreach for out-of-school children in India    Laura L DAY    Dr C Brock
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Local brokers: knowledge and trust and organisation in the practice of agricultural extension for small and marginal farmers in Rajasthan, India    Bina DESAI    Dr D Mosse
2003    PhD    Newcastle    The regulation of private schools for low-income families in Andrha Pradesh,India: an Austrian economic approach    P DIXON
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Girton    Orientalism, Sanskrit scholarship and education in colonial north India, ca 1775-1875    Michael Sinclair DODSON    Prof C A Bayley
2003    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    Sri Ramakrishna, Swami Vivekananda and the Ramakrishna movement: the question of continuity    Paul W EATON    Dr Johnson
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Jews and Judaism in modern Indian discourse    Yulia EGOROVA    Prof C Shackle
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Clare Hall    Behind the scenes at the magic house: an ethnoggraphy of the Indian Museum, Calcutta    M J ELLIOTT    Dr D A Swallow
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Jesus    A study of agricultural production at the level of household, community and region: long term trends in India and China    Shailaja FENNELL    Dr P H Nolan
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Sinhala Buddhist nationalism from revivalism to militant political ideology: the struggle to shape public culture in Sri Lanka    Yolanda FOSTER    Dr DTaylor
2003    PhD    Gloucestershire    Exiled from glory: Anglo-Indian settlement in nineteenth century Britain with special reference to Cheltenham    S FRASER    Dr C R V More; Dr J M Bourne
2003    PhD    Gloucestershire    Exiled from glory: Anglo-Indian settlement in nineteenth century Britain with special reference to Cheltenham    Stuart J FRASER    Dr C R V More; Dr J M Bourne
2003    PhD    London, LSE    From local tensions to ethnic conflict: the emergence of Hindu nationalism in a Christian/Hindu “tribal” community in Chhattisgargh, northern India    Peggy FROERER    Dr L Sklar
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    An economic perspective on resettlement of populations displaced by large dams: the case of the Sardar Sarovar Project displaced, India    Supriya GARIKIPATI
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    The origins and early development of anthropomorphic Indian iconography    Madhuvanti GHOSE    Dr G H R Tillotson
2003    DPhil    Oxford, St Edmund Hall    Subduction-related metamorphism, structure and tectonic evolution of the Kohistan arc and main mantle thrust zone, Pakistanm Himalayas    Simon J GOUGH    Dr D J Waters; Dr M P Searle
2003    PhD    Birmingham    Islamic activism in South Asia: the reasons for the electoral under-achievement of the Jama’at Islami Party of Pakistan, 1947-1977    F HAMEED
2003    PhD    Derby    A critical analysis of policy initiatives involving small and medium enterprises in  Malaysia    A B A HAMID
2003    PhD    Sunderland    Identity and the Bengal Muslims: mapping changing perspectives (1905-1971)    F HASHEM
2003    PhD    London, External    Patterns and dynamics of loan use: a study of BRAC borrowers in Bangladesh    F HASIN
2003    PhD    Durham    Arsenic toxicity in Bangladesh: health and social hazards    Md Manzarul HASSAN
2003    DPhil    Sussex    Elite public discourses of poverty and the poor in Bangladesh    Naomi T HOSSAIN    M P Moore
2003    PhD    Southampton    Quality of care in maternity services: childbirth among the urban poor of Mumbai, India    Louise A HULTON
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    Effect of weekly iron supplementation and antihelminthic treatment on the physical growth and development of Bangladeshi children    Mohammad Mushtuq HUSAIN
2003    PhD    Essex    Factors limiting productivity and adoption of rubber tea intercropping in the low country wet zone of Sri Lanka    S M M IQBAL
2003    MPhil    Birmingham    A call to Christian discipleship in a situation of conflict: a study of Christian mission in the socio-ethnic conflict of Sri Lanka, with special reference to the life witness and theoleogy of Dietrich Bonhoefer    M B JEYAKUMAR
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Queens’    Novels of the South Asian diaspora in East Africa    Stephanie Jillian JONES    Mr T L J Cribb
2003    PhD    London, LSE    Governing morals: state, marriage and householfd among the Gaddis of north India    Kriti KAPILA
2003    MPhil    London, SOAS    The power behind the throne: relations between the British and Indian states, 1870-1909    Caroline J KEEN    Dr A A Powell
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Corpus    Representing children: power, policy and the discourse on child labour in the football manufacturing industry of Sialkot    Ali KHAN    Dr D Sneath
2003    PhD    Manchester    The impact of privatisation in Pakistan    Iram Anjum KHAN    Dr P Cook
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Hughes Hall    A social and political history of the telegraph in the Indian empire, circa 1850-1920    Deep Kanta LAHIRI CHOUDHURY    Prof C A Bayley
2003    PhD    Cambridge,Fitzwillliam    Colonial governmentality: spaces of inperialism and nationalism in India’s new capital, New Delh    S I LEGG    Dr J S Duncan
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Women, equality, autonomy: study of women’s rights in India    Sumi MADHOK    Dr S Kaviraj
2003    PhD    Aberdeen    The performance of agricultural institutions in disseminating new technologies: a case study of  modern rice variety BR 32 in Bangladesh’    B MAJUMDER
2003    PhD    Reading    Vegetation mapping in the north west of Pakistan    R N MALIK
2003    DPhil    Sussex    Gendered places, transnational lives: Sikh women in Tanzania, Britain and Indian Pubjab    K P K MAND
2003    PhD    Stirling    Policy transfer and policy translation: day care for people with dementia in Kerala, India    L F M McCABE
2003    PhD    Southampton    Barriers and opportunities in effective contraceptive management in Bangladesh    Juliet McEACHRAN
2003    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    Federalism in Malaysia: a constitutional study of the federal institutions established by the Federal Constitution of Malaysia and their relationships with the traditional institutions in the constitution (with special reference to the Islamic religious power and bureaucracy in the states)    K A MOKHTAR
2003    PhD    Leeds    The levels of integration of people with spinal cord lesion in Bangladesh    Abdul Khair Mohammed MOMIN
2003    PhD    Loughborough    Modelling a flow of funds and policy simulation experiments in the financial sector in India    Tomoe MOORE
2003    PhD    London, LSE    Tradition and modernity: a sociological comparison between Sri Lankan women in Colombo and in London in the late 1990s    Fathima Fatheena MUBARAK
2003    PhD    London, Goldsmiths    Doing development: voluntary agencies in the Sundarbans of West Bengal    Amites MUKHOPADHYAY    Prof P Caplan
2003    PhD    London, LSHTM    Gender and reproductive health in Pakistan: a need for reconceptualisation    Z MUMTAZ
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Romance and pleasure in a restrictive society: understanding the sexual conduct of unmarried middle class young people in Bangladesh    Lazeena MUNA    Prof J Cleland (LSHTM)
2003    PhD    London, LSE    Marxism and beyond in Indian politicval thought: J P Narayan and M N Roy’s theory of radical democrary    Eva-Maria NAG    Dr Chun Lin
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    The museum in colonial India (1770-1936): a history of collecting, exhibiting and disciplining of knowledge    Savithri Preetha NAIR    De G H R Tillotson
2003    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    Second World War Japanese atrocities and British minor war crimes trials: the issue of fair trial in four selected British war crimes trials in Malaysia and Singapore in 1946-1947    Arujanan NARAYANAN
2003    PhD    London, UC    The life cycle of clothing: recycling and the efficacy of materiality in contemporary urban India    Katherine Lucy NORRIS    Dr S Kuechler-Fogden
2003    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Refugees on the Indian sub-continent, 1947-1998: state policy and practice    Pia A OBEROI    Dr G S Goodwin-Gill
2003    PhD    Aberdeen    The classification and efficiency of use of forage resources under semi-arid conditions in the Hindukush, Karakoram and Himalayan region of Pakistan    R M OMER
2003    PhD    Birmingham    The echoes of a faded memory: a contribution to a history of the Tamil Coolie Mission    P J T PEIRIS
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    The formation of a divided public: print, language and literatuire in colonial Goa    R PINTO
2003    PhD    Greenwich    A tapestry of resistance: Afghan educated refugee women in Pakistan: “Agency” identity and resistance in war and displacement    N POURZAND
2003    PhD    Dundee    Quality assurance in undergraduate medical education: a multiple case study in Bangladesh, Thailand and Indonesia    Titi Savitri PRIHATININGSIH
2003    PhD    Reading    International joint ventures in developing economies: an analysis of Indo-British ventures in India    Raji RAJAN    Prof M Utton; Dr U Kambhampati
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Law and social change in India    Gopalan RAMAN
2003    PhD    London, LSHTM    The consequences of health insurance for the informal sector: two non-governmental, non-profit schemes in Gujerat    Michael Kent RANSON
2003    PhD    Durham    A study of land transformation in Savar Upazila, Bangladesh, 1915-2001: an integrated approach using remore sensing    Md Shahedur RASHID    Dr P J Atkins
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Sidney Sussex    Auditing “development”: an anthropological study of “audit culture” within a “participatory rural development” project in eastern India    M J REW
2003    MPhil    Newcastle    Development and land relations in tribal India: a study of Chotanagpur    Richard ROBERTS    P W Kellett
2003    PhD    Edinburgh    William Roxburgh (1751-1815)the founding father of Indian botany    Timothy Francis ROBINSON
2003    DPhil    Sussex    Representing rebellion: visual aspects of counter-insurgency in colonial India    Daniel J RYCROFT
2003    PhD    Wawick    Malaysian pre-school children with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) in inclusive settings    S SAAD
2003    PhD    Bristol    Voices from an island: a reading of four Sri Lankan novelists in English    D SAIKIA
2003    PhD    Bradford    A social constructionist account of children’s rights under the conditions of globalisation: the issue of child labour in India    G SANGHERA
2003    PhD    Warwick    The knowledge and perspectives about Educational Management Information System (EIS/SMPP) of decision makers in the Malaysian Ministry of Education (MMOE): an enquiry into the implementation of an EMIS    M W SARWANI
2003    PhD    Manchester    Institutions and poverty reduction: a case study of rural Bangladesh    Md Golam SARWAR    Dr J Mullen
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Woman and communal violence in India    Atreyee SEN    Dr D Mosse
2003    PhD    Manchester    Information technology and the construction industry in Pakistan    Ali SHAR    Prof S Guy
2003    PhD    Cambridge, St Cath’s    The making of modern Assam, 1826-1935    Jayeeta SHARMA    Prof C A Bayley
2003    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    Arsenic mobility in sediments and contamination of he Bengal Basin    Darren SHAW
2003    PhD    Bradford    Microfinance and social change: a case study of household finance, development and change in gender relations in rural Bangladesh    M N I SHEKH
2003    DPhil    Sussex    Resisting stigma and interventions: situating trafficked Nepali women’s struggles for self-respect, safety and security in Mumbai and Nepal    M M SHIVADAS
2003    PhD    Leicester    Violence as non communication: the news differential of Kashmir and north east conflicts in the Indian national press    Prasun SONWALKAR    Prof A Sreberny
2003    PhD    Aberdeen    Factors affecting tree growing in traditional agriforestry systems in Werstern Himalaya, India    K K SOOD
2003    PhD    Brunel    Moral continuity: Gujerati kinship, women, children and rituals    Alison SPIRO, Mary
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Social exclusion and cohesion: the case of leprosy in South India    James STAPLES    Dr D Mosse
2003    PhD    London, LSE    Bringing the Empire back in: patterns of growth in the British imperial state, 1890-1960 (with special reference to Indian and Africa)    Gita SUBRAHMANYAM
2003    PhD    Birmingham    Imagining Hinduism: a post colonial perspective    S SUGIRTHARAJAH
2003    PhD    Manchester    A feminist analysis of “white-ness” in an Indian research context    Maria SUMMERSON    Prof L Stanley
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Prostitution and the law in Pakistan: a case study of Lahore’s Hira Mandi    R TAK
2003    PhD    Open    South Asian women and the construction of political identity    S TAKHAR
2003    PhD    Warwick    Foreign music: linguistic estrangement and its textual effects in Joyce, Beckett, Nabokov and Rushdie    J TAYLOR
2003    DPhil    Oxford, Wadham    Monetary remedy for breach of constitutional rights in the United States, India, New Zealand and the United Kingdom    Lisa Anne TORTELL    Prof P P Craig
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Literature and the politics of identity in Orissa    Lopamudra TRIPATHY    Dr S Kaviraj
2003    DPhil    Oxford, Nuffield    Growth empirics within a low income country: evidence from states in India,1960-1992    Kamakshya D TRIVEDI    Dr G M F Cameron
2003    PhD    London, LSE    Rebels and devotees of Jharkhand: social, religious and political transformation among the Adivasis of northern India    Barbara VERARDO
2003    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    Institutional change and natural resource management: the case of forest policy reform in India    Bhaskar VIRA    Prof P H Nolan
2003    PhD    East Anglia    Embodied working lives: manual labouring in Maharashtra, India    Louise WAITE    Dr C Jackson; Dr R Palmer-Jones
2003    PhD    Warwick    Pakistan’s teaching hospitals: present measures quality and proposed quality improvement programmes    G WAJID
2003    DPhil    Oxford, St Cross    Bangladeshi pupils: experiences, identity and achievement    Sue WALTERS    Dr C W R Davies; Prof S Tomlinson
2003    PhD    East Anglia    The growth of the Indian software industry: a social history    Meera WARRIER    Dr K Sen
2003    PhD    Edinburgh    Stereotyped Scots: representations and realities of Scottish missionary and military experience in colonial and post-independence Pakistan    Jeremy WESTON
2003    PhD    Wales    Pandita Ramabai (1858-1922): a re-evaluation of her life and work    Keith J WHITE
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Lucy     The world is established through the work of existence: the performance of Gham-Khadi among Pukhtun Bibiane in northern Pakistan:    Amineh A AHMED    Dr S B Bayly
2004    PhD    Hull    Political regime change and local government in Bangladesh    Tariq AHMED    L Summers
2004    MPhil    Bradford    Community level conflict transformation for sustainable peace: a Barefoot University for peace education in Sri Lanka    Monica ALFRED
2004    MPhil    De Montfort    Arsenic speciation in foodstuffs from Bangladesh and a method for arsenic removal from water    Shaban W AL-RMAILLY
2004    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    The portfolio behaviour of the GCC islamic and conventional banks    Abdulaziz Mohammad N AL-SAEED
2004    DPhil    Oxford, Linacre    Just a pile of stones ! The politicization of identity , indigenous knowledge and sacred landscapes among the Lepcha and the Bhutia tribes in contemporary Sikkim, India    Vibha ARORA    Prof D Parkin; Prof M J Banks
2004    DPhil    Oxford, Campion Hall    From outcaste to caste: the use of symbols and myths in the construction of identity: a study of conflict between the Paraiyars and the Vanniyars in Tamil Nadu, South India    Chockalingam Joe ARUN    Dr M J Banks
2004    PhD    Durham    Economic and structural reforms and bank efficiency: a comparative analysis of India and Pakistan, 1990-1998    A ATAULLAH
2004    PhD    Bradford    Quality assurance in the basic nurse education programme in Pakistan: a case study aimed at improving the quality assurance practices in the basic nurse education in Pakistan    A AZIZ
2004    PhD    Greenwich    A sustainable competitiveness model for strategic alliances: a study of rural entrepreneurs and commercial organisations in Malaysia with special emphasis on Malaysian farmer’s organisations    S A BAHARUM
2004    DPhil    Oxford, Nuffield    The legisimating vocabulary of group rights in contemporary India    Rochana BAJPAI    Prof M S Freedom; Dr N Gooptu
2004    PhD    Reading    Farmers’ risk and uncertainty perceptions and their influence on farm level decision-making in the cotton-wheat zone of Pakistan’s Punjab    K A BAJWA    Dr T Rehman
2004    PhD    London, InstEd    An evaluation of the impact of school-based resource management and formula funding of schools and on the efficiency and equity of resource allocation in Sri Lanka    Balasooriya Mudiyanselage Jayantha BALASOORIYA    Prof A Little; Prof R Levacic
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Downing    Skill upgrading within informal training: lessons from the Indian auto mechanic    J C BARBER    Dr L Caley
2004    DBA    Strathclyde    The competitive advantage of Pakistan: empirical analysis of the textile/apparel industry    K M BARI
2004    PhD    London, Goldsmiths    In service in India: the ethics of rule and conduct of British administrators and army officers in late nineteenth and early twentieth century India    Jatinder BARN    N Rose
2004    MPhil    SOAS    The dispensary movement in Bombay Presidency: ideology and practice, 1800-1876    Jennifer BLAKE    Prof D Arnold
2004    PhD    Middlesex    The “divine heirarchy”: the social and institutional elements of vulnerability in South India    B BOSHER
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    Challenging development: western discourses and Rajasthan women    Tamsin Jane BRADLEY
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Queens    Tectono-metamorphic evolution of the central and western Himalayas    M CADDICK    Dr T J B Holland
2004    PhD    Coventry    Empire and authority:  Curzon, collisions, character and the Raj, 1899-1906    M CARRINGTON
2004    DPhil    Sussex    Bringing citizens back in: public sector reform, service delivery performance and and accountability in an Indian state    Jonathan CASELEY    Dr A Joshi
2004    PhD    Sheffield    Site-formation studies and paleolithic investigations in the Siwalik Hill of northern India: reconsidering the  Soanian history    P R CHAUHAN
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    Buddhist nuns in Sri Lanka and Taiwan    W-Y CHENG
2004    PhD    Warwick    Uncovering injustice: towards a Dalit feminist politics in Bangladesh    Shraddha CHIGATERI    C Wright
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    The Da’sanami-Samnyasis: the integration of ascetic lineages into an order    Matthew James CLARK
2004    PhD    Manchester    We are the kings: the children of Dhaka’s streets    Alessandro CONTICINI    D Hulme
2004    PhD    Anglia    Adaptation and change in a traditional society: sustainable development in the context of a Ladakhi village    Robert COOK
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    The Irish expatriate community in British India, c1750-1900    Barry James Conleth CROSBIE    Prof C A Bayley
2004    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    Much ado about religion: a critical and annotated translation of the Agamadambara, a satirical play by the 9th century Kashmirian philosopher Bhatta Jayanta    Csaba DEZSO    Prof J A Sanderson
2004    PhD    Manchester    Marginal Indian Punjabi Sikh men; a psychotherapeutic perspective    Kamaldeep Singh DHILLON    Dr C Bates
2004    PhD    Nottingham    Inherited factors in pre-eclampsia: molecular genetic and epidemiological studies in a Sri Lankan population    V H W DISSANAYAKE
2004    PhD    Bristol    Gender and human rights: a discursive study of “violence against women” in Mexico and Pakistan    Silvie DRESSELHAUS    Dr J Weldes; Dr V Hewitt
2004    PhD    Portsmouth    The growth and applicationof Shari’ah in India: a legislative and judicial interpretation since 1947    E EHSANULLAH
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    Portugal and Portuguese India, 1870-1961    Bernard Dale ETHELL    Prof P G Robb
2004    PhD    Bradford    Ceramic specialisation and standardisation in early historic South Asia: an interdisciplinary investigation of rouletted ware, grey ware and Arikamedu Type 10    L A FORD
2004    PhD    Hull    Identity, war and the state in India:  the case of the Nagas    Mr T FRANKS
2004    PhD    London, King’s    Improving the quality management systems for pharmaceutical services in developing countries: a case study in Sri Lanka    Piyadasa Galalla GAMAGE
2004    PhD    Oxford, Blackfriars    The Vedantic cosmology of Ramanuja and its western parallels    Robindra GANERI    Prof J S K Ward
2004    PhD    Nottingham    Slavery in ancient Greek poleis and ancient Sri Lanka: a comparison    W M W GEDARA
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Queens’    Of poverty and markets: the political economy of informal waste recovery and plastic recycling in Delhi    K GILL    Dr B Vira
2004    PhD    St Hugh’s    Caitanya Vaisnava Vedanta: acintyabhedabheda of Jiva Gosvani’s Catusutri Tika    Ravi Mohar GUPTA    Dr S Gupta-Gombrich; Prof J S K Ward
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    Samaj and unity: the in Bengali literati’s discourse on nationhood,  1867-1905    Swarupa GUPTA    Prof P G Robb
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    The politics of language and nation-building: the Nehruvian legacy and representations of cultural diversity in Sahgal, Rushdie and Seth    A M GUTTMAN
2004    PhD    East Anglia    Understanding gender and intra-household relations: a case study of Shaviyani Atoll, Maldives    Hala HAMEED    Prof C Jackson
2004    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    The dynamics of low-caste conversion movements: rural Punjab c 1880-1935    Christopher Gerard Michael HARDING    Prof J M Brown
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    Religious mobilisation and the construction of political space in the Indian North West Frontier tribal areas in the early twentieth century    Sana HAROON
2004    MPhil    Leicester    Lord Lake of Laswaree and Delhi, 1744-1808    Roger HARRIS    Dr H V Bowen
2004    PhD    Durham    Detection, monitoring and management of small water bodies: a case study of Shahjadpur Thana, Bangladesh    Khondaker Mohammod Shariful HUDA    Dr P J Atkins; Dr D Donaghue
2004    PhD    Warwick    Problem of national identity of the middle class in Bangladesh and state-satellite television    Zeenat HUDA    Dr P Mukta
2004    PhD    Essex    Initial public offerings in Pakistan    T IMTIAZ
2004    PhD    South Bank    Parental involvement, attitudes and responsibilities in educaton: a case study of parents in Britain and Pakistan    N INAYAT
2004    PhD    Cranfield    Technology catch-up actions for manufacturing companies in Pakistan    N IQBAL

2004    PhD    London, SOAS    Protestant translations of the Bible (1714-1995) and defining a Protestant Tamil identity    Hephziba ISRAEL
2004    PhD    London, LSE    People and tigers: an anthropological study of the Sundarbans of West Belgal, India    A JALAIS
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Queens’    The agency of normal food: performing normality in contemporary urban Bengal    Manpreet Kaur JANEJA    Prof C Humphrey
2004    DPhil    Oxford, Nuffield    Bridging the digital divide: regulating universal access in India    Akash K KAPUR    Ms B Morgan
2004    PhD    Reading    Constraints and opportunities for sustainable livelihoods and forest management in the mountains of North West Frontier Province, Pakistan    Jahangir KHAN    Dr H M Jones
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Selwyn    Ecology and conservation of the Bengal tiger in the Sundarbans mangrove forest of Bangadesh    M M H KHAN    Dr D J Chivers
2004    PhD    De Montfort    Temple architecture of Bengal 9th to 16th centuries    A KHARE
2004    PhD    Keele    Reconstructing rights: an analysis of the role of rights in reconstructing gender relations in the earthquake affected area, Maharashtra, India    Jane KRISHNADAS
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    Resolution and rupture: the paradox of violence in witch accusations in Chhatisgarh, India    Helen M MACDONALD    Dr D Mosse
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    Resolution and rupture: the paradox of violence in witch accusations in Chhattisgarh, India    Helen M MacDONALD
2004    PhD    Edinburgh    Pious flames: changing Western interpretations of widow burning in India to 1860    Andrea MAJOR    Dr C Bates; Dr I Duffield
2004    PhD    Oxford, St John’s    Cricket in colonial India, 1850-1947    Boria MAJUMDAR    Dr D A Washbrook
2004    PhD    Nottingham    Land tax administration and compliance attitudes in Malaysia    N A A MANAF
2004    PhD    London, King’s    Countering hegemony: the geopolitics of agrobiotechnology and the regulatory role of the Indian state    Martin MANSKI    M Mulligan
2004    PhD    Birmingham    The interdependency and the relationship between the government and private sector and their changing role in the development of micro island tourism in the Maldives    Abdulla MAUSOOM
2004    PhD    Durham    Travelling knowledges: urban poverty and slum/shack dwellers international    Colin McFARLANE    Dr G Macleod
2004    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    The establishment and growth of selected pioneer tree species from disturbed tropical rainforest sites in Malaysia    H MD NOOR
2004    PhD    London, King’s    Reterritorialising transnational corporate hegemony: the geopolitics of agribiotechnology and the regulatory role of the state in India    Martin MENSKI
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    Zorastrian music    Raiomond MIRZA    Prof O Wright; Dr R Widdess
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    Space, borders and histories: identity in colonial Goalpura (India)    Sanghamitra MISRA    Prof P G Robb
2004    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    Crystal structure of north east India and southern Tibet and a comparison with thelithosphere of the stable Indian shield    S MITRA    Dr K F Priestley
2004    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    The British in India and their domiciled brethern: race and class in the colonial context, 1858-1930    Satoshi MIZUTANI    Dr D A Washbrook
2004    MPhil    Leeds    Enabling and disabling factors of community cohesion among Pakistani Muslims in Bradford    Dominic J MOGHAL    Dr K Knott
2004    PhD    London , UC    Reworking modernity: the impact of resettlement in the Narmada valley, India    Kuheli MOOKERJEE    Dr C Dwyer; Dr A Varley
2004    PhD    London, InstArch    An examination of the spatial and temporal variation of lithic technology throughout the early Bronze Age of Pakistan    Justin Collard MORRIS    K Thomas
2004    PhD    London, UC    Lithic technology and cultural change during the late prehistoric period of northwest South Asia    J C MORRIS
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Lucy     Markets, transport and the state of Bengal economy, c.1750-1800    T MUKHERJEE    Prof C A Bayley
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    The perception of the “medieval” in Indian popular films, 1920s -1960s    Urvi MUKHOPADHYAY    Dr D Ali; Dr R Dwyer
2004    PhD    Cambridge    Impact of food supplementation on pregnancy weight gain and birth weight in rural Bangladesh    Shamsun NAHAR
2004    PhD    Cambridge. Sidney    Caught in the digital divide: transforming meanings of space, gender and identity for high tech professionals in Bangalore city, India    Roopa NAIR    Prof S E Corbridge
2004    PhD    Reading    The motivation of masons in the Sri Lankan construction industry    Leyon NANAYAKKARA
2004    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    Second World War Japanese atrocities and British minor war crimes trials: the issue of fair trial in the four selected British minor war crimes trials in Malaya and Singapore    A NARAYAN
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    The Gandavyuha-sutra: a study of wealth, gender and power in an Indian Buddhist narrative    Douglas Edward OSTO
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    Archaic knowledge, tradition and authenticity in colonial north India    Rakesh PANDEY    Dr D Ali
2004    PhD    West of England    Performance measurement and evaluation of supply chain: the Indian automobile industry    B PATEL
2004    PhD    Aberdeen    Emergency obstetric care: needs of poor women in Bangladesh    E PITCHFORTH
2004    PhD    London, LSE    Multinationals, local firms and economic reforms in Indian industry    Tushar PODDAR
2004    PhD    Birmingham    Mineral chemistry and metal extraction of Sri Lanka beach sands    W A P PREMARATNE
2004    PhD    London, LSE    A micro-econometric analysis of alcohol prohibition in India    L RAHMAN
2004    PhD    London, Wye    Measurement of productivity and efficiency of rice farmers in Bangladesh: an empirical study    Mohamed Mizanur RAHMAN
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Wolfson    Seismic characteristics of the southern Indian and the adjacent pan-African high grade terranes of Gondwanaland    Abhishek Kumar RAI    Dr K F Priestley
2004    PhD    Leeds    Nation, celebration and selected works of Michel Ondaatje and Carol Shields    Gillian Marie ROBERTS
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Gonville    HLA-DBQ1 – reproduction and health in consanguinous and non consanguinous families in Bangladesh    S ROY CHOUDHURY    Dr L A Knapp
2004    PhD    Leeds    The Sixteenth Landers, 1822-1846: the experience of regimental soldiering in India    J H RUMSBY
2004    PhD    Newcastle    Trade reforms: total factor productivity and profitability of manufacturing sectors in Pakistan    Naveeda SALAM
2004    PhD    Open    Psychedelic whiteness: rave tourism and the materiality of race in Goa    Joseph Johannes Arun SALDANHA    Dr J D Robinson; Prof D B Massey
2004    PhD    Manchester    The effect of globalisation on the grassroots women in Bangladesh    Nasreen SATTAR    Ms S Rowbotham
2004    PhD    London, LSE    Understanding the state: an anthropological study of rural Jharkhand, India    A SHAH
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    The Balochi verb: an etymological study    Azim SHAHBAKHSH
2004    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    State and society in: Gujerat, c.1200-1500: the making of a region    Samira SHEIKH    Dr D A Washbrook
2004    PhD    Edinburgh    Living with HIV/AIDS: turning points, transitions and transformations in the lives of women in Bombay and Edinburgh    Dina Pervez SIDHVA
2004    PhD    Cambridge    Exploring inclusive education in an Indian context    N SINGAL
2004    PhD    Birmingham    The question of method in Dalit theology: in search of a systematic approach of an Indian liberation theology    Charles SINGARAM
2004    MPhil    Wales, Swansea    Policy and practice of forest management through local institutions in Himachal Pradesh, India    M P SOOD
2004    PhD    South Bank    Health beliefs and health practices of South Asian and British white adults with and without myocardial infarction    Dooroowadave SOOKHOO
2004    DPhil    Oxford, Linacre    Secularism in Salman Rushdie’s “Midnight’s children” and Vikram Seth’s “A suitable boy”: history, nation, language    Neelam F R SRIVASTAVA    Dr J A Mee
2004    PhD    Cardiff    Crossing boundaries: an ethnography of occupational socialization of post-diploma baccalaureate nursing students in Pakistan    Grace D STANLEY
2004    PhD    Cardiff    Crossing boundaries: an ethnography of occupational socialization of post-diploma baccalaureate student nurses in Pakistan    Grace Dianne STANLEY    M Neary; G A Donald
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Downing    From “Palestine” [poem] to India: Bishop Heber’s poetic pilgrimage    I TAKAHASHI    Dr N J Leask
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    Towards a definitive grammar of Bengali: a study and critique of research on selected grammatical structures    Hanne-Ruth THOMPSON    Dr W Radice
2004    PhD    Birmingham    Support and supervision of secondary school teachers in Bangladesh    H THORNTON
2004    DPhil    Oxford, Worcester    Tectonic, metamorphic and magmatic evolution of the central Karakoram crust, northern Pakistan    aNDREW THOW    Dr D J Waters; Prof R R Parrish; Dr M P Searle
2004    DPhil    Oxford, St Cross    The grammar and poetics of Murti-Seva: Caitanya Vaisnava image worship as discourse, ritual and narrative    Kenneth R VALPEY    Dr S Gupta-Gombrich; Prof J S K Ward
2004    PhD    Birmingham    Differences in school performance between Tamil Brahmin and Malabar Muslim children in Kerala, India: a socio-cutural approach    V P VAZHALANICKAL
2004    PhD    Open    Science, technology and agency in the development of drought prone areas: a cognitive history of drought and scarcity    Linden Faith VINCENT    Prof D V Wield
2004    PhD    Coventry    Partition and locality: case studies of the impact of partition and its aftermath in the Punjab region, 1947-1961    Pritpal VIRDEE    Prof I A Talbot
2004    PhD    Cambridge, St Edmund’s    Eating and identity in the novels of V S Naipaul, Anita Desai, Timothy Mo and Salman Rushdie    Paul Matthew John VLITOS    Dr A D B Poole
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    Thuggee and the “construction” of crime in early nineteenth century India    Kim Ati WAGNER    Prof C A Bayley
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Emmanuel    Between bureaucrats and beneficiaries: the implementation of eco-development:in Pench tiger reserves, India    Jo L WOODMAN    Dr B Vira
2004    PhD    Glasgow    The analysis of human mitochondrial DNA in peninsular Malaysia    Z ZAINUDDIN
2004    PhD    London, King’s    Remote sensing and GIS based assessment of El-Nino related fire activity on Borneo, 1982-1998    Athanossios ZOUMAS
2005    PhD    Loughborough    Alternative arrangements for water supply in urban areas: case studies in Karachi, Pakistan    Noman AHMED
2005    PhD    London, UC    Through “spirits”: cosmology and landscape ecology among the Nyishi tribe of upland Arunachal Pradesh, northeast India    Alexander AISHER    Dr C Pinney; Dr M Banerjee
2005    PhD    Keele    The cultural politics of production: ethnicity, gender and the labour process in Sri Lanka tea plantations    Chandana G ALAWATTAGE
2005    PhD    London, King’s    Studies on slected Malaysian plants as antidiabetic agent    H M ALI
2005    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Equality of educational opportunity and public policy in Bangladesh    Mohammad Niaz ASADULLAH    Dr R Kingdon; Dr S Dercon
2005    PhD    London, LSE    Structural changes in East Asia: factor accumulation, technological progress and economic geography    Shuvojit BANERJEE
2005    PhD    Manchester    The politics of market space in Calcutta, India: past and present    Martin BEATTIE    Prof S Guy
2005    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Missionary education knowledge and and north Indian society, c 1880- 1915    Hayden John-Andrew BELLENOIT    Dr D A Washbrook
2005    PhD    London, King’s    The changing goddess: the religious lives of Hindu women in West Bengal    Cynthia BRADLEY    Prof F Hardy
2005    PhD    London, UC    Mental illness, medical pluralism and Islamism in Sylhet, Bangladesh    Alyson Fleur CALLAN    Prof R Littlewood
2005    PhD    London, SOAS    Muzaffar Ahmad, Calcutta and socialist politics, 1913-1929    Suchetana CHATTOPADYHYAY    Prof P G Robb
2005    PhD    East Anglia    Surface tension: water and agrarian change in a rainfed village, West Bengal, India    Daniel COPPARD    Dr B Lankford
2005    PhD    Edinburgh    Sri Pada: diversity and exclusion in a sacred site in Sri Lanka    Delkandura Arachchige Premakumara DE SILVA
2005    PhD    London, LSHTM    Social capital and maternal mental health: a cross cultural comparison of four developing countries [Peru, India, Ethiopia, Vietnam]    Mary Joan DE SILVA    Ms S Huttly; Prof T Harpham
2005    PhD    Cambridge. Trinity Hall    Second language acquisition of articles and plural markings by Bengali learners of Engish    Hildegunn DIRDAL    Dr T Parodi
2005    MPhil    London, UC    The servant/employer relationship in19th century England and India    Fae Ceridwen DUSSART    Prof C M Hall
2005    PhD    London, Royal Holloway    Analysing the impact of labour and education laws on child labour in Pakistan during the 1990s    T FASIH
2005    PhD    London, Inst Ed    Ways forward to achieve school effectiveness and school improvement: a case study of school leadership and teacher professional development in Sri Lanka    B N A B FERNANDO
2005    PhD    London, SOAS    Surrendering to the earth: a feminine interpretation of Dharma worship in Bengal with special reference to ‘Sunya Purana    Fabrizio FERRARI
2005    PhD    Edinburgh    Twentieth century South Asian Christian theological engagement with religious pluralism: its challenges for pentecostalism in India    Geomon Kizhakkemalayil GEORGE
2005    MPhil    Birmingham    Sikhism and violence    P GILL
2005    PhD    Cambridge, Gonville     Inverted metamorphism in the Sikkim-Darjeeling Himalay: structural, metamorphic and numerical studies    S GOSWAMI    Prof M J Bickle
2005    MPhil    West of  England    A study of “enabling conditions” in primary schools in Negombo Education Zone in Sri Lanka with special reference to effective leadership and physical and material resources    Egodawatte Arachchige Don GUNAWARDENA
2005    DPhil    Oxford, St Cross    Discourses of religion and development: agency, empowerment and choices or Muslim women in Gujerat, India    Laila N HALANI    Dr M J Banks
2005    PhD    Reading    Farmers’ decision-making in rice pest management: implications for farmer field school approaches in Bangladesh    Mohammad Abdul HAMID    Dr D D Shepherd
2005    PhD    Manchester    A fire of tongues: narrative patterning in the Sanskrit Mahabharata    James Marcel HEGARTY
2005    PhD    London, Queen Mary    Intellectual property law and e-commerce in Sri Lanka: towards a jurisprudence based on consitution, Roman-Dutch law and Buddhist principles    T S K HEMARATNE
2005    PhD    Edinburgh    Rights based development: formal and process approaches in Pakistan    Shiona Mary HOOD
2005    PhD    Cambridge, Fitzwilliam    Ecology, economy and society in the eastern Bengal delta, c.1840-1943    Khondker Iftekhar IQBAL    Prof C A Bayley
2005    PhD    Plymouth    International freight transport multimodal development in developing countries: the case of Bangladesh    Dewan Mohammad Zahurul ISLAM    Dr R Gray
2005    DPhil    Sussex    Women, employment and the family: poor informal sector women workers in Dhaka city    Farzana ISLAM    Dr H Standing
2005    PhD    London, LSE    Assessing the impact of Gujerat’s resettlement and rehabilitation policy on the livelihoods of women and their empowerment post-displacement    Anupma JAIN
2005    PhD    Open    Volcanic architecture of the Deccan Traps, western Maharashtra, India: an integrated chemostratigraphic and paleomagnetic study    Anne E JAY
2005    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    Cross cultural perspectives in contemporary Sri Lankan writing in English    Sharanya JAYAWICKRAMA    Dr P Gopal
2005    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    India divided: state and society in the aftermath of partitition: the case of Uttar Pradesh, 1946-1952    Yasmin KHAN    Prof J M Brown; Prof I A Talbot
2005    PhD    London, LSE    Soldiers’ experience of war, Burma 1942-1945    Tatjana Genoveva Ursula KRALJIC    Prof M Knox
2005    MPhil    West of England    An investigation of primary teachers’ professional attitudes in Sri Lanka with special reference to Negombo Educational Zone    Nihil Tissa Kumara LOKULIYANA
2005    DPhil    Oxford    Implications of displacement and resettlement for the Gonds of central India    Preeti MANN    Dr D Chatty; Dr M J Banks
2005    PhD    Queen’s, Belfast    Women’s human rights in Islam and international human rights regime: the case of Pakistan    N MIAN
2005    PhD    London, SOAS    Merchants, markets and the monopoly of the East India Company: the salt trade in Bengal under colonial control c. 1790-1836    Sayako MIKI    Prof P G Robb
2005    PhD    London,  SOAS    The transmission and performance for khyai composition in the Gwalior gharana of India vocal music    A D MORRIS
2005    PhD    Essex    A case of interest maximisation? Military-civil bureaucratic behaviour and political outcomes in Bangladesh (1975-1990)    Khairuzzaman MOZUMDER
2005    EdD    Birmingham    Exploring the potential for educational change through participatory and democratic approaches in Pakistan    N MUHAMMAD
2005    PhD    Nottingham    United Nations charter and treaty-based international human rights monitoring in relation to the prohibition of torture and other cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment or punishment: a study of two states, the United Kingdom and the Republic of India    A MUKHERJEE
2005    DPhil    Sussex    Knowledge, identity, place and (cyber)space: growing up male and middle class in Bangalore    N C NISBETT
2005    PhD    Edinburgh    Case study of a health-oriented NGO in Pakistan    Madeline PATTERSON
2005    PhD    Edinburgh    From medical relief to community health care: a case study of non-governmental organisation (Frontier Primary Health Care) in North Western Province, Pakistan    Margaret Madeline PATTERSON
2005    dpHIL    Oxford, Balliol    Through district eyes: local raj and the myth of the Punjab tradition in British India, 1858-1907    Dara Milnes PRICE    Dr D A Washbrook
2005    PhD    London, SOAS    The sant traditioin and community formation in the works of Guru Nanak and Dadu Dayal    Susan Elizabeth PRILL    Dr C Shackle
2005    PhD    King’s, London    Gender disadvantage as a risk factor for common mental disorder in women residing in Rawalpindi/Islamabad    F QADIR
2005    EdD    Durham    Nurse education, foreign aid and development: a case study from Bangladesh    Patricia ROBSON
2005    DPhil    Sussex    Tamil youth: the performance of hierarchical masculinities: an anthropological study of youth groups in Chennai, Tamil Nadu, India    M C ROGERS
2005    PhD    London, Insti Comm    Socio-economic rights as constitutional human rights: Canada, South Africa and India compared    Desa ROSEN    Dr M Craven (SOAS); Dr P Gready
2005    PhD    London, SOAS    Early photography in India, 1850s-1870s    Stephanie S ROY
2005    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Sentimental imperialism: British literature and India, 1770-1830    Andrew John RUDD    Dr N J Leask
2005    PhD    Edinburgh    Conversion and communication: Christian communication and indigenous agency in conversion among the Kui people of Orissa, India, 1835-1970    Jagat Ranjan SANTRA
2005    PhD    London, SOAS    The formation of Islamic community identity in medieval north India    Nilanjan SARKAR    Dr D Ali
2005    PhD    London, SOAS    The political identity of the Delhi Sultanate, 1200-1400: a study of Zia ud-din Barani’s Fatawa-i-Jahandari    Nilanjan SARKAR    Dr D Ali
2005    PhD    London, SOAS    Globalization and identity: Sikh nationalism, diaspora and international relations    Giorgiandrea SHANI
2005    PhD    Sheffield    Structure and composition of India’s exports with speial reference to India’s post- liberalisation period    Abhijit SHARMA
2005    PhD    De Montfort    Colonial intervention and urban transformation: a case studyof Shahjahanabad, Old Delhi    J P SHARMA
2005    PhD    London, SOAS    A study of the Amaravati stupa: the chronology and social contexts of an early historic Buddhist site in the Lower Krishna Valley    Akira SHIMADA    Dr D Ali
2005    DPhil    Oxford, Green    The business of schooling:the school choice processes, markets and institutions governing low-fee provate schooling for disadvantaged groups in India    Prachi SRIVASTAVA    Dr M Birbili; Prof G Walford
2005    DPhil    Oxford    The experience of four famines in NWP & O (1837-1838, 1860- 1861; 1868-1869; 1896-1897): the gainers and the losers    Seema SRIVASTAVA
2005    MPhil    Nottingham    The effects of Asean on trade flows and assessing trade flows of the candidate country (case study: India)    Puttachat SUWANKIRI
2005    PhD    Edinburgh    Prime time and prayer time: television, religion and the practices of everyday life of Marthoma Christians in Kerala, India    Sham Padinjattethil THOMAS
2005    PhD    Strathclyde    Car dependency and traffic congestion: a case of a Malaysian city in Borneo    L TSESED KONG
2005    MPhil    Dundee    Motivation and incentives in government organisations: a study of the Income Tax Department in India    Mohanish VERMA
2005    PhD    Cambridge, Jesus    Seeking cultural safety: NGO responses to HIV/AIDS among South Asians in Delhi and London    Hannah Jill WESTON    Dr G Kearns
2005    MPhil    London, King’s    Sri Lankan perceptions of health and illness: quantitative and qualitative approaches    Yapa Mudiyanselage Charitha Gothami WIJERATNE
2005    PhD    Sunderland    Women’s ordination in Theravada Buddhism:ancient evidence and modern debates    L WILLIAMS
2005    PhD    London, SOAS    Literate networks and the production of Sgaw and Pwo Karen writing in Burma, c.1830-1930    William Burgess WOMACK    Dr M Charney Professor Ian Brown
2005    PhD    Nottingham    Predictors of language learning success in Bangladeshi secondary education institutions    Feroza YASMIN    Prof Z Dornyel
2006    PhD    London, LSHTM    Quality of care for reproductive tract morbidities by rural private practitioners in north India    Meenakshi GAUTHAM
2006    DPhil    Sussex    Poor women’s experiences of marriage and love in the city of New Delhi: every day stories of Sukh and Dukh    Shalini GROVER
2006    PhD    Newcastle    Valuation techniques of protected areas: a case study of Gir, Gujarat, India    Mohan Lal SHARMA
2006    PhD    London, Imperial    Contaminated irrigaton water and food safety in India    Kerry Vivienne SWANTON

Table 2: List of theses with incomplete data, listed alphabetically by the University and College followed by the AUTHOR (in capital letters) followed by the Supervisor(s) where available and the thesis Title. The Year and/or  Degree were not available in the public database.  If you are an author or supervisor or other academic representative, please write in with these details if possible.

Aberdeen    Sultan Ali ADIL        An economic analysis of energy use in irrigated agriculture of Punjab        PhD
Birmingham 0.365217391    S A KARUNANAYAKE        An evaluation of the present system of local government in Ceylon in the light of national needs for unity and economic and social development and proposals for appropriate changes        PhD
Birmingham 0.369264706    M G KANBUR        Spatial equilibrium analysis of trhe rice economy of South India    2000
BradfordCambridge, Trinity    Z KHAN        The development of overt nuclear weapon states in South Asia        PhD
Cambridge    Katherine Helen PRIOR        The British administration of Hinduism in India, 1780-1900        PhD
Cambridge    G CHAKRAVARTY        Imagining resistance: British historiography and popular fiction on the Indian Rebellion of 1857-1859        PhD
Cambridge 0.327375    Ajit Kumar GHOSE        Production organisation, markets and resource use in Indian agriculture        PhD
Cambridge 0.361285714    M J EGAN        A structural analysis of a Sinhalese healing ritual        PhD
Cambridge, King’s 0.301    J A LAIDLAW        The religion of Svetambar Jain merchants in Jaipur        PhD
Cambridge, Pembroke    H T  FRY    Prof E E Rich    Alexander Dalrymple, cosmographer and servant of the East India Company        PhD
Cambridge, Trinity    Magnus Murray MARSDEN    Dr S B Bayly    Islamization and globalization in Chitral, Northern Pakistan
Cambridge, Trinity Hall    C J JEFFREY    Dr S E Corbridge    Reproducing difference: the accumulation strategies of richer Jat farmers in Western Uttar Pradesh, India    2002
Cambridge, Wolfson    Gethin REES    DrD K Chakrabarti    Buddhism and trade: rock cut caves of the Western Ghats        PhD
Cranfield, Silsoe    Ariyaratne DISSANAYAKE    J Morris    Research and development and extension for agricultural mechanisation in Sri Lanka
De Montfort    S JAIN        The havelis of Rajasthan: form and identity        PhD
Durham 0.401311475    M F A KHAN        The arid zone of West Pakistan        PhD
East Anglia    John HARISS        Technological change in agricultural and agrarian social structure in Northen Tamil Nadu, India        PhD
Edinburgh    N THIN        High spirits and heteroglossia: forest festivals of the Nilgiri Irulas        PhD
Edinburgh    AKSHAY KHANNA        Sexuality as a political object in civil society: active formations in India    2003
Edinburgh    Rebecca WALKER        Concepts of peace in conflict situations in Sri Lanka        PhD
Glasgow    Sana KHOKHAR    Dr F Noorbakhsh; Dr A Paloni    An evaluation of the structural adjustment and economic reform programme: a case study of Pakistan        MPhil
Lancaster    J A BURR        Cultural stereotypes and the diagnosis of depression: women from South Asian communities and their experience of mental distress    1980
Leeds    E K TARIN        Health sector reforms: factors influencing the policy process for government initiatives in the Punjab (Pakistan) health sector, 1993-2000        PhD
Leeds 0.35375    A P A FERNANDO        Agricultural development of Ceylon since independence (1948-1968)- an investigation into some aspects of agricultural development in Ceylon and an evaluation of major agricultural policies adopted in the peasant sector        PhD
Leeds 0.35375    M S KHAN        Policies and planning for agricultural development with a high population density: a case study of East Pakistan        PhD
London    F R M HASAN        Ecology and rural class relations in Bangladesh: a study with special reference to three villages        PhD
London    B GHOSH    Dr Anstey    The Indian salt industry, trade and taxation        PhD
London    R L HATFIELD        Management reform in a centralised environment: primary education administration in Balochistan, Pakistan, 1992-1997        MSc
London    GAYAS-UD-DIN        Medical library and information system for India        PhD
London    Sarmistha PAL        Choice of casual and regular labour contracts in Indian agriculture: a theoretical and empirical analysis    2000
London,  SOAS    Pillarisetti SUDHIR    Mr Chaudhuri    British attitudes to Indian nationalism, 1922-1935    2001 (Apropos the author’s correction in the Comments section, this entry has been moved to the main list.)
London, External 0.357464789    A A KHATRI        Marriage and family relationships in Gujerati fiction        PhD
London, Imperial    Sinniah JEYALINGAWATHANI        Thr utilisation of indigenous and imported Bos indicus breeds in the dry zone of Sri Lanka    2002
London, LSE    A KUNDU    Prof Allen; Mr Booker    Statistical measures of five year plans in India    2003
London, LSE    Flora Elizabeth CORNISH    Dr C Campbell    Constructing an actionable environment: colelctive action for HIV prevention among Kolkata sex workers        MPhil
London, LSE 0.423157895    B P DUTIA        Economic aspects of production and marketing of cotton in India        PhD
London, LSHTM    Margaret J LEPPARD        Obstetric care in a Bangladeshi hospital: an organisational ethnography        PhD
London, LSHTM    Steven RUSSELL        Can households afford to be ill ? the role of the health system, maternal resources and social networks in Sri Lanka        PhD
London, LSHTM    Syed Mohd Akramuz ZAMAN        Cohort study of the effect of measles on childhood morbidity in urban Bangladesh        PhD
London, LSHTM    Mrigesh Roopchandra BHATIA        Economic evaluation od malaria control in Surat, India: bednets versus residual insecticide apray        PhD
London, SOAS    A B M MAHMOOD    Mr Harrison    The land revenue history of the Rajshahi zamindari, 1765-1793        PhD
London, SOAS    Oliver David SPRINGATE-BAGINSKY    Dr S I Jewitt    Sustainable development through particpatory forest management: an analysis of the long term role of the cooperative forest societies of Kangra District, Himachal Pradesh, India        PhD
London, SOAS    Isabella NARDI    Dr G Tillotson    The Citrasutras: the Indian theory of painting    1929?    MA
London, SOAS    Angela ATKINS    Dr R Snell    The Indian novel in English and Hindi        PhD
London, SOAS    Angela C EYRE        Land, language and literary identity: a thematic comparison of Indian novels in Hindi and English        MA
London, SOAS    Rajit Kumar MAZUMDER    Prof P G Robb    The making of Punjab: colonial power, the Indian army and recruited peasants, 1849-1939        MA
London, SOAS    Lalita Nath PANIGRAHI    Prof a l Basham    The practice of female infanticide in India and its suppression in the North Western Provinces        PhD
London, SOAS 0.318795181    Terumichi KAWAI        Freedom of religion in comparative constitutional law with special reference to the UK, US, India and Japan        MPhil
London, SOAS 0.3432    W P KINNEY    Dr M Caldwell; P C Ayre    Aspects of economic development in Malaya        MA
London, SOAS 0.35375    K D GAUR        Economic crimes relating to income tax in India: a critical analysis of tax evasion and tax avoidance        PhD
London, SOAS 0.35375    A GHAFFAR        Protection of personal liberty under the Pakistan constitution        BLitt
London, SOAS 0.35375    K P MISHRA    Dr J B Harrison    The administration and economy of the Banaras region, 1738-1795        BLitt
London, SOAS 0.382153846    K M KARIM        The provinces of Bihar and Bengal under Shabjahan    2003
Manchester    A BERADLEY    Prof Muir    Settlement of the Madras Presidency, 1765-1827        MA
Manchester    W A G HARRINGTON        The theory and practice of non-formal education in developing countries with case studies from India        PhD
Manchester    Jane HAGGIS        Professional ladies and working wives: female missionaries in the London Missionary Society and its South Travancoe District, South India, 1850-1900         MPhil
Manchester 0.401311475    S T G FERNANDO        A historical and analytical account of export taxation in Ceylon, 1802-1958        PhD
Manchester 0.411864407    R L KUMAR        India’s post-war balance of payments sincce 1945-1955        DPhil
Manchester 0.417413793    T S EPSTEIN        A comparative study of economic change and differentiation in two South Indian villages        PhD
Manchester Metropolitan    S PAREKH        Relationships between children with cerebral palsy and their siblings: an ethnography in Kolkata, India
Newcastle    Alice MALPASS    Dr P Phillimore    Hibred kala: the hybrid age of choice, dissent and imagination: contract faming and genetically modified cotton in Karnataka, South India        MSC
Newcastle 0.373432836    K K KHOSLA        Conditions of labour and labour legislation of industrial workers in India since 1947    2001
North London    Jasmin ARA    Ms R Glanville    Primary health care facilities in Bangladesh: a method of planning and design taking account of limited resources, local technology, future growth and change    2000
Oxford    W M KHAN        An economic evaluation of the alternative uses of land under state forests in Baluchistan    1999
Oxford, Campion Hall    P EKKE    Dr D F Brook    An ethnogaphic survey of the Oraons and the Mundas of Chota-Nagpur    1991
Oxford, Nuffield    Alistair McMILLAN    Dr N Gooptu; Prof A F Heath    Scheduled castes, scheduled tribes and party competition in India    1991
Oxford, St Hilda’s    H Vinita TSENG    Prof R F Gombrich    The Nidanavagga of the Saratthappakasini: the first two vaggas    1993
Oxford, Wolfson    Somadeva VASUDEVA    Prof A G J S Sanderson    The yoga of the Malinivijayottaratantra    1994
Reading 0.38671875    M A KAMAL        Balances and unbalanced growth as exemplified by a decade of planning experience in India    1994
Salford    S CHOWDHURY    Mr E K Grime    Housing in Bangladesh    1998
Sheffield    RITA SAIKIA    Prof M F Lynch    The utility of object-oriented domain specification in the context of a large organisation in India    1998
Southampton 0.369264706    Mohammad A MONDAL        A suggested approach to the solution of the profit measurement and asset valuation with reference to the developing economies of India and Pakisttan    1999
Strathclyde 0.37358209    T G GEHANI        A critical review of the work of Scottish Presbyterian missions in India, 1878-1914    1999
Sussex    R G HESELTINE        The development and impact of jute cultivation in Bengal, 1870-1930    2000
Wales    Animesh HALDER        Potential diversification in India’s export pattern    2000
Wales, Swansea    S S MUKHERJEE        Urban process in Calcutta: some planning implications    2004
Wales, Swansea    Julia CLEEVES        Gender and reproductive health: issues in hormonal contraception in India    2004
Wales, University College of Swansea 0.346621622    E A KUMARASINGHE        Information for health planning in Sri Lanka    1965

Carmichael visits Surendranath, 1916

The first Governor of Bengal after the 1912 reunification of Bengal and East Bengal was the Scottish Liberal politician Thomas-Gibson Carmichael, the first (and apparently last) Baron Carmichael. This is a photograph of a 1916 visit he paid to Surendranath Roy’s home at Behala,  Surendranath then being the Deputy President of the Bengal Legislative Council and  probably the most influential officially recognised political statesman in Bengal at the time.

Surendranath’s younger son, Manindranath, is the bespecaled and moustachioed young man in the middle holding the child. If the child is a two or three year old, it would be my father’s elder brother; if the date of the photograph is late in 1916 and the child is a one year old, it would be my father.

carmichael1916

Bengal Legislative Council 1921

This is a 1921 photograph of the Bengal Legislative Council with the Governor of Bengal, the Earl of Ronaldshay (later Secretary of State for India and  known as the Marquess of Zetland) at the centre. To his immediate right is Surendranath Roy, then President of the Council. Seated second to the left of the Governor is Surendranath Banerjee, the eminent leader of the Indian National Congress (and mentor of GK Gokhale and other “moderates” in the national movement); he and Surendranath Roy were friends and political colleagues.

1921legcouncil3

Is “Slumdog Millionaire” the single worst “Best Picture” ever? But then, Hollywood’s critical sensibility has been declining for years….

What I said about “Slumdog Millionaire” in what may have been the first Indian review on December 31 was this:

“How sad that “Slumdog millionaire” is SO disappointing!

Slumdog millionaire seemed an excellent idea for this holiday season given all the favourable foreign reviews and awards as well as a jazzy joyous energetic trailer. Sad to say it turns out a pathetic disappointment, just another moralizing caricature of India — at least Katherine Mayo seemed authentic, this has no authenticity anywhere besides a final Hindi song-and-dance routine which at least looks like a Hindi song-and-dance routine. The young Brit Dev Patel in the lead role might turn out to be a good actor when he grows up but seems here to have been plucked out of a school-play and asked to do his best impersonation of Ben Kingsley impersonating an Indian person. The lines given to all the actors from India are completely and consistently hopeless – imagine a Mumbai-mafia boss coming home and asking his moll to make him a sandwich! Real men in India don’t eat sandwiches at home by choice, and a real Indian gangster’s moll would have had hot pakoras or kebabs and rotis waiting for him. Somebody needed to tell this Director a million little things like that, though you realize within minutes of the start that this is not supposed to be at all the real Dickensian tale from modern Mumbai that the trailer makes it out to be. Rather it seems to be something intended to pander to silly Western stereotypes about India that come most easily to mind — poverty and bad sewage systems in the slums, Hindus assaulting Muslims, men assaulting women and children, gangsters plucking out eyes of beggar-children, tourists being robbed at the Taj Mahal, incompetent call-centre staff mishandling calls, gangsters, gangsters and more gangsters and every one of them cheap and worthless, not a Bill Sykes or Nancy or Fagin among them. Even the throwaway lines peddle Western trivia mentioning Benjamin Franklin and even the Edinburgh Festival. We can only imagine how wonderful a real movie might have been with this same story-line. It should have been done in Hindi or Mahratti throughout with subtitles, and aimed at Indian critics not Western ones. Shekhar Kapur would have done splendidly though even the average Bollywood song-and-dance man might have done well enough. Slumdog millionaire has practically no art in it because the presence of any art requires an honesty of purpose, and that means, first of all, no pandering to the audience. The slight art that exists in it comes from the street-children who at least run like the wind.”

On February 2 I added a postscript

“It is amusing to hear it said in the American and British press that there has been a “smear campaign” against this movie, and one moreover that allegedly started in India. I think my December 31 review here at this site was the very first from India, and it had absolutely nothing to do with anything other than disappointment that a nice New Year’s Eve was rather spoilt by watching a badly made movie. Far from there being some kind of mysterious “smear campaign”, there appears to have been an obvious, calculated and paid-for promotional campaign in the guise of “Entertainment News” conducted on India’s influential English-language TV channels — without a single serious contrary opinion being allowed to be expressed. If the movie receives awards, it may speak more about the quality of the awards than about the movie itself. But of course there has been a general hyperinflation in awards all over in recent decades, from Nobel Prizes downwards.”

Now that it has won Hollywood’s highest acclaim (giving it its 15 Andy Warhol minutes in the limelight), I am led to wonder if it might be the single worst “Best Picture” ever. I cannot admit to having seen all  the movies below and yes there are several real  turkeys among them, especially in recent times,  but I would have to put it right up there with “Dances with Wolves” and ahead of “Titanic”.

1951 An American in Paris
1952 The Greatest Show on Earth
1953 From Here to Eternity
1954 On the Waterfront
1955 Marty
1956 Around the World in Eighty Days
1957 The Bridge on the River Kwai
1958 Gigi
1959 Ben-Hur
1960 The Apartment
1961 West Side Story
1962 Lawrence of Arabia
1963 Tom Jones
1964 My Fair Lady
1965 The Sound of Music
1966 A Man for All Seasons
1967 In the Heat of the Night
1968 Oliver!
1969 Midnight Cowboy
1970 Patton
1971 The French Connection
1972 The Godfather
1973 The Sting
1974 The Godfather Part II
1975 One Flew Over the Cuckoo’s Nest
1976 Rocky
1977 Annie Hall
1978 The Deer Hunter
1979 Kramer vs. Kramer
1980 Ordinary People
1981 Chariots of Fire
1982 Gandhi
1983 Terms of Endearment
1984 Amadeus
1985 Out of Africa
1986 Platoon
1987 The Last Emperor
1988 Rain Man
1989 Driving Miss Daisy
1990 Dances with Wolves
1991 The Silence of the Lambs
1992 Unforgiven
1993 Schindler’s List
1994 Forrest Gump
1995 Braveheart
1996 The English Patient
1997 Titanic
1998 Shakespeare in Love
1999 American Beauty
2000 Gladiator
2001 A Beautiful Mind
2002 Chicago
2003 The Lord of the Rings
2004 Million Dollar Baby
2005 Crash
2006 The Departed
2007 No Country for Old Men
2008 Slumdog Millionaire

Hollywood needs to look at the list and then look in the mirror (which it does all the time except it probably sees nothing back).

Subroto Roy

A Brief History of Gilgit (2006)

A Brief History of Gilgit

by Subroto Roy

This is a rather self-contained excerpt from my two-part article in The Statesman of June 4-5, 2006 titled“Pakistan’s Allies”.

“Jammu & Kashmir and especially Gilgit-Baltistan adjoins the Pashtun regions whose capital has been Peshawar. In August-November 1947, a British coup d’etat against J&K State secured Gilgit-Baltistan for the new British Dominion of Pakistan.

The Treaty of Amritsar had nowhere required Gulab Singh’s dynasty to accept British political control in J&K as came to be exercised by British “Residents” in all other Indian “Native States”. Despite this, Delhi throughout the late 19th Century relentlessly pressed Gulab Singh’s successors Ranbir Singh and Partab Singh to accept political control. The Dogras acquiesced eventually. Delhi’s desire for control had less to do with the welfare of J&K’s people than with protection of increasing British interests in the area, like European migration to Srinagar Valley and guarding against Russian or German moves in Afghanistan.

“Sargin” or “Sargin Gilit”, later corrupted by the Sikhs and Dogras into “Gilgit”, had an ancient people who spoke an archaic Dardic language “intermediate between the Iranian and the Sanskritic”. “The Dards were located by Ptolemy with surprising accuracy on the West of the Upper Indus, beyond the headwaters of the Swat River (Greek: Soastus) and north of the Gandarae (i.e. Kandahar), who occupied Peshawar and the country north of it. This region was traversed by two Chinese pilgrims, Fa-Hsien, coming from the north about AD 400 and Hsuan Tsiang, ascending from Swat in AD 629, and both left records of their journeys.”

Gilgit had been historically ruled by a Hindu dynasty called Trakane; when they became extinct, Gilgit Valley “was desolated by successive invasions of neighbouring rulers, and in the 20 or 30 years ending with 1842 there had been five dynastic revolutions. The Sikhs entered Gilgit about 1842 and kept a garrison there.” When J&K came under Gulab Singh, “the Gilgit claims were transferred with it, and a boundary commission was sent” by the British. In 1852 the Dogras were driven out with 2,000 dead. In 1860 under Ranbir Singh, the Dogras “returned to Gilgit and took Yasin twice, but did not hold it. They also in 1866 invaded Darel, one of the most secluded Dard states, to the south of the Gilgit basin but withdrew again.”

The British appointed a Political Agent in Gilgit in 1877 but he was withdrawn in 1881. “In 1889, in order to guard against the advance of Russia, the British Government, acting as the suzerain power of Kashmir, established the Gilgit Agency”. The Agency was re-established under control of the British Resident in Jammu & Kashmir. “It comprised the Gilgit Wazarat; the State of Hunza and Nagar; the Punial Jagir; the Governorships of Yasin, Kuh-Ghizr and Ishkoman, and Chilas”. In 1935, the British demanded J&K lease to them for 60 years Gilgit town plus most of the Gilgit Agency and the hill-states Hunza, Nagar, Yasin and Ishkuman. Hari Singh had no choice but to acquiesce. The leased region was then treated as part of British India, administered by a Political Agent at Gilgit responsible to Delhi, first through the Resident in J& K and later a British Agent in Peshawar. J& K State no longer kept troops in Gilgit and a mercenary force, the Gilgit Scouts, was recruited with British officers and paid for by Delhi. In April 1947, Delhi decided to formally retrocede the leased areas to Hari Singh’s J& K State as of 15 August 1947. The transfer was to formally take place on 1 August.

On 31 July, Hari Singh’s Governor arrived to find “all the officers of the British Government had opted for service in Pakistan”. The Gilgit Scouts’ commander, a Major William Brown aged 25, and his adjutant, a Captain Mathieson, planned openly to engineer a coup détat against Hari Singh’s Government. Between August and October, Gilgit was in uneasy calm. At midnight on 31 October 1947, the Governor was surrounded by the Scouts and the next day he was “arrested” and a provisional government declared.

Hari Singh’s nearest forces were at Bunji, 34 miles from Gilgit, a few miles downstream from where the Indus is joined by Gilgit River. The 6th J& K Infantry Battalion there was a mixed Sikh-Muslim unit, typical of the State’s Army, commanded by a Lt Col. Majid Khan. Bunji controlled the road to Srinagar. Further upstream was Skardu, capital of Baltistan, part of Laddakh District where there was a small garrison. Following Brown’s coup in Gilgit, Muslim soldiers of the 6th Infantry massacred their Sikh brothers-at-arms at Bunji. The few Sikhs who survived escaped to the hills and from there found their way to the garrison at Skardu.

On 4 November 1947, Brown raised the new Pakistani flag in the Scouts’ lines, and by the third week of November a Political Agent from Pakistan had established himself at Gilgit. Brown had engineered Gilgit and its adjoining states to first secede from J&K, and, after some talk of being independent, had promptly acceded to Pakistan. His commander in Peshawar, a Col. Bacon, as well as Col. Iskander Mirza, Defence Secretary in the new Pakistan and later to lead the first military coup détat and become President of Pakistan, were pleased enough. In July 1948, Brown was awarded an MBE (Military) and the British Governor of the NWFP got him a civilian job with ICI~ which however sent him to Calcutta, where he came to be attacked and left for dead on the streets by Sikhs avenging the Bunji massacre. Brown survived, returned to England, started a riding school, and died in 1984. In March 1994, Pakistan awarded his widow the Sitara-I-Pakistan in recognition of his coup détat.

Gilgit’s ordinary people had not participated in Brown’s coup which carried their fortunes into the new Pakistan, and to this day appear to remain without legislative representation. It was merely assumed that since they were mostly Muslim in number they would wish to be part of Pakistan ~ which also became Liaquat Ali Khan’s assumption about J&K State as a whole in his 1950 statements in North America. What the Gilgit case demonstrates is that J&K State’s descent into a legal condition of ownerless anarchy open to “Military Decision” had begun even before the Pakistani invasion of 22 October 1947 (viz. “Solving Kashmir”, The Statesman, 1-3 December 2005). Also, whatever else the British said or did with respect to J & K, they were closely allied to the new Pakistan on the matter of Gilgit.”

Map of India, Afghanistan, Russia, China c. 1897

mapofindiaafghanistanrussiachinac18972

Pakistani expansionism: India and the world need to beware of “Non-Resident Pakistanis” ruled by Rahmat Ali’s ghost

The Government of Pakistan is said to be due to release its initial report on the involvement of Pakistanis in the Mumbai massacres.  It is reportedly expected that the G o P will partly if not mainly or wholly attribute responsibility for the planning of the massacres to expatriate  Pakistanis  in other countries, perhaps in Europe and Britain.  If so, a fact the Government of India might find prudent to recall is that the Government of Pakistan in bygone decades did deny citizenship to Rahmat Ali himself    (who invented the acronym “P, A, K, I, S, T, A, N” ) and even deported him back to Britain from where he had carried out his vituperative and bigoted campaign against Hindus.

Rahmat Ali’s British grave has become a site of pilgrimage for expatriate Pakistani extremists and his ignorant hate-filled ideology from the 1930s has been inspiring their modern manifestos.  I said this in an article published in Karachi’s Dawn newspaper in 2005, which also pointed to Iqbal and Jinnah’s disdain for Rahmat Ali’s views (see “Iqbal and Jinnah vs Rahmat Ali” republished here).  American nationals and  British subjects of Pakistani origin inspired by Rahmat Ali’s  ghost are spreading theories of Pakistani territorial expansionism at the cost of the destruction of the Indian Republic and many other countries.

The fact that at one such website recently I myself, presumably because of my Hindu name and Indian nationality, have been referred to as a “monkey- or donkey-worshipper” 😀  may speak to the somewhat  rabid nature of such ideologies.  (Drat! And there I was expecting some elementary Pakistani courtesy and acknowledgment let alone gratitude for having created, at great personal cost at an American university twenty years ago, the volume with WE James titled Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s with its mundane chapters on agriculture, macroeconomics, education etc!)

Incidentally, British newspapers are reporting today that America’s  CIA has been deeply concerned about British subjects of Pakistani origin being a source of international terrorism. It may be pertinent to recall  that terrorism in India’s Punjab had much support among numerous Sikh expatriates and immigrants in North America and Britain, and the same kind of thing may be true of Tamil expatriates from  Sri Lanka.  Being isolated and alienated as immigrants in a foreign country may lead to psychological conditions that contribute to such phenomena, whereby political and other events in the faraway country-of-origin take on exaggerated proportions in an individual’s mental make-up.   Certainly Rahmat Ali himself was a rather tragic lonely figure who wasted his own potential to properly contribute to Pakistan’s political history  through his own self-blinding hatred of Hindus.

SR

How to solve Kashmir (2009)

see

https://independentindian.com/2015/03/03/pakistans-indias-illusions-of-power-psychosis-vs-vanity/

https://independentindian.com/2011/10/13/my-seventy-one-notes-at-facebook-etc-on-kashmir-pakistan-and-of-course-india-listed-thanks-to-jd/

Also

from Jan 2009
It is excellent news Omar Abdullah has become the constitutionally elected Head of Government of the great Indian state of Jammu & Kashmir after a historic vote.  I had the privilege of meeting his esteemed father briefly once on 23 March 1991 at the residence of the late Rajiv Gandhi though it would be understandable if he did not recall it.  Farooq Abdullah’s father Sheikh Abdullah was not merely a Lion of Kashmir but a genuine hero of Indian history, a true Bharat Ratna, someone whose commitment to constitutional principles of law and politics I admire more and more as I learn more of it…

The purpose of this open letter is to describe the broad path I believe to be the only just and lawful one available to the resolution of what has been known universally as the Kashmir problem.

Very briefly, it involves recognizing that the question of lawful territorial sovereignty in J&K is logically distinct from the question of the choice of nationality by individual inhabitants.  The solution requires

(a)    acknowledging that the original entity in the world system known as Jammu & Kashmir arising on March 16 1846 ceased to exist on or about October 22 1947, and that the military contest that commenced on the latter date has resulted in fact, given all particular circumstances of history, in the lawful and just outcome in international law;
(b)    offering all who may be Indian nationals or stateless and who presently live under Article 370, a formal choice of nationality between the Republics of India, Iran, Afghanistan and Pakistan: citizen-by-citizen, without fear or favour, under conditions of full information, individual privacy and security; any persons who voluntarily choose to renounce Indian nationality in such private individual decisions would be nevertheless granted lawful permanent residence in the Indian Republic and J&K in particular.

In other words, the dismemberment of the original J&K State and annexation of its territories by the entities known today as the Republic of Pakistan and Republic of India  that occurred since October 22 1947, as represented first by the 1949 Ceasefire Line and then by the 1972 Line of Control, is indeed the just and lawful outcome prevailing in respect of the question of territorial sovereignty and jurisdiction. The remaining democratic question has to do with free individual choice of nationality by inhabitants, under conditions of full information and privacy, citizen-by-citizen, with the grant of permanent residency rights by the Indian Republic to persons under its jurisdiction in J&K who might wish to choose, for deeply personal individual reasons, not to remain Indian nationals but become Afghan, Iranian or Pakistani nationals instead (or remain stateless).   Pakistan has said frequently its sole concern has been the freedom of Muslims of J&K under Indian rule, and any such genuine concern shall have been thereby fully met by India.  Indeed if Pakistan agreed to act similarly this entire complex mortal problem of decades shall have begun to be resolved most appropriately. Pakistan and India are both wracked by corruption, poverty and bad governance, and would be able to mutually draw down military forces pit against one another everywhere, so as to begin to repair the grave damage to their fiscal health caused over decades by the deleterious draining away of vast public resources.

The full reasoning underlying this solution, which I believe to be the only lawful, just, efficient and stable solution that exists, is thoroughly explained in the following five  articles. The first four, “Solving Kashmir”, “Law, Justice & J&K”, “History of J&K”, and “Pakistan’s Allies”, were published in The Statesman in 2005-2006 and are marked ONE, TWO, THREE, and FOUR below, and are also available elsewhere here.  The fifth “An Indian Reply to President Zardari”, marked FIVE, was published for the first time here following the Mumbai massacres.  I believe careful reflection upon this entire body of reasoning may lead all reasonable men and women to a practically unanimous consensus about this as the appropriate course of action; if such a consensus happened to arise, the implementation of the solution shall only be a matter of relatively uncomplicated procedural detail.

Subroto Roy
January 7 2009

“ONE
SOLVING KASHMIR: ON AN APPLICATION OF REASON by Subroto Roy First published in three parts in The Statesman, Editorial Page Special Article, December 1,2,3 2005, http://www.thestatesman.net

(This article has its origins in a paper “Towards an Economic Solution for Kashmir” which circulated in Washington DC in 1992-1995, including at the Indian and Pakistani embassies and the Carnegie Endowment, and was given as an invited lecture at the Heritage Foundation on June 23 1998. It should be read along with other articles also republished here, especially “History of J&K”, “Law, Justice and J&K” , “Understanding Pakistan”, “Pakistan’s Allies” and “What to Tell Musharraf”. The Washington paper and lecture itself originated from my ideas in the Introduction to Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy, edited by WE James and myself in the University of Hawaii project on Pakistan 1986-1992.)

I. Give Indian `Green Cards’ to the Hurriyat et al
India, being a liberal democracy in its constitutional law, cannot do in Jammu & Kashmir what Czechoslovakia did to the “Sudeten Germans” after World War II. On June 18 1945 the new Czechoslovakia announced those Germans and Magyars within their borders who could not prove they had been actively anti-fascist before or during the War would be expelled — the burden of proof was placed on the individual, not the State. Czechoslovakia “transferring” this population was approved by the Heads of the USA, UK and USSR Governments at Potsdam on August 2 1945. By the end of 1946, upto two million Sudeten Germans were forced to flee their homes; thousands may have died by massacre or otherwise; 165,000 remained who were absorbed as Czechoslovak citizens. Among those expelled were doubtless many who had supported Germany and many others who had not — the latter to this day seek justice or even an apology in vain. Czechoslovakia punished none of its nationals for atrocities, saying it had been revenge for Hitler’s evil (”badla” in Bollywood terms) and the post Cold War Czech Government too has declined to render an apology. Revenge is a wild kind of justice (while justice may be a civilised kind of revenge).

India cannot follow this savage precedent in international law. Yet we must recognise there are several hundred and up to several hundred thousand persons on our side of the boundary in the State of Jammu & Kashmir who do not wish to be Indian nationals. These people are presently our nationals ius soli, having been born in territory of the Indian Republic, and/or ius sanguinis, having been born of parents who are Indian nationals; or they may be “stateless” whom we must treat in accordance with the 1954 Convention on Stateless Persons. The fact is they may not wish to carry Indian passports or be Indian nationals.

In this respect their juridical persons resemble the few million “elite” Indians who have in the last few decades freely placed their hands on their hearts and solemnly renounced their Indian nationality, declaring instead their individual fidelity to other nation-states — becoming American, Canadian or Australian citizens, or British subjects or nationals of other countries. Such people include tens of thousands of the adult children of India’s metropolitan “elite”, who are annually visited abroad in the hot summer months by their Indian parents and relatives. They are daughters and sons of New Delhi’s Government and Opposition, of retired generals, air marshals, admirals, ambassadors, cabinet secretaries, public sector bureaucrats, private sector businessmen, university professors, journalists, doctors and many others. India’s most popular film-actress exemplified this “elite” capital-flight when, after a tireless search, she chose a foreign husband and moved to California.

The difference in Jammu & Kashmir would be that those wishing to renounce Indian nationality do not wish to move to any other place but to stay as and where they are, which is in Kashmir Valley or Jammu. Furthermore, they may wish, for whatever reason, to adopt, if they are eligible to do so, the nationality of e.g. the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan or the Islamic Republic of Iran or the Islamic Republic of Pakistan.

They may believe themselves descended from Ahmad Shah Abdali whose Afghans ruled or mis-ruled Kashmir Valley before being defeated by Ranjit Singh’s Sikhs in 1819. Or they may believe themselves of Iranian descent as, for example, are the Kashmiri cousins of the late Ayatollah Khomeini. Or they may simply have wished to be, or are descended from persons who had wished to be on October 26 1947, citizens of the then-new British Dominion of Pakistan — but who came to be prevented from properly expressing such a desire because of the war-like conditions that have prevailed ever since between India and Pakistan. There may be even a few persons in Laddakh who are today Indian nationals but who wish to be considered Tibetans instead; there is, however, no Tibetan Republic and it does not appear there is going to be one.

India, being a free and self-confident country, should allow, in a systematic lawful manner, all such persons to fulfil their desires, and furthermore, should ensure they are not penalised for having expressed such “anti-national” desires or for having acted upon them. Sir Mark Tully, the British journalist, is an example of someone who has been a foreign national who has chosen to reside permanently in the Republic of India — indeed he has been an exemplary permanent resident of our country. There are many others like him. There is no logical reason why all those persons in Jammu & Kashmir who do wish not to be Indians by nationality cannot receive the same legal status from the Indian Republic as has been granted to Sir Mark Tully. There are already thousands of Sri Lankan, Bangladeshi and Nepalese nationals who are lawful permanent residents in the Indian Republic, and who travel back and forth between India and their home countries. There is no logical reason why the same could not be extended to several hundred or numerous thousand people in Jammu & Kashmir who may wish to not accept or to renounce their Indian nationality (for whatever personal reason) and instead become nationals, if they are so eligible, of the Islamic Republics of Afghanistan, Iran or Pakistan, or, for that matter, to remain stateless. On the one hand, their renunciation of Indian nationality is logically equivalent to the renunciation of Indian nationality by the adult children of India’s “elite” settled in North America and Western Europe. On the other hand, their wish to adopt, if they are eligible, a foreign nationality, such as that of Afghanistan, Iran or Pakistan, and yet remain domiciled in Indian territory is logically equivalent to that of many foreign nationals domiciled in India already like Sir Mark Tully.

Now if you are a permanent resident of some country, you may legally have many, perhaps most, but certainly not all the rights and duties of nationals of that country. e.g., though you will have to pay all the same taxes, you may not be allowed to (or be required to) vote in national or provincial elections but you may in local municipal elections. At the same time, permanently residing foreign nationals are supposed to be equal under the law and have equal access to all processes of civil and criminal justice. (As may be expected though from human frailty, even the federal courts of the USA can be notorious in their injustice and racism towards “Green Card” holders relative to “full” American citizens.) Then again, as a permanently resident foreigner, while you will be free to work in any lawful trade or profession, you may not be allowed to work in some or perhaps any Government agencies, certainly not the armed forces or the police. Many Indians in the USA were engineering graduates, and because many engineering jobs or contracts in the USA are related to the US armed forces and require US citizens only, it is commonplace for Indian engineers to renounce their Indian nationality and become Americans because of this. Many Indian-American families have one member who is American, another Indian, a third maybe Canadian, a fourth Fijian or British etc.

The same can happen in the Indian State of Jammu & Kashmir if it evolves peacefully and correctly in the future. It is quite possible to imagine a productive family in a peaceful Kashmir Valley of the future where one brother is an officer in the Indian Armed Forces, another brother a civil servant and a sister a police officer of the J&K State Government, another sister being a Pakistani doctor, while cousins are Afghan or Iranian or “stateless” businessmen. Each family-member would have made his/her choice of nationality as an individual given the circumstances of his/her life, his/her personal comprehension of the facts of history, his/her personal political and/or religious persuasions, and similar deeply private considerations. All would have their children going to Indian schools and being Indian citizens ius soli and/or ius sanguinis. When the children grow up, they would be free to join, if they wished, the existing capital flight of other Indian adult children abroad and there renounce their Indian nationality as many have come to do.

II Revealing Choices Privately with Full Information
For India to implement such a proposal would be to provide an opportunity for all those domiciled in Kashmir Valley, Jammu and Laddakh to express freely and privately as individuals their deepest wishes about their own identities, in a confidential manner, citizen by citizen, case by case. This would thereby solve the fundamental democratic problem that has been faced ever since the Pakistani attack on the original State of Jammu & Kashmir commenced on October 22 1947, which came to be followed by the Rape of Baramulla — causing the formal accession of the State to the then-new Dominion of India on October 26 1947.

A period of, say, 30 months may be announced by the Government of India during which full information would be provided to all citizens affected by this change, i.e. all those presently governed by Article 370 of the Indian Constitution. The condition of full information may include, for example, easy access to Afghan, Iranian and Pakistani newspapers in addition to access to Indian media. Each such person wishing to either remain with Indian nationality (by explicitly requesting an Indian passport if he/she does not have one already — and such passports can be printed in Kashmiri and Urdu too), or to renounce Indian nationality and either remain stateless or adopt, if he/she is so eligible, the nationality of e.g. Afghanistan, Iran, or Pakistan, should be administratively assisted by the Government of India to make that choice.

In particular, he/she should be individually, confidentially, and without fear or favour assured and informed of his/her new rights and responsibilities. For example, a resident of Kashmir Valley who chooses to become a Pakistani citizen, such as Mr Geelani, would now enjoy the same rights and responsibilities in the Indian Republic that Mr Tully enjoys, and at the same time no longer require a visa to visit Pakistan just as Mr Tully needs no visa to enter Britain. In case individual participants in the Hurriyat choose to renounce Indian nationality and adopt some other, they would no longer be able to legally participate in Indian national elections or J&K’s State elections. That is something which they say they do not wish to do in any case. Those members of the Hurriyat who chose e.g. Pakistani nationality while still residing in Jammu & Kashmir, would be free to send postal ballots or cross the border and vote in Pakistan’s elections if and when these occur. There are many Canadians who live permanently in the USA who cross home to Canada in order to cast a ballot.

After the period of 30 months, every person presently under Article 370 of the Indian Constitution would have received a full and fair opportunity to privately and confidentially reveal his/her preference or choice under conditions of full information. “Partition”, “Plebiscite”, and “Military Decision” have been the three alternatives under discussion ever since the National Conference of Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah and his then-loyal Deputy, Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad, helped the Indian Army and Air Force in 1947-1948 fight off the savage attack against Jammu & Kashmir State that had commenced from Pakistan on October 22 1947. When, during the Pakistani attack, the Sheikh and Bakshi agreed to the Muslim Conference’s demand for a plebiscite among the people, the Pakistanis balked — the Sheikh and Bakshi then withdrew their offer and decisively and irrevocably chose to accede to the Indian Union. The people of Jammu & Kashmir, like any other, are now bound by the sovereign political commitments made by their forebears. Even so, given the painful mortal facts of the several decades since, the solution here proposed if properly implemented would be an incomparably more thorough democratic exercise than any conceivable plebiscite could ever have been.

Furthermore, regardless of the outcome, it would not entail any further “Partition” or population “transfer” which inevitably would degenerate into a savage balkanization, and has been ruled out as an unacceptable “deal-breaker” by the Indian Republic. Instead, every individual person would have been required, in a private and confidential decision-making process, to have chosen a nationality or to remain stateless — resulting in a multitude of cosmopolitan families in Jammu & Kashmir. But that is something commonplace in the modern world. Properly understood and properly implemented, we shall have resolved the great mortal problem we have faced for more than half a century, and Jammu & Kashmir can finally settle into a period of peace and prosperity. The boundary between India and Pakistan would have been settled by the third alternative mentioned at the time, namely, “Military Decision”.

III. Of Flags and Consulates in Srinagar and Gilgit
Pakistan has demanded its flag fly in Srinagar. This too can happen though not in the way Pakistan has been wishing to see it happen. A Pakistan flag might fly in the Valley just as might an Afghan and Iranian flag as well. Pakistan has wished its flag to fly as the sovereign over Jammu & Kashmir. That is not possible. The best and most just outcome is for the Pakistani flag to fly over a recognised Pakistani consular or visa office in Srinagar, Jammu and Leh. In diplomatic exchange, the Indian tricolour would have to fly over a recognised Indian consular or visa office in Muzaffarabad, Gilgit and Skardu.

Pakistan also may have to act equivalently with respect to the original inhabitants of the territory of Jammu & Kashmir that it has been controlling — allowing those people to become Indian nationals if they so chose to do in free private decisions under conditions of full information. In other words, the “Military Decision” that defines the present boundary between sovereign states must be recognised by Pakistan sincerely and permanently in a Treaty relationship with India — and all of Pakistan’s official and unofficial protégés like the Hurriyat and the “United Jehad Council” would have to do the same. Without such a sovereign commitment from the Government of Pakistan, as shown by decisive actions of lack of aggressive intent (e.g. as came to be implemented between the USA and USSR), the Government of India has no need to involve the Government of Pakistan in implementing the solution of enhancing free individual choice of nationality with regard to all persons on our side of the boundary.

The “Military Decision” regarding the sovereign boundary in Jammu & Kashmir will be so recognised by all only if it is the universally just outcome in international law. And that in fact is what it is.

The original Jammu & Kashmir State began its existence as an entity in international law long before the present Republics of India and Pakistan ever did. Pakistan commences as an entity on August 14 1947; India commences as an entity of international law with its signing of the Treaty of Versailles on June 20 1918. Jammu & Kashmir began as an entity on March 16 1846 — when the Treaty of Amritsar was signed between Gulab Singh Dogra and the British, one week after the Treaty of Lahore between the British and the defeated Sikh regency of the child Daleep Singh.

Liaquat Ali Khan and Zafrullah Khan both formally challenged on Pakistan’s behalf the legitimacy of Dogra rule in Jammu & Kashmir since the Treaty of Amritsar. The Pakistani Mission to the UN does so even today. The Pakistanis were following Sheikh Abdullah and Jawaharlal Nehru himself, who too had at one point challenged Dogra legitimacy in the past. But though the form of words of the Pakistan Government and the Nehru-Abdullah position were similar in their attacks on the Treaty of Amritsar, their underlying substantive reasons were as different as chalk from cheese. The Pakistanis attacked the Dogra dynasty for being Dogra — i.e. because they were Hindus and not Muslims governing a Muslim majority. Nehru and Abdullah denounced monarchic autocracy in favour of mass democracy, and so attacked the Dogra dynasty for being a dynasty. All were wrong to think the Treaty of Amritsar anything but a lawful treaty in international law.

Furthermore, in this sombre political game of great mortal consequence, there were also two other parties who were, or appeared to be, in favour of the dynasty: one because the dynasty was non-Muslim, the other, despite it being so. Non-Muslim minorities like many Hindus and Sikhs in the business and governmental classes, saw the Dogra dynasty as their protector against a feared communalist tyranny arising from the Sunni Muslim masses of Srinagar Valley, whom Abdullah’s rhetoric at Friday prayer-meetings had been inciting or at least awakening from slumber. At the same time, the communalists of the Muslim Conference who had broken away from Abdullah’s secular National Conference, sought political advantage over Abdullah by declaring themselves in favour of keeping the dynasty — even elevating it to become an international sovereign, thus flattering the already pretentious potentate that he would be called “His Majesty” instead of merely “His Highness”. The ancestry of today’s Hurriyat’s demands for an independent Jammu & Kashmir may be traced precisely to those May 21-22 1947 declarations of the Muslim Conference leader, Hamidullah Khan.

Into this game stumbled the British with all the mix of cunning, indifference, good will, impatience, arrogance and pomposity that marked their rule in India. At the behest of the so-called “Native Princes”, the 1929 Butler Commission had hinted that the relationship of “Indian India” to the British sovereign was conceptually different from that of “British India” to the British sovereign. This view was adopted in the Cabinet Mission’s 12 May 1946 Memorandum which in turn came to be applied by Attlee and Mountbatten in their unseemly rush to “Divide and Quit” India in the summer of 1947.

It created the pure legal illusion that there was such a thing as “Lapse of Paramountcy” at which Jammu & Kashmir or any other “Native State” of “Indian India” could conceivably, even for a moment, become a sovereign enjoying the comity of nations — contradicting Britain’s own position that only two Dominions, India and Pakistan, could ever be members of the British Commonwealth and hence members of the newly created UN. British pusillanimity towards Jammu & Kashmir’s Ruler had even extended to making him a nominal member of Churchill’s War Cabinet because he had sent troops to fight in Burma. But the legal illusion had come about because of a catastrophic misunderstanding on the part of the British of their own constitutional law.

The only legal scholar who saw this was B R Ambedkar in a lonely and brilliant technical analysis released to the press on June 17 1947. No “Lapse of Paramountcy” over the “Native Princes” of Indian India could occur in constitutional law. Paramountcy over Indian India would be automatically inherited by the successor state of British India at the Transfer of Power. That successor state was the new British Dominion of India as well as (when it came to be finalised by Partition from India) the new British Dominion of Pakistan (Postscript: the deleted words represent a mistake made in the original paper, corrected in “Law, Justice & J&K” in view of the fact the UN  in 1947 deemed  India alone the successor state of British India and Pakistan a new state in the world system).  A former “Native Prince” could only choose to which Dominion he would go. No other alternative existed even for a single logical moment. Because the British had catastrophically failed to comprehend this aspect of their own constitutional law, they created a legal vacuum whereby between August 15 and October 22-26 1947, Jammu & Kashmir became a local and temporary sovereign recognised only by the Dominion of Pakistan (until October 22) and the Dominion of India (until October 26). But it was not a globally recognised sovereign and was never going to be such in international law. This was further proved by Attlee refusing to answer the J&K Prime Minister’s October 18 1947 telegram.

All ambiguity came to end with the Pakistani attack of October 22 1947, the Rape of Baramulla, the secession of an “Azad Kashmir”declared by Sardar Ibrahim, and the Pakistani coup détat in Gilgit on October 31 1947 followed by the massacre of Sikh soldiers of the J&K Army at Bunji. With those Pakistani actions, Gulab Singh’s Jammu & Kashmir State, founded on March 16 1846 by the Treaty of Amritsar, ceased to logically exist as an entity in international law and fell into a state of ownerless anarchy. The conflict between Ibrahim’s Muslim communalists backed by the new Dominion of Pakistan and Abdullah’s secularists backed by the new Dominion of India had become a civil war within a larger intra-Commonwealth war that itself was almost a civil war between forces of the same military.

Jammu & Kashmir territory had become ownerless. The Roman Law which is at the root of all municipal and international law in the world today would declare that in the ownership of such an ownerless entity, a “Military Decision” was indeed the just outcome. Sovereignty over the land, waters, forests and other actual and potential resources of the erstwhile State of Jammu & Kashmir has become divided by “Military Decision” between the modern Republics of India and Pakistan. By the proposal made herein, the people and their descendants shall have chosen their nationality and their domicile freely across the sovereign boundary that has come to result.

TWO
LAW, JUSTICE AND J&K by Subroto Roy First published in two parts in The Sunday Statesman, July 2 2006 and The Statesman July 3 2006 http://www.thestatesman.net Editorial Page Special Article

I.
For a solution to J&K to be universally acceptable it must be seen by all as being lawful and just. Political opinion in Pakistan and India as well as all people and parties in J&K ~ those loyal to India, those loyal to Pakistan, and any others ~ will have to agree that, all things considered, such is the right course of action for everyone today in the 21st Century, which means too that the solution must be consistent with the facts of history as well as account reasonably for all moral considerations.

On August 14, 1947, the legal entity known as “British India”, as one of its final acts, and based on a sovereign British decision made only two months earlier, created out of some of its territory a new State defined in international law as the “Dominion of Pakistan”. British India extinguished itself the very next day, and the newly independent “Dominion of India” succeeded to all its rights and obligations in international law. As the legal successor of the “India” which had signed the Treaty of Versailles in 1919 and the San Francisco Declaration of 1945, the Dominion of India was already a member of the new UN as well as a signatory to many international treaties. By contrast, the Dominion of Pakistan had to apply afresh to sign treaties and become a member of international organisations. The theory put forward by Argentina that two new States, India and Pakistan, had been created ab initio, came to be rejected and was withdrawn by Argentina. Instead, Pakistan with the wholehearted backing of India was made a member of the UN, with all except Afghanistan voting in favour. (Afghanistan’s exceptional vote signalled presence of conflict over the Durand Line and idea of a Pashtunistan; Dr Khan Sahib and Abdul Ghaffar Khan were imprisoned by the Muslim League regime of NWFP which later supported the tribesmen who attacked J&K starting October 22, 1947; that conflict remains unresolved to this day, even after the American attack on the Taliban, the restart of a constitutional process in Afghanistan, and the purported mediation of US Secretary of State Condoleeza Rice.)

Zafrullah Khan, Pakistan’s distinguished first ambassador to the UN, claimed in September 1947: “Pakistan is not a new member of UNO but a successor to a member State which was one of the founders of the Organisation.” He noted that he himself had led India to the final session of the League of Nations in Geneva in 1939, and he wished to say that Pakistan had been present “as part of India… under the latter name” as a signatory to the Treaty of Versailles. This was, however, logically impossible. The Treaty of Versailles long predated (1) Mohammad Iqbal’s Allahabad Address which conceptualised for the first time in the 20th Century a Muslim State in Northwest India; (2) Rahmat Ali’s invention of the word “PAKSTAN” on the top floor of a London omnibus; (3) M. A. Jinnah and Fazlul Haq’s Lahore Resolution; and (4) the final British decision of June 3, 1947 to create by Partition out of “British India” a Dominion named Pakistan. Pakistan could not have acted in international law prior to having come into being or been created or even conceived itself. Zafrullah Khan would have been more accurate to say that the history of Pakistanis until August 14, 1947 had been one in common with that of their Indian cousins ~ or indeed their Indian brothers, since innumerable North Indian Muslim families came to be literally partitioned, with some brothers remaining Indians while other brothers became Pakistanis.

Pakistan was created at the behest of Jinnah’s Muslim League though with eventual agreement of the Indian National Congress (a distant ancestor of the political party going by the same name today). Pakistan arose not because Jinnah said Hindus and Muslims were “two nations” but because he and his League wished for a State where Muslims would find themselves ruled by fellow-Muslims and feel themselves part of a pan-Islamic culture. Yet Pakistan was intended to be a secular polity with Muslim-majority governance, not an Islamic theocracy. That Pakistan failed to become secular was exemplified most poignantly in the persecution Zafrullah himself later faced in his personal life as an Ahmadiya, even while he was Pakistan’s Foreign Minister. (The same happened later to Pakistan’s Nobel-winning physicist Abdus Salaam.) Pakistan was supposed to allow the genius of Indo-Muslim culture to flourish, transplanted from places like Lucknow and Aligarh which would never be part of it. In fact, the areas that are Pakistan today had in the 1937 provincial elections shown scant popular Muslim support for Jinnah’s League. The NWFP had a Congress Government in the 1946 elections, and its supporters boycotted the pro-Pakistan referendum in 1947. The imposition of Urdu culture as Pakistan’s dominant ethos might have come to be accepted later in West Punjab, Sindh and NWFP but it was not acceptable in East Bengal, and led inevitably to the Pakistani civil war and creation of Bangladesh by Sheikh Mujib in 1971.

In August 1947, the new Dominions of India and Pakistan were each supposed to protect their respective minority populations as their first political duty. Yet both palpably failed in this, and were reduced to making joint declarations pleading for peace and an end to communal killings and the abduction of women. The Karachi Government, lacking the wherewithal and administrative machinery of being a nation-state at all, and with only Liaquat and an ailing Jinnah as noted leaders, may have failed more conspicuously, and West Punjab, the Frontier and Sindh were soon emptied of almost all their many Sikhs and Hindus. Instead, the first act of the new Pakistan Government in the weeks after August 14, 1947 was to arrange for the speedy and safe transfer of the North Indian Muslim elite by air from Delhi using chartered British aeroplanes. The ordinary Muslim masses of UP, Delhi and East Punjab were left in danger from or were subjected to Sikh and Hindu mob attacks, especially as news and rumours spread of similar outrages against Pakistan’s departing minorities.

In this spiral of revenge attacks and counter-attacks, bloodshed inevitably spilled over from West and East Punjab into the northern Punjabi plains of Jammu, though Kashmir Valley remained conspicuously peaceful. Zafrullah and Liaquat would later claim it was this communal civil war which had caused thousands of newly decommissioned Mirpuri soldiers of the British Army, and thousands of Afridi and other Frontier tribesmen, to spontaneously act to “liberate” J&K’s Muslims from alleged tyranny under the Hindu Ruler or an allegedly illegal Indian occupation.

But the main attack on J&K State that began from Pakistan along the Manshera-Muzaffarabad road on October 22, 1947 was admittedly far too well-organised, well-armed, well-planned and well-executed to have been merely a spontaneous uprising of tribesmen and former soldiers. In all but name, it was an act of undeclared war of the new Dominion of Pakistan first upon the State of J&K and then upon the Indian Dominion. This became obvious to Field Marshall Auchinlek, who, as Supreme Commander of the armed forces of both India and Pakistan, promptly resigned and abolished the Supreme Command in face of the fact that two parts of his own forces were now at war with one another.

The invaders failed to take Srinagar solely because they lost their military purpose while indulging in the Rape of Baramula. Thousands of Kashmiri women of all communities ~ Muslim, Sikh and Hindu ~ were violated and transported back to be sold in markets in Peshawar and elsewhere. Such was standard practice in Central Asian tribal wars from long before the advent of Islam, and the invading tribesmen shared that culture. India’s Army and Air Force along with the militias of the secular democratic movement led by Sheikh Abdullah and those remaining loyal units of J&K forces, fought off the invasion, and liberated Baramula, Naushera, Uri, Poonch etc. Gilgit had a British-led coup détat against it bringing it under Pakistan’s control. Kargil was initially taken by the Pakistanis and then lost by them. Leh could have been but was not taken by Pakistani forces. But in seeking to protect Leh and to retake Kargil, the Indian Army lost the siege of Skardu ~ which ended reputedly with the infamous communication from the Pakistani commander to his HQ: “All Sikhs killed; all women raped.”

Legal theory
Now, in this grave mortal conflict, the legal theory to which both the Indian and Pakistani Governments have been wedded for sixty years is one that had been endorsed by the British Cabinet Mission in 1946 and originated with the Butler Commission of 1929. Namely, that “Lapse of Paramountcy” over the “Indian India” of the “Native States” could and did occur with the extinction of British India on August 15, 1947. By this theory, Hyderabad, J&K, Junagadh and the several other States which had not acceded to either Dominion were no longer subject to the Crown’s suzerainty as of that date. Both Dominions drew up “Instruments of Accession” for Rulers to sign upon the supposed “Lapse” of Paramountcy that was to occur with the end of British India.

Ever since, the Pakistan Government has argued that Junagadh’s Ruler acceded to Pakistan and Hyderabad’s had wished to do so but both were forcibly prevented by India. Pakistan has also argued the accession to India by J&K’s Ruler was “fraudulent” and unacceptable, and Sheikh Abdullah was a “Quisling” of India and it was not his National Conference but the Muslim Conference of Ibrahim, Abbas and the Mirwaiz (precursor of the Hurriyat) which represented J&K’s Muslims.

India argued that Junagadh’s accession to Pakistan or Hyderabad’s independence were legal and practical impossibilities contradicting the wills of their peoples, and that their integration into the Indian Dominion was carried out in an entirely legitimate manner in the circumstances prevailing.

On J&K, India has argued that not only had the Ruler requested Indian forces to fight off the Pakistani attack, and he acceded formally before Indian forces were sent, but also that democratic principles were fully adhered to in the unequivocal endorsement of the accession by Sheikh Abdullah and the National Conference and further by a duly called and elected J&K Constituent Assembly, as well as generations of Kashmiris since. In the Indian view, it is Pakistan which has been in illegal occupation of Indian territory from Mirpur, Muzaffarabad and Gilgit to Skardu all the way to the Khunjerab Pass, Siachen Glacier and K2, some of which it illegally ceded to its Communist Chinese ally, and furthermore that it has denied the peoples of these areas any democratic voice.

Roman law
In June 1947, it was uniquely and brilliantly argued by BR Ambedkar in a statement to the Press that the British had made a catastrophic error in comprehending their own constitutional law, that no such thing as “Lapse” of Paramountcy existed, and that suzerainty over the “Native States” of “Indian India” would be automatically transferred in international law to the successor State of British India. It was a legal illusion to think any Native State could be sovereign even for a single logical moment. On this theory, if the Dominion of India was the sole successor State in international law while Pakistan was a new legal entity, then a Native State which acceded to Pakistan after August 15, 1947 would have had to do so with the consent of the suzerain power, namely, India, as may be said to have happened implicitly in case of Chitral and a few others. Equally, India’s behaviour in integrating (or annexing) Junagadh and Hyderabad, would become fully explicable ~ as would the statements of Mountbatten, Nehru and Patel before October 1947 that they would accept J&K going to Pakistan if that was what the Ruler and his people desired. Pakistan unilaterally and by surprise went to war against J&K on October 22, declared the accession to India “fraudulent”, and to this day has claimed the territory of the original State of J&K is “disputed”. Certainly, even if the Ambedkar doctrine is applied that no “Lapse” was possible under British law, Pakistan did not recognise India’s jurisdiction there as the suzerain power as of August 15, 1947. Altogether, Pakistan’s sovereign actions from October 22 onwards amounted to acting to annex J&K to itself by military force ~ acts which came to be militarily resisted (with partial success) by India allied with Sheikh Abdullah’s National Conference and the remaining forces of J&K. By these military actions, Pakistan revealed that it considered J&K territory to have descended into a legal state of anarchy as of October 22, 1947, and hence open to resolution by “Military Decision” ~ as is indeed the just outcome under Roman Law, the root of all municipal and international law today, when there is a contest between claimants over an ownerless entity.

Choice of nationality
Hence, the present author concluded (“Solving Kashmir”, The Statesman December 1-3, 2005) that the dismemberment of the original J&K State and annexation of its territories by India and Pakistan that has occurred since 1947, as represented first by the 1949 Ceasefire Line and then by the 1972 Line of Control, is indeed the just and lawful outcome prevailing in respect of the question of territorial sovereignty and jurisdiction. The remaining “democratic” question described has to do with free individual choice of nationality by the inhabitants, under conditions of full information and privacy, citizen-by-citizen, with the grant of permanent residency rights by the Indian Republic to persons under its jurisdiction in J&K who may choose not to remain Indian nationals but become Afghan, Iranian or Pakistani nationals instead. Pakistan has said frequently its sole concern has been the freedom of the Muslims of J&K under Indian rule, and any such genuine concern shall have been thereby fully met by India. Indeed, if Pakistan agreed to act similarly, this entire complex mortal problem of decades shall have begun to be peacefully resolved. Both countries are wracked by corruption, poverty and bad governance, and would be able to mutually draw down military forces pit against one another everywhere, so as to begin to repair the grave damage to their fiscal health caused by the deleterious draining away of vast public resources.

THREE
HISTORY OF JAMMU & KASHMIR by Subroto Roy  First published in two parts in The Sunday Statesman, Oct 29 2006 and The Statesman Oct 30 2006, Editorial Page Special Article, http://www.thestatesman.net

At the advent of Islam in distant Arabia, India and Kashmir in particular were being visited by Chinese Buddhist pilgrims during Harsha’s reign. The great “Master of Law” Hiuen Tsiang visited between 629-645 and spent 631-633 in Kashmir (”Kia-chi-mi-lo”), describing it to include Punjab, Kabul and Kandahar. Over the next dozen centuries, Buddhist, Hindu, Muslim, Sikh and again Hindu monarchs came to rule the 85 mile long 40 mile wide territory on the River Jhelum’s upper course known as Srinagar Valley, as well as its adjoining Jammu in the upper plains of the Punjab and “Little Tibet” consisting of Laddakh, Baltistan and Gilgit.

In 1344, a Persian adventurer from Swat or Khorasan by name of Amir or Mirza, who had “found his way into the Valley and in time gained great influence at the Raja’s court”, proclaimed himself Sultan Shamsuddin after the death of the last Hindu monarchs of medieval Kashmir. Twelve of his descendants formed the Shamiri dynasty including the notorious Sikander and the just and tolerant Zainulabidin. Sikander who ruled 1386-1410 “submitted himself” to the Uzbek Taimur the Lame when he approached Kashmir in 1398 “and thus saved the country from invasion”. Otherwise, “Sikander was a gloomy ferocious bigot, and his zeal in destroying temples and idols was so intense that he is remembered as the Idol-Breaker. He freely used the sword to propagate Islam and succeeded in forcing the bulk of the population to conform outwardly to the Muslim religion. Most of the Brahmins refused to apostatise, and many of them paid with their lives the penalty for their steadfastness. Many others were exiled, and only a few conformed.”

Zainulabidin who ruled 1417-1467 “was a man of very different type”. “He adopted the policy of universal toleration, recalled the exiled Brahmins, repealed the jizya or poll-tax on Hindus, and even permitted new temples to be built. He abstained from eating flesh, prohibited the slaughter of kine, and was justly venerated as a saint. He encouraged literature, painting and music, and caused many translations to be made of works composed in Sanskrit, Arabic and other languages.” During his “long and prosperous reign”, he “constructed canals and built many mosques; he was just and tolerant”.

The Shamiri dynasty ended in 1541 when “some fugitive chiefs of the two local factions of the Makri and the Chakk invited Mirza Haidar Dughlat, a relation of Babar, to invade Kashmir. The country was conquered and the Mirza held it (nominally in name of Humayan) till 1551, when he was killed in a skirmish. The line… was restored for a few years, until in 1559 a Chakk leader, Ghazi Shah, usurped the throne; and in the possession of his descendants it remained for nearly thirty years.” This dynasty marks the origins of Shia Islam in Srinagar though Shia influence in Gilgit, Baltistan and Laddakh was of longer standing. Constant dissensions weakened the Chakks, and in 1586, Akbar, then at Attock on the Indus, sent an army under Raja Bhagwan Das into Srinagar Valley and easily made it part of his Empire.

Shivaism and Islam both flourished, and Hindu ascetics and Sufi saints were revered by all. Far from Muslims and Hindus forming distinct nations, here they were genetically related kinsmen living in proximity in a small isolated area for centuries. Indeed Zainulabidin may have had a vast unspoken influence on the history of all India insofar as Akbar sought to attempt in his empire what Zainulabidin achieved in the Valley. Like Zainulabidin, Akbar’s governance of India had as its “constant aim” “to conciliate the Hindus and to repress Muslim bigotry” which in modern political parlance may be seen as the principle of secular governance ~ of conciliating the powerless (whether majority or minority) and repressing the bigotry of the powerful (whether minority or majority). Akbar had made the Valley the summer residence of the Mughals, and it was Jahangir, seeing the Valley for the first time, who apparently said the words agar behest baushad, hamee in hast, hamee in hast, hamee in hast: “if Heaven exists, it is here, it is here, it is here”. Yet like other isolated paradises (such as the idyllic islands of the Pacific Ocean) an accursed mental ether can accompany the magnificent beauty of people’s surroundings. As the historian put it: “The Kashmiris remained secure in their inaccessible Valley; but they were given up to internal weakness and discord, their political importance was gone…”

After the Mughals collapsed, Iran’s Turkish ruler Nadir Shah sacked Delhi in 1739 but the Iranian court fell in disarray upon his death. In 1747 a jirga of Pashtun tribes at Kandahar “broke normal tradition” and asked an old Punjabi holy man and shrine-keeper to choose between two leaders; this man placed young wheat in the hand of the 25 year old Ahmed Shah Saddozai of the Abdali tribe, and titled him “Durrani”. Five years later, Durrani took Kashmir and for the next 67 years the Valley was under Pashtun rule, a time of “unmitigated brutality and widespread distress”. Durrani himself “was wise, prudent and simple”, never declared himself king and wore no crown, instead keeping a stick of young wheat in his turban. Leaving India, he famously recited: “The Delhi throne is beautiful indeed, but does it compare with the mountains of Kandahar?”

Kashmir’s modern history begins with Ranjit Singh of the Sikhs who became a soldier at 12, and in 1799 at age 19 was made Lahore’s Governor by Kabul’s Zaman Shah. Three years later “he made himself master of Amritsar”, and in 1806 crossed the River Sutlej and took Ludhiana. He created a fine Sikh infantry and cavalry under former officers of Napoleon, and with 80,000 trained men and 500 guns took Multan and Peshawar, defeated the Pashtuns and overran Kashmir in 1819. The “cruel rule” of the Pashtuns ended “to the great relief of Kashmir’s inhabitants”.

The British Governor-General Minto (ancestor of the later Viceroy), seeing advantage in the Sikhs staying north of the Sutlej, sent Charles Metcalfe, “a clever young civilian”, to persuade the Khalsa; in 1809, Ranjit Singh and the British in the first Treaty of Amritsar agreed to establish “perpetual amity”: the British would “have no concern” north of the Sutlej and Ranjit Singh would keep only minor personnel south of it. In 1834 and 1838 Ranjit Singh was struck by paralysis and died in 1839, leaving no competent heir. The Sikh polity collapsed, “their power exploded, disappearing in fierce but fast flames”. It was “a period of storm and anarchy in which assassination was the rule” and the legitimate line of his son and grandson, Kharak Singh and Nao Nihal Singh was quickly extinguished. In 1845 the Queen Regent, mother of the five-year old Dalip Singh, agreed to the Khalsa ending the 1809 Treaty. After bitter battles that might have gone either way, the Khalsa lost at Sobraon on 10 February 1846, and accepted terms of surrender in the 9 March 1846 Treaty of Lahore. The kingdom had not long survived its founder: “created by the military and administrative genius of one man, it crumbled into powder when the spirit which gave it life was withdrawn; and the inheritance of the Khalsa passed into the hands of the English.”

Ranjit Singh’s influence on modern J&K was even greater through his having mentored the Rajput Gulab Singh Dogra (1792-1857) and his brothers Dhyan Singh and Suchet Singh. Jammu had been ruled by Ranjit Deo until 1780 when the Sikhs made it tributary to the Lahore Court. Gulab Singh, a great grand nephew of Ranjit Deo, had left home at age 17 in search of a soldierly fortune, and ended up in 1809 in Ranjit Singh’s army, just when Ranjit Singh had acquired for himself a free hand to expand his domains north of the River Sutlej.

Gulab Singh, an intrepid soldier, by 1820 had Jammu conferred upon him by Ranjit Singh with the title of Raja, while Bhimber, Chibal, Poonch and Ramnagar went to his brothers. Gulab Singh, “often unscrupulous and cruel, was a man of considerable ability and efficiency”; he “found his small kingdom a troublesome charge but after ten years of constant struggles he and his two brothers became masters of most of the country between Kashmir and the Punjab”, though Srinagar Valley itself remained under a separate Governor appointed by the Lahore Court. Gulab Singh extended Jammu’s rule from Rawalpindi, Bhimber, Rajouri, Bhadarwah and Kishtwar, across Laddakh and into Tibet. His General Zorawar Singh led six expeditions into Laddakh between 1834 and 1841 through Kishtwar, Padar and Zanskar. In May 1841, Zorawar left Leh with an army of 5000 Dogras and Laddakhis and advanced on Tibet. Defeating the Tibetans at Rudok and Tashigong, he reached Minsar near Lake Mansarovar from where he advanced to Taklakot (Purang), 15 miles from the borders of Nepal and Kumaon, and built a fort stopping for the winter. Lhasa sent large re-inforcements to meet him. Zorawar, deciding to take the offensive, was killed in the Battle of Toyu, on 11-12 December 1841 at 16,000 feet.

A Laddakhi rebellion resulted against Jammu, aided now by the advancing Tibetans. A new army was sent under Hari Chand suppressing the rebellion and throwing back the Tibetans, leading to a peace treaty between Lhasa and Jammu signed on 17 September 1842: “We have agreed that we have no ill-feelings because of the past war. The two kings will henceforth remain friends forever. The relationship between Maharajah Gulab Singh of Kashmir and the Lama Guru of Lhasa (Dalai Lama) is now established. The Maharajah Sahib, with God (Kunchok) as his witness, promises to recognise ancient boundaries, which should be looked after by each side without resorting to warfare. When the descendants of the early kings, who fled from Laddakh to Tibet, now return they will not be stopped by Shri Maharajah. Trade between Laddakh and Tibet will continue as usual. Tibetan government traders coming into Laddakh will receive free transport and accommodations as before, and the Laddakhi envoy will, in turn, receive the same facilities in Lhasa. The Laddakhis take an oath before God (Kunchok) that they will not intrigue or create new troubles in Tibetan territory. We have agreed, with God as witness, that Shri Maharajah Sahib and the Lama Guru of Lhasa will live together as members of the same household.” The traditional boundary between Laddakh and Tibet “as recognised by both sides since olden times” was accepted by the envoys of Gulab Singh and the Dalai Lama.

An earlier 1684 treaty between Laddakh and Lhasa had said that while Laddakh would send tribute to Lhasa every three years, “the king of Laddakh reserves to himself the village of Minsar in Ngarees-khor-sum, that he may be independent there; and he sets aside its revenue for the purpose of meeting the expense involved in keeping up the sacrificial lights at Kangree (Kailas), and the Holy Lakes of Mansarovar and Rakas Tal”. The area around Minsar village near Lake Mansarovar, held by the rulers of Laddakh since 1583, was retained by Jammu in the 1842 peace-treaty, and its revenue was received by J&K State until 1948.

After Ranjit Singh’s death in 1839, Gulab Singh was alienated from the Lahore Court where the rise of his brothers and a nephew aroused enough Khalsa jealousy to see them assassinated in palace intrigues. While the Sikhs imploded, Gulab Singh had expanded his own dominion from Rawalpindi to Minsar ~ everywhere except Srinagar Valley itself. He had apparently advised the Sikhs not to attack the British in breach of the 1809 Treaty, and when they did so he had not joined them, though had he done so British power in North India might have been broken. The British were grateful for his neutrality and also his help in their first misbegotten adventure in Afghanistan. It was Gulab Singh who was now encouraged by both the British and the Sikhs to mediate between them, indeed “to take a leading part in arranging conditions of peace”, and he formally represented the Sikh regency in the negotiations. The 9 March 1846 Treaty of Lahore “set forth that the British Government having demanded in addition to a certain assignment of territory, a payment of a crore and a half of rupees, and the Sikh Government being unable to pay the whole”, Dalip Singh “should cede as equivalent to one crore the hill country belonging to the Punjab between the Beas and the Indus including Kashmir and the Hazara”.

For the British to occupy the whole of this mountainous territory was judged unwise on economic and military grounds; it was not feasible to occupy from a military standpoint and the area “with the exception of the small Valley of Kashmir” was “for the most part unproductive”. “On the other hand, the ceded tracts comprised the whole of the hereditary possessions of Gulab Singh, who, being eager to obtain an indefeasible title to them, came forward and offered to pay the war indemnity on condition that he was made the independent ruler of Jammu & Kashmir.

A separate treaty embodying this arrangement was thus concluded between the British and Gulab Singh at Amritsar on 16 March 1846.” Gulab Singh acknowledged the British Government’s supremacy, and in token of it agreed to present annually to the British Government “one horse, twelve shawl goats of approved breed and three pairs of Kashmir shawls. This arrangement was later altered; the annual presentation made by the Kashmir State was confined to two Kashmir shawls and three romals (handkerchiefs).” The Treaty of Amritsar “put Gulab Singh, as Maharaja, in possession of all the hill country between the Indus and the Ravi, including Kashmir, Jammu, Laddakh and Gilgit; but excluding Lahoul, Kulu and some areas including Chamba which for strategic purposes, it was considered advisable (by the British) to retain and for which a remission of Rs 25 lakhs was made from the crore demanded, leaving Rs 75 lakhs as the final amount to be paid by Gulab Singh.” The British retained Hazara which in 1918 was included into NWFP. Through an intrigue emanating from Prime Minister Lal Singh in Lahore, Imamuddin, the last Sikh-appointed Governor of Kashmir, sought to prevent Gulab Singh taking possession of the Valley in accordance with the Treaty’s terms. By December 1846 Gulab Singh had done so, though only with help of a British force which included 17,000 Sikh troops “who had been fighting in the campaign just concluded”. (Contemporary British opinion even predicted Sikhism like Buddhism “would become extinct in a short time if it were not kept alive by the esprit de corps of the Sikh regiments”.)

The British in 1846 may have been glad enough to allow Gulab Singh take independent charge of the new entity that came to be now known as the “State of Jammu & Kashmir”. Later, however. they and their American allies would grow keen to control or influence the region vis-à-vis their new interests against the Russian and Soviet Empires.

FOUR
PAKISTAN’S ALLIES  by Subroto Roy  First published in two parts in The Sunday Statesman, June 4 2006, The Statesman June 5 2006, Editorial Page Special Article, http://www.thestatesman.net

From the 1846 Treaty of Amritsar creating the State of Jammu & Kashmir until the collapse of the USSR in 1991, Britain and later the USA became increasingly interested in the subcontinent’s Northwest. The British came to India by sea to trade. Barren, splendid, landlocked Afghanistan held no interest except as a home of fierce tribes; but it was the source of invasions into the Indian plains and prompted a British misadventure to install Shah Shuja in place of Dost Mohammad Khan leading to ignominious defeat. Later, Afghanistan was seen as the underbelly of the Russian and Soviet empires, and hence a location of interest to British and American strategic causes.

In November 1954, US President Dwight Eisenhower authorized 30 U-2 spy aircraft to be produced for deployment against America’s perceived enemies, especially to investigate Soviet nuclear missiles which could reach the USA. Reconnaissance balloons had been unsuccessful, and numerous Western pilots had been shot down taking photographs from ordinary military aircraft. By June 1956, U-2 were making clandestine flights over the USSR and China. But on May 1 1960, one was shot or forced down over Sverdlovsk, 1,000 miles within Soviet territory. The Americans prevaricated that it had taken off from Turkey on a weather-mission, and been lost due to oxygen problems. Nikita Kruschev then produced the pilot, Francis Gary Powers, who was convicted of spying, though was exchanged later for a Soviet spy. Powers had been headed towards Norway, his task to photograph Soviet missiles from 70,000 ft, his point of origin had been an American base 20 miles from Peshawar.

America needed clandestine “forward bases” from which to fly U-2 aircraft, and Pakistan’s ingratiating military and diplomatic establishment was more than willing to offer such cooperation, fervently wishing to be seen as a “frontline state” against the USSR. “We will help you defeat the USSR and we are hopeful you will help us defeat India” became their constant refrain. By 1986, the Americans had been permitted to build air-bases in Balochistan and also use Mauripur air-base near Karachi.

Jammu & Kashmir and especially Gilgit-Baltistan adjoins the Pashtun regions whose capital has been Peshawar. In August-November 1947, a British coup d’etat against J&K State secured Gilgit-Baltistan for the new British Dominion of Pakistan.

The Treaty of Amritsar had nowhere required Gulab Singh’s dynasty to accept British political control in J&K as came to be exercised by British “Residents” in all other Indian “Native States”. Despite this, Delhi throughout the late 19th Century relentlessly pressed Gulab Singh’s successors Ranbir Singh and Partab Singh to accept political control. The Dogras acquiesced eventually. Delhi’s desire for control had less to do with the welfare of J&K’s people than with protection of increasing British interests in the area, like European migration to Srinagar Valley and guarding against Russian or German moves in Afghanistan. “Sargin” or “Sargin Gilit”, later corrupted by the Sikhs and Dogras into “Gilgit”, had an ancient people who spoke an archaic Dardic language “intermediate between the Iranian and the Sanskritic”. “The Dards were located by Ptolemy with surprising accuracy on the West of the Upper Indus, beyond the headwaters of the Swat River (Greek: Soastus) and north of the Gandarae (i.e. Kandahar), who occupied Peshawar and the country north of it. This region was traversed by two Chinese pilgrims, Fa-Hsien, coming from the north about AD 400 and Hsuan Tsiang, ascending from Swat in AD 629, and both left records of their journeys.”

Gilgit had been historically ruled by a Hindu dynasty called Trakane; when they became extinct, Gilgit Valley “was desolated by successive invasions of neighbouring rulers, and in the 20 or 30 years ending with 1842 there had been five dynastic revolutions. The Sikhs entered Gilgit about 1842 and kept a garrison there.” When J&K came under Gulab Singh, “the Gilgit claims were transferred with it, and a boundary commission was sent” by the British. In 1852 the Dogras were driven out with 2,000 dead. In 1860 under Ranbir Singh, the Dogras “returned to Gilgit and took Yasin twice, but did not hold it. They also in 1866 invaded Darel, one of the most secluded Dard states, to the south of the Gilgit basin but withdrew again.”

The British appointed a Political Agent in Gilgit in 1877 but he was withdrawn in 1881. “In 1889, in order to guard against the advance of Russia, the British Government, acting as the suzerain power of Kashmir, established the Gilgit Agency”. The Agency was re-established under control of the British Resident in Jammu & Kashmir. “It comprised the Gilgit Wazarat; the State of Hunza and Nagar; the Punial Jagir; the Governorships of Yasin, Kuh-Ghizr and Ishkoman, and Chilas”. In 1935, the British demanded J&K lease to them for 60 years Gilgit town plus most of the Gilgit Agency and the hill-states Hunza, Nagar, Yasin and Ishkuman. Hari Singh had no choice but to acquiesce. The leased region was then treated as part of British India, administered by a Political Agent at Gilgit responsible to Delhi, first through the Resident in J& K and later a British Agent in Peshawar. J& K State no longer kept troops in Gilgit and a mercenary force, the Gilgit Scouts, was recruited with British officers and paid for by Delhi. In April 1947, Delhi decided to formally retrocede the leased areas to Hari Singh’s J& K State as of 15 August 1947. The transfer was to formally take place on 1 August.

On 31 July, Hari Singh’s Governor arrived to find “all the officers of the British Government had opted for service in Pakistan”. The Gilgit Scouts’ commander, a Major William Brown aged 25, and his adjutant, a Captain Mathieson, planned openly to engineer a coup détat against Hari Singh’s Government. Between August and October, Gilgit was in uneasy calm. At midnight on 31 October 1947, the Governor was surrounded by the Scouts and the next day he was “arrested” and a provisional government declared.

Hari Singh’s nearest forces were at Bunji, 34 miles from Gilgit, a few miles downstream from where the Indus is joined by Gilgit River. The 6th J& K Infantry Battalion there was a mixed Sikh-Muslim unit, typical of the State’s Army, commanded by a Lt Col. Majid Khan. Bunji controlled the road to Srinagar. Further upstream was Skardu, capital of Baltistan, part of Laddakh District where there was a small garrison. Following Brown’s coup in Gilgit, Muslim soldiers of the 6th Infantry massacred their Sikh brothers-at-arms at Bunji. The few Sikhs who survived escaped to the hills and from there found their way to the garrison at Skardu.

On 4 November 1947, Brown raised the new Pakistani flag in the Scouts’ lines, and by the third week of November a Political Agent from Pakistan had established himself at Gilgit. Brown had engineered Gilgit and its adjoining states to first secede from J&K, and, after some talk of being independent, had promptly acceded to Pakistan. His commander in Peshawar, a Col. Bacon, as well as Col. Iskander Mirza, Defence Secretary in the new Pakistan and later to lead the first military coup détat and become President of Pakistan, were pleased enough. In July 1948, Brown was awarded an MBE (Military) and the British Governor of the NWFP got him a civilian job with ICI~ which however sent him to Calcutta, where he came to be attacked and left for dead on the streets by Sikhs avenging the Bunji massacre. Brown survived, returned to England, started a riding school, and died in 1984. In March 1994, Pakistan awarded his widow the Sitara-I-Pakistan in recognition of his coup détat.

Gilgit’s ordinary people had not participated in Brown’s coup which carried their fortunes into the new Pakistan, and to this day appear to remain without legislative representation. It was merely assumed that since they were mostly Muslim in number they would wish to be part of Pakistan ~ which also became Liaquat Ali Khan’s assumption about J&K State as a whole in his 1950 statements in North America. What the Gilgit case demonstrates is that J&K State’s descent into a legal condition of ownerless anarchy open to “Military Decision” had begun even before the Pakistani invasion of 22 October 1947 (viz. “Solving Kashmir”, The Statesman, 1-3 December 2005). Also, whatever else the British said or did with respect to J & K, they were closely allied to the new Pakistan on the matter of Gilgit.

The peak of Pakistan’s Anglo-American alliance came with the enormous support in the 1980s to guerrilla forces created and headquartered in Peshawar, to battle the USSR and Afghan communists directly across the Durand Line. It was this guerrilla war which became a proximate cause of the collapse of the USSR as a political entity in 1991. President Ronald Reagan’s CIA chief William J. Casey sent vast sums in 1985-1988 to supply and train these guerrillas. The Washington Post and New Yorker reported the CIA training guerrillas “in the use of mortars, rocket grenades, ground-to-air missiles”. 200 hand-held Stinger missiles were supplied for the first time in 1986 and the New Yorker reported Gulbudin Hikmatyar’s “Hizbe Islami” guerrillas being trained to bring down Soviet aircraft. “Mujahideen had been promised two Stingers for every Soviet aircraft brought down. Operators who failed to aim correctly were given additional training… By 1986, the United States was so deeply involved in the Afghan war that Soviet aircraft were being brought down under the supervision of American experts”. (Raja Anwar, The Tragedy of Afghanistan, 1988, p. 234).

The budding US-China détente brokered by Pakistan came into full bloom here. NBC News on 7 January 1980 said “for the first time in history (a senior State Department official) publicly admitted the possibility of concluding a military alliance between the United States and China”. London’s Daily Telegraph reported on 5 January 1980 “China is flying large supplies of arms and ammunition to the insurgents in Afghanistan. According to diplomatic reports, supplies have arrived in Pakistan from China via the Karakoram Highway…. A major build-up of Chinese involvement is underway ~ in the past few days. Scores of Chinese instructors have arrived at the Shola-e-Javed camps.”

Afghan reports in 1983-1985 said “there were eight training camps near the Afghan border operated by the Chinese in Sinkiang province” and that China had supplied the guerrillas “with a variety of weapons including 40,000 RPG-7 and 20,000 RPG-II anti tank rocket launchers.” Like Pakistan, “China did not publicly admit its involvement in the Afghan conflict: in 1985 the Chinese Mission at the UN distributed a letter denying that China was extending any kind of help to the Afghan rebels” (Anwar, ibid. p. 234). Support extended deep and wide across the Arab world. “The Saudi and Gulf rulers … became the financial patrons of the Afghan rebels from the very start of the conflict”. Anwar Sadat, having won the Nobel Peace Prize, was “keen to claim credit for his role in Afghanistan…. by joining the Afghanistan jihad, Sadat could re-establish his Islamic credentials, or so he believed. He could thus not only please the Muslim nations but also place the USA and Israel in his debt.” Sadat’s Defence Minister said in January 1980: “Army camps have been opened for the training of Afghan rebels; they are being supplied with weapons from Egypt” and Sadat told NBC News on 22 September 1981 “that for the last twenty-one months, the USA had been buying arms from Egypt for the Afghan rebels. He said he had been approached by the USA in December 1979 and he had decided to `open my stores’. He further disclosed that these arms were being flown to Pakistan from Egypt by American aircraft. Egypt had vast supplies of SAM-7 and RPG-7 anti-aircraft and anti-tank weapons which Sadat agreed to supply to Afghanistan in exchange for new American arms. The Soviet weapons, being light, were ideally suited to guerrilla warfare. … the Mujahideen could easily claim to have captured them from Soviet and Afghan troops in battle.… Khomeini’s Iran got embroiled in war (against Iraq) otherwise Kabul would also have had to contend with the full might of the Islamic revolutionaries.” (Anwar ibid. p. 235).

Afghanistan had been occupied on 26-27 December 1979 by Soviet forces sent by the decrepit Leonid Brezhnev and Yuri Andropov to carry out a putsch replacing one communist, Hafizullah Amin, with a rival communist and Soviet protégé, Babrak Karmal. By 1985 Brezhnev and Andropov were dead and Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev had begun his attempts to reform the Soviet system, usher in openness, end the Cold War and in particular withdraw from Afghanistan, which by 1986 he had termed “a bleeding wound”. Gorbachev replaced Karmal with a new protégé Najibullah Khan, who was assigned the impossible task of bringing about national reconciliation with the Pakistan-based guerrillas and form a national government. Soviet forces withdrew from Afghanistan in February 1989 having lost 14,500 dead, while more than a million Afghans had been killed since the invasion a decade earlier.

Not long after Russia’s Bolshevik Revolution, Gregory Zinoviev had said that international communism “turns today to the peoples of the East and says to them, `Brothers, we summon you to a Holy War first of all against British imperialism!’ At this there were cries of Jehad! Jehad! And much brandishing of picturesque Oriental weapons.” (Treadgold, Twentieth Century Russia, 1990, p. 213). Now instead, the Afghan misadventure had contributed to the collapse of the Soviet Empire itself, the USSR ceasing to be a political entity by 1991, and even Gorbachev being displaced by Boris Yeltsin and later Vladimir Putin in a new Russia.

What resulted for the people of the USA and Britain and the West in general was that they no longer had to live under threat of hostile Soviet tanks and missiles, while the people of Russia, Ukraine and the other erstwhile Soviet republics as well as Eastern Europe were able to throw off the yoke of communism that had oppressed them since the Bolshevik Revolution and instead to breathe the air of freedom.

What happened to the people of Afghanistan, however, was that they were plunged into further ghastly civil war for more than ten years. And what happened to the people of Pakistan was that their country was left resembling a gigantic Islamist military camp, awash with airfields, arms, ammunition and trained guerrillas, as well as a military establishment enlivened as always by perpetual hope that these supplies, provisions and personnel of war might find alternative use in attacks against India over J& K. “We helped you when you wished to see the Soviet Union defeated and withdrawing in Afghanistan”, Pakistan’s generals and diplomats pleaded with the Americans and British, “now you must help us in our wish to see India defeated and withdrawing in Kashmir”. Pakistan’s leaders even believed that just as the Soviet Union had disintegrated afterwards, the Indian Union perhaps might be made to do the same. Not only were the two cases as different as chalk from cheese, Palmerstone’s dictum there are no permanent allies in the politics of nations could not have found more apt use than in what actually came to take place next.

Pakistan’s generals and diplomats felt betrayed by the loss of Anglo-American paternalism towards them after 1989.

Modern Pakistanis had never felt they subscribed to the Indian nationalist movement culminating in independence in August 1947. The Pakistani state now finally declared its independence in the world by exploding bombs in a nuclear arsenal secretly created with help purchased from China and North Korea. Pakistan’s leaders thus came to feel in some control of Pakistan’s destiny as a nation-state for the first time, more than fifty years after Pakistan’s formal creation in 1947. If nothing else, at least they had the Bomb.

Secondly, America and its allies would not be safe for long since the civil war they had left behind in Afghanistan while trying to defeat the USSR now became a brew from which arose a new threat of violent Islamism. Osama bin Laden and the Taliban, whom Pakistan’s military and the USA had promoted, now encouraged unprecedented attacks on the American mainland on September 11 2001 ~ causing physical and psychological damage which no Soviet, Chinese or Cuban missiles ever had been allowed to do. In response, America attacked and removed the Taliban regime in Afghanistan, once again receiving the cooperative use of Pakistani manpower and real estate ~ except now there was no longer any truck with the Pakistani establishment’s wish for a quid pro quo of Anglo-American support against India on J&K. Pakistan’s generals and diplomats soon realised their Anglo-American alliance of more than a half-century ended on September 11 2001. Their new cooperation was in killing or arresting and handing over fellow-Muslims and necessarily lacked their earlier feelings of subservience and ingratiation towards the Americans and British, and came to be done instead under at least some duress. No benefit could be reaped any more in the fight against India over Jammu & Kashmir. An era had ended in the subcontinent.

FIVE

“AN INDIAN REPLY TO PRESIDENT ZARDARI: REWARDING PAKISTAN FOR BAD BEHAVIOUR LEADS  TO SCHIZOPHRENIC RELATIONSHIPS”  by Subroto Roy, December 17 2008

Pakistan President Asif Ali Zardari’s recent argument in the New York Times resembles closely the well-known publications of his ambassador to the United States, Mr Husain Haqqani.  Unfortunately, this Zardari-Haqqani thesis about Pakistan’s current predicament in the world and the world’s predicament with Pakistan is shot through with clear factual and logical errors. These  need to be aired because true or useful conclusions cannot be reached from mistaken premises or faulty reasoning.

1.  Origins of Pakistan, India, J&K, and their mutual problems

Mr Zardari makes the following seemingly innocuous statement:

“…. the two great nations of Pakistan and India, born together from the same revolution and mandate in 1947, must continue to move forward with the peace process.”

Now as a matter of simple historical fact, the current entities in the world system known as India and Pakistan were not “born together from the same revolution and mandate in 1947”.  It is palpably false to suppose they were and Pakistanis indulge in wishful thinking and self-deception about their own political history if they suppose this.

India’s Republic arose out of the British Dominion known as “India” which was the legal successor of the entity known previously in international law as “British India”.  British India had had secular governance and so has had the Indian Republic.

By contrast, the Islamic Republic of Pakistan arose out of a newly created state in international law known as the British Dominion of Pakistan, consisting of designated territory carved out of British India by a British decision and coming into existence one day before British India extinguished itself. (Another new state, Bangladesh, later seceded from Pakistan.)

The British decision to create territory designated “Pakistan” had nothing to do with any anti-British “revolution” or “mandate” supported by any Pakistani nationalism because there was none.  (Rahmat Ali’s anti-Hindu pamphleteering in London could be hardly considered Pakistani nationalism against British rule.  Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan’s Pashtun patriots saw themselves as Indian, not Pakistani.)

To the contrary, the British decision had to do with a small number of elite Pakistanis — MA Jinnah foremost among them — demanding not to be part of the general Indian nationalist movement that had been demanding a British departure from power in the subcontinent.   Jinnah’s separatist party, the Muslim League, was trounced in the 1937 provincial elections in all the Muslim-majority areas of British India that would eventually become Pakistan.  Despite this, in September 1939, Britain, at war with Nazi Germany, chose to elevate the political power of Jinnah and his League to parity with the general Indian nationalist movement led by MK Gandhi.  (See, Francis Robinson, in William James and Subroto Roy (eds), Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s.)  Britain needed India’s mostly Muslim infantry-divisions — the progenitors of the present-day Pakistan Army — and if that meant tilting towards a risky political idea of “Pakistan” in due course, so it would be.  The thesis that Pakistan arose from any kind of “revolution” or “mandate” in 1947 is  fantasy — the Muslim super-elite that invented and endorsed the Pakistan idea flew from Delhi to Karachi in chartered BOAC Dakotas, caring not a hoot about the vulnerability of ordinary Muslim masses to Sikh and Hindu majority wrath and retaliation on the ground.

Modern India succeeded to the rights and obligations of British India in international law, and has had a recognized existence as a state since at least the signing of the Armistice and Treaty of Versailles in 1918-1919.  India was a founding member of the United Nations, being a signatory of the 1945 San Francisco Declaration, and an original member of the Bretton Woods institutions.  An idea put forward by Argentina that as of 1947 India and Pakistan were both successor states of British India was rejected by the UN (Argentina withdrew its own suggestion), and it was universally acknowledged India was already a member of the UN while Pakistan would have to (and did) apply afresh for membership as a newly created state in the UN.  Pakistan’s entry into the UN had the enthusiastic backing of India and was opposed by only one existing UN member, Afghanistan, due to a conflict that continues to this day over the legitimacy of the Durand Line that bifurcated the Pashtun areas.

Such a review of elementary historical facts and the position in law of Pakistan and India is far from being of merely pedantic interest today.  Rather, it goes directly to the logical roots of the conflict over the erstwhile State of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) — a state that itself originated as an entity in the world system a full century before Pakistan was to do so and more than half a century before British India did, but which would collapse into anarchy and civil war in 1947-1949.

Britain (or England) had been a major nation-state in the world system recognized since Grotius first outlined modern international law. On March 16 1846, Britain entered into a treaty, the Treaty of Amritsar, with one Gulab Singh, and the “State of Jammu & Kashmir” came to arise as a recognizable entity in international law for the first time. (See my “History of Jammu and Kashmir” published in The Statesman, Oct 29-30 2006, available elsewhere here.)

Jammu & Kashmir continued in orderly existence as a state until it crashed into legal and political anarchy and civil war a century later.  The new Pakistan had entered into a “Standstill Agreement” with the State of Jammu & Kashmir as of August 15 1947. On or about October 22 1947, Pakistan unilaterally ended that Standstill Agreement and instead caused military forces from its territory to attack the State of Jammu & Kashmir along the Mansehra Road towards Baramula and Srinagar, coinciding too with an Anglo-Pakistani coup d’etat in Gilgit and Baltistan (see my “Solving Kashmir”; “Law, Justice & J&K”; “Pakistan’s Allies”, all published in The Statesman in 2005-2006 and available elsewhere here).

The new Pakistan had chosen, in all deliberation, to forswear law, politics and diplomacy and to resort to force of arms instead in trying to acquire J&K for itself via a military decision.  It succeeded only partially.  Its forces took and then lost both Baramula and Kargil; they may have threatened Leh but did not attempt to take it; they did take and retain Muzaffarabad and Skardu; they were never near taking the summer capital, Srinagar, though might have threatened the winter capital, Jammu.

All in all, a Ceasefire Line came to be demarcated on the military positions as of February 1 1949.  After a war in 1971 that accompanied the secession of Bangladesh from Pakistan, that Ceasefire Line came to be renamed the “Line of Control” between Pakistan and India. An ownerless entity may be acquired by force of arms — the erstwhile State of Jammu & Kashmir in 1947-1949 had become an ownerless entity that had been dismembered and divided according to military decision following an armed conflict between Pakistan and India.  The entity in the world system known as the “State of Jammu & Kashmir” created on March 16 1846 by Gulab Singh’s treaty with the British ceased to exist as of October 22 1947.  Pakistan had started the fight over J&K but there is a general rule of conflicts that he who starts  a fight does not get to finish it.

Such is the simplest and most practical statement of the history of the current problem.  The British, through their own compulsions and imperial pretensions, raised all the talk about a “Lapse of Paramountcy” of the British Crown over the “Native Princes” of “Indian India”, and of how, the “Native Princes” were required to “accede” to either India or Pakistan.  This ignored Britain’s own constitutional law.  BR Ambedkar pointed out with unsurpassed clarity that no “Lapse of Paramountcy” was possible even for a single logical moment since “Paramountcy” over any “Native Princes” who had not joined India or Pakistan as of August 15 1947, automatically passed from British India to its legal successor, namely, the Dominion of India.   It followed that India’s acquiescence was required for any subsequent accession to Pakistan – an acquiescence granted in case of Chitral and denied in case of Junagadh.

What the Republic of India means by saying today that boundaries cannot be redrawn nor any populations forcibly transferred is quite simply that the division of erstwhile J&K territory is permanent, and that sovereignty over it is indivisible. What Pakistan has claimed is that India has been an occupier and that there are many people inhabiting the Indian area who may not wish to be Indian nationals and who are being compelled against their will to remain so ~  forgetting to add that precisely the same could be said likewise of the Pakistani-held area. The lawful solution I proposed in “Solving Kashmir, “Law, Justice and J&K” and other works has been that the Republic of India invite every person covered under its Article 370, citizen-by-citizen, under a condition of full information, to privately and without fear decide, if he/she has not done so already, between possible Indian, Iranian, Afghan or Pakistani nationalities ~ granting rights and obligations of permanent residents to any of those persons who may choose for whatever private reason not to remain Indian nationals. If Pakistan acted likewise, the problem of J&K would indeed come to be resolved. The Americans, as self-appointed mediators, have said they wish “the people of the region to have a voice” in a solution: there can be no better expression of such voice than allowing individuals to privately choose their own nationalities and their rights and responsibilities accordingly. The issue of territorial sovereignty is logically distinct from that of the choice of nationality by individual inhabitants.

2.  Benazir’s assassination falsely compared to the Mumbai massacres
Secondly, President Zardari draws a mistaken comparison between the assassination last year of his wife, Benazir Bhutto, and the Mumbai massacres a few weeks ago.  Ms Bhutto’s assassination may resemble more closely the assassinations in India of Indira Gandhi in 1984 and Rajiv Gandhi in 1991.

Indira Gandhi died in “blowback” from the unrest she and her younger son and others in their party had opportunistically fomented among Sikh fundamentalists and sectarians since the late 1970s.  Rajiv Gandhi died in “blowback” from an erroneous imperialistic foreign policy that he, as Prime Minister, had been induced to make by jingoistic Indian diplomats, a move that got India’s military needlessly involved in the then-nascent Sri Lankan civil war.  Benazir Bhutto similarly may be seen to have died in “blowback” from her own political activity as prime minister and opposition leader since the late 1980s, including her own encouragement of Muslim fundamentalist forces.  Certainly in all three cases, as in all assassinations, there were lapses of security too and imprudent political judgments made that contributed to the tragic outcomes.

Ms Bhutto’s assassination has next to nothing to do with the Mumbai massacres, besides the fact the perpetrators in both cases were Pakistani terrorists.  President Zardari saying he himself has lost his wife to terrorism is true but not relevant to the proper diagnosis of the Mumbai massacres or to Pakistan-India relations in general.  Rather, it  serves to deflect criticism and condemnation of the Pakistani state’s pampered handing of Pakistan’s terrorist masterminds, as well as the gross irresponsibility of Pakistan’s military scientists (not AQ Khan) who have been recently advocating a nuclear first strike against India in the event of war.

3.  Can any religious nation-state be viable in the modern world?

President Zardari’s article says:

“The world worked to exploit religion against the Soviet Union in Afghanistan by empowering the most fanatic extremists as an instrument of destruction of a superpower. The strategy worked, but its legacy was the creation of an extremist militia with its own dynamic.”

This may be overly simplistic.  As pointed out in my article “Pakistan’s Allies”,  Gregory Zinoviev himself  after the Bolshevik Revolution had declared that international communism “turns today to the peoples of the East and says to them, ‘Brothers, we summon you to a Holy War first of all against British imperialism!’ At this there were cries of Jehad! Jehad! And much brandishing of picturesque Oriental weapons.” (Treadgold, Twentieth Century Russia, 1990, p. 213).   For more than half of the 20th century, orthodox Muslims had been used by Soviet communists against British imperialism, then by the British and Americans (through Pakistan) against Soviet communism.  Touché! Blowback and counter-blowback!  The real question that arises from this today may be why orthodox Muslims have allowed themselves to be used either way by outside forces and have failed in developing a modern nation-state and political culture of their own.  Europe and America only settled down politically after their religious wars were over.  Perhaps no religious nation-state is viable in the modern world.

4.  Pakistan’s behaviour leads to schizophrenia in international relations

President Zardari pleads for, or perhaps demands, resources from the world:

“the best response to the Mumbai carnage is to coordinate in counteracting the scourge of terrorism. The world must act to strengthen Pakistan’s economy and democracy, help us build civil society and provide us with the law enforcement and counterterrorism capacities that will enable us to fight the terrorists effectively.”

Six million pounds from Mr Gordon Brown, so much from here or there etc –  President Zardari has apparently demanded 100 billion dollars from America and that is the price being talked about for Pakistan to dismantle its nuclear weapons and be brought under an American “nuclear umbrella” instead.

I have pointed out elsewhere that what Pakistan seems to have been doing in international relations for decades is send out “mixed messages” – i.e. contradictory signals,  whether in thought, word or deed.  Clinical psychologists following the work of Gregory Bateson would say this leads to confusion among Pakistan’s interlocutors (a “double bind”) and the symptoms arise of what may be found in schizophrenic relationships.  (See my article “Do President-elect Obama’s Pakistan specialists believe…”; on the “double bind” theory,  an article I chanced to publish in the Journal of Genetic Psychology, 1986, may be of interest).

Here are a typical set of “mixed messages” emanating from Pakistan’s government and opinion-makers:

“We have nuclear weapons
“We keep our nuclear weapons safe from any misuse or unauthorized use
“We are willing to use nuclear weapons in a first strike against India
“We do not comprehend the lessons of Hiroshima-Nagasaki
“We do not comprehend the destruction India will visit upon us if we strike them
“We are dangerous so we must not be threatened in any way
“We are peace-loving and want to live in peace with India and Afghanistan
“We love to play cricket with India and watch Bollywood movies
“We love our Pakistan Army as it is one public institution that works
“We know the Pakistan Army has backed armed militias against India in the past
“We know these militias have caused terrorist attacks
“We are not responsible for any terrorist attacks
“We do not harbour any terrorists
“We believe the world should pay us to not use or sell our nuclear weapons
“We believe the world should pay us to not encourage the terrorists in our country
“We believe the world should pay us to prevent terrorists from using our nuclear weapons
“We hate India and do not want to become like India
“We love India and want to become like India
“We are India and we are not India…”

Etc.

A mature rational responsible and self-confident Pakistan would have said instead:

“We apologise to India and other countries for the outrageous murders our nationals have committed in Mumbai and elsewhere
“We ask the world to watch how our professional army is deployed to disarm civilian and all “non-state” actors of unauthorized firearms and explosives
“We do not need and will not demand or accept a dollar in any sort of foreign aid, military or civilian, to solve our problems
“We realize our economic and political institutions are a mess and we must clean them up
“We will strive to build a society imbued with what Iqbal described as the spirit of modern times..”

As someone who created at great personal cost at an American university twenty years ago the book Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s, I have a special interest in hoping that Pakistan shall find the path of wisdom.”

 

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How sad that “Slumdog millionaire” is SO disappointing!

Slumdog millionaire seemed an excellent idea for this holiday season given all the favourable foreign reviews and awards as well as a jazzy joyous energetic trailer.

Sad to say it turns out a pathetic disappointment, just another moralizing caricature of India — at least Katherine Mayo seemed authentic, this has no authenticity anywhere besides a final Hindi song-and-dance routine which at least looks like a Hindi song-and-dance routine.

The young Brit Dev Patel in the lead role might turn out to be a good actor when he grows up but seems here to have been plucked out of a school-play and asked to do his best impersonation of Ben Kingsley impersonating an Indian person. The lines given to all the actors from India are completely and consistently hopeless – imagine a Mumbai-mafia boss coming home and asking his moll to make him a sandwich! Real men in India don’t eat sandwiches at home by choice, and a real Indian gangster’s moll would have had hot pakoras or kebabs and rotis waiting for him.  Somebody needed to tell this Director a million little things like that, though you realize within minutes of the start that this is not supposed to be at all the real Dickensian tale from modern Mumbai that the trailer makes it out to be.

Rather it seems to be something intended to pander to silly Western stereotypes about India that come most easily to mind — poverty and bad sewage systems in the slums, Hindus assaulting Muslims, men assaulting women and children, gangsters plucking out eyes of beggar-children, tourists being robbed at the Taj Mahal, incompetent call-centre staff mishandling calls, gangsters, gangsters and more gangsters and every one of them cheap and worthless, not a Bill Sykes or Nancy or Fagin among them. Even the throwaway lines peddle Western trivia mentioning Benjamin Franklin and even the Edinburgh Festival.

We can only imagine how wonderful a real movie might have been with this same story-line. It should have been done in Hindi or Mahratti throughout with subtitles, and aimed at Indian critics not Western ones. Shekhar Kapur would have done splendidly though even the average Bollywood song-and-dance man might have done well enough.

Slumdog millionaire has practically no art in it because the presence of any art requires an honesty of purpose, and that means, first of all, no pandering to the audience.  The slight art that exists in it comes from the street-children who at least run like the wind.

Subroto Roy

Postscript February 2 2009: It is amusing to hear it said in the American and British press that there has been a “smear campaign” against this movie, and one moreover that allegedly started in India.    I think my  December 31 review here at this site was the very first from India, and  it had  absolutely nothing to do with anything other than disappointment that a nice New Year’s Eve was rather spoilt by  watching a badly made movie.  Far from there being some kind of  mysterious “smear campaign”, there  appears to  have been an obvious, calculated and paid-for promotional campaign in the guise of “Entertainment News” conducted on India’s influential English-language TV channels — without a single serious contrary opinion being allowed to be expressed.   If the movie receives awards, it may speak more about the quality of the awards than about the movie itself.   But of course  there has been a  general hyperinflation in awards all over in recent decades, from Nobel Prizes downwards.  SR

Post-Oscar Postscript: Is Slumdog Millionaire the single worst “Best Picture” ever?

An Indian Reply to President Zardari: Rewarding Pakistan for bad behaviour leads to schizophrenic relationships

An Indian Reply to President Zardari:

 

Rewarding Pakistan for bad behaviour leads to schizophrenic relationships

 

by

Subroto Roy

 

Pakistan President Asif Ali Zardari’s recent argument in the New York Times resembles closely the well-known publications of his ambassador to the United States, Mr Husain Haqqani.  Unfortunately, this Zardari-Haqqani thesis about Pakistan’s current predicament in the world and the world’s predicament with Pakistan is shot through with clear factual and logical errors. These  need to be aired because true or useful conclusions cannot be reached from mistaken premises or faulty reasoning.

1.  Origins of Pakistan, India, J&K, and their mutual problems

Mr Zardari makes the following seemingly innocuous statement:

“…. the two great nations of Pakistan and India, born together from the same revolution and mandate in 1947, must continue to move forward with the peace process.”

Now as a matter of simple historical fact, the current entities in the world system known as India and Pakistan were not “born together from the same revolution and mandate in 1947”.  It is palpably false to suppose they were and Pakistanis indulge in wishful thinking and self-deception about their own political history if they suppose this.

India’s Republic arose out of the British Dominion known as “India” which was the legal successor of the entity known previously in international law as “British India”.  British India had had secular governance and so has had the Indian Republic.

By contrast, the Islamic Republic of Pakistan arose out of a newly created state in international law known as the British Dominion of Pakistan, consisting of designated territory carved out of British India by a British decision and coming into existence one day before British India extinguished itself. (Another new state, Bangladesh, later seceded from Pakistan.)

The British decision to create territory designated “Pakistan” had nothing to do with any anti-British “revolution” or “mandate” supported by any Pakistani nationalism because there was none.  (Rahmat Ali’s anti-Hindu pamphleteering in London could be hardly considered Pakistani nationalism against British rule.  Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan’s Pashtun patriots saw themselves as Indian, not Pakistani.)

To the contrary, the British decision had to do with a small number of elite Pakistanis — MA Jinnah foremost among them — demanding not to be part of the general Indian nationalist movement that had been demanding a British departure from power in the subcontinent.   Jinnah’s separatist party, the Muslim League, was trounced in the 1937 provincial elections in all the Muslim-majority areas of British India that would eventually become Pakistan.  Despite this, in September 1939, Britain, at war with Nazi Germany, chose to elevate the political power of Jinnah and his League to parity with the general Indian nationalist movement led by MK Gandhi.  (See, Francis Robinson, in William James and Subroto Roy (eds), Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s.)  Britain needed India’s mostly Muslim infantry-divisions — the progenitors of the present-day Pakistan Army — and if that meant tilting towards a risky political idea of “Pakistan” in due course, so it would be.  The thesis that Pakistan arose from any kind of “revolution” or “mandate” in 1947 is  fantasy — the Muslim super-elite that invented and endorsed the Pakistan idea flew from Delhi to Karachi in chartered BOAC Dakotas, caring not a hoot about the vulnerability of ordinary Muslim masses to Sikh and Hindu majority wrath and retaliation on the ground.

Modern India succeeded to the rights and obligations of British India in international law, and has had a recognized existence as a state since at least the signing of the Armistice and Treaty of Versailles in 1918-1919.  India was a founding member of the United Nations, being a signatory of the 1945 San Francisco Declaration, and an original member of the Bretton Woods institutions.  An idea put forward by Argentina that as of 1947 India and Pakistan were both successor states of British India was rejected by the UN (Argentina withdrew its own suggestion), and it was universally acknowledged India was already a member of the UN while Pakistan would have to (and did) apply afresh for membership as a newly created state in the UN.  Pakistan’s entry into the UN had the enthusiastic backing of India and was opposed by only one existing UN member, Afghanistan, due to a conflict that continues to this day over the legitimacy of the Durand Line that bifurcated the Pashtun areas.

Such a review of elementary historical facts and the position in law of Pakistan and India is far from being of merely pedantic interest today.  Rather, it goes directly to the logical roots of the conflict over the erstwhile State of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) — a state that itself originated as an entity in the world system a full century before Pakistan was to do so and more than half a century before British India did, but which would collapse into anarchy and civil war in 1947-1949.

Britain (or England) had been a major nation-state in the world system recognized since Grotius first outlined modern international law. On March 16 1846, Britain entered into a treaty, the Treaty of Amritsar, with one Gulab Singh, and the “State of Jammu & Kashmir” came to arise as a recognizable entity in international law for the first time. (See my “History of Jammu and Kashmir” published in The Statesman, Oct 29-30 2006, available elsewhere here.)

Jammu & Kashmir continued in orderly existence as a state until it crashed into legal and political anarchy and civil war a century later.  The new Pakistan had entered into a “Standstill Agreement” with the State of Jammu & Kashmir as of August 15 1947. On or about October 22 1947, Pakistan unilaterally ended that Standstill Agreement and instead caused military forces from its territory to attack the State of Jammu & Kashmir along the Mansehra Road towards Baramula and Srinagar, coinciding too with an Anglo-Pakistani coup d’etat in Gilgit and Baltistan (see my “Solving Kashmir”; “Law, Justice & J&K”; “Pakistan’s Allies”, all published in The Statesman in 2005-2006 and available elsewhere here).

The new Pakistan had chosen, in all deliberation, to forswear law, politics and diplomacy and to resort to force of arms instead in trying to acquire J&K for itself via a military decision.  It succeeded only partially.  Its forces took and then lost both Baramula and Kargil; they may have threatened Leh but did not attempt to take it; they did take and retain Muzaffarabad and Skardu; they were never near taking the summer capital, Srinagar, though might have threatened the winter capital, Jammu.

All in all, a Ceasefire Line came to be demarcated on the military positions as of February 1 1949.  After a war in 1971 that accompanied the secession of Bangladesh from Pakistan, that Ceasefire Line came to be renamed the “Line of Control” between Pakistan and India. An ownerless entity may be acquired by force of arms — the erstwhile State of Jammu & Kashmir in 1947-1949 had become an ownerless entity that had been dismembered and divided according to military decision following an armed conflict between Pakistan and India.  The entity in the world system known as the “State of Jammu & Kashmir” created on March 16 1846 by Gulab Singh’s treaty with the British ceased to exist as of October 22 1947.  Pakistan had started the fight over J&K but there is a general rule of conflicts that he who starts  a fight does not get to finish it.

 

Such is the simplest and most practical statement of the history of the current problem.  The British, through their own compulsions and imperial pretensions, raised all the talk about a “Lapse of Paramountcy” of the British Crown over the “Native Princes” of “Indian India”, and of how, the “Native Princes” were required to “accede” to either India or Pakistan.  This ignored Britain’s own constitutional law.  BR Ambedkar pointed out with unsurpassed clarity that no “Lapse of Paramountcy” was possible even for a single logical moment since “Paramountcy” over any “Native Princes” who had not joined India or Pakistan as of August 15 1947, automatically passed from British India to its legal successor, namely, the Dominion of India.   It followed that India’s acquiescence was required for any subsequent accession to Pakistan – an acquiescence granted in case of Chitral and denied in case of Junagadh.

 

What the Republic of India means by saying today that boundaries cannot be redrawn nor any populations forcibly transferred is quite simply that the division of erstwhile J&K territory is permanent, and that sovereignty over it is indivisible. What Pakistan has claimed is that India has been an occupier and that there are many people inhabiting the Indian area who may not wish to be Indian nationals and who are being compelled against their will to remain so ~  forgetting to add that precisely the same could be said likewise of the Pakistani-held area. The lawful solution I proposed in “Solving Kashmir, “Law, Justice and J&K” and other works has been that the Republic of India invite every person covered under its Article 370, citizen-by-citizen, under a condition of full information, to privately and without fear decide, if he/she has not done so already, between possible Indian, Iranian, Afghan or Pakistani nationalities ~ granting rights and obligations of permanent residents to any of those persons who may choose for whatever private reason not to remain Indian nationals. If Pakistan acted likewise, the problem of J&K would indeed come to be resolved. The Americans, as self-appointed mediators, have said they wish “the people of the region to have a voice” in a solution: there can be no better expression of such voice than allowing individuals to privately choose their own nationalities and their rights and responsibilities accordingly. The issue of territorial sovereignty is logically distinct from that of the choice of nationality by individual inhabitants.

 

 

2.  Benazir’s assassination falsely compared to the Mumbai massacres

Secondly, President Zardari draws a mistaken comparison between the assassination last year of his wife, Benazir Bhutto, and the Mumbai massacres a few weeks ago.  Ms Bhutto’s assassination may resemble more closely the assassinations in India of Indira Gandhi in 1984 and Rajiv Gandhi in 1991.

 

Indira Gandhi died in “blowback” from the unrest she and her younger son and others in their party had opportunistically fomented among Sikh fundamentalists and sectarians since the late 1970s.  Rajiv Gandhi died in “blowback” from an erroneous imperialistic foreign policy that he, as Prime Minister, had been induced to make by jingoistic Indian diplomats, a move that got India’s military needlessly involved in the then-nascent Sri Lankan civil war.  Benazir Bhutto similarly may be seen to have died in “blowback” from her own political activity as prime minister and opposition leader since the late 1980s, including her own encouragement of Muslim fundamentalist forces.  Certainly in all three cases, as in all assassinations, there were lapses of security too and imprudent political judgments made that contributed to the tragic outcomes.

 

Ms Bhutto’s assassination has next to nothing to do with the Mumbai massacres, besides the fact the perpetrators in both cases were Pakistani terrorists.  President Zardari saying he himself has lost his wife to terrorism is true but not relevant to the proper diagnosis of the Mumbai massacres or to Pakistan-India relations in general.  Rather, it  serves to deflect criticism and condemnation of the Pakistani state’s pampered handing of Pakistan’s terrorist masterminds, as well as the gross irresponsibility of Pakistan’s military scientists (not AQ Khan) who have been recently advocating a nuclear first strike against India in the event of war.

 

 

3.  Can any religious nation-state be viable in the modern world?

President Zardari’s article says:

 

“The world worked to exploit religion against the Soviet Union in Afghanistan by empowering the most fanatic extremists as an instrument of destruction of a superpower. The strategy worked, but its legacy was the creation of an extremist militia with its own dynamic.”

 

This may be overly simplistic.  As pointed out in my article “Pakistan’s Allies”,  Gregory Zinoviev himself  after the Bolshevik Revolution had declared that international communism “turns today to the peoples of the East and says to them, ‘Brothers, we summon you to a Holy War first of all against British imperialism!’ At this there were cries of Jehad! Jehad! And much brandishing of picturesque Oriental weapons.” (Treadgold, Twentieth Century Russia, 1990, p. 213).   For more than half of the 20th century, orthodox Muslims had been used by Soviet communists against British imperialism, then by the British and Americans (through Pakistan) against Soviet communism.  Touché! Blowback and counter-blowback!  The real question that arises from this today may be why orthodox Muslims have allowed themselves to be used either way by outside forces and have failed in developing a modern nation-state and political culture of their own.  Europe and America only settled down politically after their religious wars were over.  Perhaps no religious nation-state is viable in the modern world.

 

 

4.  Pakistan’s behaviour leads to schizophrenia in international relations

 

President Zardari pleads for, or perhaps demands, resources from the world:

“the best response to the Mumbai carnage is to coordinate in counteracting the scourge of terrorism. The world must act to strengthen Pakistan’s economy and democracy, help us build civil society and provide us with the law enforcement and counterterrorism capacities that will enable us to fight the terrorists effectively.”

Six million pounds from Mr Gordon Brown, so much from here or there etc —  President Zardari has apparently demanded 100 billion dollars from America and that is the price being talked about for Pakistan to dismantle its nuclear weapons and be brought under an American “nuclear umbrella” instead.

I have pointed out elsewhere that what Pakistan seems to have been doing in international relations for decades is send out “mixed messages” – i.e. contradictory signals,  whether in thought, word or deed.  Clinical psychologists following the work of Gregory Bateson would say this leads to confusion among Pakistan’s interlocutors (a “double bind”) and the symptoms arise of what may be found in schizophrenic relationships.  (See my article “Do President-elect Obama’s Pakistan specialists believe…”; on the “double bind” theory,  an article I chanced to publish in the Journal of Genetic Psychology, 1986, may be of interest).

Here are a typical set of “mixed messages” emanating from Pakistan’s government and opinion-makers:

“We have nuclear weapons
“We keep our nuclear weapons safe from any misuse or unauthorized use
“We are willing to use nuclear weapons in a first strike against India
“We do not comprehend the lessons of Hiroshima-Nagasaki
“We do not comprehend the destruction India will visit upon us if we strike them
“We are dangerous so we must not be threatened in any way
“We are peace-loving and want to live in peace with India and Afghanistan
“We love to play cricket with India and watch Bollywood movies
“We love our Pakistan Army as it is one public institution that works
“We know the Pakistan Army has backed armed militias against India in the past
“We know these militias have caused terrorist attacks
“We are not responsible for any terrorist attacks
“We do not harbour any terrorists
“We believe the world should pay us to not use or sell our nuclear weapons
“We believe the world should pay us to not encourage the terrorists in our country
“We believe the world should pay us to prevent terrorists from using our nuclear weapons
“We hate India and do not want to become like India
“We love India and want to become like India
“We are India and we are not India…”

Etc.

A mature rational responsible and self-confident Pakistan would have said instead:

“We apologise to India and other countries for the outrageous murders our nationals have committed in Mumbai and elsewhere
“We ask the world to watch how our professional army is deployed to disarm civilian and all “non-state” actors of unauthorized firearms and explosives
“We do not need and will not demand or accept a dollar in any sort of foreign aid, military or civilian, to solve our problems
“We realize our economic and political institutions are a mess and we must clean them up
“We will strive to build a society imbued with what Iqbal described as the spirit of modern times..”

As someone who created at great personal cost at an American university twenty years ago the book Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s, I have a special interest in hoping that Pakistan shall find the path of wisdom.

India’s Muslim Voices (Or, Let us be clear the Pakistan-India or Kashmir conflicts have not been Muslim-Hindu conflicts so much as intra-Muslim conflicts about Muslim identity and self-knowledge on the Indian subcontinent)

India’s Muslim Voices

 

 

(Or, Let us be clear the Pakistan-India or Kashmir conflicts have not been Muslim-Hindu conflicts so much as intra-Muslim conflicts about Muslim identity and self-knowledge on the Indian subcontinent)

 

 

by

 

 

Subroto Roy

 

 

Ill-informed Western observers, especially at purported “think tanks” and news-portals, frequently proclaim the Pakistan-India confrontation and Jammu & Kashmir conflict to represent some kind of savage irreconcilable division between Islamic and Hindu cultures.

For example, the BBC, among its many prevarications on the matter (like lopping off J&K entirely from its recently broadcasted maps of India, perhaps under influence of its Pakistani staffers), frequently speaks of “Hindu-majority India” and “Indian-administered Kashmir” being confronted by Muslim Pakistan.

And two days ago from California’s Bay Area arose into the Internet Cloud the following profundity: What we’re dealing with now, in the Pakistani-Indian rivalry, is a true war of civilizations, pitting Muslims against Hindus…. the unfathomable depths of the Muslim-Hindu divide….”.

Even President-elect Obama’s top Pakistan-specialists have fallen for the line of Washington’s extremely strong Pakistan lobby: “Pakistan… sees itself as the political home for the subcontinent’s Muslim population and believes India’s continued control over the Muslim-majority Kashmir valley and denial of a plebiscite for its inhabitants represent a lingering desire on India’s part to undo the legacy of partition, which divided the British Indian Empire into India and Pakistan.”

 

The truth on record is completely different and really rather simple: for more than a century and a half, Muslims qua Muslims on the Indian subcontinent have struggled with the question of their most appropriate cultural and political identity.

 

The starkest contrast may be found in their trying to come to terms with their partly Arabic and partly Hindu or Indian parentage (the words Hindu, Sindhu, Indus, Indian, Sindhi, Hindi etc all clearly have the same Hellenistic root).

For example, there was Wali Allah (1703-1762) declaringWe are an Arab people whose fathers have fallen in exile in the country of Hindustan, and Arabic genealogy and Arabic language are our pride”.

But here has been Mohammad Iqbal (1877-1938), in his 1930 Allahabad speech to the Muslim League, conceiving today’s Pakistan as a wish to become free of precisely that Arab influence: “I would like to see the Punjab, NWFP, Sind and Baluchistan amalgamated into a single state… The life of Islam as a cultural force in this living country very largely depends on its centralisation in a specified territory… For India it means security and peace resulting from an internal balance of power, for Islam an opportunity to rid itself of the stamp that Arabian Imperialism was forced to give it, to mobilise its law, its education, its culture, and to bring them into closer contact with its own original spirit and the spirit of modern times.”

In an article “Saving Pakistan” published last year in The Statesman and available elsewhere here, it was suggested Iqbal’s “spirit of modern times” may be represented most prominently today by the physicist/political philosopher Pervez Hoodbhoy: in a December 2006 speech Hoodbhoy suggested a new alternative to MA Jinnah’s “Faith, Unity, Discipline” slogan: “First, I wish for minds that can deal with the complex nature of truth…. My second wish is for many more Pakistanis who accept diversity as a virtue… My third, and last, wish is that Pakistanis learn to value and nurture creativity.” He has spoken too of bringing “economic justice to Pakistan”, of the “fight to give Pakistan’s women the freedom which is their birthright”, and of people to “wake up” and engage politically. But Pakistan’s Iqbalian liberals like Hoodbhoy still have to square off with those of their compatriots who sent the youthful squad into Mumbai last week with assault rifles, grenades and heroic Arabic code-names, as well as orders to attack civilians with the ferocity of the original Muslims attacking caravans and settlements in ancient Arabia.

 

What the extremely strong Pakistan lobbies within the British and American political systems have suppressed in order to paint a picture of eternal Muslim-Hindu conflict is the voice of India’s nationalist Muslims, who historically have had no wish to have any truck with any idea of a “Pakistan” at all.

 

Most eminent among them was undoubtedly Jinnah’s fiercest critic: Maulana Abul Kalam Azad whose classic 1946 statement on Pakistan is available in his India Wins Freedom, the final version published only in 1988.

 

“I have considered from every possible point of view the scheme of Pakistan as formulated by the Muslim League. As an Indian, I have examined its implications for the future of India as a whole. As a Muslim, I have examined its likely effects upon the fortunes of Muslims of India. Considering the scheme in all its aspects, I have come to the conclusion that it is harmful not only for India as a whole but for Muslims in particular. And in fact it creates more problems than it solves. I must confess that the very term Pakistan goes against my grain. It suggests that some portions of the world are pure while others are impure. Such a division of territories into pure and impure is un-Islamic and is more in keeping with orthodox Brahmanism which divides men and countries into holy and unholy — a division which is a repudiation of the very spirit of Islam. Islam recognizes no such division and the prophet says “God made the whole world a mosque for me”.

 

Further, it seems that the scheme of Pakistan is a symbol of defeatism, and has been built on the analogy of the Jewish demand for a national home. It is a confession that Indian Muslims cannot hold their own in India as a whole, and would be content to withdraw to a corner specially reserved for them.

 

One can sympathise with the aspiration of the Jews for such a national home, as they are scattered all over the world and cannot in any region have any effective voice in the administration.. The conditions of Indian Muslims is quite otherwise. Over 90 million in number, they are in quantity and quality a sufficiently important element in Indian life to influence decisively all questions of administration and policy. Nature has further helped them by concentrating them in certain areas.

 

In such a context, the demand for Pakistan loses all force. As a Muslim, I for one am not prepared for a moment to give up my right to treat the whole of India as my domain and to shape in the shaping of its political and economic life. To me it seems a sure sign of cowardice to give up what is my patrimony and content myself with a mere fragment of it.

 

As is well known, Mr. Jinnah’s Pakistan scheme is based on his two nation theory. His thesis is that India contains many nationalities based on religious differences, Of them the two major nations, the Hindus and Muslims, must as separate nations have separate States, When Dr Edward Thompson once pointed out to Mr. Jinnah that Hindus and Muslims live side by side in thousands of Indian towns, villages and hamlets, Mr. Jinnah replied that this is no way affected their separate nationality. Two nations, according to M Jinnah, confront one another in every hamlet, village and town, and he, therefore, desires that they should be separated into two States.

 

I am prepared to overlook all other aspects of the problem and judge it from the point of view of Muslim interest alone. I shall go still further and say that if it can be shown that the scheme of Pakistan can in any way benefit Muslims I would be prepared to accept it myself and also to work for its acceptance by others. But the truth is that even if I examine the scheme from the point of view of the communal interests of the Muslims themselves, I am forced to the conclusion that it can in no way benefit them or allay their legitimate fears.

Let us consider dispassionately the consequences which will follow if we give effect to the Pakistan scheme. India will be divided into two States, one with a majority of Muslims and the other of Hindus. In the Hindustan State there will remain 35 million Muslims scattered in small minorities all over the land. With 17 per cent in UP, 12 percent in Bihar and 9 percent in Madras, they will be weaker than they are today in the Hindu majority provinces. They have had their homelands in these regions for almost a thousand years and built up well known centres of Muslim culture and civilization there.

They will awaken overnight and discover that they have become alien and foreigners. Backward industrially, educationally and economically, they will be left to the mercies to what would become an unadulterated Hindu raj.

On the other hand, their position within the Pakistan State will be vulnerable and weak. Nowhere in Pakistan will their majority be comparable to the Hindu majority in the Hindustan States. ( NB Azad could hardly imagine even at this point the actual British Partition of Punjab and Bengal, let aside the later separation of Bangladesh from West Pakistan, SR. )

In fact, their majority will be so slight that will be offset by the economical, educational and political lead enjoyed by non-Muslims in these areas. Even if this were not so and Pakistan were overwhelmingly Muslim in population, it still could hardly solve the problem of Muslims in Hindustan. Two States confronting one another, offer no solution of the problem of one another’s minorities, but only lead to retribution and reprisals by introducing a system of mutual hostages. The scheme of Pakistan therefore solves no problems for the Muslims. It cannot safeguard their rights where they are in minority nor as citizens of Pakistan secure them a position in Indian or world affairs which they would enjoy as citizens of a major State like the Indian Union.

It may be argued that if Pakistan is so much against the interest if the Muslims themselves, then why should such a large section of Muslims be swept away by its lure? The answer is to be found in the attitude of certain communal extremists among the Hindus. When the Muslim League began to speak of Pakistan, they read into the scheme a sinister pan-Islamic conspiracy and began to oppose it out of fear that it foreshadowed a combination of Indian Muslim and trans-Indian Muslim States. The opposition acted as an incentive to the adherents of the League. With simple though untenable logic they argued that if Hindus were so opposed to Pakistan, surely it must be of benefit to Muslims. An atmosphere of emotional frenzy was created which made reasonable appraisement impossible and swept away especially the younger and more impressionable among the Muslims. I have, however, no doubt that when the present frenzy has died down and the question can be considered dispassionately, those who now support Pakistan will themselves repudiate it as harmful for Muslim interests.

The formula which I have succeeded in making the Congress accept secures whatever merits the Pakistan scheme contains while all its defects and drawbacks are avoided. The basis of Pakistan is the fear of interference by the Centre in Muslim majority areas as the Hindus will be in a majority in the Centre. The Congress meets this fear by granting full autonomy to the provincial units and vesting all residuary power in the provinces. It also has provided for two lists of Central subjects, one compulsory and one optional, so that if any provincial unit so wants, it can administer all subjects itself except a minimum delegated to the Centre. The Congress scheme threescore ensures that Muslim majority provinces are internally free to develop as they will, but can at the same time influence the Centre on all issues which affect India as a whole.

The situation in India is such that all attempts to establish a centralized and unitary government are bound to fail. Equally, doomed to failure is the attempt to divide India into two States. After considering all aspects of the question, I have come to the conclusion that the only solution can be on the lines embodied in the Congress formula which allows room for development both to the provinces and to India as a whole. The Congress formula meets the fear of the Muslim majority areas to allay which the scheme of Pakistan was formed. On the other hand, it avoids the defects of the Pakistan scheme which would bring the Muslims where they are in a minority under a purely Hindu government.

I am one of those who considers the present chapter of communal bitterness and differences as a transient phase in Indian life. I firmly hold that they will disappear when India assumes the responsibility of her own destiny. I am reminded of a saying of Mr. Gladstone that the best cure for a man’s fear of the water was to throw him into it. Similarly, India must assume responsibilities and administer her own affairs before fears and suspicious can be fully allayed.

When India attains her destiny, she will forget the chapter of communal suspicion and conflict and face the problems of modern life from a modern point of view. Differences will no doubt persist, but they will be economic, not communal. Opposition among political parties will continue, but it will based, not on religion, but on economic and political issues. Class and not community will be the basis oaf future alignments, and policies will be shaped accordingly. If it be argued that this is only a faith which events may not justify, I would say that in any case the 90 million Muslims constitute a factor which nobody can ignore and whatever the circumstances, they are strong enough to safeguard their own destiny.”

 

 

 

Next must be Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah’s classic February 1948 Speech to the UN Security  Council,  four months into the initial Pakistani attack on Kashmir:

 

 

“Aggression, not accession, is the issue: I have heard with patience, attention and respect the statements made by the representative of Pakistan and members of the Security Council, as well as the statements made on various occasions by the members of my own delegation. The Security Council will concede that I am probably the one man most concerned in the dispute because I happen to come from that land which has become the bone of contention between the two Dominions of India and Pakistan.

I have been quoted profusely on either side, and rightly so, because I have had the fortune-or, should I say, misfortune of leading my countrymen to freedom from 1931 onwards. In this task, I have suffered a great deal. I have been imprisoned not once or twice, but seven times, and the last imprisonment carried with it an aggregate sentence of nine years.

There are many troubles in Kashmir. I have heard patiently the debate in the Security Council, but I feel that I am rather confused. After all, what is the point in dispute? The point in dispute is not that the sovereignty of the Prince is in question, as the representative of Pakistan stated yesterday. After all, I have suffered the punishment of being sentenced to nine years imprisonment for saying what the representative of Pakistan said with regard to the Treaty of Amritsar of 1846. I am glad that he said in the Security Council, where he is immune from any punishment. Therefore, I am not disputing that point and that it is not the subject of the dispute before the Security Council.

The subject of the dispute before the Security Council is not the mal-administration of the Princely State of Kashmir. In order to set right that mal-administration, I think I have suffered the most, and today, when for the first time, I heard the representative of Pakistan supporting my case, it gave me great pleasure.

After all, what is the dispute between India and Pakistan? From what I have learned from the complaint brought before the Security Council by my own delegation, the dispute revolves around the fact that Kashmir acceded legally and constitutionally to the Dominion of India. There was some trouble about the demarcation of the Kashmir administration within the State, and the tribesmen from across the border have poured into my country. They have been helped and are being helped by the Pakistan Government, with the result that there is the possibility of a greater conflagration between India and Pakistan. India sought the help of Security Council so that Pakistan might be requested to desist from helping the tribesmen, and to desist from supporting the inside revolt, should I say, against the lawful authority.

I should have understood the position of the representative of Pakistan if he had come boldly before the Security Council and maintained: “Yes, we do support the tribesmen; we do support the rebels inside the State because we feel that Kashmir belongs to Pakistan and not to India, and because we feel that the accession of Kashmir to India was fraudulent.” Then we might have discussed the validity of the accession of the State of Kashmir to India. But that was not the position taken by the representative of Pakistan. He completely denied that any support was being given by the Government of Pakistan to either the tribesmen or those who are in revolt within the State against the constituted authority.

How am I to convince the Security Council that the denial is absolutely untrue? I am sitting before the Security Council at a distance of thousands of miles from my country. I have fought many battles, along with my own men, on the borders of Jammu and Kashmir. I have seen with my own eyes the support given by the Pakistan Government, not only in supplying buses but in providing arms, ammunition, direction and control of the tribesmen and I have even seen the Pakistan Army forces from across the border.

The denial has come so flatly that it becomes very difficult for me to disprove it here before the Security Council, unless the Security Council accedes to our request to send a commission to the spot and to find out first whether the allegations brought before the Security Council with regard to the aid given by the Government of Pakistan are correct or incorrect. If they are incorrect, the case falls; if they are correct, then the Security Council should take the necessary steps to advise the Government of Pakistan to desist from such support.

But then, this simple issue has been confused. On the one hand, the Pakistan Government says, “We are not a party to the trouble within the State. The trouble within the State exists because the people are fighting against the mal-administration of the Jammu and Kashmir Government.” Yes, we are fighting, we have been fighting against the mal-administration of that State since 1931. We have been demanding democratisation of the Government there. But how is it that today Pakistan has become the champion of our liberty? I know very well that in 1946, when I raised the cry “Quit Kashmir,” the leader of the Pakistan Government, who is the Governor-General now, Mr.Mohammed Ali Jinnah, opposed my Government, declaring that this movement was a movement of a few renegades and that Muslims as such had nothing to do with the movement.

The Muslim Conference, which has been talked about so much, opposed my movement and declared its loyalty to the Prince. The representative of Pakistan now says that Sheikh Abdullah, once the supporter of “Quit Kashmir”, has joined hands with the Maharaja of Kashmir, and that in one of my public speeches I declared that I wanted the Maharaja to be the Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir-not the Maharaja of Jammu only, but the Maharaja of entire State.

I should like to correct the misreporting of my speech. I did deliver that speech in Jammu, which is the winter capital of our country, but it was in a different context. As the members of the Security Council have already heard from the head of my delegation, some massacres did occur in the Jammu Province. After the Kashmir Province was raided by the tribesmen, and after thousands of Hindus and Sikhs were uprooted from the villages and towns in the Kashmir Province and found their way into the Jammu Province, there was some very bad retaliation. I could not go to Jammu Province to control that situation because I was busy with the raiders in Kashmir Province. However, as soon as I had some time, I flew down to Jammu Province, addressed a gathering of 60,000 Hindus and Sikhs in Jammu city, and gave them some plain advice.

I told them clearly that this policy of retaliation would bring no good to them as Hindus and Sikhs and would bring no good to their leader, because while they could retaliate in one or two districts where they formed the majority, and could even wipe out the Muslim population in these one or two districts, the State happens to have a population which is 80 per cent Muslim, and it would be impossible for them to wipe out the entire Muslim population. The result would be that the Prince, whom they wanted to support, would remain the Prince of only two districts, and not of the entire State of Jammu and Kashmir. I told them that if they wanted him to be the Prince of Jammu and Kashmir, they would have to change their behaviour. That was the speech I delivered, and that was the context in which it was made.

However, I have already stated how this trouble started. It is probable that the representative of Pakistan would admit that when India was divided into two parts, my colleagues and I were all behind prison bars. The result of this division of India was to start massacre on either side. Where Muslims in the West Punjab formed the majority, the killing of Hindus and Sikhs started and this was retaliated in East Punjab. All along our border, massacres of Hindus and Sikhs, on the one hand, and Muslims on the other hand were a daily occurrence. But the State of Jammu and Kashmir, and its people, kept calm. The result was that thousands of refugees, both Muslims and Hindus, sought refuge in our State and we rendered every possible help to all of them.

Why was that so? It was because I and my organisation never believed in the formula that Muslims and Hindus form separate nations. We do not believe in the two-nation theory, nor in communal hatred or communalism itself. We believed that religion had no place in politics. Therefore, when we launched our movement of “Quit Kashmir”, it was not only Muslims who suffered, but our Hindu and Sikh comrades as well. That created a strong bond of unity between all the communities, and the result was that while Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims were fighting each other all along the border, the people of Jammu and Kashmir State — Muslims, Hindus and Sikhs alike-remained calm.

The situation was worsening day by day and the minority in our State was feeling very nervous. As a result, tremendous pressure was brought to bear upon the State administration to release me and my colleagues. The situation outside demanded the release of workers of the National Conference, along with its leader, and we were accordingly set free.

Immediately we were liberated from prison we were faced with the important question of whether Kashmir should accede to Pakistan, accede to India, or remain independent, because under the partition scheme these three choices were open us as, indeed, they were open to every Indian State. The problem was a very difficult one, but I advised the people of my country that although the question was very important to us, it was a secondary consideration. The all important matter for us was our own liberation from the autocratic rule of the Prince for which we were fighting and had been fighting for the past seventeen years. We had not achieved that goal, and therefore I told my people that we must do so first. Then, as free men we should have to decide where our interest lay. Being a frontier State, Kashmir has borders with both Pakistan and India, and there are advantages and disadvantages for the people of Kashmir attached to each of the three alternatives to which I have referred.

Naturally, as I have indicated, we could not decide this all important issue before achieving our own liberation, and our slogan became “Freedom before accession”. Some friends from Pakistan met mein Srinagar. I had a heart- to- heart discussion with them and explained my point of view. I told them in plain words that, whatever had been the attitude of Pakistan towards our freedom movement in the past, it would not influence us in our judgement. Neither the friendship of Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru and of Congress, nor their support of our freedom movement, would have any influence upon our decision if we felt that the interests of four million Kashmiris lay in our accession to Pakistan.

I requested them not to precipitate this decision upon us but to allow us time, supporting our movement for the while. I added that once we were free they should allow us an interval to consider this all important issue. I pointed out that India had accepted this point of view and was not forcing us to decide. We had, in fact, entered into a standstill agreement with both Pakistan and India, but the leader of the Indian delegation has already explained to the Security Council what Pakistan did to us.

While I was engaged in these conversations and negotiations with friends from Pakistan, I sent one of my colleagues to Lahore, where he met the Prime Minister of Pakistan, Mr. Liaqat Ali Khan, and other high dignitaries of the West Punjab Government. He placed the same point of view before them and requested that they should allow us time to consider this vital question, first helping us to achieve our liberation instead of forcing us to declare our decision one way or the other. Then, one fine morning while these negotiations were proceeding, I received news that a full-fledged attack had been carried out by the raiders on Muzaffarabad, frontier town in the Kashmir Province.

The representative of Pakistan has stated that immediately upon my release I went down to Delhi to negotiate the accession of Kashmir to India. That is not a fact. He probably does not know that while in jail I was elected President of the All India States People’s Conference, and that immediately upon my release I had to take up my duties. Accordingly, I had called a meeting of the executive of that Conference in Delhi, a fact which I had conveyed to the Prime Minister of Pakistan. Indeed, I had told the Prime Minister of Pakistan that immediately upon my return from Delhi I should take the opportunity of meeting him personally to discuss my point of view with him. I did not go to Delhi to conclude any agreement on behalf of Kashmir because, although released, I was still considered a rebel.

I might inform the representative of Pakistan that although I am beyond doubt the head of the Administration of Kashmir State, I am not the Prime Minister. I am head of the Emergency Administration, and that not because the Maharaja of Kashmir wished it. In fact, I do not know whether the Maharaja wishes it even now. I hold the position because the people of my country wish me to be at the helm of affairs in Jammu and Kashmir State.

When the raiders came to our land, massacred thousands of people—mostly Hindus and Sikhs, but Muslims, too—abducted thousands of girls, Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims alike, looted our property and almost reached the gates of our summer capital, Srinagar, the result was that the civil, military and police administrations failed. The Maharaja, in the dead of night, left the capital along with his courtiers, and the result was absolute panic. There was no one to take over control. In that hour of crisis, the National Conference came forward with its 10,000 volunteers and took over the administration of the country. They started guarding the banks, the offices and houses of every person in the capital. This is the manner in which the administration changed hands. We were de facto in charge of the administration. The Maharaja, later on, gave it a legal form.

It is said that Sheikh Abdullah is a friend of Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru. Yes, I admit that. I feel honoured that such a great man claims me as his friend. And he happens to belong to my own country;he is also a Kashmiri, and blood is thicker than water. If JawaharLal Nehru gives me that honour, I cannot help it. He is my friend. But that does not mean that, because of his friendship, I am going to betray the millions of my people who have suffered along with me for the last seventeen years and sacrifice the interests of my country. I am not a man of that calibre.

I was explaining how the dispute arose—how Pakistan wanted to force this position of slavery upon us. Pakistan had no interest in our liberation or it would not also have opposed our freedom movement. Pakistan would have supported us when thousands of my countrymen were behind bars and hundreds were shot to death. The Pakistani leaders and Pakistani papers were heaping abuse upon the people of Kashmir who were suffering these tortures.

Then suddenly, Pakistan comes before the bar of the world as the champion of the liberty of the people of Jammu and Kashmir. The world may believe this, but it is very difficult for me to believe. When we refused the coercive tactics of Pakistan, it started full fledged aggression and encouraged the tribesmen in this activity. It is absolutely impossible for the tribesmen to enter our territory without encouragement from Pakistan, because it is necessary to pass through Pakistan territory to reach Jammu and Kashmir. Hundreds of trucks, thousands of gallons of petrol, thousands of rifles, ammunition, and all forms of help that an army requires, were supplied to them. We know this. After all, we belong to that country. What Pakistan could not achieve by the use of economic blockade it wanted to achieve by full-fledged aggression.

What do we request? We request nothing more than that the Security Council should send some members to this area to see for themselves what is happening there. If Pakistan comes forward and says, “We question the legality of accession”, I am prepared to discuss whether or not the accession of Jammu and Kashmir to India was legal. However, now they say, “We want a plebiscite, we want to obtain the free and unfettered opinion of the people of Kashmir. There should be no pressure exerted on the people and they should make the free choice as to the State to which they wish to accede.”

Not only this the offer that was made by the people of Kashmir to Pakistan long, long ago, but it is the offer made by the Prime Minister of India at a time, I think, he had not the slightest need for making it, as Kashmir was in distress.

We realised that Pakistan would not allow us any time, that we had either to suffer the fate of our kith and kin of Muzaffarabad, Baramulla, Srinagar and other towns and villages, or to seek help from some outside authority.

Under these circumstances, both the Maharaja and the people of Kashmir requested the Government of India to accept our accession. The Government of India could have easily accepted the accession and could have said, “All right we accept your accession and we shall render this help.” There was no necessity for the Prime Minister of India to add the proviso, when accepting the accession, that India does not want to take advantage of the difficult situation in Kashmir. We will accept this accession, without Kashmir’s acceding to the Indian Dominion, we are not in a position to render any military help. But once the country is free from the raiders, marauders and looters, this accession will be subject to ratification by the people. That was the offer made by the Prime Minister of India.

That was the same offer which was made by the people of Kashmir to the Government of Pakistan, but it was refused because at that time Pakistan felt that it could, within a week, conquer the entire Jammu and Kashmir State and then place the fait accompli before the world, just as happened some time ago in Europe. The same tactics were used.

But having failed in these tactics, Pakistan now comes before the bar of the world, pleading, “We want nothing, we only want our people to be given a free hand in deciding their own fate. And in deciding their own fate, they must have a plebiscite.”

They then continue and say, “No, a plebiscite cannot be fair and impartial unless and until there is a neutral administration in the State of Jammu and Kashmir.” I have failed to understand this terminology with reference to a “neutral administration”. After all what does “neutral administration” mean?

The representative of Pakistan has stated that Sheikh Abdullah, because he is a friend of Jawahar Lal Nehru, because he has had sympathy for the Indian National Congress, because he has declared his point of view in favour of accession to India, and because he is head of the Emergency Administration, cannot remain impartial. Therefore, Sheikh Abdullah must depart.

Let us suppose that Sheikh Abdullah goes, who is to replace Sheikh Abdullah ? It will be someone amongst the 4 million people of the State of Jammu and Kashmir. But can we find anyone among these 4 million people whom we can call impartial? After all, we are not logs of wood, we are not dolls. We must have an opinion one way or the other. The people of Kashmir are either in favour of Pakistan or in favour of India.

Therefore, Pakistan’s position comes down to this that the 4 million people of that State should have no hand in running the administration of their own country. Someone else must come in for that purpose. Is that fair ? Is that just ? Do the members of the Security Council wish to oust the people of Kashmir from running their own administration and their own country ? Then, for argument’s sake, let us suppose that the 4 million people of the State of Jammu and Kashmir agree to have nothing to do with the administration of their country; some one else must be brought into the country for this purpose. From where do the members of the Security Council propose that such a neutral individual may be secured? From India? No, from Pakistan? No, from anywhere in the world? No, frankly speaking, even if the Security Council were to request Almighty God to administer the State of Jammu and Kashmir during this interim period, I do not feel that He could act impartially. After all, one must have sympathy either for this side or that side.

If elections were to be held in the United Kingdom sometime after tomorrow with the Labour Government in power, would anyone say to Mr Attlee: “The elections are now going on. Because you happen to belong to Labour Party, your sympathies will be in favour of the Labour vote. Therefore, you had better clear out. We must have a neutral man as Prime Minister until our elections are finished?

However, we have been told that Sheikh Abdullah must walk out because he has declared his point of view in favour of India. Therefore, he cannot be impartial. We must have some impartial man we must have some neutral man.

As I have submitted to the members of the Security Council, Sheikh Abdullah happens to be there because the people wish it. As long as the people wish it, I shall be there. There is no power on earth which can displace me from the position which I have there. As long as the people are behind me, I will remain there.

We have declared once for all, that there shall be freedom of voting and for that purpose we have said, “Let anyone come in, we have no objection. Let the Commission of the Security Council on India come into our State and advise us how we should take a vote, how we should organize it, and how it can be completely impartial. We have no objection.” My Government is ready to satisfy, to the last comma, the impartiality of the vote.

But to have an impartial vote is one thing; to have a say in the administration of the State is a different thing entirely. After all, with what are we concerned? We are concerned only with the fact that no influence shall be exercised over the voters, either in one way or in another. The people shall be free to vote according to their own interests. We are ready to accede to that.

It is then said: “You cannot have freedom of voting as long as the Indian Army remains in the State of Jammu and Kashmir.” It is probably very difficult for me to draw a full picture of what is going on in that country. There is absolute chaos in certain parts of the country, fighting is going on and thousands of tribesmen are there ready to take advantage of any weakness on the part of the State of Jammu and Kashmir.

Once we ask the Indian Army, which is the only protective force in Kashmir against these marauders, to clear out, we leave the country open to chaos. After all, one who has suffered for the last seventeen years, in attempting to secure the freedom and liberation of his own country, would not like an outside army to come in and to remain in the country.

However, what is the present situation? If I ask the Indian Army to clear out, how am I going to protect the people from the looting, arson, murder and abduction with which they have been faced all these long months? What is the alternative? here need be no fear since the Indian Army is there, that this army will interfere in the exercise of a free vote. After all, a Commission of the Security Council will be there in order to watch. The Indian Army does not have to go into every village. It will be stationed at certain strategic points, so that in the event of danger from any border, the Army will be there to protect that border. The army is there to curb disorders anywhere in the State; that is all. The army will not be in each and every village in order to watch each and every vote.

It is then said: “Can we not have a joint control ? Can we not have the armies of Pakistan and India inside the State in order to control the situation ?” This is an unusual idea. What Pakistan could not achieve through ordinary means, Pakistan wishes to achieve by entering through the back door, so that it may have its armies inside the State and then start the fight. That is not possible. After all, we have been discussing the situation in Kashmir. I should say that we have been playing the drama of Hamlet without the Prince of Denmark. The people of Kashmir are vitally interested in this question. Four million people in Kashmir are keenly interested in this entire affair. I have sympathies with the people of Poonch and Mirpur. The representative of Pakistan will probably concede that I have suffered greatly for the people of Poonch as well as for the people of Mirpur. There is no difference on this part of international democratisation of the administration between me, my party and the people of Poonch. We are one, we want our own liberty, we want our own freedom, we do not want autocratic rule. We desire that the 4 million people in Jammu and Kashmir—Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims— shall have the right to change their destiny, to control their country, and to administer it as best as they can. On that point there is absolutely no difference.

However, it is not a question of internal liberation. The Security Council should not confine the issue. The question is not that we want internal freedom, the question is not how the Maharaja got his State, or whether or not he is sovereign. These points are not before the Security Council. Whether Kashmir has lawfully acceded to India—complaints on that score have been brought before the Security Council on behalf of Pakistan—is not the point at issue. If that were the point at issue, then we should discuss that subject. We should prove before the Security Council that Kashmir and the people of Kashmir have lawfully and constitutionally acceded to the Dominion of India and Pakistan has no right to question that accession. However, that is not the discussion before the Security Council.

Indian and Kashmiri forces are ready to deal with tribesmen, to come to an understanding with the people of Kashmir and to establish ademocratic form of government inside the State. We shall do all that. We do not want Pakistan to lend us support to suppress an internal revolt or to drive out the tribesmen. We do not seek any support from Pakistan in that connection. Since Pakistan is a neighbouring country, we desire to remain on the friendliest possible terms with this sister Dominion. But we do ask that Pakistan shall have no hand, directly or indirectly, in this turmoil in Kashmir. The Government of Pakistan has said: “We have no hand in this turmoil.” The only course left to the Security Council is to send out the commission and to see whether or not Pakistan has any hand in this turmoil. If Pakistan has had any hand in this turmoil, then the Government of Pakistan should be asked to desist from such activity. If Pakistan has had no hand in this turmoil, then that can be proved.

This issue has been clouded by very many other issues and interests. I suggested at informal talks that according to my understanding there are two points at issue, first, how to have this neutral impartial administration; second, whether or not the Indian Army shall remain. It is not at all disputed that we must have a plebiscite and that the accession must be ratified by the people of Kashmir, freely and without any pressure on this or that side. That much is conceded, there is no dispute about that. The dispute arises when it is suggested that in order to have the free vote, the administration must be changed. To that suggestion we say, “No.”

I do not know what course future events will take. However, I may assure the Security Council that, if I am asked to conduct the administration of this State, it will be my duty to make the administration absolutely impartial. It will be my duty to request my brothers, who are in a different camp at this time, to come to lend me support. After all, they are my own kith and kin. We suffered together, we have no quarrel with them. I shall tell them: “Come on; it is my country; it is your country. I have been asked to administer the State. Are you prepared to lend me support? It is for me to make the administration successful; it is for me to make the administration look impartial.” It is not for Pakistan to say “No, we must have an impartial administration.” I refuse to accept Pakistan as a party in the affairs of the Jammu and Kashmir State. I refuse this point blank. Pakistan has no right to say that we must do this and we must do that. We have seen enough of Pakistan. The people of Kashmir have seen enough. Muzaffarabad and Baramulla and hundred of villages in Jammu and Kashmir depict the story of Pakistan to the people of Jammu and Kashmir. We want to have no more of this.

In concluding, I again request that in order to settle this issue of Kashmir, the Security Council should not confuse the point in dispute. The Security Council should not allow various other extraneous matters to be introduced. Very many extraneous matters have been introduced. The representative of Pakistan gave us the history of the Jammu and Kashmir State. He read to us some letters from Viceroys of India, asking the Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir to behave, giving the Maharaja good advice, et cetera. However, we cannot forget that these States are the creation of British imperialism in India who has supported these states and this misrule for these 150 years? It is not going to convince me or the world for the representative of Pakistan to say: “These events have happened and these letters were written.” We know how the Princes have acted, how the states were brought into existence, and how the Princes were supported. This was all a game in the British imperialist policy. But this legacy has now fallen upon us. We are not here to discuss whether or not the Maharaja lawfully became the ruler of the State, whether or not there is moral administration in this State, whether or not the Maharaja is sovereign and whether or not Kashmir has legally acceded to India. These issues are not before the Security Council. The only issue before the Security Council is that Pakistan must observe its international obligations and must not support any outside raiders.

Pakistan should not encourage inside revolt. Pakistan has denied that it has in order to verify the statements made by the representatives of India and Pakistan, the Security Council must send a commission to the spot to see whether the complaint brought before the Security Council is valid or invalid. If the Security Council finds that the complaint brought before it by India is valid, then Pakistan should be asked to desist or India should be permitted to use its means to carry out the decision of the Security Council.

As far as I can speak on behalf of India, India does not want the help of the armies of Pakistan. What it wants from Pakistan is that Pakistan should not supply bases to the raiders on Pakistan territory across the border from Jammu and Kashmir State. All along the border on Pakistan territory, there are huge concentrations of these tribesmen who are Pakistani nationals. We request Pakistan not to allow its territory to be used by these raiders.

Pakistan should not provide ammunition, arms, direction and control to these tribesmen. It should stop the passage of these tribesmen through its territory. Pakistan should not supply arms and ammunition to the people who are fighting within the State because all these matters fall under an international obligation. Therefore, Pakistan should desist from that practice. That is all. We do not want any armed help from Pakistan. If Pakistan does what we have requested, the Indian Army, I am quite sure, will be capable of driving out the raiders and tribesmen. If Pakistan does not meddle in our affairs, we will be capable of solving all our own internal disputes with the Maharaja of Kashmir. However, as long as this unofficial war continues, it is very difficult for us to do any thing. Our hands are tied.

What is happening? The raiders are concentrated just across the border. They enter our State in large number—four or five thousand strong. They raid four or five villages, burn them, abduct women and loot property. When our army tries to capture them, they go across the border, and can not fire a single shot across the border, because if it does, there is the immediate danger of a greater conflagration. So our hands are tied.

We do not want to create this difficult situation without informing the Security Council and we felt honour-bound to inform it of the actual position. The Indian Army could easily have followed the raiders across the border and could have attacked the bases, which were all in Pakistan territory, but it desisted. We thought it would be better to inform the Security Council of the situation.

However, I did not have the slightest idea that when the case came before the Security Council, the representative of Pakistan would so boldly deny that Pakistan supplied all this help. Everybody knows that Pakistan is aiding these raiders and tribesmen and the people who are fighting with the State. However, Pakistan chose boldly to deny all these charges.

What is left for me to do? After all, I do not have any magic lamp so that I might bring the entire picture of Jammu and Kashmir State, along with the borders of Pakistan, before the eyes of the members of the Security Council so that they might see who is fighting and who is not fighting. Therefore, somebody must go to the spot. Then at that time it would be for us to prove that the charges we have brought before the Security Council are correct to the last word. That is the only help we want and no other help.”

 

 

 

Thirdly, though by no means lastly, may be placed the 14 August 1951 Memorandum of  prominent Muslims led by Dr Zakir Hussain to the UN Representative Dr. Frank P. Graham:

“It is a remarkable fact that, while the Security Council and its various agencies have devoted so much time to the study of the Kashmir dispute and made various suggestions for its resolution, none of them has tried to ascertain the views of the Indian Muslims nor the possible effect of any hasty step in Kashmir, however well-intentioned, on the interests and well- being of the Indian Muslims. We are convinced that no lasting solution for the problem can be found unless the position of Muslims in Indian society is clearly understood.

Supporters of the idea of Pakistan, before this subcontinent was partitioned, discouraged any attempt to define Pakistan clearly and did little to anticipate the conflicting problems which were bound to arise as a result of the advocacy of the two-nation theory. The concept of Pakistan, therefore, became an emotional slogan with little rational content. It never occurred to the Muslim League or its leaders that if a minority was not prepared to live with a majority on the sub- continent, how could the majority be expected t o tolerate the minority.

It is, therefore, small wonder that the result of partition has been disastrous to Muslims. In undivided India, their strength lay about 100 million. Partition split up the Muslim people, confining them to the three isolated regions. Thus, Muslims number 25 million in Western Pakistan, 35 million to 40 million in India, and the rest in Eastern Pakistan. A single undivided community has been broken into three fragments, each faced with its own problems.

Pakistan was not created on a religious basis. If it had been, our fate as well as the fate of other minorities would have been settled at that time. Nor would the division of the sub- continent for reasons of religion have left large minorities in India or Pakistan.

This merely illustrates what we have said above, that the concept of Pakistan was vague, obscure, and never clearly defined, nor its likely consequences foreseen by the Muslim League, even when some of these should have been obvious.

When the partition took place, Muslims in India were left in the lurch by the Muslim League and its leaders. Most of them departed to Pakistan and a few who stayed behind stayed long enough to wind up their affairs and dispose of their property. Those who went over to Pakistan left a large number of relations and friends behind.

Having brought about a division of the country, Pakistan leaders proclaimed that they would convert Pakistan into a land where people would live a life according to the tenets of Islam. This created nervousness and alarm among the minorities living in Pakistan. Not satisfied with this, Pakistan went further and announced again and again their determination to protect and safeguard the interests of Muslims in India. This naturally aroused suspicion amongst the Hindus against us and our loyalty to India was questioned.

Pakistan had made our position weaker by driving out Hindus from Western Pakistan in utter disregard of the consequences of such a policy to us and our welfare. A similar process is in question in Eastern Pakistan from which Hindus are coming over to India in a large and large number.

If the Hindus are not welcome in Pakistan, how can we, in all fairness, expect Muslims to be welcomed in India ? Such a policy must inevitably, as the past has already shown, result in the uprooting of Muslims in this country and their migration to Pakistan where, as it became clear last year, they are no longer welcome, lest their influx should destroy Pakistan’s economy. Neither some of the Muslims who did migrate to Pakistan after partition, and following the widespread bloodshed and conflict on both sides of the Indo-Pakistan border in the north- west, have been able to find a happy asylum in what they had been told would be their homeland. Consequently some of them have had to return to India, e.g. Meos who are now being rehabilitated in their former areas.

If we are living honourably in India today, it is certainly not due to Pakistan which, if anything, has by her policy and action weakened our position. The credit goes to the broadminded leadership of India, to Mahatma Gandhi and Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, to the traditions of tolerance in this country and to the Constitution which ensures equal rights to all citizens of India, irrespective of their religion caste, creed, colour or sex.

We, therefore, feel that, tragically as Muslims were misled by the Muslim League and subsequently by Pakistan and the unnecessary suffering which we and our Hindu brethren have to go through in Pakistan and in India since partition, we must be given an opportunity to settle down to a life of tolerance and understanding to the mutual benefit of Hindus and Muslims in our country – if only Pakistan would let us do it. To us it is a matter of no small consequence.

Despite continuous provocations, first from the Muslim League and since then from Pakistan, the Hindu majority in India has not thrown us or members of other minorities out of Civil Services, Armed Forces, the judiciary, trade, commerce, business and industry. There are Muslim Ministers in the Union and State cabinets, Muslim Governors, Muslim Ambassadors, representing India in foreign countries, fully enjoying the confidence of the Indian nation, Muslim members in Parliament and state legislatures, Muslim judges serving on the Supreme Court and High Courts, high-ranking officers in the Armed Forces and the Civil services, including the police.

Muslims have large landed estates, run big business and commercial houses in various parts of the country, notably in Bombay and Calcutta, have their shares in industrial production and enterprise in export and import trade. Our famous sacred shrines and places of cultural interest are mostly in India.

Not that our lot is certainly happy. We wish some of the state Governments showed a little greater sympathy to us in the field of education and employment. Nevertheless, we feel we have an honourable place in India. Under the law of the land, our religious and cultural life is protected and we shall share in the opportunities open to all citizens to ensure progress for the people of this country.

It is, therefore, clear that our interest and welfare do not coincide with Pakistan’s conception of the welfare and interests of Muslims in Pakistan.

This is clear from Pakistan’s attitude towards Kashmir. Pakistan claims Kashmir, first, on the ground of the majority of the State’s people being Muslims and, secondly, on the ground, of the state being essential to its economy and defence. To achieve its objective it has been threatening to launch “Jihad” against Kashmir in India. It is a strange commentary on political beliefs that the same Muslims of Pakistan who like the Muslims of Kashmir to join them invaded the state, in October 1947, killing and plundering Muslims in the state and dishonouring Muslim women, all in the interest of what they described as the liberation of Muslims of the State. In its oft-proclaimed anxiety to rescue the 3 million Muslims from what it describes as the tyranny of a handful of Hindus in the State, Pakistan evidently is prepared to sacrifice the interests of 40 million Muslims in India – a strange exhibition of concern for the welfare of fellow- Muslims. Our misguided brothers in Pakistan do not realise that if Muslims in Pakistan can wage a war against Hindus in Kashmir why should not Hindus, sooner or later, retaliate against Muslims in India.

Does Pakistan seriously think that it could give us any help if such an emergency arose or that we would deserve any help thanks to its own follies ? It is incapable of providing room and livelihood to the 40 million Muslims of India, should they migrate to Pakistan. Yet its policy and action, if not changed soon, may well produce the result which it dreads.

We are convinced that India will never attack our interests. First of all, it would be contrary to the spirit animating the political movement in this country. Secondly, it would be opposed to the Constitution and to the sincere leadership of the Prime Minister. Thirdly, India by committing such a folly would be playing straight into the hands of Pakistan.

We wish we were equally convinced of the soundness of Pakistan’s policy. So completely oblivious is it of our present problems and of our future that it is willing to sell us into slavery – if only it can secure Kashmir.

It ignores the fact that Muslims in Kashmir may also have a point of view of their own, that there is a democratic movement with a democratic leadership in the State, both inspired by the progress of a broad minded, secular, democratic movement in India and both naturally being in sympathy with India. Otherwise, the Muslim raiders should have been welcomed with open arms by the Muslims of the State when the invasion took place in 1947.

Persistent propaganda about “Jihad” is intended, among other things, to inflame religious passions in this country. For it would, of course, be in Pakistan’s interests to promote communal rioting in India to show to Kashmiri Muslims how they can find security only in Pakistan. Such a policy, however, can only bring untold misery and suffering to India and Pakistan generally and to Indian Muslims particularly. Pakistan never tires of asserting that it is determined to protect the interests of Muslims in Kashmir and India. Why does not Pakistan express the same concern for Pathans who are fighting for Pakhtoonistan, an independent homeland of their own ? The freedom-loving Pathans under the leadership of Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan and Dr. Khan Sahib, both nurtured in the traditions of democratic tolerance of the Indian National Congress, are being subjected to political repression of the worst possible kind by their Muslim brethren in power in Pakistan and in the NWFP. Contradictory as Pakistan’s policy generally is, it is no surprise to us that while it insists on a fair and impartial plebiscite in Kashmir, it denies a fair and impartial plebiscite to Pathans.

Pakistan’s policy in general and her attitude towards Kashmir is particular thus tend to create conditions in this country which in the long run can only bring to us Muslims widespread suffering and destruction. Its policy prevents us from settling down, from being honourable citizens of a State, free from suspicion of our fellow-countrymen and adapting ourselves to changing conditions to promote the interests and welfare of India. Its sabre-rattling interferes with its own economy and ours. It expects us to be loyal to it despite its impotence to give us any protection, believing at the same time that we can still claim all the rights of citizenship in a secular democracy.

In the event of a war, it is extremely doubtful whether it will be able to protect the Muslims of East Bengal who are completely cut off from Western Pakistan. Are the Muslims of India and Eastern Pakistan to sacrifice themselves completely to enable the 25 million Muslims in Western Pakistan to embark upon mad, self-destructive adventures?

We should, therefore, like to impress upon you with all the emphasis at our command that Pakistan’s policy towards Kashmir is fraught with the gravest peril to the 40 million Muslims of India. If the Security Council is really interested in peace, human brotherhood and international understanding, it should heed this warning while there is still time.

Dr. Zakir Hussain (Vice Chancellor Aligarh University); Sir Sultan Ahmed (Former Member of Governor General’s Executive Council); Sir Mohd. Ahmed Syed Khan(Nawab of Chhatari, former acting Governor of United Provinces and Prime Minister of Hyderabad); Sir Mohd. Usman (Former member of Governor General’s Executive council and acting Governor of Madras); Sir Iqbal Ahmed (Former Chief Justice of Allahabad High Court); Sir Fazal Rahimtoola (Former Sheriff of Bombay); Maulana Hafz-ur-Rehman M.P.; Col. B.H. Zaidi M.P.; Nawab Zain Yar Jung (Minister Gcvernment of Hyderabad); A.K. Kawaja (Former President of Muslim Majlis); T.M. Zarif (General Secretary West Bengal Bohra Community)”.

Such have been the most eminent voices of India’s Muslims in times past. Sadly, they have no equivalent today when India’s Muslims need them with greater urgency. (Bollywood or cricketing celebrities hardly substitute!) This fault in the intellectual history of the modern subcontinent has been a principal factor causing the misapprehensions and distortions of Pakistan’s and J&K’s political reality to continue worldwide.

Do President-elect Obama’s Pakistan specialists suppose Maulana Azad, Dr Zakir Hussain, Sheikh Abdullah were Pakistanis (or that Sheikh Mujib wanted to remain one)?

Once upon a time, half a century ago, the son of a Pakistani president married the daughter of an American ambassador to Pakistan and moved to Washington.  That might be as good a time as any from which to mark the start of the grip Pakistan’s military and political/bureaucratic elite have managed to have on the process of defining official American policy towards Pakistan and indeed the subcontinent as a whole.

Four young and   doubtless well-meaning Democratic Party “think tank” analysts have now produced a document Partnership for Progress: Advancing a New Strategy for Prosperity and Stability in Pakistan and the Region (Center for American Progress November 2008) that is the latest edition emerging out of that process.

It is hard to find the most simplistic of the statements contained in the document.  My runner-up candidate would be the recommendations that what should happen in Pakistan now is

“Dismantle militant groups and reduce regional tensions;
Bolster civilian governance;
Strengthen Pakistan’s economy and advance development”.

Bravo!  What else to say?

My winning candidate for naiveté though must be this on page 16:

“Pakistan… sees itself as the political home for the subcontinent’s Muslim population and believes India’s continued control over the Muslim-majority Kashmir valley and denial of a plebiscite for its inhabitants represent a lingering desire on India’s part to undo the legacy of partition, which divided the British Indian Empire into India and Pakistan.”

Now someone really ought to explain to these soon-to-be-Obama-Administration-Pakistan-specialists that, once upon a  time, there were men named Maulana Abul Kalam Azad and Dr Zakir Hussain and Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah and many others like them (let aside Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan) who were all not merely devout Muslims but also leaders who had no wish to have any truck with any idea of a “Pakistan”. And furthermore, that some years later there came to be another man named Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and many others like him, who were Pakistanis but who no longer wished to remain so.

How is it possible for  four young scholars from places like the Fletcher School to not know this and yet pretend to expertise on Pakistan or the subcontinent?   Pakistanis and Indians and Bangladeshis who actually live in Pakistan and India and Bangladesh all know this from mother’s knee.  But the powerful Potomac/CFR/Houston etc Pakistan lobby which has heavily influenced if not controlled the discussion of America’s Pakistan-India policy-thinking has hidden away such inconvenient facts, and may have thus misled our young authors entering these woods for the first time. The inevitable result of such repression has been the set of neuroses and psychoses that have beset the US-Pakistan relationship for decades on end and seem likely to continue now under President Obama.

(As for official New Delhi, its own infirmities, like allowing organized business lobbies to define and control India’s relationship with the United States, as well as its delusions of grandeur, causes it too to fail History 101 miserably, which explains the shallow depths that Indian diplomatic discussion manages to reach on the subject.)

What the Center for American Progress has to say expectedly contains contradictions that have been long seen before.  For example, the authors are unable to reconcile their own explicit statements (A) and (B), revealing what a clinical psychologist might follow Gregory Bateson to identify as a classic “double-bind” leading to schizophrenia in the Pakistan-US relationship:

(A) “The United States should continue supporting and working with the Pakistani military despite strains in the relationship. The stakes are too high to walk away from Pakistan’s military establishment. Not only does most of the materiel for the US war effort in Afghanistan go through Pakistan, but the ISI is almost the exclusive source of information about international terrorist attacks perpetrated by Al Qaeda and its affiliates in Pakistan.”

(B) “Pakistan’s powerful military establishment has launched four outright coups d’etat in the country’s 60-year history. And through its control of the Inter-Services Intelligence directorate, or ISI, Pakistan’s premiere intelligence service, the military continues to carry out subtler manipulations of the political system during the periods when it has not held power directly…. The military establishment also has expanded far beyond its national security portfolio, entrenching itself in the Pakistani economy…. .The United States shares some of the blame for imbalance between military and civilian institutions in Pakistan. During the 1960s, 1980s, and since 9/11, the Pakistan military has been richly rewarded by the United States based on its status as a front-line state in the Cold War and then in the war against extremist terrorist networks. The United States has created perverse incentives by richly rewarding the Pakistani military in its promotion of unstable and insecure geopolitical situations on the other side of its borders, and then withdrawing our support if peace and stability return. The Pakistan military, meanwhile, uses the threat of India and the dispute over the Kashmir region to legitimize its leading role in Pakistan’s domestic politics and budget…. Ties between the Pakistani security establishment (or at a minimum individuals within it) and specific militant groups have not been severed. The militants that now form the core of the Pakistani and Afghan Taliban and the Pakistani Army have long-standing connections and shared interests….”

What may be recommended by way of therapy?

For starters, a book created under immense adversity at an American university almost 20 years ago: Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s, Edited and with an Introduction by one William E James and one Subroto Roy.  (Yes, I too once was as young as these authors are now but we   We may have produced a more substantial piece of work.)  A prominent Pakistani author in the book thanked me for creating it because, he said, it was the first time Pakistan had been treated seriously at a Western university, not merely seen as a source of real-estate or manpower for Anglo-American interests.

Besides the book, I would, most immodestly, recommend any fraction of my subsequent publications in the field, listed alphabetically as below and all most easily available at this site.

America’s Pakistan-India Policy
History of Jammu & Kashmir
India and Her Neighbours
India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh Merchandise Exports
Iqbal & Jinnah vs Rehmat Ali in Pakistan’s Creation
Is Balochistan Doomed?
Justice & Afzal
Lal Masjid ≠ Golden Temple
Law, Justice and J&K
On Hindus and Muslims
Pakistan’s Allies
Pakistan’s Kashmir obsession
Racism New and Old
Saving Pakistan
Separation of Powers: India, the USA, Pakistan
Solving Kashmir: On an Application of Reason
The Greatest Pashtun: Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan
Two cheers for Pakistan
Understanding Pakistan
What To Tell Musharraf

Etc

https://independentindian.com/2011/10/13/my-seventy-one-notes-at-facebook-etc-on-kashmir-pakistan-and-of-course-india-listed-thanks-to-jd/

In such matters, naiveté is too expensive a luxury to indulge in.

Subroto Roy

Postscript:  I had erroneously (and patronisingly) brushed all four authors as “young”; that has now been corrected; I hope it will not distract from the substance of the critique.

Of a new New Delhi myth and the success of the University of Hawaii 1986-1992 Pakistan project (with 2015 Postscript)

A leading Indian commentator says in this morning’s paper (November 15 2008) about Manmohan Singh:

“His formulation on Kashmir (“I have no mandate to change borders, but we can make borders irrelevant”), became the obvious solution once he articulated it.”

Such may be how  modern New Delhi’s myths and self-delusions  get born — since in fact there is no evidence that Manmohan Singh  or any of his acolytes had anything to do with originating the Pakistan-India peace process in recent decades, just as there has not been that Manmohan Singh or  any of his acolytes had anything to do with originating the  Congress Party’s new economic thinking in 1990-1991.

(Lest I be misunderstood I should add at the outset that I have the highest personal regard for Dr Singh, he has been  in decades past a friend of my father’s, he at my father’s request consented to discuss economics with me in Paris in 1973 when I was a callow lad of 18, he himself has not claimed the originality that has been frequently mis-attributed to him by others for whatever reason, etc.)

The origins of  the idea  about India-Pakistan and J&K expressed by Manmohan Singh’s words are to be found in the last paragraph of the Introduction by the Editors of a book which arose from the University of Hawaii’s 1986-1992 Pakistan project, which read:

“Kashmir… must be demilitarised and unified by both countries sooner or later, and it must be done without force. There has been enough needless bloodshed on the subcontinent… Modern Pakistanis and Indians are free peoples who can voluntarily agree in their own interests to alter the terms set hurriedly by Attlee or Mountbatten in the Indian Independence Act 1947. Nobody but we ourselves keeps us prisoners of superficial definitions of who we are or might be. The subcontinent could evolve its political identity over a period of time on the pattern of Western Europe, with open borders and (common) tariffs to the outside world, with the free movement of people, capital, ideas and culture. Large armed forces could be reduced and transformed in a manner that would enhance the security of each nation. The real and peaceful economic revolution of the masses of the subcontinent would then be able to begin.”

The University of Hawaii’s Pakistan project, involving Pakistani and other scholars, including one Indian, led to the volume Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s published in Karachi, New Delhi and elsewhere. The book reached Nawaz Sharif and the Islamabad elite, including the most hawkish of Islamabad’s hawks, and Pervez Musharraf’s 2006 proposal on J&K, endorsed warmly by the US State Department,  may have grown from that paragraph. The Editors of the book, as economists themselves, decried the waste of resources involved in the Pakistan-India confrontation, saying it had

“greatly impoverished the general budgets of both Pakistan and India. If it has benefited important sections of the political and military elites of  both countries, it has done so only at the expense of the general welfare of the masses.”

Such words were impossibly bold in the  late 1980s-early 1990s.  However,  as stated in  a special editorial article “What to tell Musharraf”     in The Statesman of December 16 2006, they seemed  in recent years incomplete and rather naïve even to their author, who was myself, the only Indian in that project and the one who had conceived it. Most significantly, the position in international law in the context of historical facts had been wholly neglected. So had been the manifest nature of the Pakistani state (as it had become prior to the splendid 2008 elections).

The Hawaii project had involved top Pakistani economists, political scientists and other commentators but had deliberately chosen to keep the military and the religious clergy out of its chapters.  And it was the military and religious clergy who in fact came to dominate Pakistan’s agenda in the 1990s, at least until the 9/11 attacks in America indirectly  altered the political direction of the country.

The peaceful and mundane economic agenda outlined for Pakistan in the Hawaii project  has come into its own  by way of  relevance ever since.  A few weeks ago, the first trucks filled with fruit, woolens and many other goods traversed across the “Line of Control” in J&K for the first time in sixty years.   The Pakistan project that James and I led at the University of Hawaii in the late 1980s may be now declared a success.   Among other things, our book explained to Indians that there does exist a Pakistani point of view and perhaps explained to Pakistanis that there does exist an Indian point of view.  That  is something that had not existed before our book.

pak

Postscript 18 Nov 2015:  I have made clear at Twitter that I find the K.M. Kasuri book promoted and publicized in India by MS Aiyar, S Kulkarni, B Dutt and others in Delhi and Mumbai is mendacious where it is not merely self-serving.  Its clear intent is to get India to accept the (false) ISI/Hurriyat narratives about 1947, Kashmir, Bangladesh, terrorism etc.  Its purported ideas of demilitarisation and a borderless Kashmir are essentially lifted from my earlier 1980s work in America cited above — which I myself have rejected as naive since the Pakistani aggression in Kargil in 1999.  More anon.

Protected: Jawaharlal Nehru invites my father to the Mountbatten Farewell 20 June 1948

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Rai Bahadur Umbika Churn Rai (1827-1902)

Umbika Churn Rai (1827-1902) my great great grandfather, was the founder of the modern Roy family of Behala. He himself was the great grandson of Raja Daibaki Nandan Rai who is said to have brought the family to Behala from Anarpur at the time of the Mahratta invasions. Daibaki Nandan was probably gifted land at Behala as was customary towards Brahmins. The legend is that upon his arrival, a famed band of local dacoits/robbers gave him an ultimatum to surrender the family’s jewels or fight. Daibaki Nandan stood and fought, had his arm cut off by a scimitar, and died bleeding. The family then fell materially for two generations and were “toll pandits” or “tree-shade teachers” under Jagat Ram Rai and Durga Prasad Rai.

Umbika Churn was Durga Prasad’s third son. He was a brilliant ambitious man, well-built and over 6 ft tall, who taught himself English, attended the madrassa started by Warren Hastings to learn Persian, and was well-versed in Sanskrit. Being knowledgeable of Sanskrit, Persian and English at a time of conflict of laws between English, Muslim and Hindu systems, he started as a translator in the Alipore Court under Sir Barnes Peacock (1810-1890). When Peacock went to the new Supreme Court in Calcutta in 1859 as its first Chief Justice, Umbika Churn went with him and rose to become the first Chief Translator. He was made a Rai Bahadur at the time of Queen Victoria’s Jubilee. Rai Bahadur Road in Calcutta is named after him.

The Golden Book of India published at the time of the Victoria Jubilee said Umbika Churn was a descendant of one Raja Gajendra Narayan Rai, Rai-Raian, a finance official under the Great Mughal Jahangir.

There will be much more about him here in due course. Most interesting is the fact that Chief Justice Peacock who had been  his mentor, when he returned to England in 1870, later wrote asking him and his eldest son Surendranath for help on behalf of his son, a lawyer, being sent to Calcutta from England. Suren, himself a lawyer at the time, wrote back and assured him he would help find the son work in Calcutta!

I shall upload that correspondence when I am able to.

From Facebook 18 June 2013:

How interesting to find an 1847 depiction of the famous Calcutta Madrassa originated by Warren Hastings (1732–1818) ! … My paternal great great grand-father breached Brahminical rules by insisting on learning Persian there — it was a time of much confusion of laws: Persian was still the, or at least an, official language of the courts, just giving way to English while Hindu law required Sanskrit… Umbik Churn Rai (1827-1902) had had Sanskrit lessons at home, acquired English, and now learnt Persian: he started as a young man as a Court translator in the Alipore Court, came to the attention of the newly arrived Judge, Sir Barnes Peacock (1810-1890), who took him with him in due course when he became the first Chief Justice of the new Calcutta High Court in 1859? 1862?, and made him Chief Translator … We have a fragmentary letter somewhere from Peacock, after retirement in England, written to Umbik’s son, my great grand father, saying his son was coming to Calcutta from England and could be please try to help him find work! A time of camraderie…

madrassa

And along with Hastings’s Madrassa came Hindu College too, also depicted as of 1847, which became in due course Presidency… Associated to it was a Hindu School too, and our family legend went that Vidyasagar (1820-1891) himself, took his friend Umbik’s eldest son, SN Roy (1860-1929), my great grand father, by hand as a child to attend it.

HinduCollege1847

Origins of India’s Constitutional Politics: Bengal 1913

This is a 1913 photograph of the Indian members of the  first Bengal Legislative Council elected (in 1912)  after the 1909 Morley-Minto reforms; the members apparently were being greeted by gentlemen of the sub-urban areas south of Calcutta.  The Englishman sitting at the centre  seems to be Sir Henry Cotton (1845-1915), the 1904 President of the Indian National Congress and a  great political friend of India.   To his right sits Surendranath Roy, who may have been the Council’s first President.

 

Academic studies include notably those by JH Broomfield, “The Vote and the Transfer of Power: A Study of the Bengal Election 1912-1913” Journal of Asian Studies, Feb 1962, his book Elite Conflict in a   Plural Society: 20th Century Bengal (Berkeley 1968); and Rajat Kanta Ray, Social Conflict and Political Unrest in Bengal 1875-1927 (Oxford 1984).  Professor Ray writes about the 1912 election: “Only  a few candidates of the “Popular Party” — Surendranath Banerjea, Abul Kasim, Byomkesh Chakravarti and Surendranath Ray — scraped through…. (A) sympathetic moderate wrote in 1919: ‘The Popular Party is a bundle of disjoined units which cannot resist the slightest pressure from without.’  This charge was eventually disproved by the stand taken by (the Popular Party) in the Bengal Legislative Council.  It showed no sign of wilting under the pressure exerted by the European group…”

 

Other studies of the period include John R McLane, Indian Nationalism and the Early Congress (Princeton 1977), Anil Seal, The Emergence of Indian Nationalism (Cambridge 1971),  Gordon Johnson, Provincial Politics and Indian Nationalism (Cambridge 1973) etc.

By way of incidental reference, the young Jawaharlal Nehru had returned from his studies in England in 1912; MK Gandhi was still in South Africa and would not be returning until 1915.  The Tilak-Gokhale clash though had been in full swing since 1907.

 

 

Subroto Roy

Nota Bene: The text and photograph in this post may be considered in the public domain and may be freely used for purposes of a Wikipedia article or any other publication in the common interest.

Monetary Integrity and the Rupee (2008)

Monetary Integrity and the Rupee: Three British Raj relics have dominated our macroeconomic policy-making

First published in Business Standard 28 September 2008

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Taxation via inflation “does not require detailed legislation, and can be administered very simply. All that it requires is to spend newly created notes. The resulting inflation automatically imposes a tax on cash balances by depreciating the value of money”. Philip Cagan said this in a pioneering 1956 study of hyperinflations worldwide. Britain’s Hugh Dalton observed how government deficits could be met by “use of the printing press to manufacture legal tender paper money” to pay government creditors either directly “with new paper money specially printed for the purpose” or indirectly “out of loans to itself from the Central Bank”. Milton Friedman and Anna Schwartz pointed to America’s wartime resort to inflation.

Government debt held by a central bank quickly filters through to appear as an asset in balance-sheets of commercial banks, causing expansion of bank-lending and hence of bank-deposits and broad money. After the attack on Pearl Harbour, the US Treasury could get from the Federal Reserve or commercial banks “any funds that it needed beyond those secured by taxation and by borrowing from non-bank sources”. America’s wartime banking system became “a mechanism for providing funds to finance government expenditure” — deposits grew because “bank buying of government securities increases bank deposits”.

In RF Harrod’s words: “There is a well-known aphorism that ‘bank loans create deposits’…. if the central bank has an increase of assets, whether through a gold inflow or its own increase of ‘lending’ (including the purchase of bills or bonds), some commercial bank will have an increase of assets of equal amount, in the form of claims on the central bank (deposits at it or notes issued by it) and an increase of deposit liabilities of equal amount to its customers”.

India has followed in peacetime over six decades what the USA and Britain followed during war. Our vast growth of bank-deposits in recent decades has been mostly a paper (or nominal) phenomenon caused by unlimited deficit-finance in a fractional reserve banking system. Policy-makers have widely misinterpreted it as indicating a real phenomenon of incredibly high savings behaviour. In an inflationary environment, people save their wealth less as paper deposits than as real assets like land, cattle, buildings, machinery, food-stocks, jewellery etc.

Almost 50% of annual public revenues in real terms may have been arising from inflationary finance in recent decades. To take a specific example, during Dr Manmohan Singh’s tenure as Finance Minister, Union Government expenditure net of operational income was some Rs. 1.3 trillion (Rs 1.3 lakh crore) in 1994-1995. Some Rs. 675 billion (1 bn= 100 crore) was raised from all taxation that year, Rs 183 billion from direct taxes. The remaining Rs. 620.8 billion was borrowed on behalf of future generations of citizens using the Government of India’s credit. What is termed “Gross Fiscal Deficit” is this additional or marginal annual borrowing — it adds itself to the ongoing stock of public debt every year and has been continually monetised insofar as our mostly nationalized banking system annually comes to hold government securities to that additional amount.

India’s inflation-history shows a first phase from the 1870s until the Second World War when money prices fluctuated in response to real shocks, positive and negative, domestic and international. E.g., the US Civil War and First World War caused demand surges for Indian manufactures like cotton textiles and steel railway-tracks, while the Great Depression saw Indian prices crashing with world prices.

During the Second World War, money prices in India rose at their fastest rate ever, caused by deliberate British policy to pay for war expenditure by printing money. The British resort to inflationary wartime finance saw the highest money supply growth rates in India ever to occur to date. This pattern came to be adopted and institutionalised by independent India’s socialist authorities, so there has been a third phase of steady inflationary finance from the 1950s until today, along with negative shocks like military and civil conflicts, droughts and oil price-rises, as well as happier developments like technological progress leading to growth of real income (see graph).

Two more relics from the wartime British Raj continue to dominate Indian macroeconomic policy to this day. One is unlimited spending on vast standing armies — our supposed adversary itself being a political remnant of the Raj with similar macroeconomic problems to ourselves. India’s army has some 19 divisions facing Pakistan, Pakistan’s army has 19 divisions facing India!

The other relic has been the Indian rupee becoming inconvertible as a world money ever since import quotas were imposed across the Sterling Area in 1940-1942.  Lack of convertibility has made all government finance in India unlike that in modern Western economies. US government bonds are held freely in foreign portfolios so a Swiss household or Japanese bank may trade these as they please. Bond prices vary inversely with interest-rates, and yield curves would be attempted to be defined reflecting the maturity-structure and state of expectations. Competitive arbitrage in international capital markets may succeed in ensuring government debt is priced accurately.

A central bank with a convertible currency sells debt to raise monetary interest rates and attract capital flows, buys up its debt to lower rates and cause capital outflows. Money growth unwarranted by real growth depreciates the currency under floating exchange rates; a partial export of inflation occurs under fixed-rates. Debt instruments are liquid near-moneys, and it is because US Government debt has been liquid that debt instruments of its sub-sovereign divisions like States or municipalities are almost as liquid. If sovereign debt is not liquid, nor will be sub-sovereign debt.

In India, bank assets may be liquid domestically but are illiquid internationally. Government debt is not held by domestic households as voluntary savings nor has it been a liquid asset held worldwide in foreign portfolios. The same holds *a fortiori* for debt issued by more than two dozen State Governments. “Mutual funds” created in recent years do contain government debt on modern principles of portfolio-selection but amounts involved are small. The Rupee achieving monetary integrity after more than six decades of governmental misuse would be indicated only when any ordinary Indian resident can freely hold or trade India’s money for foreign moneys or precious metals as he/she pleases. India’s economy and money can begin to move towards coherence and integrity only when we put to rest the three relics from the wartime British Raj which we unthinkingly have allowed to dominate our macroeconomic policy-making ever since.

The Excel graphs built on my data were made into a nice picture by Business Standard but seem to have been removed from their website, and hence are reproduced here now for the first time today, Oct 2, 2011:

See also, more recently,

India’s Money, 2012,

Critical assessments of India’s economic policy, plus my 3 Dec 2012 Delhi talk on India’s money, Interview on Lok Sabha TV 2012, GDI Impuls Zürich Interview, Sunday Guardian Interview & Asian Age/Deccan Herald coverage

https://independentindian.com/2013/11/23/coverage-of-my-delhi-talk-on-3-dec-2012/

Govt of India: Please call in the BBC and ask them a question

The BBC has unilaterally decided that Jammu & Kashmir has nothing to do with India.  On its 1530 Indian Standard Time broadcast of purported “World News” today, it unilaterally lopped off all of J&K from the map of the Republic of India (shown attached to mention of a Delhi bomb-blast). Usually, the BBC at least makes pathetic reference to something it has invented called “Indian-Administered Kashmir”.

There are senior BBC staff-members who are dual Pakistani/British nationals and who may be counted on to have been pushing such a line within the organisation, but lopping off all of J&K unilaterally may be a novelty. There are several “Indian-origin” staff-members too but perhaps they have renounced their Indian nationality, and apparently they have no ability to make any editorial protest.

Does the Government of India have the sense, and the guts, to call in the local BBC and ask them for an explanation about their insult of history?   For that matter, what is the BBC’s formal position on the J&K  problem?  The same as that of the UK Government?  What is that of the UK Government for that matter?  Has it remained constant since Clement Attlee in October 1947?

BBC staff may like to refer to my articles “Solving Kashmir”, “Law, Justice and J&K”, “Pakistan’s Allies”, “History of Jammu & Kashmir”, etc for enlightenment.

Subroto Roy

MK Gandhi, SN Roy, MA Jinnah in March 1919: Primary education legislation in a time of protest

In March 1919, Indian politics were extremely tense over the draconian “anti-terrorist” law known as the Rowlatt Act.  On March 23, MK Gandhi called for the general strike or hartal on April 6 that came to be known as the Rowlatt Satyagraha (and was soon to be followed by the Jallianwalla Bagh massacre in Amritsar on April 13).  On March 28, MA Jinnah resigned his membership of the Viceroy’s Imperial Council  in protest  that  the Rowlatt Act had not been amended as demanded by the Indian members of the Council.   In midst of such tumultuous events, my great grandfather Surendranath Roy, on March 27 1919, seems to have quietly managed to get his  “Bengal Primary Education Bill” passed in the Bengal Legislative Council.

From India in 1918: A Chronological Record of the Phases of Developments in Indian Polity During 1918, HN Mitra (ed),  Annual Register Office, Sibpur, 1921.

Surendranath Roy (1861-1929)

 

Surendranath Roy, b 14 April 1861, d 9 November 1929, was my paternal great grandfather. He was an eminent statesman of his time, sometime President of the Bengal Legislative Council, and close political friend of CR Das who led the Indian National Congress before MK Gandhi.  SN Roy helped pioneer Indian constitutionalism under several British governments: Carmichael, Ronaldshay, Lytton, the Simon Commission too.

Lytton’s letter dated 1 May 1922  denied SN Roy appointment as President of the Bengal Legislative Council; instead, Lytton imported HEA (Evan) Cotton (1868-1939) from England in a classic case of British imperial racism in Indian governance.

SN Roy was a pioneer of primary education, and a legislative expert on local and general public finance as well as the federal politics of his time, authoring books on the “Princely” States of Gwalior and Kashmir, and proposing the origins of what became the Rajya Sabha. He also protested the Salt Tax as early as 1918. SN Roy Road in Kolkata is named after him.  The first photograph is of him as a newly graduated advocate-at-law, the second may have been after his book on Gwalior was published in 1888.   He also gave the Tagore Law Lectures in 1905, on the subject of customary law; these are available at India’s National Library.  His friends included the academician Ashutosh Mukherjee and the scientist Jagdish Chandra Bose. His role in the development of the legislative process in Bengal after the Morley-Minto reforms will be described further here in due course, as will be his role as a pioneer of primary education.

.

Postscript: We did not know until recently he was present and badly injured, along with Ardeshir Dalal, by Bhagat Singh’s bomb thrown in the Central Legislative Assembly on 8 April 1929 during the Simon Commission deliberations. He died seven months later.

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see also

S N Roy hears from Lytton: A 1922 case of British imperial racism in Indian governance (with lessons for today) [Draft text 10 Feb 2018]

Origins of India’s Constitutional Politics: Bengal 1913

Carmichael visits Surendranath, 1916

MK Gandhi, SN Roy, MA Jinnah in March 1919: Primary education legislation in a time of protest

Bengal Legislative Council 1921

Jaladhar Sen writes to Manindranath at Surendranath’s death, c. Nov-Dec 1929

Sarat Chandra visits Surendranath Roy 1927

The Roys of Behala 1928

Manindranath Roy 1891-1958

Two scientific Boses who should have but never won Nobels

Pre-Partition Indian Secularism Case-Study: Fuzlul Huq and Manindranath Roy

Life of my father, 1915-2012

“I’m on my way out”: Siddhartha Shankar Ray (1920-2010)

Two cheers for Pakistan!

Two cheers for Pakistan!

by

Subroto Roy

First published in The Statesman

Editorial Page Special Article, April 7, 2008

A century has passed since British rulers in India like Curzon and Minto became self-styled interlocutors between Muslims and Hindus of the subcontinent. Up through the 19th century there had been no significant national political conversation between India’s main communities. The “Chief Translator” of the High Court in Calcutta was highly prized for his knowledge of Sanskrit, Persian and English because at least three different sets of laws governed different people in the country. Maulana Abul Kalam Azad wrote of his experience in the Bankim-inspired revolutionary societies of Bengal who treated him with extreme suspicion because they could hardly believe a Muslim wanted to join them as an anti-British rebel.

Jinnah vs Azad

Then came MA Jinnah, Iqbal, Rahmat Ali and others, initial creators of Pakistan whether through greater or lesser motives. Azad, Zakir Hussain, Sheikh Abdullah and other Muslims were equally firm the Pakistan idea was not only bad for India in the world it was bad for Muslims in particular. The Azads condemned the Jinnahs as greedy megalomaniacs, the Jinnahs condemned the Azads as minions of the Hindus. Larke lenge Pakistan, marke lenge Pakistan, khoon se lenge Pakistan, dena hoga Pakistan was the mob-cry during the bloody Partition, while the British, weakened by war and economics and bereft of their imperial pretensions, made haste to leave “this beastly country” to its fate ~ rather hoping the bloodshed would be such someone might hire them to stay on.

Certainly, having used the Indian Army for imperial purposes in the War, Britain (represented locally by a series of smartly dressed blundering fools) behaved irresponsibly in not properly demobilizing that Army during a period of intense communal tension. There were no senior Indian officers ~ KM Cariappa became a Brigadier only in 1946, Ayub Khan was a Colonel under him. Then there were the fatuous “princes” the British had propped up in “Indian India”, few being more than cardboard creatures. Among them was J&K’s ruler who was a member of Churchill’s War Cabinet and had come to harbour illusions of international grandeur. Once J&K’s Muslim soldiers returned to their Mirpuri homes, Jammu and Punjab were in communal conflict, months before the decision that Pakistan would indeed be created out of designated areas of British India just before British India extinguished itself. Army-issued Bren guns came to be used by former soldiers in communal massacres of the convoys of refugees going in each direction.

Part of the problem over J&K since then has been that it seems a dialogue of the deaf. Pakistanis since Zafrullah Khan claimed it was communal violence against Muslims in Jammu and Punjab that prompted the Pashtun invasion of Srinagar Valley beginning 22 October 1947; Indians have always claimed the new (and partly British-officered) Pakistan Army organized and instigated the invasion, coinciding with the planned takeover of Gilgit.

As in all complex moral problems, there was truth on all sides though no one doubts the invasion was savage and that the Pashtuns carried off Kashmiri women, Hindu, Muslim and Sikh. J&K descended into civil war, Abdullah’s secularists backed by the new India, Ibrahim’s communalists by the new Pakistan. Field Marshall Auchinlek, who commanded both Indian and Pakistani armies, had the decency to resign when he realized his forces were at war with one another. That J&K could not be independent in international law was sealed when the 15 October 1947 telegram sent by Hari Singh’s regime went unanswered by Attlee. The tribal invasion from Pakistan caused the old State of J&K to become an ownerless entity in international law, whose territories were then carved up by force by the two new British Dominions (later republics) and the result has been the “LOC”.

ZA Bhutto was perhaps Pakistan’s only politician after that time. The years between the assassination of Liaquat Ali Khan and the rise of Bhutto saw Pakistan’s military begin its liaison with the Americans ~ from the US Ambassador’s daughter marrying the Pakistan President’s son to the leasing of Peshawar’s airfields for U-2 flights over the USSR. Yet Bhutto’s deep flaws also contributed to the loss of Bangladesh and to brutality, supported by the Shah of Iran’s American helicopters, against the Baloch.

Bhutto’s daughter now may have succeeded in death where she could not in life. Like Indira Gandhi, there seemed a shrill almost self-sacrificial air about Benazir in her last days, and, like Indira, her assassination caused all her countrymen including her enemies to undergo an existential experience. Perhaps the public death of a woman in public life touches some chivalrous chord in everyone.

Benazir’s husband was transformed from seeming a rather dubious self-seeker to becoming a national leader of some sobriety. Her old adversary Nawaz Sharif, brought to power by one Army Chief and removed by another, is now a constitutional democrat – seemingly adamant that there be the Rule of Law and not of generals. Most of all, Benazir’s death seemed to completely shut up that most loquacious of Pakistanis: Pervez Musharraf. Musharraf seemed stunned and promised free, fair and transparent elections; though no one believed he would deliver, he somehow did. He would like now to be a senior statesman though it seems as likely his countrymen will not forgive his misdeeds and instead exile him to America.

Afghanistan

Pakistan’s main international problem is not and has never been J&K. It has been and remains its unsettled western border and identity vis-à-vis Afghanistan (as India’s problem has been the eastern border with China). Dr Khan Sahib and Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan knew this but they were not allowed to speak by Pakistan’s Kashmir-obsessed elite. Zaheer Shah’s Afghanistan was the only country that voted against Pakistan joining the UN sixty years ago.

The present author has said before that Osama bin Laden may well be safely and comfortably in the deserts of North Africa while NATO and the Americans raise hell in Afghanistan and Waziristan pretending to look for him. It is not in India’s interest as it is not in Pakistan’s interest that Western militaries, who seem to have nothing better to do, brutalize Afghans of all descriptions in the name of nation-building or fighting “terrorism”. Afghan nation-building can only ultimately come from the Afghans themselves, no matter how many loya jirgas it takes. What Pakistan dislikes emerging from New Delhi is the sometimes rather supercilious and ignorant condescension that our officialdom is infamous for. Instead, with a new, seemingly clear-headed and well-intentioned Government in Pakistan elected for the first time ever, it may be time for all good people in the subcontinent to raise a glass of fruit juice and say “Two cheers for Pakistan!”

Pakistan’s Kashmir obsession

(Author’s Note: This article was preceded by several others e.g. “Saving Pakistan”, “Understanding Pakistan”, “Pakistan’s Allies”, “Law, Justice & J&K”, “Solving Kashmir” , and has been followed by “Two Cheers for Pakistan”.)

Pakistan’s Kashmir obsession
Sheikh Abdullah Relied In Politics On The French Constitution, Not Islam

Subroto Roy

First published in The Statesman, Feb 16 2008, Editorial Page Special Article

Indians would be naïve to suppose Pervez Musharraf has at any point shown friendliness towards India or willingness to come to a genuine permanent agreement over J&K fully consistent with law and justice. Musharraf tells everyone and himself every day that he is a soldier, and it is well to remember he is from the last generation of Pakistan military men motivated by visceral hatred of the Indian Union and a wish to inflict any kind of defeat upon us. Pakistan’s new Army Chief, General Ashfaq Kayani, being a decade younger than Musharraf, may have a less irrational, less belligerent outlook towards India, and it would be a wise Indian move to invite him officially to visit and receive the normal courtesies and honours due to a foreign military chief.

Musharraf, like Ariel Sharon, was visibly uncomfortable with the Hindu rituals we compel foreign leaders to carry out at Mahatma Gandhi’s Memorial; but General Kayani would visit purely as a military chief and not have to make any political gestures.

Lion of Kashmir

As long as Musharraf remains in power, we may expect him to continue to be motivated by his overtly anti-Indian 12 January 2002 speech. Yes, he said, Pakistan would cooperate against terrorism but it expected the USA to reciprocate by pressuring India on Jammu & Kashmir. “Kashmir runs in our blood. No Pakistani can afford to sever links with Kashmir… We will continue to extend our moral, political and diplomatic support to Kashmiris. We will never budge from our principle (sic) stand on Kashmir. Kashmir has to be resolved through dialogue in accordance with the wishes of the people of Pakistan (sic) and in accordance with the UN resolutions.” (BBC 12 January, 2002, Musharraf speech highlights). Pakistan’s first Prime Minister, Liaquat Ali Khan, during his 1950 visit to the USA had claimed “culturally… Kashmir ~ 80 per cent of whose people like the majority of the people in Pakistan are Muslims ~ is in fact an integral part of Pakistan”.

Now, as a matter of fact, Kashmir does not “run in the blood” of Pakistanis nor do the many diverse and ancient cultures of Jammu & Kashmir have much to do with that of a relatively newly created country like Pakistan. It was because Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah knew this and bluntly said so often enough, including at the UN, that Liaquat called him a “Quisling” and the Pakistan Government routinely defamed him as an “Indian stooge”. Yet the Sheikh was known by all in Srinagar Valley as the “Lion of Kashmir”, and had been the acknowledged voice of Muslim political awakening in the Valley ever since 1931.

J&K’s democracy today is the principal political legacy of Sheikh Abdullah. The Pakistan Government to this day denies legitimacy to the elected Government and Opposition of Indian J&K despite there never having been in the history of Pakistan a change of government more democratic in nature than that which occurred in J&K in 2002, bringing in the PDP-Congress Government in place of the National Conference.

Before Pakistan had started its series of military coups, Abdullah had led J&K to adopt an exemplary Constitution and ratify the State’s joining of the new Indian Union. The unbridgeable gulf between Abdullah and the Pakistan Government arose because Abdullah, a Koran scholar and devout Muslim known to intersperse his political speeches with Koranic wisdom, relied for J&K’s constitutional principles not on Islam but rather on the French Constitution. Pakistan’s constitutions by contrast say Pakistan’s sovereignty belongs to Almighty God, leading to perennial confusion over the mundane business of governance here on Planet Earth.

It was the tragic depraved Rahmat Ali, driven by his deep personal anti-Hindu bigotry, who put the “K” into “P, A, K, I, S, T, A, N” purportedly representing “Kashmir”. In his crank view of history, all of Punjab, Afghanistan, Iran, “Tukharistan” (sic) and more would be part of Pakistan too.

The new country might have been better named after a person (as are Colombia, America, Israel), viz., “Iqbalistan” after Mohammad Iqbal who conceived it. It was Iqbal’s seminal 1930 speech to the Muslim League at Allahabad that described the areas (aside from Indian Punjab) that actually constitute post-1971 Pakistan: “I would like to see the Punjab, Northwest Frontier Province, Sind and Baluchistan amalgamated into a single state. Self-government within the British Empire or without the British Empire, the formation of a consolidated North West Indian Muslim state appears to me to be the final destiny of the Muslims at least of Northwest India”. “Dar-e-Islami-Hind”, “Indus Islamic Republic”, “Indic Islamabad” or “Republic of North-Western India” also may have been alternatives to the random acronym Rahmat Ali coined in 1933 on a London bus.

Though Kashmiri himself, Iqbal made no reference to J&K or any of the so-called “princely states” (nor to what became East Pakistan). The legal theory later sold by Britain to both India and Pakistan was that a “Lapse of Paramountcy” over “princely states” would occur on 15 August 1947 before or after which their rulers must “accede” to one or other new Dominion of Britain’s Commonwealth. BR Ambedkar in a brilliant analysis showed this to be erroneous in law: “paramountcy” over any “princely states” which had not acceded passed automatically to the legal successor state of British India, and that was the Dominion of India.

The Dominion of Pakistan was a new state in international law, created out of certain designated territories of British India the day before British India extinguished itself. If, for example, Chitral or Junagadh acceded to Pakistan after that date, it would have to be with the acquiescence of British India’s legal successor, namely, the Dominion of India ~ an acquiescence granted in case of Chitral and denied in case of Junagadh. In case of J&K, all such matters became moot once hostilities broke out between India and Pakistan following the tribal invasion of J&K from Pakistan that commenced October 22 1947; Pakistan’s plan to take over Gilgit by force had been made months before that. The erstwhile State of J&K descended into civil war and chaos, becoming an ownerless entity whose territories came to be carved up by force of arms by both new countries (and in case of uninhabited Aksai Chin, by Communist China also some years later).

Bloated military
Pakistan’s failure to properly develop as a state today ~ in particular allowing its military to bloat in size relative to other social and political institutions and even to possess nuclear weapons intended against the Indian Union ~ has resulted out of the neurotic obsession with Kashmir. India owes a democratic responsibility to residents of the Indian State of J&K to choose their nationality freely under conditions of full information and individual privacy; if some, like Syed Geelani, choose to renounce Indian nationality and either remain stateless or seek the nationality of Pakistan, Iran or Afghanistan, they may still receive permanent residence in India and be legally akin to the many foreign nationals who live and work in India permanently and peacefully. That may be as much as India can realistically contribute to helping the Pakistan Government resolve its neurosis over Kashmir.

Pakistan’s military naturally possesses a fierce loyalty to Pakistan ~ the best way for that loyalty to be implemented in practice may be for General Kayani to allow the country’s public institutions to gradually normalize in size and function. Once Musharraf’s rule comes to an end or a legislature under new clear-headed leaders comes to exist some day, the military may be able to recognise that.

Map of Asia c. 1900

Of JC Bose, Patrick Geddes & the Leaf-World

Of JC Bose, Patrick Geddes & the Leaf-World

By Subroto Roy

What happened to me yesterday was very odd. In a Kolkata bookshop, the first volume my hand completely accidentally reached for was The Life and Work of Sir Jagadis C. Bose by one Patrick Geddes, published in 1920. I have been in recent years learning a little of the magnificent scientific achievement of J. C. Bose (1858-1937), and knew of the justly acclaimed 1998 “I-triple E” paper by Probir K. Bondopadhyay, as well as a recent article by 25 year old Varun Aggrawal, which much belatedly but definitively have been establishing Bose’s pioneering contribution to the development of “wireless telegraphy” or radio. Marconi and Braun won the 1909 Nobel prize in physics for their work on the subject – had Bose been less of a great scientific soul and even slightly more of a businessman than he was by temperament and character, he should have been a winner too. Indeed, I had already come to a conclusion that Bose’s genius was such that his additional pioneering contributions to understanding plant physiology, e.g. his delicate instruments, one of which the crescograph magnified small movements in plant growth 10 million times, made him someone like Marie Curie who had been probably deserving of not one but two scientific Nobel Prizes in his time. He received none yet seemed not to have cared a hoot.

 

Reading through Geddes’ biography of him quickly last night, I found it simply wonderful in its depth, range and sympathy. The biographer introduced himself modestly as being “Late Professor of Botany” at University College, Dundee and “Professor of Sociology and Civics”, University of Bombay. A kindly young admirer of Bose I thought to myself, doing good for India as many Brits had done in their time.

 

Imagine my surprise this morning to find that the biographer of the lost genius that was JC Bose was himself a lost genius of equal capacity and achievement! Sir Patrick Geddes (1854-1932) was older than Sir JC Bose by a few years, and died a few years before him.He has been considered by his own biographers to have been a modern Leonardo da Vinci — “a prodigy in physical endurance, range of interests, and imaginative powers”, who was praised by Darwin, Einstein, Tagore and like men, and who as a polymath contributed to economics, sociology, history, art, museums, exhibitions, politics, literature, agriculture, gardening, geology, religion, philosophy, education, geography, science, astronomy, biology, planning, printing, mathematics, navigation, travel, public health, housing, music, and poetry, besides having designed a city like Tel Aviv and pioneered the idea that “cities must be planned with respect to their surrounding villages… Industrial development, if left unchecked, would damage the air, water and land upon which all life relies. Little wonder that today environmentalists consider Patrick a prophet of land stewardship and sustainable activity”.

 

Geddes’ most famous words quoted today are: “The world is mainly a vast leaf-colony, growing on and forming a leafy soil, not a mere mineral mass, and we live not by the jingling of our coins, but by the fullness of our harvests. This is a green world, with animals comparatively few and small, and all dependent upon the leaves. By leaves we live.”Little wonder that he became a friend and admirer of Bose.He reports in his biography of Bose that Howes, the successor of Thomas Huxley (disciple of Darwin), had come to witness one of Bose’s experiments with a galvanometer on plants and had exclaimed afterwards: “Huxley would have given years of his life to see that experiment”. Huxley had been Geddes’ mentor too.

Lal Masjid ≠ Golden Temple (2007)

Lal Masjid ≠ Golden Temple

Wide differences are revealed between contemporary Pakistan and India by these two superficially similar military assaults on armed religious civilians

By SUBROTO ROY

First published in The Sunday Statesman, July 15 2007, ww.thestatesman.net, Editorial Page Special Article

There is a superficial similarity between what happened in Pakistan’s “Operation Silence/ Sunrise” at the Lal Masjid a few days ago and what happened in India’s “Operation Blue Star” at the Golden Temple in May-June 1984. In both cases, heavily armed religiously motivated civilians were holed up in a place of worship, and were laid siege to and then killed or arrested by an assault force sent by the national government.

That, however, is about as far as the similarity goes, and it would be a gross error to equate the two and suppose General Musharraf has been only doing something similar to what Indira Gandhi did twenty three years ago. In fact, revisiting the Golden Temple case allows a vivid contrast to be drawn between the very different kinds of national societies modern India and Pakistan have become.

Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale was an unexceptional preacher who shot into prominence and fame after first being used by Sanjay Gandhi and Zail Singh in Punjab politics, and later causing the Akali Dal itself to become more communal in nature. Bhindranwale was initially set up by the Sanjay-Zail Congress Party in 1978 to oppose the heretic Nirankari sect, in an attempt to make the Congress gain local electoral support relative to the Akalis by seeming more chauvinistic and less secular in outlook. By July 1982, Bhindranwale, whose associates had been implicated by the police in a number of murders, was holed up in the Golden Temple complex and apparently never left again until he was killed in Operation Blue Star in early June 1984.

Officially, “minimum force” was to be applied in Blue Star: soldiers went in barefoot “with humility in our hearts and prayers on our lips” and sustained heavier casualties than they would have otherwise. Fierce fighting saw Vijayanta tanks and armoured cars being attacked by Chinese-made rocket-propelled grenades that had been smuggled in from the Afghan war. Innocent civilians and surrendered prisoners came to be killed (see Mark Tully and Satish Jacob, Amritsar: Mrs Gandhi’s Last Battle, 1985.)

Yet even so, India’s military had only an instrumental role to play in the Golden Temple siege and assault. The root causes that made the siege inevitable had nothing to do with India’s military itself but were a result of the myopic, ignorant and rather evil nature of our democratic politics during the Indira-Sanjay era ~ something which has continued in slightly milder form to this day throughout the country.

By contrast, the current Pakistani situation is one in which the assault was ordered by the retired head of the Pakistan Army, Pervez Musharraf, who has refused to quit office since being dismissed eight years ago by the last civilian Government headed by Nawaz Sharif. Instead he carried out a coup d’etat against Sharif, and has maintained himself in office claiming, like Ayub Khan, he will one day restore democratic institutions better than the nascent ones he has destroyed. To his credit, Pakistan’s press has been freer than before.

Pakistan’s generals and retired generals have seemed to occasionally grumble, especially when Nawab Bugti of Balochistan was killed, but not do more. This may be because Musharraf has made clear, most poignantly in his January 2002 speech, that any price would be paid by him, including succumbing entirely to American pressure on all matters, so long as the paramount goal of the Pakistan military was maintained, which has been, after all, that of trying by hook or crook to wrest Jammu & Kashmir from India.

J&K has remained the external objective of the Pakistan military as an institution even while, internally, officers have amassed vast personal fortunes over the decades and become major businessmen involved in innumerable foreign collaborations, especially with the Chinese. Musharraf, when asked by an Urdu TV channel not long ago what would happen if India did not relent on J&K, even murmured that war could then continue for a 100 years. Such has been the ostensible driving force of the Pakistan military and the raison d’etre of its domination of all aspects of the economy and society of the country.

At the same time, Pakistan’s military has constituted an Anglo-American reserve bastion for decades, and been a major destination of Western and Chinese armaments ~ paid for often by soft loans or grants from the Gulfs states and Saudi Arabia where thousands of Pakistani personnel serve to staff Arab militaries. Many commentators (e.g. Ayesha Jalal and WE James and myself in the late 1980s/early 1990s, Husain Haqqani and Ayesha Siddiqa today) have pointed to the smothering effect the military has had on all matters of modern Pakistan’s political economy.

The French diplomatic scholar Frédéric Grare has described the situation bluntly: “The fear of an Islamic threat has been the driving force behind most Western countries’ foreign policies toward Pakistan in recent years. The possibility that violent Islamists will kill President Pervez Musharraf, throw Pakistan into turmoil, take over the country and its nuclear weapons, and escalate regional terrorism has dominated the psychological and political landscape. Such fears have usually led to support of the Pakistani military as the only institution able to contain the danger. But the Islamist threat is neither as great nor as autonomous as many assume. True, Pakistan has experienced more than its share of religious violence, both sectarian and jihadi. But serious law-and-order problems do not mean the fate of the state is at stake. No Islamic organization has ever been in a position to politically or militarily challenge the role of the one and only centre of power in Pakistan: the army. On the contrary, the Pakistani Army has used Islamic organizations for its purposes, both at home and abroad. Islamist organizations balance the power of rival mainstream political parties, preserving the army’s role as national arbiter. The army has nurtured and sometimes deployed violent Islamists in Afghanistan (with US support at first), Kashmir, and other hot spots on the subcontinent.” Pakistan: The Myth of an Islamist Peril, Carnegie Endowment, February 2006. Pakistan’s Army may be effectively beyond anyone’s control other than itself. The fox has placed itself in charge of the hen-house.

Indeed, unlike the Indian case during the Bhindranwale period, where religious differences were attempted to be marked between Sikhs and Hindus to allay the perpetual Sikh fear of being reabsorbed into the Hindu fold, the present Pakistani case has had less to do with religious differences than it has to do with the concentration and dispensation of political power. By kidnapping Chinese masseuses in Islamabad, Lal Masjid protestors were hardly making a large religious point but rather one of political powerlessness and lack of voice or exit.

As for the people of J&K on both sides of the Line of Control, if they are objective in their assessment of the histories of India and Pakistan that they see before them, they may conclude once more as they did in the past that, all things considered, their political ancestors especially Sheikh Abdullah and Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad were prescient indeed back in 1947-1951 in pressing the future of J&K with the new secular democratic India and not a Pakistan that remains petulant and militarist. Pakistan’s military has expanded itself using J&K as the ostensible cause, yet the more unpleasant Pakistan’s political economy becomes because of that military, the less attractive modern Pakistan becomes to all the peoples of the subcontinent. As the present author said in these pages on 3 September 2006, “To be a man of destiny, Musharraf must transcend the military-business complex he rules over and reduce its role in Pakistani life, not increase it.”

On Indian Nationhood (2007)

On Indian Nationhood
From Tamils To Kashmiris And Assamese And Mizos To Sikhs And Goans

First published in The Statesman, Editorial Page

May 25 2007

By Subroto Roy

In the decades before 1947, imperialist critics of Indian nationalism accused the movement of being less about creating Indian nationhood than about supplanting British rule with local Indian oligarchies. Sydenham, for example, in the upper house of Britain’s Parliament in August 1918, gleefully quoted from the “Madras Dravidian Hindu Association” (forerunners of today’s DMK etc): “We shall fight to the last drop of our blood any attempt to transfer the seat of authority in this country from British hands to so-called high-caste Hindus, who have ill-treated us in the past and will do so again but for the protection of British laws.” Also quoted were “Namasudras of Bengal”, allegedly numbering “ten million men”, protesting “gross misrepresentation” by “so-called high-caste leaders” of the desirability of “Home Rule or self-government”. Besides caste and class there was always religion too by which India’s inhabitants could be classified and divided, and it must have delighted Sydenham to quote the “South Indian Islamic League” saying “Nothing should be done which will weaken British authority in any manner whatsoever, and hand over the destinies of the Moslem community to a class which has no regard for their interests and no respect for their sentiments”.

Home Rule League

Sydenham was attacking the Montagu-Chelmsford Report which had stated that India had “a core of earnest men who believe sincerely and strive for political progress; around them a ring of less educated people to whom a phrase or a sentiment appeals; and an outside fringe of those who have been described as attracted by curiosity to this new thing, or who find diversions in attacking a big and very solemn Government as urchins might take a perilous joy at casting toy darts at an elephant.”

Annie Besant, herself an Englishwoman, was, along with BG Tilak and MA Jinnah, a pioneer of Indian nationalism at the time and headed the new Indian Home Rule League on the Irish pattern. The League stated its membership at 52,000. Sydenham multiplied that by five and asked if a quarter million could purport to rule 244 millions in an Indian democracy. Where, he demanded, was the “voice that cannot yet be heard, the voice of the peoples of India”? The imperialist jibe was that the British Raj would be replaced at best by a “Vakil Raj” of “high-caste” Hindus and at worst by anarchy and bloodshed.

Thirty years later India’s was partitioned and independent under Attlee’s Labour Party. Churchill took over the imperialist mantle and found solace in the new India agreeing to remain in Britain’s “Commonwealth”, saying that India doing so as a Republic did not impair “the majesty of the Crown or the personal dignity of the King”.

The ghosts of Churchill and Sydenham today would heartily cheer our Republic’s current President APJ Abdul Kalam agreeing to receive the “King Charles II Medal” from the Royal Society, and our current PM Manmohan Singh accepting honorary British degrees also while in office. Britain’s Crown Prince has proposed a cricket match between India and Pakistan to mark the 60th anniversary of 1947, and what, after all, could be less inappropriate to mark the event in British eyes? All that Indian nationalism would have been firmly put in its place.

Now Pakistan mostly goes unmentioned in the history of Indian nationalism because the new Pakistanis as of 14 August 1947 hardly felt or even wished to be independent of the British. Instead they longed only to acquire control over any kind of Muslim-majority Government that they could, and as much of the resources and joint military assets of the old India they could get their hands on.

The Kashmir dispute and India-Pakistan conflict have not been ones between Hindus and Muslims, regardless of what the BBC, CNN etc make themselves believe. As much as for any other reason, Kashmir escalated out of control because of British irresponsibility during the process of disintegration of the old Indian Army between the two new Dominions. Newly demobilised Mirpuri soldiers who had formed loyal British battalions were drawn into the cycle of Partition-related communal violence and reprisals in Punjab, which inevitably spilt over into Jammu and culminated in the attack on J&K State that commenced from Pakistan’s NWFP in October 1947 ~ plunging J&K into civil war with Sheikh Abdullah and Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad’s National Conference allied to the new secular India and Sardar Ibrahim’s Muslim Conference allied to the new and soon to be Islamic Pakistan. Field Marshal Auchinlek, the Supreme Commander of both Indian and Pakistani Armed Forces, had the decency to resign and abolish the so-called “Supreme Command” as soon as he realised his own forces were at war with one another.

It would not be too inaccurate to say Pakistan and Britain continued in a neo-colonial relationship throughout the 1950s and 1960s ~ all the way until Ayub Khan (who had been warmly entertained at Chequers during the Christine Keeler-Profumo matter), overplayed his hand by attacking India in 1965. That war followed by the East Pakistan cyclone in 1969 brought to a head the inherent political contradictions of the Pakistani state accumulated until that time, and soon led to Bangladesh’s creation in 1971. Britain has had no real interest in Bangladesh but as Pakistan had allowed dual nationality with Britain, Britain found itself with a lot of Bangladeshi immigrants whose “Indian” restaurants give modern Britons today something to look forward to every weekend.

Britain and its American ally continued to have deep interests in Pakistan, mostly because of the geopolitical importance of Pakistani real estate and the generally obsequious and compliant nature of the Pakistani military and diplomatic elite. All that began to change fundamentally when the real declaration of Pakistani independence occurred in the world with the AQ Khan nuclear bombs exploding in 1998 followed by the September 11 2001 attacks upon the USA.

Nationalism today

As for ourselves in India, we have developed some coherent and recognisable design of a modern political economy with a Union Government and more than two dozen State Governments, and we have abolished the imperialist lackeys known as the “princes”. Our Governments at Union and State levels change peacefully by periodic elections under the 1950 Constitution. This in itself would be seen as an astonishing democratic achievement relative to where we were one hundred years ago at the time of the Morley-Minto policies. Thanks to Jawaharlal Nehru, we have had universal franchise since 1952 (at a time when the USA still had its Jim Crow laws against black citizens) ~ yet the imperialist jibe of an infinitesimally small elite purporting to represent hundreds of millions of India’s people remains to be addressed.

It would be interesting to know how many descendants of the 52,000 members of Annie Besant’s Home Rule League remain in India and how many have emigrated to the USA, Britain, Australia etc. The children of our top military, bureaucratic, business, professional and academic elite have cheerfully led an exodus out of the country. E.g. the son of a former commanding general of the Indian Army’s Artillery Regiment is now a British businessman and member of Tony Blair’s new House of Lords. Indian Nationhood in the 21st Century no longer has to include Bangladeshis and Pakistanis who have ended up seeking to develop their own nationalisms, but it remains hard enough to try to include everyone else ~ from Tamils to Kashmiris and from Assamese and Mizos to Sikhs and Goans. Cleaning up our government accounting and sorting out our public finances nationwide so as to establish a sound money for everyone to use for the first time in sixty or seventy years, is among the first steps in defining our common goals as an independent nation.

(Postscript: The original text stated Independence and Paritition came “forty years” after the only date mentioned until that point in the text, which is of the 1918 Montagu-Chelmsford period.   Unconsciously, I was counting from the Morley-Minto period of 1906-1908 which was the constitutional precedent to Montagu-Chelmsford.)

History of Jammu & Kashmir (2006)

History of Jammu & Kashmir

by

Subroto Roy

First published in two parts in The Sunday Statesman, Oct 29 2006

and The Statesman Oct 30 2006, Editorial Page Special Article.

At the advent of Islam in distant Arabia, India and Kashmir in particular were being visited by Chinese Buddhist pilgrims during Harsha’s reign. The great “Master of Law” Hiuen Tsiang visited between 629-645 and spent 631-633 in Kashmir (“Kia-chi-mi-lo”), describing it to include Punjab, Kabul and Kandahar. Over the next dozen centuries, Buddhist, Hindu, Muslim, Sikh and again Hindu monarchs came to rule the 85 mile long 40 mile wide territory on the River Jhelum’s upper course known as Srinagar Valley, as well as its adjoining Jammu in the upper plains of the Punjab and “Little Tibet” consisting of Laddakh, Baltistan and Gilgit.

In 1344, a Persian adventurer from Swat or Khorasan by name of Amir or Mirza, who had “found his way into the Valley and in time gained great influence at the Raja’s court”, proclaimed himself Sultan Shamsuddin after the death of the last Hindu monarchs of medieval Kashmir. Twelve of his descendants formed the Shamiri dynasty including the notorious Sikander and the just and tolerant Zainulabidin. Sikander who ruled 1386-1410 “submitted himself” to the Uzbek Taimur the Lame when he approached Kashmir in 1398 “and thus saved the country from invasion”. Otherwise, “Sikander was a gloomy ferocious bigot, and his zeal in destroying temples and idols was so intense that he is remembered as the Idol-Breaker. He freely used the sword to propagate Islam and succeeded in forcing the bulk of the population to conform outwardly to the Muslim religion. Most of the Brahmins refused to apostatise, and many of them paid with their lives the penalty for their steadfastness. Many others were exiled, and only a few conformed.”

Zainulabidin who ruled 1417-1467 “was a man of very different type”. “He adopted the policy of universal toleration, recalled the exiled Brahmins, repealed the jizya or poll-tax on Hindus, and even permitted new temples to be built. He abstained from eating flesh, prohibited the slaughter of kine, and was justly venerated as a saint. He encouraged literature, painting and music, and caused many translations to be made of works composed in Sanskrit, Arabic and other languages.” During his “long and prosperous reign”, he “constructed canals and built many mosques; he was just and tolerant”.

The Shamiri dynasty ended in 1541 when “some fugitive chiefs of the two local factions of the Makri and the Chakk invited Mirza Haidar Dughlat, a relation of Babar, to invade Kashmir. The country was conquered and the Mirza held it (nominally in name of Humayan) till 1551, when he was killed in a skirmish. The line… was restored for a few years, until in 1559 a Chakk leader, Ghazi Shah, usurped the throne; and in the possession of his descendants it remained for nearly thirty years.” This dynasty marks the origins of Shia Islam in Srinagar though Shia influence in Gilgit, Baltistan and Laddakh was of longer standing. Constant dissensions weakened the Chakks, and in 1586, Akbar, then at Attock on the Indus, sent an army under Raja Bhagwan Das into Srinagar Valley and easily made it part of his Empire.

After the Mughals collapsed, Iran’s Turkish ruler Nadir Shah sacked Delhi in 1739 but the Iranian court fell in disarray upon his death. In 1747 a jirga of Pashtun tribes at Kandahar “broke normal tradition” and asked an old Punjabi holy man and shrine-keeper to choose between two leaders; this man placed young wheat in the hand of the 25 year old Ahmed Shah Saddozai of the Abdali tribe, and titled him “Durrani”. Five years later, Durrani took Kashmir and for the next 67 years the Valley was under Pashtun rule, a time of “unmitigated brutality and widespread distress”. Durrani himself “was wise, prudent and simple”, never declared himself king and wore no crown, instead keeping a stick of young wheat in his turban. Leaving India, he famously recited: “The Delhi throne is beautiful indeed, but does it compare with the mountains of Kandahar?”

Kashmir’s modern history begins with Ranjit Singh of the Sikhs who became a soldier at 12, and in 1799 at age 19 was made Lahore’s Governor by Kabul’s Zaman Shah. Three years later “he made himself master of Amritsar”, and in 1806 crossed the River Sutlej and took Ludhiana. He created a fine Sikh infantry and cavalry under former officers of Napoleon, and with 80,000 trained men and 500 guns took Multan and Peshawar, defeated the Pashtuns and overran Kashmir in 1819. The “cruel rule” of the Pashtuns ended “to the great relief of Kashmir’s inhabitants”.

The British Governor-General Minto (ancestor of the later Viceroy), seeing advantage in the Sikhs staying north of the Sutlej, sent Charles Metcalfe, “a clever young civilian”, to persuade the Khalsa; in 1809, Ranjit Singh and the British in the first Treaty of Amritsar agreed to establish “perpetual amity”: the British would “have no concern” north of the Sutlej and Ranjit Singh would keep only minor personnel south of it. In 1834 and 1838 Ranjit Singh was struck by paralysis and died in 1839, leaving no competent heir. The Sikh polity collapsed, “their power exploded, disappearing in fierce but fast flames”. It was “a period of storm and anarchy in which assassination was the rule” and the legitimate line of his son and grandson, Kharak Singh and Nao Nihal Singh was quickly extinguished. In 1845 the Queen Regent, mother of the five-year old Dalip Singh, agreed to the Khalsa ending the 1809 Treaty. After bitter battles that might have gone either way, the Khalsa lost at Sobraon on 10 February 1846, and accepted terms of surrender in the 9 March 1846 Treaty of Lahore. The kingdom had not long survived its founder: “created by the military and administrative genius of one man, it crumbled into powder when the spirit which gave it life was withdrawn; and the inheritance of the Khalsa passed into the hands of the English.”

Ranjit Singh’s influence on modern J&K was even greater through his having mentored the Rajput Gulab Singh Dogra (1792-1857) and his brothers Dhyan Singh and Suchet Singh. Jammu had been ruled by Ranjit Deo until 1780 when the Sikhs made it tributary to the Lahore Court. Gulab Singh, a great grand nephew of Ranjit Deo, had left home at age 17 in search of a soldierly fortune, and ended up in 1809 in Ranjit Singh’s army, just when Ranjit Singh had acquired for himself a free hand to expand his domains north of the River Sutlej.

Gulab Singh, an intrepid soldier, by 1820 had Jammu conferred upon him by Ranjit Singh with the title of Raja, while Bhimber, Chibal, Poonch and Ramnagar went to his brothers. Gulab Singh, “often unscrupulous and cruel, was a man of considerable ability and efficiency”; he “found his small kingdom a troublesome charge but after ten years of constant struggles he and his two brothers became masters of most of the country between Kashmir and the Punjab”, though Srinagar Valley itself remained under a separate Governor appointed by the Lahore Court. Gulab Singh extended Jammu’s rule from Rawalpindi, Bhimber, Rajouri, Bhadarwah and Kishtwar, across Laddakh and into Tibet. His General Zorawar Singh led six expeditions into Laddakh between 1834 and 1841 through Kishtwar, Padar and Zanskar. In May 1841, Zorawar left Leh with an army of 5000 Dogras and Laddakhis and advanced on Tibet. Defeating the Tibetans at Rudok and Tashigong, he reached Minsar near Lake Mansarovar from where he advanced to Taklakot (Purang), 15 miles from the borders of Nepal and Kumaon, and built a fort stopping for the winter. Lhasa sent large re-inforcements to meet him. Zorawar, deciding to take the offensive, was killed in the Battle of Toyu, on 11-12 December 1841 at 16,000 feet.

A Laddakhi rebellion resulted against Jammu, aided now by the advancing Tibetans. A new army was sent under Hari Chand suppressing the rebellion and throwing back the Tibetans, leading to a peace treaty between Lhasa and Jammu signed on 17 September 1842: “We have agreed that we have no ill-feelings because of the past war. The two kings will henceforth remain friends forever. The relationship between Maharajah Gulab Singh of Kashmir and the Lama Guru of Lhasa (Dalai Lama) is now established. The Maharajah Sahib, with God (Kunchok) as his witness, promises to recognise ancient boundaries, which should be looked after by each side without resorting to warfare. When the descendants of the early kings, who fled from Laddakh to Tibet, now return they will not be stopped by Shri Maharajah. Trade between Laddakh and Tibet will continue as usual. Tibetan government traders coming into Laddakh will receive free transport and accommodations as before, and the Laddakhi envoy will, in turn, receive the same facilities in Lhasa. The Laddakhis take an oath before God (Kunchok) that they will not intrigue or create new troubles in Tibetan territory. We have agreed, with God as witness, that Shri Maharajah Sahib and the Lama Guru of Lhasa will live together as members of the same household.” The traditional boundary between Laddakh and Tibet “as recognised by both sides since olden times” was accepted by the envoys of Gulab Singh and the Dalai Lama.

An earlier 1684 treaty between Laddakh and Lhasa had said that while Laddakh would send tribute to Lhasa every three years, “the king of Laddakh reserves to himself the village of Minsar in Ngarees-khor-sum, that he may be independent there; and he sets aside its revenue for the purpose of meeting the expense involved in keeping up the sacrificial lights at Kangree (Kailas), and the Holy Lakes of Mansarovar and Rakas Tal”. The area around Minsar village near Lake Mansarovar, held by the rulers of Laddakh since 1583, was retained by Jammu in the 1842 peace-treaty, and its revenue was received by J&K State until 1948.

After Ranjit Singh’s death in 1839, Gulab Singh was alienated from the Lahore Court where the rise of his brothers and a nephew aroused enough Khalsa jealousy to see them assassinated in palace intrigues. While the Sikhs imploded, Gulab Singh had expanded his own dominion from Rawalpindi to Minsar ~ everywhere except Srinagar Valley itself. He had apparently advised the Sikhs not to attack the British in breach of the 1809 Treaty, and when they did so he had not joined them, though had he done so British power in North India might have been broken. The British were grateful for his neutrality and also his help in their first misbegotten adventure in Afghanistan. It was Gulab Singh who was now encouraged by both the British and the Sikhs to mediate between them, indeed “to take a leading part in arranging conditions of peace”, and he formally represented the Sikh regency in the negotiations. The 9 March 1846 Treaty of Lahore “set forth that the British Government having demanded in addition to a certain assignment of territory, a payment of a crore and a half of rupees, and the Sikh Government being unable to pay the whole”, Dalip Singh “should cede as equivalent to one crore the hill country belonging to the Punjab between the Beas and the Indus including Kashmir and the Hazara”.

For the British to occupy the whole of this mountainous territory was judged unwise on economic and military grounds; it was not feasible to occupy from a military standpoint and the area “with the exception of the small Valley of Kashmir” was “for the most part unproductive”. “On the other hand, the ceded tracts comprised the whole of the hereditary possessions of Gulab Singh, who, being eager to obtain an indefeasible title to them, came forward and offered to pay the war indemnity on condition that he was made the independent ruler of Jammu & Kashmir.

A separate treaty embodying this arrangement was thus concluded between the British and Gulab Singh at Amritsar on 16 March 1846.” Gulab Singh acknowledged the British Government’s supremacy, and in token of it agreed to present annually to the British Government “one horse, twelve shawl goats of approved breed and three pairs of Kashmir shawls. This arrangement was later altered; the annual presentation made by the Kashmir State was confined to two Kashmir shawls and three romals (handkerchiefs).” The Treaty of Amritsar “put Gulab Singh, as Maharaja, in possession of all the hill country between the Indus and the Ravi, including Kashmir, Jammu, Laddakh and Gilgit; but excluding Lahoul, Kulu and some areas including Chamba which for strategic purposes, it was considered advisable (by the British) to retain and for which a remission of Rs 25 lakhs was made from the crore demanded, leaving Rs 75 lakhs as the final amount to be paid by Gulab Singh.” The British retained Hazara which in 1918 was included into NWFP. Through an intrigue emanating from Prime Minister Lal Singh in Lahore, Imamuddin, the last Sikh-appointed Governor of Kashmir, sought to prevent Gulab Singh taking possession of the Valley in accordance with the Treaty’s terms. By December 1846 Gulab Singh had done so, though only with help of a British force which included 17,000 Sikh troops “who had been fighting in the campaign just concluded”. (Contemporary British opinion even predicted Sikhism like Buddhism “would become extinct in a short time if it were not kept alive by the esprit de corps of the Sikh regiments”.)

The British in 1846 may have been glad enough to allow Gulab Singh take independent charge of the new entity that came to be now known as the “State of Jammu & Kashmir”. Later, however. they and their American allies would grow keen to control or influence the region vis-à-vis their new interests against the Russian and Soviet Empires.

see also

A Brief History of Gilgit

My Seventy-One Articles, Notes Etc on Kashmir, Pakistan, & of course, India (plus my undelivered Lahore lectures)

Pakistan’s & India’s Illusions of Power (Psychosis vs Vanity)

Understanding Pakistan

UNDERSTANDING PAKISTAN

First published in The Sunday Statesman & The Statesman Editorial Page Special Article

30-31 July, 2006

by

Subroto Roy

 

 

 

 

Pakistan’s political institutions have failed to develop properly over sixty years. Yet in the last ten years or more, its Government has acquired weapons of mass destruction and in 1998-99 its Foreign Minister half-threatened to use these against India in a first strike. As a religious and cultural phenomenon and as a putative nation-state, Pakistan needs to be sought to be understood in as unbiased and objective a manner as possible, not least by Pakistanis themselves, as well as by Afghans, Bangladeshis, Chinese, Americans,Israelis, Arabs, Iranians etc. besides ourselves in India.

 

The slogan “Islam in danger” has always had some substance since orthodox Muslims constantly face temptations in the world existing around them from materialism, scepticism, syncretism, pantheism etc. Some responded defensively to the Westernisation/modernisation of India’s Hindus, Parsees and Christians by becoming insular and separatist in outlook, and anti-individualist or communal in behaviour.

 

“We are an Arab people whose fathers have fallen in exile in the country of Hindustan, and Arabic genealogy and Arabic language are our pride,” declared Wali Allah (1703-1762), a contemporary of Nejd’s founder of Wahhabism. “We must repudiate all those Indian, Persian and Roman customs which are contrary to the Prophet’s teaching”, declared Barelvi (1786-1831), who also initiated the idea of a religious mass migration of North Indian Muslims. His movement saw “jihad as one of the basic tenets of faith… it chose as the venue of jihad the NW Frontier of the subcontinent, where it was directed against the Sikhs. Barelvi temporarily succeeded in carving out a small theocratic principality which collapsed owing to the friction between his Pathan and North Indian followers…” (A. Ahmed, in Basham (ed) Cultural History of India).

 

Political and psychological tensions between Pakistan’s Pashtun/Baloch tribal people and Punjabi/ Urdu elite continue to this day, even when many of the former have integrated into industries and vocations controlled by the latter. The highlanders were never part of Hindu societies, while the plainsmen, whether they admit it or not, ethnically were converts for the most part from India’s native religions (though here again the religious syncretism of Sindhis, both Muslim and Hindu, may be contrasted with orthodoxy). Barelvi’s theocracy, named Tariqa-yi Muhammadiya, had remnants near Sittana until the First World War, and his followers are still a major component of Pakistan’s most orthodox today.

 

Muslim separatism in North India would have been futile without British political backing. As early as 1874, the British saw their advantage: “The existence side by side of these hostile creeds (Hindu and Muslim) is one of the strong points in our political position in India. The better classes of Mohammedans are a source of strength to us and not of weakness. They constitute a comparatively small but an energetic minority of the population whose political interests are identical with ours.” When the Agha Khan’s 1906 delegation first pleaded for communal representation, Minto agreed with them, and Minto’s wife wrote in her diary the effect was “nothing less than the pulling back of sixty two millions (of Muslims) from joining the ranks of the seditious opposition.” The slogan “If you are not with us you are against us” was always widely applied by the British in India in the form “If you dare to not be with us, we definitely will be with your adversaries”.

 

One obscure ideological current of today’s Pakistan came via the enigmatic personage of Inayatullah Mashriqi (1888-1963), who, from being a Cambridge Wrangler, became a friend of Adolf Hitler in 1926, received a Renault as a gift from Hitler (possibly housed in a Lahore museum today) and claimed to have affected Hitler’s ideology. Mashriqi created the Khaksars, modelled on the Nazi SA, and was often jailed for violence.

 

But the official ideology of today’s Pakistan came from Mohammad Iqbal (1877-1938), an admirer of Friedrich Nietzsche. Indeed, “Pakistan” would have been better named “Iqbalistan” and its nationals “Iqbalians”, just as countries like Colombia, the USA, Israel, Saudi Arabia etc. have been named after an individual person. Iqbal’s 1930 Presidential Speech to the Muslim League in Allahabad conceptualised the country that exists today: “I would like to see the Punjab, NWFP, Sind and Baluchistan amalgamated into a single state…the formation of a consolidated NW Indian Muslim state appears to me to be the final destiny of the Muslims at least of NW India… India is the greatest Muslim country in the world. The life of Islam as a cultural force in this living country very largely depends on its centralisation in a specified territory… “

 

Though Kashmiri himself, Iqbal was silent about J&K being any part of this new entity. Nor did he see this Muslim country being theocratic or filled with anti-Hindu bigotry: “A community which is inspired by feelings of ill-will towards other communities is low and ignoble. I entertain the highest respect for the customs, laws, religious and social institutions of other communities…. Yet I love the communal group which is the source of my life and my behaviour; and which has formed me what I am by giving me its religion, its literature, its thought, its culture,and thereby recreating its whole past, as a living operating factor, in my present consciousness… Nor should the Hindus fear that the creation of autonomous Muslim states will mean the introduction of a kind of religious rule in such states…. I therefore demand the formation of a consolidated Muslim state in the best interests of India and Islam. For India it means security and peace resulting from an internal balance of power, for Islam an opportunity to rid itself of the stamp that Arabian Imperialism was forced to give it, to mobilise its law, its education, its culture, and to bring them into closer contact with its own original spirit and the spirit of modern times.” Iqbal clearly wished to be rid of the same stamp of Arabian Imperialism that Wali Allah had extolled.

 

In 1937, Iqbal added an economic dimension referring to Shariat in order that “at least the right to subsistence is secured to everybody”. A “free Muslim state or states” was “the only way to solve the problem of bread for Muslims as well as to secure a peaceful India.”

 

Iqbal persuaded MA Jinnah (1876-1948), who had settled once again into his London law practice, to return to India in 1934. But when, following the 1935 Government of India Act, India experienced its first democratic elections in 1937, the Muslim League’s ideology promoted by Iqbal and Jinnah failed miserably in the very four provinces that Iqbal had named.

 

Three days after Hitler’s attack on Poland, the British chose to politically empower Jinnah. Until September 4 1939, the British “had had little time for Jinnah and his League. The Government’s declaration of war on Germany on 3 September, however, transformed the situation. A large part of the army was Muslim, much of the war effort was likely to rest on the two Muslim majority provinces of Punjab and Bengal. The following day, the Viceroy invited Jinnah for talks on an equal footing with Gandhi…. because the British found it convenient to take the League seriously, everyone had to as well” (F. Robinson, in James & Roy (eds) Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy). Jinnah himself was amazed: “suddenly there was a change in the attitude towards me. I was treated on the same basis as Mr Gandhi. I was wonderstruck why all of a sudden I was promoted and given a place side by side with Mr Gandhi.”

 

Britain at war was faced too with intransigence from the Congress — Gandhi, for example, rudely dismissing the 1942 Cripps offer as a “post-dated cheque on a failing bank”. It was unsurprising this would contribute to the British tilt towards Congress’s adversary. Suddenly, Rahmat Ali’s acronym “PAKSTAN” , supposedly invented on the top floor of a London bus, was becoming a credible possibility.

 

By 1946, Muslim electoral opinion had changed drastically in the League’s favour. By 1947, Iqbal’s lofty philosophical vision of a cultured Muslim state had degenerated into irrational street mobs shouting: “Larke lenge Pakistan; Marke lenge Pakistan; Khun se lenge Pakistan; Dena hoga Pakistan”.

 

Events remote from India’s history and geography, namely, Hitler’s rise and the Second World War, had contributed between 1937 and 1947 to the change of fortune of Jinnah’s League, and hence the fate of all the people of the subcontinent. Even so, thanks to AK Azad’s diplomacy, the May 1946 Cabinet Mission Plan denying Partition and Pakistan did come to be accepted by Jinnah’s Muslim League, and it was doubtless the obduracy and megalomania of Azad’s Congress colleagues which contributed equally to the failure to find a political solution ~ along with the vapid behaviour of a pompous, vacuous Mountbatten who caused infinite uncertainty until June 3 1947, as to what was going to happen to the lives of scores of millions of ordinary people within a few weeks.

 

In August 1947, the new Pakistani elite hardly felt or even wished to feel free of the British ~ they merely felt independent of what they saw as Congress domination, and had now acquired some power for themselves. Far from any nation-building taking place, Pakistan’s early years were marked by political, legal, constitutional and military chaos and trauma. Both Dominions made a grab for the Raj’s common assets, especially the armed forces.

 

Indeed, how did the Kashmir problem originate? As much as any other factor, it occurred because of the incompetent partitioning of military assets and hurried decommissioning of British Indian armies ~ causing thousands of Mirpuri soldiers to return to a communally inflamed Punjab/ Jammu region.

 

The first J&K war started within weeks of Partition and was in all but name a civil war ~ somewhat like the American Civil War. It was a civil war not merely between Kashmir’s National and Muslim Conferences but also between Army regiments who had been jointly fighting Britain’s enemies until very recently.

 

Pakistan’s leadership vacuum started at once. Jinnah was ill and died shortly. Liaquat Ali Khan was the only politician of any experience left. He faced on one side Pashtuns having no wish to be dominated by a new Karachi/ Rawalpindi elite, and on the other side, the Kashmir conflict. The most basic functions of governance never got started. Taking a Census has been one such function since Roman times, yet Pakistan has never had one. Writing a Constitution is another, but Maududi and others demanded “That the sovereignty in Pakistan belongs to God Almighty alone and that the Government of Pakistan shall administer the country as His agent”. As a result, Pakistan’s few constitutionalists have been battling impossibly ever since to overcome the ontological mistake made of assuming that any earthly government, no matter how pious, can be in communication with God Almighty as easily as it can be with foreign governments.

 

The Rule of Law is another basic function. But when Liaquat was himself assassinated in 1951, his assassin was killed on the spot yet the murder remained unsolved. Mashriqi was immediately arrested because of his hostility to the Muslim League, but later released. Because the assassin was Pashtun, Afghanistan was blamed but the Afghan Government proved otherwise. The investigating policeman was killed in an aircrash, and all documents went with him. Final suspicion pointed towards Akbar Khan, the renegade Army general who had led the attack on J&K and was in jail for the Rawalpindi conspiracy. Years later, Liaquat’s widow (the former Irene Pant of Naini Tal) rued the fact no one was ever prosecuted.

 

After Liaquat’s assassination, the period of Ghulam Mohammad, Nazimuddin, Mohammad Ali Bogra, Chaudhury Mohammad Ali, and most importantly, Iskander Mirza leading up to Ayub Khan’s Martial Law in 1958, was simply appalling in its display of the sheer irresponsibility of Pakistan’s new super-elite. Instead of domestic nation-building or fulfilling the basic functions of governance, close comprador relations came to be established with the US and British Governments ~ exemplified by Mirza’s elder son taking the American Ambassador’s daughter as his (first) wife and moving to a lifelong career with the World Bank in Washington. This comprador relationship between Washington, London and Pakistan’s super-elite flourishes and continues to this day. E.g., the current World Bank head and architect of the 2003 Bush invasion of Iraq, Paul Wolfowitz, remains in a mentoring relationship with Shaukat Aziz, a former American bank executive, who is General Musharraf’s Prime Minister. For better or worse, Pakistan’s Government will never veer from the side of Anglo-American policy while such comprador relationships remain intact.

 

Before the 1971 war, West Pakistan was in a frenzy from a propaganda campaign of “Crush India” and “Hang Mujib”. General Niazi’s surrender to General Arora in Dhaka Stadium ~ causing 90,000 PoWs whom India then protected from Bangladeshi revenge ~ shocked Pakistan and shattered the self-image of its Army. ZA Bhutto was the only populist politician of the country ever, and his few years held vanishing promise of a normal political agenda (no matter how economically misguided) finally arising. But Bhutto suppressed the new Baloch revolt with the Shah of Iran’s military help; at the same time he failed to protect his own back against Zia ul Haq’s coup, leading to his judicial murder in 1979. Zia tried to rebuild the Army’s shattered esprit de corps the only way he knew how, which was by indoctrinating the Punjabi officer corps with Sunni dogmatism. This coincided with the Afghan civil war, influx of refugees, and US-Saudi-Chinese plan to defeat the USSR. Pakistan’s super-elite in their comprador role were happy to allow themselves to be used again and be hung out to dry afterwards.

 

All normal branches of Pakistan’s polity, like the electorate,press, political parties, Legislature and Judiciary, have remained at best in ill-formed inchoate states of being. The economy remains, like India’s, one fed on endless deficit finance paid for by unlimited printing of inconvertible paper money, though Pakistan has had relatively more labour emigration and much less foreign investment and technological progress than India. Both are wracked by corruption, poverty, ignorance and superstition.

 

Over half a century, the military has acquired vast economic and political interests and agendas, on pretext of protecting Pakistan from India or gaining “Kashmeer” for it. With few and noble exceptions, academics, politicians and journalists have remained timid in face of fascistic State-power with its militarist/Islamist ideology ~ causing a transferance of the people’s anger and frustration onto an easier target, namely ourselves in India. Anti-Indianism (especially over J&K) remains the sole unifying factor of Pakistan’s super-elite, regardless of what history’s objective facts may have to say. Much political courage and understanding will be needed for that to be reversed.

 

All countries hunger for genuine national heroes who take upon themselves individual risks on behalf of ordinary people. Wali Khan stood up to his father’s jailors, and young Benazir of 1980s vintage to her father’s executioner. But Pakistan has had few such heroes,certainly none among its bemedalled generals. Why AQ Khan is seen as a hero is because he at least took some personal risks, and finally brought Pakistan a kind of respect and independence in the world with his Bomb.

Addendum to *Modern World History, 2006*

Subroto Roy adds  at Facebook to his 2006 essay *Modern World History* as follows:

“Throughout the 19th Century and spilling into the 20th, from the rise of Napoleon to the start of WWI, first France and then Britain were in rapid ascendancy in the world – only to decline (into near nothingness in case of France) in WWII before recovering to return to the rank of respectable powers in the second half of the 20thC. The 20th C saw rise of Germany, Japan, Communist Russia & the USA to world supremacy; Germany and Japan then vanquished themselves into near nothingness by wars they created, and Russia too, perhaps less so, by the (Leninist-Stalinist) ideology it had adopted as a cost of progress; the victor in each case was the USA and its allies Britain and France. At the close of the 20th C, the USA was unquestionably predominant in the world – only to receive a sudden and near-blinding blow in the eye by way of the 9/11 attacks from which it has taken a decade to recover. China, India and the Muslim world remain, in the main, defensive powers, not seeking foreign dominions themselves so much as seeking to prevent further foreign domination as they have suffered in the past – in this China, both Communist and Non-Communist, may be more successful than the others. Israel and Iran are indeed the new kids on the block and their unruly conflict does indeed portend the gravest risk to world tranquility in the 21st Century. Martin Buber’s statement suggesting Israel should seek to be an Asian and not a European power “pursuing the settlement effort in Palestine in agreement, nay, alliance with the peoples of the East, so as to erect with them together a great federative structure, which might learn and receive from the West whatever positive aims and means might be learnt and received from it, without, however, succumbing to the influence of its inner disarray and aimlessness”, holds an important key.

Modern World History

MODERN WORLD HISTORY

by Subroto Roy

First published in The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page Special Article May 7 2006

MUCH as we in India might like to think we were the central focus of Britain’s national life in the 19th and 20th Centuries, we were not. India’s matters were handled mostly by a senior cabinet minister to whom the governor-general or viceroy reported. Though possession and control of India gave the British a sense of mission, self-importance and grandeur, and events in India (mostly bad ones) could hog the newspapers for a few days, it was never the case that India dominated Britain’s political consciousness or national agenda for any length of time. British prime ministers and diplomatists, from Pitt through Canning, Palmerston, Peel, Gladstone, Granville, Disraeli and Salisbury, mostly had other concerns of foreign policy, mostly in Europe and also in the Americas, Africa, and the Near and Far East. India was peripheral to their vision except as a place to be held against any encroachment.

A French historian used to begin lectures on British history saying “Messieurs, l’Angleterre est une ile.” (“Gentlemen, Britain is an island.”) The period of unambiguous British dominance of world diplomacy began with Pitt’s response to the French Revolution, and unambiguously ended in 1917 when Britain and France could have lost the war to Germany if America had not intervened. Since then, America has taken over Britain’s role in world diplomacy, though Lloyd George and Churchill, to a smaller extent Harold Wilson, and finally Thatcher, were respected British voices in world circles. Thatcher’s successor Major failed by seeming immature, while his successor Blair has failed by being immature to the point of being branded America’s “poodle”, making Britain’s loss of prestige complete.

Between Pitt and Flanders though, Britain’s dominance of world affairs and the process of defining the parameters of international conduct was clear. It was an era in which nations fought using ships, cannon, cavalry and infantry. The machine-gun, airpower and  automobile had been hardly invented. Yet it is amazing how many technological inventions and innovations occurred during that era, many in Britain and the new America, vastly improving the welfare of masses of people: the steam-engine, the cotton gin, railways, electricity, telecommunications, systems of public hygiene etc. The age of American dominance has been one of petroleum, airpower, guided missiles and nuclear energy, as well as of penicillin and modern medicine.

It was during the period 1791-1991, between the French Revolution and the collapse of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, that world diplomacy created the system of “Western” nation-states, from Canning’s recognition of Mexico, Brazil, Argentina, Colombia etc to the emergence of the European Union. There is today peace in Europe and it has become unthinkable there will be war between e.g. France and Germany except on a soccer pitch. Even the unstable Balkans have stabilised. The transition from British to American dominance occurred during and because of the 1914-1918 World War, yet that war’s causes had nothing to do with America and hence America’s rise has been somewhat fortuitous. The War superficially had to do with those unstable Balkans in the summer of 1914 and the system of alliances developed over the previous 100 years; beneath was the economic rise of the new Germany.

Austro-Hungary went to war against Serbia, causing Germany its ally into war with Russia, Serbia’s ally. Belgium’s neutrality was guaranteed through British diplomacy by the Treaty of London in 1839 signed by Austria, France, Britain, Russia and Prussia. This “scrap of paper” Germany tore up to invade Belgium on 4 August 1914, because it was easier to attack France through Belgium than directly as most French generals had expected. Though Germany had no dispute with France, France was Russia’s ally, and the Germans had long-feared fighting on two fronts against larger but more slowly mobilising forces. Violation of Belgian neutrality caused Britain into war with Germany. So all Europe was at war from which it would fail to extricate itself without American intervention. This arrived in 1917 though it too had been provoked by German submarines sinking American ships in the Atlantic. The actual impact of American forces entering the battlefields was small, and it was after the Armistice, when the issue arose of reparations by Germany to everyone and repayments by Britain and France to America, that America’s role became dominant. New York took over from London as the world’s financial capital.

Woodrow Wilson longed to impose a system of transparent international relations on the Europeans who had been used to secret deals and intrigues. He failed, especially when America’s Senate vetoed America’s own entry into the League of Nations. America became isolationist, wishing to have nothing more to do with European wars ~ and remains to this day indifferent towards the League’s successor. But the War also saw Lenin’s Bolsheviks grab power after Russia extricated itself from fighting Germany by the peace of Brest-Litovsk. And the Armistice saw the French desire to humiliate and destroy German power for ever, which in turn sowed the seeds for Hitler’s rise. And the War also had led to the British making the Balfour Declaration that a Jewish “National Home” would arise in Palestine in amity and cooperation with the Arabs. The evolution of these three events dominated the remainder of the 20th Century ~along with the rise and defeat of an imperialist Japan, the rise of communist China, and later, the defeat of both France and America in Vietnam.

Hitler invaded Poland on 1 September 1939, and Britain and France declared war on Germany on 3 September. The next day in faraway India, the British in a panic started to place Jinnah on an equal footing as Gandhi ~ astounding Jinnah himself as much as anyone since his few supporters had lost the 1937 elections badly, especially in the provinces that today constitute the country he wished for. After the defeat and occupation of Germany and Japan, America’s economic supremacy was unquestionable. Utterly exhausted from war, the British had no choice but to leave India’s angry peoples to their own fates, and retreated to their fortified island again ~ though as brown and black immigration increased with the end of Empire, many pale-skinned natives boarded ships for Canada, Australia and New Zealand.  America came to have much respect for its junior British ally during the fight against Hitler and later in the political battle against the USSR. It was Thatcher who (after battling Argentina in the South Atlantic) led Reagan to make peace with Gorbachov. With the end of Soviet communism, Germany would be unified again. All across Christendom there was peace for the first time ever, and a militarily powerful nuclear-armed Israel had been created too in the old Palestine. In this new period of world history, the Security Council’s permanent members are the modern version of the “Great Powers” of the 19th Century. The American-led and British-supported destruction of Baathist Iraq, and threatened destruction of Khomeinist Iran mark the final end of the League of Nations’ ethos which had arisen from the condemnation of aggression. In Osama bin Laden’s quaint idiom, there seems a battle of “Crusaders” and “Zionists” against Muslim believers. Certainly Muslim believers (which means most Muslims as there are relatively few agnostics and atheists among them) think that it is obvious that the Universe was created, and that its Creator finally and definitively spoke through one human being in 7th Century Arabia. Many people from North Africa to the Philippines are not often able to conceive how things might have been otherwise. The new era of history will undoubtedly see all kinds of conversations take place about this rather subtle question.

Logic of Democracy (2006)

LOGIC OF DEMOCRACY

 

by

 

SUBROTO ROY

 

 

First published in The Statesman,

Editorial Page Special Article, March 30 2006

 

 

Parliament may unanimously vote for a bill on the “Office of Profit” issue but this will have to be consistent with the spirit and letter of the Constitution and with natural law if it is not to be struck down by the Supreme Court. It is thus important to get the logic right.

India is a representative and not a direct democracy. We the people constitute the Electorate who send our representatives periodically to legislative institutions at national, state and local levels. These representatives, namely, Lok Sabha and Legislative Assembly Members and municipal councilors, have a paid job to do on behalf of all their constituents, not merely those who voted for them. They are supposed to represent everyone including those who voted against them or did not vote at all.

In view of this, if the question is asked: “Was India’s interest served by Sonia Gandhi peremptorily resigning as the Lok Sabha Member from Rae Bareli and then immediately declaring she will fight a fresh election from there?”, the answer must be of course that it was not. Mrs Gandhi had been elected after an expensive process of voting and she had a duty to continue to represent all of Rae Bareli’s people (not just her party-supporters) for the duration of the 14th Lok Sabha. Instead she has given the impression that Rae Bareili is her personal fiefdom from where she must prove again how popular she is as its Maharani.

What needed to be done instead was to abolish the so-called “National Advisory Council” which, like the “Planning Commission” is yet another expensive extra-constitutional body populated by delusional self-styled New Delhi worthies. The NAC has been functioning as Mrs Gandhi’s personal Planning Commission, and she lacked the courage to scrap it altogether — just as Manmohan Singh lacks the courage to tell Montek Ahluwalia to close down the Planning Commission (and make it a minor R&D wing of the Ministry of Finance).

 

Lok Sabha’s duties

 

What are Lok Sabha Members and State MLAs legitimately required to be doing in caring for their constituents? First of all, as a body as a whole, they need to elect the Government, i.e. the Executive Branch, and to hold it accountable in Parliament or Assembly. For example, the Comptroller and Auditor General submits his reports directly to the House, and it is the duty of individual legislators to put these to good use in controlling the Government’s waste, fraud or abuse of public resources.

Secondly, MPs and MLAs are obviously supposed to literally represent their individual constituencies in the House, i.e. to bring the Government and the House’s attention to specific problems or contingencies affecting their constituents as a whole, and call for the help, funds and sympathy of the whole community on their behalf.

Thirdly, MPs and MLAs are supposed to respond to pleas and petitions of individual constituents, who may need the influence associated with the dignity of their office to get things rightly done. For example, an impoverished orphan lad once needed surgery to remove a brain tumour; a family helping him was promised the free services of a top brain surgeon if a hospital bed and operating theatre could be arranged. It was only by turning to the local MLA that the family were able to get such arrangements made, and the lad had his tumour taken out at a public hospital. MPs and MLAs are supposed to vote for and create public goods and services, and to use their moral suasion to see that existing public services actually do get to reach the public.

 

Rajya Sabha different species

Rajya Sabha Members are a different species altogether. Most if not all State Legislative Councils have been abolished, and sadly the present nature of the Rajya Sabha causes similar doubts to arise about its utility. The very idea of a Rajya Sabha was first mooted in embryo form in an 1888 book A History of the Native States of India, Vol I. Gwalior, whose author also advocated popular constitutions for the “Indian India” of the “Native States” since “where there are no popular constitutions, the personal character of the ruler becomes a most important factor in the government… evils are inherent in every government where autocracy is not tempered by a free constitution”.

 

When Victoria was declared India’s “Empress” in 1877, a “Council of the Empire” was mooted but had remained a non-starter even until the 1887 Jubilee. An “Imperial Council” was now designed of the so-called “Native Princes”, which came to evolve into the “Chamber of Princes” which became the “Council of the States” and the Rajya Sabha.

 

It was patterned mostly on the British and not the American upper house except in being not liable to dissolution, and compelling periodic retirement of a third of members. The American upper house is an equal if not the senior partner of the lower house. Our Rajya Sabha follows the British upper house in being a chamber which is duty-bound to oversee any exuberance in the Lok Sabha but which must ultimately yield to it if there is any dispute.

 

Parliament in India’s democracy effectively means the Lok Sabha — where every member has contested and won a direct vote in his/her constituency. The British upper house used to have an aristocratic hereditary component which Tony Blair’s New Labour Government has now removed, so it has now been becoming more like what the Rajya Sabha was supposed to have been like.

 

The corruption of our body-politic originated with the politicisation of the bureaucracy thirty five years ago by Indira Gandhi and PN Haksar. The Rajya Sabha came to be ruined with the “courtier culture” and “durbar politics” that resulted. This bad model which the Congress Party created and followed was imitated by the Congress’s political opponents too. Our Rajya Sabha has now tended to become a place for party worthies who have lost normal elections, superannuated cinematic personalities, perpetual bureaucrats still seeking office, and similar others. The healthiest course of action for Indian democracy may be to close it down completely for a few years, then recreate it ab initio based on its original purposes and intent (but this may not be constitutionally possible to do).

 

 

Holding Executive accountable

It is a forgotten platitude that in a representative democracy what elected legislators are supposed to be doing is represent the interests of the Electorate. Along with the Judiciary, the Legislative Branch is supposed to control the Executive Government, which is the natural oppressor of the Electorate. That is why the Legislature must be independent of the Executive — which is the precise intent behind Article 102 (a) of the Constitution of India: “A person shall be disqualified for being chosen as, and for being, a member of either House of Parliament… if he holds any office of profit under the Government of India or the Government of any State…”

 

In other words, if you are a Lok Sabha MP or State MLA who is supposed to be a part of the august House which has elected the Executive Government and by whom that Government is supposed to be held accountable, then it is a clear conflict of interest if you are yourself in the pay of that Government. As a legislator, you are either in the Executive or you are not. If you are in the Executive, you are liable to be held accountable by the House. If you are not in the Executive, you are duty-bound as an ordinary Member of the House to hold the Executive accountable. The logic is ultimately as clear and simple as that.

 

It is inevitable that the delineation of the appropriate boundaries between Legislature and Executive will have to be pronounced upon by the Judiciary. The “Office of Profit” issue has opened an opportunity for a Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court to speak on the rights and duties of the Legislative and Executive Branches of Government. And no Constitution Bench has ever spoken unwisely.

Unaccountable Delhi: India’s Separation of Powers’ Doctrine

UNACCOUNTABLE DELHI

India’s Separation Of Powers’ Doctrine

First published in The Statesman Jan 13 2006 Editorial Page Special Article,

By Subroto Roy

The Speaker does not like the fact the High Court has issued notices questioning the procedure he followed in expelling MPs from Parliament. Sonia Gandhi’s self-styled “National Advisory Council” has demanded control over disbursement of 100,000,000,000 rupees of public money. The Manmohan Singh Government plans to quietly ignore the Supreme Court’s finding that it had breached India’s Constitution in imposing President’s Rule in Bihar.  All three issues have to do with application of India’s Separation of Powers Doctrine, i.e. the appropriate delimitation of Constitutional powers between our Legislature, Executive and Judiciary.

A constitutional crime was attempted in India during the Indira-Sanjay Gandhi political “Emergency” declared on 26 June 1975. On 10 November 1975 (a time of press censorship) a 13-judge Bench of the Supreme Court met to hear the Government plead for overrule of Kesavananda Bharati (A.I.R. 1973 S.C. 1461), a landmark Nani Palkhivala once called “the greatest contribution of the Republic of India to constitutional jurisprudence”. Within two days, the Government had failed in the Court, and Kesavananda held. What was upheld? That while India’s Parliament was sovereign and could amend the Constitution, the amending power may not be used to alter or destroy “the basic structure or framework of the Constitution”. And the Supreme Court decides for itself whether Parliament has exceeded its legitimate power to amend.

Basic structure
Palkhivala’s description of what constitutes the “basic structure or framework” of India’s Constitution is excellent enough: “the rule of law, the right to personal liberty and freedom from arbitrary arrest and imprisonment, the right to dissent which implies the freedom of speech and expression and a free press are… a part of the basic structure of a free democracy, and it is these priceless human freedoms which cannot be destroyed by Parliament in exercise of its amending power. Thus Kesavananda’s case ensures that tyranny and despotism shall not masquerade as constitutionalism.”

Palkhivala argued that, if anything, the aspects of Kesavananda that needed to be set aside were those that had over-ruled Golaknath (A.I.R. 1967 S.C. 1643) which said Parliament should not be held to have the power to abridge any fundamental right, indeed any amended article which abrogates any fundamental right is invalid.

Dicey said “In the principle of the distribution of powers which determines its form, the constitution of the United States is the exact opposite of the English constitution.” Kesavananda Bharati showed the midway point between the two in constitutional jurisprudence anywhere in the world. We are like the Americans and unlike the British first in being a Republic, and secondly in having an explicit written Constitution. We are like the British and unlike the Americans in being a parliamentary democracy where the Executive Branch of Government, namely the Prime Minister and his/her Cabinet is elected from within the Legislative Branch of Government, namely, Parliament, and must at all times retain the confidence of the latter, specifically the Lok Sabha, the House of the People.

The American Executive Branch has a directly-elected President who chooses his administration, and it is commonplace for him to not have the confidence of the Upper or Lower House of the Legislature, to the point that one recent president had to undergo impeachment proceedings and barely survived. There is no constitutional crisis in America if the Legislature loathes the President and wishes him out. The American President and his Executive Branch stay in office until the last minute of his fixed term.

PM answers to Parliament
In our system, the Prime Minister answers at all times to Parliament. Parliament in India’s democracy has normally meant the House of the People — where every member has contested and won a direct vote in his/her constituency. India’s current Lok Sabha has set a constitutional precedent not seen in more than a hundred years anywhere in electing an Executive led by someone not a member. The British Upper House used to have an aristocratic hereditary component which Mr Blair’s New Labour Government has removed, making it more like what the Rajya Sabha was supposed to be — except that by now our Rajya Sabha has tended to become a place for party worthies who have lost normal elections, superannuated cinematic personalities, perpetual bureaucrats still seeking office, and others who really should be at home helping to raise the grandchildren.  Parliament may not have fully recovered its health ever since that constitutional crime committed against the Republic known as the Indira-Sanjay “Emergency” (and at least one member of Sanjay’s coterie wields much power today).

Crimes and misdemeanours
The Supreme Court’s finding that the Government breached the Constitution by imposing President’s Rule in Bihar is a finding not of a constitutional crime but of a constitutional misdemeanour. (For reasons given already in these columns on 20 October 2005, it has nothing to do with the President, who merely embodies the sovereignty of our Republic.)  For an Executive Order or Legislative Act to be found by a competent Court as being unconstitutional means merely that it does not have to be obeyed by citizens. In the Bihar case, the Supreme Court found this consequence irrelevant because new elections were already in process, the result of which would come from the most authentic democratic voice possible, namely, the same people who elect the House of the People in the first place. India’s Executive has been found to have committed a constitutional misdemeanour, for which it needed to apologise to the Court and Parliament (who are its constitutional co-equals) and then ask the latter to renew its confidence — in which event, life goes on. If confidence was not renewed, the Government would fall and a new Government would have to be formed. But we do not have yet the idea of a backbench revolt —mainly because all the front benches themselves have tended to be in such confusion and disarray with regard to parliamentary traditions, processes and functions.

The Supreme Court as the ultimate protector of the Constitution would be well within its prerogative to oversee whether a Parliamentary Speaker has acted appropriately. Consider a hypothetical case. Once elected, a Speaker is supposed to have no party-affiliation ever more for the rest of his/her life. Suppose, hypothetically, a controlled experiment found a Speaker systematically biased in favour of his/her own former party-members and against their opponents. Where but the Courts could such arbitrariness be effectively remonstrated against? Even if the incumbent Speaker impossibly imagines himself the personal embodiment of the Legislative Branch, he is not beyond the Constitution and therefore not beyond India’s Separation of Powers’ Doctrine.

The Opposition had alleged that the Speaker failed to follow procedure which required the culprits in the expulsion case be referred to the Privileges Committee. But beyond that the Opposition was too confused and guilt-ridden to pursue the matter during the dying moments of Parliament’s Winter Session. In the clear light of day, the issue has now ended up in the Courts. If the Supreme Court eventually rules the Speaker had in fact failed to follow Parliament’s own procedures (and hence breached Constitutional practices), the Speaker would need to apologise to the Courts and the House that elected him, and perhaps offer to fall on his sword.

Finally, for the “National Advisory Council”, a wholly unelected body, to demand a say for itself over spending Rs. 100 billion in State and Union Government budget-making, would be another constitutional misdemeanour — unless its members are merely on the personal staff of the Hon’ble Member representing Rae Bareili, who may of course introduce whatever legislation on money-bills that any other Lok Sabha Member may do.

Annie Besant (1847-1933)

“Never forget that life can only be nobly inspired and rightly lived if you take it bravely and gallantly, as a splendid adventure in which you are setting out into an unknown country, to meet many a joy, to find many a comrade, to win and lose many a battle.”

– Annie Besant (1847-1933)



From Facebook:

Subroto Roy has just read Courtland Milloy’s review in the Washington Post of James Cameron’s “Avatar” and declares that the original and real Jake Sully was an Irishwoman named Annie Besant (1847-1933), who defined and fought for Indian independence before and better than MK Gandhi himself, and whose conservative (English) political critics had (with schoolboyish hilarity) denounced her (infamously) as a woman of “deep penetration, quick conception and easy delivery”.

Map of Bombay/Mumbai 1909, i.e., a century ago

bombay_1909

Map of Delhi Enclave c. 1916

Map of Punjab Districts c. 1916

Bengal Legislative Council 1923


Bengal Legislative Council 1923

SN Roy, then President of the Bengal Legislative Council 1923, is seated to the left of the Governor of Bengal, Lord Lytton, who has the Chief Justice on his right.  At Surendranath Roy’s left sits his friend and colleague, Surendranath Banerjee.