On the Existence of a Unique and Stable Solution to the Jammu & Kashmir Problem that is Lawful, Just and Economically Efficient

October 15, 2009 — drsubrotoroy

P Chidambaram may recall our brief interaction at the residence of the late Shri Rajiv Gandhi in September-October 1990, and also my visit in July 1995 when he was a member of Narasimha Rao’s Government.

I am delighted to read in today’s paper that he believes a “unique solution” exists to the grave mortal problem of Jammu & Kashmir.   Almost four years ago, I published in The Statesman my discovery of the existence of precisely such a  unique solution in the three-part article “Solving Kashmir”.

This came to be followed by “Law, Justice and J&K”, “History of Jammu & Kashmir”, “Pakistan’s Allies”, “What to tell Musharraf” and a few others.  The purpose of this open letter is to describe that solution which provides, I believe, the only just and lawful  path available to the resolution of what has been known universally as the Kashmir problem.

Very briefly, it involves recognizing that the question of lawful territorial sovereignty in J&K is logically distinct from the question of the choice of nationality by individual inhabitants.   The solution requires

(a) acknowledging that the original legal entity in the world system  of nations known as Jammu & Kashmir arose on March 16 1846 and ceased to exist on or about October 22 1947; that the military contest that commenced on the latter date has in fact resulted, given all particular circumstances of history, in the lawful and just outcome in international law;

(b) offering all who may be Indian nationals or stateless and who presently live under Article 370, a formal choice of nationality between the Republics of India, Iran, Afghanistan and Pakistan: citizen-by-citizen, without fear or favour, under conditions of full information, individual privacy and security; any persons who voluntarily choose to renounce Indian nationality in such private individual decisions would be nevertheless granted lawful permanent residence in the Indian Republic and J&K in particular.

In other words, the dismemberment of the original J&K State and annexation of its territories by the entities known today as the Republic of Pakistan and Republic of India that occurred since October 22 1947, as represented first by the 1949 Ceasefire Line and then by the 1972 Line of Control, is indeed the just and lawful outcome prevailing in respect of the question of territorial sovereignty and jurisdiction. The remaining democratic question has to do with free individual choice of nationality by inhabitants, under conditions of full information and privacy, citizen-by-citizen, with the grant of permanent residency rights by the Indian Republic to persons under its jurisdiction in J&K who might wish to choose, for deeply personal individual reasons, not to remain Indian nationals but become Afghan, Iranian or Pakistani nationals instead (or remain stateless).  Pakistan has said frequently its sole concern has been the freedom of Muslims of J&K under Indian rule, and any such genuine concern shall have been thereby fully met by India. Indeed if Pakistan agreed to act similarly this entire complex mortal problem of decades shall have begun to be resolved most appropriately. Pakistan and India are both wracked by corruption, poverty and bad governance, and would be able to mutually draw down military forces pit against one another everywhere, so as to begin to repair the grave damage to their fiscal health caused over decades by the deleterious draining away of vast public resources.

The full reasoning underlying this, which I believe to be the only lawful, just, efficient and stable solution that exists, is thoroughly explained in the following six articles. The first five, “Solving Kashmir”, “Law, Justice & J&K”, “History of J&K”, and “Pakistan’s Allies”, “What to Tell Musharraf” were published in The Statesman in 2005-2006 and are marked ONE, TWO, THREE, FOUR and FIVE below, and are also available elsewhere here. The sixth “An Indian Reply to President Zardari”, marked SIX, was published for the first time here following the Mumbai massacres.

I believe careful reflection upon this entire body of reasoning may lead all reasonable men and women to a practically unanimous consensus about this as the appropriate course of action; if such a consensus happened to arise, the implementation of the solution shall only be a matter of (relatively) uncomplicated procedural detail.

Subroto Roy
October 15 2009

“ONE
SOLVING KASHMIR: ON AN APPLICATION OF REASON by Subroto Roy First published in three parts in The Statesman, Editorial Page Special Article, December 1,2,3 2005, http://www.thestatesman.net

(This article has its origins in a paper “Towards an Economic Solution for Kashmir” which circulated in Washington DC in 1992-1995, including at the Indian and Pakistani embassies and the Carnegie Endowment, and was given as an invited lecture at the Heritage Foundation on June 23 1998. It should be read along with other articles also republished here, especially “History of J&K”, “Law, Justice and J&K” , “Understanding Pakistan”, “Pakistan’s Allies” and “What to Tell Musharraf”. The Washington paper and lecture itself originated from my ideas in the Introduction to Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy, edited by WE James and myself in the University of Hawaii project on Pakistan 1986-1992.)

I. Give Indian `Green Cards’ to the Hurriyat et al

India, being a liberal democracy in its constitutional law, cannot do in Jammu & Kashmir what Czechoslovakia did to the “Sudeten Germans” after World War II. On June 18 1945 the new Czechoslovakia announced those Germans and Magyars within their borders who could not prove they had been actively anti-fascist before or during the War would be expelled — the burden of proof was placed on the individual, not the State. Czechoslovakia “transferring” this population was approved by the Heads of the USA, UK and USSR Governments at Potsdam on August 2 1945. By the end of 1946, upto two million Sudeten Germans were forced to flee their homes; thousands may have died by massacre or otherwise; 165,000 remained who were absorbed as Czechoslovak citizens. Among those expelled were doubtless many who had supported Germany and many others who had not — the latter to this day seek justice or even an apology in vain. Czechoslovakia punished none of its nationals for atrocities, saying it had been revenge for Hitler’s evil (”badla” in Bollywood terms) and the post Cold War Czech Government too has declined to render an apology. Revenge is a wild kind of justice (while justice may be a civilised kind of revenge).

India cannot follow this savage precedent in international law. Yet we must recognise there are several hundred and up to several hundred thousand persons on our side of the boundary in the State of Jammu & Kashmir who do not wish to be Indian nationals. These people are presently our nationals ius soli, having been born in territory of the Indian Republic, and/or ius sanguinis, having been born of parents who are Indian nationals; or they may be “stateless” whom we must treat in accordance with the 1954 Convention on Stateless Persons. The fact is they may not wish to carry Indian passports or be Indian nationals.

In this respect their juridical persons resemble the few million “elite” Indians who have in the last few decades freely placed their hands on their hearts and solemnly renounced their Indian nationality, declaring instead their individual fidelity to other nation-states — becoming American, Canadian or Australian citizens, or British subjects or nationals of other countries. Such people include tens of thousands of the adult children of India’s metropolitan “elite”, who are annually visited abroad in the hot summer months by their Indian parents and relatives. They are daughters and sons of New Delhi’s Government and Opposition, of retired generals, air marshals, admirals, ambassadors, cabinet secretaries, public sector bureaucrats, private sector businessmen, university professors, journalists, doctors and many others. India’s most popular film-actress exemplified this “elite” capital-flight when, after a tireless search, she chose a foreign husband and moved to California.

The difference in Jammu & Kashmir would be that those wishing to renounce Indian nationality do not wish to move to any other place but to stay as and where they are, which is in Kashmir Valley or Jammu. Furthermore, they may wish, for whatever reason, to adopt, if they are eligible to do so, the nationality of e.g. the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan or the Islamic Republic of Iran or the Islamic Republic of Pakistan.

They may believe themselves descended from Ahmad Shah Abdali whose Afghans ruled or mis-ruled Kashmir Valley before being defeated by Ranjit Singh’s Sikhs in 1819. Or they may believe themselves of Iranian descent as, for example, are the Kashmiri cousins of the late Ayatollah Khomeini. Or they may simply have wished to be, or are descended from persons who had wished to be on October 26 1947, citizens of the then-new British Dominion of Pakistan — but who came to be prevented from properly expressing such a desire because of the war-like conditions that have prevailed ever since between India and Pakistan. There may be even a few persons in Laddakh who are today Indian nationals but who wish to be considered Tibetans instead; there is, however, no Tibetan Republic and it does not appear there is going to be one.

India, being a free and self-confident country, should allow, in a systematic lawful manner, all such persons to fulfil their desires, and furthermore, should ensure they are not penalised for having expressed such “anti-national” desires or for having acted upon them. Sir Mark Tully, the British journalist, is an example of someone who has been a foreign national who has chosen to reside permanently in the Republic of India — indeed he has been an exemplary permanent resident of our country. There are many others like him. There is no logical reason why all those persons in Jammu & Kashmir who do wish not to be Indians by nationality cannot receive the same legal status from the Indian Republic as has been granted to Sir Mark Tully. There are already thousands of Sri Lankan, Bangladeshi and Nepalese nationals who are lawful permanent residents in the Indian Republic, and who travel back and forth between India and their home countries. There is no logical reason why the same could not be extended to several hundred or numerous thousand people in Jammu & Kashmir who may wish to not accept or to renounce their Indian nationality (for whatever personal reason) and instead become nationals, if they are so eligible, of the Islamic Republics of Afghanistan, Iran or Pakistan, or, for that matter, to remain stateless. On the one hand, their renunciation of Indian nationality is logically equivalent to the renunciation of Indian nationality by the adult children of India’s “elite” settled in North America and Western Europe. On the other hand, their wish to adopt, if they are eligible, a foreign nationality, such as that of Afghanistan, Iran or Pakistan, and yet remain domiciled in Indian territory is logically equivalent to that of many foreign nationals domiciled in India already like Sir Mark Tully.

Now if you are a permanent resident of some country, you may legally have many, perhaps most, but certainly not all the rights and duties of nationals of that country. e.g., though you will have to pay all the same taxes, you may not be allowed to (or be required to) vote in national or provincial elections but you may in local municipal elections. At the same time, permanently residing foreign nationals are supposed to be equal under the law and have equal access to all processes of civil and criminal justice. (As may be expected though from human frailty, even the federal courts of the USA can be notorious in their injustice and racism towards “Green Card” holders relative to “full” American citizens.) Then again, as a permanently resident foreigner, while you will be free to work in any lawful trade or profession, you may not be allowed to work in some or perhaps any Government agencies, certainly not the armed forces or the police. Many Indians in the USA were engineering graduates, and because many engineering jobs or contracts in the USA are related to the US armed forces and require US citizens only, it is commonplace for Indian engineers to renounce their Indian nationality and become Americans because of this. Many Indian-American families have one member who is American, another Indian, a third maybe Canadian, a fourth Fijian or British etc.

The same can happen in the Indian State of Jammu & Kashmir if it evolves peacefully and correctly in the future. It is quite possible to imagine a productive family in a peaceful Kashmir Valley of the future where one brother is an officer in the Indian Armed Forces, another brother a civil servant and a sister a police officer of the J&K State Government, another sister being a Pakistani doctor, while cousins are Afghan or Iranian or “stateless” businessmen. Each family-member would have made his/her choice of nationality as an individual given the circumstances of his/her life, his/her personal comprehension of the facts of history, his/her personal political and/or religious persuasions, and similar deeply private considerations. All would have their children going to Indian schools and being Indian citizens ius soli and/or ius sanguinis. When the children grow up, they would be free to join, if they wished, the existing capital flight of other Indian adult children abroad and there renounce their Indian nationality as many have come to do.

II Revealing Choices Privately with Full Information
For India to implement such a proposal would be to provide an opportunity for all those domiciled in Kashmir Valley, Jammu and Laddakh to express freely and privately as individuals their deepest wishes about their own identities, in a confidential manner, citizen by citizen, case by case. This would thereby solve the fundamental democratic problem that has been faced ever since the Pakistani attack on the original State of Jammu & Kashmir commenced on October 22 1947, which came to be followed by the Rape of Baramulla — causing the formal accession of the State to the then-new Dominion of India on October 26 1947.

A period of, say, 30 months may be announced by the Government of India during which full information would be provided to all citizens affected by this change, i.e. all those presently governed by Article 370 of the Indian Constitution. The condition of full information may include, for example, easy access to Afghan, Iranian and Pakistani newspapers in addition to access to Indian media. Each such person wishing to either remain with Indian nationality (by explicitly requesting an Indian passport if he/she does not have one already — and such passports can be printed in Kashmiri and Urdu too), or to renounce Indian nationality and either remain stateless or adopt, if he/she is so eligible, the nationality of e.g. Afghanistan, Iran, or Pakistan, should be administratively assisted by the Government of India to make that choice.

In particular, he/she should be individually, confidentially, and without fear or favour assured and informed of his/her new rights and responsibilities. For example, a resident of Kashmir Valley who chooses to become a Pakistani citizen, such as Mr Geelani, would now enjoy the same rights and responsibilities in the Indian Republic that Mr Tully enjoys, and at the same time no longer require a visa to visit Pakistan just as Mr Tully needs no visa to enter Britain. In case individual participants in the Hurriyat choose to renounce Indian nationality and adopt some other, they would no longer be able to legally participate in Indian national elections or J&K’s State elections. That is something which they say they do not wish to do in any case. Those members of the Hurriyat who chose e.g. Pakistani nationality while still residing in Jammu & Kashmir, would be free to send postal ballots or cross the border and vote in Pakistan’s elections if and when these occur. There are many Canadians who live permanently in the USA who cross home to Canada in order to cast a ballot.

After the period of 30 months, every person presently under Article 370 of the Indian Constitution would have received a full and fair opportunity to privately and confidentially reveal his/her preference or choice under conditions of full information. “Partition”, “Plebiscite”, and “Military Decision” have been the three alternatives under discussion ever since the National Conference of Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah and his then-loyal Deputy, Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad, helped the Indian Army and Air Force in 1947-1948 fight off the savage attack against Jammu & Kashmir State that had commenced from Pakistan on October 22 1947. When, during the Pakistani attack, the Sheikh and Bakshi agreed to the Muslim Conference’s demand for a plebiscite among the people, the Pakistanis balked — the Sheikh and Bakshi then withdrew their offer and decisively and irrevocably chose to accede to the Indian Union. The people of Jammu & Kashmir, like any other, are now bound by the sovereign political commitments made by their forebears. Even so, given the painful mortal facts of the several decades since, the solution here proposed if properly implemented would be an incomparably more thorough democratic exercise than any conceivable plebiscite could ever have been.

Furthermore, regardless of the outcome, it would not entail any further “Partition” or population “transfer” which inevitably would degenerate into a savage balkanization, and has been ruled out as an unacceptable “deal-breaker” by the Indian Republic. Instead, every individual person would have been required, in a private and confidential decision-making process, to have chosen a nationality or to remain stateless — resulting in a multitude of cosmopolitan families in Jammu & Kashmir. But that is something commonplace in the modern world. Properly understood and properly implemented, we shall have resolved the great mortal problem we have faced for more than half a century, and Jammu & Kashmir can finally settle into a period of peace and prosperity. The boundary between India and Pakistan would have been settled by the third alternative mentioned at the time, namely, “Military Decision”.

III. Of Flags and Consulates in Srinagar and Gilgit
Pakistan has demanded its flag fly in Srinagar. This too can happen though not in the way Pakistan has been wishing to see it happen. A Pakistan flag might fly in the Valley just as might an Afghan and Iranian flag as well. Pakistan has wished its flag to fly as the sovereign over Jammu & Kashmir. That is not possible. The best and most just outcome is for the Pakistani flag to fly over a recognised Pakistani consular or visa office in Srinagar, Jammu and Leh. In diplomatic exchange, the Indian tricolour would have to fly over a recognised Indian consular or visa office in Muzaffarabad, Gilgit and Skardu.

Pakistan also may have to act equivalently with respect to the original inhabitants of the territory of Jammu & Kashmir that it has been controlling — allowing those people to become Indian nationals if they so chose to do in free private decisions under conditions of full information. In other words, the “Military Decision” that defines the present boundary between sovereign states must be recognised by Pakistan sincerely and permanently in a Treaty relationship with India — and all of Pakistan’s official and unofficial protégés like the Hurriyat and the “United Jehad Council” would have to do the same. Without such a sovereign commitment from the Government of Pakistan, as shown by decisive actions of lack of aggressive intent (e.g. as came to be implemented between the USA and USSR), the Government of India has no need to involve the Government of Pakistan in implementing the solution of enhancing free individual choice of nationality with regard to all persons on our side of the boundary.

The “Military Decision” regarding the sovereign boundary in Jammu & Kashmir will be so recognised by all only if it is the universally just outcome in international law. And that in fact is what it is.

The original Jammu & Kashmir State began its existence as an entity in international law long before the present Republics of India and Pakistan ever did. Pakistan commences as an entity on August 14 1947; India commences as an entity of international law with its signing of the Treaty of Versailles on June 20 1918. Jammu & Kashmir began as an entity on March 16 1846 — when the Treaty of Amritsar was signed between Gulab Singh Dogra and the British, one week after the Treaty of Lahore between the British and the defeated Sikh regency of the child Daleep Singh.

Liaquat Ali Khan and Zafrullah Khan both formally challenged on Pakistan’s behalf the legitimacy of Dogra rule in Jammu & Kashmir since the Treaty of Amritsar. The Pakistani Mission to the UN does so even today. The Pakistanis were following Sheikh Abdullah and Jawaharlal Nehru himself, who too had at one point challenged Dogra legitimacy in the past. But though the form of words of the Pakistan Government and the Nehru-Abdullah position were similar in their attacks on the Treaty of Amritsar, their underlying substantive reasons were as different as chalk from cheese. The Pakistanis attacked the Dogra dynasty for being Dogra — i.e. because they were Hindus and not Muslims governing a Muslim majority. Nehru and Abdullah denounced monarchic autocracy in favour of mass democracy, and so attacked the Dogra dynasty for being a dynasty. All were wrong to think the Treaty of Amritsar anything but a lawful treaty in international law.

Furthermore, in this sombre political game of great mortal consequence, there were also two other parties who were, or appeared to be, in favour of the dynasty: one because the dynasty was non-Muslim, the other, despite it being so. Non-Muslim minorities like many Hindus and Sikhs in the business and governmental classes, saw the Dogra dynasty as their protector against a feared communalist tyranny arising from the Sunni Muslim masses of Srinagar Valley, whom Abdullah’s rhetoric at Friday prayer-meetings had been inciting or at least awakening from slumber. At the same time, the communalists of the Muslim Conference who had broken away from Abdullah’s secular National Conference, sought political advantage over Abdullah by declaring themselves in favour of keeping the dynasty — even elevating it to become an international sovereign, thus flattering the already pretentious potentate that he would be called “His Majesty” instead of merely “His Highness”. The ancestry of today’s Hurriyat’s demands for an independent Jammu & Kashmir may be traced precisely to those May 21-22 1947 declarations of the Muslim Conference leader, Hamidullah Khan.

Into this game stumbled the British with all the mix of cunning, indifference, good will, impatience, arrogance and pomposity that marked their rule in India. At the behest of the so-called “Native Princes”, the 1929 Butler Commission had hinted that the relationship of “Indian India” to the British sovereign was conceptually different from that of “British India” to the British sovereign. This view was adopted in the Cabinet Mission’s 12 May 1946 Memorandum which in turn came to be applied by Attlee and Mountbatten in their unseemly rush to “Divide and Quit” India in the summer of 1947.

It created the pure legal illusion that there was such a thing as “Lapse of Paramountcy” at which Jammu & Kashmir or any other “Native State” of “Indian India” could conceivably, even for a moment, become a sovereign enjoying the comity of nations — contradicting Britain’s own position that only two Dominions, India and Pakistan, could ever be members of the British Commonwealth and hence members of the newly created UN. British pusillanimity towards Jammu & Kashmir’s Ruler had even extended to making him a nominal member of Churchill’s War Cabinet because he had sent troops to fight in Burma. But the legal illusion had come about because of a catastrophic misunderstanding on the part of the British of their own constitutional law.

The only legal scholar who saw this was B R Ambedkar in a lonely and brilliant technical analysis released to the press on June 17 1947. No “Lapse of Paramountcy” over the “Native Princes” of Indian India could occur in constitutional law. Paramountcy over Indian India would be automatically inherited by the successor state of British India at the Transfer of Power. That successor state was the new British Dominion of India as well as (when it came to be finalised by Partition from India) the new British Dominion of Pakistan (Postscript: the deleted words represent a mistake made in the original paper, corrected in “Law, Justice & J&K” in view of the fact the UN in 1947 deemed India alone the successor state of British India and Pakistan a new state in the world system). A former “Native Prince” could only choose to which Dominion he would go. No other alternative existed even for a single logical moment. Because the British had catastrophically failed to comprehend this aspect of their own constitutional law, they created a legal vacuum whereby between August 15 and October 22-26 1947, Jammu & Kashmir became a local and temporary sovereign recognised only by the Dominion of Pakistan (until October 22) and the Dominion of India (until October 26). But it was not a globally recognised sovereign and was never going to be such in international law. This was further proved by Attlee refusing to answer the J&K Prime Minister’s October 18 1947 telegram.

All ambiguity came to end with the Pakistani attack of October 22 1947, the Rape of Baramulla, the secession of an “Azad Kashmir”declared by Sardar Ibrahim, and the Pakistani coup détat in Gilgit on October 31 1947 followed by the massacre of Sikh soldiers of the J&K Army at Bunji. With those Pakistani actions, Gulab Singh’s Jammu & Kashmir State, founded on March 16 1846 by the Treaty of Amritsar, ceased to logically exist as an entity in international law and fell into a state of ownerless anarchy. The conflict between Ibrahim’s Muslim communalists backed by the new Dominion of Pakistan and Abdullah’s secularists backed by the new Dominion of India had become a civil war within a larger intra-Commonwealth war that itself was almost a civil war between forces of the same military.

Jammu & Kashmir territory had become ownerless. The Roman Law which is at the root of all municipal and international law in the world today would declare that in the ownership of such an ownerless entity, a “Military Decision” was indeed the just outcome. Sovereignty over the land, waters, forests and other actual and potential resources of the erstwhile State of Jammu & Kashmir has become divided by “Military Decision” between the modern Republics of India and Pakistan. By the proposal made herein, the people and their descendants shall have chosen their nationality and their domicile freely across the sovereign boundary that has come to result.

TWO
LAW, JUSTICE AND J&K by Subroto Roy First published in two parts in The Sunday Statesman, July 2 2006 and The Statesman July 3 2006 http://www.thestatesman.net Editorial Page Special Article

I.
For a solution to J&K to be universally acceptable it must be seen by all as being lawful and just. Political opinion in Pakistan and India as well as all people and parties in J&K ~ those loyal to India, those loyal to Pakistan, and any others ~ will have to agree that, all things considered, such is the right course of action for everyone today in the 21st Century, which means too that the solution must be consistent with the facts of history as well as account reasonably for all moral considerations.

On August 14, 1947, the legal entity known as “British India”, as one of its final acts, and based on a sovereign British decision made only two months earlier, created out of some of its territory a new State defined in international law as the “Dominion of Pakistan”. British India extinguished itself the very next day, and the newly independent “Dominion of India” succeeded to all its rights and obligations in international law. As the legal successor of the “India” which had signed the Treaty of Versailles in 1919 and the San Francisco Declaration of 1945, the Dominion of India was already a member of the new UN as well as a signatory to many international treaties. By contrast, the Dominion of Pakistan had to apply afresh to sign treaties and become a member of international organisations. The theory put forward by Argentina that two new States, India and Pakistan, had been created ab initio, came to be rejected and was withdrawn by Argentina. Instead, Pakistan with the wholehearted backing of India was made a member of the UN, with all except Afghanistan voting in favour. (Afghanistan’s exceptional vote signalled presence of conflict over the Durand Line and idea of a Pashtunistan; Dr Khan Sahib and Abdul Ghaffar Khan were imprisoned by the Muslim League regime of NWFP which later supported the tribesmen who attacked J&K starting October 22, 1947; that conflict remains unresolved to this day, even after the American attack on the Taliban, the restart of a constitutional process in Afghanistan, and the purported mediation of US Secretary of State Condoleeza Rice.)

Zafrullah Khan, Pakistan’s distinguished first ambassador to the UN, claimed in September 1947: “Pakistan is not a new member of UNO but a successor to a member State which was one of the founders of the Organisation.” He noted that he himself had led India to the final session of the League of Nations in Geneva in 1939, and he wished to say that Pakistan had been present “as part of India… under the latter name” as a signatory to the Treaty of Versailles. This was, however, logically impossible. The Treaty of Versailles long predated (1) Mohammad Iqbal’s Allahabad Address which conceptualised for the first time in the 20th Century a Muslim State in Northwest India; (2) Rahmat Ali’s invention of the word “PAKSTAN” on the top floor of a London omnibus; (3) M. A. Jinnah and Fazlul Haq’s Lahore Resolution; and (4) the final British decision of June 3, 1947 to create by Partition out of “British India” a Dominion named Pakistan. Pakistan could not have acted in international law prior to having come into being or been created or even conceived itself. Zafrullah Khan would have been more accurate to say that the history of Pakistanis until August 14, 1947 had been one in common with that of their Indian cousins ~ or indeed their Indian brothers, since innumerable North Indian Muslim families came to be literally partitioned, with some brothers remaining Indians while other brothers became Pakistanis.

Pakistan was created at the behest of Jinnah’s Muslim League though with eventual agreement of the Indian National Congress (a distant ancestor of the political party going by the same name today). Pakistan arose not because Jinnah said Hindus and Muslims were “two nations” but because he and his League wished for a State where Muslims would find themselves ruled by fellow-Muslims and feel themselves part of a pan-Islamic culture. Yet Pakistan was intended to be a secular polity with Muslim-majority governance, not an Islamic theocracy. That Pakistan failed to become secular was exemplified most poignantly in the persecution Zafrullah himself later faced in his personal life as an Ahmadiya, even while he was Pakistan’s Foreign Minister. (The same happened later to Pakistan’s Nobel-winning physicist Abdus Salaam.) Pakistan was supposed to allow the genius of Indo-Muslim culture to flourish, transplanted from places like Lucknow and Aligarh which would never be part of it. In fact, the areas that are Pakistan today had in the 1937 provincial elections shown scant popular Muslim support for Jinnah’s League. The NWFP had a Congress Government in the 1946 elections, and its supporters boycotted the pro-Pakistan referendum in 1947. The imposition of Urdu culture as Pakistan’s dominant ethos might have come to be accepted later in West Punjab, Sindh and NWFP but it was not acceptable in East Bengal, and led inevitably to the Pakistani civil war and creation of Bangladesh by Sheikh Mujib in 1971.

In August 1947, the new Dominions of India and Pakistan were each supposed to protect their respective minority populations as their first political duty. Yet both palpably failed in this, and were reduced to making joint declarations pleading for peace and an end to communal killings and the abduction of women. The Karachi Government, lacking the wherewithal and administrative machinery of being a nation-state at all, and with only Liaquat and an ailing Jinnah as noted leaders, may have failed more conspicuously, and West Punjab, the Frontier and Sindh were soon emptied of almost all their many Sikhs and Hindus. Instead, the first act of the new Pakistan Government in the weeks after August 14, 1947 was to arrange for the speedy and safe transfer of the North Indian Muslim elite by air from Delhi using chartered British aeroplanes. The ordinary Muslim masses of UP, Delhi and East Punjab were left in danger from or were subjected to Sikh and Hindu mob attacks, especially as news and rumours spread of similar outrages against Pakistan’s departing minorities.

In this spiral of revenge attacks and counter-attacks, bloodshed inevitably spilled over from West and East Punjab into the northern Punjabi plains of Jammu, though Kashmir Valley remained conspicuously peaceful. Zafrullah and Liaquat would later claim it was this communal civil war which had caused thousands of newly decommissioned Mirpuri soldiers of the British Army, and thousands of Afridi and other Frontier tribesmen, to spontaneously act to “liberate” J&K’s Muslims from alleged tyranny under the Hindu Ruler or an allegedly illegal Indian occupation.

But the main attack on J&K State that began from Pakistan along the Manshera-Muzaffarabad road on October 22, 1947 was admittedly far too well-organised, well-armed, well-planned and well-executed to have been merely a spontaneous uprising of tribesmen and former soldiers. In all but name, it was an act of undeclared war of the new Dominion of Pakistan first upon the State of J&K and then upon the Indian Dominion. This became obvious to Field Marshall Auchinlek, who, as Supreme Commander of the armed forces of both India and Pakistan, promptly resigned and abolished the Supreme Command in face of the fact that two parts of his own forces were now at war with one another.

The invaders failed to take Srinagar solely because they lost their military purpose while indulging in the Rape of Baramula. Thousands of Kashmiri women of all communities ~ Muslim, Sikh and Hindu ~ were violated and transported back to be sold in markets in Peshawar and elsewhere. Such was standard practice in Central Asian tribal wars from long before the advent of Islam, and the invading tribesmen shared that culture. India’s Army and Air Force along with the militias of the secular democratic movement led by Sheikh Abdullah and those remaining loyal units of J&K forces, fought off the invasion, and liberated Baramula, Naushera, Uri, Poonch etc. Gilgit had a British-led coup détat against it bringing it under Pakistan’s control. Kargil was initially taken by the Pakistanis and then lost by them. Leh could have been but was not taken by Pakistani forces. But in seeking to protect Leh and to retake Kargil, the Indian Army lost the siege of Skardu ~ which ended reputedly with the infamous communication from the Pakistani commander to his HQ: “All Sikhs killed; all women raped.”

Legal theory
Now, in this grave mortal conflict, the legal theory to which both the Indian and Pakistani Governments have been wedded for sixty years is one that had been endorsed by the British Cabinet Mission in 1946 and originated with the Butler Commission of 1929. Namely, that “Lapse of Paramountcy” over the “Indian India” of the “Native States” could and did occur with the extinction of British India on August 15, 1947. By this theory, Hyderabad, J&K, Junagadh and the several other States which had not acceded to either Dominion were no longer subject to the Crown’s suzerainty as of that date. Both Dominions drew up “Instruments of Accession” for Rulers to sign upon the supposed “Lapse” of Paramountcy that was to occur with the end of British India.

Ever since, the Pakistan Government has argued that Junagadh’s Ruler acceded to Pakistan and Hyderabad’s had wished to do so but both were forcibly prevented by India. Pakistan has also argued the accession to India by J&K’s Ruler was “fraudulent” and unacceptable, and Sheikh Abdullah was a “Quisling” of India and it was not his National Conference but the Muslim Conference of Ibrahim, Abbas and the Mirwaiz (precursor of the Hurriyat) which represented J&K’s Muslims.

India argued that Junagadh’s accession to Pakistan or Hyderabad’s independence were legal and practical impossibilities contradicting the wills of their peoples, and that their integration into the Indian Dominion was carried out in an entirely legitimate manner in the circumstances prevailing.

On J&K, India has argued that not only had the Ruler requested Indian forces to fight off the Pakistani attack, and he acceded formally before Indian forces were sent, but also that democratic principles were fully adhered to in the unequivocal endorsement of the accession by Sheikh Abdullah and the National Conference and further by a duly called and elected J&K Constituent Assembly, as well as generations of Kashmiris since. In the Indian view, it is Pakistan which has been in illegal occupation of Indian territory from Mirpur, Muzaffarabad and Gilgit to Skardu all the way to the Khunjerab Pass, Siachen Glacier and K2, some of which it illegally ceded to its Communist Chinese ally, and furthermore that it has denied the peoples of these areas any democratic voice.

Roman law
In June 1947, it was uniquely and brilliantly argued by BR Ambedkar in a statement to the Press that the British had made a catastrophic error in comprehending their own constitutional law, that no such thing as “Lapse” of Paramountcy existed, and that suzerainty over the “Native States” of “Indian India” would be automatically transferred in international law to the successor State of British India. It was a legal illusion to think any Native State could be sovereign even for a single logical moment. On this theory, if the Dominion of India was the sole successor State in international law while Pakistan was a new legal entity, then a Native State which acceded to Pakistan after August 15, 1947 would have had to do so with the consent of the suzerain power, namely, India, as may be said to have happened implicitly in case of Chitral and a few others. Equally, India’s behaviour in integrating (or annexing) Junagadh and Hyderabad, would become fully explicable ~ as would the statements of Mountbatten, Nehru and Patel before October 1947 that they would accept J&K going to Pakistan if that was what the Ruler and his people desired. Pakistan unilaterally and by surprise went to war against J&K on October 22, declared the accession to India “fraudulent”, and to this day has claimed the territory of the original State of J&K is “disputed”. Certainly, even if the Ambedkar doctrine is applied that no “Lapse” was possible under British law, Pakistan did not recognise India’s jurisdiction there as the suzerain power as of August 15, 1947. Altogether, Pakistan’s sovereign actions from October 22 onwards amounted to acting to annex J&K to itself by military force ~ acts which came to be militarily resisted (with partial success) by India allied with Sheikh Abdullah’s National Conference and the remaining forces of J&K. By these military actions, Pakistan revealed that it considered J&K territory to have descended into a legal state of anarchy as of October 22, 1947, and hence open to resolution by “Military Decision” ~ as is indeed the just outcome under Roman Law, the root of all municipal and international law today, when there is a contest between claimants over an ownerless entity.

Choice of nationality
Hence, the present author concluded (“Solving Kashmir”, The Statesman December 1-3, 2005) that the dismemberment of the original J&K State and annexation of its territories by India and Pakistan that has occurred since 1947, as represented first by the 1949 Ceasefire Line and then by the 1972 Line of Control, is indeed the just and lawful outcome prevailing in respect of the question of territorial sovereignty and jurisdiction. The remaining “democratic” question described has to do with free individual choice of nationality by the inhabitants, under conditions of full information and privacy, citizen-by-citizen, with the grant of permanent residency rights by the Indian Republic to persons under its jurisdiction in J&K who may choose not to remain Indian nationals but become Afghan, Iranian or Pakistani nationals instead. Pakistan has said frequently its sole concern has been the freedom of the Muslims of J&K under Indian rule, and any such genuine concern shall have been thereby fully met by India. Indeed, if Pakistan agreed to act similarly, this entire complex mortal problem of decades shall have begun to be peacefully resolved. Both countries are wracked by corruption, poverty and bad governance, and would be able to mutually draw down military forces pit against one another everywhere, so as to begin to repair the grave damage to their fiscal health caused by the deleterious draining away of vast public resources.

THREE
HISTORY OF JAMMU & KASHMIR by Subroto Roy First published in two parts in The Sunday Statesman, Oct 29 2006 and The Statesman Oct 30 2006, Editorial Page Special Article, http://www.thestatesman.net

At the advent of Islam in distant Arabia, India and Kashmir in particular were being visited by Chinese Buddhist pilgrims during Harsha’s reign. The great “Master of Law” Hiuen Tsiang visited between 629-645 and spent 631-633 in Kashmir (”Kia-chi-mi-lo”), describing it to include Punjab, Kabul and Kandahar. Over the next dozen centuries, Buddhist, Hindu, Muslim, Sikh and again Hindu monarchs came to rule the 85 mile long 40 mile wide territory on the River Jhelum’s upper course known as Srinagar Valley, as well as its adjoining Jammu in the upper plains of the Punjab and “Little Tibet” consisting of Laddakh, Baltistan and Gilgit.

In 1344, a Persian adventurer from Swat or Khorasan by name of Amir or Mirza, who had “found his way into the Valley and in time gained great influence at the Raja’s court”, proclaimed himself Sultan Shamsuddin after the death of the last Hindu monarchs of medieval Kashmir. Twelve of his descendants formed the Shamiri dynasty including the notorious Sikander and the just and tolerant Zainulabidin. Sikander who ruled 1386-1410 “submitted himself” to the Uzbek Taimur the Lame when he approached Kashmir in 1398 “and thus saved the country from invasion”. Otherwise, “Sikander was a gloomy ferocious bigot, and his zeal in destroying temples and idols was so intense that he is remembered as the Idol-Breaker. He freely used the sword to propagate Islam and succeeded in forcing the bulk of the population to conform outwardly to the Muslim religion. Most of the Brahmins refused to apostatise, and many of them paid with their lives the penalty for their steadfastness. Many others were exiled, and only a few conformed.”

Zainulabidin who ruled 1417-1467 “was a man of very different type”. “He adopted the policy of universal toleration, recalled the exiled Brahmins, repealed the jizya or poll-tax on Hindus, and even permitted new temples to be built. He abstained from eating flesh, prohibited the slaughter of kine, and was justly venerated as a saint. He encouraged literature, painting and music, and caused many translations to be made of works composed in Sanskrit, Arabic and other languages.” During his “long and prosperous reign”, he “constructed canals and built many mosques; he was just and tolerant”.

The Shamiri dynasty ended in 1541 when “some fugitive chiefs of the two local factions of the Makri and the Chakk invited Mirza Haidar Dughlat, a relation of Babar, to invade Kashmir. The country was conquered and the Mirza held it (nominally in name of Humayan) till 1551, when he was killed in a skirmish. The line… was restored for a few years, until in 1559 a Chakk leader, Ghazi Shah, usurped the throne; and in the possession of his descendants it remained for nearly thirty years.” This dynasty marks the origins of Shia Islam in Srinagar though Shia influence in Gilgit, Baltistan and Laddakh was of longer standing. Constant dissensions weakened the Chakks, and in 1586, Akbar, then at Attock on the Indus, sent an army under Raja Bhagwan Das into Srinagar Valley and easily made it part of his Empire.

Shivaism and Islam both flourished, and Hindu ascetics and Sufi saints were revered by all. Far from Muslims and Hindus forming distinct nations, here they were genetically related kinsmen living in proximity in a small isolated area for centuries. Indeed Zainulabidin may have had a vast unspoken influence on the history of all India insofar as Akbar sought to attempt in his empire what Zainulabidin achieved in the Valley. Like Zainulabidin, Akbar’s governance of India had as its “constant aim” “to conciliate the Hindus and to repress Muslim bigotry” which in modern political parlance may be seen as the principle of secular governance ~ of conciliating the powerless (whether majority or minority) and repressing the bigotry of the powerful (whether minority or majority). Akbar had made the Valley the summer residence of the Mughals, and it was Jahangir, seeing the Valley for the first time, who apparently said the words agar behest baushad, hamee in hast, hamee in hast, hamee in hast: “if Heaven exists, it is here, it is here, it is here”. Yet like other isolated paradises (such as the idyllic islands of the Pacific Ocean) an accursed mental ether can accompany the magnificent beauty of people’s surroundings. As the historian put it: “The Kashmiris remained secure in their inaccessible Valley; but they were given up to internal weakness and discord, their political importance was gone…”

After the Mughals collapsed, Iran’s Turkish ruler Nadir Shah sacked Delhi in 1739 but the Iranian court fell in disarray upon his death. In 1747 a jirga of Pashtun tribes at Kandahar “broke normal tradition” and asked an old Punjabi holy man and shrine-keeper to choose between two leaders; this man placed young wheat in the hand of the 25 year old Ahmed Shah Saddozai of the Abdali tribe, and titled him “Durrani”. Five years later, Durrani took Kashmir and for the next 67 years the Valley was under Pashtun rule, a time of “unmitigated brutality and widespread distress”. Durrani himself “was wise, prudent and simple”, never declared himself king and wore no crown, instead keeping a stick of young wheat in his turban. Leaving India, he famously recited: “The Delhi throne is beautiful indeed, but does it compare with the mountains of Kandahar?”

Kashmir’s modern history begins with Ranjit Singh of the Sikhs who became a soldier at 12, and in 1799 at age 19 was made Lahore’s Governor by Kabul’s Zaman Shah. Three years later “he made himself master of Amritsar”, and in 1806 crossed the River Sutlej and took Ludhiana. He created a fine Sikh infantry and cavalry under former officers of Napoleon, and with 80,000 trained men and 500 guns took Multan and Peshawar, defeated the Pashtuns and overran Kashmir in 1819. The “cruel rule” of the Pashtuns ended “to the great relief of Kashmir’s inhabitants”.

The British Governor-General Minto (ancestor of the later Viceroy), seeing advantage in the Sikhs staying north of the Sutlej, sent Charles Metcalfe, “a clever young civilian”, to persuade the Khalsa; in 1809, Ranjit Singh and the British in the first Treaty of Amritsar agreed to establish “perpetual amity”: the British would “have no concern” north of the Sutlej and Ranjit Singh would keep only minor personnel south of it. In 1834 and 1838 Ranjit Singh was struck by paralysis and died in 1839, leaving no competent heir. The Sikh polity collapsed, “their power exploded, disappearing in fierce but fast flames”. It was “a period of storm and anarchy in which assassination was the rule” and the legitimate line of his son and grandson, Kharak Singh and Nao Nihal Singh was quickly extinguished. In 1845 the Queen Regent, mother of the five-year old Dalip Singh, agreed to the Khalsa ending the 1809 Treaty. After bitter battles that might have gone either way, the Khalsa lost at Sobraon on 10 February 1846, and accepted terms of surrender in the 9 March 1846 Treaty of Lahore. The kingdom had not long survived its founder: “created by the military and administrative genius of one man, it crumbled into powder when the spirit which gave it life was withdrawn; and the inheritance of the Khalsa passed into the hands of the English.”

Ranjit Singh’s influence on modern J&K was even greater through his having mentored the Rajput Gulab Singh Dogra (1792-1857) and his brothers Dhyan Singh and Suchet Singh. Jammu had been ruled by Ranjit Deo until 1780 when the Sikhs made it tributary to the Lahore Court. Gulab Singh, a great grand nephew of Ranjit Deo, had left home at age 17 in search of a soldierly fortune, and ended up in 1809 in Ranjit Singh’s army, just when Ranjit Singh had acquired for himself a free hand to expand his domains north of the River Sutlej.

Gulab Singh, an intrepid soldier, by 1820 had Jammu conferred upon him by Ranjit Singh with the title of Raja, while Bhimber, Chibal, Poonch and Ramnagar went to his brothers. Gulab Singh, “often unscrupulous and cruel, was a man of considerable ability and efficiency”; he “found his small kingdom a troublesome charge but after ten years of constant struggles he and his two brothers became masters of most of the country between Kashmir and the Punjab”, though Srinagar Valley itself remained under a separate Governor appointed by the Lahore Court. Gulab Singh extended Jammu’s rule from Rawalpindi, Bhimber, Rajouri, Bhadarwah and Kishtwar, across Laddakh and into Tibet. His General Zorawar Singh led six expeditions into Laddakh between 1834 and 1841 through Kishtwar, Padar and Zanskar. In May 1841, Zorawar left Leh with an army of 5000 Dogras and Laddakhis and advanced on Tibet. Defeating the Tibetans at Rudok and Tashigong, he reached Minsar near Lake Mansarovar from where he advanced to Taklakot (Purang), 15 miles from the borders of Nepal and Kumaon, and built a fort stopping for the winter. Lhasa sent large re-inforcements to meet him. Zorawar, deciding to take the offensive, was killed in the Battle of Toyu, on 11-12 December 1841 at 16,000 feet.

A Laddakhi rebellion resulted against Jammu, aided now by the advancing Tibetans. A new army was sent under Hari Chand suppressing the rebellion and throwing back the Tibetans, leading to a peace treaty between Lhasa and Jammu signed on 17 September 1842: “We have agreed that we have no ill-feelings because of the past war. The two kings will henceforth remain friends forever. The relationship between Maharajah Gulab Singh of Kashmir and the Lama Guru of Lhasa (Dalai Lama) is now established. The Maharajah Sahib, with God (Kunchok) as his witness, promises to recognise ancient boundaries, which should be looked after by each side without resorting to warfare. When the descendants of the early kings, who fled from Laddakh to Tibet, now return they will not be stopped by Shri Maharajah. Trade between Laddakh and Tibet will continue as usual. Tibetan government traders coming into Laddakh will receive free transport and accommodations as before, and the Laddakhi envoy will, in turn, receive the same facilities in Lhasa. The Laddakhis take an oath before God (Kunchok) that they will not intrigue or create new troubles in Tibetan territory. We have agreed, with God as witness, that Shri Maharajah Sahib and the Lama Guru of Lhasa will live together as members of the same household.” The traditional boundary between Laddakh and Tibet “as recognised by both sides since olden times” was accepted by the envoys of Gulab Singh and the Dalai Lama.

An earlier 1684 treaty between Laddakh and Lhasa had said that while Laddakh would send tribute to Lhasa every three years, “the king of Laddakh reserves to himself the village of Minsar in Ngarees-khor-sum, that he may be independent there; and he sets aside its revenue for the purpose of meeting the expense involved in keeping up the sacrificial lights at Kangree (Kailas), and the Holy Lakes of Mansarovar and Rakas Tal”. The area around Minsar village near Lake Mansarovar, held by the rulers of Laddakh since 1583, was retained by Jammu in the 1842 peace-treaty, and its revenue was received by J&K State until 1948.

After Ranjit Singh’s death in 1839, Gulab Singh was alienated from the Lahore Court where the rise of his brothers and a nephew aroused enough Khalsa jealousy to see them assassinated in palace intrigues. While the Sikhs imploded, Gulab Singh had expanded his own dominion from Rawalpindi to Minsar ~ everywhere except Srinagar Valley itself. He had apparently advised the Sikhs not to attack the British in breach of the 1809 Treaty, and when they did so he had not joined them, though had he done so British power in North India might have been broken. The British were grateful for his neutrality and also his help in their first misbegotten adventure in Afghanistan. It was Gulab Singh who was now encouraged by both the British and the Sikhs to mediate between them, indeed “to take a leading part in arranging conditions of peace”, and he formally represented the Sikh regency in the negotiations. The 9 March 1846 Treaty of Lahore “set forth that the British Government having demanded in addition to a certain assignment of territory, a payment of a crore and a half of rupees, and the Sikh Government being unable to pay the whole”, Dalip Singh “should cede as equivalent to one crore the hill country belonging to the Punjab between the Beas and the Indus including Kashmir and the Hazara”.

For the British to occupy the whole of this mountainous territory was judged unwise on economic and military grounds; it was not feasible to occupy from a military standpoint and the area “with the exception of the small Valley of Kashmir” was “for the most part unproductive”. “On the other hand, the ceded tracts comprised the whole of the hereditary possessions of Gulab Singh, who, being eager to obtain an indefeasible title to them, came forward and offered to pay the war indemnity on condition that he was made the independent ruler of Jammu & Kashmir.

A separate treaty embodying this arrangement was thus concluded between the British and Gulab Singh at Amritsar on 16 March 1846.” Gulab Singh acknowledged the British Government’s supremacy, and in token of it agreed to present annually to the British Government “one horse, twelve shawl goats of approved breed and three pairs of Kashmir shawls. This arrangement was later altered; the annual presentation made by the Kashmir State was confined to two Kashmir shawls and three romals (handkerchiefs).” The Treaty of Amritsar “put Gulab Singh, as Maharaja, in possession of all the hill country between the Indus and the Ravi, including Kashmir, Jammu, Laddakh and Gilgit; but excluding Lahoul, Kulu and some areas including Chamba which for strategic purposes, it was considered advisable (by the British) to retain and for which a remission of Rs 25 lakhs was made from the crore demanded, leaving Rs 75 lakhs as the final amount to be paid by Gulab Singh.” The British retained Hazara which in 1918 was included into NWFP. Through an intrigue emanating from Prime Minister Lal Singh in Lahore, Imamuddin, the last Sikh-appointed Governor of Kashmir, sought to prevent Gulab Singh taking possession of the Valley in accordance with the Treaty’s terms. By December 1846 Gulab Singh had done so, though only with help of a British force which included 17,000 Sikh troops “who had been fighting in the campaign just concluded”. (Contemporary British opinion even predicted Sikhism like Buddhism “would become extinct in a short time if it were not kept alive by the esprit de corps of the Sikh regiments”.)

The British in 1846 may have been glad enough to allow Gulab Singh take independent charge of the new entity that came to be now known as the “State of Jammu & Kashmir”. Later, however. they and their American allies would grow keen to control or influence the region vis-à-vis their new interests against the Russian and Soviet Empires.

FOUR
PAKISTAN’S ALLIES by Subroto Roy First published in two parts in The Sunday Statesman, June 4 2006, The Statesman June 5 2006, Editorial Page Special Article, http://www.thestatesman.net

From the 1846 Treaty of Amritsar creating the State of Jammu & Kashmir until the collapse of the USSR in 1991, Britain and later the USA became increasingly interested in the subcontinent’s Northwest. The British came to India by sea to trade. Barren, splendid, landlocked Afghanistan held no interest except as a home of fierce tribes; but it was the source of invasions into the Indian plains and prompted a British misadventure to install Shah Shuja in place of Dost Mohammad Khan leading to ignominious defeat. Later, Afghanistan was seen as the underbelly of the Russian and Soviet empires, and hence a location of interest to British and American strategic causes.

In November 1954, US President Dwight Eisenhower authorized 30 U-2 spy aircraft to be produced for deployment against America’s perceived enemies, especially to investigate Soviet nuclear missiles which could reach the USA. Reconnaissance balloons had been unsuccessful, and numerous Western pilots had been shot down taking photographs from ordinary military aircraft. By June 1956, U-2 were making clandestine flights over the USSR and China. But on May 1 1960, one was shot or forced down over Sverdlovsk, 1,000 miles within Soviet territory. The Americans prevaricated that it had taken off from Turkey on a weather-mission, and been lost due to oxygen problems. Nikita Kruschev then produced the pilot, Francis Gary Powers, who was convicted of spying, though was exchanged later for a Soviet spy. Powers had been headed towards Norway, his task to photograph Soviet missiles from 70,000 ft, his point of origin had been an American base 20 miles from Peshawar.

America needed clandestine “forward bases” from which to fly U-2 aircraft, and Pakistan’s ingratiating military and diplomatic establishment was more than willing to offer such cooperation, fervently wishing to be seen as a “frontline state” against the USSR. “We will help you defeat the USSR and we are hopeful you will help us defeat India” became their constant refrain. By 1986, the Americans had been permitted to build air-bases in Balochistan and also use Mauripur air-base near Karachi.

Jammu & Kashmir and especially Gilgit-Baltistan adjoins the Pashtun regions whose capital has been Peshawar. In August-November 1947, a British coup d’etat against J&K State secured Gilgit-Baltistan for the new British Dominion of Pakistan.

The Treaty of Amritsar had nowhere required Gulab Singh’s dynasty to accept British political control in J&K as came to be exercised by British “Residents” in all other Indian “Native States”. Despite this, Delhi throughout the late 19th Century relentlessly pressed Gulab Singh’s successors Ranbir Singh and Partab Singh to accept political control. The Dogras acquiesced eventually. Delhi’s desire for control had less to do with the welfare of J&K’s people than with protection of increasing British interests in the area, like European migration to Srinagar Valley and guarding against Russian or German moves in Afghanistan. “Sargin” or “Sargin Gilit”, later corrupted by the Sikhs and Dogras into “Gilgit”, had an ancient people who spoke an archaic Dardic language “intermediate between the Iranian and the Sanskritic”. “The Dards were located by Ptolemy with surprising accuracy on the West of the Upper Indus, beyond the headwaters of the Swat River (Greek: Soastus) and north of the Gandarae (i.e. Kandahar), who occupied Peshawar and the country north of it. This region was traversed by two Chinese pilgrims, Fa-Hsien, coming from the north about AD 400 and Hsuan Tsiang, ascending from Swat in AD 629, and both left records of their journeys.”

Gilgit had been historically ruled by a Hindu dynasty called Trakane; when they became extinct, Gilgit Valley “was desolated by successive invasions of neighbouring rulers, and in the 20 or 30 years ending with 1842 there had been five dynastic revolutions. The Sikhs entered Gilgit about 1842 and kept a garrison there.” When J&K came under Gulab Singh, “the Gilgit claims were transferred with it, and a boundary commission was sent” by the British. In 1852 the Dogras were driven out with 2,000 dead. In 1860 under Ranbir Singh, the Dogras “returned to Gilgit and took Yasin twice, but did not hold it. They also in 1866 invaded Darel, one of the most secluded Dard states, to the south of the Gilgit basin but withdrew again.”

The British appointed a Political Agent in Gilgit in 1877 but he was withdrawn in 1881. “In 1889, in order to guard against the advance of Russia, the British Government, acting as the suzerain power of Kashmir, established the Gilgit Agency”. The Agency was re-established under control of the British Resident in Jammu & Kashmir. “It comprised the Gilgit Wazarat; the State of Hunza and Nagar; the Punial Jagir; the Governorships of Yasin, Kuh-Ghizr and Ishkoman, and Chilas”. In 1935, the British demanded J&K lease to them for 60 years Gilgit town plus most of the Gilgit Agency and the hill-states Hunza, Nagar, Yasin and Ishkuman. Hari Singh had no choice but to acquiesce. The leased region was then treated as part of British India, administered by a Political Agent at Gilgit responsible to Delhi, first through the Resident in J& K and later a British Agent in Peshawar. J& K State no longer kept troops in Gilgit and a mercenary force, the Gilgit Scouts, was recruited with British officers and paid for by Delhi. In April 1947, Delhi decided to formally retrocede the leased areas to Hari Singh’s J& K State as of 15 August 1947. The transfer was to formally take place on 1 August.

On 31 July, Hari Singh’s Governor arrived to find “all the officers of the British Government had opted for service in Pakistan”. The Gilgit Scouts’ commander, a Major William Brown aged 25, and his adjutant, a Captain Mathieson, planned openly to engineer a coup détat against Hari Singh’s Government. Between August and October, Gilgit was in uneasy calm. At midnight on 31 October 1947, the Governor was surrounded by the Scouts and the next day he was “arrested” and a provisional government declared.

Hari Singh’s nearest forces were at Bunji, 34 miles from Gilgit, a few miles downstream from where the Indus is joined by Gilgit River. The 6th J& K Infantry Battalion there was a mixed Sikh-Muslim unit, typical of the State’s Army, commanded by a Lt Col. Majid Khan. Bunji controlled the road to Srinagar. Further upstream was Skardu, capital of Baltistan, part of Laddakh District where there was a small garrison. Following Brown’s coup in Gilgit, Muslim soldiers of the 6th Infantry massacred their Sikh brothers-at-arms at Bunji. The few Sikhs who survived escaped to the hills and from there found their way to the garrison at Skardu.

On 4 November 1947, Brown raised the new Pakistani flag in the Scouts’ lines, and by the third week of November a Political Agent from Pakistan had established himself at Gilgit. Brown had engineered Gilgit and its adjoining states to first secede from J&K, and, after some talk of being independent, had promptly acceded to Pakistan. His commander in Peshawar, a Col. Bacon, as well as Col. Iskander Mirza, Defence Secretary in the new Pakistan and later to lead the first military coup détat and become President of Pakistan, were pleased enough. In July 1948, Brown was awarded an MBE (Military) and the British Governor of the NWFP got him a civilian job with ICI~ which however sent him to Calcutta, where he came to be attacked and left for dead on the streets by Sikhs avenging the Bunji massacre. Brown survived, returned to England, started a riding school, and died in 1984. In March 1994, Pakistan awarded his widow the Sitara-I-Pakistan in recognition of his coup détat.

Gilgit’s ordinary people had not participated in Brown’s coup which carried their fortunes into the new Pakistan, and to this day appear to remain without legislative representation. It was merely assumed that since they were mostly Muslim in number they would wish to be part of Pakistan ~ which also became Liaquat Ali Khan’s assumption about J&K State as a whole in his 1950 statements in North America. What the Gilgit case demonstrates is that J&K State’s descent into a legal condition of ownerless anarchy open to “Military Decision” had begun even before the Pakistani invasion of 22 October 1947 (viz. “Solving Kashmir”, The Statesman, 1-3 December 2005). Also, whatever else the British said or did with respect to J & K, they were closely allied to the new Pakistan on the matter of Gilgit.

The peak of Pakistan’s Anglo-American alliance came with the enormous support in the 1980s to guerrilla forces created and headquartered in Peshawar, to battle the USSR and Afghan communists directly across the Durand Line. It was this guerrilla war which became a proximate cause of the collapse of the USSR as a political entity in 1991. President Ronald Reagan’s CIA chief William J. Casey sent vast sums in 1985-1988 to supply and train these guerrillas. The Washington Post and New Yorker reported the CIA training guerrillas “in the use of mortars, rocket grenades, ground-to-air missiles”. 200 hand-held Stinger missiles were supplied for the first time in 1986 and the New Yorker reported Gulbudin Hikmatyar’s “Hizbe Islami” guerrillas being trained to bring down Soviet aircraft. “Mujahideen had been promised two Stingers for every Soviet aircraft brought down. Operators who failed to aim correctly were given additional training… By 1986, the United States was so deeply involved in the Afghan war that Soviet aircraft were being brought down under the supervision of American experts”. (Raja Anwar, The Tragedy of Afghanistan, 1988, p. 234).

The budding US-China détente brokered by Pakistan came into full bloom here. NBC News on 7 January 1980 said “for the first time in history (a senior State Department official) publicly admitted the possibility of concluding a military alliance between the United States and China”. London’s Daily Telegraph reported on 5 January 1980 “China is flying large supplies of arms and ammunition to the insurgents in Afghanistan. According to diplomatic reports, supplies have arrived in Pakistan from China via the Karakoram Highway…. A major build-up of Chinese involvement is underway ~ in the past few days. Scores of Chinese instructors have arrived at the Shola-e-Javed camps.”

Afghan reports in 1983-1985 said “there were eight training camps near the Afghan border operated by the Chinese in Sinkiang province” and that China had supplied the guerrillas “with a variety of weapons including 40,000 RPG-7 and 20,000 RPG-II anti tank rocket launchers.” Like Pakistan, “China did not publicly admit its involvement in the Afghan conflict: in 1985 the Chinese Mission at the UN distributed a letter denying that China was extending any kind of help to the Afghan rebels” (Anwar, ibid. p. 234). Support extended deep and wide across the Arab world. “The Saudi and Gulf rulers … became the financial patrons of the Afghan rebels from the very start of the conflict”. Anwar Sadat, having won the Nobel Peace Prize, was “keen to claim credit for his role in Afghanistan…. by joining the Afghanistan jihad, Sadat could re-establish his Islamic credentials, or so he believed. He could thus not only please the Muslim nations but also place the USA and Israel in his debt.” Sadat’s Defence Minister said in January 1980: “Army camps have been opened for the training of Afghan rebels; they are being supplied with weapons from Egypt” and Sadat told NBC News on 22 September 1981 “that for the last twenty-one months, the USA had been buying arms from Egypt for the Afghan rebels. He said he had been approached by the USA in December 1979 and he had decided to `open my stores’. He further disclosed that these arms were being flown to Pakistan from Egypt by American aircraft. Egypt had vast supplies of SAM-7 and RPG-7 anti-aircraft and anti-tank weapons which Sadat agreed to supply to Afghanistan in exchange for new American arms. The Soviet weapons, being light, were ideally suited to guerrilla warfare. … the Mujahideen could easily claim to have captured them from Soviet and Afghan troops in battle.… Khomeini’s Iran got embroiled in war (against Iraq) otherwise Kabul would also have had to contend with the full might of the Islamic revolutionaries.” (Anwar ibid. p. 235).

Afghanistan had been occupied on 26-27 December 1979 by Soviet forces sent by the decrepit Leonid Brezhnev and Yuri Andropov to carry out a putsch replacing one communist, Hafizullah Amin, with a rival communist and Soviet protégé, Babrak Karmal. By 1985 Brezhnev and Andropov were dead and Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev had begun his attempts to reform the Soviet system, usher in openness, end the Cold War and in particular withdraw from Afghanistan, which by 1986 he had termed “a bleeding wound”. Gorbachev replaced Karmal with a new protégé Najibullah Khan, who was assigned the impossible task of bringing about national reconciliation with the Pakistan-based guerrillas and form a national government. Soviet forces withdrew from Afghanistan in February 1989 having lost 14,500 dead, while more than a million Afghans had been killed since the invasion a decade earlier.

Not long after Russia’s Bolshevik Revolution, Gregory Zinoviev had said that international communism “turns today to the peoples of the East and says to them, `Brothers, we summon you to a Holy War first of all against British imperialism!’ At this there were cries of Jehad! Jehad! And much brandishing of picturesque Oriental weapons.” (Treadgold, Twentieth Century Russia, 1990, p. 213). Now instead, the Afghan misadventure had contributed to the collapse of the Soviet Empire itself, the USSR ceasing to be a political entity by 1991, and even Gorbachev being displaced by Boris Yeltsin and later Vladimir Putin in a new Russia.

What resulted for the people of the USA and Britain and the West in general was that they no longer had to live under threat of hostile Soviet tanks and missiles, while the people of Russia, Ukraine and the other erstwhile Soviet republics as well as Eastern Europe were able to throw off the yoke of communism that had oppressed them since the Bolshevik Revolution and instead to breathe the air of freedom.

What happened to the people of Afghanistan, however, was that they were plunged into further ghastly civil war for more than ten years. And what happened to the people of Pakistan was that their country was left resembling a gigantic Islamist military camp, awash with airfields, arms, ammunition and trained guerrillas, as well as a military establishment enlivened as always by perpetual hope that these supplies, provisions and personnel of war might find alternative use in attacks against India over J& K. “We helped you when you wished to see the Soviet Union defeated and withdrawing in Afghanistan”, Pakistan’s generals and diplomats pleaded with the Americans and British, “now you must help us in our wish to see India defeated and withdrawing in Kashmir”. Pakistan’s leaders even believed that just as the Soviet Union had disintegrated afterwards, the Indian Union perhaps might be made to do the same. Not only were the two cases as different as chalk from cheese, Palmerstone’s dictum there are no permanent allies in the politics of nations could not have found more apt use than in what actually came to take place next.

Pakistan’s generals and diplomats felt betrayed by the loss of Anglo-American paternalism towards them after 1989.

Modern Pakistanis had never felt they subscribed to the Indian nationalist movement culminating in independence in August 1947. The Pakistani state now finally declared its independence in the world by exploding bombs in a nuclear arsenal secretly created with help purchased from China and North Korea. Pakistan’s leaders thus came to feel in some control of Pakistan’s destiny as a nation-state for the first time, more than fifty years after Pakistan’s formal creation in 1947. If nothing else, at least they had the Bomb.

Secondly, America and its allies would not be safe for long since the civil war they had left behind in Afghanistan while trying to defeat the USSR now became a brew from which arose a new threat of violent Islamism. Osama bin Laden and the Taliban, whom Pakistan’s military and the USA had promoted, now encouraged unprecedented attacks on the American mainland on September 11 2001 ~ causing physical and psychological damage which no Soviet, Chinese or Cuban missiles ever had been allowed to do. In response, America attacked and removed the Taliban regime in Afghanistan, once again receiving the cooperative use of Pakistani manpower and real estate ~ except now there was no longer any truck with the Pakistani establishment’s wish for a quid pro quo of Anglo-American support against India on J&K. Pakistan’s generals and diplomats soon realised their Anglo-American alliance of more than a half-century ended on September 11 2001. Their new cooperation was in killing or arresting and handing over fellow-Muslims and necessarily lacked their earlier feelings of subservience and ingratiation towards the Americans and British, and came to be done instead under at least some duress. No benefit could be reaped any more in the fight against India over Jammu & Kashmir. An era had ended in the subcontinent.

FIVE

WHAT TO TELL MUSHARRAF: PEACE IS IMPOSSIBLE WITHOUT NON-AGGRESSIVE PAKISTANI INTENTIONS by Subroto Roy, First published in The Statesman December 15 2006 Editorial Page Special Article, www.thestatesman.net

In June 1989 a project at an American university involving Pakistani and other scholars, including one Indian, led to the book Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s published in Karachi, New Delhi and elsewhere. The book reached Nawaz Sharif and the Islamabad elite, and General Musharraf’s current proposal on J&K, endorsed warmly by the US State Department last week, derives from the last paragraph of its editorial introduction: “Kashmir… must be demilitarised and unified by both countries sooner or later, and it must be done without force. There has been enough needless bloodshed on the subcontinent… Modern Pakistanis and Indians are free peoples who can voluntarily agree in their own interests to alter the terms set hurriedly by Attlee or Mountbatten in the Indian Independence Act 1947. Nobody but we ourselves keeps us prisoners of superficial definitions of who we are or might be. The subcontinent could evolve its political identity over a period of time on the pattern of Western Europe, with open borders and (common) tariffs to the outside world, with the free movement of people, capital, ideas and culture. Large armed forces could be reduced and transformed in a manner that would enhance the security of each nation. The real and peaceful economic revolution of the masses of the subcontinent would then be able to begin.”

The editors as economists decried the waste of resources involved in the Pakistan-India confrontation, saying it had “greatly impoverished the general budgets of both Pakistan and India. If it has benefited important sections of the political and military elites of  both countries, it has done so only at the expense of the general welfare of the masses.”

International law

Such words may have been bold in the early 1990s but today, a decade and a half later, they seem incomplete and rather naïve even to their author, who was myself, the only Indian in that project. Most significantly, the position in international law in the context of historical facts had been wholly neglected. So had been the manifest nature of the contemporary Pakistani state.

Jammu & Kashmir became an entity in international law when the Treaty of Amritsar was signed between Gulab Singh and the British on March 16 1846. British India itself became an entity in international law much later, possibly as late as June 1919 when it signed the Treaty of Versailles. As for Pakistan, it had no existence in world history or international law until August 14 1947, when the British created it as a new entity out of certain demarcated areas of British India and gave it the status of a Dominion. British India dissolved itself on August 15 1947 and the Dominion of India became its successor-state in international law on that date. As BR Ambedkar pointed out at the time, the new India automatically inherited British India’s suzerainty over any and all remaining “princely” states of so-called “Indian India”. In case of J&K in particular, there never was any question of it being recognised as an independent entity in global international law.

The new Pakistan, by entering a Standstill Agreement with J&K as of August 15 1947, did locally recognise J&K’s sovereignty over its decision whether to join Pakistan or India. But this Pakistani recognition lasted only until the attack on J&K that commenced from Pakistani territory as of October 22 1947, an attack in which Pakistani forces were complicit (something which, in different and mutating senses, has continued ever since). The Dominion of India had indicated it might have consented if J&K’s Ruler had decided to accede to Pakistan in the weeks following the dissolution of British India. But no such thing happened: what did happen was the descent of J&K into a condition of legal anarchy.

Beginning with the Pakistani attack on J&K as of October 22 upto and including the Rape of Baramulla and the British-led Pakistani coup détat in Gilgit on one side, and the arrival of Indian forces as well as mobilization by Sheikh Abdullah and Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad of J&K’s civilians to repel the Pakistani invaders on the other side, the State of Jammu & Kashmir became an ownerless entity in international law. In Roman Law, from which all modern international and municipal law ultimately derives, the ownership of an ownerless entity is open to be determined by “military decision”. The January 1949 Ceasefire Line that came to be renamed the Line of Control after the 1971 Bangladesh War, demarcates the respective territories that the then-Dominions and later Republics of India and Pakistan acquired by “military decision” of the erstwhile State of J&K which had come to cease to exist.

What the Republic of India means by saying today that boundaries cannot be redrawn nor any populations forcibly transferred is quite simply that the division of erstwhile J&K territory is permanent, and that sovereignty over it is indivisible. It is only sheer ignorance on the part of General Musharraf’s Indian interviewer the other day which caused it to be said that Pakistan was willing to “give up” its claim on erstwhile J&K State territory which India has held: Pakistan has never had nor even made such a  claim in international law. What Pakistan has claimed is that India has been an occupier and that there are many people inhabiting the Indian area who may not wish to be Indian nationals and who are being compelled against their will to remain so ~  forgetting to add that precisely the same could be said likewise of the Pakistani-held area.

Accordingly, the lawful solution proposed in these pages a year ago to resolve that matter, serious as it is, has been that the Republic of India invite every person covered under Article 370, citizen-by- citizen, under a condition of full information, to privately and without fear decide, if he/she has not done so already, between possible Indian, Iranian, Afghan or Pakistani nationalities ~ granting rights and obligations of permanent residents to any of those persons who may choose for whatever private reason not to remain Indian nationals. If Pakistan acted likewise, the problem of J&K would indeed come to be resolved. The Americans, as self- appointed mediators, have said they wish “the people of the region to have a voice” in a solution: there can be no better expression of such voice than allowing individuals to privately choose their own nationalities and their rights and responsibilities accordingly. The issue of territorial sovereignty is logically distinct from that of the choice of nationality by individual inhabitants.

Military de-escalation

Equally significant though in assessing whether General Musharraf’s proposal is an  anachronism, is Pakistan’s history since 1947: through Ayub’s 1965 attack, the civil war and secession of Bangladesh, the Afghan war and growth of the ISI, the Kargil incursion, the 1999 coup détat, and, once or twice removed, the 9/11 attacks against America. It is not a history that allows any confidence to arise in Indians that we are not dealing with a country misgoverned by a tiny arrogant exploitative military elite who remain hell-bent on aggression against us. Like the USA and USSR twenty years ago, what we need to negotiate about, and negotiate hard about, is an overall mutual military drawdown and de-escalation appropriate to lack of aggressive intent on both sides. Is General Musharraf willing to discuss that? It would involve reciprocal verifiable assessment of one another’s reasonable military requirements on the assumption that each was not a threatening enemy of the other. That was how the USA-USSR drawdown and de-escalation occurred successfully. If General Musharraf is unwilling to enter such a discussion, there is hardly anything to talk about with him. We should wait for democracy to return.

SIX

“AN INDIAN REPLY TO PRESIDENT ZARDARI: REWARDING PAKISTAN FOR BAD BEHAVIOUR LEADS TO SCHIZOPHRENIC RELATIONSHIPS”

by Subroto Roy, December 17 2008

Pakistan President Asif Ali Zardari’s recent argument in the New York Times resembles closely the well-known publications of his ambassador to the United States, Mr Husain Haqqani. Unfortunately, this Zardari-Haqqani thesis about Pakistan’s current predicament in the world and the world’s predicament with Pakistan is shot through with clear factual and logical errors. These need to be aired because true or useful conclusions cannot be reached from mistaken premises or faulty reasoning.

1. Origins of Pakistan, India, J&K, and their mutual problems

Mr Zardari makes the following seemingly innocuous statement:

“…. the two great nations of Pakistan and India, born together from the same revolution and mandate in 1947, must continue to move forward with the peace process.”

Now as a matter of simple historical fact, the current entities in the world system known as India and Pakistan were not “born together from the same revolution and mandate in 1947”. It is palpably false to suppose they were and Pakistanis indulge in wishful thinking and self-deception about their own political history if they suppose this.

India’s Republic arose out of the British Dominion known as “India” which was the legal successor of the entity known previously in international law as “British India”. British India had had secular governance and so has had the Indian Republic.

By contrast, the Islamic Republic of Pakistan arose out of a newly created state in international law known as the British Dominion of Pakistan, consisting of designated territory carved out of British India by a British decision and coming into existence one day before British India extinguished itself. (Another new state, Bangladesh, later seceded from Pakistan.)

The British decision to create territory designated “Pakistan” had nothing to do with any anti-British “revolution” or “mandate” supported by any Pakistani nationalism because there was none. (Rahmat Ali’s anti-Hindu pamphleteering in London could be hardly considered Pakistani nationalism against British rule. Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan’s Pashtun patriots saw themselves as Indian, not Pakistani.)

To the contrary, the British decision had to do with a small number of elite Pakistanis — MA Jinnah foremost among them — demanding not to be part of the general Indian nationalist movement that had been demanding a British departure from power in the subcontinent. Jinnah’s separatist party, the Muslim League, was trounced in the 1937 provincial elections in all the Muslim-majority areas of British India that would eventually become Pakistan. Despite this, in September 1939, Britain, at war with Nazi Germany, chose to elevate the political power of Jinnah and his League to parity with the general Indian nationalist movement led by MK Gandhi. (See, Francis Robinson, in William James and Subroto Roy (eds), Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s.) Britain needed India’s mostly Muslim infantry-divisions — the progenitors of the present-day Pakistan Army — and if that meant tilting towards a risky political idea of “Pakistan” in due course, so it would be. The thesis that Pakistan arose from any kind of “revolution” or “mandate” in 1947 is fantasy — the Muslim super-elite that invented and endorsed the Pakistan idea flew from Delhi to Karachi in chartered BOAC Dakotas, caring not a hoot about the vulnerability of ordinary Muslim masses to Sikh and Hindu majority wrath and retaliation on the ground.

Modern India succeeded to the rights and obligations of British India in international law, and has had a recognized existence as a state since at least the signing of the Armistice and Treaty of Versailles in 1918-1919. India was a founding member of the United Nations, being a signatory of the 1945 San Francisco Declaration, and an original member of the Bretton Woods institutions. An idea put forward by Argentina that as of 1947 India and Pakistan were both successor states of British India was rejected by the UN (Argentina withdrew its own suggestion), and it was universally acknowledged India was already a member of the UN while Pakistan would have to (and did) apply afresh for membership as a newly created state in the UN. Pakistan’s entry into the UN had the enthusiastic backing of India and was opposed by only one existing UN member, Afghanistan, due to a conflict that continues to this day over the legitimacy of the Durand Line that bifurcated the Pashtun areas.

Such a review of elementary historical facts and the position in law of Pakistan and India is far from being of merely pedantic interest today. Rather, it goes directly to the logical roots of the conflict over the erstwhile State of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) — a state that itself originated as an entity in the world system a full century before Pakistan was to do so and more than half a century before British India did, but which would collapse into anarchy and civil war in 1947-1949.

Britain (or England) had been a major nation-state in the world system recognized since Grotius first outlined modern international law. On March 16 1846, Britain entered into a treaty, the Treaty of Amritsar, with one Gulab Singh, and the “State of Jammu & Kashmir” came to arise as a recognizable entity in international law for the first time. (See my “History of Jammu and Kashmir” published in The Statesman, Oct 29-30 2006, available elsewhere here.)

Jammu & Kashmir continued in orderly existence as a state until it crashed into legal and political anarchy and civil war a century later. The new Pakistan had entered into a “Standstill Agreement” with the State of Jammu & Kashmir as of August 15 1947. On or about October 22 1947, Pakistan unilaterally ended that Standstill Agreement and instead caused military forces from its territory to attack the State of Jammu & Kashmir along the Mansehra Road towards Baramula and Srinagar, coinciding too with an Anglo-Pakistani coup d’etat in Gilgit and Baltistan (see my “Solving Kashmir”; “Law, Justice & J&K”; “Pakistan’s Allies”, all published in The Statesman in 2005-2006 and available elsewhere here).

The new Pakistan had chosen, in all deliberation, to forswear law, politics and diplomacy and to resort to force of arms instead in trying to acquire J&K for itself via a military decision. It succeeded only partially. Its forces took and then lost both Baramula and Kargil; they may have threatened Leh but did not attempt to take it; they did take and retain Muzaffarabad and Skardu; they were never near taking the summer capital, Srinagar, though might have threatened the winter capital, Jammu.

All in all, a Ceasefire Line came to be demarcated on the military positions as of February 1 1949. After a war in 1971 that accompanied the secession of Bangladesh from Pakistan, that Ceasefire Line came to be renamed the “Line of Control” between Pakistan and India. An ownerless entity may be acquired by force of arms — the erstwhile State of Jammu & Kashmir in 1947-1949 had become an ownerless entity that had been dismembered and divided according to military decision following an armed conflict between Pakistan and India. The entity in the world system known as the “State of Jammu & Kashmir” created on March 16 1846 by Gulab Singh’s treaty with the British ceased to exist as of October 22 1947. Pakistan had started the fight over J&K but there is a general rule of conflicts that he who starts a fight does not get to finish it.

Such is the simplest and most practical statement of the history of the current problem. The British, through their own compulsions and imperial pretensions, raised all the talk about a “Lapse of Paramountcy” of the British Crown over the “Native Princes” of “Indian India”, and of how, the “Native Princes” were required to “accede” to either India or Pakistan. This ignored Britain’s own constitutional law. BR Ambedkar pointed out with unsurpassed clarity that no “Lapse of Paramountcy” was possible even for a single logical moment since “Paramountcy” over any “Native Princes” who had not joined India or Pakistan as of August 15 1947, automatically passed from British India to its legal successor, namely, the Dominion of India. It followed that India’s acquiescence was required for any subsequent accession to Pakistan – an acquiescence granted in case of Chitral and denied in case of Junagadh.

What the Republic of India means by saying today that boundaries cannot be redrawn nor any populations forcibly transferred is quite simply that the division of erstwhile J&K territory is permanent, and that sovereignty over it is indivisible. What Pakistan has claimed is that India has been an occupier and that there are many people inhabiting the Indian area who may not wish to be Indian nationals and who are being compelled against their will to remain so ~ forgetting to add that precisely the same could be said likewise of the Pakistani-held area. The lawful solution I proposed in “Solving Kashmir, “Law, Justice and J&K” and other works has been that the Republic of India invite every person covered under its Article 370, citizen-by-citizen, under a condition of full information, to privately and without fear decide, if he/she has not done so already, between possible Indian, Iranian, Afghan or Pakistani nationalities ~ granting rights and obligations of permanent residents to any of those persons who may choose for whatever private reason not to remain Indian nationals. If Pakistan acted likewise, the problem of J&K would indeed come to be resolved. The Americans, as self-appointed mediators, have said they wish “the people of the region to have a voice” in a solution: there can be no better expression of such voice than allowing individuals to privately choose their own nationalities and their rights and responsibilities accordingly. The issue of territorial sovereignty is logically distinct from that of the choice of nationality by individual inhabitants.

2. Benazir’s assassination falsely compared to the Mumbai massacres
Secondly, President Zardari draws a mistaken comparison between the assassination last year of his wife, Benazir Bhutto, and the Mumbai massacres a few weeks ago. Ms Bhutto’s assassination may resemble more closely the assassinations in India of Indira Gandhi in 1984 and Rajiv Gandhi in 1991.

Indira Gandhi died in “blowback” from the unrest she and her younger son and others in their party had opportunistically fomented among Sikh fundamentalists and sectarians since the late 1970s. Rajiv Gandhi died in “blowback” from an erroneous imperialistic foreign policy that he, as Prime Minister, had been induced to make by jingoistic Indian diplomats, a move that got India’s military needlessly involved in the then-nascent Sri Lankan civil war. Benazir Bhutto similarly may be seen to have died in “blowback” from her own political activity as prime minister and opposition leader since the late 1980s, including her own encouragement of Muslim fundamentalist forces. Certainly in all three cases, as in all assassinations, there were lapses of security too and imprudent political judgments made that contributed to the tragic outcomes.

Ms Bhutto’s assassination has next to nothing to do with the Mumbai massacres, besides the fact the perpetrators in both cases were Pakistani terrorists. President Zardari saying he himself has lost his wife to terrorism is true but not relevant to the proper diagnosis of the Mumbai massacres or to Pakistan-India relations in general. Rather, it serves to deflect criticism and condemnation of the Pakistani state’s pampered handing of Pakistan’s terrorist masterminds, as well as the gross irresponsibility of Pakistan’s military scientists (not AQ Khan) who have been recently advocating a nuclear first strike against India in the event of war.

3. Can any religious nation-state be viable in the modern world?

President Zardari’s article says:

“The world worked to exploit religion against the Soviet Union in Afghanistan by empowering the most fanatic extremists as an instrument of destruction of a superpower. The strategy worked, but its legacy was the creation of an extremist militia with its own dynamic.”

This may be overly simplistic. As pointed out in my article “Pakistan’s Allies”, Gregory Zinoviev himself after the Bolshevik Revolution had declared that international communism “turns today to the peoples of the East and says to them, ‘Brothers, we summon you to a Holy War first of all against British imperialism!’ At this there were cries of Jehad! Jehad! And much brandishing of picturesque Oriental weapons.” (Treadgold, Twentieth Century Russia, 1990, p. 213). For more than half of the 20th century, orthodox Muslims had been used by Soviet communists against British imperialism, then by the British and Americans (through Pakistan) against Soviet communism. Touché! Blowback and counter-blowback! The real question that arises from this today may be why orthodox Muslims have allowed themselves to be used either way by outside forces and have failed in developing a modern nation-state and political culture of their own. Europe and America only settled down politically after their religious wars were over. Perhaps no religious nation-state is viable in the modern world.

4. Pakistan’s behaviour leads to schizophrenia in international relations

President Zardari pleads for, or perhaps demands, resources from the world:

“the best response to the Mumbai carnage is to coordinate in counteracting the scourge of terrorism. The world must act to strengthen Pakistan’s economy and democracy, help us build civil society and provide us with the law enforcement and counterterrorism capacities that will enable us to fight the terrorists effectively.”

Six million pounds from Mr Gordon Brown, so much from here or there etc – President Zardari has apparently demanded 100 billion dollars from America and that is the price being talked about for Pakistan to dismantle its nuclear weapons and be brought under an American “nuclear umbrella” instead.

I have pointed out elsewhere that what Pakistan seems to have been doing in international relations for decades is send out “mixed messages” – i.e. contradictory signals, whether in thought, word or deed. Clinical psychologists following the work of Gregory Bateson would say this leads to confusion among Pakistan’s interlocutors (a “double bind”) and the symptoms arise of what may be found in schizophrenic relationships. (See my article “Do President-elect Obama’s Pakistan specialists believe…”; on the “double bind” theory, an article I chanced to publish in the Journal of Genetic Psychology, 1986, may be of interest).

Here are a typical set of “mixed messages” emanating from Pakistan’s government and opinion-makers:

“We have nuclear weapons
“We keep our nuclear weapons safe from any misuse or unauthorized use
“We are willing to use nuclear weapons in a first strike against India
“We do not comprehend the lessons of Hiroshima-Nagasaki
“We do not comprehend the destruction India will visit upon us if we strike them
“We are dangerous so we must not be threatened in any way
“We are peace-loving and want to live in peace with India and Afghanistan
“We love to play cricket with India and watch Bollywood movies
“We love our Pakistan Army as it is one public institution that works
“We know the Pakistan Army has backed armed militias against India in the past
“We know these militias have caused terrorist attacks
“We are not responsible for any terrorist attacks
“We do not harbour any terrorists
“We believe the world should pay us to not use or sell our nuclear weapons
“We believe the world should pay us to not encourage the terrorists in our country
“We believe the world should pay us to prevent terrorists from using our nuclear weapons
“We hate India and do not want to become like India
“We love India and want to become like India
“We are India and we are not India…”

Etc.

A mature rational responsible and self-confident Pakistan would have said instead:

“We apologise to India and other countries for the outrageous murders our nationals have committed in Mumbai and elsewhere
“We ask the world to watch how our professional army is deployed to disarm civilian and all “non-state” actors of unauthorized firearms and explosives
“We do not need and will not demand or accept a dollar in any sort of foreign aid, military or civilian, to solve our problems
“We realize our economic and political institutions are a mess and we must clean them up
“We will strive to build a society imbued with what Iqbal described as the spirit of modern times..”

As someone who created at great personal cost at an American university twenty years ago the book Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s, I have a special interest in hoping that Pakistan shall find the path of wisdom.”

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Finally, a dozen years late, the Sonia-Manmohan Congress takes a small Rajivist step: Yes Prime Minister, our Judiciary is indeed a premier public good (or example of “infrastructure” to use that dreadful bureaucratic term)

August 18, 2009 — drsubrotoroy

I was very harsh and did not beat about the bush in my Sep 23-24 2007 article  in The Statesman “Against Quackery” when I said in its subtitle

“Manmohan and Sonia have violated Rajiv Gandhi’s intended reforms”.

I said inter alia

“WASTE, fraud and abuse are inevitable in the use and allocation of public property and resources in India as elsewhere, but Government is supposed to fight and resist such tendencies. The Sonia-Manmohan Government have done the opposite, aiding and abetting a wasteful anti-economics ~ i.e., an economic quackery. Vajpayee-Advani and other Governments, including Narasimha-Manmohan in 1991-1996, were just as complicit in the perverse policy-making. So have been State Governments of all regional parties like the CPI-M in West Bengal, DMK/ AIADMK in Tamil Nadu, Congress/NCP/ BJP/Sena in Maharashtra, TDP /Congress in Andhra Pradesh, SP/BJP/BSP in Uttar Pradesh etc. Our dismal politics merely has the pot calling the kettle black while national self-delusion and superstition reign in the absence of reason. The general pattern is one of well-informed, moneyed, mostly city-based special interest groups (especially including organised capital and organised labour) dominating government agendas at the cost of ill-informed, diffused anonymous individual citizens ~ peasants, small businessmen, non-unionized workers, old people, housewives, medical students etc….Rajiv Gandhi had a sense of noblesse oblige out of remembrance of his father and maternal grandfather. After his assassination, the comprador business press credited Narasimha Rao and Manmohan Singh with having originated the 1991 economic reform. In May 2002, however, the Congress Party itself passed a resolution proposed by Digvijay Singh explicitly stating Rajiv and not either of them was to be so credited. The resolution was intended to flatter Sonia Gandhi but there was truth in it too. Rajiv, a pilot who knew no political economy, was a quick learner with intelligence to know a good idea when he saw one and enough grace to acknowledge it. …Rajiv was entirely convinced when the suggestion was made to him in September 1990 that an enormous infusion of public resources was needed into the judicial system for promotion and improvement of the Rule of Law in the country, a pre-requisite almost for a new market orientation. Capitalism without the Rule of Law can quickly degenerate into an illiberal hell of cronyism and anarchy which is what has tended to happen since 1991. The resources put since Independence to the proper working of our judiciary from the Supreme Court and High Courts downwards have been abysmal, while the state of prisons, borstals, mental asylums and other institutions of involuntary detention is nothing short of pathetic. Only police forces, like the military, paramilitary and bureaucracies, have bloated in size….Neither Sonia-Manmohan nor the BJP or Communists have thought promotion of the Rule of Law in India to be worth much serious thought ~ certainly less important than attending bogus international conclaves and summits to sign expensive deals for arms, aircraft, reactors etc. Yet Rajiv Gandhi, at a 10 Janpath meeting on 23 March 1991 when he received the liberalisation proposals he had authorized, explicitly avowed the importance of greater resources towards the Judiciary. Dr Singh and his acolytes were not in that loop, indeed they precisely represented the bureaucratic ancien regime intended to be changed, and hence have seemed quite uncomprehending of the roots of the intended reforms ever since 1991.”

Days after the article appeared there were press reports Dr Singh was murmuring about quitting, and then came a fierce speech in Hindi from the Congress President saying “enemies” would receive their dues or whatever – only to be retracted a few days later saying that no more had been meant than a local critique of the BJP in Haryana politics!  (Phew! I said to myself in relief…)

Today I am very happy to learn that Dr Manmohan Singh spoke on Sunday of the importance of the Rule of Law and an effective and efficient judiciary. The new Law Minister in the second Sonia-Manmohan Government has been eagerly saying the same.

All this is constructive and positive, late as it is since Sonia Gandhi and Manmohan Singh both became heavy-duty Congress Party politicians for the first time a dozen years ago.

I was privileged to advise a previous Congress President in his last months from September 1990 as has been told elsewhere. And six years before that I had  said:

“….….The most serious examples of the malfunctioning of civil government in India are probably the failure to take feasible public precautions against the monsoons and the disarray of the judicial system. …The Statesman lamented in July 1980:`The simplest matter takes an inordinate amount of time, remedies seldom being available to those without means or influence. Of the more than 16,000 cases pending in the Supreme Court, about 5,000 were introduced more than five years ago; while nearly 16,000 of the backlog of more than 600,000 cases in our high courts have been hanging fire for over a decade. Allahabad is the worst offender but there are about 75,000 uncleared cases in the Calcutta High Court in addition to well over a million in West Bengal’s lower courts.” Such a state of affairs has been caused not only by lazy and corrupt policemen, court clerks and lawyers, but also by the paucity of judges and magistrates. . . . a vast volume of laws provokes endless litigation as much because of poor drafting which leads to disputes over interpretation as because they appear to violate particular rights and privileges…. When governments determinedly do what they need not or should not do, it may be expected that they will fail to do what civil government positively should be doing.” A few months ago was the 25th anniversary of this statement… ! 🙂

Yes Prime Minister, having an effective and efficient judiciary is indeed a premier public good and one that has failed to be provided to India’s people from Nehru’s time and through Indira’s. I managed to persuade Rajiv about it completely. Might I next be so bold as to draw attention as well to the paragraphs of the 2007 article that followed?

“Similarly, Rajiv comprehended when it was said to him that the primary fiscal problem faced by India is the vast and uncontrolled public debt, interest payments on which suck dry all public budgets leaving no room for provision of public goods.  Government accounts: Government has been routinely “rolling over” its domestic debt in the asset-portfolios of the nationalised banks while displaying and highlighting only its new additional borrowing in a year as the “Fiscal Deficit”. More than two dozen States have been doing the same and their liabilities ultimately accrue to the Union too. The stock of public debt in India is Rs 30 trillion (Rs 30 lakh crore) at least, and portends a hyperinflation in the future. There has been no serious recognition of this since it is political and bureaucratic actions that have been causing the problem. Proper recognition would entail systematically cleaning up the budgets and accounts of every single governmental entity in the country: the Union, every State, every district and municipality, every publicly funded entity or organisation, and at the same time improving public decision-making capacity so that once budgets and accounts recover from grave sickness over decades, functioning institutions exist for their proper future management. All this would also stop corruption in its tracks, and release resources for valuable public goods and services like the Judiciary, School Education and Basic Health. Institutions for improved political and administrative decision-making are needed throughout the country if public preferences with respect to raising and allocating common resources are to be elicited and then translated into actual delivery of public goods and services. Our dysfunctional legislatures will have to do at least a little of what they are supposed to. When public budgets and accounts are healthy and we have functioning public goods and services, macroeconomic conditions would have been created for the paper-rupee to once more become a money as good as gold ~ a convertible world currency for all of India’s people, not merely the metropolitan special interest groups that have been controlling our governments and their agendas.”

Subroto Roy

Kolkata


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Note to Posterity: 79 Ministers in office but no 15th Lok Sabha until June 1 2009!

May 29, 2009 — drsubrotoroy

The Government of India’s 79 Ministers have taken to their offices like bees to honey yet the 15th Lok Sabha that the people of India elected a fortnight ago is still three days from being convened.

In other words, people have been taking oaths and entering offices as Ministers even before they have taken their oaths or their seats in the 15th Lok Sabha which accords the Government its political legitimacy by its confidence!

Let posterity recall that the 15th Lok Sabha was made to needlessly wait from May 16 2009 until June 1 2009 and despite this the Government formed itself and entered office during that time.  It cannot be something that helps the psychology or morale of  our elected representatives nor be something conducive to the smooth working of the House.

It is all a terrible constitutional muddle  which I doubt the PM or his party or Government, or even the Opposition, will admit to or want to clear up on their own but shall probably have to await a Constitutional Bench of the Supreme Court of India telling them  what  parliamentary law is in due course.

Subroto Roy

Posted in 15th Lok Sabha, anarchy and governance, Comparative Government, Congress Party, Constitutional law, Constitutional monarchy, Constitutional Politics, Democracy, Governance, Government of India, India's Cabinet Government, India's protocols, India's 2009 General Election, India's Constitution, India's constitutional politics, India's Judiciary, India's Jurisprudence, India's Lok Sabha, India's Parliament, India's political parties, India's Politics, India's Polity, India's Presidency, India's Supreme Court, Law, Laws and customs of parliaments, Parliamentary Government, Parliamentary Procedure, Voting, Westminster model. Leave a Comment »

Eleven days and counting after the 15th Lok Sabha was elected and still no Parliament of India! (But we do have 79 Ministers — might that be a world record?)

May 28, 2009 — drsubrotoroy

A lawyer friend tells me she thinks it a “technicality” that there is no Lok Sabha or Parliament in India today despite eleven long days and nights having passed since the 15th Lok Sabha came to be elected by the people of India.  “At least we did not get Advani and Modi to rule”, is how she sought to justify the current circumstance.   I am afraid I think she has produced a non sequitur, and also forgotten the constitutional law she would have read as a student.

The best argument that I think the Government of India shall be able to give justifying their legal error in not having the 15th Lok Sabha up and running yet 11 days after India’s people have spoken would run something like this:

(1) The President of India invites a Council of Ministers led by a PM to form the government and has done so.

(2) The President must be satisfied that the PM commands a majority in the Lok Sabha, and the President has been satisfied by the 322  “letters of support” that the PM produced.

(3) The Government of the day calls parliamentary sessions and does so at its discretion, and the Government of the day headed by this PM has announced when it shall call the 15th Lok Sabha which will be in a few days yet.

Any such argument, I am afraid, would be specious because it simply puts the cart before the horse.

Parliament is sovereign in India, to repeat what I have said several times before.

Parliament is sovereign in India — not even the President who is the symbol of that sovereignty.  We do not follow the British quite exactly in this because we are a republic and not a monarchy.  In Britain sovereignty rests with “The King in Parliament”.  With us, Parliament is sovereign and the President is the symbol of that sovereignty.  In all matters of state, our President must act in a manner that Parliament and parliamentary law says.

Parliament is sovereign in India — not the Executive Government, certainly not its largest political party or its leader.

Parliament is sovereign in India because the people of India have chosen it to be so within the Constitution of India.

Parliament is sovereign in India and the people of India have elected the 15th Lok Sabha which has still not been allowed to meet eleven days later.

To the contrary, as noted days ago, the purported “Cabinet” of the 14th Lok Sabha, a dead institution, met on May 18 2009, some 48 hours after the 15th Lok Sabha had already been declared!   The 14th Lok Sabha in fact stood automatically dissolved in law when General Elections came to be announced.

Is all this merely a “technicality” as my friend believes?  I think not.

Executive Government in India derives its political legitimacy from being elected  by Parliament,  i.e., from holding the confidence of Parliament, and that means the Lok Sabha.

The Government of the day might  for sake of convenience have a prerogative of calling sessions of the 15th Lok Sabha once it has been constituted but the Government of the day cannot logically constitute a Lok Sabha after a General Election because it itself receives legitimacy from such a Lok Sabha.

If the 15th Lok Sabha has not met, confidence in any Executive has yet to be recorded, and hence any such Government has yet to receive legitimacy.

Do “322 letters of support” suffice?  Hardly.  They are signed after all by persons who have yet to take their seats in the Lok Sabha!  (Let us leave aside the fact that the PM, not being a member of the Lok Sabha, is in this case unable to be one of those 322 himself!)

Yet we have 79 “Ministers” of this new “Government” holding press-conferences and giving out free-bees and favours etc already.  As I have said before, Ambedkar, Nehru and others of their generation, plus Indira and Rajiv too, would all have been appalled.

Because the incompetence of the fascists and communists in the Opposition may continue to  be expected, it will be up to ordinary citizens and voters of India to point out such  simple truths whenever the Emperor is found to be naked.  (Our docile juvenile ingratiating media may well remain mostly hopeless.)

Subroto Roy

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Why does India not have a Parliament ten days after the 15th Lok Sabha was elected? Nehru and Rajiv would both have been appalled (2009)

May 27, 2009 — drsubrotoroy

see too

Why has the Sonia Congress done something that the Congress under Nehru-Indira-Rajiv would not have done, namely, exaggerate the power of the Rajya Sabha and diminish the power of the Lok Sabha?

Parliament’s sovereignty has been diminished by the Executive: A record for future generations to know (2009)
Eleven days and counting after the 15th Lok Sabha was elected and still no Parliament of India! (But we do have 79 Ministers — might that be a world record?)

There are at least three Supreme Court lawyers, all highly voluble, among the higher echelons of Congress Party politicians; it is surprising that not one of them has been able to get the top Party leadership of Sonia Gandhi and Manmohan Singh to see the apparent breach of normal constitutional law in Parliament not having met more than 10 days after it was elected.

A Government has been formed, Ministers have entered their offices and have been holding press-conferences and taking executive decisions,  wannabe-Ministers continue to be wrangling night-and-day for the plums of office — BUT THERE IS NO PARLIAMENT!

Today is the death-anniversary of Jawaharlal Nehru and last week was the death anniversary of  Rajiv Gandhi.

Nehru, whatever his faults and infirmities, was an outstanding parliamentarian and a believer in the Westminster model in particular.  He was intimately familiar with its  unpoken customs and unwritten laws.   He would have been completely appalled by the situation today where luminaries of the party that goes by the  same name as the one he had led are paying obeisance to his memory 45 years after his death but have failed to see the absurdity in having a Government in office with no new Parliament ten days after a month-long General Election was over!  (Incidentally, had he not left explicit instructions against any hero-worship  taking place of himself too?)

Rajiv knew his grandfather and had acquired a sense of noblesse oblige from him.  He too would have been appalled that the procedural business of government  had been simply  procrastinated over like this.

It surprises me that Dr Manmohan Singh, having been a post-graduate of Cambridge, having earned a doctorate from Oxford, and more recently having been awarded honorary doctorates from both Ancient Universities, should seem so unaware of the elements of the Westminster model of  constitutional jurisprudence which guides our polity too.

It is too late now and the mistakes have been made.   I hope his  new Government will  come to realise at some point and then keep in mind that our Executive receives political legitimacy from Parliament, not vice versa.   An Executive can hardly be legitimately in office until the  Parliament that is supposed to elect it has been sworn in.

As for our putative Opposition in the Parliament-yet-to-meet, it seems to have drawn a blank too, and eo ipso revealed its own constitutional backwardness and lethargy.

Subroto Roy

Posted in 15th Lok Sabha, Asia and the West, Britain, Britain in India, Britain's Parliament, British history, British Universities, Comparative Government, Congress Party, Constitutional law, Constitutional monarchy, Constitutional Politics, Elections, Government of India, India's 2009 General Election, India's Constitution, India's constitutional politics, India's Democracy, India's Election Commission, India's independence, India's Jurisprudence, India's Lok Sabha, India's nomenclatura, India's Parliament, India's political parties, India's Politics, India's Polity, India's Presidency, India's Rajya Sabha, India's Rule of Law, India's Supreme Court, Jawaharlal Nehru, Manmohan Singh, Parliamentary Government, Parliamentary Procedure, Political Philosophy, Political Science, Politics, Rajiv Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi's assassination, Sonia Gandhi, Westminster model. Leave a Comment »

Parliament’s sovereignty has been diminished by the Executive: A record for future generations to know (2009)

May 25, 2009 — drsubrotoroy

Sad to say, Parliament’s sovereignty has been diminished, indeed usurped, by the new Executive Government.

Here is a brief record for future generations to know.

India’s people completed their voting in the 15th General Elections on Wednesday May 13 2009.

The results of how they had spoken, what was their will, were known and declared by Saturday May 16 2009.

There was no legal or logical reason why the 543 members of the 15th Lok Sabha could not have been sworn in as new MPs by the close-of-business on Monday May 18 at the latest.

On Tuesday May 19 the 15th Lok Sabha could have and should have met to elect itself a pro tem or even a permanent Speaker.

The Speaker would have divided the new House into its Government Party and its Opposition.

There would have been a vote of confidence on the floor of the House, which in the circumstances would have been in favour of the Government Party.

Observing this to have taken place, the Hon’ble President of India as the Head of State would have sent for the leader of the Government Party and invited her to form the new Government.

In this particular case, the leader of the largest political party, namely Sonia Gandhi, would have been accompanied perhaps by the Leader of the Lok Sabha, Pranab Mukherjee, as well as her personal nominee for the position of PM, namely, Manmohan Singh.

Sonia Gandhi would have respectfully declined the invitation of the President to be the new Prime Minister, and she would have also explained that she wanted Manmohan Singh to have the position instead.

The President would have said “Very well, Dr Singh, can you please form the Government?”

He would have said, “Yes Madame President it shall be a privilege and an honour to do so”.

The President would have added, “Thank you, and I notice you are not a member of the Lok Sabha at the moment but I am sure you are taking steps towards becoming one.”

End of visit.

Manmohan Singh would have been sworn in as PM and would have gone about adding Ministers at a measured pace.   Later, he would have resigned his Rajya Sabha seat and sought election to the Lok Sabha on the parliamentary precedent set by Alec Douglas-Home.

What has happened instead?

On May 18 2009, instead of 543 members of the 15th Lok Sabha taking their oaths as required by parliamentary law and custom, Dr Singh held a purported “Cabinet”  meeting of the 14th Lok Sabha — a long-since dead institution!

Some of the persons attending this  meeting as purported “Cabinet ministers” had even lost their seats in the elections decided a few days earlier and so had absolutely zero democratically legitimate status left. All these persons then submitted their purported resignations which Dr Singh carried to the President, stating his Government had resigned. The President then appointed him a caretaker PM and he, along with Sonia Gandhi, then went about “staking claim” to form the next Government — turning up at the President’s again with “letters of support” signed by some 322 persons  who were MP-elects but were yet to become MPs formally by not having been sworn in.

The President appeared satisfied the party Sonia Gandhi and Manmohan Singh belonged to would command a majority in prospect in the Lok Sabha and invited him to be PM.   Some major public wrangling then took place with at least one of his allies about cabinet berths — and that is the situation as of the present moment except that Dr Singh and several others have been sworn in as the Council of Ministers even though the  new 15th Lok Sabha of 543 members has still not convened!  It has been all rather sloppy and hardly uplifting.

Parliament is supposed to be sovereign in India.

Not the Executive Government or the largest political party or its leader.

The sovereignty of Parliament required Sonia Gandhi and Dr Singh to have realised

first, that the 14th Lok Sabha stood automatically dissolved when elections were announced;

secondly, that the 15th Lok Sabha could have and should have been sworn in by Monday May 18;

thirdly, that there should have been a vote of confidence in the Lok Sabha immediately which would have gone in favour of the Government Party;

fourthly, that only then should the Executive Government have been sought to be formed;

and of course fifthly, that if that Executive Government was to be led by someone who happened to be a member of the Rajya Sabha and not the Lok Sabha, parliamenary law and custom required him to follow the Douglas-Home precedent of resigning from the former and seeking election to the latter at the earliest opportunity.

Let future generations know that as of today, May 25, the 543 persons whom the people of India voted to constitute the 15th Lok Sabha still remain in limbo without having been sworn in though we already have an Executive Government appointed!

The sovereignty of Parliament, specifically that of the Lok Sabha, has come to be diminished, indeed usurped, by the Executive.   It is the Executive that receives its political legitimacy from Parliament, not vice versa.  Nehru and his generation knew all this intimately well and would have been appalled at where we in the present have been taking it.

Subroto Roy

Posted in 15th Lok Sabha, anarchy and governance, Asia and the West, Common Law and Equity, Comparative Government, Congress Party, Constitutional law, Constitutional monarchy, Constitutional Politics, Democracy, Diplomacy, Ethics, Government of India, India's protocols, India's 2009 General Election, India's Constitution, India's constitutional politics, India's Democracy, India's Election Commission, India's Electorate, India's Jurisprudence, India's Lok Sabha, India's Parliament, India's political parties, India's Politics, India's Polity, India's Presidency, India's Rajya Sabha, India's Rule of Law, Jawaharlal Nehru, Laws and customs of parliaments, Manmohan Singh, Parliamentary Government, Parliamentary Procedure, Political Philosophy, Practical wisdom, Sonia Gandhi. Leave a Comment »

Why has the Sonia Congress done something that the Congress under Nehru-Indira-Rajiv would not have done, namely, exaggerate the power of the Rajya Sabha and diminish the power of the Lok Sabha?

May 21, 2009 — drsubrotoroy

We in India did not invent the idea of Parliament, the British did.  Even the British did not invent the idea of a “Premier Ministre”, the French did that, though the British came to develop its meaning most.  Because these are not our own inventions, when something unusual happens in contemporary India to political entities and offices known as “Parliament”, “Prime Minister” etc, contrast and comparison is inevitable with standards and practices that have prevailed around the world in other parliamentary democracies.

Indeed we in India did not even fully invent the idea of our own Parliament though the national struggle led by the original Indian National Congress caused it to come to be invented.  The Lok Sabha is the outcome of a long and distinguished constitutional and political history from the Morley-Minto reforms a century ago to the Montagu-Chelmsford reforms and Government of India Act of 1919 to the Government of India Act of 1935 and the first general elections of British India in 1937 (when Jawaharlal Nehru briefly became PM for the first time) and in due course the 1946 Constituent Assembly.   Out of all this emerged the 1950 Constitution of India, drafted by that brilliant jurist BR Ambedkar as well as other sober intelligent well-educated and dedicated men and women of his time, and thence arose our first Lok Sabha following the 1951 General Elections.

About the Lok Sabha’s duties, I said in my March 30 2006 article “Logic of Democracy” in The Statesman

“What are Lok Sabha Members and State MLAs legitimately required to be doing in caring for their constituents? First of all, as a body as a whole, they need to elect the Government, i.e. the Executive Branch, and to hold it accountable in Parliament or Assembly. For example, the Comptroller and Auditor General submits his reports directly to the House, and it is the duty of individual legislators to put these to good use in controlling the Government’s waste, fraud or abuse of public resources.   Secondly, MPs and MLAs are obviously supposed to literally represent their individual constituencies in the House, i.e. to bring the Government and the House’s attention to specific problems or contingencies affecting their constituents as a whole, and call for the help, funds and sympathy of the whole community on their behalf.  Thirdly, MPs and MLAs are supposed to respond to pleas and petitions of individual constituents, who may need the influence associated with the dignity of their office to get things rightly done. For example, an impoverished orphan lad once needed surgery to remove a brain tumour; a family helping him was promised the free services of a top brain surgeon if a hospital bed and operating theatre could be arranged. It was only by turning to the local MLA that the family were able to get such arrangements made, and the lad had his tumour taken out at a public hospital. MPs and MLAs are supposed to vote for and create public goods and services, and to use their moral suasion to see that existing public services actually do get to reach the public.”

What about the Rajya Sabha?  I said in the same article:

“Rajya Sabha Members are a different species altogether. Most if not all State Legislative Councils have been abolished, and sadly the present nature of the Rajya Sabha causes similar doubts to arise about its utility. The very idea of a Rajya Sabha was first mooted in embryo form in an 1888 book A History of the Native States of India, Vol I. Gwalior, whose author also advocated popular constitutions for the “Indian India” of the “Native States” since “where there are no popular constitutions, the personal character of the ruler becomes a most important factor in the government… evils are inherent in every government where autocracy is not tempered by a free constitution.”  When Victoria was declared India’s “Empress” in 1877, a “Council of the Empire” was mooted but had remained a non-starter even until the 1887 Jubilee. An “Imperial Council” was now designed of the so-called “Native Princes”, which came to evolve into the “Chamber of Princes” which became the “Council of the States” and the Rajya Sabha.  It was patterned mostly on the British and not the American upper house except in being not liable to dissolution, and compelling periodic retirement of a third of members. The American upper house is an equal if not the senior partner of the lower house. Our Rajya Sabha follows the British upper house in being a chamber which is duty-bound to oversee any exuberance in the Lok Sabha but which must ultimately yield to it if there is any dispute.  Parliament in India’s democracy effectively means the Lok Sabha — where every member has contested and won a direct vote in his/her constituency. The British upper house used to have an aristocratic hereditary component which Tony Blair’s New Labour Government has now removed, so it has now been becoming more like what the Rajya Sabha was supposed to have been like.”

The Canadian upper house is similar to ours in intent: a place for “sober second thought” intended to curb the “democratic excesses” of the lower house.   In the Canadian, British, Australian, Irish and our own cases, the Prime Minister, as the chief executive of the lower house has immense indirect power over the upper house, whether in appointing members or even, in the Australian case, dissolving the entire upper house if he/she wishes.

Now yesterday apparently Shrimati Sonia Gandhi, as the duly elected leader of the largest political party in the 15th Lok Sabha, accompanied by Dr Manmohan Singh, as her party’s choice for the position of Prime Minister, went to see the President of India where the Hon’ble President apparently appointed Dr Singh to be the Prime Minister of India – meaning the Prime Minister of the 15th Lok Sabha, except that Dr Singh is not a member of the Lok Sabha and apparently has had no intent of becoming one.

In 2004 Shrimati Gandhi had declined to accept an invitation to become PM and instead effectively recommended Dr Singh to be PM despite his not being a member of the Lok Sabha nor intending to be so.   This exploited a constitutional loophole to the extent that the drafters of our 1950 Constitution happened not to have explicitly stated that the PM must be from the Lok Sabha.  But the reason the founders of our democratic polity such as BR Ambedkar and Jawaharlal Nehru did not specify that the PM must be from the Lok Sabha was quite simply that it was a matter of complete obviousness to them and to their entire generation that this must be so — it would have been  appalling to them and something beyond their wildest imagination that a later generation, namely our own, would exploit such a loophole and allow a PM to be appointed who is not a member of the Lok Sabha and intends not to be so.

Ambedkar, Nehru and all others of their time knew fully well that the history and intended purpose of the Lok Sabha was completely different from the history and intended purpose of the Rajya Sabha.  They knew too fully well that Lord Curzon had been explicitly denied the leadership of Britain’s Tory Party in 1922 because that would have made him a potential PM  when he was not prepared to be a member of the House of Commons.  That specific precedent culminated a centuries’-old  democratic trend of  political power flowing from monarchs to lords to commoners, and has governed all parliamentary democracies  worldwide ever since — until Dr Singh’s appointment in 2004.

When such an anomalous situation once arose in Britain, Lord Home resigned his membership of the House of Lords to contest a House of Commons seat as Sir Alec Douglas Home so that he could be PM in a manner consistent with parliamentary law.

Dr Singh instead for five years remained PM of India while not being a member of the Lok Sabha.  Even if reasons and exigencies of State could have been cited for such an anomalous situation during his first term, there was really no such reason for him not to contest the 2009 General Election if he wished to be the Congress Party’s prime ministerial candidate a second time.  Numerous Rajya Sabha members alongside him have contested Lok Sabha seats this time, and several have won.

As of today, Dr Singh is due to be sworn in tomorrow as Prime Minister for a second term while still having no declared intention of resigning from the Rajya Sabha and contesting a Lok Sabha seat instead.   What the present-day Congress has done is elect him the leader of the “Congress Parliamentary Party” and claim that it is in such a capacity that he received the invitation to be Prime Minister of India.   But surely if the question had been asked to the Congress Party under Nehru or Indira or Rajiv: “Can you foresee a circumstance ever in which the PM of India is not a member of the Lok Sabha?” their answer in each case would have been a categorical and resounding  “no”.

So the question does arise why the Congress under Sonia Gandhi has with deliberation allowed such an anomalous situation to develop.  Its effect is to completely distort the trends of relative political power between the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha.  On the one hand, the Lok Sabha’s power is deliberately made to diminish as the chief executive of the Government of India shall not be from the Lok Sabha but from “the other place” despite the Lok Sabha having greater political legitimacy by having been directly elected by India’s people.   This sets a precedent that  might  get repeated in India  in the future but which contradicts the worldwide trend in parliamentary democracies over decades and centuries in precisely the opposite direction –  of power flowing in the direction of the people not away from them.   On the other hand, the fact this anomalous idea has been pioneered by the elected leader of the largest political party in the Lok Sabha while her PM is in the Rajya Sabha causes a member of the lower house to have unexpected control over the upper house when the latter is supposed to be something of an independent check on the former!

It all really seems an unnecessary muddle and a jumbling up of normal constitutional law and parliamentary procedure.  The Sonia-Manmohan Government at the outset of its second term should hardly want to be seen by history as having set a poor precedent using brute force.  The situation can be corrected with the utmost ease by following the Alec Douglas Home example, with Dr Singh being given a relatively safe seat to contest as soon as possible, if necessary by some newly elected Congress MP resigning and allowing a bye-election to be called.

Subroto Roy

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What’s all this business about political parties “staking a claim” to Government? Can there not be more dignified behaviour towards the President of India?

May 20, 2009 — drsubrotoroy

Press reports today say “With a comfortable majority in the Lok Sabha, UPA Chairperson Sonia Gandhi and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh will meet President Pratibha Patil to stake claim (sic) to form the new government. This was decided unanimously at a meeting of the leaders of the United Progressive Alliance in which Gandhi was re-elected its Chairperson.” (emphasis added)

“Stake claim”?

“To stake a claim” is  to show that you believe something is yours or to declare that something belongs to you.

Is that what Jawaharlal Nehru did with Dr Rajendra Prasad or Dr Radhakrishnan?  He went and said something like “Now look here Mr President, I would like to stake my claim to be Prime Minister of India now that this here General Election is over and I won”?

Is anyone else at present submitting any competing “claims” to the President?  Of course not.   Is the President unaware of the fact the General Elections are now over, or that she has a solemn duty to perform of inviting the leader of the largest political party in the new Lok Sabha to Rashtrapati Bhavan for an important chat?  Why does it have to be said that someone has to “stake a claim” to be asked to form the Government when the field is open and there is no sign of any other “claimant”?   Besides there has been the rush of political parties shooting off letters to the President declaring their support of Shrimati Gandhi and Dr Singh when they “stake claim” to the Government.  What does the President of India do with such letter-carriers when they turn up at her doorstep uninvited?  Offer each of them a cup of tea and a smile?

It is all hardly sober or uplifting — in fact, it is all rather undignified.

Perhaps a President of India might someday murmur something to the politicians like “Really, why do we need such talk about “staking claims”; I was going to invite you anyway.”

Posted in 15th Lok Sabha, Congress Party, India's Constitution, India's constitutional politics, India's Democracy, India's Jurisprudence, India's Lok Sabha, India's Parliament, India's Presidency, Manmohan Singh, Parliamentary Government, Parliamentary Procedure, Sonia Gandhi. Leave a Comment »

Starting with Procedural Error: Why has the “Cabinet” of the 14th Lok Sabha been meeting today AFTER the results of the Elections to the 15th Lok Sabha have been declared?!

May 18, 2009 — drsubrotoroy

The 14th Lok Sabha stood automatically dissolved when General Elections to the 15th Lok Sabha were first announced.  A fortiori so did its Council of Ministers and its “Cabinet”.

Yet this morning Dr Manmohan Singh has held a purported “Cabinet Meeting” of the 14th Lok Sabha where its “members” (some of whom lost their seats!)  purportedly submitted their “resignations” which he will then convey to the President with a request that the 14th Lok Sabha be dissolved!

Nyet!

The 14th Lok Sabha was dissolved and came to end eo ipso with the calling of the General Elections and any Council of Ministers and Cabinet that continued in existence was necessarily of a caretaker nature.

The 15th Lok Sabha has been elected as soon as the Election Commission has certified its final results.    There can be no legitimate “Cabinet” of the 14th Lok Sabha subsisting alongside the 15th Lok Sabha even for one logical moment.

It is surprising we must begin perhaps with such a simple procedural error.  It suggests there may be more to come.  We must be sorry to see the steady corrosion of parliamentary law and custom.

Subroto Roy

Postscript:   In the interregnum between the dissolution of the 14th  Lok Sabha when General Elections are announced and the  actual  declaration of the results of the 15th, which has in fact taken a month or more, there is no  functioning legislative branch of Government — though I would not disagree that if a national emergency like a war occurred during that period, the President in her wisdom would have a right to recall the 14th Lok Sabha if necessary as a kind of “caretaker” body for the duration of the emergency.

Posted in 15th Lok Sabha, Constitutional law, Constitutional Politics, Government of India, India's 2009 General Election, India's Constitution, India's constitutional politics, India's Democracy, India's Election Commission, India's Jurisprudence, India's Lok Sabha, India's Parliament, Manmohan Singh, Parliamentary Government, Parliamentary Procedure, Sonia Gandhi. Leave a Comment »

Inviting a new Prime Minister of India to form a Government: Procedure Right and Wrong (updated 2019 since 2009)

May 18, 2009 — drsubrotoroy

2019

Better Procedure:

 

 

So please follow my timetable for : Th 23/5 Results declared Fri 24/5 EC certifies results Sat Sun 25 26/5 Members sworn in Mon 27/5 Speaker pro tem divides House; Prez invites new to form a Gov’t Tue 28/5 Cabinet appointed

Better Procedure for .. Respected 16LS no longer exists as soon as results are certified by … Let 543 members of new be sworn in immediately one by one; let them elect a Speaker pro tem.

Let the Speaker pro tem divide the House between a putative Government & Opposition… Let then invite the leader of the former side to visit him for a chat… better then before please

Gen Chohan: Utopia not possible Prof. We can only dream IMO.

It’s the correct parliamentary logic tho.. Not hard to do… informs of winning candidates; LS informs 543 new members of to turn up pronto and be sworn in; elect a Speaker pro tem, divide the House; invites

Worse Procedure: 

Halla gulla … lists… parades of signatories… you know… Dilliwalla histrionics… 

 

 

2009:

Better Procedure

The Hon’ble President of India invites the leader of the single largest political party in the 15th Lok Sabha to visit Rashtrapati Bhavan.

The leader does so, bringing with her, her own nominee for the Prime Ministership of India as she herself wishes to decline the invitation to be PM.

The President meets the leader alone and extends the invitation.

The invitation is respectfully declined with the recommendation that the Hon’ble President may perhaps consider instead the name of the person nominated by the leader.

The President agrees and extends the invitation to the latter in the presence of the leader.  The latter accepts with thanks.

The President observes that since the PM-elect in this case happens not to be  a member of the Lok Sabha, she hopes that he shall soon become one.

The meeting ends.

Worse Procedure

The leader of the single largest political party in the 15th Lok Sabha publicly announces her nominee for the position of Prime Minister.

The Hon’ble President of India comes to learn of this from the newspapers or television and extends an invitation to the latter.

The latter visits Rashtrapati Bhavan, receives and accepts the President’s invitation to form a Government.

Of related interest:

Parliament’s sovereignty has been diminished by the Executive

Memo to the Hon’ble President of India: It is Sonia Gandhi, not Manmohan Singh, who should be invited to our equivalent of the “Kissing Hands” Ceremony

Starting with Procedural Error: Why has the “Cabinet” of the 14th Lok Sabha been meeting today AFTER the results of the Elections to the 15th Lok Sabha have been declared?!

Posted in 15th Lok Sabha, Congress Party, Constitutional law, Constitutional monarchy, Constitutional Politics, India's protocols, India's Constitution, India's constitutional politics, India's Democracy, India's Jurisprudence, India's Lok Sabha, India's Parliament, India's Politics, India's Polity, India's Presidency, India's Rajya Sabha, India's Rule of Law, Manmohan Singh, Parliamentary Government, Parliamentary Procedure, Sonia Gandhi. Leave a Comment »

Memo to the Hon’ble President of India (May 16, 2009)

May 16, 2009 — drsubrotoroy

H.E. The Hon’ble Shrimati Pratibha Patil

President of India

Your Excellency,

As India is fortunately a Republic and not a Monarchy, we do not have  a “Kissing Hands Ceremony”  where “the monarch invites the incoming prime minister to form a government and swear allegiance to the throne”.

While we do not have such a ceremony literally, we do have its republican equivalent in the well-established constitutional custom of the President of India after a General Election inviting one person to be Prime Minister and to form the new  Government.

It soon shall be your solemn duty to invite such a new Prime Minister of India to form the Government.

Given the results of the 15th General Elections to the Lok Sabha, that invitation may be extended only to the Leader of the winning coalition in the Lok Sabha, who is Shrimati Sonia Gandhi.

The outgoing Prime Minister, Dr Manmohan Singh, not having contested the Lok Sabha election, may not by  you be invited to be Prime Minister at this stage.

What happened in 2004 was that Shrimati Sonia Gandhi declined to accept such an invitation and instead effectively appointed Dr Singh to be PM despite his not being a member of the Lok Sabha nor intending to be so.

This exploited a constitutional loophole to the extent that our Constitution did not explicitly state that the PM must be from the Lok Sabha.

What may have been passable as the hurried exploitation of a loophole in 2004 is surely not acceptable in 2009.

Why the founders of our democratic polity such as BR  Ambedkar and Jawaharlal Nehru did not specify that the PM must be from the Lok Sabha was quite simply that it was a matter of complete obviousness to them and to their entire generation that this must be so — it would have been  appalling to them and something beyond their wildest imagination that a later generation, namely our own, would exploit this loophole and allow a PM to be appointed who is not a member of the Lok Sabha and intends not to be so.

Ambedkar, Nehru and all others of their time knew fully well that Lord Curzon had been explicitly denied the leadership of Britain’s Tory Party in 1922 because that would have made him a potential PM  when he was not prepared to be a member of the House of Commons.

That specific precedent (culminating a centuries-old  democratic trend of  political power flowing from monarchs to lords to commoners) has governed all parliamentary democracies  worldwide ever since  — until Dr Singh’s appointment in 2004.

In fact,  when such an anomalous situation once arose in Britain, Lord Home resigned his membership of the House of Lords to contest a House of Commons seat as Sir Alec Douglas Home  so that he could be PM in a manner consistent with parliamentary law.

I believe you are fully within constitutional law and precedent to invite Shrimati Sonia Gandhi to form the new Government of India after the 15th General Elections to the Lok Sabha.  If she declines and instead requests again the use of the loophole to appoint Dr Singh as PM,  I believe that parliamentary law and precedent requires him to resign from the Rajya Sabha and instead contest a seat in the Lok Sabha.

Respectfully submitted

Subroto Roy, PhD (Cantab.), BScEcon (London)

Citizen and Voter

Postscript: Please see also here “Inviting a new Prime Minister of India to form a Government: Procedure Right and Wrong”.

Posted in 15th Lok Sabha, Alec Douglas Home, BR Ambedkar, Britain, Britain in India, Britain's monarchy, British history, Congress Party, Conservative Party Britain, Constitutional law, Constitutional monarchy, Constitutional Politics, Curzon, Democracy, India in international law, India's Constitution, India's constitutional politics, India's Jurisprudence, India's Lok Sabha, India's Parliament, India's Philosophy, India's Polity, India's Presidency, India's Rule of Law, Jawaharlal Nehru, Manmohan Singh, Monarchy vs Republicanism, Parliamentary Government, Sonia Gandhi. Leave a Comment »

Democracy Database for the Largest Electorate Ever Seen in World History

April 12, 2009 — drsubrotoroy

In four days, on April 16 2009, one thousand seven hundred and seven officially recognized candidates, representing 161 political parties and including 770 Independents, are contesting the polls in 124 constituencies (out of a total of 543 constituencies), across 15 States and two Union Territories  in Phase 1 of the General Election to India’s 15th Lok Sabha.   Between 16 April and 7 May in Phases 2, 3 and 4, that number of candidates contesting  India’s  General Elections rises to at least 4,637, average age 46.1, from 261 political parties, including 291 women and 2118  Independents across more than 150 further constituencies.  By 13 May, Phase 5 will be over and all 543 constituencies shall have been covered.  The size of the registered electorate of potential voters under adult franchise is 383,566,479, the largest in human history.

Did you know that? Of course not. None of our juvenile TV stations and only-slightly-less-juvenile newspapers would have been able to give you such numbers even if they had tried to; they would barely know where to begin. Besides, our Election Commission too has become a  sclerotic bureaucracy like everything else to do with India’s governance; its website — now updated and improving slightly every day — provides a lot of irrelevancies along with providing  the very least modicum of  raw data logically necessary for the conduct of the election.

Ten years ago, just prior to the 13th Lok Sabha Elections, I, as part of my academic research as a “full professor” at an “Institution of National Importance”, created an Excel spreadsheet containing every single Lok Sabha constituency at the time. I later sent it on to the EC for its free use and distribution. (Some of my academic colleagues were surprised and suspicious as one of their principal goals in life was to obtain lucrative government “consulting” contracts wherever possible — doing things for free set a worrisome example despite the slogan of being supposedly “dedicated to the service of the nation”!). Nothing happened because the EC in particular and the Government of India in general did not then and have not now appeared keen to know how to use spreadsheets  like Excel properly, despite our claims of  India  being  an information-technology powerhouse!

I have now had to re-create that 1999 spreadsheet again for the 15th Lok Sabha Elections because there has been a major parliamentary exercise of what is called “redistricting” in some countries and “delimitation” here in India. Many constituencies have been merged or have disappeared while new ones have appeared.  Plus  numerous innovative techniques  and formulae have had to be used by me with vital free help from Excel Forum users as well as providers of free add-ins around the world, to whom grateful acknowledgment is made.

The processed data below is based entirely on the raw data available from the EC as of April 11 2009.  As the EC updates its raw data, so shall I seek to update this processed data.   There are definite errors in the EC data (e.g. one Independent candidate has been listed 3 times, while 19 people have been listed as being99 years old; more significantly there seems to be at least one constituency in which there is only one candidate, etc etc.)   Whatever errors exist in the raw data must be carried over to these data here, I am afraid.  But I will as I have said update this as the EC updates its raw data.  If there are errors in my processing, I do not know of them, so please check and recheck against the EC’s data if you wish to use these data operationally.  [Update 1800 hours Sunday April 12: the EC has reduced the number of candidates from 4637 to 4631 which presumably means some obvious slight errors have been corrected; it is still far short of having announced all candidates for all 543 constituencies, so the overall number is destined to rise and drastically quite soon — I hope before the first polls open on Thursday!].

The first two indicators are the EC’s way of identifying a constituency; then there is the name of the State or Union Territory in a two-digit code followed by the name of the constituency  in capitals, the date that polling is due to take place, and the list of the candidates and their parties.   I have made every effort to see no error has been added by me in addition to any errors that might exist in the EC’s data.  But please check and double check yourself, and I cannot  take responsibility for the accuracy of the information, especially as it is being done in “real time”.

This is being provided as a free public service for India’s ordinary people, citizens, candidates, students, observers etc.   Any broadcast or republication or academic use must acknowledge it appeared first at this site in my work: just link to this post or quote “Democracy Database for the Largest Electorate Ever Seen in World History by Dr Subroto Roy”, and use away.

Why do I think it is important for every candidate in every constituency in India’s 2009 General Elections to have his/her name known and to receive due respect and a small salute in HTML even for a brief moment?

Because that is what democracy in a free republic is supposed to be about. India is not a monarchy or a mansabdari of some sort, no matter what the many corrupt people inhabiting our Government and our capital cities might have made themselves believe.

Our juvenile, sensationalist, irresponsible  Delhi-centred media might realize someday that there are thousands of real people all over  this country that is India contesting these elections  seriously and trying to thus participate in the political process as best they can.  The Delhi-centred media  remain focused on the few dozen fake celebrities that they flatter,  cultivate and pander to. (We must wait to see what depths of journalistic depravity our  TV stations reach in  covering the so-called IPL in South Africa more seriously than they cover India’s 2009 General Elections!  What would MK Gandhi, who, a century ago, was still in South Africa, have said about such a twist of India’s fate?)

Here instead are India’s names and India’s lives and India’s places and India’s peoples and India’s political parties for all of us to see and understand and hence  see and understand ourselves better.

Here’s a cheer to all those party-political symbols for or  against which India’s hundreds of millions of voters will make their decisions:

A lady farmer carrying paddy on her head,

Aeroplane,

Almirah

Arrow

Axe

Balloon

Banana

Basket

Bat

Batsman

Battery Torch

Bead Necklace

Bell

Bicycle

Black Board

Boat

Book

Bow & Arrow

Boy & Girl

Bread

Brick

Bridge

Brief Case

Brush

Bungalow

Bus

Cake

Camera

Candles

Car

Carrot

Cart

Ceiling Fan

Chair

Clock

Coat

Cock

Coconut

Comb

Conch

Cot

Cup & Saucer

Diesel Pump

Dolli

Drum

Ears of Corn And Sickle

Electric Pole

Elephant

Flag with Three Stars

Flowers and Grass

Fork

Frock

Frying Pan

Gas Cylinder

Gas Stove

Glass Tumbler

Haldhar Within Wheel (Chakra Haldhar)

Hammer, Sickle and Star

Hand

Hand Pump

Harmonium

Hat

Hurricane Lamp

Hut

Ice Cream

Ink Pot & Pen

Iron

Jug

Kettle

Kite

Ladder

Lady Purse

Letter Box

Lion

Lock and Key

Lotus

Maize

Nagara

Not Alloted

Pressure Cooker

Railway Engine

Ring

Rising Sun

Road Roller

Saw

Scissors

Sewing Machine

Shuttle

Slate

Spade & Stoker

Spoon

Stool

Table

Table Lamp

Television

Tent

Two Daos Intersecting

Two Leaves

Violin

Walking Stick

Whistle….

Here’s a cheer then to all the thousands of candidates, average age 46.1, including those Independents, and the hundreds of political parties who go to the contest  beginning  April 16:

Aadivasi Sena Party

A-Chik National Congress(Democratic)

Adarsh Lok Dal

Advait Ishwasyam Congress

Ajeya Bharat Party

AJSU Party

Akhand Bharti

Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha

Akhil Bharatiya Ashok Sena

Akhil Bharatiya Congress Dal (Ambedkar)

Akhil Bharatiya Hind Kranti Party

Akhil Bharatiya Jan Sangh

Akhil Bharatiya Manav Seva Dal

Akhil Bhartiya Manavata Paksha

Akhil Bhartiya Sindhu Samajwadi Party

Akhila India Jananayaka Makkal Katchi (Dr. Issac)

All India Forward Bloc

All India Majlis-E-Ittehadul Muslimeen

All India Minorities Front

All India Trinamool Congress

All Jharkhand Students Union

Alpjan Samaj Party

Ambedkar National Congress

Ambedkar Samaj Party

Ambedkarist Republican Party

Amra Bangalee

Apna Dal

Arunachal Congress

Asom Gana Parishad

Assam United Democratic Front

Autonomous State Demand Committee

Awami Party

B. C. United Front

Backward Classes Democratic Party, J&K

Bahujan Republican Ekta Manch

Bahujan Samaj Party

Bahujan Samaj Party(Ambedkar-Phule)

Bahujan Sangharsh Party (Kanshiram)

Bahujan Shakty

Bahujan Uday Manch

Bajjikanchal Vikas Party

Bharat Punarnirman Dal

Bharat Vikas Morcha

Bharatheeya Sadharma Samsthapana Party

Bharatiya Bahujan Party

Bharatiya Eklavya Party

Bharatiya Grameen Dal

Bharatiya Jagaran Party

Bharatiya Jan Berojgar Chhatra Dal

Bharatiya Jan Shakti

Bharatiya Janata Party

Bharatiya Jantantrik Janta Dal

Bharatiya Lok Kalyan Dal

Bharatiya Loktantrik Party(Gandhi-Lohiawadi)

Bharatiya Minorities Suraksha Mahasangh

Bharatiya Momin Front

Bharatiya Natiional Janta Dal

Bharatiya Peoples Party

Bharatiya Pichhra Dal

Bharatiya Praja Paksha

Bharatiya Rashtriya Bahujan Samaj Vikas Party

Bharatiya Republican Paksha

Bharatiya Sadbhawna Samaj Party

Bharatiya Samaj Dal

Bharatiya Samta Samaj Party

Bharatiya Sarvodaya Kranti Party

Bharatiya Subhash Sena

Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha

Biju Janata Dal

Bira Oriya Party

Bodaland Peoples Front

Buddhiviveki Vikas Party

Chandigarh Vikas Party

Chhattisgarh Vikas Party

Chhattisgarhi Samaj Party

Communist Party of India

Communist Party of India (Marxist)

Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)

Democratic Party of India

Democratic Secular Party

Dharam Nirpeksh Dal

Duggar Pradesh Party

Eklavya Samaj Party

Gondvana Gantantra Party

Gondwana Mukti Sena

Great India Party

Hill State People’s Democratic Party

Hindustan Janta Party

Indian Christian Secular Party

Indian Justice Party

Indian National Congress

Indian Peace Party

Indian Peoples Forward Block

Indian Union Muslim League

Jaganmay Nari Sangathan

Jago Party

Jai Bharat Samanta Party

Jai Chhattisgarh Party

Jai Vijaya Bharathi Party

Jammu & Kashmir National Panthers Party

Jammu & Kashmir Peoples Democratic Party

Jan Samanta Party

Jan Surajya Shakti

Jana Hitkari Party

Janata Dal (Secular)

Janata Dal (United)

Janata Party

Janvadi Party(Socialist)

Jawan Kisan Morcha

Jharkhand Disom Party

Jharkhand Jan Morcha

Jharkhand Janadikhar Manch

Jharkhand Mukti Morcha

Jharkhand Party

Jharkhand Party (Naren)

Jharkhand PeopleÂ’S Party

Jharkhand Vikas Dal

Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik)

Kalinga Sena

Kamtapur Progressive Party

Kannada Chalavali Vatal Paksha

Karnataka Rajya Ryota Sangha

Karnataka Thamizhar Munnetra Kazhagam

Kerala Congress

Kerala Congress (M)

Kosal Kranti Dal

Kosi Vikas Party

Kranti Kari Jai Hind Sena

Krantikari Samyavadi Party

Krantisena Maharashtra

Laghujan Samaj Vikas Party

Lal Morcha

Lok Bharati

Lok Dal

Lok Jan Shakti Party

Lok Jan Vikas Morcha

Lok Satta Party

Lok Vikas Party

Lokpriya Samaj Party

Loksangram

Loktanrik Sarkar Party

Loktantrik Samajwadi Party

Loktantrik Samata Dal

Mahagujarat Janta Party

Maharashtra Navnirman sena

Maharashtrawadi Gomantak

Mahila Adhikar Party

Mana Party

Manav Mukti Morcha

Manipur People’s Party

Marxist Communist Party of India (S.S. Srivastava)

Marxist Co-Ordination

Maulik Adhikar Party

Meghalaya Democratic Party

Moderate Party

Momin Conference

Muslim League Kerala State Committee

Muslim Majlis Uttar Pradesh

Nagaland Peoples Front

National Development Party

National Lokhind Party

National Loktantrik Party

National Secular Party

National Youth Party

Nationalist Congress Party

Navbharat Nirman Party

Nelopa(United)

Orissa Mukti Morcha

Party for Democratic Socialism

Paschim Banga Rajya Muslim League

Peace Party

Peoples Democratic Alliance

Peoples Democratic Forum

People’s Democratic Front

Peoples Guardian

People’s Party of Arunachal

Peoples Republican Party

Prabuddha Republican Party

Pragatisheel Manav Samaj Party

Praja Bharath Party

Praja Rajyam Party

Prajatantrik Samadhan Party

Proutist Sarva Samaj

Proutist Sarva Samaj Party

Purvanchal Rajya Banao Dal

Pyramid Party of India

Rajyadhikara Party

Rashtra Sewa Dal

Rashtravadi Aarthik Swatantrata Dal

Rashtravadi Communist Party

Rashtravadi Janata Party

Rashtrawadi Sena

Rashtriya Agraniye Dal

Rashtriya Bahujan Congress Party

Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party

Rashtriya Gondvana Party

Rashtriya Janata Dal

Rashtriya Jan-Jagram Morcha

Rashtriya Jan-vadi Party (Krantikari)

Rashtriya Kranti Party

Rashtriya Krantikari Janata Party

Rashtriya Krantikari Samajwadi Party

Rashtriya Lok Dal

Rashtriya Lokhit Party

Rashtriya Lokwadi Party

Rashtriya Machhua Samaj Party

Rashtriya Mazdoor Ekta Party

Rashtriya Pragati Party

Rashtriya Praja Congress (Secular)

Rashtriya Raksha Dal

Rashtriya Samaj Paksha

Rashtriya Samajwadi Party (United)

Rashtriya Samanta Dal

Rashtriya Swabhimaan Party

Rayalaseema Rashtra Samithi

Republican Paksha (Khoripa)

Republican Party of India

Republican Party of India (A)

Republican Party of India (Democratic )

Republican Party of India (Khobragade)

Republican Presidium Party of India

Republician Party of India Ektawadi

Revolutionary Communist Party of India (Rasik Bhatt)

Revolutionary Socialist Party

Samajik Jantantrik Party

Samajtantric Party of India

Samajwadi Jan Parishad

Samajwadi Janata Party (Rashtriya)

Samajwadi Party

Samata Party

Samruddha Odisha

Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel Party

Sarvodaya Karnataka Paksha

Sarvodaya Party

Savarn Samaj Party

Save Goa Front

Shakti Sena (Bharat Desh)

Shivrajya Party

Shivsena

Shoshit Samaj Dal

Socialist Party (Lohia)

Suheldev Bhartiya Samaj Party

Sunder Samaj Party

Swabhimani Paksha

Swarajya Party Of India

Swatantra Bharat Paksha

Telangana Rashtra Samithi

Telugu Desam

The Humanist Party of India

Trilinga Praja Pragati Party

United Communist Party of India

United Democratic Party

United Goans Democratic Party

United Women Front

Uttar Pradesh Republican Party

Vanchit Jamat Party

Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katch

Vikas Party

Vishva Hindustani Sangathan

Yuva Vikas Party … and many many more….

S01    1    AP    ADILABAD    16-Apr-09    1    ADE TUKARAM    M    55    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    KOTNAK RAMESH    M    39    Indian National Congress

3    RATHOD RAMESH    M    43    Telugu Desam

4    RATHOD SADASHIV NAIK    M    50    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    MESRAM NAGO RAO    M    59    Praja Rajyam Party

6    ATHRAM LAXMAN RAO    M    47    Independent

7    GANTA PENTANNA    M    36    Independent

8    NETHAVAT RAMDAS    M    39    Independent

9    BANKA SAHADEVU    M    55    Independent

S01    2    AP    PEDDAPALLE    16-Apr-09    1    GAJJELA SWAMY    M    49    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    GOMASA SRINIVAS    M    41    Telangana Rashtra Samithi

3    MATHANGI NARSIAH    M    64    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    DR.G.VIVEKANAND    M    51    Indian National Congress

5    AREPELLI DAVID RAJU    M    36    Praja Rajyam Party

6    KRISHNA SABBALI    M    39    Marxist Communist Party of India (S.S. Srivastava)

7    AMBALA MAHENDAR    M    38    Independent

8    A. KAMALAMMA    F    36    Independent

9    GORRE RAMESH    M    42    Independent

10    NALLALA KANUKAIAH    M    39    Independent

11    B. MALLAIAH    M    32    Independent

12    K. RAJASWARI    F    38    Independent

13    D. RAMULU    M    51    Independent

14    G.VINAY KUMAR    M    51    Independent

15    S.LAXMAIAH    M    33    Independent

S01    3    AP    KARIMNAGAR    16-Apr-09    1    CHANDUPATLA JANGA REDDY    M    75    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    PONNAM PRABHAKAR    M    41    Indian National Congress

3    VINOD KUMAR BOINAPALLY    M    49    Telangana Rashtra Samithi

4    VIRESHAM NALIMELA    M    58    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    RAGULA RAMULU    M    40    Republican Party of India (A)

6    LINGAMPALLI SRINIVAS REDDY    M    39    Marxist Communist Party of India (S.S. Srivastava)

7    VELICHALA RAJENDER RAO    M    46    Praja Rajyam Party

8    T. SRIMANNARAYANA    M    68    Pyramid Party of India

9    K. PRABHAKAR    M    43    Independent

10    KORIVI VENUGOPAL    M    46    Independent

11    BARIGE GATTAIAH YADAV    M    32    Independent

12    GADDAM RAJI REDDY    M    48    Independent

13    PANAKANTI SATISH KUMAR    M    46    Independent

14    PEDDI RAVINDER    M    29    Independent

15    B. SURESH    M    32    Independent

S01    4    AP    NIZAMABAD    16-Apr-09    1    DR. BAPU REDDY    M    59    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    BIGALA GANESH GUPTA    M    39    Telangana Rashtra Samithi

3    MADHU YASKHI GOUD    M    50    Indian National Congress

4    YEDLA RAMU    M    53    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    DUDDEMPUDI SAMBASIVA RAO CHOUDARY    M    62    Lok Satta Party

6    P.VINAY KUMAR    M    51    Praja Rajyam Party

7    DR. V.SATHYANARAYANA MURTHY    M    51    Pyramid Party of India

8    S. SUJATHA    F    43    Trilinga Praja Pragati Party

9    AARIS MOHAMMED    M    46    Independent

10    KANDEM PRABHAKAR    M    44    Independent

11    GADDAM SRINIVAS    M    47    Independent

12    RAPELLY SRINIVAS    M    34    Independent

S01    5    AP    ZAHIRABAD    16-Apr-09    1    CHENGAL BAGANNA    M    66    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    M.VISHNU MUDIRAJ    M    35    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    SYED YOUSUF ALI    M    54    Telangana Rashtra Samithi

4    SURESH KUMAR SHETKAR    M    46    Indian National Congress

5    BENJAMIN RAJU    M    39    Indian Justice Party

6    MALKAPURAM SHIVA KUMAR    M    43    Praja Rajyam Party

7    MALLESH RAVINDER REDDY    M    39    Lok Satta Party

8    CHITTA RAJESHWAR RAO    M    45    Independent

9    POWAR SINGH HATTI SINGH    M    36    Independent

10    BASAVA RAJ PATIL    M    39    Independent

S01    6    AP    MEDAK    16-Apr-09    1    NARENDRANATH .C    M    45    Indian National Congress

2    P. NIROOP REDDY    M    50    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    VIJAYA SHANTHI .M    F    43    Telangana Rashtra Samithi

4    Y. SHANKAR GOUD    M    44    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    KOVURI PRABHAKAR    M    51    Pyramid Party of India

6    KHAJA QUAYUM ANWAR    M    43    Praja Rajyam Party

7    D. YADESHWAR    M    46    Bahujan Samaj Party(Ambedkar-Phule)

8    K. SUDHEER REDDY    M    37    Lok Satta Party

9    KUNDETI RAVI    M    32    Independent

S01    7    AP    MALKAJGIRI    16-Apr-09    1    NALLU INDRASENA REDDY    M    56    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    M.BABU RAO PADMA SALE    M    52    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    BHEEMSEN.T    M    60    Telugu Desam

4    SARVEY SATYANARAYANA    M    54    Indian National Congress

5    S.D.KRISHNA MURTHY    M    51    Trilinga Praja Pragati Party

6    T.DEVENDER GOUD    M    56    Praja Rajyam Party

7    NARENDER KUMBALA    M    39    Bharat Punarnirman Dal

8    PRATHANI RAMAKRISHNA    M    42    Rashtriya Krantikari Samajwadi Party

9    LION C FRANCIS MJF    M    56    Samajwadi Party

10    N V RAMA REDDY    M    54    Pyramid Party of India

11    DR.LAVU RATHAIAH    M    56    Lok Satta Party

12    KANTE KANAKAIAH GANGAPUTHRA    M    63    Independent

13    KOYAL KAR BHOJARAJ    M    35    Independent

14    CHENURU VENKATA SUBBA RAO    M    52    Independent

15    JAJULA BHASKAR    M    34    Independent

16    LT.COL. (RETD). DUSERLA PAPARAIDU    M    62    Independent

17    MD.MANSOORALI    M    31    Independent

18    S.VICTOR    M    40    Independent

19    K.SRINIVASA RAJU    M    44    Independent

S01    8    AP    SECUNDRABAD    16-Apr-09    1    ANJAN KUMAR YADAV M    M    47    Indian National Congress

2    BANDARU DATTATREYA    M    61    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    M. D. MAHMOOD ALI    M    55    Telangana Rashtra Samithi

4    M. VENKATESH    M    32    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    SRINIVASA SUDHISH RAMBHOTLA    M    40    Telugu Desam

6    ABDUS SATTAR MUJAHED    M    41    Muslim League Kerala State Committee

7    IMDAD JAH    M    64    Ambedkar National Congress

8    P. DAMODER REDDY    M    48    Pyramid Party of India

9    DR. DASOJU SRAVAN KUMAR    M    41    Praja Rajyam Party

10    S. DEVAIAH    M    59    Trilinga Praja Pragati Party

11    C.V.L. NARASIMHA RAO    M    51    Lok Satta Party

12    DR .POLISHETTY RAM MOHAN    M    57    Samata Party

13    MOHD. OSMAN QURESHEE    M    35    Ajeya Bharat Party

14    SHIRAZ KHAN    F    39    United Women Front

15    ASEERVADAM LELLAPALLI    M    51    Independent

16    AMBATI KRISHNA MURTHY    M    50    Independent

17    B. GOPALA KRISHNA    M    42    Independent

18    DEVI DAS RAO GHODKE    M    63    Independent

19    BABER ALI KHAN    M    51    Independent

20    M. BHAGYA MATHA    F    38    Independent

21    CH. MURAHARI    M    49    Independent

22    G. RAJAIAH    M    48    Independent

23    K. SRINIVASA CHARI    M    49    Independent

S01    9    AP    HYDERABAD    16-Apr-09    1    ZAHID ALI KHAN    M    66    Telugu Desam

2    P. LAXMAN RAO GOUD    M    55    Indian National Congress

3    SATISH AGARWAL    M    38    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    SAMY MOHAMMED    M    29    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    ASADUDDIN OWAISI    M    41    All India Majlis-E-Ittehadul Muslimeen

6    S. GOPAL SINGH    M    34    Akhil Bharatiya Jan Sangh

7    TAHER KAMAL KHUNDMIRI    M    52    Janata Dal (Secular)

8    FATIMA .A    F    41    Praja Rajyam Party

9    P. VENKATESWARA RAO    M    58    Pyramid Party of India

10    D. SURENDER    M    36    Trilinga Praja Pragati Party

11    AL-KASARY MOULLIM MOHSIN HUSSAIN    M    33    Independent

12    ALTAF AHMED KHAN    M    43    Independent

13    M.A. QUDDUS GHORI    M    43    Independent

14    ZAHID ALI KHAN    M    26    Independent

15    M.A. BASITH    M    55    Independent

16    MD. OSMAN    M    43    Independent

17    B. RAVI YADAV    M    33    Independent

18    N.L. SRINIVAS    M    31    Independent

19    M.A. SATTAR    M    29    Independent

20    D. SADANAND    M    45    Independent

21    SYED ABDUL GAFFTER    M    51    Independent

22    SARDAR SINGH    M    62    Independent

23    M.A. HABEEB    M    31    Independent

S01    10    AP    CHELVELLA    16-Apr-09    1    JAIPAL REDDY SUDINI    M    67    Indian National Congress

2    A.P.JITHENDER REDDY    M    54    Telugu Desam

3    BADDAM BAL REDDY    M    64    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    C.SRINIVAS RAO    M    39    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    KASANI GNANESHWAR    M    54    Mana Party

6    KUMMARI GIRI    M    28    Pyramid Party of India

7    DASARA SARALA DEVI    F    39    Marxist Communist Party of India (S.S. Srivastava)

8    DR.B.RAGHUVEER REDDY    M    42    Lok Satta Party

9    SAMA SRINIVASULU    M    34    Great India Party

10    S.MALLA REDDY    M    43    Independent

11    G.MALLESHAM GOUD    M    32    Independent

12    RAMESHWARAM JANGAIAH    M    58    Independent

13    LAXMINARAYANA    M    27    Independent

14    VENKATRAM NAIK    M    27    Independent

15    SAYAMOOLA NARSIMULU    M    30    Independent

S01    11    AP    MAHBUBNAGAR    16-Apr-09    1    KUCHAKULLA YADAGIRI REDDY    M    51    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    K. CHANDRASEKHAR RAO    M    55    Telangana Rashtra Samithi

3    DEVARAKONDA VITTAL RAO    M    57    Indian National Congress

4    PALEM SUDARSHAN GOUD    M    42    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    ABDUL KAREEM KHAJA MOHAMMAD    M    50    Lok Satta Party

6    ASIRVADAM    M    35    Great India Party

7    KOLLA VENKATESH MADIGA    M    37    Trilinga Praja Pragati Party

8    GUNDALA VIJAYALAKSHMI    F    61    Pyramid Party of India

9    B. BALRAJ GOUD    M    44    Mana Party

10    MUNISWAMY.C.R    M    32    Samajwadi Janata Party (Rashtriya)

11    USHAN SATHYAMMA    F    32    Independent

12    USAIN RANGAMMA    F    50    Independent

13    YETTI CHINNA YENKAIAH    M    47    Independent

14    YETTI LINGAIAH    M    52    Independent

15    KANDUR KURMAIAH    M    56    Independent

16    KARRE JANGAIAH    M    29    Independent

17    GANGAPURI RAVINDAR GOUD    M    28    Independent

18    GAJJA NARSIMULU    M    35    Independent

19    CHENNAMSETTY DASHARATHA RAMULU HOLEA DASARI    M    31    Independent

20    M.A. JABBAR    M    39    Independent

21    DEPALLY MAISAIAH    M    27    Independent

22    DEPALLY SAYANNA    M    47    Independent

23    K. NARSIMULU    M    52    Independent

24    NAGENDER REDDY. K    M    49    Independent

25    PANDU    M    29    Independent

26    BUDIGA JANGAM LAXMAMMA    F    30    Independent

27    MOHAMMAD GHOUSE MOINUDDIN    M    76    Independent

28    MALA JANGILAMMA    F    50    Independent

29    RAJESH NAIK    M    29    Independent

30    RAIKANTI RAMADAS MADIGA    M    40    Independent

31    V. VENKATESHWARLU    M    32    Independent

32    B. SEENAIAH GOUD    M    62    Independent

S01    12    AP    NAGARKURNOOL    16-Apr-09    1    GUVVALA BALARAJU    M    31    Telangana Rashtra Samithi

2    TANGIRALA PARAMJOTHI    M    50    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    DR. MANDA JAGANNATH    M    57    Indian National Congress

4    DR. T. RATNAKARA    M    50    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    DEVANI SATYANARAYANA    M    39    Praja Rajyam Party

6    S.P.FERRY ROY    M    27    Pyramid Party of India

7    G. VIDYASAGAR    M    60    Lok Satta Party

8    ANAPOSALA VENKATESH    M    27    Independent

9    N. KURUMAIAH    M    27    Independent

10    BUDDULA SRINIVAS    M    35    Independent

11    A.V. SHIVA KUMAR    M    42    Independent

12    SIRIGIRI MANNEM    M    36    Independent

13    HANUMANTHU    M    28    Independent

S01    13    AP    NALGONDA    16-Apr-09    1    GUTHA SUKENDER REDDY    M    55    Indian National Congress

2    NAZEERUDDIN    M    55    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    VEDIRE SRIRAM REDDY    M    39    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    SURAVARAM SUDHAKAR REDDY    M    67    Communist Party of India

5    A. NAGESHWAR RAO    M    59    Pyramid Party of India

6    PADURI KARUNA    F    58    Praja Rajyam Party

7    DAIDA LINGAIAH    M    51    Independent

8    MD. NAZEEMUDDIN    M    40    Independent

9    BOLUSANI KRISHNAIAH    M    45    Independent

10    BOLLA KARUNAKAR    M    33    Independent

11    MARRY NEHEMIAH    M    55    Independent

12    YALAGANDULA RAMU    M    41    Independent

13    K.V.SRINIVASA CHARYULU    M    30    Independent

14    SHAIK AHMED    M    57    Independent

S01    14    AP    BHONGIR    16-Apr-09    1    KOMATIREDDY RAJ GOPAL REDDY    M    41    Indian National Congress

2    CHINTHA SAMBA MURTHY    M    50    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    NOMULA NARSIMHAIAH    M    49    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

4    SIDDHARTHA PHOOLEY    M    39    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    CHANDRA MOULI GANDAM    M    48    Praja Rajyam Party

6    PALLA PRABHAKAR REDDY    M    64    Pyramid Party of India

7    RACHA SUBHADRA REDDY    F    59    Lok Satta Party

8    GUMMI BAKKA REDDY    M    75    Independent

9    POOSA BALA KISHAN BESTA    M    35    Independent

10    PERUKA ANJAIAH    M    46    Independent

11    MAMIDIGALLA JOHN BABU    M    40    Independent

12    MEDI NARSIMHA    M    31    Independent

13    RUPANI RAMESH VADDERA    M    31    Independent

14    SANGU MALLAYYA    M    66    Independent

15    SIRUPANGI RAMULU    M    55    Independent

S01    15    AP    WARANGAL    16-Apr-09    1    JAYAPAL. V    M    63    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    DOMMATI SAMBAIAH    M    45    Telugu Desam

3    RAJAIAH SIRICILLA    M    55    Indian National Congress

4    RAMAGALLA PARAMESHWAR    M    55    Telangana Rashtra Samithi

5    LALAIAH P    M    65    Bahujan Samaj Party

6    ONTELA MONDAIAH    M    58    Pyramid Party of India

7    DR. CHANDRAGIRI RAJAMOULY    M    49    Praja Rajyam Party

8    BALLEPU VENKAT NARSINGA RAO    M    37    Lok Satta Party

9    KANNAM VENKANNA    M    32    Independent

10    KRISHNADHI SRILATHA    F    33    Independent

11    SOMAIAH GANAPURAM    M    39    Independent

12    DAMERA MOGILI    M    34    Independent

13    DUBASI NARSING    M    46    Independent

14    PAKALA DEVADANAM    M    74    Independent

15    D. SREEDHAR RAO    M    37    Independent

S01    16    AP    MAHABUBABAD    16-Apr-09    1    KUNJA SRINIVASA RAO    M    31    Communist Party of India

2    GUMMADI PULLAIAH    M    58    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    B. DILIP    M    35    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    P. BALRAM    M    45    Indian National Congress

5    D.T. NAIK    M    61    Praja Rajyam Party

6    PODEM SAMMAIAH    M    31    Pyramid Party of India

7    BANOTH MOLCHAND    M    60    Lok Satta Party

8    KALTHI VEERASWAMY    M    52    Independent

9    KECHELA RANGA REDDY    M    44    Independent

10    DATLA NAGESWAR RAO    M    42    Independent

11    PADIGA YERRAIAH    M    64    Independent

12    P. SATYANARAYANA    M    32    Independent

S01    17    AP    KHAMMAM    16-Apr-09    1    KAPILAVAI RAVINDER    M    45    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    THONDAPU VENKATESWARA RAO    M    30    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    NAMA NAGESWARA RAO    M    50    Telugu Desam

4    RENUKA CHOWDHURY    F    54    Indian National Congress

5    JALAGAM HEMAMALINI    F    40    Praja Rajyam Party

6    JUPELLI SATYANARAYANA    M    61    Lok Satta Party

7    MANUKONDA RAGHURAM PRASAD    M    55    Pyramid Party of India

8    SHAIK MADAR SAHEB    M    40    Trilinga Praja Pragati Party

9    AVULA VENKATESWARLU    M    45    Independent

10    CHANDA LINGAIAH    M    58    Independent

11    DANDA LINGAIAH    M    59    Independent

12    BANOTH LAXMA NAIK    M    52    Independent

13    MALLAVARAPU JEREMIAH    M    63    Independent

S01    18    AP    ARUKU    16-Apr-09    1    KISHORE CHANDRA SURYANARAYANA DEO VYRICHERLA    M    62    Indian National Congress

2    KURUSA BOJJAIAH    M    56    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    GADUGU BALLAYYA DORA    M    38    Rashtriya Janata Dal

4    MIDIYAM BABU RAO    M    58    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

5    LAKE RAJA RAO    M    50    Bahujan Samaj Party

6    MEENAKA SIMHACHALAM    M    43    Praja Rajyam Party

7    VADIGALA PENTAYYA    M    56    Lok Satta Party

8    APPA RAO KINJEDI    M    48    Independent

9    ARIKA GUMPA SWAMY    M    60    Independent

10    ILLA RAMI REDDY    M    54    Independent

11    JAYALAKSHMI SHAMBUDU    F    39    Independent

S01    19    AP    SRIKAKULAM    16-Apr-09    1    YERRNNAIDU KINJARAPU    M    50    Telugu Desam

2    KILLI KRUPA RANI    F    47    Indian National Congress

3    TANKALA SUDHAKARA RAO    M    57    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    DUPPALA RAVINDARA BABU    M    38    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    KALYANI VARUDU    F    29    Praja Rajyam Party

6    NANDA PRASADA RAO    M    37    Pyramid Party of India

S01    20    AP    VIZIANAGARAM    16-Apr-09    1    APPALA NAIDU KONDAPALLI    M    41    Telugu Desam

2    GOTTAPU CHINAMNAIDU    M    56    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    JHANSI LAXMI BOTCHA    F    45    Indian National Congress

4    SANYASI RAJU PAKALAPATI    M    51    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    KIMIDI GANAPATHI RAO    M    52    Praja Rajyam Party

6    LUNKARAN JAIN    M    60    Pyramid Party of India

7    DATTLA SATYA APPALA SIVANANDA RAJU    M    34    Lok Satta Party

8    VENKATA SATYA NARAYANA RAGHUMANDA    M    28    Bharatiya Sadbhawna Samaj Party

9    MAHESWARA RAO VARRI    M    35    Independent

S01    21    AP    VISAKHAPATNAM    16-Apr-09    1    I.M.AHMED    M    41    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    DAGGUBATI PURANDESWARI    F    49    Indian National Congress

3    DR.M.V.V.S.MURTHI    M    70    Telugu Desam

4    D.V.SUBBARAO    M    76    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    PALLA SRINIVASA RAO    M    40    Praja Rajyam Party

6    BETHALA KEGIYA RANI    F    26    Bahujan Samaj Party(Ambedkar-Phule)

7    D.BHARATHI    F    53    Pyramid Party of India

8    D.V.RAMANA (VASU MASTER)    M    37    Trilinga Praja Pragati Party

9    RAMESH LANKA    M    49    Bharatheeya Sadharma Samsthapana Party

10    M.T.VENKATESWARALU    M    42    Lok Satta Party

11    APPARAO GOLAGANA    M    46    Independent

12    BANDAM VENKATA RAO YADAV    M    32    Independent

13    YADDANAPUDI RANGARAO    M    78    Independent

14    YALAMANCHILI PRASAD    M    54    Independent

15    RANGARAJU KALIDINDI    M    46    Independent

S01    22    AP    ANAKAPALLI    16-Apr-09    1    APPA RAO KIRLA    M    57    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    NOOKARAPU SURYA PRAKASA RAO    M    50    Telugu Desam

3    BHEEMISETTI NAGESWARARAO    M    41    Rashtriya Janata Dal

4    VENKATA RAMANA BABU PILLA    M    35    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    SABBAM HARI    M    55    Indian National Congress

6    ALLU ARAVIND    M    62    Praja Rajyam Party

7    PULAMARASETTI VENKATA RAMANA    M    28    Pyramid Party of India

8    BOYINA NAGESWARA RAO    M    52    Janata Dal (United)

9    NANDA GOPAL GANDHAM    M    60    Independent

10    PATHALA SATYA RAO    M    46    Independent

S02    1    AR    ARUNACHAL WEST    16-Apr-09    1    KIREN RIJIJU    M    37    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    TAKAM SANJOY    M    42    Indian National Congress

3    TABA TAKU    M    25    Lok Bharati

4    SUBU KECHI    M    36    Independent

S02    2    AR    ARUNACHAL EAST    16-Apr-09    1    LOWANGCHA WANGLAT    M    66    Arunachal Congress

2    NINONG ERING    M    50    Indian National Congress

3    TAPIR GAO    M    48    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    DR. SAMSON BORANG    M    33    People’s Party of Arunachal

S03    1    AS    KARIMGANJ    16-Apr-09    1    RAJESH MALLAH    M    43    Assam United Democratic Front

2    LALIT MOHAN SUKLABAIDYA    M    68    Indian National Congress

3    SUDHANGSHU DAS    M    41    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    UTTAM NOMOSUDRA    M    34    Independent

5    JOY DAS    M    37    Independent

6    DEBASISH DAS    M    36    Independent

7    PROBHASH CH. SARKAR    M    36    Independent

8    BIJON ROY    M    35    Independent

9    BIJOY MALAKAR    M    42    Independent

10    MALATI ROY    F    42    Independent

11    MILON SINGHA    M    42    Independent

12    RANJAN NAMASUDRA    M    41    Independent

13    RAJESH CHANDRA ROY    M    29    Independent

14    SITAL PRASAD DUSAD    M    55    Independent

15    HIMANGSHU KUMAR DAS    M    28    Independent

S03    2    AS    SILCHAR    16-Apr-09    1    KABINDRA PURKAYASTHA    M    74    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    DIPAK BHATTACHARJEE    M    69    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

3    BADRUDDIN AJMAL    M    54    Assam United Democratic Front

4    SONTOSH MOHAN DEV    M    75    Indian National Congress

5    KANTIMOY DEB    M    60    Independent

6    CHANDAN RABIDAS    M    34    Independent

7    JAYANTA MALLICK    M    36    Independent

8    JOY SUNDAR DAS    M    38    Independent

9    NAGENDRA CHANDRA DAS    M    28    Independent

10    NAZRUL HAQUE MAZARBHUIYAN    M    36    Independent

11    NABADWIP DAS    M    58    Independent

12    PIJUSH KANTI DAS    M    38    Independent

13    MANISH BHATTACHARJEE    M    62    Independent

14    YOGENDRA KUMAR SINGH    M    40    Independent

15    SUBIR DEB    M    41    Independent

16    SUMIT ROY    M    33    Independent

S03    3    AS    AUTONOMOUS DISTRICT    16-Apr-09    1    KULENDRA DAULAGUPU    M    36    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    BIREN SINGH ENGTI    M    64    Indian National Congress

3    HIDDHINATH RONGPI    M    45    Nationalist Congress Party

4    ELWIN TERON    M    48    Autonomous State Demand Committee

5    DR. JAYANTA RONGPI    M    54    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)

6    KABON TIMUNGPI    F    56    Independent

S04    17    BR    GOPALGANJ    16-Apr-09    1    ANIL KUMAR    M    41    Rashtriya Janata Dal

2    JANAK RAM    M    37    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    PURNMASI RAM    M    52    Janata Dal (United)

4    RAMAI RAM    M    66    Indian National Congress

5    MADHU BHARTI    F    39    Loktantrik Samata Dal

6    RAM KUMAR MANJHI    M    30    Suheldev Bhartiya Samaj Party

7    RAMASHANKAR RAM    M    43    Rashtriya Jan-Jagram Morcha

8    SATYADEO RAM    M    39    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)

9    ASHA DEVI    F    46    Independent

10    DINANATH MANJHI    M    31    Independent

11    DHARMENDRA KUMAR HAZRA    M    41    Independent

12    BANITHA BAITHA    F    25    Independent

13    RAJESH KUMAR RAM    M    28    Independent

14    RAM SURAT RAM    M    42    Independent

15    SHAMBHU DOM    M    41    Independent

16    SURENDRA PASWAN    M    28    Independent

S04    18    BR    SIWAN    16-Apr-09    1    PARASH NATH PATHAK    M    60    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    BRISHIN PATEL    M    60    Janata Dal (United)

3    VIJAY SHANKER DUBEY    M    60    Indian National Congress

4    HENA SHAHAB    F    36    Rashtriya Janata Dal

5    AMAR NATH YADAV    M    44    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)

6    ASWANI KR. VERMA    M    28    Indian Justice Party

7    MADHURI PANDAY    F    35    Samajik Jantantrik Party

8    LAL BABU TIWARI    M    55    Rashtriya Krantikari Samajwadi Party

9    UMESH TIWARY    M    30    Independent

10    OM PRAKASH YADAV    M    43    Independent

11    NIDHI KIRTI    F    26    Independent

12    PRABHU NATH MALI    M    26    Independent

13    DR. MUNESHWAR PRASAD    M    68    Independent

14    RAJENDRA KUMAR    M    36    Independent

15    SHAMBHU NATH PRASAD    M    60    Independent

S04    19    BR    MAHARAJGANJ    16-Apr-09    1    UMA SHANAKER SINGH    M    61    Rashtriya Janata Dal

2    TARKESHWAR SINGH    M    51    Indian National Congress

3    PRABHU NATH SINGH    M    56    Janata Dal (United)

4    RAVINDRA NATH MISHRA    M    54    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    RAMESH SINGH KUSHWAHA    M    59    Loktantrik Samata Dal

6    SATYENDRA KR. SAHANI    M    41    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)

7    GAUTAM PRASAD    M    30    Independent

8    DHURENDRA RAM    M    47    Independent

9    NAYAN PRASAD    M    53    Independent

10    PRADEEP MANJHI    M    32    Independent

11    BANKE BIHARI SINGH    M    25    Independent

12    RAJESH KUMAR SINGH    M    26    Independent

13    BREENDA PATHAK    M    63    Independent

S04    20    BR    SARAN    16-Apr-09    1    RAJIV PRATAP RUDY    M    48    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    LALU PRASAD    M    60    Rashtriya Janata Dal

3    SALIM PERWEZ    M    47    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    SANTOSH PATEL    M    39    Loktantrik Samata Dal

5    SOHEL AKHATAR    M    33    Bharatiya Momin Front

6    KUMAR BALRAM SINGH    M    56    Independent

7    DHUPENDRA SINGH    M    33    Independent

8    RAJKUMAR RAI    M    33    Independent

9    RAJAN HRISHIKESH CHANDRA    M    25    Independent

10    RAJARAM SAHANI    M    49    Independent

11    LAL BABU RAY    M    46    Independent

12    SHEO DAS SINGH    M    74    Independent

S04    32    BR    ARRAH    16-Apr-09    1    MEENA SINGH    F    44    Janata Dal (United)

2    RAMA KISHORE SINGH    M    46    Lok Jan Shakti Party

3    REETA SINGH    F    40    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    HARIDWAR PRASAD SINGH    M    64    Indian National Congress

5    AJIT PRASAD MEHTA    M    43    Jawan Kisan Morcha

6    ARUN SINGH    M    48    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)

7    BHARAT BHUSAN PANDEY    M    35    Akhil Bharatiya Jan Sangh

8    RAMADHAR SINGH    M    48    Shivsena

9    SAMBHU PRASAD SHARMA    M    57    All India Forward Bloc

10    SANTOSH KUMAR    M    32    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party

11    SATYA NARAYAN YADAV    M    67    Rashtra Sewa Dal

12    SAIYAD GANIUDDIN HAIDER    M    42    Ambedkar National Congress

13    ASHOK KUMAR SINGH    M    38    Independent

14    BHARAT SINGH SAHYOGI    M    45    Independent

15    MAHESH RAM    M    45    Independent

16    SOBH NATH SINGH    M    39    Independent

S04    33    BR    BUXAR    16-Apr-09    1    KAMLA KANT TIWARY    M    67    Indian National Congress

2    JAGADA NAND SINGH    M    65    Rashtriya Janata Dal

3    LAL MUNI CHOUBEY    M    71    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    SHYAM LAL SINGH KUSHWAHA    M    54    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    MOKARRAM HUSSAIN    M    57    Suheldev Bhartiya Samaj Party

6    MOHAN SAH    M    33    Bharatiya Jantantrik Janta Dal

7    RAJENDRA SINGH MAURYA    M    32    Loktantrik Samata Dal

8    DR. VIJENDRA NATH UPADHYAY    M    37    Shivsena

9    SHYAM BIHARI BIND    M    46    Janvadi Party(Socialist)

10    SATYENDRA OJHA    M    27    Apna Dal

11    SUDAMA PRASAD    M    41    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)

12    SURESH WADEKAR    M    38    Republican Party of India

13    KAMLESH CHOUDHARY    M    35    Independent

14    JAI SINGH YADAV    M    34    Independent

15    DADAN SINGH    M    45    Independent

16    PRATIBHA DEVI    F    40    Independent

17    PHULAN PANDIT    M    44    Independent

18    RAJENDRA PASWAN    M    33    Independent

19    LALLAN RUPNARAIN PATHAK    M    65    Independent

20    SHIV CHARAN YADAV    M    55    Independent

21    SUNIL KUMAR DUBEY    M    32    Independent

22    SURENDRA KUMAR BHARTI    M    38    Independent

S04    34    BR    SASARAM    16-Apr-09    1    GANDHI AZAD    M    62    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    MEIRA KUMAR    F    63    Indian National Congress

3    MUNI LAL    M    61    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    LALAN PASWAN    M    45    Rashtriya Janata Dal

5    DUKHI RAM    M    39    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)

6    BABBAN CHAUDHARY    M    39    Loktantrik Samata Dal

7    BALIRAM RAM    M    43    Pragatisheel Manav Samaj Party

8    BHOLA PRASAD    M    38    Indian Justice Party

9    RADHA DEBI    F    28    Apna Dal

10    RAM NAGINA RAM    M    41    Rashtriya Krantikari Janata Party

11    RAM YADI RAM    M    72    Republican Party of India

12    PRAMOD KUMAR    M    26    Independent

13    BHARAT RAM    M    33    Independent

14    MUNIYA DEBI    F    41    Independent

15    RAM PRAVESH RAM    M    47    Independent

16    SURENDRA RAM    M    39    Independent

S04    35    BR    KARAKAT    16-Apr-09    1    AWADHESH KUMAR SINGH    M    53    Indian National Congress

2    UPENDRA KUMAR SHARMA    M    47    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    KANTI SINGH    F    54    Rashtriya Janata Dal

4    MAHABALI SINGH    M    54    Janata Dal (United)

5    AJAY KUMAR    M    32    Republican Party of India (A)

6    JYOTI RASHMI    F    30    Rashtra Sewa Dal

7    MUDREEKA YADAV    M    59    Apna Dal

8    RAJ KISHOR MISRA    M    30    Alpjan Samaj Party

9    RAJA RAM SINGH    M    53    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)

10    MD.SHAMIULLAH MANSOORI    M    62    Shoshit Samaj Dal

11    ER.ABDUL SATAR    M    62    Independent

12    AMAVAS RAM    M    50    Independent

13    PRO. KAMTA PRASAD YADAV    M    46    Independent

14    GIRISH NARAYAN SINGH    M    48    Independent

15    SATISH PANDEY    M    27    Independent

16    HARI PRASAD SINGH    M    63    Independent

S04    36    BR    JAHANABAD    16-Apr-09    1    DR. ARUN KUMAR    M    49    Indian National Congress

2    JAGDISH SHARMA    M    58    Janata Dal (United)

3    RAMADHAR SHARMA    M    54    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    SURENDRA PRASAD YADAV    M    51    Rashtriya Janata Dal

5    AYASHA KHATUN    F    28    Loktantrik Samata Dal

6    PROF. JAI RAM PRASAD SINGH    M    70    Shoshit Samaj Dal

7    TARA GUPTA    F    62    Rashtriya Pragati Party

8    MAHANAND PRASAD    M    41    Communist Party of India(Marxist-Leninist)(Liberation)

9    RAMASRAY PRASAD SINGH    M    83    Rashtriya Lok Dal

10    MD. SAHABUDDIN JAHAN    M    36    Bharatiya Sarvodaya Kranti Party

11    SHRAVAN KUMAR    M    32    Lal Morcha

12    SADHU SINHA    M    68    All India Forward Bloc

13    SYED AKBAR IMAM    M    49    Akhil Bharatiya Ashok Sena

14    AJAY KUMAR VERMA    M    41    Independent

15    ABHAY KUMAR ANIL    M    41    Independent

16    DR. ARBIND KUMAR    M    52    Independent

17    ARVIND PRASAD SINGH    M    43    Independent

18    UPENDRA PRASAD    M    31    Independent

19    JAGDISH YADAV    M    40    Independent

20    PRIKSHIT SINGH    M    36    Independent

21    PRABHAT KUMAR RANJAN    M    32    Independent

22    RANJIT SHARMA    M    28    Independent

23    RAKESHWAR KISHOR    M    35    Independent

24    SIYA RAM PRASAD    M    40    Independent

25    SUMIRAK SINGH    M    50    Independent

S04    37    BR    AURANGABAD    16-Apr-09    1    ARCHANA CHANDRA    F    32    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    NIKHIL KUMAR    M    67    Indian National Congress

3    SHAKIL AHMAD KHAN    M    61    Rashtriya Janata Dal

4    SUSHIL KUMAR SINGH    M    43    Janata Dal (United)

5    ANIL KUMAR SINGH    M    36    Rashtra Sewa Dal

6    AMERIKA MAHTO    M    48    Shoshit Samaj Dal

7    RAM KUMAR MEHTA    M    37    Loktantrik Samata Dal

8    VIJAY PASWAN    M    48    Bharatiya Sarvodaya Kranti Party

9    ASLAM ANSARI    M    38    Independent

10    INDRA DEO RAM    M    58    Independent

11    UDAY PASWAN    M    41    Independent

12    PUNA DAS    M    34    Independent

13    RANJEET KUMAR    M    48    Independent

14    RAJENDRA YADAV    M    42    Independent

15    RAMSWARUP PRASAD YADAV    M    72    Independent

16    SANTOSH KUMAR    M    40    Independent

S04    38    BR    GAYA    16-Apr-09    1    KALAWATI DEVI    F    27    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    RAMJI MANJHI    M    49    Rashtriya Janata Dal

3    SANJIV PRASAD TONI    M    52    Indian National Congress

4    HARI MANJHI    M    47    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    DILIP PASWAN    M    41    Navbharat Nirman Party

6    NIRANJAN KUMAR    M    35    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)

7    RAJESH KUMAR    M    27    Loktantrik Samata Dal

8    RAMDEV ARYA PAAN    M    67    Akhil Bharatiya Jan Sangh

9    AMAR NATH PRASAD    M    35    Independent

10    KRISHNA CHOUDHARY    M    26    Independent

11    KAIL DAS    M    66    Independent

12    DIPAK PASWAN    M    27    Independent

13    RAM KISHORE PASWAN    M    36    Independent

14    RAMU PASWAN    M    29    Independent

15    SHIV SHANKAR KUMAR    M    33    Independent

16    SHYAM LAL MANJHI    M    50    Independent

S04    39    BR    NAWADA    16-Apr-09    1    GANESH SHANKAR VIDYARTHI    M    85    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

2    BHOLA SINGH    M    70    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    MASIH UDDIN    M    36    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    VEENA DEVI    F    36    Lok Jan Shakti Party

5    SUNILA DEVI    F    38    Indian National Congress

6    UMAKANT RAHI    M    37    Shoshit Samaj Dal

7    KAILASH PAL    M    48    Bharatiya Sarvodaya Kranti Party

8    VIDHYAPATI SINGH    M    46    Loktantrik Samata Dal

9    SURENDRA KUMAR CHAUDHARY    M    45    Suheldev Bhartiya Samaj Party

10    AKHILESH SINGH    M    38    Independent

11    ANIL MEHTA    M    36    Independent

12    KAUSHAL YADAV    M    39    Independent

13    CHANCHALA DEVI    F    33    Independent

14    DURGA PRASAD DHAR    M    29    Independent

15    NAVIN KUMAR VERMA    M    38    Independent

16    RAJ KISHOR RAJ    M    43    Independent

17    RAJ BALLABH PRASAD    M    46    Independent

18    RAJENDRA VISHAL    M    44    Independent

19    RAJENDRA SINGH    M    60    Independent

20    SHAMBHU PRASAD    M    41    Independent

21    SUNIL KUMAR    M    28    Independent

S04    40    BR    JAMUI    16-Apr-09    1    ASHOK CHOUDHARY    M    42    Indian National Congress

2    GAJADHAR RAJAK    M    63    Communist Party of India

3    BHAGWAN DAS    M    61    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    BHUDEO CHOUDHARY    M    46    Janata Dal (United)

5    SHYAM RAJAK    M    56    Rashtriya Janata Dal

6    ARJUN MANJHI    M    45    Jago Party

7    UPENDRA RAVIDAS    M    30    Samata Party

8    OM PRAKASH PASWAN    M    62    Loktantrik Samata Dal

9    GULAB CHANDRA PASWAN    M    58    Rashtriya Krantikari Janata Party

10    NUNDEO MANJHI    M    54    Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik)

11    PRASADI PASWAN    M    37    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha

12    SUBHASH PASWAN    M    36    Samajtantric Party of India

13    KAPILDEO DAS    M    55    Independent

14    JAY SEKHAR MANJHI    M    48    Independent

15    PAPPU RAJAK    M    40    Independent

16    YOGENDRA PASWAN    M    37    Independent

17    VIJAY PASWAN    M    29    Independent

18    BILAKSHAN RAVIDAS    M    51    Independent

19    SARYUG PASWAN    M    65    Independent

S09    6    JK    JAMMU    16-Apr-09    1    S.TARLOK SINGH    M    59    Jammu & Kashmir Peoples Democratic Party

2    HUSSAIN ALI    M    48    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    LILA KARAN SHARMA    M    68    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    MADAN LAL SHARMA    M    56    Indian National Congress

5    UDAY CHAND    M    55    Duggar Pradesh Party

6    SURJIT SINGH ‘G’ SITARA    M    58    Rashtriya Krantikari Samajwadi Party

7    SANT RAM    M    73    Bharatiya Bahujan Party

8    SANJEEV KUMAR MANMOTRA    M    42    Lok Jan Shakti Party

9    QARI ZAHIR ABBAS BHATTI    M    39    All India Forward Bloc

10    ABDUL MAJEED MALIK    M    37    Backward Classes Democratic Party, J&K

11    ASHOK KUMAR    M    45    Independent

12    BALWAN SINGH    M    35    Independent

13    PARAS RAM POONCHI    M    56    Independent

14    RAMESH CHANDER SHARMA    M    36    Independent

15    SATISH POONCHI    M    60    Independent

16    SANJAY KUMAR    M    39    Independent

17    SHAKEELA BANO    F    32    Independent

18    LABHA RAM GANDHI    M    46    Independent

19    CH. MUSHTAQ HUSSAIN CHOUHAN    M    38    Independent

20    NARESH DOGRA    M    40    Independent

21    HILAL AHMED BAIG    M    29    Independent

S11    1    KL    KASARAGOD    16-Apr-09    1    P KARUNAKARAN    M    64    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

2    K.H.MADHAVI    F    35    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    SHAHIDA KAMAL    F    40    Indian National Congress

4    K. SURENDRAN    M    37    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    ABBAS MUTHALAPPARA    M    47    Independent

6    MOHAN NAYAK    M    73    Independent

7    P.K. RAMAN    M    48    Independent

S11    2    KL    KANNUR    16-Apr-09    1    P.P KARUNAKARAN MASTER    M    61    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    K.K BALAKRISHNAN NAMBIAR    M    52    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    K.K RAGESH    M    38    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

4    K. SUDHAKARAN    M    60    Indian National Congress

5    P.I. CHANDRASEKHARAN    M    53    The Humanist Party of India

6    JOHNSON ALIAS SUNNY AMBATT    M    48    Independent

7    K. RAGESH S/O. JANARDHANAN    M    33    Independent

8    PATTATHIL RAGHAVAN    M    82    Independent

9    K. SUDHAKARAN KAVINTE ARIKATH    M    39    Independent

S11    3    KL    VADAKARA    16-Apr-09    1    ADV.K. NOORUDHEEN MUSALIAR    M    56    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    MULLAPPALLY RAMACHANDRAN    M    64    Indian National Congress

3    K.P SREESAN    M    49    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    ADV. P. SATHEEDEVI    F    52    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

5    T.P CHANDRASEKHARAN    M    47    Independent

6    NAROTH RAMACHANDRAN    M    58    Independent

7    P.SATHIDEVI PALLIKKAL    F    36    Independent

8    SATHEEDEVI    F    42    Independent

S11    4    KL    WAYANAD    16-Apr-09    1    K. MURALEEDHARAN    M    51    Nationalist Congress Party

2    RAJEEV JOSEPH    M    40    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    C. VASUDEVAN MASTER    M    65    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    M.I. SHANAVAS    M    57    Indian National Congress

5    ADVOCATE. M. RAHMATHULLA    M    48    Communist Party of India

6    KALLANGODAN ABDUL LATHEEF    M    46    Independent

7    CLETUS    M    52    Independent

8    DR. NALLA THAMPY THERA    M    75    Independent

9    ADVOCATE. SHANAVAS MALAPPURAM    M    36    Independent

10    SHANAVAS MANAKULANGARA PARAMBIL    M    29    Independent

11    SUNNY PONNAMATTOM    M    58    Independent

12    M.P. RAHMATH    M    30    Independent

13    RAHMATHULLA POOLADAN    M    36    Independent

S11    5    KL    KOZHIKODE    16-Apr-09    1    A.K. ABDUL NASAR    M    35    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    ADV. P.A. MOHAMED RIYAS    M    33    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

3    V. MURALEEDHARAN    M    49    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    M.K. RAGHAVAN    M    57    Indian National Congress

5    ADV. P. KUMARANKUTTY    M    64    Independent

6    K. MUHAMMED RIYAS    M    27    Independent

7    P. MUHAMMED RIYAS    M    28    Independent

8    P.A. MOHAMMED RIYAS    M    37    Independent

9    MUDOOR MUHAMMED HAJI    M    44    Independent

10    K. RAGHAVAN    M    44    Independent

11    P. RAMACHANDRAN NAIR    M    63    Independent

12    M. RAGHAVAN    M    65    Independent

13    VINOD K.    M    33    Independent

14    ADV. SABI JOSEPH    M    60    Independent

15    DR. D.SURENDRANATH    M    60    Independent

16    RIYAS    M    31    Independent

S11    6    KL    MALAPPURAM    16-Apr-09    1    ADV.E.A. ABOOBACKER    M    52    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    ADV. N. ARAVINDAN    M    43    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    E. AHAMED    M    70    Muslim League Kerala State Committee

4    T.K. HAMSA    M    71    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

S11    7    KL    PONNANI    16-Apr-09    1    K. JANACHANDRAN MASTER    M    57    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    P.K. MUHAMMED    M    56    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    E.T. MUHAMMED BASHEER    M    62    Muslim League Kerala State Committee

4    ABDUREHMAN    M    32    Independent

5    DR. AZAD    M    45    Independent

6    PULLANI GOVINDAN    M    64    Independent

7    DR. HUSSAIN RANTATHANI    M    51    Independent

8    HUSSAIN EDAYATH    M    29    Independent

9    HUSSAIN KADAIKKAL    M    37    Independent

10    HUSSAIN PERICHAYIL    M    42    Independent

11    HUSSAIN    M    29    Independent

12    DR. HUSSAIN    M    40    Independent

13    K. SADANANDAN    M    62    Independent

S11    8    KL    PALAKKAD    16-Apr-09    1    ABDUL RAZAK MOULAVI    M    47    Nationalist Congress Party

2    CHANDRAN. V    M    63    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    C.K. PADMANABHAN    M    60    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    M.B. RAJESH    M    34    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

5    SATHEESAN PACHENI    M    41    Indian National Congress

6    A. AROKIASAMY    M    61    Independent

7    M.R. MURALI    M    43    Independent

8    N.V. RAJESH    M    35    Independent

9    VIJAYAN AMBALAKKAD    M    42    Independent

10    SATHEESAN. E.V    M    37    Independent

S11    9    KL    ALATHUR    16-Apr-09    1    P.K BIJU    M    34    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

2    M. BINDU TEACHER    F    35    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    DR. G SUDEVAN    M    61    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    N.K SUDHEER    M    44    Indian National Congress

5    K. GOPALAKRISHNAN    M    39    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)

6    BIJU K.K    M    38    Independent

7    P.C BIJU    M    36    Independent

8    C.K RAMAKRISHNAN    M    43    Independent

9    K.K SUDHIR    M    44    Independent

S11    10    KL    THRISSUR    16-Apr-09    1    P C CHACKO    M    62    Indian National Congress

2    C N JAYADEVAN    M    58    Communist Party of India

3    ADV. JOSHY THARAKAN    M    42    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    REMA REGUNANDAN    F    48    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    AJAYAN KUTTIKAT    M    36    Janata Dal (United)

6    K ARUN KUMAR    M    39    Independent

7    KUNJAN PULAYAN    M    52    Independent

8    E A JOSEPH    M    49    Independent

9    N K RAVI    M    46    Independent

10    P C SAJU    M    35    Independent

11    ADV. N HARIHARAN NAIR    M    63    Independent

S11    11    KL    CHALAKUDY    16-Apr-09    1    ADV. U.P JOSEPH    M    45    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

2    K.P. DHANAPALAN    M    59    Indian National Congress

3    MUTTAM ABDULLA    M    49    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    ADV.K.V. SABU    M    47    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    HAMSA KALAPARAMBATH    M    47    Lok Jan Shakti Party

6    JOHNNY K CHEEKU    M    47    Independent

7    JOSE MAVELI    M    58    Independent

8    U.P JOSE    M    45    Independent

9    DR. P.S. BABU    M    42    Independent

10    T.S NARAYANAN MASTER    M    67    Independent

11    C.A. HASEENA    F    36    Independent

S11    12    KL    ERNAKULAM    16-Apr-09    1    PROF. K V THOMAS    M    61    Indian National Congress

2    A.N. RADHAKRISHNAN    M    49    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    SHERIF MOHAMMED    M    56    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    SINDHU JOY    F    32    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

5    SAJU THOMAS    M    43    Lok Jan Shakti Party

6    MARY FRANCIS MOOLAMPILLY    F    59    Independent

7    VISWAMBARAN    M    59    Independent

8    SAJI THURUTHIKUNNEL    M    37    Independent

9    SINDHU K.S    F    36    Independent

10    SINDHU JAYAN    F    38    Independent

S11    13    KL    IDUKKI    16-Apr-09    1    ADV. P.T THOMAS    M    59    Indian National Congress

2    ADV. K. FRANCIS GEORGE    M    54    Kerala Congress

3    ADV. BIJU M JOHN    M    40    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    SREENAGARI RAJAN    M    49    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    VASUDEVAN    M    39    Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katch

6    ADV. CHITTOOR RAJAMANNAR    M    50    Independent

7    JOSE KUTTIYANY    M    69    Independent

8    KANCHIYAR PEETHAMBARAN    M    45    Independent

9    BABY    M    51    Independent

10    M A SOOSAI    M    45    Independent

S11    14    KL    KOTTAYAM    16-Apr-09    1    JOSE K.MANI    M    44    Kerala Congress (M)

2    ADV. NARAYANAN NAMBOOTHIRI    M    48    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    ADV. SURESH KURUP    M    52    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

4    SPENCER MARKS    M    39    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    ADV. JAIMON THANKACHAN    M    39    Samajwadi Jan Parishad

6    ANTO P JOHN    M    41    Independent

7    JUNO JOHN BABY    M    34    Independent

8    JOSE    M    45    Independent

9    JOSE MATHEW    M    32    Independent

10    JOSE K. MANI    M    32    Independent

11    BABU    M    41    Independent

12    K.T MATHEW    M    50    Independent

13    MINI K PHILIP    F    41    Independent

14    M.S RAVEENDRAN    M    49    Independent

15    K. RAJAPPAN    M    57    Independent

16    SASIKUTTAN VAKATHANAM    M    53    Independent

17    SURESH N.B KURUP    M    26    Independent

18    SURESHKUMAR K    M    33    Independent

19    SURESHKUMAR T.R    M    36    Independent

20    SURESH KURUMBAN    M    36    Independent

S11    15    KL    ALAPPUZHA    16-Apr-09    1    DR. K.S MANOJ    M    43    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

2    K.C VENUGOPAL    M    46    Indian National Congress

3    K.S PRASAD    M    54    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    P.J KURIAN    M    63    Janata Dal (United)

5    S. SEETHILAL    M    45    Independent

6    SONY J. KALYANKUMAR    M    51    Independent

S11    16    KL    MAVELIKKARA    16-Apr-09    1    R.S ANIL    M    34    Communist Party of India

2    KODIKKUNNIL SURESH    M    46    Indian National Congress

3    DR. N.D MOHAN    M    56    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    P.M VELAYUDHAN    M    52    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    ANIL KUMAR    M    26    Independent

6    K.S SASIKALA    F    40    Independent

7    SOORANAD SUKUMARAN    M    60    Independent

S11    17    KL    PATHANAMTHITTA    16-Apr-09    1    ANANTHA GOPAN    M    61    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

2    ANTO ANTONY    M    52    Indian National Congress

3    KARUNAKARAN NAIR    M    78    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    MANI C.KAPPEN    M    51    Nationalist Congress Party

5    RADHAKRISHNA MENON    M    44    Bharatiya Janata Party

6    KUNJU PILLAI    M    60    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)

7    ANTO    M    33    Independent

8    JYOTHISH M.R    M    37    Independent

9    THAMBI    M    40    Independent

10    NIRANAM RAJAN    M    47    Independent

11    PUSHPANGADAN    M    40    Independent

12    MATHEW PAREY    M    26    Independent

S11    18    KL    KOLLAM    16-Apr-09    1    ADVT. K M JAYANANDAN    M    52    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    N.PEETHAMBARAKURUP    M    66    Indian National Congress

3    VAYAKKAL MADHU    M    48    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    P.RAJENDRAN    M    58    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

5    ADV.ANU SASI    M    28    Independent

6    KRISHNAMMAL    F    59    Independent

7    K A JOHN    M    55    Independent

8    N.PEETHAMBARAKURUP    M    61    Independent

9    S.PRADEEP KUMAR    M    30    Independent

10    S.RADHAKRISHNAN    M    47    Independent

11    R.ZAKIEER HUSSAIN    M    37    Independent

S11    19    KL    ATTINGAL    16-Apr-09    1    PROF.G BALACHANDRAN    M    63    Indian National Congress

2    THOTTAKKADU SASI    M    54    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    ADV. A SAMPATH    M    46    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

4    J SUDHAKARAN    M    60    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    SREENATH    M    53    Shivsena

6    JAYAKUMAR    M    56    Independent

7    BALACHANDRAN    M    51    Independent

8    BALACHNDRAN C P    M    59    Independent

9    MURALI KUMAR    M    43    Independent

10    J VIJAYAKUMAR    M    49    Independent

11    VIVEKANANDAN    M    59    Independent

12    SHAMSUDEEN    M    56    Independent

13    SAJIMON    M    25    Independent

14    SAIFUDEEN M    M    55    Independent

S11    20    KL    THIRUVANANTHAPURAM    16-Apr-09    1    P K KRISHNA DAS    M    45    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    M.P.GANGADHARAN    M    74    Nationalist Congress Party

3    DR.A NEELALOHITHADASAN NADAR    M    61    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    ADV. P RAMACHANDRAN NAIR    M    57    Communist Party of India

5    SHASHI THAROOR    M    53    Indian National Congress

6    AJITHKUMAR.K    M    41    All India Trinamool Congress

7    JAIN WILSON    M    41    Bahujan Shakty

8    G ASHOKAN    M    47    Independent

9    T.GEORGE    M    40    Independent

10    DILEEP    M    28    Independent

11    U.NAHURMIRAN PEERU MOHAMMED    M    49    Independent

12    PRATHAPAN    M    54    Independent

13    MOHANAN JOSHWA    M    49    Independent

14    SASI – JANAKI SADAN    M    39    Independent

15    SASI – KALAPURAKKAL    M    51    Independent

16    SHAJAR KHAN    M    38    Independent

S13    5    MH    BULDHANA    16-Apr-09    1    JADHAV PRATAPRAO GANPATRAO    M    49    Shivsena

2    DANDGE VASANTRAO SUGDEO    M    55    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    SHINGNE DR.RAJENDRA BHASKARRAO    M    48    Nationalist Congress Party

4    AMARDEEP BALASAHEB DESHMUKH    M    27    Krantisena Maharashtra

5    QURRASHI SK.SIKANDAR SK. SHAUKAT    M    33    Democratic Secular Party

6    GAJANAN RAJARAM SIRSAT    M    27    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha

7    DHOKNE RAVINDRA TULSHRAMJI    M    44    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha

8    FERAN CHADRAHAS JAGDEO    M    54    Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha

9    GANESH ARJUN ZORE    M    25    Independent

10    TAYDE VITTHAL PANDHARI    M    56    Independent

11    DEVIDAS PIRAJI SARKATE    M    35    Independent

12    SY. BILAL SY. USMAN    M    38    Independent

13    BHARAT PUNJAJI SHINGANE    M    40    Independent

14    RAJESH NIKANTHRAO TATHE    M    52    Independent

15    RATHOD CHHAGAN BABULAL    M    29    Independent

S13    6    MH    AKOLA    16-Apr-09    1    DHOTRE SANJAY SHAMRAO    M    50    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    BABASAHEB DHABEKAR    M    78    Indian National Congress

3    ATIK AHAMAD GU. JILANI    M    34    Democratic Secular Party

4    AMBEDKAR PRAKASH YASHWANT    M    56    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha

5    GANESH TULSHIRAM TATHE    M    49    Kranti Kari Jai Hind Sena

6    DIPAK SHRIRAM TIRAKE    M    33    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha

7    AJABRAO UTTAMRAO BHONGADE    M    36    Independent

8    THAKURDAS GOVIND CHOUDHARI    M    39    Independent

9    MUJAHID KHAN CHAND KHAN    M    42    Independent

10    RAUT DEVIDAS ANANDRAO    M    45    Independent

11    WASUDEORAO KHADE GURUJI    M    68    Independent

S13    7    MH    AMRAVATI    16-Apr-09    1    ADSUL ANANDRAO VITHOBA    M    61    Shivsena

2    GANGADHAR GADE    M    62    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    UGLE SUNIL NAMDEV    M    32    Peoples Republican Party

4    UBALE SHRIKRISHNA CHAMPATRAO    M    62    Ambedkarist Republican Party

5    KESHAV DASHARATH WANKHADE    M    38    Kranti Kari Jai Hind Sena

6    GAWAI RAJENDRA RAMKRUSHNA    M    46    Republican Party of India

7    PRINCIPAL GOPICHAND SURYABHAN MESHRAM    M    52    Republican Paksha (Khoripa)

8    BARSE MANOHAR DAULATRAO    M    53    Indian Union Muslim League

9    SAU MAMATA VINAYAK KANDALKAR    F    31    Assam United Democratic Front

10    DR. HEMANTKUMAR RAMBHAU MAHURE    M    34    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha

11    AMOL DEVIDASRAO JADHAV    M    25    Independent

12    UMAK SHRIKRUSHNA SHYAMRAO    M    57    Independent

13    BANDU SAMPATRAO SANE (BANDYA L.S.)    M    43    Independent

14    BHAURAO SHRIRAM CHHAPANE    M    38    Independent

15    MITHUN HIRAMAN GAIKWAD    M    51    Independent

16    PROF. MUKUND VITTHALRAO KHAIRE    M    51    Independent

17    DR. RAJIV GULABRAO JAMTHE    M    53    Independent

18    RAJU MAHADEVRAO SONONE    M    38    Independent

19    VISHWANATH GOTUJI JAMNEKAR    M    60    Independent

20    SUDHAKAR VYANKAT RAMTEKE (MAJI SAINIK)    M    25    Independent

21    ADV. SUDHIR HIRAMAN TAYADE    M    42    Independent

22    SUNIL PRABHU RAMTEKE    M    37    Independent

S13    8    MH    WARDHA    16-Apr-09    1    KANGALE BIPIN BABASAHEB    M    32    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    DATTA MEGHE    M    72    Indian National Congress

3    SURESH GANPATRAO WAGHMARE    M    48    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    DIWATE RAMESH MADHAORAO    M    46    Krantisena Maharashtra

5    NARAYANRAO RAMJI CHIDAM    M    68    Gondvana Gantantra Party

6    DR. NITIN KESHORAO CHAVAN    M    46    Peoples Republican Party

7    PYARE SAHAB SHEIKH KARIM    M    41    Democratic Secular Party

8    BHOSE KAILAS VISHWASRAO    M    36    Gondwana Mukti Sena

9    ADV. SURESH SHINDE    M    42    Indian Justice Party

10    SANGITA SUNIL ALIAS SONU KAMBLE    F    33    Ambedkarist Republican Party

11    ISHWARKUMAR SHANKARRAO GHARPURE    M    50    Independent

12    GUNWANT TUKARAMJI DAWANDE    M    70    Independent

13    JAGANNATH NILKANTHRAO RAUT    M    54    Independent

14    TAGADE VISHWESHWAR AWADHUTRAO    M    47    Independent

15    RAMTEKE PRAKASH BAKARAM    M    60    Independent

16    SARANG PRAKASHRAO YAWALKAR    M    31    Independent

S13    9    MH    RAMTEK    16-Apr-09    1    TUMANE KRUPAL BALAJI    M    43    Shivsena

2    PRAKASHBHAU KISHAN TEMBHURNE    M    34    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    WASNIK MUKUL BALKRISHNA    M    49    Indian National Congress

4    KUMBHARE SULEKHA NARAYAN    F    49    Bahujan Republican Ekta Manch

5    DESHPANDE SANJAY SAOJI    M    44    Hindustan Janta Party

6    NAGARKAR PRASHANT HANSRAJ    M    34    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha

7    NANDKISHOR SADHUJI DONGRE    M    34    Gondvana Gantantra Party

8    BAGDE SUJEET WASUDEORAO    M    43    Janata Dal (Secular)

9    PROF. BORKAR PRADIP DARYAV    M    48    Republican Paksha (Khoripa)

10    MAYATAI CHAWRE (UTWAL)    F    37    Samajwadi Party

11    VISKAS RAJARAM DAMLE    M    41    Republican Party of India (Khobragade)

12    SEEMA JEEVAN RAMTEKE    F    36    Democratic Secular Party

13    SANDIP SHESHRAO GAJBHIYE    M    36    Gondwana Mukti Sena

14    ASHISH ARUN NAGARARE    M    28    Independent

15    KHUSHAL UDARAMJI TUMANE    M    53    Independent

16    DHONE ANIL    M    43    Independent

17    ADV. DUPARE ULHAS SHALIKRAM    M    42    Independent

18    BARWE MADHUKAR DOMAJI    M    43    Independent

19    ADV. YUVRAJ ANANDRAOJI BAGDE    M    34    Independent

20    RURESH MANGALDAS BORKAR    M    33    Independent

S13    10    MH    NAGPUR    16-Apr-09    1    PUROHIT BANWARILAL BHAGWANDAS    M    69    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    ENGINEER MANIKRAO VAIDYA    M    56    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    MUTTEMWAR VILASRAO BABURAOJI    M    60    Indian National Congress

4    ARUN SHAMRAO JOSHI    M    58    Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha

5    KUMBHARE SULEKHA NARAYAN    F    49    Bahujan Republican Ekta Manch

6    ADV. GAJANAN SADASHIV KAWALE    M    51    Republican Paksha (Khoripa)

7    DILIP MANGAL MADAVI    M    44    Gondvana Gantantra Party

8    MEHMOOD KHAN RAHEEM KHAN    M    27    Democratic Secular Party

9    DR. YASHWANT MANOHAR    M    66    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha

10    RAUT RAMESHCHANDRA    M    56    Prabuddha Republican Party

11    RAJESH SUKHDEV GAIKWAD    M    32    Kranti Kari Jai Hind Sena

12    ADV. VASANTA UMRE    M    50    Democratic Party of India

13    SOMKUWAR VIJAY SITARAM    M    41    Ambedkarist Republican Party

14    AZIZUR REHMAN SHEIKH    M    46    Independent

15    ASHISH ARUN NAGRARE    M    28    Independent

16    ADV. UPASHA BANSI TAYWADE    M    67    Independent

17    JAGDISH RAGHUNATH AMBADE    M    44    Independent

18    PRATIBHA UDAY KHAPARDE    F    35    Independent

19    PREMDAS RAMCHANDRA RAMTEKE    M    48    Independent

20    BARPATRE CHANDRABHAN SOMAJI    M    48    Independent

21    BLASAHEB ALIAS PRAMOD RAMAJI SHAMBHARKAR    M    40    Independent

22    MOHAMAD HABIB REEZAVI    M    50    Independent

23    RAJESHKUMAR MOHANLAL PUGALIA    M    37    Independent

24    RAHUL MADHUKAR DESHMUKH    M    34    Independent

25    VIJAY DEVRAO DHAKATE    M    26    Independent

26    SUNIL GAYAPRASAD MISHRA    M    41    Independent

27    PROF. DNYANESH WAKUDKAR    M    52    Independent

S13    11    MH    BHANDARA – GONDIYA    16-Apr-09    1    GANVIR SHIVKUMAR NAGARCHI    M    56    Communist Party of India

2    JAISWAL VIRENDRAKUMAR KASTURCHAND    M    53    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    PATLE SHISHUPAL NATTHUJI    M    42    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    PATEL PRAFUL MANOHARBHAI    M    52    Nationalist Congress Party

5    UNDIRWADE HEMANT JAGIVAN    M    45    Prabuddha Republican Party

6    JAMAIWAR SUNIL PARASRAM    M    38    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha

7    PATHAN MUSHTAK LATIF    M    32    Democratic Secular Party

8    PRATIBHA VASANT PIMPALKAR    F    38    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha

9    WASNIK SUNIL MANIRAM    M    38    Republican Paksha (Khoripa)

10    UKEY CHINDHUJI LAKHAJI    M    50    Independent

11    GAJBHIYE BRAMHASWARUP BABURAO    M    33    Independent

12    GAJBHIYE RAJENDRA MAHADEO    M    35    Independent

13    ADV. DHANANJAY SHAMLALJI RAJABHOJ    M    50    Independent

14    NANABHAU FALGUNRAO PATOLE    M    47    Independent

15    PATLE AKARSING SITARAM    M    36    Independent

16    PROF. DR. BHASKARRAO MAHADEORAO JIBHAKATE    M    63    Independent

17    MIRZA WAHIDBEG AHAMADBEG    M    33    Independent

18    YELE GANESHRAM SUKHRAM    M    54    Independent

19    RAHANGADALE MULCHAND OLGAN    M    56    Independent

20    DR. RAMSAJIVAN KAWDU LILHARE    M    60    Independent

21    SADANAND SHRAWANJI GANVIR    M    40    Independent

S13    12    MH    GADCHIROLI-CHIMUR    16-Apr-09    1    ASHOK MAHADEORAO NETE    M    45    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    ATRAM RAJE SATYAWANRAO    M    58    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    KOWASE MAROTRAO SAINUJI    M    59    Indian National Congress

4    NAMDEO ANANDRAO KANNAKE    M    50    Communist Party of India

5    PROFFESOR KHANDALE KAWDU TULSHIRAM    M    69    Kranti Kari Jai Hind Sena

6    ADV. DADMAL PRABHAKAR MAHAGUJI    M    54    Peoples Republican Party

7    PENDAM DIWAKAR GULAB    M    38    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha

8    PENDAM PURUSHOTTAM ZITUJI    M    35    Democratic Secular Party

9    VIJAY SURAJSING MADAVI    M    39    Gondvana Gantantra Party

10    JAMBHULE NARAYAN DINABAJI    M    54    Independent

11    DINESH TUKARAM MADAVI    M    28    Independent

S13    13    MH    CHANDRAPUR    16-Apr-09    1    AHIR HANSARAJ GANGARAM    M    54    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    PUGALIA NARESH    M    60    Indian National Congress

3    ADV. HAZARE DATTABHAU KRUSHNARAO    M    52    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    KHARTAD LOMESH MAROTI    M    55    Rashtrawadi Sena

5    KHOBRAGADE DESHAK GIRISHBABU    M    38    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha

6    CHATAP WAMAN SADASHIVRAO    M    58    Swatantra Bharat Paksha

7    JAWED ABDUL KURESHI ALIAS PROF. JAWED PASHA    M    47    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha

8    JITENDRA ADAKU RAUT    M    32    Akhil Bhartiya Manavata Paksha

9    DANGE NATTHU BHAURAO    M    41    Ambedkarist Republican Party

10    PATHAN A. RAZZAK KHAN HAYAT KHAN    M    44    Samajwadi Party

11    MASRAM NIRANJAN SHIVRAM    M    42    Gondvana Gantantra Party

12    KALE DAMODHAR LAXMAN    M    85    Independent

13    QURESHI IKHALAQ MOHD. YUSUF    M    51    Independent

14    GODE NARAYAN SHAHUJI    M    42    Independent

15    DEKATE BHASKAR PARASHRAM    M    55    Independent

16    MADHUKAR VITTHALRAO NISTANE    M    43    Independent

17    MESHRAM CHARANDAS JANGLUJI    M    65    Independent

18    RAMESH RAGHOBAJI TAJNE    M    45    Independent

19    VINOD DINANATH MESHRAM    M    34    Independent

20    VIRENDRA TARACHANDJI PUGLIA    M    53    Independent

21    SHATRUGHN VYANKATRAO SONPIMPLE    M    37    Independent

22    SANJAY NILKANTH GAWANDE    M    45    Independent

23    HIWARKAR SUDHIR MOTIRAMJI    M    43    Independent

S13    14    MH    YAVATMAL-WASHIM    16-Apr-09    1    YEDATKAR DILIP LAXMANRAO    M    50    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    BHAVANA GAWALI (PATIL)    F    36    Shivsena

3    HARISING RATHOD    M    54    Indian National Congress

4    UTTAM BHAGAJI KAMBLE    M    41    Prabuddha Republican Party

5    KURESHI SK. MEHBUB SK.FATTU    M    44    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha

6    KWAJA NASIRODDINE KHAN    M    29    Democratic Secular Party

7    GAJANAN KASHIRAM PATIL (HEMBADE)    M    26    Krantisena Maharashtra

8    DHAGE VITTHAL MAHADEV    M    45    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha

9    MANIYAR YUNUS MAHMOOD ZAHMI    M    50    Assam United Democratic Front

10    MOHMMAD KHAN AZIZ KHAN    M    43    Samajwadi Party

11    ATHAWALE SADANAND PRALHADRAO    M    39    Independent

12    GAJANAN BURMAL DODWADE    M    36    Independent

13    NETAJI SITARAMJI KINAKE    M    58    Independent

14    NANDKISHOR NARAYANRAO THAKARE    M    34    Independent

15    PAWAR RAMESH GORSING    M    53    Independent

16    PURUSHOTTAM DOMAJI BHAJGAWRE    M    48    Independent

17    MADHUKAR SHIVDASPPA GORATE    M    67    Independent

18    MANOJ JANARDAN PATIL    M    38    Independent

19    MUKHADE SAU. LALITARAI SUBHASHRAO    F    32    Independent

20    MESHRAM BANDU GANPAT    M    40    Independent

21    MOHD. INAMURRAHIM MOHD. MUSA    M    51    Independent

22    RAVINDRA ALIAS RAVIPAL MADHUKARRAO GANDHE    M    32    Independent

23    RAJKUMAR NARAYAN BHUJADALE    M    35    Independent

24    RATHOD DEVISING RAMA    M    56    Independent

25    SD. VHIDODDIN SD. KRIMODDIN    M    44    Independent

26    VISHNU KASINATH TAWKAR    M    47    Independent

27    SURESH BABAN PEDEKAR    M    33    Independent

28    SURESH BHIVA TARAL    M    29    Independent

S13    15    MH    HINGOLI    16-Apr-09    1    DR. B.D. CHAVHAN    M    45    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    SUBHASH BAPURAO WANDHEDE    M    46    Shivsena

3    SURYAKANTA JAIWANTRAO PATIL    F    63    Nationalist Congress Party

4    UTTAMRAO DAGADUJI BHAGAT    M    65    Prabuddha Republican Party

5    AJAS NOORMINYA    M    32    Democratic Secular Party

6    NAIK MADHAVRAO BAHENARAO    M    65    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha

7    VINAYAK SHRIRAM BHISE    M    27    Krantisena Maharashtra

8    GUNDEKAR SANJAY ADELU    M    35    Independent

9    PATHAN SATTAR KASIMKHAN    M    38    Independent

10    PACHPUTE RAMPRASAD KISHANRAO    M    41    Independent

11    MD. A. MUJIM ANSARI A.    M    33    Independent

S13    16    MH    NANDED    16-Apr-09    1    KHATGAONK PATIL BHASKARRAO BAPURAO    M    65    Indian National Congress

2    MD. MAKBUL SALIM HAJI MD. KHAJA    M    60    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    SAMBHAJI PAWAR    M    60    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    ALTAF AHMAD EAKBAL AHMAD    M    43    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha

5    KHADE SANJAY WAMANRAO    M    29    Prabuddha Republican Party

6    TIWARI RAMA BHAGIRAT    F    40    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha

7    ADV. C.S. BAHETI    M    56    Janata Party

8    MORE RAJESH EKNATHRAO    M    34    Krantisena Maharashtra

9    A. RAEES A. JABBAR    M    36    Ambedkar National Congress

10    SHINDE PREETI MADHUKAR    F    27    Jan Surajya Shakti

11    SHUDHIR YASHWANT SURVE    M    40    Kranti Kari Jai Hind Sena

12    COM. ASHOK NAGORAO GHAYALE    M    40    Independent

13    ANAND JADHAV HOTALKAR    M    42    Independent

14    KOREWAR BALAJI NARSING    M    38    Independent

15    JADHAV VISHNU MAROTI    M    35    Independent

16    NAVGHARE ANAND PANDURANG    M    48    Independent

17    NARAYAN SURYAVANSHI DOANGONKAR    M    63    Independent

18    PATHAN ZAFAR ALI KHAN MAHEMUD ALI KHAN    M    63    Independent

19    ‘AIDS MAN’ PRAKASH TATERAO LANDGE    M    40    Independent

20    BHARANDE RAMCHANDRA GANGARAM    M    31    Independent

21    ADV. RAMRAO PANDURANG WAGHMARE    M    52    Independent

22    HANMANTE VIJAY CHANDRAO    M    35    Independent

S13    17    MH    PARBHANI    16-Apr-09    1    ADV. DUDHGAONKAR GANESHRAO NAGORAO    M    64    Shivsena

2    RAJSHRI BABASAHEB JAMAGE    F    46    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    WARPUDKAR SURESH AMBADASRAO    M    60    Nationalist Congress Party

4    AJIM AHMED KHAN AJIJ KHAN    M    32    Democratic Secular Party

5    ASHOKRAO BABARAO AMBHORE    M    46    Ambedkar National Congress

6    KACHOLE MANAVENDRA SAWALARAM    M    65    Swatantra Bharat Paksha

7    KALE VYANKATRAO BHIMRAO    M    31    Krantisena Maharashtra

8    NAMDEV LIMBAJI KACHAVE    M    68    Kranti Kari Jai Hind Sena

9    BHAND GANGADHAR SAKHARAM    M    70    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha

10    MULE BABAN DATTARAO    M    41    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha

11    RUMALE TUKARAM DHONDIBA    M    51    Prabuddha Republican Party

12    SAYYAD EKRAMODDIN SAYYAD MUNIRODDIN    M    58    Lok Vikas Party

13    ASAD BIN ABDULLAHA BIN    M    43    Independent

14    JAMEEL AHMED SK. AHMED    M    44    Independent

15    DR. DESHMUKH KISHANRAO JANARDHANRAO (EX-SERVICEMAN)    M    74    Independent

16    RATHOD RAMRAO DHANSING SIR    M    58    Independent

17    SHINDE LAXMAN EKANATH    M    36    Independent

18    SAMAR GORAKHNATH PAWAR    M    41    Independent

19    SALVE SUDHAKAR UMAJI    M    47    Independent

S14    2    MN    OUTER MANIPUR    16-Apr-09    1    THANGSO BAITE    M    56    Indian National Congress

2    D. LOLI ADANEE    M    56    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    L.B. SONA    M    58    Nationalist Congress Party

4    M. JAMKHONGAM @ M. YAMKHONGAM HAOKIP    M    49    Rashtriya Janata Dal

5    THANGKHANGIN    M    53    Lok Jan Shakti Party

6    MANI CHARENAMEI    M    50    Peoples Democratic Alliance

7    VALLEY ROSE HUNGYO    F    53    Independent

8    MANGSHI (ROSE MANGSHI HAOKIP)    F    63    Independent

9    LAMLALMOI GANGTE    M    33    Independent

S15    1    ML    SHILLONG    16-Apr-09    1    DALINGTON DYMPEP    M    78    Communist Party of India

2    JOHN FILMORE KHARSHIING    M    46    United Democratic Party

3    VINCENT H PALA    M    41    Indian National Congress

4    P. B. M. BASAIAWMOIT    M    60    Hill State People’s Democratic Party

5    MARTLE N.MUKHIM    M    59    Meghalaya Democratic Party

6    DENIS SIANGSHAI    M    44    Independent

7    TIEROD PASSAH    M    45    Independent

S15    2    ML    TURA    16-Apr-09    1    AGATHA K. SANGMA    F    28    Nationalist Congress Party

2    DEBORA C. MARAK    F    43    Indian National Congress

3    BOSTON MARAK    M    28    A-Chik National Congress(Democratic)

4    ARLENE N. SANGMA    F    53    Independent

S16    1    MZ    MIZORAM    16-Apr-09    1    LALAWMPUIA CHHANGTE    M    42    Nationalist Congress Party

2    C.L.RUALA    M    72    Indian National Congress

3    DR. H. LALLUNGMUANA    M    65    Independent

4    RUALPAWLA    M    54    Independent

S17    1    NL    NAGALAND    16-Apr-09    1    K. ASUNGBA SANGTAM    M    62    Indian National Congress

2    C.M. CHANG    M    65    Nagaland Peoples Front

3    DR. RILANTHUNG ODYUO    M    39    All India Trinamool Congress

S18    1    OR    BARGARH    16-Apr-09    1    RADHARANI PANDA    F    48    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    SANJAY BHOI    M    35    Indian National Congress

3    SUNIL KUMAR AGRAWAL    M    37    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    DR. HAMID HUSSAIN    M    54    Biju Janata Dal

5    NILADRI BEHARI PANDA    M    29    Kosal Kranti Dal

6    SURENDRA KUMAR AGRAWAL    M    37    Independent

S18    2    OR    SUNDARGARH    16-Apr-09    1    JUAL ORAM    M    48    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    JEROM DUNGDUNG    M    39    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    LIVNUS KINDO    M    64    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha

4    SALOMI MINZ    F    48    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

5    HEMANANDA BISWAL    M    67    Indian National Congress

6    RAMA CHANDRA EKKA    M    61    Jharkhand Disom Party

7    SAGAR SING MANKEE    M    60    Kosal Kranti Dal

8    DALESWAR MAJHI    M    58    Independent

9    MANSID EKKA    M    63    Independent

S18    3    OR    SAMBALPUR    16-Apr-09    1    AMARNATH PRADHAN    M    51    Indian National Congress

2    GOBINDA RAM AGARWAL    M    59    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    ROHIT PUJARI    M    35    Biju Janata Dal

4    SURENDRA LATH    M    59    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    ASHOK KUMAR NAIK    M    53    Kosal Kranti Dal

6    BIJAYA KUMAR MAHANANDA    M    35    Republican Party of India

7    MD. ALI HUSSAIN    M    37    Independent

S18    10    OR    BOLANGIR    16-Apr-09    1    KALIKESH NARAYAN SINGH DEO    M    34    Biju Janata Dal

2    NARASINGHA MISHRA    M    68    Indian National Congress

3    BALHAN SAGAR    M    51    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    SANGITA KUMARI SINGH DEO    F    47    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    DINGAR KUMBHAR    M    41    Samruddha Odisha

S18    11    OR    KALAHANDI    16-Apr-09    1    NAKULA MAJHI    M    66    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    BIKRAM KESHARI DEO    M    57    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    BHAKTA CHARAN DAS    M    52    Indian National Congress

4    SUBASH CHANDRA NAYAK    M    62    Biju Janata Dal

5    PARAMESWAR KAND    M    47    Samajwadi Party

6    BALARAM HOTA    M    33    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)

7    DAMBARUDHARA SUNANI    M    34    Independent

8    MAHESWAR BHOI    M    36    Independent

S18    12    OR    NABARANGPUR    16-Apr-09    1    CHANDRADHWAJ MAJHI    M    49    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    DOMBURU MAJHI    M    68    Biju Janata Dal

3    PARSURAM MAJHI    M    49    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    PRADEEP KUMAR MAJHI    M    33    Indian National Congress

S18    13    OR    KANDHAMAL    16-Apr-09    1    ASHOK SAHU    M    57    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    PAULA BALIARSING    M    52    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    RUDRAMADHAB RAY    M    71    Biju Janata Dal

4    SUZIT KUMAR PADHI    M    49    Indian National Congress

5    NAKUL NAYAK    M    46    Samajwadi Party

6    AJIT KUMAR NAYAK    M    26    Independent

7    KAMALA KANTA PANDEY    M    64    Independent

8    GHORABANA BEHERA    M    42    Independent

9    DEENABANDHU NAIK    M    45    Independent

S18    19    OR    ASKA    16-Apr-09    1    NITYANANDA PRADHAN    M    65    Biju Janata Dal

2    RAMACHANDRA RATH    M    63    Indian National Congress

3    SHANTI DEVI    F    71    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    KRISHNA DALABEHERA    M    43    Kalinga Sena

5    BIJAYA KUMAR MAHAPATRO    M    56    Revolutionary Socialist Party

6    SURJYA NARAYAN SAHU    M    37    Samruddha Odisha

7    KALICHARAN NAYAK    M    53    Independent

8    DEBASIS MISRA    M    48    Independent

9    K. SHYAM BABU SUBUDHI    M    73    Independent

S18    20    OR    BERHAMPUR    16-Apr-09    1    CHANDRA SEKHAR SAHU    M    58    Indian National Congress

2    PABITRA GAMANGO    M    35    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    BHARAT PAIK    M    50    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    SIDHANT MAHAPATRA    M    42    Biju Janata Dal

5    NIRAKAR BEHERA    M    35    Kalinga Sena

6    ALI RAZA ZIADI    M    30    Independent

7    KISHORE CHANDRA MAHARANA    M    61    Independent

8    A. RAGHUNATH VARMA    M    71    Independent

9    K. SHYAM BABU SUBUDHI    M    73    Independent

S18    21    OR    KORAPUT    16-Apr-09    1    UPENDRA MAJHI    M    29    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    GIRIDHAR GAMANG    M    56    Indian National Congress

3    JAYARAM PANGI    M    53    Biju Janata Dal

4    PAPANNA MUTIKA    M    65    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    KUMUDINI DISARI    F    34    Samruddha Odisha

6    MEGHANADA SABAR    M    40    Communist Party of India(Marxist-Leninist)(Liberation)

S24    63    UP    MAHARAJGANJ    16-Apr-09    1    AJEET MANI    M    41    Samajwadi Party

2    GANESH SHANKER PANDEY    M    51    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    PANKAJ CHAUDHARY    M    38    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    HARSH VARDHAN    M    61    Indian National Congress

5    ABDWURRUF ANSARI    M    45    National Lokhind Party

6    PAWAN KUMAR    M    39    Republican Party of India (A)

7    RAM KISHUN NISHAD    M    52    Suheldev Bhartiya Samaj Party

8    SATYA NARAYAN URF SATNARAYAN    M    58    Bharatiya Eklavya Party

9    OMPRAKASH CHATURVEDI    M    63    Independent

10    DILIP KUMAR    M    28    Independent

11    RAM NIVAS    M    37    Independent

12    LAL BIHARI    M    42    Independent

13    CHAUDHARY SANJAY SINGH PATEL    M    29    Independent

14    SHYAM SUNDER DAS CHAURASIA    M    28    Independent

15    HANUMAN    M    51    Independent

S24    64    UP    GORAKHPUR    16-Apr-09    1    ADITYANATH    M    36    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    MANOJ TIWARI MRIDUL    M    39    Samajwadi Party

3    LALCHAND NISHAD    M    67    Indian National Congress

4    VINAY SHANKAR TIWARI    M    41    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    AMAN    M    35    Ambedkar Samaj Party

6    JOKHAN PRASAD    M    46    Eklavya Samaj Party

7    DAYASHANKAR NISHAD    M    38    Apna Dal

8    RAJBAHADUR    M    28    Indian Justice Party

9    RAJMANI    M    46    Bharatiya Eklavya Party

10    RAJESH SAHANI    M    44    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)

11    SRINATH    M    29    Suheldev Bhartiya Samaj Party

12    AJAY KUMAR    M    40    Independent

13    AWADHESH SINGH    M    32    Independent

14    OMPRAKASH SINGH    M    43    Independent

15    GOVIND    M    43    Independent

16    CHHEDILAL    M    59    Independent

17    NIRANJAN PRASAD    M    35    Independent

18    NEERAJ YADAV    M    31    Independent

19    DR. BRIJESH MANI TRIPATHI    M    44    Independent

20    MANOJ TIWARI    M    30    Independent

21    RAKESH KUMAR    M    38    Independent

22    RAJAN YADAV M.B.A.    M    31    Independent

23    RAMHIT NISHAD    M    53    Independent

24    LAL BAHADUR    M    68    Independent

25    VINOD SHUKLA    M    29    Independent

26    HARISHCHANDRA    M    42    Independent

S24    65    UP    KUSHI NAGAR    16-Apr-09    1    BRAMHA SHANKER    M    56    Samajwadi Party

2    KU. RATANJEET PRATAP NARAYAN SINGH    M    45    Indian National Congress

3    VIJAY DUBEY    M    41    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    SWAMI PRASAD MAURYA    M    54    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    ANIL    M    43    Republican Party of India (A)

6    KISHOR KUMAR    M    40    Indian Peace Party

7    K KUMAR    M    56    Purvanchal Rajya Banao Dal

8    JANGI    M    55    Suheldev Bhartiya Samaj Party

9    DHEERAJ SHEKHAR SHRIWASTAWA    M    49    Rashtriya Lokwadi Party

10    BABU LAL    M    40    Bharatiya Republican Paksha

11    MATIULLAH    M    43    National Lokhind Party

12    MADAN LAL    M    46    Maulik Adhikar Party

13    AMEERUDDIN    M    31    Independent

14    JAGDISH    M    57    Independent

15    JAI GOVIND    M    35    Independent

16    DAROGA    M    37    Independent

17    RAMESH    M    35    Independent

18    RAM BRIKSH    M    54    Independent

S24    66    UP    DEORIA    16-Apr-09    1    GORAKH PRASAD JAISWAL    M    72    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    BALESHWAR YADAV    M    55    Indian National Congress

3    MOHAN SINGH    M    58    Samajwadi Party

4    SHRI PRAKASH MANI TRIPATHI    M    64    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    GANGA PRASAD KUSHWAHA    M    70    Purvanchal Rajya Banao Dal

6    JAGDISH KUMAR VERMA    M    36    Lokpriya Samaj Party

7    DHARMENDRA KUMAR    M    33    Suheldev Bhartiya Samaj Party

8    MOTI LAL KUSHWAHA SHASTRI    M    59    Rashtriya Samanta Dal

9    SAFAYAT ALI    M    51    Peace Party

10    SARITA    F    27    Ambedkar Samaj Party

11    RAM KISHOR YADAV ALIAS VIDHAYAK    M    51    Independent

12    VIJAY JUAATHA    M    42    Independent

S24    67    UP    BANSGAON    16-Apr-09    1    KAMLESH PASWAN    M    33    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    MAHA BEER PRASAD    M    66    Indian National Congress

3    SHARADA DEVI    F    59    Samajwadi Party

4    SHREE NATH JI    M    58    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    CHANDRIKA    M    29    Rashtriya Jan-vadi Party (Krantikari)

6    RAMA SHANKER    M    37    Peace Party

7    RAM PRAVESH PRASAD    M    37    Eklavya Samaj Party

8    HARILAL    M    32    Bahujan Uday Manch

9    KU. KUNJAWATI    F    36    Independent

10    MANOJ KUMAR    M    29    Independent

11    RADHEYSHYAM    M    35    Independent

12    RAMKAWAL    M    56    Independent

13    RAMSAKAL    M    32    Independent

14    RAMA PASWAN    M    33    Independent

15    VINAI KUMAR    M    33    Independent

S24    68    UP    LALGANJ    16-Apr-09    1    DAROGA PRASAD SAROJ    M    60    Samajwadi Party

2    NEELAM SONKAR    F    33    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    DR. BALIRAM    M    56    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    HAREE PRASAD SONKER    M    50    Communist Party of India

5    MANBHAWAN    M    32    Bharatiya Republican Paksha

6    RAM DAYAL ALIAS MOHAN    M    32    Suheldev Bhartiya Samaj Party

7    ACHCHHELAL    M    42    Independent

8    URMILA DEVI    F    27    Independent

9    CHANDRA RAM ALIAS CHANDU SAROJ    M    36    Independent

10    DHARMRAJ    M    55    Independent

11    SUKHNAYAN    M    29    Independent

S24    69    UP    AZAMGARH    16-Apr-09    1    AKBAR AHMAD DUMPY    M    57    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    ARUN KUMAR SINGH    M    63    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

3    DURGA PRASAD YADAV    M    56    Samajwadi Party

4    RAMAKANT YADAV    M    49    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    SANTOSH KUMAR SINGH    M    49    Indian National Congress

6    JAI JAI RAM PRAJAPATI    M    36    Lokpriya Samaj Party

7    RAM BHAROS    M    34    Bahujan Uday Manch

8    VINOD    M    33    Janvadi Party(Socialist)

9    USMANA FARUQEE    F    27    Independent

10    KEDAR NATH GIRI    M    49    Independent

11    KHAIRUL BASHAR    M    56    Independent

12    DR. JAVED AKHTAR    M    54    Independent

13    DAAN BAHADUR YADAV    M    54    Independent

14    YADUNATH    M    31    Independent

15    RAM UJAGIR    M    45    Independent

16    RAM SINGH    M    35    Independent

S24    70    UP    GHOSI    16-Apr-09    1    ATUL KUMAR SINGH ANJAN    M    55    Communist Party of India

2    ARSHAD JAMAL ANSARI    M    43    Samajwadi Party

3    DARA SINGH CHAUHAN    M    50    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    RAM IQBAL    M    49    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    SUDHA RAI    F    54    Indian National Congress

6    AKHILESH    M    43    Janvadi Party(Socialist)

7    KAILASH YADAV    M    46    Peace Party

8    RAMESH ALIAS RAJU SINGH    M    41    Suheldev Bhartiya Samaj Party

9    RAM BADAN KAUL    M    60    Bahujan Shakty

10    LALJI RAJBHAR    M    44    Bharatiya Samaj Dal

11    HARISH CHANDRA    M    62    Rashtriya Jan-vadi Party (Krantikari)

12    ASHOK KUMAR    M    27    Independent

13    ZAKIR HUSSAIN    M    45    Independent

14    PALAKDHARI    M    41    Independent

15    RAKESH    M    34    Independent

16    SUJIT KUMAR    M    34    Independent

S24    71    UP    SALEMPUR    16-Apr-09    1    DR. BHOLA PANDEY    M    55    Indian National Congress

2    RAMASHANKAR RAJBHAR    M    48    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    HARIKEWAL    M    71    Samajwadi Party

4    IZHAR    M    48    Peace Party

5    ZUBAIR    M    39    Nelopa(United)

6    JANG BAHADUR    M    50    Bharatiya Samaj Dal

7    FATE BAHADUR    M    35    Suheldev Bhartiya Samaj Party

8    RAVISHANKAR SINGH “PAPPU”    M    38    Janata Dal (United)

9    RAMCHARAN    M    72    People’s Democratic Front

10    RAMDAYAL    M    57    Janvadi Party(Socialist)

11    RAMNAWAMI YADAV    M    37    Samajwadi Jan Parishad

12    RAMASHRAY CHAUHAN    M    55    Moderate Party

13    SRIRAM    M    50    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)

14    HARISHCHAND    M    48    Eklavya Samaj Party

15    AMEER    M    53    Independent

16    PARASURAM    M    56    Independent

17    FULENDRA    M    40    Independent

18    MAN JI    M    50    Independent

19    MAHESH    M    70    Independent

20    RAJENDRA ALIAS RAJAN    M    33    Independent

21    VINDHACHAL    M    44    Independent

22    SHAILENDRA    M    36    Independent

23    SATISH    M    37    Independent

24    SARVDAMAN    M    26    Independent

25    SANJAY    M    36    Independent

S24    72    UP    BALLIA    16-Apr-09    1    NEERAJ SHEKHAR    M    40    Samajwadi Party

2    MANOJ SINHA    M    50    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    SANGRAM SINGH YADAV    M    48    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    ARVIND KUMAR GOND    M    30    Gondvana Gantantra Party

5    KANHAIYA PRAJAPATI    M    44    Rashtriya Samanta Dal

6    NARAYAN RAJBHAR    M    32    Bharatiya Samaj Dal

7    RAJESH    M    40    Janvadi Party(Socialist)

8    RAMSAKAL    M    48    Suheldev Bhartiya Samaj Party

9    ANANT    M    36    Independent

10    GANGADYAL    M    48    Independent

11    DIWAKAR    M    38    Independent

12    RAMJI    M    49    Independent

13    LALBABU    M    36    Independent

14    SHESHNATH    M    40    Independent

15    SHANKER RAM RAWAT    M    43    Independent

16    HARIHAR    M    73    Independent

S24    74    UP    MACHHLISHAHR    16-Apr-09    1    KAMLA KANT GAUTAM (K.K. GAUTAM)    M    66    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    TUFANI SAROJ    M    48    Samajwadi Party

3    RAJ BAHADUR    M    66    Indian National Congress

4    VIDYASAGAR SONKER    M    48    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    KRISHNA SEWAK SONKER    M    48    Janvadi Party(Socialist)

6    RAM CHARITRA    M    41    Apna Dal

7    VIJAYEE RAM    M    38    Ambedkar Samaj Party

8    SHEOMURAT RAM    M    71    Gondvana Gantantra Party

9    SUKHRAJ DINKAR    M    51    Rashtriya Swabhimaan Party

10    SUSHMA    F    29    Rashtriya Agraniye Dal

11    DINESH KUMAR    M    31    Independent

12    BALJIT    M    59    Independent

13    RAM DAWAR GAUTAM    M    41    Independent

14    VINOD KUMAR    M    40    Independent

15    SHYAM BIHARI KANNAUJIYA    M    39    Independent

16    SOHAN    M    46    Independent

S24    75    UP    GHAZIPUR    16-Apr-09    1    AFZAL ANSARI    M    55    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    PRABHUNATH    M    48    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    RADHEY MOHAN SINGH    M    43    Samajwadi Party

4    SURAJ RAM BAGI    M    52    Communist Party of India

5    ISHWARI PRASAD KUSHAWAHA    M    48    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)

6    DINESH    M    42    Rashtriya Samanta Dal

7    NANDLAL    M    67    Ambedkar Samaj Party

8    SHYAM NARAYAN    M    54    Rashtravadi Aarthik Swatantrata Dal

9    SATISH SHANKAR JAISAWAL    M    28    National Lokhind Party

10    SARAJU    M    67    Lok Dal

11    SURENDRA    M    43    Janvadi Party(Socialist)

12    ANIL    M    32    Independent

13    ASHOK (DR.ASHOK KUMAR SRIVASTAVA)    M    54    Independent

14    BRAJENDRA NATH URF BIJENDRA    M    66    Independent

15    RAJESH    M    37    Independent

S24    76    UP    CHANDAULI    16-Apr-09    1    KAILASH NATH SINGH YADAV    M    46    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    JAWAHAR LAL JAISAWAL    M    51    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    RAMKISHUN    M    49    Samajwadi Party

4    SHAILENDRA KUMAR    M    40    Indian National Congress

5    CHANDRASHEKHAR    M    34    Republican Party of India

6    JAWAHIR    M    48    Pragatisheel Manav Samaj Party

7    JOKHU    M    45    Peoples Democratic Forum

8    TULASI    M    42    Suheldev Bhartiya Samaj Party

9    RAJNATH    M    35    Bharatiya Republican Paksha

10    RAJESH SINGH    M    27    Kranti Kari Jai Hind Sena

11    RAMAWATAR SHARMA ADVOCATE    M    38    Maulik Adhikar Party

12    RAMSEWAK YADAV    M    46    Rashtriya Lokhit Party

13    LALLAN    M    49    Indian Justice Party

14    SURENDRA PRATAP    M    36    Jai Bharat Samanta Party

15    DEVAROO    M    40    Independent

16    MUNNI LAL    M    66    Independent

17    SURAFARAJ AHMAD    M    29    Independent

18    HARI LAL    M    52    Independent

S24    77    UP    VARANASI    16-Apr-09    1    AJAY RAI    M    36    Samajwadi Party

2    MUKHTAR ANSARI    M    49    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    DR. MURLI MANOHAR JOSHI    M    73    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    DR. RAJESH KUMAR MISHRA    M    48    Indian National Congress

5    AWADHESH KUMAR KUSHWAHA    M    43    Rashtriya Samanta Dal

6    USHA SINGH    F    45    Rashtriya Agraniye Dal

7    KISHUN LAL    M    59    Indian Justice Party

8    VIJAY PRAKASH JAISWAL    M    43    Apna Dal

9    ER. SHYAM LAL VISHWAKARMA    M    61    Maulik Adhikar Party

10    ANAND KUMAR AMBASTHA    M    36    Independent

11    NARENDRA NATH DUBEY ADIG    M    36    Independent

12    PARVEZ QUADIR KHAN    M    38    Independent

13    PUSHP RAJ SAHU    M    47    Independent

14    RAJESH BHARTI    M    33    Independent

15    SATYA PRAKASH SRIVASTAVA    M    37    Independent

S24    79    UP    MIRZAPUR    16-Apr-09    1    ANIL KUMAR MAURYA    M    37    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    ANURAG SINGH    M    42    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    BAL KUMAR PATEL    M    48    Samajwadi Party

4    RAMESH DUBEY    M    66    Indian National Congress

5    AJAY SHANKER    M    33    Gondwana Mukti Sena

6    KAILASH    M    48    Bahujan Shakty

7    KHELADI    M    58    Gondvana Gantantra Party

8    JAGDISH    M    49    Apna Dal

9    PREM CHAND    M    45    Pragatisheel Manav Samaj Party

10    RADHE SHYAM    M    58    Bharatiya Republican Paksha

11    LALJI    M    48    Rashtriya Agraniye Dal

12    LALTI DEVI    F    54    Vikas Party

13    SHANKAR    M    38    Communist Party of India(Marxist-Leninist)(Liberation)

14    SHYAM LAL    M    41    Eklavya Samaj Party

15    MOHD. SAGIR    M    41    National Loktantrik Party

16    TRILOK NATH VERMA    M    61    Indian Justice Party

17    ANOOP KUMAR    M    34    Independent

18    KRISHNA CHAND    M    40    Independent

19    KRISHNA CHAND SHUKLA    M    40    Independent

20    CHHABEELE    M    41    Independent

21    DANGAR    M    52    Independent

22    DULARI    F    61    Independent

23    MANIK CHAND    M    37    Independent

24    MUNNA LAL    M    34    Independent

25    RAM GOPAL    M    53    Independent

26    RAM RAJ    M    37    Independent

27    HANS KUMAR    M    37    Independent

S24    80    UP    ROBERTSGANJ    16-Apr-09    1    PAKAURI LAL    M    57    Samajwadi Party

2    RAM ADHAR JOSEPH    M    43    Indian National Congress

3    RAM CHANDRA TYAGI    M    54    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    RAM SHAKAL    M    47    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    GULAB    M    31    Peoples Democratic Forum

6    CHANDRA SHEKHAR    M    34    Janvadi Party(Socialist)

7    MUNNI DEVI    F    42    Rashtriya Samanta Dal

8    RAMESH KUMAR    M    31    Apna Dal

9    SHRAWAN KUMAR    M    41    Rashtrawadi Sena

10    RAMBRIKSHA    M    39    Independent

S26    1    CG    SARGUJA    16-Apr-09    1    DHAN SINGH DHURVE    M    38    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    BAL SINGH    M    38    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

3    BHANU PRATAP SINGH    M    42    Indian National Congress

4    MURARILAL SINGH    M    49    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    ANOOP MINJ    M    28    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha

6    KUMAIT B.D.O.    M    64    Janata Dal (United)

7    BHUPNATH SINGH MARAVI    M    43    Gondvana Gantantra Party

8    RAMDEO LAKRA    M    32    Chhattisgarh Vikas Party

9    RAMNATH CHERWA    M    36    Shoshit Samaj Dal

10    SOMNATH BHAGAT    M    46    Lok Jan Shakti Party

11    AMRIT SINGH MARAVI    M    35    Independent

12    JUGESHWAR    M    29    Independent

13    DHANESHWAR SINGH    M    39    Independent

14    SARJU XESS ORANW    M    43    Independent

15    SUNIL KUMAR SINGH KANHARE    M    27    Independent

16    SURAJ DEO SINGH KHAIRWAR    M    35    Independent

S26    2    CG    RAIGARH    16-Apr-09    1    BAHADUR SINGH RATHIA    M    57    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    VISHNU DEO SAI    M    45    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    HRIDAYARAM RATHIYA    M    43    Indian National Congress

4    DARSHAN SIDAR    M    32    Gondvana Gantantra Party

5    MEERA DEVI SINGH TIRKEY    F    39    Chhattisgarh Vikas Party

6    SHIRACHAND EKKA    M    29    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha

7    AMRIT TIRKEY    M    30    Independent

8    KAMRISH SINGH GOND    M    59    Independent

9    SANJAY TIRKEY    M    29    Independent

10    HALDHAR RAM SIDAR    M    42    Independent

S26    3    CG    JANJGIR-CHAMPA    16-Apr-09    1    SHRIMATI KAMLA DEVI PATLE    F    43    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    DAURAM RATNAKAR    M    51    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    DR.SHIVKUMAR DAHARIYA    M    45    Indian National Congress

4    B.R. CHAUHAN    M    59    Republican Party of India (A)

5    NEELKANTH WARE    M    59    Chhattisgarhi Samaj Party

6    PREM SHANKAR MAHILANGE URF PREM INDIA    M    39    Lok Jan Shakti Party

7    SANJEEV KUMAR KHARE    M    26    Chhattisgarh Vikas Party

8    ANANDRAM GILHARE    M    35    Independent

9    CHAITRAM SURYAVANSHI    M    62    Independent

10    DR.CHHAVILAL RATRE    M    55    Independent

11    MAYARAM NAT    M    50    Independent

12    RAMCHARAN PRADHAN ADHIWAKTA    M    51    Independent

S26    4    CG    KORBA    16-Apr-09    1    KARUNA SHUKLA    F    59    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    CHARANDAS MAHANT    M    54    Indian National Congress

3    VIJAY LAXMI SHARMA    F    41    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    KEDARNATH RAJWADE    M    28    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha

5    CHAITI DEVI MAHANT    F    49    Chhattisgarhi Samaj Party

6    BUDHWAR SINGH UIKEY    M    34    Rashtriya Gondvana Party

7    DR. VIPIN SINHA    M    40    Chhattisgarh Vikas Party

8    SANGEETA NIRMALKAR    F    32    Bharatiya Pichhra Dal

9    HIRASINGH MARKAAM    M    74    Gondvana Gantantra Party

10    GEND DAS MAHANT    M    35    Independent

11    CHARAN DAS    M    25    Independent

12    PAWAN KUMAR    M    38    Independent

13    FULESHWAR PRASAD SURJAIHA    M    75    Independent

14    RAMDAYAL ORAON    M    49    Independent

15    RAMLAKHAN KASHI    M    68    Independent

16    SHAMBHU PRASAD SHARMA ADHIWAKTA    M    62    Independent

17    SATRUPA    F    37    Independent

18    SANTOSH BANJARE    M    25    Independent

S26    5    CG    BILASPUR    16-Apr-09    1    DILIP SINGH JUDEV    M    60    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    ADVOCATE T.R.NIRALA    M    42    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    DR.RENU JOGI    F    56    Indian National Congress

4    UTTAM PRASAD DANSENA    M    27    Sunder Samaj Party

5    DR.GOJU PAUL    M    40    Republican Party of India (A)

6    DR.BALMUKUND SINGH MARAVI    M    41    Gondvana Gantantra Party

7    BALARAM SAHU    M    46    Bharatiya Pichhra Dal

8    MUKESH KUMAR SAHU    M    32    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha

9    SAPNA CHAKRABORTY    F    37    Lok Jan Shakti Party

10    ARJUN SHRIVAS GANGUAA    M    63    Independent

11    ANUJ DHRITLAHRE    M    34    Independent

12    ABDUL HAMID SIDDIQUE    M    43    Independent

13    ASHOK SHRIVASTAVA    M    37    Independent

14    UMESH SINGH    M    31    Independent

15    TUKLAL GARG    M    40    Independent

16    DAYA DAS LAHRE    M    65    Independent

17    DR.DAYA RAM DAYAL    M    60    Independent

18    DILIP KUMAR    M    30    Independent

19    DILIP GUPTA    M    38    Independent

20    DILIP SINGH    M    41    Independent

21    MANOJ KUMAR BIRKO    M    34    Independent

22    RAMESH AHUJA    M    43    Independent

23    RAMESH KUMAR LAHARE    M    36    Independent

24    RAJENDRA SAHU    M    29    Independent

25    RAJESH PRATAP    M    32    Independent

26    RAMBILAS SHARMA    M    52    Independent

27    B.P.VISWAKARMA    M    57    Independent

28    SHYAM BIHARI TRIVEDI    M    56    Independent

S26    6    CG    RAJNANDGAON    16-Apr-09    1    DEVWRAT SINGH    M    39    Indian National Congress

2    PRADHUMAN NETAM    M    32    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    MADHUSUDAN YADAV    M    38    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    GANGARAM NISHAD    M    48    Eklavya Samaj Party

5    NARAD KHOTHALIYA    M    48    Chhattisgarh Vikas Party

6    AJAY JAISWAL    M    35    Independent

7    AJAY PALI    M    32    Independent

8    JALAL MOHAMMAD QURESHI    M    45    Independent

9    DERHARAM LODHI    M    37    Independent

10    DILIP RATHOR SAMPADAK    M    40    Independent

11    BHAG CHAND VAIDHYA    M    48    Independent

12    MADAN YADAV    M    34    Independent

13    MANGAL DAS BANGARE    M    52    Independent

14    D.R.YADAV PRACHARYA    M    66    Independent

S26    7    CG    DURG    16-Apr-09    1    PRADEEP CHOUBEY    M    55    Indian National Congress

2    RAGHUNANDAN SAHU    M    34    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    SAROJ PANDEY    F    40    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    DEVIDAS KURRE    M    43    Chandigarh Vikas Party

5    DR. PANKAJ GOSOMI (PANDIT)    M    37    Republican Party of India

6    ANAND GAUTAM    M    35    Independent

7    TARACHAND SAHU    M    30    Independent

8    TARACHAND SAHU    M    66    Independent

9    TARACHAND SAHU    M    62    Independent

10    MASOOD KHAN    M    43    Independent

11    RATAN KUMAR KSHETRAPAL    M    61    Independent

12    RAJENDRA KUMAR SAHU    M    38    Independent

13    LAXMAN PRASAD    M    31    Independent

14    GURU DADA LOKESH MAHARAJ    M    56    Independent

15    SHITKARAN MHILWAR    M    40    Independent

S26    8    CG    RAIPUR    16-Apr-09    1    BHUPESH BAGHEL    M    47    Indian National Congress

2    RAMESH BAIS    M    61    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    VIDHYADEVI SAHU    F    54    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    ER. ASHOK TAMRAKAR    M    56    Jai Chhattisgarh Party

5    IMRRAN PASHA    M    33    Loktantrik Samajwadi Party

6    P.R. KHUNTE    M    54    Chhattisgarh Vikas Party

7    MADHUSUDAN MISHRA    M    49    Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha

8    SHAILENDRA BANJARE (SHAKTIPUTRA)    M    34    Shakti Sena (Bharat Desh)

9    SHANKAR LAL VARANDANI    M    45    Pyramid Party of India

10    HARGUN MEGHWANI    M    56    Akhil Bhartiya Sindhu Samajwadi Party

11    ARUN HARPAL    M    35    Independent

12    JAFAR HUSSAIN, BABABHAI (PURVA MUTVALLI)    M    57    Independent

13    MOH. JILANI ALIAS TANI    M    30    Independent

14    NAND KISHOR DEEP    M    48    Independent

15    NARESH BHISHMDEV DHIDHI    M    31    Independent

16    NAVIN GUPTA    M    35    Independent

17    NARAD NISHAD    M    33    Independent

18    PRAVEEN JAIN    M    44    Independent

19    BHARAT BHUSHAN PANDEY    M    45    Independent

20    MATHURA PRASAD TANDON    M    42    Independent

21    YASHWANT SAHU    M    35    Independent

22    RAJENDRA KUMAR SAHU    M    38    Independent

23    RAJENDRA SINGH THAKUR (ADVOCATE)    M    34    Independent

24    RAMKRISHNA VERMA    M    49    Independent

25    RAMCHARAN YADAV    M    33    Independent

26    SHOBHARAM GILHARE    M    38    Independent

27    SIYARAM DHRITLAHARE    M    34    Independent

28    SMT. SUSIL BAI BANJARE    F    36    Independent

29    SYED RASHID ALI    M    62    Independent

30    SANJAY BAGHEL    M    29    Independent

31    HAIDAR BHATI    M    38    Independent

32    SHRIKANT KASER    M    41    Independent

S26    9    CG    MAHASAMUND    16-Apr-09    1    CHANDULAL SAHU (CHANDU BHAIYA)    M    49    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    MOTILAL    M    44    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    MOTILAL SAHU    M    44    Indian National Congress

4    DR. ANAND MATAWALE (GURUJI)    M    38    Lok Bharati

5    KIRAN KUMAR DHRUW    M    44    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha

6    BAUDDH KUMAR KAUSHIK    M    37    Chhattisgarh Vikas Party

7    DR. LATA MARKAM    F    26    Republican Party of India (A)

8    SHRIDHAR CHANDRAKAR (PATEL)    M    40    Apna Dal

9    KHEDUBHARTI “SATYESH”    M    33    Independent

10    CHAMPA LAL PATEL    M    43    Independent

11    NARENDRA BHISHMDEV DHIDHI    M    34    Independent

12    NARAYANDAS INQALAB GANDHI    M    63    Independent

13    BHARAT DIWAN    M    29    Independent

14    RAMPRASAD CHAUHAN    M    46    Independent

15    SULTANSINGH SATNAM    M    58    Independent

S26    10    CG    BASTAR    16-Apr-09    1    AYTU RAM MANDAVI    M    44    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    BALIRAM KASHYAP    M    73    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    MANISH KUNJAM    M    42    Communist Party of India

4    SHANKAR SODI    M    44    Indian National Congress

5    CHANDRA SHEKHAR DHRUV (SHEKHAR)    M    42    Independent

6    MAYARAM NETAM ALIAS (FULSING SILADAR)    M    60    Independent

7    SUBHASH CHANDRA MOURYA    M    35    Independent

S26    11    CG    KANKER    16-Apr-09    1    SMT. PHOOLO DEVI NETAM    F    35    Indian National Congress

2    MIRA SALAM    F    32    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    SOHAN POTAI    M    49    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    JALSINGH SHORI    M    30    Chhattisgarhi Samaj Party

5    N. R. BHUARYA    M    50    Gondwana Mukti Sena

6    BHOM LAL    M    59    Apna Dal

7    MAYARAM NAGWANSHI    M    48    Gondvana Gantantra Party

8    G. R. RANA    M    62    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha

9    DEVCHAND MATLAM    M    31    Independent

10    PRAFUL MANDAVI    M    35    Independent

11    MAYARAM NETAM (FULSINGH SILEDAR)    M    60    Independent

S27    4    JH    CHATRA    16-Apr-09    1    ARUN KUMAR YADAV    M    41    Janata Dal (United)

2    DHIRAJ PRASAD SAHU    M    50    Indian National Congress

3    NAGMANI    M    46    Rashtriya Janata Dal

4    SUGAN MAHTO    M    56    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    KESHWAR YADAV    M    47    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)

6    PARAS NATH MANJHI    M    58    Akhil Bharatiya Manav Seva Dal

7    K.P. SHARMA    M    62    Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik)

8    SURENDRA YADAV    M    36    Jharkhand Party

9    INDER SINGH NAMDHARI    M    62    Independent

10    DHIRENDRA AGRAWAL    M    53    Independent

11    RATNESH KUMAR GUPTA    M    47    Independent

S27    5    JH    KODARMA    16-Apr-09    1    TILAKDHARI PD. SINGH    M    65    Indian National Congress

2    PRANAV KUMAR VERMA    M    29    Rashtriya Janata Dal

3    LAXAMAN SAWARNKAR    M    63    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    BISHNU PRASAD BHAIYA    M    47    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha

5    SABHAPATI KUSHWAHA    M    61    Bahujan Samaj Party

6    UMESH CHANDRA TRIVEDI    M    41    Jharkhand Party

7    PRAMESHWAR YADAV    M    49    Rashtriya Krantikari Samajwadi Party

8    BABULAL MARANDI    M    51    Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik)

9    RAJKISHOR PRASAD MODI    M    54    Jharkhand Vikas Dal

10    RAJ KUMAR YADAV    M    37    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)

11    HADTAL DAS    M    43    Bahujan Shakty

12    ASHOK KUMAR SHARMA    M    35    Independent

13    KAMAL DAS    M    35    Independent

14    CHANDRA DHARI MAHTO    M    28    Independent

15    MANJOOR ALAM ANSARI    M    45    Independent

16    LAXAMAN DAS    M    37    Independent

S27    11    JH    KHUNTI    16-Apr-09    1    KARIYA MUNDA    M    72    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    NEIL TIRKEY    M    55    Indian National Congress

3    MARSHAL BARLA    M    36    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    THEODORE KIRO    M    58    Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik)

5    NITIMA BODRA BARI    F    41    Jharkhand Party (Naren)

6    NISHIKANT HORO    M    55    Jharkhand Party

7    ANAND KUJUR    M    27    Independent

8    UMBULAN TOPNO    M    49    Independent

9    KARLUS BHENGRA    M    41    Independent

S27    12    JH    LOHARDAGA    16-Apr-09    1    JOKHAN BHAGAT    M    43    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    RAMESHWAR ORAON    M    63    Indian National Congress

3    SUDARSHAN BHAGAT    M    40    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    DEOSHARAN BHAGAT    M    45    All Jharkhand Students Union

5    BAHURA EKKA    M    61    Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik)

6    BHUNESHWAR LOHRA    M    42    Lok Jan Vikas Morcha

7    RAMA KHALKHO    F    38    Jharkhand Janadikhar Manch

8    ARJUN BHAGAT    M    60    Independent

9    ETWA ORAON    M    45    Independent

10    GOPAL ORAON    M    56    Independent

11    CHAMRA LINDA    M    39    Independent

12    JAI PRAKASH BHAGAT    M    36    Independent

13    NAWAL KISHOR SINGH    M    51    Independent

14    PADMA BARAIK    F    25    Independent

15    SUKHDEO LOHRA    M    69    Independent

S27    13    JH    PALAMAU    16-Apr-09    1    KAMESHWAR BAITHA    M    56    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha

2    GHURAN RAM    M    42    Rashtriya Janata Dal

3    RADHA KRISHNA KISHORE    M    52    Janata Dal (United)

4    HIRA RAM TUPHANI    M    59    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    GANESH RAM    M    56    Jharkhand Party

6    JAWAHAR PASWAN    M    48    AJSU Party

7    NANDDEV RAM    M    70    Jharkhand Party (Naren)

8    PARVATI DEVI    F    34    Manav Mukti Morcha

9    PRABHAT KUMAR    M    31    Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik)

10    RAJU GUIDE MAJHI    M    30    Akhil Bharatiya Manav Seva Dal

11    RAM NARESH RAM    M    36    Rashtravadi Aarthik Swatantrata Dal

12    BIRBAL RAM    M    28    Rashtriya Lok Dal

13    SATYENDRA KUMAR PASWAN    M    30    Bharatiya Samta Samaj Party

14    SUSHMA MEHTA    F    31    Communist Party of India(Marxist-Leninist)(Liberation)

15    JITENDRA RAM    M    31    Independent

16    NARESH KUMAR PASWAN    M    29    Independent

17    BRAJMOHAN RAM    M    48    Independent

18    BHOLA RAM    M    32    Independent

19    MUNESHWAR RAM    M    58    Independent

20    RAM PRASAD RAM    M    58    Independent

21    SUNESHWAR BAITHA    M    54    Independent

S27    14    JH    HAZARIBAGH    16-Apr-09    1    KISHOR KUMAR PANDEY    M    35    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    BHUVNESHWAR PRASAD MEHTA    M    64    Communist Party of India

3    YASHWANT SINHA    M    71    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    SHIVLAL MAHTO    M    34    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha

5    SAURABH NARAIN SINGH    M    34    Indian National Congress

6    CHANDRA PRAKASH CHOUDHARY    M    40    All Jharkhand Students Union

7    DIGAMBER KU. MEHTA    M    42    Samajwadi Party

8    BRAJ KISHORE JAISWAL    M    67    Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik)

9    DEONATH MAHTO    M    29    Independent

10    MAHENDRA KISHORE MEHTA    M    38    Independent

11    MD. MOINUDDIN AHMED    M    32    Independent

12    LALAN PRASAD    M    34    Independent

13    SNEHLATA DEVI    F    49    Independent

U01    1    AN    ANDAMAN & NICOBAR ISLANDS    16-Apr-09    1    SMTI. R. S. UMA BHARATHY    F    44    Nationalist Congress Party

2    SHRI. KULDEEP RAI SHARMA    M    41    Indian National Congress

3    SHRI. P. R. GANESHAN    M    71    Rashtriya Janata Dal

4    SHRI TAPAN KUMAR BEPARI    M    51    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

5    SHRI. BISHNU PADA RAY    M    59    Bharatiya Janata Party

6    SHRI. M. S. MOHAN    M    50    Bahujan Samaj Party

7    SHRI. N. K. P. NAIR    M    54    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)

8    SHRI. PRADEEP KUMAR EKKA    M    37    Jharkhand Disom Party

9    SHRI. T. ALI    M    37    Independent

10    DR. THANKACHAN    M    50    Independent

11    SHRI. VAKIATH VALAPPIL KHALID    M    40    Independent

U06    1    LD    LAKSHADWEEP    16-Apr-09    1    MUHAMMED HAMDULLA SAYEED A.B    M    26    Indian National Congress

2    DR. P. POOKUNHIKOYA    M    60    Nationalist Congress Party

3    DR. K P MUTHUKOYA    M    57    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    LUKMANUL HAKEEM    M    32    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

S14    1    MN    INNER MANIPUR    22-Apr-09    1    DR. THOKCHOM MEINYA    M    58    Indian National Congress

2    THOUNAOJAM CHAOBA    M    70    Manipur People’s Party

3    MOIRANGTHEM NARA    M    58    Communist Party of India

4    WAHENGBAM NIPAMACHA SINGH    M    78    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    L. KSHETRANI DEVI    F    50    Rashtriya Bahujan Congress Party

6    ABDUL RAHMAN    M    58    Independent

7    NONGMAITHEM HOMENDRO SINGH    M    45    Independent

S01    23    AP    KAKINADA    23-Apr-09    1    DOMMETI SUDHAKAR    M    51    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    M.M.PALLAMRAJU    M    46    Indian National Congress

3    BIKKINA VISWESWARA RAO    M    34    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    VASAMSETTY SATYA    M    44    Telugu Desam

5    ALURI VIJAYA LAKSHMI    F    64    Lok Satta Party

6    UDAYA KUMAR KONDEPUDI    M    36    Trilinga Praja Pragati Party

7    GALI SATYAVATHI    F    40    Republican Party of India

8    GIDLA SIMHACHALAM    M    50    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party

9    CHALAMALASETTY SUNIL    M    39    Praja Rajyam Party

10    NAMALA SATYANARAYANA    M    45    Rajyadhikara Party

11    N.PALLAMRAJU    M    52    Ajeya Bharat Party

12    BUGATHA BANGARRAO    M    48    Communist Party of India(Marxist-Leninist)(Liberation)

13    AKAY SURYANARAYANA    M    50    Independent

14    CHAGANTI SURYA NARAYANA MURTHY    M    44    Independent

15    DANAM LAZAR BABU    M    42    Independent

16    BADAMPUDI BABURAO    M    51    Independent

S01    24    AP    AMALAPURAM    23-Apr-09    1    KOMMABATTULA UMA MAHESWARA RAO    M    65    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    GEDDAM SAMPADA RAO    M    39    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    DOCTOR GEDELA VARALAKSHMI    F    55    Telugu Desam

4    G.V.HARSHA KUMAR    M    50    Indian National Congress

5    AKUMARTHI SURYANARAYANA    M    50    Trilinga Praja Pragati Party

6    KIRAN KUMAR BINEPE    M    43    Praja Bharath Party

7    P.V.CHAKRAVARTHI    M    54    Republican Party of India (Khobragade)

8    POTHULA PRAMEELA DEVI    F    55    Praja Rajyam Party

9    BHEEMARAO RAMJI MUTHABATHULA    M    39    Pyramid Party of India

10    MASA RAMADASU    M    46    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party

11    YALANGI RAMESH    M    45    Independent

S01    25    AP    RAJAHMUNDRY    23-Apr-09    1    ARUNA KUMAR VUNDAVALLI    M    54    Indian National Congress

2    M. MURALI MOHAN    M    68    Telugu Desam

3    VAJRAPU KOTESWARA RAO    M    43    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    SOMU VEERRAJU    M    51    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    UPPALAPATI VENKATA KRISHNAM RAJU    M    69    Praja Rajyam Party

6    DATLA RAYA JAGAPATHI RAJU    M    50    Pyramid Party of India

7    DR. PALADUGU CHANDRA MOULI    M    69    Lok Satta Party

8    MEDAPATI PAPIREDDY    M    30    Trilinga Praja Pragati Party

9    MEDA SRINIVAS    M    39    Rashtriya Praja Congress (Secular)

10    PARAMATA GANESWARA RAO    M    46    Independent

11    MUSHINI RAMAKRISHNA RAO    M    51    Independent

12    VASAMSETTY NAGESWARA RAO    M    46    Independent

13    SANABOINA SUBHALAKSHMI    F    44    Independent

S01    26    AP    NARSAPURAM    23-Apr-09    1    KALIDINDI VISWANADHA RAJU    M    39    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    THOTA SITA RAMA LAKSHMI    F    59    Telugu Desam

3    BAPIRAJU KANUMURU    M    61    Indian National Congress

4    BHUPATHIRAJU SRINIVASA VARMA    M    41    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    ALLURI YUGANDHARA RAJU    M    44    Pyramid Party of India

6    GUBBALA TAMMAIAH    M    61    Praja Rajyam Party

7    NAVUNDRU RAJENDRA PRASAD    M    44    Bharatheeya Sadharma Samsthapana Party

8    MANORAMA SANKU    F    62    Lok Satta Party

9    M V R RAJU    M    35    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party

10    KALIDINDI BHIMARAJU    M    73    Independent

S01    27    AP    ELURU    23-Apr-09    1    KAVURI SAMBASIVA RAO    M    65    Indian National Congress

2    KODURI VENKATA SUBBA RAJU    M    46    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    PILLELLLI SUNIL    M    35    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    MAGANTI VENKATESWARA RAO(BABU)    M    49    Telugu Desam

5    Y.V.S.V. PRASADA RAO (YERNENI PRASADA RAO)    M    61    Pyramid Party of India

6    KOLUSU PEDA REDDAIAH YADAV    M    67    Praja Rajyam Party

7    SAVANAPUDI NAGARAJU    M    48    Marxist Communist Party of India (S.S. Srivastava)

8    SIRIKI SRINIVAS    M    32    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party

9    KASI NAIDU KAMMILI    M    39    Independent

10    TANUKU SEKHAR    M    45    Independent

11    DODDA KAMESWARA RAO    M    54    Independent

12    DOWLURI GOVARDHAN    M    32    Independent

S01    28    AP    MACHILIPATNAM    23-Apr-09    1    KONAKALLA NARAYANA RAO    M    59    Telugu Desam

2    CHIGURUPATI RAMALINGESWARA RAO    M    33    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    BADIGA RAMAKRISHNA    M    66    Indian National Congress

4    BHOGADI RAMA DEVI    F    56    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    KOPPULA VENKATESWARA RAO    M    45    Lok Satta Party

6    CHENNAMSETTI RAMACHANDRAIAH    M    60    Praja Rajyam Party

7    YARLAGADDA RAMAMOHANA RAO    M    44    Bharatheeya Sadharma Samsthapana Party

8    VARA LAKSHMI KONERU    F    59    Pyramid Party of India

9    G.V. NAGESWARA RAO    M    25    Independent

10    YENDURI SUBRAMANYESWA RAO ( MANI )    M    50    Independent

S01    29    AP    VIJAYAWADA    23-Apr-09    1    LAGADAPATI RAJA GOPAL    M    45    Indian National Congress

2    LAKA VENGALA RAO    M    38    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    VAMSI MOHAN VALLABHANENI    M    38    Telugu Desam

4    SISTLA NARASIMHA MURTHY    M    63    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    DEVINENI KISHORE KUMAR    M    59    Lok Satta Party

6    RAGHAVA RAO JAKKA    M    60    Pyramid Party of India

7    RAJIV CHANUMOLU    M    43    Praja Rajyam Party

8    APPIKATLA JAWAHAR    M    44    Independent

9    KRISHNA MURTHY SUNKARA    M    46    Independent

10    JAKKA TARAKA MALLIKHARJUNA RAO    M    42    Independent

11    DEVERASETTY RAVINDRA BABU    M    35    Independent

12    DEVIREDDY RAVINDRANATHA REDDY    M    36    Independent

13    PERUPOGU VENKATESWARA RAO    M    41    Independent

14    BAIPUDI NAGESWARA RAO    M    30    Independent

15    BOPPA VENKATESWARA RAO    M    42    Independent

16    BOLISETTY HARIBABU    M    46    Independent

17    VEERLA SANJEEVA RAO    M    44    Independent

18    VENKATA RAO P.    M    44    Independent

19    SENAPATHI CHIRANJEEVI    M    36    Independent

20    SHAIK MASTAN    M    28    Independent

S01    30    AP    GUNTUR    23-Apr-09    1    MALLELA BABU RAO    M    61    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    YADLAPATI SWARUPARANI    F    51    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    RAJENDRA MADALA    M    42    Telugu Desam

7    SAMBASIVA RAO RAYAPATI    M    65    Indian National Congress

8    AMANULLA KHAN    M    37    Lok Satta Party

9    KOMMANABOINA LAKSHMAIAH    M    39    Rajyadhikara Party

11    THOTA CHANDRA SEKHAR    M    47    Praja Rajyam Party

12    YARRAKULA TULASI RAM YADAV    M    29    Samajwadi Party

13    VELAGAPUDI LAKSHMANA RAO    M    59    Pyramid Party of India

14    SRINIVASA RAO THOTAKURA    M    34    Ajeya Bharat Party

S01    31    AP    NARASARAOPET    23-Apr-09    1    BALASHOWRY VALLABHANENI    M    43    Indian National Congress

2    BEJJAM RATNAKARA RAO    M    48    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    VALLEPU KRUPA RAO    M    51    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    VENUGOPALA REDDY MODUGULA    M    42    Telugu Desam

7    GANUGAPENTA UTTAMA REDDY    M    30    Lok Satta Party

8    S.G. MASTAN VALI    M    31    Pyramid Party of India

9    RAMADUGU VENKATA SUBBA RAO    M    45    Samajwadi Party

11    SHAIK SYED SAHEB    M    65    Praja Rajyam Party

13    SAI PRASAD EDARA    M    42    Bharatheeya Sadharma Samsthapana Party

14    ATCHALA NARASIMHA RAO    M    39    Independent

15    ANNAMRAJU VENUGOPALA MADHAVA RAO    M    37    Independent

17    KATAMARAJU NALAGORLA    M    61    Independent

19    YAMPATI VEERANJANEYA REDDY    M    38    Independent

21    SRINIVASA REDDY KESARI    M    40    Independent

S01    32    AP    BAPATLA    23-Apr-09    1    DARA SAMBAIAH    M    62    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    PANABAKA LAKSHMI    F    50    Indian National Congress

3    BATTULA ROSAYYA    M    52    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    MALYADRI SRIRAM    M    55    Telugu Desam

5    GARIKAPATI SUDHAKAR    M    37    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party

6    NUTHAKKI RAMA RAO    M    61    Praja Rajyam Party

7    GUDIPALLI SATHYA BABUJI    M    40    Independent

8    GORREMUCHU CHINNA RAO    M    42    Independent

9    GOLLA BABU RAO    M    34    Independent

10    DEVARAPALLI BUJJI BABU    M    34    Independent

S01    33    AP    ONGOLE    23-Apr-09    1    MANDAVA VASUDEVA    M    56    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    MADDULURI MALAKONDAIAH YADAV    M    47    Telugu Desam

3    MAGUNTA SRINIVASULU REDDY    M    55    Indian National Congress

4    CHALUVADI SRINIVASARAO    M    38    Pyramid Party of India

5    DR,NARAYANAM RADHA DEVI    F    57    Lok Satta Party

6    PIDATHALA SAI KALPANA    F    50    Praja Rajyam Party

7    SHAIK SHAJAHAN    M    49    United Women Front

8    GARRE RAMAKRISHNA    M    34    Independent

9    DAMA MOHANA RAO    M    53    Independent

10    NALAMALAPU LAKSHMINARASAREDDY    M    40    Independent

11    YATHAPU KONDAREDDY    M    28    Independent

S01    34    AP    NANDYAL    23-Apr-09    1    NASYAM MOHAMMED FAROOK    M    57    Telugu Desam

2    S.MOHAMMED ISMAIL    M    39    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    S.P.Y.REDDY    M    59    Indian National Congress

4    ABDUL SATTAR . G    M    26    B. C. United Front

5    PICHHIKE NARENDRA DEV    M    39    Rashtriya Krantikari Samajwadi Party

6    BHUMA VENKATA NAGI REDDY    M    45    Praja Rajyam Party

7    RAMA JAGANNADHA REDDY TAMIDELA    M    34    Lok Satta Party

8    SADHU VEERA VENKATA RAMANAIAH    M    35    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party

9    AMBATI RAMESWARA REDDY    M    35    Independent

10    K.ARTHER PANCHARATNAM    M    44    Independent

11    B.P.KAMBAGIRI SWAMY    M    36    Independent

12    GALI RAMA SUBBA REDDY    M    33    Independent

13    A.U.FAROOQ    M    25    Independent

14    G.BALASWAMY    M    37    Independent

15    T.MAHESH NAIDU    M    28    Independent

16    B.V.RAMI REDDY    M    47    Independent

17    B.R.L.REDDY    M    40    Independent

18    VENNUPUSA VENKATESHWARA REDDY    M    35    Independent

19    SINGAM VENKATESHWARA REDDY    M    35    Independent

20    T.SRINUVASULU    M    38    Independent

21    V.SESHI REDDY    M    33    Independent

S01    35    AP    KURNOOL    23-Apr-09    1    KOTLA JAYA SURYA PRAKASH REDDY    M    57    Indian National Congress

2    GADDAM RAMAKRISHNA    M    56    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    B.T.NAIDU    M    36    Telugu Desam

4    RAVI SUBRAMANYAM K.A.    M    39    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    JALLI VENKATESH    M    38    Lok Satta Party

6    DR.DANDIYA KHAJA PEERA    M    55    Praja Rajyam Party

7    B.NAGA JAYA CHANDRA REDDY    M    35    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party

8    DR.P.R.PARAMESWAR REDDY    M    36    Pyramid Party of India

9    DEVI RAMALINGAPPA    M    44    Independent

10    V.V. RAMANA    M    38    Independent

11    RAJU    M    45    Independent

S01    36    AP    ANANTAPUR    23-Apr-09    1    ANANTHA VENKATA RAMI REDDY    M    52    Indian National Congress

2    AMBATI RAMA KRISHNA REDDY    M    41    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    KALAVA SRINIVASULU    M    44    Telugu Desam

4    GADDALA NAGABHUSHANAM    M    45    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    AMARNATH    M    32    Lok Satta Party

6    KRUSHNAPURAM GAYATHRI DEVI    F    36    Communist Party of India(Marxist-Leninist)(Liberation)

7    MANSOOR    M    56    Praja Rajyam Party

8    G HARI    M    29    Pyramid Party of India

9    T CHANDRA SEKHAR    M    30    Independent

10    DEVELLA MURALI    M    44    Independent

11    K P NARAYANA SWAMY    M    41    Independent

12    J C RAMANUJULA REDDY    M    52    Independent

S01    37    AP    HINDUPUR    23-Apr-09    1    KRISTAPPA NIMMALA    M    52    Telugu Desam

2    P KHASIM KHAN    M    53    Indian National Congress

3    NARESH CINE ACTOR    M    45    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    B.S.P.SREERAMULU    M    30    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    KADAPALA SREEKANTA REDDY    M    56    Praja Rajyam Party

6    NIRANJAN BABU. K    M    30    Lok Satta Party

7    S. MUSKIN VALI    M    26    Pyramid Party of India

8    K. JAKEER    M    40    Independent

9    B. NAGABHUSHANA RAO    M    76    Independent

10    P. PRASAD (PEETLA PRASAD)    M    32    Independent

S01    38    AP    KADAPA    23-Apr-09    1    JAMBAPURAM MUNI REDDY    M    31    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    Y.S. JAGAN MOHAN REDDY    M    36    Indian National Congress

3    PALEM SRIKANTH REDDY    M    45    Telugu Desam

4    VANGALA SHASHI BHUSHAN REDDY    M    37    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    KASIBHATLA SAINATH SARMA    M    38    Rajyadhikara Party

6    N. KISHORE KUMAR REDDY    M    38    Janata Dal (Secular)

7    KUNCHAM VENKATA SUBBA REDDY    M    42    Rayalaseema Rashtra Samithi

8    DR. KHALEEL BASHA    M    60    Praja Rajyam Party

9    GAJJALA RAMA SUBBA REDDY    M    57    Pyramid Party of India

10    GUDIPATI. PRASANNA KUMAR    M    55    Lok Satta Party

11    C. GOPI NARASIMHA REDDY    M    31    Janata Dal (United)

12    CHINNAPA REDDY KOMMA    M    41    Bharatiya Jan Shakti

13    Y. SEKHARA REDDY    M    47    Republican Party of India (A)

14    S. ALI SHER    M    47    Independent

15    THIMMAPPAGARI VENKATA SIVA REDDY    M    47    Independent

16    V. NARENDRA    M    39    Independent

17    S. RAJA MADIGA    M    46    Independent

18    YELLIPALAM RAMESH REDDY    M    35    Independent

19    SIVANARAYANA REDDY CHADIPIRALLA    M    39    Independent

20    J. SUBBARAYUDU    M    51    Independent

S01    39    AP    NELLORE    23-Apr-09    1    S. PADMA NAGESWARA RAO    M    58    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    BATHINA NARASIMHA RAO    M    65    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    MEKAPATI RAJAMOHAN REDDY    M    64    Indian National Congress

4    VANTERU VENU GOPALA REDDY    M    59    Telugu Desam

5    JANA RAMACHANDRAIAH    M    56    Praja Rajyam Party

6    VEMURI BHASKARA RAO    M    36    Lok Satta Party

7    SIDDIRAJU SATYANARAYANA    M    43    Pyramid Party of India

8    KARIMULLA    M    42    Independent

9    MUCHAKALA CHANDRA SEKHAR YADAV    M    40    Independent

10    VENKATA BHASKAR REDDY DIRISALA    M    37    Independent

11    SYED HAMZA HUSSAINY    M    46    Independent

S01    40    AP    TIRUPATI    23-Apr-09    1    CHINTA MOHAN    M    54    Indian National Congress

2    VARLA RAMAIAH    M    57    Telugu Desam

3    N.VENKATASWAMY    M    77    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    JUVVIGUNTA VENKATESWARLU    M    37    Lok Satta Party

5    DEGALA SURYANARAYANA    M    34    Pyramid Party of India

6    DHANASEKHAR GUNDLURU    M    41    Republican Party of India (A)

7    VARAPRASADA RAO. V    M    55    Praja Rajyam Party

8    OREPALLI VENKATA KRISHNA PRASAD    M    43    Independent

9    KATTAMANCHI PRABAKHAR    M    40    Independent

10    YALAVADI MUNIKRISHNAIAH    M    64    Independent

S01    41    AP    RAJAMPET    23-Apr-09    1    ANNAYYAGARI SAI PRATHAP    M    64    Indian National Congress

2    ALLAPUREDDY. HARINATHA REDDY    M    69    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    RAMESH KUMAR REDDY REDDAPPAGARI    M    44    Telugu Desam

4    SUNKARA SREENIVAS    M    42    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    DR. ARAVA. VENKATA SUBBA REDDY    M    38    Pyramid Party of India

6    ADI NARAYANA REDDY .V    M    40    Bharatheeya Sadharma Samsthapana Party

7    NAGESWARA RAO EDAGOTTU    M    38    Lok Satta Party

8    D.A. SRINIVAS    M    36    Praja Rajyam Party

9    SHAIK AMEEN PEERAN    M    39    Ambedkar National Congress

10    ASADI VENKATADRI    M    41    Independent

11    INDRA PRAKASH    M    32    Independent

12    KASTHURI OBAIAH NAIDU    M    55    Independent

13    B. KRISHNAPPA    M    32    Independent

14    PULA RAGHU    M    44    Independent

15    HAJI MOHAMMAD AZAM    M    82    Independent

S01    42    AP    CHITTOOR    23-Apr-09    1    JAYARAM DUGGANI    M    60    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    THIPPESWAMY M    M    55    Indian National Congress

3    NARAMALLI SIVAPRASAD    M    57    Telugu Desam

4    B.SIVAKUMAR    M    40    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    A. AMARNADH    M    37    Rashtriya Krantikari Samajwadi Party

6    TALARI MANOHAR    M    54    Praja Rajyam Party

7    G. VENKATACHALAM    M    29    Lok Satta Party

S03    4    AS    DHUBRI    23-Apr-09    1    ANWAR HUSSAIN    M    62    Indian National Congress

2    BADRUDDIN AJMAL    M    54    Assam United Democratic Front

3    ARUN DAS    M    39    Rashtrawadi Sena

4    ALOK SEN    M    37    Samajwadi Party

5    SOLEMAN ALI    M    45    Independent

6    SHAHJAHAN ALI    M    39    Independent

7    SOLEMAN KHANDAKER    M    53    Independent

8    TRIPTI KANA MAZUMDAR CHOUDHURY    F    45    Independent

9    NUR MAHAMMAD    M    61    Independent

10    MINHAR ALI MANDAL    M    61    Independent

S03    5    AS    KOKRAJHAR    23-Apr-09    1    SABDA RAM RABHA    M    39    Asom Gana Parishad

2    SANSUMA KHUNGGUR BWISWMUTHIARY    M    49    Bodaland Peoples Front

3    URKHAO GWRA BRAHMA    M    45    Independent

S03    6    AS    BARPETA    23-Apr-09    1    ABDUS SAMAD AHMED    M    41    Assam United Democratic Front

2    MD. AMIR ALI    M    42    Rashtriya Janata Dal

3    ISMAIL HUSSAIN    M    55    Indian National Congress

4    DURGESWAR DEKA    M    54    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

5    BHUPEN RAY    M    49    Asom Gana Parishad

6    ABU CHAND MAHMMAD    M    63    Republican Party of India (A)

7    ABDUL KADDUS    M    35    Samajwadi Party

8    KANDARPA LAHKAR    M    53    Rashtravadi Janata Party

9    MD. DILIR KHAN    M    42    Muslim League Kerala State Committee

10    MUIJ UDDIN MAHMUD    M    51    Lok Jan Shakti Party

11    ABDUL KADER    M    41    Independent

12    GOLAP HUSSAIN MAZUMDER    M    35    Independent

13    DEWAN JOYNAL ABEDIN    M    65    Independent

14    BHADRESWAR DAS    M    40    Independent

S03    7    AS    GAUHATI    23-Apr-09    1    AKSHAY RAJKHOWA    M    49    Nationalist Congress Party

2    BIJOYA CHAKRAVARTY    F    70    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    CAPT. ROBIN BORDOLOI    M    67    Indian National Congress

4    SONABOR ALI    M    58    Assam United Democratic Front

5    AMBU BORA    M    78    Revolutionary Communist Party of India (Rasik Bhatt)

6    DEEPAK KALITA    M    34    Samajwadi Party

7    SHIMANTA BRAHMA    M    48    Rashtrawadi Sena

8    AMIT BARUA    M    42    Independent

9    KAZI NEKIB AHMED    M    51    Independent

10    DEVA KANTA RAMCHIARY    M    46    Independent

11    BRIJESH ROY    M    30    Independent

12    RINA GAYARY DAS    F    41    Independent

S03    8    AS    MANGALDOI    23-Apr-09    1    BADIUJ ZAMAL    M    33    Assam United Democratic Front

2    MADHAB RAJBANGSHI    M    53    Indian National Congress

3    RAMEN DEKA    M    55    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    DINA NATH DAS    M    65    Bodaland Peoples Front

5    PARVEEN SULTANA    F    42    All India Minorities Front

6    RABINDRA NATH HAZARIKA    M    72    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha

7    RATUL KUMAR CHOUDHURY    M    38    Samajwadi Party

8    LANKESWAR ACHARJYA    M    45    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party

9    LUCYMAI BASUMATARI    F    58    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha

10    AROON BAROOA    M    53    Independent

11    PRODEEP KUMAR DAIMARY    M    42    Independent

12    BHUPENDRA NATH KAKATI    M    62    Independent

13    MANOJ KUMAR DEKA    M    55    Independent

S03    9    AS    TEZPUR    23-Apr-09    1    JITEN SUNDI    M    64    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

2    DEBA ORANG    M    54    Assam United Democratic Front

3    MONI KUMAR SUBBA    M    51    Indian National Congress

4    JOSEPH TOPPO    M    60    Asom Gana Parishad

5    ARUN KUMAR MURMOO    M    33    Bharat Vikas Morcha

6    PARASHMONI SINHA    M    33    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha

7    JUGANANDA HAZARIKA    M    42    Samajwadi Party

8    RUBUL SARMA    M    52    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)

9    REGINOLD V. JOHNSON    M    45    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha

10    KALYAN KUMAR DEORI BHARALI    M    69    Independent

11    DANIEL DAVID JESUDAS    M    66    Independent

12    MD. NAZIR AHMED    M    56    Independent

13    DR. PRANAB KR. DAS    M    41    Independent

14    PRASANTA BORO    M    32    Independent

15    RUDRA PARAJULI    M    52    Independent

S03    10    AS    NOWGONG    23-Apr-09    1    ANIL RAJA    M    51    Indian National Congress

2    RAJEN GOHAIN    M    57    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    SIRAJ UDDIN AJMAL    M    52    Assam United Democratic Front

4    PHEIROIJAM IBOMCHA SINGH    M    60    All India Forward Bloc

5    BIPIN SAIKIA    M    55    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party

6    BIREN DAS    M    48    Rashtrawadi Sena

7    BHUPEN CHANDRA MUDOI    M    55    Republican Party of India (A)

8    LIAQAT HUSSAIN    M    40    Lok Jan Shakti Party

9    ASHIT DUTTA    M    47    Independent

10    NAZRUL HAQUE MAZARBHUIYAN    M    55    Independent

11    PUSPA KANTA BORA    M    49    Independent

12    BIMALA PRASAD TALUKDAR    M    46    Independent

13    HERAMBA MOHAN PANDIT    M    45    Independent

S03    11    AS    KALIABOR    23-Apr-09    1    GUNIN HAZARIKA    M    61    Asom Gana Parishad

2    DIP GOGOI    M    57    Indian National Congress

3    SIRAJ UDDIN AJMAL    M    52    Assam United Democratic Front

4    KAMAL HAZARIKA    M    48    Independent

5    PAUL NAYAK    M    40    Independent

6    PRADEEP DUTTA    M    42    Independent

7    BINOD GOGOI    M    38    Independent

8    MRIDUL BARUAH    M    37    Independent

S03    12    AS    JORHAT    23-Apr-09    1    KAMAKHYA TASA    M    34    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    DRUPAD BORGOHAIN    M    68    Communist Party of India

3    BIJOY KRISHNA HANDIQUE    M    77    Indian National Congress

4    ABINASH KISHORE BORAH    M    30    Rashtrawadi Sena

5    BIREN NANDA    M    48    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha

6    NAVAPROKASH SONOWAL    M    36    Independent

7    RAJ KUMAR DOWARAH    M    43    Independent

8    SUJIT SAHU    M    38    Independent

S03    13    AS    DIBRUGARH    23-Apr-09    1    SRI PABAN SINGH GHATOWAR    M    60    Indian National Congress

2    SRI ROMEN CH. BORTHAKUR    M    48    Nationalist Congress Party

3    SRI RATUL GOGOI    M    31    Communist Party of India

4    SRI SARBANANDA SONOWAL    M    47    Asom Gana Parishad

5    SRI GONGARAM KAUL    M    39    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)

6    NIHARIKA BORPATRA GOHAIN GOGOI    F    30    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha

7    IMTIAZ HUSSAIN    M    31    Independent

8    FRANCIS DHAN    M    40    Independent

9    LAKHI CHARAN SWANSI    M    34    Independent

10    SIMA GHOSH    F    40    Independent

S03    14    AS    LAKHIMPUR    23-Apr-09    1    DR. ARUN KR. SARMA    M    52    Asom Gana Parishad

2    BHOGESWAR DUTTA    M    63    Communist Party of India

3    RANEE NARAH    F    45    Indian National Congress

4    GANGADHAR DUTTA    M    39    Shivsena

5    DEBNATH MAJHI    M    30    Communist Party of India(Marxist-Leninist)(Liberation)

6    PRAN JYOTI BORPATRA GOHAIN    M    26    Rashtrawadi Sena

7    MINU BURAGOHAIN    F    50    Samajwadi Party

8    RATNESWAR GOGOI    M    63    All India Forward Bloc

9    LALIT MILI    M    53    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party

10    SONAMONI DAS    M    39    Lok Jan Shakti Party

11    ASAP SUNDIGURIA    M    62    Independent

12    PRASHANTA GOGOI    M    35    Independent

13    BHUMIDHAR HAZARIKA    M    38    Independent

14    RANOJ PEGU    M    45    Independent

15    RABIN DEKA    M    54    Independent

S04    1    BR    VALMIKI NAGAR    23-Apr-09    1    DILIP VERMA    M    52    Nationalist Congress Party

2    BAIDYANATH PRASAD MAHTO    M    51    Janata Dal (United)

3    MANAN MISHRA    M    48    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    MOHAMMAD SHAMIM AKHTAR    M    37    Indian National Congress

5    RAGHUNATH JHA    M    63    Rashtriya Janata Dal

6    BIRENDRA PRASAD GUPTA    M    40    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)

7    SHAILENDRA KUMAR GARHWAL    M    38    Loktantrik Samata Dal

8    AMBIKA SINGH    M    53    Independent

9    UMESH    M    36    Independent

10    DEORAJ RAM    M    31    Independent

11    FAKHRUDDIN    M    37    Independent

12    MAGISTER YADAV    M    42    Independent

13    MANOHAR MANOJ    M    40    Independent

14    RAMASHANKAR PRASAD    M    35    Independent

15    RAKESH KUMAR PANDEY    M    51    Independent

16    SATYANARAIN YADAV    M    28    Independent

S04    2    BR    PASCHIM CHAMPARAN    23-Apr-09    1    ANIRUDH PRASAD ALIAS SADHU YADAV    M    46    Indian National Congress

2    PRAKASH JHA    M    55    Lok Jan Shakti Party

3    RAMASHRAY SINGH    M    65    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

4    SHAMBHU PRASAD GUPTA    M    50    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    DR. SANJAY JAISWAL    M    44    Bharatiya Janata Party

6    FAIYAZUL AZAM    M    71    Janata Dal (Secular)

7    MANOJ KUMAR    M    44    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party

8    SYED SHAMIM AKHTAR    M    48    Loktantrik Samata Dal

9    NAFIS AHAMAD    M    35    Independent

10    SHRIMAN MISHRA    M    41    Independent

11    SYED IRSHAD AKHTER    M    32    Independent

S04    3    BR    PURVI CHAMPARAN    23-Apr-09    1    AKHILESH PD. SINGH    M    40    Rashtriya Janata Dal

2    ARVIND KR. GUPTA    M    29    Indian National Congress

3    GAGANDEO YADAV    M    59    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    RADHA MOHAN SINGH    M    59    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    RAMCHANDRA PD.    M    51    Communist Party of India

6    UMESH KR. SINGH    M    43    Samajwadi Janata Party (Rashtriya)

7    NAGENDRA SAHANI    M    33    Loktantrik Samata Dal

8    SURESH KR. RAJAK    M    45    Indian Justice Party

9    SURESH KR. RAI    M    41    Bajjikanchal Vikas Party

10    JHAGARU MAHATO    M    48    Independent

11    PARASNATH PANDEY    M    48    Independent

12    MD. MURTAZA ANSARI(DR. LAL)    M    40    Independent

S04    4    BR    SHEOHAR    23-Apr-09    1    MD. ANWARUL HAQUE    M    58    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    MD. TANVEER ZAFER    M    33    Communist Party of India

3    RAMA DEVI    F    60    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    LOVELY ANAND    M    35    Indian National Congress

5    SITARAM SINGH    M    60    Rashtriya Janata Dal

6    ARUN SAH    M    30    Bharatiya Loktantrik Party(Gandhi-Lohiawadi)

7    BASDEO SAH    M    36    Indian Justice Party

8    SHATRUGHANA SAHU    M    38    Bharatiya Jantantrik Janta Dal

9    AJAY KUMAR PANDEY    M    36    Independent

10    CHANDRIKA PRASAD    M    34    Independent

11    MOHAMMAD FIROZ AHAMAD    M    28    Independent

12    MOHSIN    M    29    Independent

13    YOGENDRA RAM    M    38    Independent

14    RAM ASHISH, MAHTO    M    64    Independent

15    SUNIL SINGH    M    44    Independent

S04    5    BR    SITAMARHI    23-Apr-09    1    ARJUN ROY    M    37    Janata Dal (United)

2    MAYA SHANKAR SHARAN    M    47    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    SAMIR KUMAR MAHASETH    M    49    Indian National Congress

4    SITARAM YADAV    M    61    Rashtriya Janata Dal

5    S. ABU DAUJANA    M    41    Loktantrik Samata Dal

6    CHITARANJAN GIRI    M    42    Rashtriya Pragati Party

7    MOHAMMAD AFZAL PAINTHER    M    44    Ambedkar National Congress

8    SHANKAR SINHA    M    51    Revolutionary Socialist Party

9    CHANDRIKA PRASAD    M    34    Independent

10    ZAHID    M    30    Independent

11    DINESH PRASAD    M    40    Independent

12    PAPPU KUMAR MISHRA    M    30    Independent

13    MUKESH KUMAR GUPTA    M    39    Independent

14    RAVINDRA KUMAR    M    36    Independent

15    RAM KISHORE PRASAD    M    71    Independent

16    SONE LAL SAH    M    61    Independent

S04    6    BR    MADHUBANI    23-Apr-09    1    ABDULBARI SIDDIKI    M    62    Rashtriya Janata Dal

2    LAXMANKANT MISHRA    M    48    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    DR SHAKEEL AHAMAD    M    52    Indian National Congress

4    HUKM DEO NARAYAN YADAV    M    72    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    DR HEMCHANDRA JHA    M    48    Communist Party of India

6    MINTU KUMAR SINGH    M    30    Jago Party

7    MISHRI LAL YADAV    M    39    Rashtriya Krantikari Janata Party

8    RAMCHANDRA YADAV    M    65    Krantikari Samyavadi Party

9    RAM SAGAR SAHANI    M    51    Indian Justice Party

10    MD ZINNUR    M    47    Independent

11    RAVINDRA THAKUR    M    40    Independent

12    RAJESHWAR YADAV    M    37    Independent

13    SANJAY KUMAR MAHTO    M    36    Independent

14    HARIBHUSHAN THAKUR “BACHOL”    M    44    Independent

S04    7    BR    JHANJHARPUR    23-Apr-09    1    KRIPANATH PATHAK    M    65    Indian National Congress

2    GAURI SHANKAR YADAV    M    36    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    DEVENDRA PRASAD YADAV    M    53    Rashtriya Janata Dal

4    MANGANI LAL MANDAL    M    60    Janata Dal (United)

5    DR KIRTAN PRASAD SINGH    M    50    Loktantrik Samata Dal

6    YOGNATH MANDAL    M    36    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)

7    OM PRAKASH    M    27    Independent

8    NATHUNI YADAV    M    57    Independent

9    FIROZ ALAM    M    38    Independent

10    VIVEKA NAND JHA    M    33    Independent

11    SHANKAR PRASAD    M    26    Independent

S04    14    BR    DARBHANGA    23-Apr-09    1    AJAY KUMAR JALAN    M    49    Indian National Congress

2    MD. ALI ASHRAF FATMI    M    53    Rashtriya Janata Dal

3    KIRTI AZAD    M    48    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    YUGESHWAR SAHNI    M    55    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    KUMARI SURESHWARI    F    60    Rashtriya Mazdoor Ekta Party

6    MD. KHURSHID ALAM    M    46    Apna Dal

7    DURGANAND MAHAVIR NAYAK    M    37    Bharatiya Jantantrik Janta Dal

8    MD. NIZAMUDDIN    M    36    Indian Justice Party

9    SATYANARAYAN MUKHIA    M    41    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)

10    ABDUR RAHIM    M    49    Independent

11    GOVIND ACHARAY    M    27    Independent

12    BHARAT YADAV    M    54    Independent

13    LALBAHADUR YADAV    M    35    Independent

14    PROF. HARERAM ACHARAY    M    49    Independent

S04    15    BR    MUZAFFARPUR    23-Apr-09    1    CAPTAIN JAI NARAYAN PRASAD NISHAD    M    78    Janata Dal (United)

2    BHAGWANLAL SAHNI    M    57    Lok Jan Shakti Party

3    VINITA VIJAY    F    41    Indian National Congress

4    SAMEER KUMAR    M    41    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    JITENDRA YADAV    M    35    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)

6    DINESH KUMAR KUSHWAHA    M    32    Rashtriya Krantikari Samajwadi Party

7    DEVENDRA RAKESH    M    49    Bajjikanchal Vikas Party

8    NEELU SINGH    F    36    Proutist Sarva Samaj

9    MAHENDRA PRASAD    M    63    Rashtriya Pragati Party

10    MITHILESH KUMAR    M    40    Rashtra Sewa Dal

11    MOHAMMAD SHAMIM    M    31    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party

12    MD. RAHAMTULLAHA    M    37    Akhil Bharatiya Jan Sangh

13    RAM DAYAL RAM    M    48    All India Forward Bloc

14    REYAJ AHMAD ATISH    M    62    Jago Party

15    MD. SALEEM    M    36    Rashtravadi Janata Party

16    ASHOK KUMAR LALAN    M    37    Independent

17    AHMAD RAZA    M    31    Independent

18    GEORGE FERNANDES    M    78    Independent

19    TARKESHWAR PASWAN    M    38    Independent

20    VIJENDRA CHAUDHARY    M    42    Independent

21    VINOD PASWAN    M    35    Independent

22    SHAMBHU SAHNI    M    37    Independent

23    SADANAND KISHORE THAKUR    M    38    Independent

24    SYED ALAMDAR HUSSAIN    M    27    Independent

S04    16    BR    VAISHALI    23-Apr-09    1    RAGHUVANSH PRASAD SINGH    M    62    Rashtriya Janata Dal

2    VIJAY KUMAR SHUKLA    M    38    Janata Dal (United)

3    SHANKAR MAHTO    M    37    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    HIND KESRI YADAV    M    58    Indian National Congress

5    PUNAMRI DEVI    F    37    United Women Front

6    PRAMOD KUMAR SHARMA    M    27    Bajjikanchal Vikas Party

7    BADRI PASWAN    M    39    Rashtriya Krantikari Samajwadi Party

8    BALAK NATH SAHANI    M    39    Indian Justice Party

9    LALJI KUMAR RAKESH    M    35    Rashtra Sewa Dal

10    BINOD PANDIT    M    29    Lokpriya Samaj Party

11    INDARDEO RAI    M    46    Independent

12    JITENDRA PRASAD    M    34    Independent

S04    21    BR    HAJIPUR    23-Apr-09    1    DASAI CHOWDHARY    M    52    Indian National Congress

2    MAHESHWAR DAS    M    54    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    RAM VILAS PASWAN    M    61    Lok Jan Shakti Party

4    RAM SUNDAR DAS    M    88    Janata Dal (United)

5    DINESH CHANDRA BHUSHAN    M    36    Loktantrik Samata Dal

6    NAND LAL PASWAN    M    47    Independent

7    PRATIMA KUMARI    F    33    Independent

8    RAJENDRA KUMAR PASWAN    M    54    Independent

9    RAM TIRTH PASWAN    M    59    Independent

10    VISHWA VIJAY KUMAR VIDHYARTHI    M    30    Independent

11    SANJAY PASHWAN    M    30    Independent

S04    22    BR    UJIARPUR    23-Apr-09    1    ASWAMEDH DEVI    F    40    Janata Dal (United)

2    ALOK KUMAR MEHTA    M    40    Rashtriya Janata Dal

3    RAMDEO VERMA    M    62    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

4    VIJAYWANT KUMAR CHOUDHARY    M    60    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    SHEEL KUMAR ROY    M    40    Indian National Congress

6    CHANDRA DEO ROY    M    48    Socialist Party (Lohia)

7    JAI NARAYAN SAH    M    53    Bajjikanchal Vikas Party

8    JITENDRA KUMAR ROY    M    32    Shivsena

9    TOSHAN SAH    M    62    Rashtriya Pragati Party

10    MD. TAUKIR    M    40    Samata Party

11    MASSOD HASSAN    M    29    Muslim League Kerala State Committee

12    RAMNATH SINGH    M    36    Rashtra Sewa Dal

13    ARJUN SAHNI    M    28    Independent

14    PRADEEP KUMAR    M    41    Independent

15    BRAJESH KUMAR NIRALA    M    51    Independent

16    MANSOOR    M    42    Independent

17    MOHAN PAUL    M    47    Independent

18    MOHAMMAD KURBAN    M    43    Independent

19    RATAN SAHNI    M    46    Independent

20    RAM SAGAR MAHTO    M    45    Independent

21    SANJAY KUMAR JHA    M    36    Independent

22    SUJIT KUMAR BHAGAT    M    29    Independent

S04    23    BR    SAMASTIPUR    23-Apr-09    1    DR. ASHOK KUMAR    M    54    Indian National Congress

2    MAHESWER HAZARI    M    38    Janata Dal (United)

3    RAM CHANDRA PASWAN    M    47    Lok Jan Shakti Party

4    BINDESHWAR PASWAN    M    59    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    UPENDRA PASWAN    M    42    Loktantrik Samata Dal

6    JEEBACHH PASWAN    M    41    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)

7    RANDHIR PASWAN    M    27    Independent

8    RAJA RAM DAS    M    56    Independent

9    REKHA KUMARI    F    29    Independent

10    SHIVCHANDRA PASWAN    M    31    Independent

11    SATISH MAHTO    M    33    Independent

S05    1    GA    NORTH GOA    23-Apr-09    1    CHRISTOPHER FONSECA    M    55    Communist Party of India

2    JITENDRA RAGHURAJ DESHPRABHU    M    53    Nationalist Congress Party

3    RAUT PANDURANG DATTARAM    M    62    Maharashtrawadi Gomantak

4    SHRIPAD YESSO NAIK    M    56    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    UPENDRA CHANDRU GAONKAR    M    48    Shivsena

6    NARACINVA SURYA SALGAONKAR    M    51    Independent

7    MARTHA D’ SOUZA    F    55    Independent

S05    2    GA    SOUTH GOA    23-Apr-09    1    COSME FRANCISCO CAITANO SARDINHA    M    62    Indian National Congress

2    ADV. NARENDRA KESHAV SAWAIKAR    M    42    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    ADV. RAJU MANGESHKAR ALIAS RAJENDRA NAIK    M    52    Communist Party of India

4    ROHIDAS HARICHANDRA BORKAR    M    63    Save Goa Front

5    MATANHY SALDANHA    M    60    United Goans Democratic Party

6    DIAS JAWAHAR    M    53    Independent

7    DERICK DIAS    M    41    Independent

8    FRANCISCO ANTONIO JOAO DE PHILOMENO FERNANDES    M    66    Independent

9    MULLA SALIM    M    25    Independent

10    SALUNKE SMITA PRAVEEN    F    38    Independent

11    HAMZA KHAN    M    57    Independent

S09    5    JK    UDHAMPUR    23-Apr-09    1    ADREES AHMAD TABBASUM    M    45    Communist Party of India

2    BALBIR SINGH    M    53    Jammu & Kashmir Peoples Democratic Party

3    PROF. BHIM SINGH    M    69    Jammu & Kashmir National Panthers Party

4    RAKESH WAZIR    M    29    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    CH. LAL SINGH    M    50    Indian National Congress

6    DR. NIRMAL SINGH    M    53    Bharatiya Janata Party

7    BODH RAJ    M    42    Backward Classes Democratic Party, J&K

8    RAJESH MANCHANDA    M    40    Rashtriya Krantikari Samajwadi Party

9    KANCHAN SHARMA    F    40    Bharatiya Bahujan Party

10    MASTER WILLIAM GILL    M    60    All India Forward Bloc

11    ATUL SHARMA    M    30    Independent

12    DEV RAJ    M    57    Independent

13    MOHD. YOUSUF    M    46    Independent

14    NARESH DOGRA    M    40    Independent

S10    1    KA    CHIKKODI    23-Apr-09    1    KATTI RAMESH VISHWANATH    M    44    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    PRAKASH BABANNA HUKKERI    M    62    Indian National Congress

3    SHIVANAND WANTAMURI SIDDAMALLAPPA    M    42    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    BANASHANKARI BHIMAPPA ITTAPPA    M    32    Independent

5    MALLAPPA MARUTI KHATANVE    M    60    Independent

6    YASHWANT MANOHAR SUTAR    M    32    Independent

7    SHAILA SURESH KOLI    F    37    Independent

S10    2    KA    BELGAUM    23-Apr-09    1    AMARSINH VASANTRAO PATIL    M    49    Indian National Congress

2    ANGADI SURESH CHANNABASAPPA    M    55    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    A. B. PATIL    M    56    Janata Dal (Secular)

4    RAMANAGOUDA SIDDANGOUDA PATIL    M    66    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    ALLAPPA RAMAPPA PATIL    M    31    Independent

6    KASTURI BASANAGOUDA BHAVI    F    40    Independent

7    MOHAN. H. GADIWADDAR    M    29    Independent

8    RAMCHANDRA MAREPPA TORGAL(CHALAWADI)    M    66    Independent

9    VIJAYKUMAR JEENDATTA UPADHYE    M    47    Independent

10    HANAJI ASHOK PANDU    M    28    Independent

S10    4    KA    BIJAPUR    23-Apr-09    1    ALMELKAR VILASABABU BASALINGAPPA    M    46    Janata Dal (Secular)

2    KANAMADI SUDHAKAR MALLESH    M    54    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    PRAKASH KUBASING RATHOD    M    48    Indian National Congress

4    RAMESH CHANDAPPA JIGAJINAGI    M    57    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    NARASAPPA TIPPANNA BANDIWADDAR    M    48    Sarvodaya Karnataka Paksha

6    LAMANI CHANDRAKANT RUPASING    M    38    Lok Jan Shakti Party

7    ARAKERI NIRMALA SRINIVAS    F    35    Independent

8    CHALAWADI RAMANNA    M    54    Independent

9    SEVALAL SOMASHEKAR PURAPPA    M    46    Independent

10    HARIJAN AMBANNA TUKARAM    M    33    Independent

S10    5    KA    GULBARGA    23-Apr-09    1    BABU HONNA NAIK    M    55    Janata Dal (Secular)

2    MALLIKARJUN KHARGE    M    67    Indian National Congress

3    MAHADEV. B. DHANNI    M    51    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    REVUNAIK BELAMGI    M    70    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    DR. K. T. PALUSKAR    M    53    Prabuddha Republican Party

6    RAVIKUMAR SHALIMANI SEDAM    M    34    Ambedkar National Congress

7    SHANKER KODLA    M    73    Janata Dal (United)

8    SHANKAR JADHAV    M    48    Bharatiya Peoples Party

9    H.V. DIWAKAR    M    46    Independent

10    SHIVAKUMAR . KOLLUR    M    44    Independent

S10    6    KA    RAICHUR    23-Apr-09    1    K.DEVANNA NAIK    M    56    Janata Dal (Secular)

2    PAKKIRAPPA.S.    M    51    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    RAJA VENKATAPPA NAIK    M    52    Indian National Congress

4    SHIVAKUMAR    M    42    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    COM II. V.H.MASTER    M    73    Independent

6    COMRADE V.MUDUKAPPA NAYAK    M    36    Independent

7    R.MUDUKAPPA NAYAK    M    44    Independent

8    K.SOMASHEKHAR    M    43    Independent

S10    7    KA    BIDAR    23-Apr-09    1    GURUPADAPPA NAGMARPALLI    M    25    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    JAGANNATH.R.JAMADAR    M    25    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    N.DHARAM SINGH    M    25    Indian National Congress

4    SUBHASH TIPPANNA NELGE    M    25    Janata Dal (Secular)

5    ADVOCATE MOULVI ZAMEERUDDIN    M    25    National Development Party

6    BHASKAR BABU PATERPALLI    M    25    Indian Christian Secular Party

7    SHRAVAN SANGONDA BHANDE    M    25    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha

8    SUBHASH CHANDRA G.KHAPATE    M    25    Laghujan Samaj Vikas Party

9    AMRUTHAPPA.M.D    M    25    Independent

10    MD ARSHAD AHMED ANSARI    M    25    Independent

11    KHAJA SAMEEUDDIN KHAJA MOINUDDIN    M    25    Independent

12    JADHAV VENKAT RAO GYANOBA RAO    M    25    Independent

13    DONGAPURE SHANT KUMAR    M    25    Independent

14    DEVENDRAPPA SANGRAMAPPA PATIL    M    25    Independent

15    NARSAPPA MUTHANGI    M    25    Independent

16    PARMESHWAR RAMCHANDRA    M    25    Independent

17    PASHAMIYA ESMAIL SAB    M    25    Independent

18    BASWARAJ PAILWAN OKALLI    M    25    Independent

19    MANJILE MIYYA PEER SAB QURESH    M    25    Independent

20    MD OSMAN ALI LAKHPATI    M    25    Independent

21    MUFTI SHAIKH ABDUL GAFFAR QASMI    M    25    Independent

22    YEVATE PATIL SHRIMANT    M    25    Independent

23    YASHWANTH NARSING    M    25    Independent

24    SHIVARAJ TIMMANNA BOKKE    M    25    Independent

25    SAMEEUDDIN BANDELI    M    25    Independent

26    SURESH SWAMY TALGHATKER    M    25    Independent

27    SYED QUBUL ULLA HUSSIANI SAJID    M    25    Independent

S10    8    KA    KOPPAL    23-Apr-09    1    ANSARI IQBAL    M    50    Janata Dal (Secular)

2    BASAVARAJ RAYAREDDY    M    53    Indian National Congress

3    SHIVAPUTRAPPA GUMAGERA    M    42    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    SHIVARAMAGOUDA SHIVANAGOUDA    M    56    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    ZAKEER    M    30    Lok Jan Shakti Party

6    BASAVARAJ KARADI WADDARAHATTI    M    27    Janata Dal (United)

7    BHARADWAJ    M    63    Communist Party of India(Marxist-Leninist)(Liberation)

8    ISHWARAPPA J    M    52    Independent

9    UPPARA HANUMANTAPPA    M    33    Independent

10    GOUSIA BEGUM    F    31    Independent

11    CHAKRAVARTI NAYAK T    M    70    Independent

12    CHANDRASHEKAR    M    37    Independent

13    NAJEER HUSAIN    M    41    Independent

14    PUJAR D.H    M    42    Independent

15    MAREMMA YANKAPPA    F    40    Independent

16    SHARABHAYYA HIREMATH    M    27    Independent

17    SHIVAKUMAR NAVALI SIDDAPPA TONTAPUR    M    44    Independent

18    HANDI RAFIQSAB    M    53    Independent

S10    9    KA    BELLARY    23-Apr-09    1    T. NAGENDRA    M    44    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    J. SHANTHA    F    35    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    N.Y. HANUMANTHAPPA    M    69    Indian National Congress

4    CHOWDAPPA    M    29    Communist Party of India(Marxist-Leninist)(Liberation)

5    D. GANGANNA    M    59    Independent

6    B. RAMAIAH    M    60    Independent

7    A. RAMANJANAPPA    M    41    Independent

S10    12    KA    UTTARA KANNADA    23-Apr-09    1    ANANTKUMAR HEGDE    M    40    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    ALVA MARGARET    F    67    Indian National Congress

3    HADAPAD BASAVARAJ DUNDAPPA    M    28    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    V D HEGADE    M    68    Janata Dal (Secular)

5    ELISH KOTIYAL    M    44    Janata Dal (United)

6    D M GURAV    M    49    Shivsena

7    ABDUL RASHEED SHAIKH    M    44    Independent

8    UDAY BABU KHALVADEKAR    M    57    Independent

9    KHAZI RAHMATULLA ABDUL WAHAB    M    60    Independent

10    L P M NAIK    M    39    Independent

11    YASHWANT TIMMANNA NIPPANIKAR    M    58    Independent

S10    18    KA    CHITRADURGA    23-Apr-09    1    JANARDHANA SWAMY    M    41    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    M JAYANNA    M    58    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    DR. B THIPPESWAMY    M    37    Indian National Congress

4    M RATHNAKAR    M    42    Janata Dal (Secular)

5    SHASHISHEKAR NAIK    M    46    Rashtriya Janata Dal

6    M KUMBAIAH    M    56    Independent

7    GANESHA    M    48    Independent

8    K H DURGASIMHA    M    61    Independent

9    RAMACHANDRA    M    49    Independent

10    B SUJATHA    F    33    Independent

11    HANUMANTHAPPA TEGNOOR    M    59    Independent

S10    19    KA    TUMKUR    23-Apr-09    1    ASHOK    M    59    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    P. KODANDARAMAIAH    M    69    Indian National Congress

3    G.S. BASAVARAJU    M    67    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    S.P. MUDDAHANUMEGOWDA    M    55    Janata Dal (Secular)

5    SREE GOWRISHANKARA SWAMIGALU    M    63    Samajwadi Party

6    D.R. NAGARAJA    M    53    Independent

7    G. NAGENDRA    M    34    Independent

8    NIRANJANA C.S    M    29    Independent

9    MOHAMED KHASIM    M    47    Independent

10    SHASIBHUSHANA    M    34    Independent

S10    23    KA    BANGALORE RURAL    23-Apr-09    1    H.D.KUMARASWAMY    M    49    Janata Dal (Secular)

2    TEJASVINI GOWDA    F    42    Indian National Congress

3    MOHAMED HAFEEZ ULLAH    M    54    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    C. P. YOGEESHWARA    M    45    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    C.THOPAIAH    M    56    Janata Dal (United)

6    I VENKATESWARA REDDY    M    55    Pyramid Party of India

7    AGNISHREENIVAS    M    30    Independent

8    D.KUMARASWAMY    M    43    Independent

9    KUMARASWAMY C    M    28    Independent

10    KRISHNAPPA    M    46    Independent

11    Y.CHINNAPPA    M    33    Independent

12    A CHOWRAPPA    M    44    Independent

13    DR. K PADMARAJAN    M    50    Independent

14    K.PUTTAMADEGOWDA    M    40    Independent

15    T.M.MANCHEGOWDA    M    62    Independent

S10    24    KA    BANGALORE NORTH    23-Apr-09    1    D. B. CHANDRE GOWDA    M    73    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    C. K. JAFFER SHARIEF    M    75    Indian National Congress

3    PADMAA K. BHAT    F    43    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    R. SURENDRA BABU    M    48    Janata Dal (Secular)

5    M. TIPPUVARDHAN    M    39    Bharatiya Praja Paksha

6    ANCHAN KHANNA    M    34    Independent

7    KANYA KUMAR    M    36    Independent

8    G S KUMAR    M    68    Independent

9    C. KRISHNAMURTHY    M    45    Independent

10    B K CHANDRA    M    38    Independent

11    T. R. CHANDRAHASA    M    45    Independent

12    ABDUL JALEEL    M    39    Independent

13    ZAFER MOHIUDDIN    M    48    Independent

14    JOSEPH SOLOMON    M    39    Independent

15    L. NAGARAJ    M    52    Independent

16    V. PRASANNA KUMAR    M    38    Independent

17    H. PILLAIAH    M    46    Independent

18    T. B. MADWARAJA    M    33    Independent

19    MEER LAYAQ HUSSAIN    M    42    Independent

20    K. A. MOHAN    M    51    Independent

21    S. M. RAJU    M    52    Independent

22    L. LAKSHMAIAH    M    64    Independent

23    MU. VENKATESHAIAH    M    50    Independent

24    VENKATESA SETTY    M    63    Independent

25    H. A. SHIVAKUMAR    M    30    Independent

26    K. SATHYANARAYANA    M    57    Independent

27    SYED AKBAR BASHA    M    50    Independent

28    N. HARISH GOWDA    M    33    Independent

S10    25    KA    BANGALORE CENTRAL    23-Apr-09    1    ZAMEER AHMED KHAN. B.Z    M    43    Janata Dal (Secular)

2    P. C. MOHAN    M    45    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    VIJAY RAJA SINGH    M    37    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    H.T.SANGLIANA    M    67    Indian National Congress

5    IFTHAQUAR ALI BHUTTO    M    37    Ambedkar National Congress

6    J.D.ELANGOVAN    M    64    Indian Justice Party

7    S M KRISHNA    M    44    Bharatiya Praja Paksha

8    B KRISHNA PRASAD    M    55    Proutist Sarva Samaj Party

9    A.S. PAUL    M    60    Akhila India Jananayaka Makkal Katchi (Dr. Issac)

10    D.C. PRAKASH    M    41    Karnataka Thamizhar Munnetra Kazhagam

11    K.PRABHAKARA REDDY    M    61    Kannada Chalavali Vatal Paksha

12    T.K.PREMKUMAR    M    45    Pyramid Party of India

13    ABHIMANI NARENDRA    M    50    Independent

14    M.A. ASHWATHA NARAYANA SETTY    M    64    Independent

15    K UMA    F    46    Independent

16    UMASHANKAR    M    42    Independent

17    K.S.S.IYENGAR    M    77    Independent

18    B.M.KRISHNAREDDY    M    64    Independent

19    S.KODANDARAM    M    50    Independent

20    C.V.GIDDAPPA    M    55    Independent

21    A.CHANDRASHEKAR    M    45    Independent

22    JAYARAMA    M    60    Independent

23    K.NARASIMHA    M    38    Independent

24    B.K NARAYANA SWAMY    M    52    Independent

25    P.PARTHIBAN    M    34    Independent

26    MEER LAYAQ HUSSAIN    M    42    Independent

27    B.MOHAN VELU    M    39    Independent

28    R. RAJ    M    49    Independent

29    E. RAMAKRISHNAIAH    M    50    Independent

30    K.H.RAMALINGAREDDY    M    41    Independent

31    VIJAYA BHASKAR N    M    61    Independent

32    DR.D. R.VENKATESH GOWDA    M    82    Independent

33    SHAFFI AHMED    M    50    Independent

34    S.N. SHARMA    M    67    Independent

35    SHASHIKUMAR A.R    M    43    Independent

36    K.SHIVARAMANNA    M    55    Independent

37    SHAIK BAHADUR    M    54    Independent

S10    26    KA    BANGALORE SOUTH    23-Apr-09    1    ANANTH KUMAR    M    49    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    KRISHNA BYRE GOWDA    M    36    Indian National Congress

3    NAHEEDA SALMA S    F    47    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    PROF.RADHAKRISHNA    M    63    Janata Dal (Secular)

5    B.M.GOVINDRAJ NAIK    M    38    Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha

6    P.JOHNBASCO    M    37    Akhila India Jananayaka Makkal Katchi (Dr. Issac)

7    VATAL NAGARAJ    M    60    Kannada Chalavali Vatal Paksha

8    B.SHIVARAMAPPA    M    62    Pyramid Party of India

9    ABHIMAANI NARENDRA    M    50    Independent

10    KHADER ALI KHAN    M    39    Independent

11    GANESH HANUMANTARAO MOKHASHI    M    58    Independent

12    CAPT. G.R. GOPINATH    M    57    Independent

13    K.C.JANARDHAN    M    46    Independent

14    DR.JAYALAKSHMI.H.G.    F    48    Independent

15    K.M.NARAYANA    M    54    Independent

16    MADESH.C    M    40    Independent

17    MURALIDHARA.D.J.    M    44    Independent

18    RAVI KUMARA.T.    M    26    Independent

19    SUGANDHARAJE URS    M    59    Independent

20    SANTHOSH MIN.B    M    33    Independent

S10    27    KA    CHIKKBALLAPUR    23-Apr-09    1    C.ASWATHANARAYANA    M    59    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    C.R.MANOHAR    M    29    Janata Dal (Secular)

3    M.VEERAPPA MOILY    M    69    Indian National Congress

4    HENNURU LAKSHMINARAYANA    M    49    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    M.RAMAKRISHNAIAH    M    40    Pyramid Party of India

6    M.VENKATESH    M    55    Bharatiya Praja Paksha

7    H.R.SHIVAKUMAR    M    39    Lok Jan Shakti Party

8    KRISHNAMURTHY .T    M    70    Independent

9    K.S.CHANDRASHEKARA RAO (AZAD)    M    54    Independent

10    L.NAGARAJ    M    52    Independent

11    G.NARAYANAPPA    M    62    Independent

12    A.N.BACHEGOWDA    M    50    Independent

13    G.B.MUTHUKUMAR    M    62    Independent

14    M.MUNIVENKATAIAH    M    64    Independent

15    M.RAMESH    M    30    Independent

16    RAVI GOKRE    M    32    Independent

17    G.N. RAVI    M    45    Independent

18    K.VENKATAREDDY    M    36    Independent

19    B.SHIVARAJA    M    40    Independent

20    Y.A.SIDDALINGEGOWDA    M    42    Independent

S10    28    KA    KOLAR    23-Apr-09    1    G.CHANDRANNA    M    56    Janata Dal (Secular)

2    K.H.MUNIYAPPA    M    61    Indian National Congress

3    N.MUNISWAMY    M    57    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    LAKSHMI SHANMUGAM    F    56    Nationalist Congress Party

5    D.S.VEERAIAH    M    60    Bharatiya Janata Party

6    K.R.DEVARAJA    M    51    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party

7    B.M.KRISHNAPPA    M    59    Independent

8    M.R.GANTAPPA    M    46    Independent

9    P.V.CHANGALARAYAPPA    M    38    Independent

10    P.CHANDRAPPA    M    42    Independent

11    V.JAYARAMA    M    59    Independent

12    JAYARAMAPPA    M    45    Independent

13    NAGARATHNA M.    F    47    Independent

14    M.NAGARAJA    M    35    Independent

15    NARAYANASWAMY    M    49    Independent

16    K.NARAYANASWAMY    M    37    Independent

17    C.K.MUNIYAPPA    M    43    Independent

18    M.RAVI KUMAR    M    36    Independent

19    M.VENKATASWAMY    M    55    Independent

20    K.VENKATESH    M    40    Independent

21    SRINIVASA T.O.    M    37    Independent

22    SRINIVASA P.    M    42    Independent

S12    8    MP    KHAJURAHO    23-Apr-09    1    JAYAWANT SINGH    M    49    Samajwadi Party

2    JEETENDRA SINGH    M    50    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    RAJA PATERYA    M    49    Indian National Congress

4    SEWA LAL PATEL    M    49    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    M. SHAKIL    M    38    Gondwana Mukti Sena

6    SAROJ BACHCHAN NAYAK    F    56    Janata Dal (United)

7    SURYA BHAN SINGH ‘YADAV GURUJI’    M    75    All India Forward Bloc

8    AKEEL KHAN    M    43    Independent

9    AKANCHHA JAIN    F    34    Independent

10    KRISHNA SHARAN SINGH (RAJA BHAIYA)    M    36    Independent

11    NARENDRA KUMAR    M    54    Independent

12    RAJENDRA AHIRWAR    M    43    Independent

13    RAM NATH LODHI    M    41    Independent

14    SHABNAM (MAUSI)    F    48    Independent

15    SHUKL SITARAM    M    48    Independent

S12    9    MP    SATNA    23-Apr-09    1    GANESH SINGH    M    46    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    PT. RAJARAM TRIPATHI    M    56    Samajwadi Party

3    SUKHLAL KUSHWAHA    M    46    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    SUDHIR SINGH TOMAR    M    41    Indian National Congress

5    ONKAR SINGH    M    56    Akhil Bharatiya Hind Kranti Party

6    GIRJA SINGH PATEL    M    49    Apna Dal

7    CHHOTELAL SINGH GOND    M    65    Gondwana Mukti Sena

8    PRAMILA    F    43    Republican Party of India (A)

9    B BALLABH CHARYA    M    38    Advait Ishwasyam Congress

10    RAJESH SINGH BAGHEL    M    41    Gondvana Gantantra Party

11    SHOBHNATH SEN    M    29    Lok Jan Shakti Party

12    SUNDERLAL CHAUDHARI    M    64    Indian Justice Party

13    ASHOK KUMAR KUSHWAHA    M    33    Independent

14    ASHOK KUSHWAHA    M    28    Independent

15    CHHOTELAL    M    59    Independent

16    BHAIYALAL URMALIYA    M    62    Independent

17    MANISH KUMAR JAIN    M    31    Independent

18    MUNNI KRANTI    F    44    Independent

19    RAMVISHWAS BASORE    M    38    Independent

20    RAM SAJIVAN    M    46    Independent

21    RAMAYAN CHAUDHARI    M    39    Independent

S12    10    MP    REWA    23-Apr-09    1    CHANDRA MANI TRIPATHI    M    62    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    DEORAJ SINGH PATEL    M    36    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    PUSHPRAJ SINGH    M    48    Samajwadi Party

4    SUNDER LAL TIWARI    M    51    Indian National Congress

5    BADRI PRASAD KUSHWAHA    M    47    Apna Dal

6    RAMKISHAN NIRAT (SAKET)    M    32    Republican Party of India (A)

7    RAMAYAN PRASAD PATEL    M    42    Yuva Vikas Party

8    VIMALA SONDHIA    F    53    Lok Jan Shakti Party

9    SALMA    F    33    All India Forward Bloc

10    MD. AKEEL KHAN (BACHCHA BHAI)    M    34    Independent

11    JAIKARAN SAKET    M    48    Independent

12    BRAHMDUTTMISHRA ALIAS CHHOTE MURAITHA    M    46    Independent

13    SUKHENDRA PRATAP    M    44    Independent

14    SUNDAR LAL    M    37    Independent

15    HIRALAL VISHWAKARMA    M    56    Independent

S12    11    MP    SIDHI    23-Apr-09    1    ASHOK KUMAR SHAH    M    34    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    INDRAJEET KUMAR    M    61    Indian National Congress

3    GOVIND PRASAD MISHRA    M    60    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    MANIK SINGH    M    43    Samajwadi Party

5    LOLAR SINGH URETI    M    29    Gondwana Mukti Sena

6    VEENA SINGH NETI    F    34    Gondvana Gantantra Party

7    BABOOLAL JAISWAL    M    39    Independent

8    MADAN MOHAN JAISWAL (ADVOCATE)    M    36    Independent

9    MAHENDRA BHAIYA (DIKSHIT)    M    42    Independent

10    RAMAKANT PANDEY MALAIHNA    M    63    Independent

11    VEENA SINGH (VEENA DIDI)    F    56    Independent

S12    12    MP    SHAHDOL    23-Apr-09    1    CHANDRA PRATAP SINGH (BABA SAHAB)    M    51    Samajwadi Party

2    NARENDRA SINGH MARAVI    M    29    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    MANOHAR SINGH MARAVI    M    46    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    RAJESH NANDINI SINGH    F    52    Indian National Congress

5    SADAN SINGH BHARIA    M    39    Communist Party of India

6    KRISHN PAL SINGH PAVEL    M    29    Lok Jan Shakti Party

7    GANPAT GOND    M    38    Gondwana Mukti Sena

8    RAM RATAN SINGH PAVLE    M    28    Gondvana Gantantra Party

S12    13    MP    JABALPUR    23-Apr-09    1    AZIZ QURESHI    M    64    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    ASHOK KUMAR SHARMA    M    40    Samajwadi Party

3    RAKESH SINGH    M    48    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    ADVOCATE RAMESHWAR NEEKHRA    M    61    Indian National Congress

5    MEERCHAND PATEL (KACHHVAHA)    M    63    Republican Party of India

6    RAVI MAHOBIA (KUNDAM)    M    29    Gondvana Gantantra Party

7    RAJKUMARI SINGH    F    40    Lok Jan Shakti Party

8    HARI SINGH MARAVI    M    36    Gondwana Mukti Sena

9    DR. MUKESH MEHROTRA    M    57    Independent

10    RAKESH SONKAR (PRAMUKH DHAI AKSHAR)    M    39    Independent

11    SUNIL PATEL    M    38    Independent

S12    14    MP    MANDLA    23-Apr-09    1    JALSO DHURWEY    F    25    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    FAGGAN SINGH KULASTE    M    49    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    BASORI SINGH MASRAM    M    59    Indian National Congress

4    UDAL SINGH DHURWEY    M    35    Loktanrik Sarkar Party

5    JHANK SINGH KUSHRE    M    37    Gondvana Gantantra Party

6    PREM SINGH MARAVI    M    35    Gondwana Mukti Sena

7    BHAGAT SINGH VARKEDE    M    45    Lok Jan Shakti Party

8    MANESHWARI NAIK    F    65    Republican Party of India (A)

9    SUNITA NETI    F    33    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party

10    CHANDRA SHEKHAR DHURWEY    M    46    Independent

11    CHAMBAL SING MARAWEE    M    62    Independent

12    DEV SINGH BHALAVI    M    25    Independent

13    SHIVCHARAN UIKEY    M    26    Independent

14    SAHDEO PRASAD MARAVI    M    43    Independent

S12    15    MP    BALAGHAT    23-Apr-09    1    AJAB LAL    M    35    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    KISHOR SAMRITE    M    42    Samajwadi Party

3    KANKAR MUNJARE    M    52    Rashtriya Janata Dal

4    K. D. DESHMUKH    M    60    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    VISHVESHWAR BHAGAT    M    57    Indian National Congress

6    KALPANA GOPAL WASNIK    F    38    Republican Party of India (A)

7    DARBU SINGH UIKEY    M    37    Gondwana Mukti Sena

8    BHAIYA BALKRISHNA    M    53    Gondvana Gantantra Party

9    ADVOCATE AZHAR UL ALIM    M    58    Independent

10    ANJU ASHOK UIKEY    F    34    Independent

11    GOVARDHAN PATLE URF HITLAR    M    75    Independent

12    JITENDRA MESHRAM    M    37    Independent

13    DHANESHWAR LILHARE    M    40    Independent

14    NYAZMIR KHAN    M    32    Independent

15    POORANLAL LODHI    M    37    Independent

16    MANSINGH BISEN    M    59    Independent

17    SANDEEP SANTRAM    M    31    Independent

18    SHRIRAM THAKUR    M    58    Independent

S12    16    MP    CHHINDWARA    23-Apr-09    1    KAMAL NATH    M    62    Indian National Congress

2    MAROT RAO KHAVASE    M    59    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    RAO SAHEB SHINDE    M    46    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    JOGILAL IRPACHI    M    48    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha

5    PARDHESHI HARTAPSAH TIRKAM    M    40    Gondwana Mukti Sena

6    BALVEER SINGH YADAV    M    30    Rashtriya Krantikari Samajwadi Party

7    RAMKISHAN PAL    M    62    Republican Party of India (A)

8    SATAP SHA UIKEY    M    35    Gondvana Gantantra Party

9    ABDUL SHAMAD KHAN    M    45    Independent

10    AMRITLAL PATHAK RAGHUVAR    M    70    Independent

11    ASHARAM DEHARIYA    M    33    Independent

12    KAMALNATH (MAYAWADI-PARASIA)    M    31    Independent

13    GANARAM UIKEY    M    53    Independent

14    AZAD CHANDRASHEKHER PANDOLE SAMAJ SEVAK    M    42    Independent

15    JAGDISH BAIS    M    35    Independent

16    TULSIRAM SURYAWANSHI    M    62    Independent

17    DUARAM UIKEY    M    40    Independent

18    DHANPAL BHALAVI    M    35    Independent

19    DHANRAJ JAMBHATKAR    M    37    Independent

20    NARESH KUMAR YUVNATI    M    33    Independent

21    NIKHILESH DHURVEY    M    30    Independent

22    PITRAM UIKEY    M    48    Independent

23    PRAVINDRA NAURATI    M    37    Independent

24    MANMOHAN SHAH BATTI    M    46    Independent

25    R.K. MARKAM    M    28    Independent

26    SHOAIB KHAN    M    44    Independent

27    SUKMAN INVATI    M    42    Independent

28    SUBHASH SHUKLA    M    40    Independent

S12    17    MP    HOSHANGABAD    23-Apr-09    1    UDAY PRATAP SINGH    M    44    Indian National Congress

2    ADV.B.M.KAUSHIK    M    35    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    HAJAEE SYID MUEEN UDDIN    M    47    Samajwadi Party

4    RAMPAL SINGH    M    53    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    DINESH KUMAR AHIRWAR    M    42    Independent

6    BHARAT KUMAR CHOUREY    M    29    Independent

7    MOHAMMD ABDULLA    M    54    Independent

8    RAKHI GUPTA    F    31    Independent

9    RAMPAL    M    62    Independent

10    SUDAMA PRASAD    M    55    Independent

S12    18    MP    VIDISHA    23-Apr-09    1    DR.PREMSHANKAR SHARMA    M    44    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    CHOUDHARY MUNABBAR SALIM    M    50    Samajwadi Party

3    SUSHMA SWARAJ    F    57    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    BHAI MUNSHILAL SILAWAT    M    25    Republican Party of India (A)

5    RAMGOPAL MALVIYA    M    35    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party

6    HARBHAJAN JANGRE    M    33    Lok Jan Shakti Party

7    GANESHRAM LODHI    M    44    Independent

8    RAJESHWAR SINGH YADAV (RAO)    M    39    Independent

S12    19    MP    BHOPAL    23-Apr-09    1    ER. ASHOK NARAYAN SINGH    M    53    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    KAILASH JOSHI    M    79    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    MHOD. MUNAWAR KHAN KAUSAR    M    44    Samajwadi Party

4    SURENDRA SINGH THAKUR    M    55    Indian National Congress

5    ASHOK PAWAR    M    47    Prajatantrik Samadhan Party

6    AHIRWAR LAKHANLAL PURVI    M    42    Republican Party of India (A)

7    KARAN KUMAR KAROSIA URF KARAN JEEJA    M    41    Gondvana Gantantra Party

8    RADHESHYAM KULASTE    M    38    Gondwana Mukti Sena

9    RAMDAS GHOSLE    M    54    Republican Party of India (Democratic )

10    SANJEEV SINGHAL    M    42    Savarn Samaj Party

11    ANIL SINGH    M    30    Independent

12    AMAR SINGH    M    72    Independent

13    KAPIL DUBEY    M    37    Independent

14    D. C. GUJARKAR    M    52    Independent

15    DARSHAN SINGH RATHORE    M    53    Independent

16    BRAJENDRA CHATURVEDI URF GAPPU CHATURVEDI    M    35    Independent

17    DR. MAHESH YADAV ‘AMAN GANDHI’    M    40    Independent

18    MUKESH SEN    M    32    Independent

19    MEHDI SIR    M    30    Independent

20    RAJESH KUMAR YADAV    M    42    Independent

21    RAM SAHAY YATRI (SHRIVASTAVA) URF RASHTRAVADI YATRI    M    79    Independent

22    SHAHNAWAZ    M    59    Independent

23    SHIV NARAYAN SINGH BAGWARE    M    60    Independent

S12    29    MP    BETUL    23-Apr-09    1    OJHARAM EVANE    M    54    Indian National Congress

2    JYOTI DHURVE    F    43    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    RAMA KAKODIA    M    50    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    DR. SUKHDEV SINGH CHOUHAN    M    42    Samajwadi Party

5    KALLUSINGH UIKEY    M    59    Gondwana Mukti Sena

6    KADMU SINGH KUMARE (K.S.KUMARE)    M    59    Gondvana Gantantra Party

7    GULABRAV    M    53    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party

8    MANGAL SINGH LOKHANDE    M    51    Samajwadi Jan Parishad

9    SUSHILKUMAR ALIS BALUBHAIYYA    M    39    Republican Party of India (A)

10    IMRATLAL MARKAM    M    58    Independent

11    KAMAL SING    M    45    Independent

12    KADAKSHING VADIVA    M    27    Independent

13    KRISHNA GOPAL PARTE    M    35    Independent

14    MOTIRAM MAVASE    M    48    Independent

15    ADHIVAKTA SHANKAR PENDAM    M    66    Independent

16    SUNIL KUMAR KAWADE    M    27    Independent

S13    1    MH    NANDURBAR    23-Apr-09    1    GAVIT MANIKRAO HODLYA    M    75    Indian National Congress

2    NATAWADKAR SUHAS JYANT    M    48    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    PADVI BABITA KARMSINGH    F    36    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    KOKANI MANJULABAI SAKHARAM    F    59    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha

5    GAVIT SHARAD KRUSHNRAO    M    46    Samajwadi Party

6    ABHIJIT AATYA VASAVE    M    30    Independent

7    KOLI RAJU RAMDAS    M    34    Independent

S13    2    MH    DHULE    23-Apr-09    1    AMARISHBHAI RASIKLAL PATEL    M    56    Indian National Congress

2    RIZWAN MO.AKBAR    M    34    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    SONAWANE PRATAP NARAYANRAO    M    60    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    ANIL ANNA GOTE    M    61    Loksangram

5    ANSARI MOHD. ISMAIL MOHD. IBRAHIM    M    37    Bharatiya Minorities Suraksha Mahasangh

6    ARIF AHMED SHAIKH JAFHAR    M    99    Navbharat Nirman Party

7    KAVAYATRI-SONKANYA THAKUR RAJANI BAGWAN    F    49    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha

8    NIHAL AHMED MOLVI. MOHAMMED USMAN    M    81    Janata Dal (Secular)

9    MD. ISMAIL JUMMAN    M    49    Independent

10    KISHOR PITAMBAR AHIRE    M    28    Independent

11    GAZI ATEZAD AHMED MUBEEN AHMED KHAN    M    57    Independent

12    GAIKWAD PATIL BHUSHAN BAJIRAO    M    28    Independent

13    DADASO. PANDITRAO PATIL KOKALEKAR    M    55    Independent

14    SHEVALE PATIL SANDEEP JIBHAU    M    31    Independent

15    SONAWANE PANDIT UTTAMRAO    M    42    Independent

S13    3    MH    JALGAON    23-Apr-09    1    A.T. NANA PATIL    M    47    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    ADV. MATIN AHMED    M    38    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    ADV. VASANTRAO JIVANRAO MORE    M    63    Nationalist Congress Party

4    ATMARAM SURSING JADHAV (ENGG.)    M    33    Kranti Kari Jai Hind Sena

5    JADHAV NATTHU SHANKAR    M    56    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha

6    JANGALU DEVRAM SHIRSATH    M    65    Hindustan Janta Party

7    NANNAWARE CHAITANYA PANDIT    M    33    Prabuddha Republican Party

8    LAXMAN SHIVAJI SHIRSATH (PATIL)    M    42    Krantisena Maharashtra

9    ANIL PITAMBAR WAGH (SIR)    M    38    Independent

10    KANTILAL CHHAGAN NAIK (BANJARA)    M    39    Independent

11    WAGH SUDHAKAR ATMARAM    M    26    Independent

12    SHALIGRAM SHIVRAM MAHAJAN (DEORE)    M    49    Independent

13    SALIMODDIN ISAMODDIN SHE.(MISTARI)    M    56    Independent

S13    4    MH    RAVER    23-Apr-09    1    PATIL SURESH CHINDHU    M    48    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    ADV. RAVINDRA PRALHADRAO PATIL    M    54    Nationalist Congress Party

3    HARIBHAU MADHAV JAWALE    M    55    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    TELI SHAIKH ISMAIL HAJI HASAN    M    57    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha

5    BAPU SAHEBRAO SONAWANE    M    45    Prabuddha Republican Party

6    MARATHE BHIMRAO PARBAT    M    51    Krantisena Maharashtra

7    SHIVAVEER DNYANESHWAR VITTHAL AMALE URPH AMALE SARKAR    M    26    Shivrajya Party

8    IQBAL ALAUDDIN TADVI    M    41    Independent

9    UTTAM KASHIRAM INGALE    M    36    Independent

10    KOLI SANTOSH GOKUL    M    25    Independent

11    FIRKE SURESH KACHARU EX ACP (CRPF)    M    58    Independent

12    MAKBUL FARID SK.    M    36    Independent

13    MOHD. MUNAWWAR MOHD. HANIF    M    45    Independent

14    MORE HIRAMAN BHONAJI    M    41    Independent

15    D.D. WANI (PHOTOGRAPHER) (DYNESHWAR DIWAKAR WANI)    M    43    Independent

16    VIVEK SHARAD PATIL    M    41    Independent

17    SHAIKH RAMJAN SHAIKH KARIM    M    40    Independent

18    SUJATA IBRAHIM TADAVI    F    45    Independent

19    SANJAY PRALADH KANDELKAR    M    34    Independent

S13    18    MH    JALNA    23-Apr-09    1    DR. KALE KALYAN VAIJINATHRAO    M    46    Indian National Congress

2    DANVE RAOSAHEB DADARAO    M    56    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    RATHOD RAJPALSINH GABRUSINH    M    35    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    AAPPASAHEB RADHAKISAN KUDHEKAR    M    29    Krantisena Maharashtra

5    KISAN BALVANTA BORDE    M    61    Prabuddha Republican Party

6    KHARAT ASHOK RAMRAO    M    51    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha

7    TAWAR KAILAS BHAUSAHEB    M    45    Swatantra Bharat Paksha

8    DR. DILAWAR MIRZA BAIG    M    29    Indian Union Muslim League

9    BHOJNE BABASAHEB SANGAM    M    37    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha

10    MISAL TUKARAM BABURAOJI    M    48    Samajwadi Party

11    RATNAPARKHE ARCHANA SUDHAKAR    F    31    Republician Party of India Ektawadi

12    SUBHASH FAKIRA SALVE    M    43    Ambedkar National Congress

13    SAYYAD MAKSUD NOOR    M    42    Lok Jan Shakti Party

14    KOLTE MANOJ NEMINATH    M    26    Independent

15    KHANDU HARISHCHANDRA LAGHANE    M    30    Independent

16    NADE DNYANESHWAR DAGDU    M    41    Independent

17    BABASAHEB PATIL SHINDE    M    53    Independent

18    SONWANE ASHOK VITTHAL    M    45    Independent

19    S. HUSAIN AHEMAD    M    37    Independent

S13    19    MH    AURANGABAD    23-Apr-09    1    UTTAMSINGH RAJDHARSINGH PAWAR    M    58    Indian National Congress

2    CHANDRAKANT KHAIRE    M    57    Shivsena

3    SAYYED SALIM SAYYED YUSUF    M    56    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    JAHAGIRDAR MOHMAD AYUB GULAM    M    55    Samajwadi Party

5    JYOTI RAMCHANDRA UPADHAYAY    F    35    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha

6    PANDURANG WAMANRAO NARWADE    M    39    Prabuddha Republican Party

7    BHIMSEN RAMBHAU KAMBLE    M    44    Republician Party of India Ektawadi

8    MANIK RAMU SHINDE    M    34    Krantisena Maharashtra

9    SHAIKH HARUN MALIK SAHEB    M    50    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha

10    UTTAM MANIK KIRTIKAR    M    30    Independent

11    EJAZ KHAN BISMILLAH KHAN    M    33    Independent

12    KAZI MUSHIRODDIN TAJODDIN    M    63    Independent

13    KRISHNA DEVIDAS JADHAV    M    25    Independent

14    JADHAV TOTARAM GANPAT    M    51    Independent

15    JADHAV VISHNU SURYABHAN    M    50    Independent

16    JADHAV SUBHASH RUPCHAND    M    33    Independent

17    BANKAR MILIND RANUJI    M    38    Independent

18    SHANTIGIRIJI MOUNGIRIJI MAHARAJ    M    50    Independent

19    SHAIKH RAFIQ SHAIKH RAZZAK    M    30    Independent

20    SHAIKH SALIM PATEL WAHEGAONKAR    M    38    Independent

21    SAYYED RAUF SAYYED ZAMIR    M    54    Independent

22    SUBHASH KISANRAO PATIL (JADHAV)    M    47    Independent

S13    20    MH    DINDORI    23-Apr-09    1    GAVIT JEEVA PANDU    M    60    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

2    GANGURDE DIPAK SHANKAR    M    36    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    CHAVAN HARISHCHANDRA DEORAM    M    57    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    ZIRWAL NARHARI SITARAM    M    50    Nationalist Congress Party

5    PAWAR SAMPAT WAMAN    M    30    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha

6    GANGURDE BALU KISAN    M    37    Independent

7    BHIKA HARISING BARDE    M    75    Independent

8    VIJAY NAMDEO PAWAR    M    45    Independent

9    SHANKAR DEORAM GANGUDE    M    51    Independent

S13    21    MH    NASHIK    23-Apr-09    1    GAIKWAD DATTA NAMDEO    M    47    Shivsena

2    SAMEER BHUJBAL    M    35    Nationalist Congress Party

3    SHRIMAHANT SUDHIRDAS MAHARAJ    M    43    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    KAILAS MADHUKAR CHAVAN    M    28    Indian Justice Party

5    GODSE HEMANT TUKARAM    M    38    Maharashtra Navnirman sena

6    JADHAV NAMDEO BHIKAJI    M    57    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha

7    RAYATE VIJAY SAKHARAM ( RAYATE SIR)    M    52    Hindustan Janta Party

8    AD. GULVE RAMNATH SANTUJI    M    42    Independent

9    DATTU GONYA GAIKWAD    M    50    Independent

10    PRAVINCHANDRA DATTARAM DETHE    M    42    Independent

11    BHARAT HIRMAN PARDESHI    M    37    Independent

12    RAJENDRA SAMPATRAO KADU    M    35    Independent

S13    32    MH    RAIGAD    23-Apr-09    1    ANANT GEETE    M    58    Shivsena

2    BARRISTER A.R. ANTULAY    M    80    Indian National Congress

3    MOHITE KIRAN BABURAO    M    34    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    EKANATH ARJUN PATIL    M    48    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha

5    ADV. PRAVIN MADHUKAR THAKUR    M    39    Independent

6    DR. SIDDHARTH PATIL    M    54    Independent

7    SUNIL BHASKAR NAIK    M    51    Independent

S13    33    MH    MAVAL    23-Apr-09    1    PANSARE AZAM FAKEERBHAI    M    48    Nationalist Congress Party

2    BABAR GAJANAN DHARMSHI    M    66    Shivsena

3    MISHRA UMAKANT RAMESHWAR    M    36    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    AYU. DEEPALI NIVRUTTI CHAVAN    F    35    Prabuddha Republican Party

5    PRADIP PANDURANG KOCHAREKAR    M    49    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha

6    ADV.SHIVSHANKAR DATTATRAY SHINDE    M    31    Krantisena Maharashtra

7    ISHWAR DATTATRAY JADHAV    M    46    Independent

8    JAGANNATH PANDURANG KHARGE    M    38    Independent

9    DOLE BHIMRAJ NIVRUTTI    M    38    Independent

10    ADVOCATE TUKARAM WAMANRAO BANSODE    M    64    Independent

11    TANTARPALE GOPAL YASHWANTRAO    M    43    Independent

12    ADVOCATE PRAMOD MAHADEV GORE    M    56    Independent

13    BHAPKAR MARUTI SAHEBRAO    M    38    Independent

14    MAHENDRA PRABHAKAR TIWARI    M    41    Independent

15    BRO. MANUAL DESOZA    M    45    Independent

16    YASHWANT NARAYAN DESAI    M    42    Independent

17    SHAKEEL RAJBHAI SHAIKH    M    38    Independent

18    HARIBHAU DADAJI SHINDE    M    70    Independent

S13    34    MH    PUNE    23-Apr-09    1    ANIL SHIROLE    M    59    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    KALMADI SURESH    M    64    Indian National Congress

3    D S K ALIAS D.S.KULKARNI    M    58    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    ARUN BHATIA    M    66    Peoples Guardian

5    GULAB TATYA WAGHMODE    M    47    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha

6    BAGBAN JAVED KASIM    M    26    Indian Union Muslim League

7    VIKRAMADITYA OMPRAKASH DHIMAN    M    40    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha

8    VINOD ANAND SINH    M    55    Proutist Sarva Samaj Party

9    SHIROLE RANJEET SHRIKANT    M    32    Maharashtra Navnirman sena

10    SAVITA HAJARE    F    46    Pyramid Party of India

11    SANGHARSH ARUN APTE    M    28    Prabuddha Republican Party

12    AJAY VASANT PAITHANKAR    M    49    Independent

13    ADAGALE BHAUSAHEB RAMCHANDRA    M    48    Independent

14    ASHOK GANPAT PALKHE ALIAS SUTAR    M    45    Independent

15    KAMTAM ISWAR SAMBHAYYA    M    67    Independent

16    KULKARNI KAUSTUBH SHASHIKANT    M    26    Independent

17    KHAN AMANULLA MOHMOD AL    M    55    Independent

18    KHAN NISSAR TAJ AHMAD    M    44    Independent

19    P. K. CHAVAN    M    80    Independent

20    CHOUDHARI SUNIL GULABRAO    M    41    Independent

21    CHOURE VILAS CHINTAMAN    M    45    Independent

22    TATYA ALIAS NARAYAN SHANKAR WAMBHIRE    M    51    Independent

23    TAMBOLI SHABBIR SAJJANBHAI    M    52    Independent

24    DATTATRAYA GANESH TALGERI    M    61    Independent

25    BAGADE SACHIN MARUTI    M    29    Independent

26    BALU ALIAS ANIL SHIROLE    M    28    Independent

27    BHARAT MANOHAR GAVALI    M    65    Independent

28    BHAGWAT RAGHUNATH KAMBLE    M    35    Independent

29    RAJENDRA BHAGAT ALIAS JITU BHAI    M    29    Independent

30    VIKRAM NARENDRA BOKE    M    53    Independent

31    SHINDE RAJENDRA BABURAO    M    44    Independent

32    SHAIKH ALTAF KARIM    M    48    Independent

33    SHRIKANT MADHUSUDAN JAGTAP    M    33    Independent

34    SARDESAI KISHORKUMAR RAGHUNATH    M    42    Independent

35    ADV.SUBHASH NARHAR GODSE    M    59    Independent

36    SANTOSH ALIAS SOMNATH KALU PAWAR    M    38    Independent

S13    35    MH    BARAMATI    23-Apr-09    1    KUDALEPATIL VIVEK ANANT    M    40    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    KANTA JAYSING NALAWADE    F    56    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    SUPRIYA SULE    F    39    Nationalist Congress Party

4    MAYAWATI AMAR CHITRE    F    31    Bharatiya Minorities Suraksha Mahasangh

5    SHELAR SANGEETA PANDURANG    F    33    Krantisena Maharashtra

6    SACHIN VITTHAL AHIRE    M    29    Prabuddha Republican Party

7    SAMPAT MARUTI TAKALE    M    54    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha

8    GHORPADE SAVEETA ASHOK    F    29    Independent

9    TATYA ALIAS NARAYAN SHANKAR WAMBHIRE    M    51    Independent

10    TANTARPALE GOPAL YESHWANTRAO    M    43    Independent

11    DEEPAK SHANKAR BHAPKAR    M    26    Independent

12    BHIMA ANNA KADALE    M    31    Independent

13    MRUNALEENI JAYRAJ KAKADE    F    34    Independent

14    YOGESH SONABA RANDHEER    M    39    Independent

15    SHIVAJI JAYSING KOKARE    M    58    Independent

16    SURESH BABURAO VEER    M    62    Independent

17    SANGITA SHRIMAN BHUMKAR    F    30    Independent

S13    36    MH    SHIRUR    23-Apr-09    1    ADHALRAO SHIVAJI DATTATRAY    M    52    Shivsena

2    ZAGADE YASHWANT SITARAM    M    35    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    VILAS VITHOBA LANDE    M    47    Nationalist Congress Party

4    PALLAVI MOHAN HARSHE    F    27    Prabuddha Republican Party

5    SHELAR DNYANOBA SHRIPATI    M    57    Republican Presidium Party of India

6    SURESH MULCHAND KANKARIA (MAMA)    M    57    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha

7    ABHANG KONDIBHAU BHIMAJI    M    48    Independent

8    KARANDE CHANGDEO NAMDEO    M    43    Independent

9    KALURAM RAGHUNATH TAPKIR    M    52    Independent

10    RAM DHARMA DAMBALE    M    37    Independent

11    LANDE VILAS MHATARBA    M    37    Independent

S13    37    MH    AHMADNAGAR    23-Apr-09    1    KARDILE SHIVAJI BHANUDAS    M    50    Nationalist Congress Party

2    KARBHARI WAMAN SHIRSAT ALIAS K.V. SHIRSAT    M    65    Communist Party of India

3    GADAKH TUKARAM GANGADHAR    M    55    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    GANDHI DILIPKUMAR MANSUKHLAL    M    59    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    KAZI SAJID MUJIR    M    41    Republician Party of India Ektawadi

6    HAKE BHANUDAS KISAN    M    55    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha

7    HOLE BHANUDAS NAMDEO    M    48    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha

8    ARUN KAHAR    M    45    Independent

9    AVINASH MALHARRAO GHODAKE    M    40    Independent

10    KHAIRE ARJUN DEORAO    M    39    Independent

11    GAIKWAD BALASAHEB RAMCHANDRA    M    35    Independent

12    NAUSHAD ANSAR SHAIKH    F    39    Independent

13    PROF. MAHENDRA DADA SHINDE    M    29    Independent

14    RAUT EKNATH BABASAHEB    M    56    Independent

15    RAJIV APPASAHEB RAJALE    M    39    Independent

S13    38    MH    SHIRDI    23-Apr-09    1    KACHARU NAGU WAGHMARE    M    60    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    WAKCHOURE BHAUSAHEB RAJARAM    M    59    Shivsena

3    ATHAWALE RAMDAS BANDU    M    52    Republican Party of India

4    DHOTRE SUCHIT CHINTAMANI    M    25    Krantisena Maharashtra

5    SATISH BALASAHEB PALGHADMAL    M    26    Prabuddha Republican Party

6    ADHAGALE RAJENDRA NAMDEV    M    39    Independent

7    KAMBALE RAMESH ANKUSH    M    32    Independent

8    GAIKWAD APPASAHEB GANGADHAR    M    64    Independent

9    BAGUL BALU DASHARATH    M    34    Independent

10    MEDHE PRAFULLAKUMAR MURLIDHAR    M    46    Independent

11    RAKSHE ANNASAHEB EKNATH    M    43    Independent

12    RUPWATE PREMANAND DAMODHAR    M    65    Independent

13    LODHE SHARAD LAXAMAN    M    42    Independent

14    WAGH GANGADHAR RADHAJI    M    60    Independent

15    VAIRAGHAR SUDHIR NATHA    M    38    Independent

16    SABALE ANIL DAMODHAR    M    40    Independent

17    SANDIP BHASKAR GOLAP    M    29    Independent

S13    39    MH    BEED    23-Apr-09    1    KOKATE RAMESH BABURAO (ADASKAR)    M    42    Nationalist Congress Party

2    MASKE MACHHINDRA BABURAO    M    54    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    MUNDE GOPINATHRAO PANDURANG    M    59    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    KHALGE KACHRU SANTRAMJI    M    48    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha

5    GURAV KALYAN BHANUDAS    M    62    Rashtriya Krantikari Samajwadi Party

6    TATE ASHOK SANTRAM    M    50    Ambedkarist Republican Party

7    NIKALJE SHEELATAI MAHENDRA    F    34    Prabuddha Republican Party

8    PRAMOD ALIAS PARMESHWAR SAKHARAM MOTE    M    32    Krantisena Maharashtra

9    BABURAO NARAYANRAO KAGADE    M    63    Ambedkar National Congress

10    DR. SHIVAJIRAO KISANRAO SHENDGE    M    39    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha

11    KAMAL KONDIRAM NIMBALKAR    F    39    Independent

12    KAMBLE DEEPAK DYANOBA    M    32    Independent

13    KHAN SIKANDAR KHAN HUSSAIN KHAN    M    58    Independent

14    GUJAR KHAN MIRZA KHAN    M    28    Independent

15    ADV.NATKAR RAMRAO SHESHRAO    M    61    Independent

16    PATHAN GAFARKHAN JABBARKHAN    M    42    Independent

17    MAHAMMAD AKARAM MAHAMMAD SALIMUDDIN BAGWAN    M    34    Independent

18    RAMESH VISHVANATH KOKATE    M    32    Independent

19    SAYYED MINHAJ ALI WAJED ALI (PENDKHJUR WALE)    M    34    Independent

20    SAYYED SALIM FATTU    M    47    Independent

21    SARDAR KHAN SULTANABABA    M    26    Independent

S13    40    MH    OSMANABAD    23-Apr-09    1    GAIKWAD RAVINDRA VISHWANATH    M    49    Shivsena

2    DIVAKAR YASHWANT NAKADE    M    35    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    PATIL PADAMSINHA BAJIRAO    M    68    Nationalist Congress Party

4    JAGTAP BHAGWAN DADARAO    M    70    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha

5    TARKASE DHANANJAY MURLIDHAR    M    34    Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha

6    TAWADE PRAKASH TANAJIRAO    M    28    Krantisena Maharashtra

7    BANSODE GUNDERAO SHIVRAM    M    73    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha

8    BABA FAIJODDIN SHAIKH    M    28    Nelopa(United)

9    BHOSLE REVAN VISHWANATH    M    45    Janata Dal (Secular)

10    MUJAWAR SHAHABUDDIN NABIRASUL    M    37    Prabuddha Republican Party

11    RAJENDRA RANDITRAO HIPPERGEKAR    M    38    Kranti Kari Jai Hind Sena

12    ANGARSHA SALIM BABULAL    M    62    Independent

13    GAIKWAD UMAJI PANDURANG    M    39    Independent

14    CHAVAN BABU VITHOBA    M    40    Independent

15    CHANDANE PINTU PANDURANG    M    35    Independent

16    DADASAHEB SHANKARRAO JETITHOR    M    50    Independent

17    NITURE ARUN BHAURAO    M    38    Independent

18    PATEL HASHAM ISMAIL    M    55    Independent

19    PAWAR HARIDAS MANIKRAO    M    35    Independent

20    PATIL MAHADEO DNYANDEO    M    50    Independent

21    BALAJI BAPURAO TUPSUNDARE    M    37    Independent

22    ADV. BHAUSAHEB ANIL BELURE (BEMBLIKAR)    M    29    Independent

23    MUNDHE PATRIL PADAMSINHA VIJAYSINHA    M    29    Independent

24    YEVATE-PATIL SHRIMANT    M    55    Independent

25    SANDIPAN RAMA ZOMBADE    M    41    Independent

S13    41    MH    LATUR    23-Apr-09    1    AAWALE JAYWANT GANGARAM    M    99    Indian National Congress

2    GAIKWAD SUNIL BALIRAM    M    99    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    ADV. BABASAHEB SADSHIVRAO GAIKWAD    M    99    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    ARAK ASHOK VIKRAM    M    99    Krantisena Maharashtra

5    V.K. ACHARYA    M    99    Prabuddha Republican Party

6    T.M. KAMBLE    M    99    Republican Party of India (Democratic )

7    GANNE TUKARAM RAMBHAU    M    99    Jan Surajya Shakti

8    BANSODE RAGHUNATH WAGHOJI    M    99    Peoples Republican Party

9    BABURAO SATYAWAN POTHHARE    M    99    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha

10    RAMKUMAR RAIWADIKAR    M    99    Samajwadi Jan Parishad

11    SHRIKANT RAMRAO JEDHE    M    99    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha

12    SUSANE ATUL GANGARAM    M    99    Ambedkarist Republican Party

13    SAHEBRAO HARIBHAU WAGHMARE    M    99    Kranti Kari Jai Hind Sena

14    AAWCHARE VIJAYKUMAR BABRUWAN    M    99    Independent

15    KAMBLE BANSILAL RAMCHANDRA    M    99    Independent

16    NILANGAEKAR AVINASH MADHUKARRAO    M    99    Independent

17    MANE GAJANAN PANDURANG    M    99    Independent

18    SANJAY KABIRDAS GAIKWAD    M    99    Independent

S13    42    MH    SOLAPUR    23-Apr-09    1    GAIKWAD PRAMOD RAMCHANDRA    M    48    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    ADV. BANSODE SHARAD MARUTI    M    41    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    SHINDE SUSHILKUMAR SAMBHAJIRAO    M    67    Indian National Congress

4    ADV. KASABEKAR SHRIDHAR LIMBAJI    M    59    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha

5    RAJGURU NARAYAN YEDU    M    60    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha

6    LAXMIKANT CHANDRAKANT GAIKWAD    M    37    Kranti Kari Jai Hind Sena

7    NARAYANKAR RAJENDRA BABURAO    M    44    Independent

8    NITINKUMAR RAMCHANDRA KAMBLE ALIAS NITIN BANPURKAR    M    37    Independent

9    BANSODE UTTAM BHIMSHA    M    50    Independent

10    BANSODE RAHUL DATTU    M    33    Independent

11    MILIND MAREPPA MULE    M    49    Independent

12    VIKRAM UTTAM KASABE    M    33    Independent

13    VIJAYKUMAR BHAGWANRAO UGHADE    M    38    Independent

S13    43    MH    MADHA    23-Apr-09    1    DESHMUKH SUBHASH SURESHCHANDRA    M    50    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    PAWAR SHARADCHANDRA GOVINDRAO    M    68    Nationalist Congress Party

3    RAHUL VITTHAL SARWADE    M    49    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    AYU GAIKWAD SATISH SUGRAV    M    28    Prabuddha Republican Party

5    CHAVAN SUBHASH VITTHAL    M    34    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha

6    MAHADEO JAGANNATH JANKAR    M    40    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha

7    RAMCHANDRA NARAYAN KACCHAVE    M    40    Kranti Kari Jai Hind Sena

8    SASTE KAKASAHEB MAHADEO    M    48    Krantisena Maharashtra

9    SOU. NAGMANI KISAN JAKKAN    F    45    Independent

10    DR.M. D. PATIL    M    50    Independent

11    BANSODE BALVEER DAGADU    M    42    Independent

12    BHANUDAS BHAGAWAN DEVAKATE    M    70    Independent

13    DR. MAHADEO ABAJI POL    M    56    Independent

14    SURESH SHAMRAO GHADGE    M    36    Independent

15    DNYANESHWAR VITTHAL AMALE    M    26    Independent

S13    44    MH    SANGLI    23-Apr-09    1    PATEL M.JAVED M. YUSUF    M    38    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    PRATIK PRAKASHBAPU PATIL    M    35    Indian National Congress

3    ASHOK DNYANU MANE(BHAU)    M    37    Swatantra Bharat Paksha

4    MANOHAR BALKRISHNA KHEDKAR    M    58    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha

5    MAHADEV ANNA WAGHAMARE    M    65    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha

6    AJITRAO SHANKARRAO GHORPADE    M    56    Independent

7    ANSARI SHABBIR AHEMED    M    61    Independent

8    GANPATI TUKARAM KAMBLE ALIAS G.T. KAMBLE    M    70    Independent

9    PANDHARE DATTATRAYA PANDURANG    M    51    Independent

10    KAVTHEKAR PRAVIN BHAGWAN KAVTHEKAR ALIAS JIVA MAHALE    M    47    Independent

11    MULANI BALEKHAN USMAN    M    46    Independent

12    VAGARE MARUTI MURA    M    34    Independent

13    SHAMRAO PIRAJI KADAM    M    64    Independent

14    SIDDESHWAR SHIVAPPA BHOSALE    M    36    Independent

S13    45    MH    SATARA    23-Apr-09    1    CHAVAN PRASHANT VASANT    M    34    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    PURUSHOTTAM BAJIRAO JADHAV    M    45    Shivsena

3    BHONSLE SHRIMANT CHH. UDYANRAJE PRATAPSINH    M    43    Nationalist Congress Party

4    BHAUSAHEB GANGARAM WAGH    M    51    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha

5    ALNKRITA ABHIJIT AWADE-BICHUKALE    F    29    Independent

S13    46    MH    RATNAGIRI – SINDHUDURG    23-Apr-09    1    DR.NILESH NARAYAN RANE    M    28    Indian National Congress

2    PARULEKAR JAYENDRA SHRIPAD    M    43    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    SURESH PRABHAKAR PRABHU    M    55    Shivsena

4    AJAY ALIAS AABA DADA JADHAV    M    28    Kranti Kari Jai Hind Sena

5    RAJESH PUSUSHOTTAM SURVE    M    41    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha

6    VILASRAO KHANVILKAR    M    54    Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha

7    SIRAJ ABDULLA KAUCHALI    M    60    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha

8    KHALAPE AKBAR MAHAMMAD    M    55    Independent

9    SURENDRA BORKAR    M    62    Independent

S13    47    MH    KOLHAPUR    23-Apr-09    1    KAMBLE SUHAS NIVRUTI    M    41    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    CHHATRPATI SAMBHAJIRAJE SHAHU    M    38    Nationalist Congress Party

3    DEVANE VIJAY SHAMRAO    M    50    Shivsena

4    KAMBLE MARUTI RAVELU    M    34    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha

5    CHOUGULE BHAI P.T.    M    64    Independent

6    DR. NEELAMBARI RAMESH MANDAPE    F    49    Independent

7    S.R. TATYA PATIL    M    70    Independent

8    BAJRANG KRISHNA PATIL    M    39    Independent

9    MAHAMMADGOUS GULAB NADAF    M    57    Independent

10    SADASHIVRAO MANDLIK DADOBA    M    74    Independent

S13    48    MH    HATKANANGLE    23-Apr-09    1    KANADE ANILKUMAR MAHADEV    M    37    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    MANE NIVEDITA SAMBHAJIRAO    F    45    Nationalist Congress Party

3    RAGHUNATH RAMCHANDRA PATIL    M    58    Shivsena

4    PATIL UDAY PANDHARINATH    M    39    Krantisena Maharashtra

5    BABURAO OMANNA KAMBLE    M    61    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha

6    MANE ARVIND BHIVA    M    43    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha

7    SHETTI RAJU ALIAS DEVAPPA ANNA    M    41    Swabhimani Paksha

8    ARUN ALIAS SHAM BAJARNAG BUCHADE    M    28    Independent

9    THORAT ANANDRAO TUKARAM    M    46    Independent

10    SURNIKE ANANDRAO VASANTRAO (FOUJI BAPU)    M    48    Independent

S18    4    OR    KEONJHAR    23-Apr-09    1    ANANTA NAYAK    M    39    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    DHANURJAYA SIDU    M    43    Indian National Congress

3    YASHBANT NARAYAN SINGH LAGURI    M    38    Biju Janata Dal

4    LACHHAMAN MAJHI    M    42    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha

5    DR SUDARSHAN LOHAR    M    59    Bahujan Samaj Party

6    CHITTA RANJAN MUNDA    M    37    Independent

7    DR. FAKIR MOHAN NAIK    M    34    Independent

S18    5    OR    MAYURBHANJ    23-Apr-09    1    GAMHA SINGH    M    57    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    DROUPADI MURMU    F    50    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    LAXMAN TUDU    M    47    Biju Janata Dal

4    LAXMAN MAJHI    M    62    Indian National Congress

5    SUDAM MARNDI    M    43    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha

6    LAXMISWAR TAMUDIA    M    68    Samajwadi Party

7    SUNDAR MOHAN MAJHI    M    65    Jharkhand Disom Party

8    DEVI PRASANNA BESRA    M    61    Independent

9    NARENDRA HANSDA    M    26    Independent

10    RAMESWAR MAJHI    M    29    Independent

S18    6    OR    BALASORE    23-Apr-09    1    ARUN JENA    M    47    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha

2    ARUN DEY    M    63    Nationalist Congress Party

3    MAHAMEGHA BAHAN AIRA KHARABELA SWAIN    M    55    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    SHRADHANJALI PRADHAN    F    40    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    SRIKANTA KUMAR JENA    M    58    Indian National Congress

6    DEBASISH RANJAN DASH    M    37    Samruddha Odisha

7    RAKESH RANJAN PATRA    M    27    Jana Hitkari Party

8    GHASIRAM MOHANTA    M    66    Independent

9    LAXIMIKANTA BEHERA    M    51    Independent

S18    7    OR    BHADRAK    23-Apr-09    1    ANANTA PRASAD SETHI    M    58    Indian National Congress

2    ARJUN CHARAN SETHI    M    68    Biju Janata Dal

3    NITYANANDA JENA    M    29    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    RATH DAS    M    54    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    GOLAK PRASAD MALLIK    M    60    Independent

6    SUSANTA KUMAR JENA    M    31    Independent

S18    8    OR    JAJPUR    23-Apr-09    1    AMIYA KANTA MALLIK    M    50    Indian National Congress

2    PARAMESWAR SETHI    M    40    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    MOHAN JENA    M    52    Biju Janata Dal

4    AJIT KUMAR JENA    M    42    Samruddha Odisha

5    BABULI MALLIK    M    36    Orissa Mukti Morcha

6    BHIMSEN BEHERA    M    44    Jana Hitkari Party

7    UDAYA NATH JENA    M    29    Independent

8    KALANDI MALLIK    M    28    Independent

S18    9    OR    DHENKANAL    23-Apr-09    1    KRISHNA CHANDRA SAHOO    M    48    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    CHANDRA SEKHAR TRIPATHY    M    60    Indian National Congress

3    TATHAGATA SATPATHY    M    53    Biju Janata Dal

4    RUDRANARAYAN PANY    M    49    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    PRIYABRATA GARNAIK    M    28    Kalinga Sena

S18    14    OR    CUTTACK    23-Apr-09    1    ANADI SAHU    M    68    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    GOPAL CHANDRA KAR    M    63    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    BIBHUTI BHUSAN MISHRA    M    57    Indian National Congress

4    BHARTRUHARI MAHTAB    M    51    Biju Janata Dal

5    KAPILA CHARAN MALL    M    72    Bira Oriya Party

6    PRADIP ROUTRAY    M    40    Kalinga Sena

7    DEBANANDA SINGH    M    33    Independent

S18    15    OR    KENDRAPARA    23-Apr-09    1    JNANDEV BEURA    M    44    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    RANJIB BISWAL    M    38    Indian National Congress

3    LENIN LENKA    M    46    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    BAIJAYANT PANDA    M    45    Biju Janata Dal

5    PRATAP CHANDRA JENA    M    60    Samruddha Odisha

6    PRAVAKAR NAYAK    M    48    Kalinga Sena

7    RAMA KRUSHNA DASH    M    44    Communist Party of India(Marxist-Leninist)(Liberation)

8    SARAT CHANDRA SWAIN    M    49    Independent

S18    16    OR    JAGATSINGHPUR    23-Apr-09    1    BAIDHAR MALLICK    M    46    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    BIBHU PRASAD TARAI    M    42    Communist Party of India

3    BIBHUTI BHUSAN MAJHI    M    37    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    RABINDRA KUMAR SETHY    M    54    Indian National Congress

5    AKSHAYA KUMAR SETHI    M    25    Samruddha Odisha

S18    17    OR    PURI    23-Apr-09    1    JITENDRA KUMAR SAHOO    M    35    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    DEBENDRA NATH MANSINGH    M    59    Indian National Congress

3    PINAKI MISRA    M    49    Biju Janata Dal

4    BRAJA KISHORE TRIPATHY    M    62    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    KSHITISH BISWAL    M    80    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)

6    SABYASACHI MOHAPATRA    M    35    Kalinga Sena

7    PRABHAT KUMAR BADAPANDA    M    42    Independent

S18    18    OR    BHUBANESWAR    23-Apr-09    1    AKSHAYA KUMAR MOHANTY    M    46    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    ARCHANA NAYAK    F    43    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    PRASANNA KUMAR PATASANI    M    66    Biju Janata Dal

4    SANTOSH MOHANTY    M    58    Indian National Congress

5    UMA CHARANA MISHRA    M    60    Jana Hitkari Party

6    NABAGHAN PARIDA    M    66    Bira Oriya Party

7    PRAFUL KUMAR SAHOO    M    38    Republican Party of India (A)

8    BASANTA KUMAR BEHERA    M    47    Kalinga Sena

9    BIJAYANANDA MISHRA    M    51    Lok Jan Shakti Party

10    JAGANNATH PRASAD LENKA    M    75    Independent

11    DHIRENDRA SATAPATHY    M    67    Independent

12    PRAMILA BEHERA    F    33    Independent

13    SASTHI PRASAD SETHI    M    47    Independent

S23    1    TR    TRIPURA WEST    23-Apr-09    1    NILMANI DEB    M    55    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    KHAGEN DAS    M    71    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

3    SUDIP ROY BARMAN    M    45    Indian National Congress

4    SANJIB DEY    M    32    Nationalist Congress Party

5    ARUN CHANDRA BHOWMIK    M    63    All India Trinamool Congress

6    RAKHAL RAJ DATTA    M    60    Amra Bangalee

7    PARTHA KARMAKAR    M    40    Communist Party of India(Marxist-Leninist)(Liberation)

8    TITU SAHA    M    32    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party

9    BINOY DEB BARMA    M    49    Independent

10    SUBRATA BHOWMIK    M    58    Independent

S23    2    TR    TRIPURA EAST    23-Apr-09    1    PULIN BEHARI DEWAN    M    69    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    BAJU BAN RIYAN    M    67    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

3    DIBA CHANDRA HRANGKHWAL    M    52    Indian National Congress

4    RITA RANI DEBBARMA    F    51    All India Trinamool Congress

5    KARNA DHAN CHAKMA    M    37    Amra Bangalee

6    FALGUNI TRIPURA    M    42    Communist Party of India(Marxist-Leninist)(Liberation)

7    RAJESH DEB BARMA    M    34    Independent

8    BINOY REANG    M    34    Independent

9    MEVAR KUMAR JAMATIA    M    40    Independent

S24    37    UP    AMETHI    23-Apr-09    1    ASHEESH SHUKLA    M    48    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    PRADEEP KUMAR SINGH    M    39    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    RAHUL GANDHI    M    38    Indian National Congress

4    BHUWAL    M    56    Janvadi Party(Socialist)

5    MOHD.HASAN LAHARI    M    35    Bharatiya Republican Paksha

6    SUNITA    F    26    Mahila Adhikar Party

7    SURYABHAN MAURYA    M    45    Rashtravadi Aarthik Swatantrata Dal

8    AAVID HUSSAIN    M    31    Independent

9    OMKAR    M    46    Independent

10    KAPIL DEO    M    30    Independent

11    DILIP    M    36    Independent

12    MIHILAL    M    52    Independent

13    MEET SINGH    M    65    Independent

14    RAMESH CHANDRA    M    30    Independent

15    RAM SHANKER    M    43    Independent

16    SWAMI NATH    M    25    Independent

S24    38    UP    SULTANPUR    23-Apr-09    1    ASHOK PANDEY    M    58    Samajwadi Party

2    MOHD.TAHIR    M    33    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    SURYA BHAN SINGH    M    54    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    DR.SANJAY SINGH    M    55    Indian National Congress

5    ANIL    M    35    Republican Party of India (A)

6    CHOTELAL MAURYA    M    40    Apna Dal

7    MOHD.UMAR    M    42    Peace Party

8    RAKESH    M    25    National Youth Party

9    RAJKUMAR PANDEY    M    36    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party

10    TRIVENI PRASAD BHEEM    M    52    Bharatiya Republican Paksha

11    ARVIND KUMAR    M    46    Independent

12    AWADHESH KUMAR    M    30    Independent

13    KRISHNA NARAYAN    M    33    Independent

14    JHINKURAM VISHWAKARMA    M    33    Independent

15    PRAKASH CHANDRA    M    35    Independent

16    HARI NARAYAN    M    70    Independent

S24    39    UP    PRATAPGARH    23-Apr-09    1    KUNWAR AKSHAYA PRATAP SINGH ‘GOPAL JI’    M    41    Samajwadi Party

2    RAJKUMARI RATNA SINGH    F    49    Indian National Congress

3    LAKSHMI NARAIN PANDEY ‘GURU JI’    M    57    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    PROF. SHIVAKANT OJHA    M    57    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    ATIQ AHAMAD    M    46    Apna Dal

6    ARUN KUMAR    M    48    Samajwadi Janata Party (Rashtriya)

7    A. RASHID ANSARI    M    54    Momin Conference

8    RAJESH    M    36    Kranti Kari Jai Hind Sena

9    ATUL DWIVEDI    M    29    Independent

10    UDHAV RAM    M    53    Independent

11    CHHANGALAL    M    56    Independent

12    JITENDRA PRATAP SINGH    M    40    Independent

13    DINESH PANDEY ALIAS D.K. PANDEY    M    34    Independent

14    BADRI PRASAD    M    48    Independent

15    MUNEESHWAR SINGH    M    65    Independent

16    RAMESH KUMAR    M    31    Independent

17    RAVINDRA SINGH    M    33    Independent

18    RANI PAL    F    58    Independent

19    RAMMURTI MISHRA    M    36    Independent

20    RAM SAMUJH    M    60    Independent

21    VINOD    M    29    Independent

22    SHIVRAM    M    51    Independent

23    SATRAM    M    42    Independent

S24    48    UP    BANDA    23-Apr-09    1    AMITA BAJPAI    F    39    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    BHAGAWAN DEEN GARG    M    47    Indian National Congress

3    BHAIRON PRASAD MISHRA    M    55    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    SANTOSH KUMAR    M    54    Communist Party of India

5    R. K. SINGH PATEL    M    49    Samajwadi Party

6    ASHOK KUMAR    M    40    Indian Justice Party

7    ANAND YADAV    M    45    United Communist Party of India

8    PARASHU RAM NISHAD    M    45    Apna Dal

9    LALIT KUMAR    M    37    Ambedkar Samaj Party

10    ANSH DHARI    M    29    Independent

11    JAGAN NATH SINGH    M    62    Independent

12    PRAKASH NARAYAN    M    32    Independent

13    BALENDRA NATH    M    38    Independent

14    MANOJ KUMAR    M    30    Independent

15    SHIV KUMAR    M    43    Independent

S24    50    UP    KAUSHAMBI    23-Apr-09    1    GIRISH CHANDRA PASI    M    39    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    GAUTAM CHAUDHARY    M    44    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    RAM NIHOR RAKESH    M    64    Indian National Congress

4    SHAILENDRA KUMAR    M    51    Samajwadi Party

5    UMESH CHANDRA PASI    M    40    Apna Dal

6    GULAB SONKAR    M    45    Indian Justice Party

7    GULAB CHANDRA    M    39    Independent

8    JAGDEO    M    53    Independent

9    MAN SINGH    M    28    Independent

10    RAM SARAN    M    56    Independent

S24    51    UP    PHULPUR    23-Apr-09    1    KAPIL MUNI KARWARIYA    M    42    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    KARAN SINGH PATEL    M    50    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    DHARMARAJ SINGH PATEL    M    50    Indian National Congress

4    SHYAMA CHARAN GUPTA    M    63    Samajwadi Party

5    CHANDRAJEET    M    28    Lok Dal

6    DEVENDRA PRATAP SINGH    M    38    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party

7    PRADEEP KUMAR SRIVASTAVA    M    49    Apna Dal

8    LALLAN SINGH    M    35    Rashtriya Swabhimaan Party

9    VIJAY KUMAR    M    56    Gondwana Mukti Sena

10    SATISH YADAV    M    34    Indian Justice Party

11    SANJEEV KUMAR MISHRA    M    30    Yuva Vikas Party

12    KRISHNA KUMAR    M    33    Independent

13    DR. NEERAJ    M    43    Independent

14    BHARAT LAL    M    52    Independent

15    DR. MILAN MUKHERJEE    M    67    Independent

16    MUNISHWAR SINGH MAURYA    M    65    Independent

17    RADHIKA PAL    F    34    Independent

18    RADHESHYAM SINGH YADAV    M    72    Independent

19    RAM JANM YADAV    M    31    Independent

20    RAMSHANKAR    M    47    Independent

21    VIRENDRA PAL SINGH    M    66    Independent

22    SHAILENDRA KUMAR PRAJAPATI    M    40    Independent

23    SAMAR BAHADUR SHARMA    M    40    Independent

24    DR. SONE LAL PATEL    M    59    Independent

S24    52    UP    ALLAHABAD    23-Apr-09    1    ASHOK KUMAR BAJPAI    M    58    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    YOGESH SHUKLA    M    39    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    KUNWAR REWATI RAMAN SINGH ALIAS MANI JI    M    65    Samajwadi Party

4    SHYAM KRISHNA PANDEY    M    65    Indian National Congress

5    OM PRAKASH    M    41    Rashtriya Machhua Samaj Party

6    GULAB GRAMEEN    M    47    Lok Dal

7    BIHARI LAL SHARMA    M    54    Apna Dal

8    BAIJAL KUMAR    M    48    Bahujan Sangharsh Party (Kanshiram)

9    RAMA KANT    M    47    Indian Justice Party

10    RAJESH PASI    M    32    Rashtriya Swabhimaan Party

11    RAM PARIKHAN SINGH    M    59    Janvadi Party(Socialist)

12    VIJAY SHANKAR    M    45    Bahujan Shakty

13    SARFUDDIN    M    32    Nelopa(United)

14    AKBAL MOHAMMD    M    34    Independent

15    AJUG NARAIN    M    33    Independent

16    ABHAY SRIVASTAVA    M    31    Independent

17    KM. KUSUM KUMARI AD    F    45    Independent

18    GOPAL SWROOP JOSHI    M    62    Independent

19    NARENDRA KUMAR TEWARI    M    47    Independent

20    BAJRANG DUTT    M    36    Independent

21    MUNNU PRASAD    M    44    Independent

22    RAVI PRAKASH    M    41    Independent

23    RAKESH KUMAR    M    47    Independent

24    RAJ BALI    M    51    Independent

25    RAM GOVIND    M    46    Independent

26    RAM JEET    M    38    Independent

27    RAM LAL    M    46    Independent

28    KM. SHASHI PANDEY    F    45    Independent

29    DR. MOHD. SALMAN RASHIDI    M    57    Independent

30    SADHNA AGARWAL    F    47    Independent

31    HIRA LAL    M    54    Independent

S24    54    UP    FAIZABAD    23-Apr-09    1    NIRMAL KHATRI    M    58    Indian National Congress

2    BIMLENDRA MOHAN PRATAP MISRA “PAPPU BHAIYA”    M    48    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    MITRASEN    M    76    Samajwadi Party

4    LALLU SINGH    M    54    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    AJAY KUMAR    M    25    Kranti Kari Jai Hind Sena

6    ATUL KUMAR PANDEY    M    39    The Humanist Party of India

7    AMAR NATH JAISWAL    M    44    Rashtriya Kranti Party

8    GIRISH CHANDRA VERMA    M    32    Apna Dal

9    GULAM SABIR    M    42    Navbharat Nirman Party

10    CHANDRASHEKHAR SINGH    M    36    Bharat Punarnirman Dal

11    NUSRAT QUDDUSI ALIAS BABLOO    M    41    Peace Party

12    MANISH KUMAR PANDEY    M    35    Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha

13    SAIYYAD MUSHEER AHMED    M    55    Awami Party

14    RAMESH KUMAR RAWAT    M    42    Maulik Adhikar Party

15    SUSHIL KUMAR    M    45    Bharatiya Lok Kalyan Dal

16    ATAURR RAHMAN ANSARI    M    52    Independent

17    AMARNATH VERMA    M    36    Independent

18    DINA NATH PANDEY    M    35    Independent

19    NASREEN BANO    F    38    Independent

20    BALAK RAM ALIAS SHIV BALAK PASI    M    34    Independent

21    RAM DHIRAJ    M    46    Independent

22    SWAMI NATH    M    29    Independent

23    SIYARAM KORI    M    50    Independent

S24    55    UP    AMBEDKAR NAGAR    23-Apr-09    1    RAKESH PANDEY    M    55    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    VINAY KATIYAR    M    49    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    SHANKHLAL MAJHI    M    54    Samajwadi Party

4    DINESH KUMAR RAJBHAR    M    33    Suheldev Bhartiya Samaj Party

5    BASANT LAL    M    53    Peace Party

6    BAL MUKUND DHURIYA    M    31    Communist Party of India(Marxist-Leninist)(Liberation)

7    BHARTHARI    M    44    Bharatiya Republican Paksha

8    MANSHARAM    M    40    Maulik Adhikar Party

9    LALMAN    M    34    Janvadi Party(Socialist)

10    VIJAY KUMAR MAURYA    M    38    Rashtravadi Aarthik Swatantrata Dal

11    SANTOSH KUMAR    M    50    Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha

12    IFTEKHAR AHMAD    M    37    Independent

13    KAILASH KUMAR SHUKLA    M    60    Independent

14    GAYADEEN    M    43    Independent

15    CHANDRA BHUSHAN    M    61    Independent

16    DEO PRASAD MISHRA    M    42    Independent

17    NABAB ALI    M    55    Independent

18    PARASHU RAM    M    49    Independent

19    PATANJALI JAITALI    M    58    Independent

20    RAM SUKH SAHOO    M    50    Independent

21    DR. LAL BAHADUR    M    42    Independent

22    SRIRAM AMBESH    M    61    Independent

S24    57    UP    KAISERGANJ    23-Apr-09    1    MOHD ALEEM    M    46    Indian National Congress

2    BRIJBHUSHAN SARAN SINGH    M    52    Samajwadi Party

3    DR LALTA PRASAD MISHRA ALIS DR L P MISHRA    M    59    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    SURENDRA NATH AWASTHI    M    53    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    ZAMEER AHAMAD    M    53    Ambedkar National Congress

6    DAYA RAM    M    41    Peoples Democratic Forum

7    MANOJ KUMAR    M    33    Lok Dal

8    RAM PRAKSH    M    39    Republican Party of India (A)

9    RAMENDER DEV PATHAK    M    60    Peace Party

10    HAFEEZ    M    47    Apna Dal

11    ANOKHI LAL    M    49    Independent

12    OM PRAKASH    M    35    Independent

13    UDAI RAJ    M    52    Independent

14    CHANDRA BHAN    M    42    Independent

15    JAGDISH    M    40    Independent

16    JAGDISH PRASAD    M    38    Independent

17    JITENDRA BAHADUR    M    57    Independent

18    PARAMHANS SINGH    M    33    Independent

19    RAJ KISHORE SINGH    M    38    Independent

20    RADHEYSHYAM BOAT    M    62    Independent

21    RAMFEER ALIS CHUNTI    M    59    Independent

22    VINESH KUMAR    M    32    Independent

23    VIMAL VERMA    M    30    Independent

S24    58    UP    SHRAWASTI    23-Apr-09    1    RIZVAN ZAHEER    M    46    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    RUBAB SAIDA    F    58    Samajwadi Party

3    VINAY KUMAR ALIAS VINNU    M    45    Indian National Congress

4    SATYA DEO SINGH    M    63    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    ARUN KUMAR    M    33    Ambedkar National Congress

6    KULDEEP    M    44    Suheldev Bhartiya Samaj Party

7    RAJESHWAR MISHRA    M    28    Peace Party

8    RAM ADHAR    M    62    Republican Party of India (A)

9    TEJ BAHADUR    M    32    Independent

10    RAM SUDHI    M    38    Independent

11    VINOD KUMAR PANDEY    M    27    Independent

S24    59    UP    GONDA    23-Apr-09    1    DR ACHUTANANDDUBE    M    64    Nationalist Congress Party

2    KIRTI VARDHAN SINGH RAJA BAIYA    M    43    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    BENI PRASAD VERMA    M    68    Indian National Congress

4    RAM PRATAP SINGH    M    58    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    VINOD KUMAR SINGH ALIAS PANDIT SINGH    M    42    Samajwadi Party

6    ASHIQ ALI    M    46    Peace Party

7    OM PRAKASH SINGH    M    54    Janvadi Party(Socialist)

8    PREM KUMAR    M    26    Suheldev Bhartiya Samaj Party

9    RAJENDRA PRASAD1    M    55    Ambedkar National Congress

10    RAM KEWAL    M    41    Vanchit Jamat Party

11    RAM LOCHAN    M    46    Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha

12    VIDYA SAGAR    M    36    Apna Dal

13    HARSH VARDHAN PANDEY    M    33    Lok Dal

14    AKILENDRA KUMAR PATHAK    M    34    Independent

15    ANURADHA PATEL    F    42    Independent

16    OM PRAKASH    M    47    Independent

17    GAGNGA DHAR SHUKLA    M    38    Independent

18    DEEPAK    M    31    Independent

19    NARENDRA SINGH    M    34    Independent

20    BAIJNATH    M    30    Independent

21    RAJENDRA PRASAD    M    28    Independent

22    RADHEY SHYAM    M    59    Independent

23    RAM PRASAD    M    61    Independent

24    RAM LAKHAN    M    54    Independent

25    SATYA PRAKASH    M    39    Independent

S24    60    UP    DOMARIYAGANJ    23-Apr-09    1    JAGDAMBIKA PAL    M    59    Indian National Congress

2    JAI PRATAP SINGH    M    55    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    MATA PRASAD PANDEY    M    72    Samajwadi Party

4    MOHD. MUQUEEM    M    59    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    INAMULLAH CHAUDHARY    M    66    Peace Party

6    JITENDRA PRATAP SINGH    M    46    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party

7    PINGAL PRASAD    M    41    Republican Party of India

8    BALKRISHNA    M    39    Bahujan Sangharsh Party (Kanshiram)

9    MUKHDEV    M    41    Suheldev Bhartiya Samaj Party

10    RAJDEV    M    35    Bharatiya Eklavya Party

11    RAM SAMUJH    M    41    Bharatiya Jan Berojgar Chhatra Dal

12    RAHUL SANGH PRIYA BHARTI    M    36    Indian Justice Party

13    HARISHANKAR    M    45    Lok Jan Shakti Party

14    MOTILAL VIDHYARTHI    M    59    Independent

15    RAM KRIPAL    M    58    Independent

16    SIRAJ AHAMAD    M    26    Independent

S24    61    UP    BASTI    23-Apr-09    1    ARVIND KUMAR CHAUDHARY    M    43    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    BASANT CHAUDHARY    M    43    Indian National Congress

3    RAJ KISHOR SINGH    M    38    Samajwadi Party

4    DR. Y. D. SINGH    M    64    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    OM PRAKASH    M    40    Vanchit Jamat Party

6    DAYASHANKAR PATWA    M    57    Peace Party

7    DALBAG SINGH    M    50    Bahujan Sangharsh Party (Kanshiram)

8    RAM NAYAN PATEL    M    49    Apna Dal

9    VINOD KUMAR RAJBHAR    M    33    Suheldev Bhartiya Samaj Party

10    SHIVDAS    M    50    Shoshit Samaj Dal

11    SANJEEV KUMAR NISHAD    M    27    Bahujan Uday Manch

12    SITARAM NISHAD    M    63    Janvadi Party(Socialist)

13    RAM LALAN YADAV    M    36    Independent

14    SHIV POOJAN ARYA    M    52    Independent

15    SATYADEV OJHA    M    70    Independent

16    SATISH CHANDRA SHARMA    M    40    Independent

S24    62    UP    SANT KABIR NAGAR    23-Apr-09    1    KAMLA KANT CHAUDHARY    M    41    Communist Party of India

2    FAZLEY MAHAMOOD    M    41    Indian National Congress

3    BHAL CHANDRA YADAV    M    42    Samajwadi Party

4    BHISMA SHANKAR ALIAS KUSHAL TIWARI    M    44    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    SHARAD TRIPATHI    M    35    Bharatiya Janata Party

6    INDRA KUMAR    M    37    Bahujan Uday Manch

7    KRISHNA NAND MISHRA    M    38    All India Minorities Front

8    KHELADI    M    35    Bharatiya Republican Paksha

9    JANTRI LAL    M    37    Janvadi Party(Socialist)

10    PANCHOO BELDAR    M    48    Ambedkar Samaj Party

11    RAJESH SINGH    M    37    Peace Party

12    RAM ACHAL    M    34    Maulik Adhikar Party

13    RAM AVADH NISHAD    M    62    Suheldev Bhartiya Samaj Party

14    LOTAN ALIAS LAUTAN PRASAD    M    47    Shoshit Samaj Dal

15    VINOD RAI    M    38    National Lokhind Party

16    ANJU    F    28    Independent

17    JOOGESH YADAV    M    35    Independent

18    NITYANAND MANI TRIPATHI    M    35    Independent

19    PHOOLDEO    M    49    Independent

20    RAMESH    M    26    Independent

21    VINAY PANDEY    M    31    Independent

22    SHRI BABA RAM CHANDRA    M    52    Independent

23    SUSHILA JIGYASU    F    29    Independent

24    HARISH CHANDRA    M    32    Independent

S24    73    UP    JAUNPUR    23-Apr-09    1    DHANANJAY SINGH    M    33    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    PARAS NATH YADAVA    M    54    Samajwadi Party

3    SEEMA    F    37    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    ACHHEYLAL NISHAD    M    61    Nelopa(United)

5    GIRAJA SHANKAR YADAVA    M    49    Gondvana Gantantra Party

6    GEETA SINGH    F    46    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party

7    BAHADUR SONKAR    M    48    Indian Justice Party

8    RAVI SHANKAR    M    38    Lok Jan Shakti Party

9    RAJKISHUN    M    26    Rashtriya Swabhimaan Party

10    RAJESH S/O RAMESHCHANDRA    M    30    Apna Dal

11    RAJESH S/O RAMYAGYA    M    32    Eklavya Samaj Party

12    RAMCHANDAR    M    52    Rashtravadi Aarthik Swatantrata Dal

13    SHEETALA PRASAD    M    51    Revolutionary Socialist Party

14    AJAY KASYAP – GUDDU    M    26    Independent

15    JAGDISH CHANDRA ASTHANA    M    62    Independent

16    TASLEEM AHMED REHMANI    M    45    Independent

S24    78    UP    BHADOHI    23-Apr-09    1    DR. AKHILESH KUMAR DWIVEDI    M    41    Nationalist Congress Party

2    GORAKHNATH    M    56    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    CHHOTELAL BIND    M    53    Samajwadi Party

4    DR. MAHENDRA NATH PANDEY    M    52    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    SURYMANI TIWARI    M    60    Indian National Congress

6    JAJ LAL    M    47    Rashtriya Krantikari Samajwadi Party

7    NANDLAL    M    56    Vikas Party

8    RAMRATEE BIND    M    74    Apna Dal

9    THAKUR SANTOSH KUMAR    M    27    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party

10    SHAHID    M    42    Pragatisheel Manav Samaj Party

11    GAURISHANKAR    M    38    Independent

12    JEETENDRA    M    30    Independent

13    TEJ BAHADUR YADAV ADVOCATE    M    56    Independent

S27    1    JH    RAJMAHAL    23-Apr-09    1    CHANDRA SHEKHAR AZAD    M    38    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    JYOTIN SOREN    M    59    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

3    THOMAS HASDA    M    58    Rashtriya Janata Dal

4    DEVIDHAN BESRA    M    69    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    HEMLAL MURMU    M    54    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha

6    AAMELIYA HANSDA    F    29    Revolutionary Socialist Party

7    CHARAN MURMU    M    33    Shivsena

8    DAUD MARANDI    M    25    Samajwadi Party

9    SUKHWA URAON    M    33    Rashtriya Krantikari Samajwadi Party

10    SUNDAR TUDU    M    45    Bharatiya Jagaran Party

11    SOM MARANDI    M    44    Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik)

12    STIPHEN MARANDI    M    55    Jharkhand Jan Morcha

S27    2    JH    DUMKA    23-Apr-09    1    CHURKA TUDU    M    44    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    PASHUPATI KOL    M    29    Communist Party of India

3    RAMESH TUDU    M    34    Rashtriya Janata Dal

4    SHIBU SOREN    M    64    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha

5    SUNIL SOREN    M    30    Bharatiya Janata Party

6    ARJUN PUJHAR    M    33    Samajwadi Party

7    NIRMALA MURMU    F    33    Revolutionary Socialist Party

8    PHATIK CHANDRA HEMBRAM    M    64    All Jharkhand Students Union

9    BITIYA MANJHI    F    53    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)

10    RAMESH HEMBROM    M    39    Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik)

11    RAMJIVAN DEHRI    M    35    Samata Party

12    KALESHWAR SOREN    M    38    Independent

13    CHARLES MURMU    M    27    Independent

14    NANDLAL SOREN    M    55    Independent

15    PULICE HEMRAM    M    31    Independent

16    BIVISAN PUJHAR    M    50    Independent

17    CYRIL HANSDA    M    63    Independent

18    SONA MURMU    F    56    Independent

19    HOPNA BASKI    M    57    Independent

S27    3    JH    GODDA    23-Apr-09    1    IQBAL DURRANI    M    50    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    DURGA SOREN    M    39    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha

3    NISHIKANT DUBEY    M    37    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    FURKAN ANSARI    M    61    Indian National Congress

5    ASHOK SHARMA    M    39    Jharkhand Party

6    GEETA MANDAL    F    39    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)

7    GOVIND LAL MARANDI    M    39    Revolutionary Socialist Party

8    JAWAHAR LAL YADAV    M    31    Lok Jan Shakti Party

9    NANDLAL YADAV    M    39    Samajwadi Party

10    NIRANJAN PRASAD YADAV    M    33    Rashtrawadi Sena

11    PRADEEP YADAV    M    42    Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik)

12    PRADEEP YADAV    M    25    Samata Party

13    BINOD MEHARIA    M    56    Bahujan Shakty

14    RAJ NARAYAN KHAWADE    M    42    AJSU Party

15    SANTOSH KUMAR RAY    M    26    All India Trinamool Congress

16    SURAJ MANDAL    M    61    Jharkhand Vikas Dal

17    JAYSWAL MANJHI    M    38    Independent

18    JAHIR MUSTAKIM    M    35    Independent

19    MANOJ KUMAR MANDAL    M    35    Independent

20    MITHILESH PASWAN    M    38    Independent

21    MD. MOAJJAM ALI CHANCHAL    M    38    Independent

22    SHANKAR PRASAD KESHARI    M    39    Independent

23    SANJEEV KUMAR    M    27    Independent

S27    6    JH    GIRIDIH    23-Apr-09    1    AKLU RAM MAHTO    M    65    Communist Party of India

2    TEKLAL MAHTO    M    57    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha

3    BIJAY SINGH    M    48    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    RAVINDRA KUMAR PANDEY    M    50    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    MD. HIMAYUN ANSARI    M    72    Rashtriya Janata Dal

6    MRINAL KANTI DEV    M    61    Socialist Party (Lohia)

7    RAVINDER MAHTO    M    43    Jharkhand Party (Naren)

8    SHIVA MAHTO    M    75    Marxist Co-Ordination

9    SABA AHMAD    M    62    Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik)

10    INDRA DEV MAHTO    M    45    Independent

11    UMESH RISHI    M    43    Independent

12    NAND KISHOR PRASAD    M    64    Independent

13    BUDDHI NATH TIWARY    M    41    Independent

14    MAHAVIR PRASAD    M    36    Independent

15    MASOOM RAJA ANSARI    M    27    Independent

16    LALOO KEWAT    M    46    Independent

17    SHANKAR RAJAK    M    38    Independent

S27    7    JH    DHANBAD    23-Apr-09    1    CHANDRASHEKHAR DUBEY    M    66    Indian National Congress

2    PASHUPATI NATH SINGH    M    60    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    SAMARESH SINGH    M    68    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    INDU SINGH    F    32    Samata Party

5    JANARDAN PANDEY    M    56    All India Forward Bloc

6    DIN BANDHU SINGH    M    56    Socialist Party (Lohia)

7    PAWAN KUMAR JHA    M    28    Janata Dal (Secular)

8    PHUL CHAND MANDAL    M    66    Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik)

9    M.K.MANDAL    M    62    Amra Bangalee

10    A.K. ROY    M    72    Marxist Co-Ordination

11    VIDESHI MAHATO    M    54    Jharkhand Vikas Dal

12    VIRENDRA PRADHAN    M    44    Lok Jan Shakti Party

13    SUNIL KUMAR    M    38    Indian Justice Party

14    MD. SULTAN    M    57    Jharkhand Party

15    HAFFIZUDDIN ANSARI    M    51    Samajwadi Party

16    ABDUL MUSTAFA    M    32    Independent

17    KARTIK MAHATO    M    44    Independent

18    JAI PRAKASH SINGH    M    39    Independent

19    JAIRAM SINGH    M    31    Independent

20    JITENDRA KUMAR SINGH    M    36    Independent

21    PHUL CHAND MAHATO    M    40    Independent

22    BAMA PADA BAURI    M    35    Independent

23    MADHUSUDAN RAJHANS    M    44    Independent

24    MANILAL MAHATO    M    27    Independent

25    MANOJ GANDHI    M    29    Independent

26    MANOJ PANDEY    M    29    Independent

27    MUNSI HEMBRAM    M    56    Independent

28    RAVI RANJAN SINHA    M    34    Independent

29    SHANKAR RAWANI    M    42    Independent

30    SALIM KHAN    M    42    Independent

31    SADHUSHARAN GOPE    M    46    Independent

32    SUSHIL KUMAR SINGH    M    57    Independent

S27    8    JH    RANCHI    23-Apr-09    1    RAJENDRA SINGH MUNDA    M    74    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

2    RAM TAHAL CHAUDHARY    M    66    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    MD. SARFUDDIN    M    46    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    SUBODH KANT SAHAY    M    57    Indian National Congress

5    AKHTAR ANSARI    M    53    Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik)

6    AFSAR EMAM    M    48    Jharkhand PeopleÂ’S Party

7    MD. AJAD ANSARI    M    47    National Lokhind Party

8    JIPALAL SINGH MUNDA    M    45    Jharkhand Party (Naren)

9    DAYANAND GUPTA    M    39    Jharkhand Vikas Dal

10    SURENDRA KUMAR SUMAN    M    36    Samata Party

11    ANJANI PANDEY    M    51    Independent

12    AGAM LAL MAHTO    M    34    Independent

13    AFTAB ALAM    M    42    Independent

14    ARTI BEHRA    F    32    Independent

15    UPENDRA PD. SRIVASTAVA    M    65    Independent

16    KESHAV NARAYAN BHAGAT    M    49    Independent

17    KAILASH PAHAN    M    40    Independent

18    JANARDAN TIWARI    M    42    Independent

19    JITENDRA MAHTO    M    27    Independent

20    DEVENDRA THAKUR    M    48    Independent

21    BIRSA HEMBRAM    M    31    Independent

22    RANJEET MAHTO    M    49    Independent

23    RAMPODO MAHTO    M    37    Independent

24    ROSHAN LAL MAHTO    M    28    Independent

25    ROSAN PRASAD    M    25    Independent

26    LAL BABA MASANI    M    65    Independent

S27    9    JH    JAMSHEDPUR    23-Apr-09    1    AJEET KUMAR    M    39    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    ARJUN MUNDA    M    41    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    SUMAN MAHTO    F    44    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha

4    ARVIND KUMAR SINGH    M    47    Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik)

5    ASHOK TRIPATHI    M    44    Samajwadi Party

6    KINKAR GOUR    M    41    Rashtravadi Aarthik Swatantrata Dal

7    KRISHN MURARI MISHRA    M    47    Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha

8    PARIKSHIT MAHATO    M    43    Lok Jan Shakti Party

9    MUBIN KHAN    M    50    Bahujan Shakty

10    RAJ KAPOOR MAHATO    M    35    Jharkhand Vikas Dal

11    SHARAT MAHATO    M    36    Jharkhand Party (Naren)

12    SHAILENDRA MAHTO    M    55    All Jharkhand Students Union

13    SHYAM NARAYAN SINGH    M    50    All India Trinamool Congress

14    SANDIP PAUL    M    43    Jharkhand Party

15    DR. SUNARAM HANSDA    M    41    Jharkhand Disom Party

16    HEMANT SINGH    M    37    Amra Bangalee

17    KRISHNA PRASAD    M    40    Independent

18    JOSAI MARDI    M    31    Independent

19    DILIP KALINDI    M    44    Independent

20    DILIP TUDU    M    41    Independent

21    PARAS NATH PRASAD    M    56    Independent

22    RAKESH KUMAR    M    30    Independent

23    RAJIV CHANDRA MAHATO    M    27    Independent

24    RAM CHANDRA PRASAD GUPTA    M    49    Independent

25    VICTOR A. LAZARUS    M    60    Independent

26    SITARAM TUDU    M    61    Independent

S27    10    JH    SINGHBHUM    23-Apr-09    1    BARKUWAR GAGRAI    M    41    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    BAGUN SUMBRUI    M    82    Indian National Congress

3    HIKIM CHANDRA TUDU    M    39    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    PREM SINGH MUNDRI    M    40    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)

5    MANGAL SINGH BOBONGA    M    42    Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik)

6    SUKH RAM JONKO    M    62    Jharkhand Disom Party

7    ASHOK KUMAR TIU    M    47    Independent

8    MADHU KORA    M    38    Independent

9    HIKIM SOREN    M    46    Independent

S04    11    BR    KATIHAR    30-Apr-09    1    NIKHIL KUMAR CHOUDHARY    M    63    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    MUNNI DEVI    F    35    Independent

3    SHAH TARIQ ANWAR    M    58    Nationalist Congress Party

4    MADAN MOHAN NISHAD    M    62    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    MANOJ PARASAR    M    44    Jan Samanta Party

6    PHOOLO DEVI    F    40    Independent

7    AHMAD ASHFAQUE KARIM    M    53    Lok Jan Shakti Party

8    SUNIL KUMAR CHOUDHARY    M    39    Independent

9    MOHAMMAD HAMID MUBARAK    M    33    Independent

10    SHOBHA DEVI    F    40    Independent

11    MAHBOOB ALAM    M    52    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)

12    HIMRAJ SINGH    M    49    Independent

13    RAJESH GURNANI    M    38    Loktantrik Samata Dal

14    RAJGIRI SINGH    M    53    Independent

15    OM PRAKASH PODDAR    M    38    Bharatiya Jantantrik Janta Dal

16    MANENDRA KUMAR    M    38    Independent

17    BHOLA NATH KEWAT    M    60    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha

18    CHANDU MURMU    M    43    Jharkhand Disom Party

19    SHIV PUJAN PASWAN    M    31    Buddhiviveki Vikas Party

20    SHAMBHU ROY    M    38    Independent

21    NITESH KUMAR CHOUDHARY    M    31    Independent

22    BABU LAL MARANDI    M    33    Independent

23    KISHAN LAL AGRAWAL    M    32    Independent

S04    13    BR    MADHEPURA    30-Apr-09    1    VINOD KUMAR JHA    M    42    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    OM PRAKASH NARAYAN    M    44    Communist Party of India

3    TARA NAND SADA    M    52    Indian National Congress

4    PROF RAVINDRA CHARAN YADAV    M    49    Rashtriya Janata Dal

5    SHARAD YADAV    M    61    Janata Dal (United)

6    RAJO SAH    M    30    Loktantrik Samata Dal

7    DHANOJ KUMAR    M    26    Rashtravadi Janata Party

8    RAVINDRA KUMAR    M    33    Rashtra Sewa Dal

9    NIRMAL KUMAR SINGH    M    66    Samata Party

10    SAKAR SURESH YADAV    M    32    Independent

11    KISHOR KUMAR    M    33    Independent

12    BALWANT GADHWAL    M    29    Independent

13    TIRO SHARMA    M    59    Independent

14    KARPOORI RISHIDEO    M    29    Independent

15    AMIT ACHARYA    M    26    Independent

16    PRASANNA KUMAR    M    54    Independent

17    DHRUWA KUMAR    M    43    Independent

18    MAHADEV YADAV    M    55    Independent

19    PARMESHWARI PRASAD NIRALA    M    68    Independent

S04    25    BR    KHAGARIA    30-Apr-09    1    SATYA NARAYAN SINGH    M    66    Communist Party of India

2    PRADUMAN KUMAR    M    31    Independent

3    DINESHCHANDRA YADAV    M    50    Janata Dal (United)

4    HARI NANDAN SINGH    M    61    Samajwadi Janata Party (Rashtriya)

5    GULABRAJ    M    31    Independent

6    ASARFI PRASAD MEHTA    M    63    Bahujan Samaj Party

7    SIKANDAR PRASAD SHARMA    M    56    Independent

8    SANGRAM KUMAR    M    27    Independent

9    SURESH PODDAR    M    47    Bharatiya Jantantrik Janta Dal

10    SANJAY YADAV    M    41    Independent

11    NEHA CHAUHAN    F    27    Independent

12    MANJU KUMARI    F    31    Rashtra Sewa Dal

13    CHAUDHRY MEHBOOB ALI KAISER    M    42    Indian National Congress

14    BHARAT KUMAR YADAV    M    52    Kosi Vikas Party

15    RAM NANDAN YADAV    M    45    Independent

16    NAYEEMUDDIN4    M    42    Independent

17    LAL BAHADUR HIMALAYA    M    38    Independent

18    BABULU PASWAN    M    35    Navbharat Nirman Party

19    PAWAN KUMAR “SUMAN”    M    33    Independent

20    RAVINDRA KU. RANA    M    62    Rashtriya Janata Dal

S04    27    BR    BANKA    30-Apr-09    1    GRIDHARI YADAV    M    44    Indian National Congress

2    JAI PRAKASH NARAYAN YADAV    M    55    Rashtriya Janata Dal

3    DAMODAR RAWAT    M    47    Janata Dal (United)

4    MUKESH KUMAR SINGH    M    45    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    SANJAY KUMAR    M    45    Communist Party of India

6    ANIL KUMAR ALIAS ANIL GUPTA    M    40    Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik)

7    AMRESHWAR KUMAR    M    29    Jago Party

8    ARBIND KUMAR SAH    M    42    Rashtriya Pragati Party

9    KEDAR PRASAD SINGH    M    61    Samajwadi Janata Party (Rashtriya)

10    MAHABUB ALAM ANSARI    M    50    Bharatiya Momin Front

11    RAJENDRA PANDIT NETAJI    M    57    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (Ulgulan)

S06    1    GJ    KACHCHH    30-Apr-09    1    JAT POONAMBEN VELJIBHAI    F    37    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    DANICHA VALJIBHAI PUNAMCHANDRA    M    54    Indian National Congress

3    NAMORI MOHANBHAI LADHABHAI    M    50    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    CHAUHAN MOTILAL DEVJIBHA    M    49    Lokpriya Samaj Party

5    DR. TINA MAGANBHAI PARMAR    F    26    Bharatiya Natiional Janta Dal

6    DUNGARIYA BHARMALBHAI NARANBHAI    M    45    Samajwadi Party

7    PARMAR MUKESHBHAI MANDANBHAI    M    44    Indian Justice Party

8    BADIYA RAMESH GANGJI    M    44    Rashtriya Krantikari Samajwadi Party

9    KANJI ABHABHAI MAHESHWARI    M    55    Independent

10    GARVA ASMAL THAKARSHI    M    44    Independent

11    GOVIND JIVABHAI DAFADA    M    50    Independent

12    BADIA GANGJI FAKIRA    M    55    Independent

13    MAHESHWARI GANGJI DAYABHAI    M    55    Independent

14    MAHESHWARI DHANJIBHAI KARSHANBHAI    M    51    Independent

15    MUNSHI BHURALAL KHIMJIBHAI    M    40    Independent

16    MANGALIYA LILBAI JIVANBHAI    F    42    Independent

17    VANZARA HIRABEN DALPATBHAI    F    35    Independent

18    SARESA NANJI BHANJIBHAI    M    42    Independent

S06    2    GJ    BANASKANTHA    30-Apr-09    1    GADHVI MUKESHKUMAR BHERAVDANJI    M    47    Indian National Congress

2    CHETANBHAI KALABHAI SOLANKI    M    28    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    CHAUDHARI HARIBHAI PARTHIBHAI    M    54    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    AMRUTBHAI LAKHUBHAI PATEL(FOSI)    M    49    Mahagujarat Janta Party

5    KATARIYA HASMUKHBHAI RAVJIBHAI    M    34    Akhand Bharti

6    NAGORI JHUBERKHAN LIYAKATKHAN    M    33    Adarsh Lok Dal

7    LODHA ISHVARBHAI MAHADEVBHAI    M    57    Akhil Bharatiya Jan Sangh

8    SAVJIBHAI PATHUBHAI RAJGOR    M    34    Vishva Hindustani Sangathan

9    KARNAVAT YOGESHKUMAR BHIKHABHAI    M    31    Independent

10    PATEL NAGJIBHAI PRAGJIBHAI    M    43    Independent

11    PARSANI MAHMAD SIKANDAR JALALBHAI    M    30    Independent

12    PUROHIT ASHOKBHAI CHHAGANBHAI    M    32    Independent

13    PANSAL KALABHAI PUNMABHAI    M    49    Independent

14    MAJIRANA BHOPAJI AASHAJI    M    68    Independent

15    MALI JAGDISHKUMAR HASTAJI    M    30    Independent

16    ROOTHAR LEBUJI PARBATJI    M    32    Independent

17    SHARDABEN BHIKHABHAI PARMAR    F    45    Independent

18    SIPAI AAIYUBBHAI IBRAHIMBHAI    M    35    Independent

19    SHRIMALI ASHOKBHAI BALCHANDBHAI    M    40    Independent

S06    3    GJ    PATAN    30-Apr-09    1    KHOKHAR MAHEBOOBKHAN RAHEMATKHAN    M    50    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    JAGDISH THAKOR    M    51    Indian National Congress

3    BAROT SANJAYBHAI MAGANBHAI    M    50    Nationalist Congress Party

4    RATHOD BHAVSINHBHAI DAHYABHAI    M    68    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    PATAVAT MAHAMMADBHAI SHARIFBHAI    M    50    Independent

6    PATEL NARANBHAI PRAGDASBHAI    M    55    Mahagujarat Janta Party

7    KANUBHAI BHURABHAI MAHESHVARI    M    60    Independent

8    CHAUDHARY KIRTIKUMAR JESANGBHAI    M    30    Independent

9    CHAUDHARY MANSINHBHAI MANABHAI    M    32    Independent

10    JUDAL GANESHBHAI MEGHRAJBHAI    M    35    Independent

11    THAKOR NATUJI HALAJI    M    48    Independent

12    THAKOR BHUPATSINH KANTIJI    M    29    Independent

13    DIVAN YASIN AHMAD MAHAMADSHAH    M    47    Independent

14    PATEL KALPESHBHAI SHANKARLAL    M    27    Independent

15    PATEL KIRITKUMAR CHIMANLAL    M    38    Independent

16    PATEL DILIPKUMAR LILACHAND    M    31    Independent

17    PATEL MANORBHAI VIRAMDAS    M    68    Independent

18    PATEL RAMESHBHAI GOVINDBHAI    M    45    Independent

19    BRAHMKSHATRIYA NIRUPABEN NATVARLAL    F    35    Independent

20    BRAHMKSHATRIYA BHAGVATIBEN KHETSINH    F    55    Independent

21    RABARI BABUBHAI LALLUBHAI    M    56    Independent

22    RAJPUT JAGATSINH SAMANTSANG    M    29    Independent

23    RAVAL BHURABHAI MOTIBHAI    M    45    Independent

24    VAGHELA SHIVUBHA RAMSING    M    53    Independent

25    SUNSARA AAMINBHAI USMANBHAI    M    35    Independent

S06    9    GJ    SURENDRANAGAR    30-Apr-09    1    BHATIYA NARANBHAI KEHARBHAI    M    45    Independent

2    VAGHELA SATUBHA KANUBHA    M    75    Akhil Bharatiya Jan Sangh

3    BHARATBHAI RAMNIKLAL MAKWANA    M    43    Independent

4    KOLI PATEL SOMABHAI    M    68    Indian National Congress

5    DEVJIBHAI GOVINDBHAI FATEPARA    M    51    Indian National Congress

6    MER LALJIBHAI CHATURBHAI    M    53    Bharatiya Janata Party

7    SONI PRAKASHBHAI GOVINDBHAI    M    51    Bharatiya Janata Party

8    KORDIA ALTAFBHAI VALIBHAI    M    25    Independent

9    PATEL MOHANBHAI DAHYABHAI    M    56    Bahujan Samaj Party

10    TUNDIYA PREMJIBHAI VIRJIBHAI    M    53    Independent

11    NAYAKPRA HITSH BHAGVANGIBHAI    M    40    Independent

12    DABHI MOHANBHAI TULSHIBHAI    M    63    Independent

13    DERVALIA MEDHABHAI KALABHAI    M    51    Independent

14    PATEL KHEMABHAI ISHVARBHAI    M    43    Independent

15    RABA HARSURBHAI RAMBHAI    M    63    Independent

16    JADAV BHAGWANBHAI MATHURBHAI    M    56    Independent

17    UKABHAI AMARABHAI MAKWANA    M    40    Independent

18    JAGRUTIBEN BABULAL GADA (SHAH)    F    39    Mahagujarat Janta Party

19    PATADIYA KHIMJIBHAI HARAJIVANBHAI    M    52    Kranti Kari Jai Hind Sena

20    SOLANKI KARSHANBHAI JIVABHAI    M    38    Independent

21    PATEL ASHOKKUMAR CHIMANLAL    M    54    Independent

22    DHAVANIYA BACHUBHAI CHHAGANBHAI    M    58    Lokpriya Samaj Party

23    CHAVDA ASHOKBHAI KARSHANBHAI    M    33    Bahujan Samaj Party

24    SAVUKIYA LALJIBHAI MOHANLAL    M    50    Independent

25    MER MAVJIBHAI KUKABHAI    M    63    Independent

S06    10    GJ    RAJKOT    30-Apr-09    1    MULTANI SUBHANBHAI POPATBHAI    M    52    Independent

2    GOKALBHAI KHODABHAI PARMAR    M    53    Lokpriya Samaj Party

3    KIRANKUMAR VALJIBHAI BHALODIA    M    56    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    DHANSUKHBHAI CHUNIBHAI BHANDERI    M    46    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    DR. ZAKIRHUSEN MATHAKIYA    M    38    Samajwadi Party

6    ARVINDBHAI JADAVJIBHAI RATHOD    M    42    Independent

7    KUBAVAT BABUDAS CHHAGANDAS    M    63    Akhil Bharatiya Jan Sangh

8    PRAVINBHAI MEGHJIBHAI DENGADA    M    46    Independent

9    KUVARJIBHAI MOHANBHAI BAVALIA    M    54    Indian National Congress

10    JOSHI SUDHIRBHAI REVASHANKAR    M    67    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

11    JADEJA SATUBHA AMARSANG    M    41    National Secular Party

12    JADEJA NATUBHA AMARSANG    M    39    National Secular Party

13    DHEDHI DALEECHANDBHAI LIRABHAI    M    54    Bahujan Samaj Party

14    KHIMSURIYA BHANUBHAI RAMJIBHAI    M    47    Bahujan Samaj Party

15    NARENDRASINH TAPUBHA JADEJA    M    35    Rashtriya Krantikari Samajwadi Party

16    HIRABHAI GORDHANBHAI CHANGELA    M    58    Independent

17    HARSODA MAHESH HIRABHAI    M    25    Independent

18    BHIKHABHAI KURJIBHAI SADADIYA    M    57    Bahujan Samaj Party

19    GAR PRAKASH KHIMJIBHAI    M    40    Independent

20    DUDHATRA MUKUNDBHAI GOVINDBHAI    M    41    Independent

21    SAROLA GEETABEN MANJIBHAI    F    32    Independent

22    RABARI MOMAIYABHAI ALABHAI    M    60    Independent

23    AJITSINH HARISINH JADEJA    M    55    Independent

24    DR.RAJESHKUMAR SHANTIBHIA MANKADIA    M    35    Independent

25    RAJGURU INDRANIL SANJAYBHAI    M    43    Indian National Congress

26    NAYANBHI HASHMUKHBHAI UPADHYAY    M    42    Independent

27    KESHUBHAI DHANJIBHAI VEKARIYA    M    30    Independent

28    MATHAKIA USMAN HASAN    M    56    Independent

29    BABUBHAI DEVJIBHAI GHAVA    M    42    Lok Jan Shakti Party

30    PATADIA VINODBHAI KHODABHAI    M    45    Independent

31    CHAVDA LAKHMANBHAI DEVJIBHAI    M    49    Republican Party of India

32    VEKARIYA PRAGJIBHAI NATHUBHAI    M    60    Independent

33    BHIKHABHAI KURJIBHAI SADADIA    M    57    Independent

34    VEKARIA ALPESHBHAI KESHUBHAI    M    32    Mahagujarat Janta Party

35    JASVANTBHAI RANCHHODBHAI SABHAYA    M    38    Samajwadi Party

36    PIPALIA BHARATBHAI SAVJIBHAI    M    52    Mahagujarat Janta Party

37    GORI BHARTIBEN MAHENDRABHAI    F    26    Independent

S06    13    GJ    JUNAGADH    30-Apr-09    1    BARAD JASHUBHAI DHANABHAI    M    54    Indian National Congress

2    BHUVA KAMLESHBHAI LALJIBHAI    M    48    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    SOLANKI DINUBHAI BOGHABHAI    M    51    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    AKHED MAHESHBHAI VALLABHBHAI    M    48    Indian Justice Party

5    KUNJADIYA VALLABHBHAI RAMBHAI    M    46    Akhil Bharatiya Manav Seva Dal

6    CHANDULAL BHANUBHAI DHADUK    M    42    Mahagujarat Janta Party

7    DANGAR BRIJESH RAMBHAI    M    31    Rashtrawadi Sena

S06    15    GJ    BHAVNAGAR    30-Apr-09    1    GOHILMAHAVIRSINHBHAGIRATHSINH    M    52    Indian National Congress

2    VAGHANI PRAKSHBHAI ARJANBHAI    M    38    Indian National Congress

3    RANA RAJENDRASINH GHANSHYAMSINH    M    53    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    MANDAVIA MANSUKHBHAI LAXMANBHAI    M    42    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    BORICHA VALJIBHAI BAGHABHAI    M    51    Bahujan Samaj Party

6    REVAR MANSUKHBHAI KHODIDASBHAI    M    40    Bahujan Samaj Party

7    ZADAFIA GORDHANBHAI PRAGJIBHAI    M    54    Mahagujarat Janta Party

8    ZADAFIA GORDHANBHAI PRAGJIBHAI    M    54    Mahagujarat Janta Party

9    ZADAFIA GORDHANBHAI PRAGJIBHAI    M    54    Mahagujarat Janta Party

10    YADAV TULSHIBHAI RAMJIBHAI    M    67    Samajwadi Party

11    YADAV TULSHIBHAI RAMJIBHAI    M    67    Samajwadi Party

12    YADAV TULSHIBHAI RAMJIBHAI    M    67    Samajwadi Party

13    SAPARIA DINESHBHAI NANUBHAI    M    45    Lokpriya Samaj Party

14    SAPARIA DINESHBHAI NANUBHAI    M    45    Lokpriya Samaj Party

15    SAPARIA DINESHBHAI NANUBHAI    M    45    Lokpriya Samaj Party

16    PANDYA ATULBHAI HARSHADRAI    M    46    Bharatiya Natiional Janta Dal

17    PANDYA ATULBHAI HARSHADRAI    M    46    Bharatiya Natiional Janta Dal

18    PANDYA ATULBHAI HARSHADRAI    M    46    Bharatiya Natiional Janta Dal

19    GOHIL NANAJIBHAI MADHABHAI    M    38    Republican Party of India (A)

20    GOHIL NANAJIBHAI MADHABHAI    M    38    Republican Party of India (A)

21    CHAUHAN PREMJIBHAI SHAMJIBHAI    M    42    Akhil Bharatiya Congress Dal (Ambedkar)

22    MAKWANA HARINBHAI RAMNIKLAL    M    37    Independent

23    MAKWANA HARINBHAI RAMNIKLAL    M    37    Independent

24    MAKWANA HARINBHAI RAMNIKLAL    M    37    Independent

25    GOHIL KISHORSINH BALAVANTSINH    M    54    Independent

26    GOHIL KISHORSINH BALAVANTSINH    M    54    Independent

27    GOHIL KISHORSINH BALAVANTSINH    M    54    Independent

28    KATARIA ZINABHAI NAGAJIBHAI    M    49    Independent

29    KATARIA ZINABHAI NAGAJIBHAI    M    49    Independent

30    KATARIA ZINABHAI NAGAJIBHAI    M    49    Independent

31    PUNANI MUKESHBHI MAGANBHAI    M    43    Independent

32    PUNANI MUKESHBHI MAGANBHAI    M    43    Independent

33    PUNANI MUKESHBHI MAGANBHAI    M    43    Independent

34    CHAUHAN DHIRUBHAI KARSHANBHAI    M    39    Independent

35    CHAUHAN DHIRUBHAI KARSHANBHAI    M    39    Independent

36    CHAUHAN DHIRUBHAI KARSHANBHAI    M    39    Independent

37    SONANI NARESHBHAI NANAJIBHAI    M    36    Independent

38    SONANI NARESHBHAI NANAJIBHAI    M    36    Independent

39    SONANI NARESHBHAI NANAJIBHAI    M    36    Independent

40    CHUDASAMA MEPABHAI MAVJIBHAI    M    42    Independent

41    CHUDASAMA MEPABHAI MAVJIBHAI    M    42    Independent

42    CHUDASAMA MEPABHAI MAVJIBHAI    M    42    Independent

43    SOLANKI MAHAMADRAFIKBHAI IBRAHIMBHAI    M    50    Independent

44    SOLANKI MAHAMADRAFIKBHAI IBRAHIMBHAI    M    50    Independent

45    SOLANKI MAHAMADRAFIKBHAI IBRAHIMBHAI    M    50    Independent

46    DABHI DEVJIBHAI MEGHABHAI    M    29    Independent

47    DABHI DEVJIBHAI MEGHABHAI    M    29    Independent

48    DABHI DEVJIBHAI MEGHABHAI    M    29    Independent

49    PATEL KALPESHBHAI ASHOKBHAI    M    30    Independent

50    PATEL KALPESHBHAI ASHOKBHAI    M    30    Independent

51    PATEL KALPESHBHAI ASHOKBHAI    M    30    Independent

S06    18    GJ    PANCHMAHAL    30-Apr-09    1    MANSURI MUKHTYAR MOHAMAD    M    49    Akhil Bharatiya Manav Seva Dal

2    VAGHELA SHANKERSINH LAXMANSINH    M    68    Indian National Congress

3    PATEL PROSOTTAMBHAI MANGALBHAI    M    53    Indian National Congress

4    BAROT PRAKASHKUMAR MANEKLAL    M    53    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    CHAUHAN PRABHATSINH PRATAPSINH    M    67    Bharatiya Janata Party

6    MALIVAD KALUBHAI HIRABHAI    M    58    Bharatiya Janata Party

7    SHAIKH KALIM A.LATIF    M    42    Lok Jan Shakti Party

8    SHUKLA ARVINDKUMAR JYANTILAL    M    66    Bahujan Samaj Party

9    BHABHOR RASILABEN SAMSUBHAI    F    26    Indian Justice Party

S06    19    GJ    DAHOD    30-Apr-09    1    KATARA SINGJIBHAI JALJIBHAI    M    62    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

2    KALARA RAMSINGBHAI NANJIBHAI    M    37    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    DAMOR SOMJIBHAI PUNJABHAI    M    70    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    TAVIYAD DR. PRABHABEN KISHORSINH    F    54    Indian National Congress

5    MEDA KALSINGBHAI TAJSINHBHAI    M    57    Nationalist Congress Party

6    PARMAR DINESHBHAI NAGJIBHAI    M    28    Indian Justice Party

7    BARIYA NAVALSINGBHAI MADIABHAI    M    39    Mahagujarat Janta Party

8    MUNIA KAMALSINH CHHAGANBHAI    M    61    Samajwadi Party

S06    20    GJ    VADODARA    30-Apr-09    1    GAEKWAD SATYAJITSINH DULIPSINH    M    46    Indian National Congress

2    PUROHIT VINAYKUMAR RAMANBHAI    M    36    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    BALKRISHNA KHANDERAO SHUKLA    M    45    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    GIRISHBHAI MADHAVLAL BHAVSAR    M    42    Independent

5    THAVARDAS AMULRAI CHOITHANI    M    63    Independent

6    DASGUPTA TAPANBHAI SHANTIMAY    M    45    Independent

7    PARMAR BHARTIBEN KISHORCHANDRA    F    36    Independent

8    MALEK MAHEBUBBHAI RAHIMBHAI    M    42    Independent

9    VASAVA HARILAL SHANABHAI    M    46    Independent

S06    21    GJ    CHHOTA UDAIPUR    30-Apr-09    1    RATHWA RAMSINGBHAI PATALBHAI    M    57    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    RATHWA NARANBHAI JEMLABHAI    M    55    Indian National Congress

3    BHIL PRAKASHBHAI SOMABHAI    M    36    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    RATHWA SATISHBHAI RAMANBHAI    M    32    Janata Dal (United)

5    VASAVA(BHIL) VITTHALBHAI VENIBHAI    M    63    Independent

S06    22    GJ    BHARUCH    30-Apr-09    1    PATEL MEHRUNNISHA VALLIBHAI    F    40    Lok Jan Shakti Party

2    PATHAN JAHANGIRKHA AHEMADKHA    M    69    Indian National Congress

3    PATHAN JAHANGIRKHA AHEMADKHA    M    69    Indian National Congress

4    MANSUKHBHAI DHANJIBHAI VASAVA    M    52    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    UGHARATDAR UMARJI AHMED    M    64    Indian National Congress

6    UGHARATDAR UMARJI AHMED    M    64    Indian National Congress

7    UGHARATDAR UMARJI AHMED    M    64    Indian National Congress

8    UGHARATDAR UMARJI AHMED    M    64    Indian National Congress

9    MANSUKHBHAI DHANJIBHAI VASAVA    M    52    Bharatiya Janata Party

10    MANSUKHBHAI DHANJIBHAI VASAVA    M    52    Bharatiya Janata Party

11    MORI CHHATRASINH PUJABHAI    M    53    Bharatiya Janata Party

12    MORI CHHATRASINH PUJABHAI    M    53    Bharatiya Janata Party

13    MORI CHHATRASINH PUJABHAI    M    53    Bharatiya Janata Party

14    VASAVA SURESHBHAI GORDHANBHAI    M    40    Akhil Bharatiya Jan Sangh

15    VASAVA DILIPKUMAR GULSINGBHAI    M    32    Independent

16    PANDEY SANATKUMAR RAJARAMBHAI    M    32    Bahujan Samaj Party

17    BASHIRBHAI MAHAMEDBHAI FOJDAR    M    44    Independent

18    VASAVA CHHOTUBHAI AMARSINHBHAI    M    62    Janata Dal (United)

19    BHAGAT ANILKUMAR CHHITUBHAI    M    44    Janata Dal (United)

20    LAD MAHIPATBHAI MAGANBHAI    M    52    Independent

21    PATEL THAKORBHAI CHANDULAL    M    58    Independent

22    HEMANTKUMAR JERAMBHAI GOHIL    M    31    Independent

23    MANGROLA KANAKSINH MOHANSINH    M    58    Samajwadi Party

24    MANGROLA VIKRAMSINH KANAKSINH    M    28    Samajwadi Party

25    PATEL NARESHKUMAR BHAGVANBHAI    M    48    Mahagujarat Janta Party

26    PATEL NARESHKUMAR BHAGVANBHAI    M    48    Mahagujarat Janta Party

27    NARENDRASINH RANDHIRSINH VASHI    M    37    Loktantrik Samajwadi Party

28    PARMAR BALVANTSINH VIJAYSINH    M    53    Nationalist Congress Party

29    PATHAN NISHARKHAN ZAHIRKHAN    M    38    Independent

30    LAKDAWALA SHAKIL AHMED    M    43    Independent

31    PATEL USMANBHAI GULAMBHAI    M    26    Independent

S06    25    GJ    NAVSARI    30-Apr-09    1    NAIK YOGESHKUMAR THAKORBHAI    M    54    Nationalist Congress Party

2    C. R. PATIL    M    54    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    RAJPUT DHANSUKHABHAI BHAGVATIPRASAD    M    51    Indian National Congress

4    SHAILESHBHAI BISHESWAR SHRIVASTAV    M    37    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    AMULKUMAR DHIRUBHAI DESAI    M    46    Akhil Bharatiya Jan Sangh

6    AAZADKUMAR CHATURBHAI PATEL    M    33    Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel Party

7    YADAV GANGAPRASAD LALANBHAI    M    55    Mahagujarat Janta Party

8    KANUBHAI DEVJIBHAI SUKHADIA    M    47    Independent

9    JASHAVANTBHAI DALPATBHAI PANCHAL    M    48    Independent

10    TARUNBHAI CHAMPAKBHAI PATEL    M    39    Independent

11    PATEL PRAVINCHANDRA MANILAL    M    52    Independent

12    PRAKASH MANHAR SHAH    M    45    Independent

13    PRAVINBHAI RANGILDAS KAPASIYAWALA    M    71    Independent

14    YADAV RAJENDRAKUMAR RAMRAJ    M    35    Independent

15    RATHOD GOVINDBHAI LAXMANBHAI    M    52    Independent

16    VARANKAR KAMALBEN KASHIRAM    F    50    Independent

17    SHATRUDHANDAS OMKARDAS SUGAT (BAIRAGI)    M    78    Independent

18    SATYAJIT JAYANTILAL SHETH    M    41    Independent

S06    26    GJ    VALSAD    30-Apr-09    1    DHIRUBHAI CHHAGANBHAI PATEL    M    53    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    NARESHBHAI MAGANBHAI PATEL    M    41    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    LAXMANBHAI CHHAGANBHAI VARLI    M    51    Independent

4    BHOYE NAYNESHBHAI MADHUBHAI    M    31    Samajwadi Party

5    GAVLI CHHAGANBHAI PILUBHAI    M    43    Bahujan Samaj Party

6    PATEL PANKAJKUMAR PRABHUBHAI    M    40    Aadivasi Sena Party

7    KISHANBHAI VESTABHAI PATEL    M    46    Indian National Congress

8    JEETUBHAI HARJIBHAI CHAUDHARI    M    45    Indian National Congress

9    RAMBHAI KOYABHAI PATEL    M    59    Independent

S10    3    KA    BAGALKOT    30-Apr-09    1    SHANKAR TELI    M    33    Independent

2    MANOHAR H.AYYANNAVAR    M    51    Independent

3    MALAKAJAPPANAVAR BASAYYA    M    49    Janata Dal (Secular)

4    KALLAPPA REVANASIDDAPPA KADECHUR    M    43    Independent

5    JAGADISH TIMMANAGOUDA PATIL    M    59    Indian National Congress

6    BASAVARAJ KALAKAPPA PUJAR    M    42    Nationalist Congress Party

7    HULLANAGOUDA CHANDANAGOUDA PATIL    M    70    Independent

8    GADDIGOUDAR PARVATGOUDA    M    56    Bharatiya Janata Party

9    PATIL JAGADISH    M    59    Indian National Congress

10    DANAPPA MALLAPPA ASANGI    M    38    Independent

11    CHINCHOLI SANTOSHKUMAR SAHEBGOUDA    M    25    Independent

12    GADADANNAVAR RAMANNA BHIMAPPA    M    47    Karnataka Rajya Ryota Sangha

13    CHANDRASHEKHAR HANAMANT BANDIWADDAR    M    29    Akhil Bharatiya Manav Seva Dal

14    PARASHURAM JALAGAR    M    48    Pyramid Party of India

15    PARASHURAM JALAGAR    M    48    Janata Dal (Secular)

16    KRISHNAGOUDA RANGANAGOUDA PATIL    M    56    Independent

17    R. RAMESH BABU    M    38    Janata Dal (Secular)

18    R.RAMESH BABU    M    38    Janata Dal (Secular)

19    BADASHA RAJESAB MUJAWAR    M    40    Independent

20    KRISHNAGOUDA RANGANAGOUDA PATIL    M    56    Independent

21    PATIL VIJAYKUMAR    M    46    Janata Dal (Secular)

22    PANDIT BODALI    M    33    Independent

23    GADADANNAVAR RAMANNA BHIMAPPA    M    47    Independent

24    GADADANNAVAR RAMANNA BHIMAPPA    M    47    Independent

25    R.RAMESH BABU    M    38    Independent

26    R.RAMESH BABU    M    38    Independent

27    RENUKARADHYA HIREMATH    M    29    Independent

28    SANNAGOUDAR GURURAJ SATYAPPAGOUDA    M    27    Independent

29    PAKALI FAROOQ    M    33    Bahujan Samaj Party

30    SINDHUR GURUBASAVARYA    M    48    Janata Dal (Secular)

31    NAZIR DUNDASI    M    31    Independent

32    SANGMESH .G. BHAVIKATTI    M    29    Independent

S10    10    KA    HAVERI    30-Apr-09    1    RAMACHANDRAPPA GUDDAPPA BILLAL    M    59    Independent

2    CHANDRAGOUDA HANUMANTA GOUDA PATIL    M    29    Independent

3    FAKKIRESH SHAMBHU BIJAPUR    M    39    Independent

4    SHIVAKUMAR CHANNABASAPPA UDASI    M    42    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    BASAVARAJ SHANKRAPPA DESAI    M    38    Independent

6    JAGADEESH YANKAPPA DODDAMANI    M    35    Independent

7    RAJESAB RAHAMANSAB SIDNEKOPPA    M    65    Independent

8    PRABHU K PATIL    M    31    Janata Dal (United)

9    JAVALI ASHOKAPPA MALLAPPA    M    43    Nationalist Congress Party

10    RAMACHANDRASA SAHASRARJUNSA HABIB    M    26    Independent

11    IGAL DILLPPA KARIYAPPA    M    52    Bahujan Samaj Party

12    KRISHNAJI RAGHAVENDRARAO OMKAR    M    32    Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha

13    MULLANAVAR ABDULRAJAK MODINSAB    M    49    Bahujan Samaj Party

14    MEHABUB KUTUBSAB NADAF    M    47    Independent

15    SALEEM AHAMAD    M    45    Indian National Congress

16    PATIL SHIVAKUMARGOUDA    M    42    Janata Dal (Secular)

17    MANJUNATH KALAVEERAPPA PANCHANAN    M    38    Independent

18    DESAI MALLIKARJUN BASAPPA    M    61    Independent

19    SALEEM AKBAR NAIK    M    30    Independent

20    DAYANAND RAMACHANDRA RATHOD    M    35    Independent

21    ALLABAX TIMMAPUR    M    34    Independent

22    BADIGER KOTESHWAR    M    28    Independent

23    VASTRAD VEERBHADRAYYA KALAKAYYA    M    47    Bharatiya Janata Party

S10    11    KA    DHARWAD    30-Apr-09    1    PRALHAD JOSHI    M    46    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    CHANNABASAPPA.S.KUSUGAL    M    48    Independent

3    RAJANNA.P.KADDLYANAVARAMATH    M    36    Independent

4    KUNNUR MANJUNATH CHANNAPPA    M    55    Indian National Congress

5    BAGWAN NASIR PAPULSAB    M    51    Janata Dal (Secular)

6    RAMACHANDRA KALINGAPPA MAHAR    M    59    Independent

7    TALAKALLAMATH MAHESH GURUPADAYYA    M    52    Nationalist Congress Party

8    ASHOK BADDI    M    38    Independent

9    KURUBAR BEERAPPA    M    38    Independent

10    BABUSAB KASHEEMNAVAR    M    61    Janata Dal (Secular)

11    PATIL GURUPADAGOUDA    M    62    Independent

12    JANUMALA BASKAR    M    39    Independent

13    BASANGOUDA HANSI    M    63    Independent

14    PANCH MAHALDAR    M    38    Independent

15    NIRJAN HANMANTSA    M    40    Janata Dal (United)

16    SHANKRAPPA YADAVANNAVAR    M    50    Independent

17    SONDUR RAGHAVENDRA SRINIVAS    M    46    Janata Dal (Secular)

18    ALLISAB SANDIMANI    M    30    Independent

19    KILLADAR ALLABAKSH    M    52    Nationalist Congress Party

20    TAKAPPA KALAL    M    59    Independent

21    MULLA KASHIMASAB    M    57    Bahujan Samaj Party

22    PREMANATH KASHAPPA CHIKKTUMBAL    M    31    Bahujan Samaj Party

23    MARUTI RAMAPPA HANASI    M    40    Independent

24    DADAPEER KOPPAL    M    50    Ambedkar National Congress

25    KALLIMANI IBRAHIM    M    32    Independent

26    IMAMHUSEN KUNDAGOL    M    46    Independent

27    GADAGKAR MOHAMMAD YOOSUF    M    56    Muslim League Kerala State Committee

28    SHANKRAPPA JINNAKAR    M    63    Independent

29    HULLI MOHAMMEDALI    M    67    Independent

30    JAMIRAHMEDKHAN    M    27    Independent

31    MOHAMMED ISMAIL BHADRAPUR    M    28    Independent

32    BIJAPUR JALALSAHEB    M    78    Independent

33    BALANNAVAR BASAVARAJ    M    30    Independent

34    KASHEEMNAVAR BABUSAB    M    61    Independent

35    PATIL GURUPADAGOUDA    M    62    Janata Dal (Secular)

S10    13    KA    DAVANAGERE    30-Apr-09    1    RAMESH HULI    M    35    Independent

2    MUJEEB PATEL M.H.K.    M    25    Independent

3    DR. SRIDHARA UDUPA    M    56    Independent

4    SUBHAN KHAN    M    45    Independent

5    SIDDESWARA G.M.    M    56    Bharatiya Janata Party

6    DR.RAJU C.    M    44    Independent

7    MALLIKARJUN S.S.    M    42    Indian National Congress

8    IDLI RAMAPPA    M    46    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)

9    NAGARAJA    M    30    Independent

10    H K KENCHVEERAPPA    M    65    Independent

11    L.H. PATIL    M    41    Independent

12    RAJASHEKHARAYYA B.    M    62    Independent

13    DR. HIDAYATHUR RAHMAN KHAN    M    36    Bahujan Samaj Party

14    NINGAPPA A.    M    77    Independent

15    MALLIKARJUN L.S.    M    39    Independent

16    AMANULLA KHAN J.    M    35    Independent

17    JAYANNA ITAGI    M    38    Independent

18    ALUR M.G. SWAMY    M    62    Independent

19    SATHISH B.M    M    45    Independent

20    INAYAT ALI KHAN    M    31    Independent

21    YOGESHWARA RAO SINDHE    M    42    Independent

22    RAJASHEKAR    M    44    Independent

23    HANUMANTHAPPA    M    32    Independent

24    MANJUNATH K.    M    43    Independent

25    MAHESH Y.    M    40    Independent

26    EHSANULLA PATEL H.M.    M    53    Independent

27    SUDESH G.M.    M    31    Akhila India Jananayaka Makkal Katchi (Dr. Issac)

28    CHANDRASHEKARAPPA S.    M    59    Independent

29    VEERESH T.    M    35    Independent

30    SIDDESHI G.    M    42    Independent

31    MARUTHI H.    M    51    Independent

32    GNANA PRAKASH B.    M    30    Independent

33    ESWARAPPA H.    M    30    Independent

34    NAGARAJAPPA    M    46    Independent

35    KALLERUDRESHAPPA K.B.    M    49    Janata Dal (Secular)

S10    14    KA    SHIMOGA    30-Apr-09    1    UMESHKUMAR S    M    38    Janata Dal (United)

2    N DINESH KUMAR    M    40    Independent

3    M.P. SRIDHAR. BYNDOOR    M    44    Independent

4    AKHIL AHMED    M    45    Independent

5    H.S. SHEKARAPPA    M    47    Independent

6    J. JAYAPPA    M    40    Bahujan Samaj Party

7    S. BANGARAPPA    M    76    Indian National Congress

8    D.S. ESHWARAPPA    M    41    Independent

9    T. CHAKRAVARTI NAYAKA    M    70    Rashtriya Krantikari Samajwadi Party

10    MAINUDDIN.M.S    M    35    Independent

11    C. MURUGAN    M    29    Akhila India Jananayaka Makkal Katchi (Dr. Issac)

12    B,Y. RAGHAVENDRA    M    36    Bharatiya Janata Party

13    Y.H. NAGARAJA    M    51    Independent

14    MANJAPPA. S.    M    58    Independent

15    RANGANATHA T.L.    M    50    Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha

16    H.G. LOKESHA    M    47    Independent

17    V. SHAIK MEHABOOB    M    43    Independent

S10    15    KA    UDUPI CHIKMAGALUR    30-Apr-09    1    GANAPATHI SHETTIGARA    M    58    Independent

2    SRINIVASA    M    51    Independent

3    DENIAL FEDRIK RANGER    M    35    Independent

4    JAYAPRAKASH HEGDE    M    57    Indian National Congress

5    JAYAPRAKASH HEGDE    M    57    Indian National Congress

6    JAYAPRAKASH HEGDE    M    57    Indian National Congress

7    JAYAPRAKASH HEGDE    M    57    Indian National Congress

8    SMT. RADHA    F    49    Communist Party of India

9    SMT. RADHA    F    49    Communist Party of India

10    SMT. RADHA    F    49    Communist Party of India

11    DR. SRIDHAR UDUPA    M    56    Independent

12    UMESH KUMARA    M    38    Independent

13    B.VINAYAK MALLYA    M    26    Independent

14    STEVEN JOHN MENEZES    M    43    Bahujan Samaj Party

15    STEVEN JOHN MENEZES    M    43    Bahujan Samaj Party

16    ABDUL RASHEED    M    40    Independent

17    ABDUL RASHEED    M    40    Independent

18    VENKATRAMANA HEGADE.B    M    39    Jai Vijaya Bharathi Party

19    D.V.SADANANDA GOWDA    M    56    Bharatiya Janata Party

20    D.V.SADANANDA GOWDA    M    56    Bharatiya Janata Party

21    D.V.SADANANDA GOWDA    M    56    Bharatiya Janata Party

22    D.V.SADANANDA GOWDA    M    56    Bharatiya Janata Party

S10    16    KA    HASSAN    30-Apr-09    1    KOVI BABANNA    M    47    Rashtriya Krantikari Samajwadi Party

2    B. C. VIJAYAKUMAR    M    43    Independent

3    A. P. AHAMED    M    66    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    B. SHIVRAMU    M    58    Indian National Congress

5    K. H. HANUME GOWDA    M    78    Bharatiya Janata Party

6    S. HARISH(S. C. S)    M    37    Independent

7    AIJAZ AHAMED FAROOQI    M    52    Republican Party of India (A)

8    H. D. DEVEGOWDA    M    76    Janata Dal (Secular)

9    KODIHALLI CHANDRASHEKAR    M    51    Sarvodaya Karnataka Paksha

10    M. MAHESH URF HARSHA    M    38    Independent

11    K. SHANMUKHA    M    42    Independent

12    RAJANI NARAYANAGOWDA    M    34    Independent

13    K. REVANNA    M    34    Independent

14    G. P. SANTHOSH GUPTHA    M    28    Independent

15    B. LOHITHGOWDA KUNDURU    M    30    Bharatiya Janata Party

16    BOMMEGOWDA    M    62    Independent

17    T. R. VIJAYA KUMAR    M    33    Independent

18    DEVARAJ. P. B    M    26    Independent

19    DYAVEGOWDA    M    53    Independent

S10    17    KA    DAKSHINA KANNADA    30-Apr-09    1    SUPREETHA KUMAR POOJARY    M    31    Independent

2    JANARDHANA POOJARY    M    71    Indian National Congress

3    VASUDEVA M P    M    49    Independent

4    DR.THIRUMALA RAYA HALEMANE    M    55    Independent

5    G.MOHAMMED    M    48    Independent

6    K RAMA BHAT URIMAJALU    M    78    Independent

7    ABDUL RAZAK    M    50    Independent

8    MADHAVA B    M    71    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

9    MOHAMMED SALI    M    40    Independent

10    GIRISH A RAI    M    47    Bahujan Samaj Party

11    NALIN KUMAR KATEEL    M    42    Bharatiya Janata Party

12    K MONAPPA BHANDARY    M    57    Bharatiya Janata Party

13    C AHAMMAD JAMAL    M    54    Muslim League Kerala State Committee

14    ANANDA GATTY    M    59    Independent

15    SUBRAHMANYA KUMAR KUNTIKANA MATA    M    36    Independent

16    DR.U.P.SHIVANANDA    M    59    Independent

S10    20    KA    MANDYA    30-Apr-09    1    SHAMBHULINGEGOWDA    M    48    Independent

2    KOWDLEY CHANNAPPA    M    60    Janata Dal (United)

3    K S NANJAPPA    M    56    Independent

4    K S PUTTANNAIAH    M    60    Sarvodaya Party

5    N NANJUNDAIAH    M    57    Independent

6    S B SHIVALINGEGOWDA    M    62    Indian National Congress

7    SUMANTH    M    60    Independent

8    M KRISHNAMURTHY    M    35    Bahujan Samaj Party

9    VENKTESH R    M    37    Independent

10    T S ASHRAF    M    33    Independent

11    SHIVARAMU    M    41    Independent

12    L R SHIVARAMEGOWDA    M    53    Bharatiya Janata Party

13    SHAKUNTHALA    F    29    Independent

14    H S RAMANNA    M    45    Independent

15    H R CHANDRASHEKHARAIAH    M    43    Independent

16    BALASUBRAMANIAN    M    38    Independent

17    CHELUVARAYA SWAMY    M    49    Janata Dal (Secular)

18    M H AMARANATH @ AMBAREESH    M    57    Indian National Congress

19    CHANDRASHEKHARAIAH    M    46    Independent

20    N J RAJESH    M    35    Independent

21    KEMPEGOWDA    M    36    Independent

22    BOREGOWDA    M    57    Independent

23    M P MUNAVAR SHARIF    M    50    Independent

24    H V MADEGOWDA    M    47    Independent

25    K SHIVANAND    M    45    Independent

26    K KEMPEGOWDA    M    47    Independent

27    JHONSON CHINNAPPAN    M    32    Independent

S10    21    KA    MYSORE    30-Apr-09    1    C.H.VIJAYASHANKAR    M    53    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    SRINATH-PATHRIKE    M    39    Independent

3    M.BASAVANNA    M    30    Independent

4    S.P.MAHADEVAPPA    M    59    Independent

5    SYED NIZAM ALI    M    51    Bahujan Samaj Party

6    P.KARIGOWDA    M    63    Independent

7    P.PARASHIVAMURTHY    M    41    Rashtriya Krantikari Samajwadi Party

8    ADAGURU H VISHWANATH    M    59    Indian National Congress

9    M.ANWARJI    M    62    Independent

10    ARHSADULLA SHARIFF    M    40    Bharatiya Praja Paksha

11    M.V.SANTHOSHKUMAR    M    27    Independent

12    M.S.BALAJI    M    51    Ambedkar National Congress

13    SANTHOSH KUMAR.P    M    35    Akhila India Jananayaka Makkal Katchi (Dr. Issac)

14    S.P.GEETHA    F    36    United Women Front

15    RAJU    M    54    Independent

16    B.A.JIVIJAYA    F    71    Janata Dal (Secular)

17    M.LEELAVATHI    F    51    Independent

18    RAFEEQ    M    27    Independent

19    E.RAJU    M    42    Independent

20    M.NAGENDRA    M    42    Independent

21    DR.E.KESHAMMA    F    32    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party

22    K.P.CHIDANANDA    M    48    Janata Dal (United)

23    B.D.LINGAPPARAI    M    52    Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha

S24    33    UP    UNNAO    30-Apr-09    1    SHIVSHANKERKUSHWAHA    M    46    Akhil Bharatiya Ashok Sena

2    RAMESHKUMARSINGH    M    60    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    ANNUTANDON    F    51    Indian National Congress

4    DEEPAKKUMAR    M    40    Samajwadi Party

5    SUNILKUMAR    M    35    Independent

6    RASHIDQAMAR    M    28    Muslim League Kerala State Committee

7    BASUDEVVISHARAD    M    65    Vikas Party

8    ABHICHHEDILALYADAV    M    47    Rashtriya Samajwadi Party (United)

9    RAMASHREY    M    36    Independent

10    RAJKISHORESINGH    M    36    Rashtravadi Communist Party

11    LALA    M    40    Independent

12    UMESHCHANDRA    M    25    Apna Dal

13    RAJUKASHYAP    M    40    Vanchit Jamat Party

14    RAMAOTAR    M    63    Buddhiviveki Vikas Party

15    KRISHNAPALSINGHVAIS    M    62    Independent

16    CHANDRASHEKHARTIWARI    M    43    Independent

17    ARUNSHANKARSHUKLA    M    52    Bahujan Samaj Party

18    ASHOKKUMAR    M    39    Independent

19    CHHEDILAL    M    42    Republican Party of India (A)

20    RAMSEVAK    M    44    Ambedkar Samaj Party

21    UDAISHANKERTIWARI    M    64    Independent

22    JAVEDRAZA    M    39    Janata Dal (United)

23    KAILASHNATHMISHRA    M    66    Independent

24    DRCOLPRATAPSHANKARTIWARI    M    65    Rashtriya Raksha Dal

S24    34    UP    MOHANLALGANJ    30-Apr-09    1    R.K.CHAUDHARY    M    50    Rashtriya Swabhimaan Party

2    ASHA DEVI    F    38    Bharatiya Grameen Dal

3    JAI PRAKASH    M    50    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    SUSHILA SAROJ    F    58    Samajwadi Party

5    JAIPAL PATHIK    M    50    Rashtravadi Communist Party

6    NARENDRA KUMAR    M    38    Indian National Congress

7    DINESH KUMAR    M    38    Independent

8    SATTIDEEN    M    53    Uttar Pradesh Republican Party

9    RANJAN    M    38    Bharatiya Janata Party

10    RAM DHAN    M    42    Independent

11    RAJU SONKAR    M    46    Independent

12    AMRESH KUMAR    M    27    Rashtravadi Communist Party

13    SATISH SONKAR    M    40    Dharam Nirpeksh Dal

14    BINDU DEVI    F    33    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party

15    SARJU    M    52    Independent

S24    35    UP    LUCKNOW    30-Apr-09    1    RAVI SHANKAR    M    28    Bharat Punarnirman Dal

2    SUKHVEER SINGH    M    41    Independent

3    DR. AKHILESHWAR SAHAI    M    39    Independent

4    RAVI    M    32    Vikas Party

5    AMIT PANDEY    M    33    Independent

6    RAJESH KUMAR    M    25    Independent

7    PADAM CHANDRA GUPTA    M    35    Independent

8    DR. AKHILESH DAS GUPTA    M    48    Bahujan Samaj Party

9    SEHNAAZ SIDRAT    F    48    Independent

10    NAND KUMAR    M    44    Bharatiya Grameen Dal

11    DASHARATH    M    36    Rashtriya Mazdoor Ekta Party

12    MOHD. IRSHAD    M    40    Navbharat Nirman Party

13    A. HAROON ALI    M    48    Independent

14    LAL JI TANDON    M    73    Bharatiya Janata Party

15    ANUPAM MISHRA    M    37    Swarajya Party Of India

16    ZUBAIR AHMAD    M    32    Independent

17    PRAVEEN KUMAR MISHRA    M    32    Eklavya Samaj Party

18    RISAV KUMAR SHARMA    M    28    Maulik Adhikar Party

19    BAL MUKUND TIWARI    M    26    Independent

20    S.MD.AHAMAD    M    59    Independent

21    HARJEET SINGH    M    48    Independent

22    CHANDRA BHUSHAN PANDEY    M    60    Independent

23    S.R.DARAPURI    M    65    Independent

24    RADHEYSHYAM    M    37    Independent

25    NAFISA ALI SODHI    F    52    Samajwadi Party

26    DR.KHAN MOHMAD ATIF    M    64    Muslim Majlis Uttar Pradesh

27    AMBIKA PRASAD    M    49    Independent

28    MANOJ SINGH    M    37    Independent

29    VINAY PRAKASH    M    36    Independent

30    RAJESH KUMAR PANDEY    M    40    All India Trinamool Congress

31    RAJESH KUMAR NAITHANI    M    35    Independent

32    CHATURI PRASAD    M    56    Independent

33    MURLI PRASAD    M    56    Rashtriya Kranti Party

34    ASHOK KUMAR PAL    M    31    Rashtriya Swabhimaan Party

35    SITARAM    M    38    Uttar Pradesh Republican Party

36    NITIN DWIWEDI    M    25    Independent

37    MUSTAQ KHAN    M    38    Indian Justice Party

38    RAM KUMAR SHUKLA    M    62    Independent

39    SMT. JUGUNU RANJAN    F    47    Jaganmay Nari Sangathan

40    LT.COL.(RETD.) KUSH PRASAD MATHUR    M    55    Rashtriya Raksha Dal

41    RITA BAHUGUNA JOSHI    F    59    Indian National Congress

42    RAJIV RANJAN TIWARI    M    29    Independent

43    SUMAN LATA DIXIT    F    53    Independent

44    DHEERAJ    M    37    Independent

45    AMRESH MISHRA    M    43    Independent

46    DEVENDRA    M    25    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party

47    KEDAR MAL AGRAWAL    M    55    Independent

48    AMAR SINGH YADAV    M    53    Independent

49    SAYED MOH. LADEL    M    45    Independent

50    KAMAL CHANDRA    M    39    Gondvana Gantantra Party

51    SHARAD KUMAR CHAUDHARY    M    35    Bharatiya Rashtriya Bahujan Samaj Vikas Party

52    GIRISH CHANDRA    M    62    Independent

53    C.A. RAJESH RASTOGI    M    52    Independent

54    K.C. KARDAM    M    65    Independent

55    CHAMAN BIHARI TANDON    M    66    Independent

56    LADDAN    M    49    Independent

S24    53    UP    BARABANKI    30-Apr-09    1    KAMALA PRASAD RAWAT    M    47    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    P.L.PUNIA    M    64    Indian National Congress

3    RAM NARESH RAWAT    M    44    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    RAM SAGAR    M    62    Samajwadi Party

5    VED PRAKASH RAWAT    M    29    Bahujan Samaj Party

6    JEEVAN    M    26    Janvadi Party(Socialist)

7    DESHRAJ    M    49    Bharatiya Subhash Sena

8    BABADEEN    M    49    Bharatiya Republican Paksha

9    BHAGAUTI    M    54    Apna Dal

10    SANTRAM    M    40    Navbharat Nirman Party

11    KAMLESH KUMAR    M    38    Independent

12    GAYA PRASAD    M    50    Independent

13    DEPENDRA KUMAR RAWAT    M    25    Independent

14    PREM CHANDRA ARYA    M    33    Independent

15    RAM AUTAR    M    39    Independent

16    LAJJAWATI KANCHAN    F    43    Independent

17    VISHRAM DAS    M    67    Independent

S25    1    WB    COOCH BEHAR    30-Apr-09    1    ARGHYA ROY PRODHAN    M    37    All India Trinamool Congress

2    KRISHNA KANTA BARMAN    M    29    Party for Democratic Socialism

3    NIRANJAN BARMAN    M    42    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    NRIPENDRA NATH ROY    M    49    All India Forward Bloc

5    HITENDRA DAS    M    54    Independent

6    HAREKRISHNA SARKAR    M    37    Republican Party of India

7    BANGSHI BADAN BARMAN    M    41    Independent

8    BHABENDRA NATH BARMAN    M    61    Bharatiya Janata Party

9    DALENDRA ROY    M    50    Amra Bangalee

10    NUBASH BARMAN    M    46    Independent

S25    2    WB    ALIPURDUARS    30-Apr-09    1    MANOHAR TIRKEY    M    54    Revolutionary Socialist Party

2    ELIAS NARJINARY    M    56    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    BILKAN BARA    M    62    Samajwadi Jan Parishad

4    JOUCHIM BAXLA    M    55    Independent

5    DWIPEN ORAON    M    30    Kamtapur Progressive Party

6    KAMAL LAMA    M    49    Independent

7    THADDEVS LAKRA    M    60    Independent

8    PABAN KUMAR LAKRA    M    56    All India Trinamool Congress

9    MANOJ TIGGA    M    36    Bharatiya Janata Party

10    PAUL DEXION KHARIYA    M    55    Independent

S25    3    WB    JALPAIGURI    30-Apr-09    1    MAHENDRA KUMAR ROY    M    54    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

2    PRITHWIRAJ ROY    M    36    Independent

3    SHANTI KUMAR SARKAR    M    50    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    HARIBHAKTA SARDAR    M    54    Independent

5    SATYEN PRASAD ROY    M    46    Independent

6    SUKHBILAS BARMA    M    64    Indian National Congress

7    PABITRA MOITRA    M    58    Amra Bangalee

8    DR. DHIRENDRA NATH DAS    M    47    Nationalist Congress Party

9    SRI CHINMAY SARKAR    M    30    Independent

10    SRI MUNDRIKA RAM    M    51    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party

11    SRI DWIPENDRA NATH PRAMANIK    M    37    Bharatiya Janata Party

S25    4    WB    DARJEELING    30-Apr-09    1    JASWANT SINGH    M    70    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    JIBESH SARKAR    M    55    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

3    DAWA NARBULA    M    73    Indian National Congress

4    SHANTA KUMAR SINGHA    M    40    Nationalist Congress Party

5    HARIDAS THAKUR    M    62    Bahujan Samaj Party

6    ABHIJIT MAJUMDAR    M    48    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)

7    TRILOK KUMAR DEWAN    M    63    Independent

8    NIRANJAN SAHA    M    50    Amra Bangalee

9    BAIDYANATH ROY    M    55    Indian Peoples Forward Block

10    ARUN KUMAR AGARWAL    M    48    Independent

11    NITU JAI    M    35    Independent

12    RAM GANESH BARAIK    M    44    Independent

13    HELARIUS EKKA    M    50    Independent

S25    5    WB    RAIGANJ    30-Apr-09    1    ANIL BISWAS    M    49    Independent

2    GOPESH CH. SARKAR    M    66    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    SULEMAN HAFIJI    M    51    Communist Party of India(Marxist-Leninist)(Liberation)

4    MANAS JANA    M    36    Independent

5    UPENDRA NATH DAS    M    47    Independent

6    AKHIL RANJAN MONDAL    M    62    Bahujan Samaj Party

7    BIRESWAR LAHIRI    M    61    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

8    NACHHIR ALI PRAMANIK    M    64    Independent

9    ABDUL KARIM CHOUDHURY    M    62    Independent

10    DEEPA DASMUNSHI    F    48    Indian National Congress

11    MATIUR RAHMAN    M    49    Janata Dal (United)

12    FAIZ RAHAMAN    M    45    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party

S25    6    WB    BALURGHAT    30-Apr-09    1    BIPLAB MITRA    M    57    All India Trinamool Congress

2    SAMU SOREN    M    48    Independent

3    PRASANTA KUMAR MAJUMDAR    M    68    Revolutionary Socialist Party

4    GOBINDA HANSDA    M    47    Bahujan Samaj Party

5    PRAHALLAD BARMAN    M    32    Independent

6    MRIDUL GHOSH.    M    30    Assam United Democratic Front

7    SUBHASH CH. BARMAN    M    50    Bharatiya Janata Party

8    CHAMRU ORAM    M    52    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha

S25    7    WB    MALDAHA UTTAR    30-Apr-09    1    AMLAN BHADURI    M    35    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    BIKASH BISWAS    M    54    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    MAUSAM NOOR    M    27    Indian National Congress

4    SAILEN SARKAR    M    68    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

5    ATUL CHANDRA MANDAL    M    39    Independent

6    MALLIKA SARKAR (NANDY)    F    50    Independent

7    MONOWARA BEGAM    F    39    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party

8    ASIM KUMAR CHOWDHURY    M    47    Independent

9    AMINA KHATUN    F    29    Independent

S25    8    WB    MALDAHA DAKSHIN    30-Apr-09    1    ABDUR RAZZAQUE    M    60    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

2    ABU HASEM KHAN CHOUDHURY    M    65    Indian National Congress

3    BHARAT CHANDRA MANDAL    M    52    Bahujan Samaj Party

4    DIPAK KUMAR CHOWDHURY    M    47    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    MOHAMMAD EJARUDDIN    M    74    Muslim League Kerala State Committee

6    MD. KAMAL BASIRUJJAMAN    M    32    Independent

7    RUSTAM ALI    M    39    Independent

8    MANIRUDDIN SAIKH    M    64    Paschim Banga Rajya Muslim League

9    MANJUR ALAHI MUNSHI    M    42    Independent

10    SHYAMAL DAS    M    38    Independent

S25    32    WB    GHATAL    30-Apr-09    1    MATILAL KHATUA    M    55    Bharatiya Janata Party

2    NARAYAN CHANDRA SAMAT    M    60    Bahujan Samaj Party

3    GURUDAS DASGUPTA    M    73    Communist Party of India

4    NURE ALAM CHOWDHURY    M    66    All India Trinamool Congress

5    LIYAKAT KHAN    M    31    Indian Justice Party

6    ARUN KUMAR DAS    M    40    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha

7    AHITOSH MAITY    M    53    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party

S25    33    WB    JHARGRAM    30-Apr-09    1    AMRIT HASNDA    M    63    Indian National Congress

2    NABENDU MAHALI    M    34    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    ADITYA KISKU    M    46    Independent

4    PULIN BIHARI BASKE    M    40    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

5    SUSIL MANDI    M    28    Independent

6    CHUNIBALA HANSDA    M    44    Jharkhand Party

7    PANCHANAN HANSDA    M    70    Bahujan Samaj Party

8    SUNIL MURMU    M    30    Independent

9    DARKU MURMU    M    56    Independent

S25    34    WB    MEDINIPUR    30-Apr-09    1    DIPAK KUMAR GHOSH    M    72    All India Trinamool Congress

2    SANJAY MISHRA    M    49    Independent

3    PRADIP PATNAIK    M    51    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    PARTHA ADDHYA    M    32    Independent

5    SRI AMIT MAITRA    M    63    Independent

6    PRABODH PANDA    M    63    Communist Party of India

7    ASOK KUMAR GOLDER    M    64    Bahujan Samaj Party

9    SUKUMAR DE    M    54    Independent

10    JOYNAL ABEDIN SEKH    M    52    Independent

11    MUKUL KUMAR MAITY    M    33    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party

12    NEPAL CHANDRA DAS    M    60    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha

S25    35    WB    PURULIA    30-Apr-09    1    ASIT BARAN MAHATO    M    38    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    NILKAMAL MAHATO    M    69    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    RENUKA SINGH DEV    F    60    Indian National Congress

4    SHANTIRAM MAHATO    M    56    Indian National Congress

5    SAYANTAN BASU    M    32    Bharatiya Janata Party

6    NARAHARI MAHATO    M    54    All India Forward Bloc

7    AJIT PRASAD MAHATO    M    56    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha

8    ABINASH SAREN    M    39    Independent

9    ABHIRAM BESRA    M    41    Jharkhand Disom Party

10    AMULYA RATAN MAHATO    M    68    Independent

11    UMACHARAN MAHATO    M    69    Independent

12    DHIREN CHANDRA MAHATO    M    48    Independent

13    DHIREN RAJAK    M    44    Jharkhand Party (Naren)

14    BISAMBAR MURA    M    42    Independent

15    MUKHES SAHU    M    36    All Jharkhand Students Union

16    MRITYUNJAY MAHATO    M    46    Independent

S25    36    WB    BANKURA    30-Apr-09    1    BASUDEB ACHARIA    M    67    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

2    LAKSHMI SARKAR    F    54    Independent

3    SUBRATA MUKHERJEE    M    63    Indian National Congress

4    BYASDEB CHAKRABORTTY    M    37    Janata Dal (United)

5    PARESH MARANDI    M    54    Independent

6    PRABIR BANERJEE    M    36    Independent

7    SUDHIR KUMAR MURMU    M    40    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)

8    GANESH ROY    M    34    Bahujan Samaj Party

9    RAHUL (BISWAJIT) SINHA    M    45    Bharatiya Janata Party

10    ASWINI DULEY    M    51    Jharkhand Party (Naren)

11    TAPAN KUMAR PATHAK    M    27    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party

S25    37    WB    BISHNUPUR    30-Apr-09    1    SUSMITA BAURI    F    34    Communist Party of India (Marxist)

2    UMA KANTA BHAKAT    M    62    Samajwadi Janata Party (Rashtriya)

3    TAPAS DAS    M    31    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha

4    UTTAM BOURI    M    30    Independent

5    SEULI SAHA    F    39    All India Trinamool Congress

6    JAYANTA MONDAL    M    53    Bharatiya Janata Party

7    MANIK BAURI    M    43    Bahujan Samaj Party

U03    1    DN    DADAR & NAGAR HAVELI    30-Apr-09    1    DELKAR MOHANBHAI SANJIBHAI    M    46    Indian National Congress

2    PATEL SUMANBHAI THAKORBHAI    M    37    Indian National Congress

3    PATEL NATUBHAI GOMANBHAI    M    36    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    MADHA JATARIYABHAI BUDHIYABHAI    M    33    Bharatiya Janata Party

5    BIJ YOHANBHAI BHADIYABHAI    M    36    Bahujan Samaj Party

6    RAJESH PRABHUBHAI PATEL    M    38    Independent

7    MISHAL LAXMANBHAI NAVSUBHAI    M    39    Independent

8    GAVIT BARAKBHAI JAURBHAI    M    38    Independent

9    KHULAT BHIKALYABHAI VANSYABHAI    M    40    Independent

S07    2    HR    KURUKSHETRA    7-May-09    1    VISHNU BHAGWAN    M    61    Independent

S07    6    HR    SONIPAT    7-May-09    1    SHIV NARAYAN    M    45    Independent

2    JITENDER SINGH    M    40    Indian National Congress

3    JITENDER SINGH    M    40    Indian National Congress

S19    10    PB    FEROZPUR    7-May-09    1    MATHRA DASS    M    73    Proutist Sarva Samaj

S19    11    PB    BATHINDA    7-May-09    1    HARDEV SINGH ARSHI    M    59    Communist Party of India

2    HARDEV SINGH ARSHI    M    59    Communist Party of India

S19    12    PB    SANGRUR    7-May-09    1    TARSEM JODHAN    M    59    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)

S20    3    RJ    CHURU    7-May-09    1    SALIM GUJAR    M    39    Independent

2    RAM SINGH KASWAN    M    63    Bharatiya Janata Party

3    KAMALA KASWAN    F    63    Bharatiya Janata Party

4    YUSUF KHAN    M    46    Independent

S20    15    RJ    PALI    7-May-09    1    PUSP JAIN    M    52    Bharatiya Janata Party

S20    18    RJ    JALORE    7-May-09    1    SUKHRAJ    M    66    Independent

2    SHANTI PARMAR    F    48    Independent

S20    23    RJ    BHILWARA    7-May-09    1    VIJAYENDRA PAL SINGH    M    61    Bharatiya Janata Party

S24    15    UP    ALIGARH    7-May-09    1    RAJ KUMARI CHAUHAN    F    46    Bahujan Samaj Party

S24    17    UP    MATHURA    7-May-09    1    UDYAN SHARMA    M    42    Samajwadi Party

2    PHAKKAD BABA    M    64    Independent

S24    40    UP    FARRUKHABAD    7-May-09    1    SWAMI SACHIDANAND HARI SAKSHI    M    53    Rashtriya Kranti Party

S24    42    UP    KANNAUJ    7-May-09    1    MAHESH CHANDRA    M    53    Bahujan Samaj Party

2    AKHILESH YADAV    M    35    Samajwadi Party

S25    27    WB    SRERAMPUR    7-May-09    1    KALYAN BANERJEE    M    52    All India Trinamool Congress

A toast to each and all of you in your endeavours in these hot summer months and Jai Hind.

Subroto Roy, Kolkata

Postscript:  I shall be grateful if any inadvertent errors or ommissions are kindly brought to notice by sending in a  comment on the post.  Thanks in advance.

Posted in 15th Lok Sabha, Academic research, Asia and the West, Democracy, Government of India, India's 2009 General Election, India's communists, India's Constitution, India's constitutional politics, India's Democracy, India's Election Commission, India's Electorate, India's grassroots activists, India's History, India's independence, India's Jurisprudence, India's Lok Sabha, India's Nationalism, India's Parliament, India's political parties, India's Politics, Political cynicism, Political Economy, Politics, Public Choice/Public Finance, Voting, World History. Leave a Comment »

An Academic Database of Doctoral & Other Postgraduate Research Done at UK Universities on India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and Other Asian Countries Over 100 Years

March 13, 2009 — drsubrotoroy

British universities have in the last one hundred years produced a vast and unsurpassable body of doctoral and other postgraduate research relating to India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Burma, Afghanistan, Malaysia and  other Asian countries.

The first table below contains almost 3,300 entries,  each beginning with the date of award and the degree, followed by the University (and College), followed by the title of the thesis, followed by the AUTHOR in capital letters, followed by the name of the thesis supervisor where provided.

NB: There is a second table  that follows containing a further 78 77 entries — these latter are, however, incomplete in that either the year or the degree appears not to be available.

If you are an author or thesis-supervisor or other academic representative and you are able to correct any inadvertent error or omission, please feel free to write to me promptly by email and I shall seek to account for it.  For omissions, please also identify yourself clearly and send a comment  to the post along with the necessary data that you believe should be accounted for.  Numerous typos existed in the original transcription, several of which have been corrected though many might remain.  In several cases,  it is not impossible the original transcription has mis-spelt a name but authentication could require  the original thesis to be checked.

This  database has been created from public data and is published below with the aim of encouraging further research and reflection.  It may be of special interest to notice the choice and quality of subjects in the context of particular times.

Subroto Roy

Postscript:   More than one grateful reader has called this document someone’s  “labour of love”.   I agree though I have to say it was not mine — my contribution has been merely to  transform a confused spreadsheet into HTML, editing it very slightly, removing some but not all typos yet, and publishing it.  The spreadsheet was one of a million files on my computer, which must mean I downloaded it from some public source at some time though I am afraid I have no record where, most probably in British academia.

Degree    University & College    Title    AUTHOR    Supervisor

1909    MA    Liverpool    The interaction of England and India during the early years of George III    Dorothy DUDLEY
1917    BLitt    Oxford    The history of the occupation and rural administration of Bengal by the English Company from the time of Clive to the permanent settlement under Cornwallis    W K FIRMINGER
1917    MA    Liverpool    The constitutional relations of the Marquess Wellesley with the home authorities    Beatrice L FRAZER
1917    BLitt    Oxford    Agricultural cooperation in British India    J MATTHAI
1921    BA    Cambridge    Relations between the Bombay government and the Marathi powers up to the year 1774    W S DESI
1921    MA    Manchester    The movement of opinion in England as regards Indian affairs, 1757-1773    E EMMETT    Prof Muir
1921    MA    Manchester    The relations of the Mahrattas with the British power    I Kathleen WALKER    Prof Muir
1922    BLitt    Oxford    The history of Burma to 1824    G E HARVEY
1922    PhD    London    Commercial relations between India and England, 1600-1757    B KRISHNA
1922    MSc    London    Agricultural problems and conditions in the Bombay Presidency, 1870-1914    M A TATA
1922    BLitt    Oxford    The Indian calico trade and its influence on English history    P J THOMAS
1922    MSc    London    The cotton industry in India to 1757    J N VARMA    Prof Sargeant
1922    PhD    Manchester    The administration of Bengal under Warren Hastings    Sophia WEITZMAN    Prof Muir
1923    MA    Manchester    The administrative and judicial reforms of Lord Cornwallis in Bengal (excluding the permanent settlement)    A ASPINALL    Mr Higham
1923    MA    Manchester    The Residency of Oudh during the administration of Warren Hastings    C C BRACEWELL    Prof Davis
1923    MLitt    Cambridge    Industrial evolution of India in recent times    D R GADGIL
1923    PhD    London    The Punjab as a sovereign state, 1799-1839    GULSHAM LALL    Prof Dodwell
1924    BLitt    Oxford    Development of the cotton industry in Indian from the early 19th century    S DESOUANDE
1925    MA    Liverpool    Henry Dundas and the government of India, 1784-1800    Dorothy THORNTON    Prof Veitch
1926    PhD    Cambridge    The North West Frontier of India, 1890-1909, with a survey of policy since 1849    C C DAVIES
1927    PhD    Leeds    A study of the development of agriculture in the Punjab and its economic effects    K S BAJWA
1927    BLitt    Oxford    The military system of the Mahrattas: its origin and development from the time of the Shivaji to the fall of the Mahratta empire    S SEN
1928    MA    Birmingham    The East India Company crisis, 1770-1773    R BEARD
1928    PhD    Edinburgh    A comparative study of the woollen industry in Scotland and the Punjab    J W SIRAJUDDIN    Dr Rankin
1929    PhD    London    The relations of the Governor-General and council with the Governor and council of Madras under the Regulating Act of 1773    A Das GUPTA    Prof Dodwell
1929    PhD    London, LSE    The evolution of Indian income tax, 1860-1922: a historical, critical and comparative study    J P NIYOGI
1929    PhD    London    Development of Indian ralways, 1842-1928    N SANYAL    Prof Foxwell; Dr Slater
1930    PhD    London    Financial history of Mysore, 1799-1831    M H GOPAL    Dr Slater; Prof Dodwell
1930    BLitt    Oxford, St Cath’s Soc    The development of political institutions in the state of Travancore, 1885-1924    V M ITTYERAH
1930    BLitt    Oxford    Sir Charles Crosthwaite and the consolidation of Burma    Mys J MAY-OUNG
1930    PhD    London, SOAS    Revenue administration of the Sirkars under the East India Company down to 1802    Lanka SUNDERAM
1930    PhD    London, LSE    Hastings’ experiments in the judicial administration    N J M YUSUF
1931    PhD    London    State policy and economic development in Mysore State since 1881    UDAYAM ABHAYAMBAL    Miss Anstey
1931    PhD    London    The origin and early history of public debt in India    P DATTA    Prof Coatman
1931    MA    London    Lord Macaulay and the Indian Legislative Council    C D DHARKAR    Prof Dodwell
1931    MA    London    The bilingual problem in Ceylon    T D JAYASURIYA
1931    PhD    London; LSE    Study of agricultural cooperation in India based upon foreign experience    H L PASRICHA    Prof Gregory
1931    PhD    London, UC    The administration of Mysore under Sir Mark Cubbon. 1834-1861    K N V SASTRI    Prof Dodwell

1931    PhD    London, SOAS    Administrative beginnings in British Burma, 1826-1843    Barbara J STEWART

1931/32    PhD    Cambridge, St Cath’s    English social life in India in the 18th century    T G P SPEAR
1932    PhD    London    The growth and development of the Indian tea industry and trade    S M AKHTAR    Dr Anstey
1932    PhD    London    Anglo-Sikh relations, 1839-1849    K C KHANNA    Prof Dodwell
1932    PhD    London, LSE    Indian commodity market speculation    L N MISRA    Prof Coatman
1932    PhD    London, LSE    Indian foreign trade, 1870-1930    Parimal RAY    Prof Sargent
1932    PhD    London, King’s    Ceylon under the British occupation: its political and economic development, 1795-1833    C R de SILVA    Prof Newton
1932    PhD    London    Post-war labour legislation in India – a comparison with Japan    Sasadhar SINHA    Dr Anstey
1932    PhD    London    Local finance in India    G C VARMA    Prof Coatman
1933    PhD    Leeds    Historical survey of the financial policy of the government of India from 1857 to 1900 and of its economic and other consequences    H S BHAI
1933    PhD    London    The relations between the Board of Commissioners for the affairs of India and the Court of Directors, 1784-1816    P CHANDRA    Prof Coatman
1934    PhD    London    The influence of the home government on land revenue and judicial administration in the Presidency of Fort William in Bengal from 1807-1822    B S BALIGA    Prof Dodwell
1934    MSc    Leeds    A survey of the resources of tanning materials and the leather industry of Bhopal State, India    G W DOUGLAS
1934    PhD    Edinburgh    Human geography of Bengal    Arthur GEDDES
1934    BLitt    Oxford, Somerville    A study of the legal and administrative records of Dacca as illustrating the policy of Warren Hastings in East Bengal    F M SACHSE
1934    BLitt    Oxford    Biography of Maharaja DalipSingh    K S THAPER
1935    DPhil    Oxford    The development of the Indian administrative and financial system, 1858-1905, with special reference to the relations    F J THOMAS
1936    MSc    London    British Indian administration: a historical study    K R Ramaswami AIYANGAR
1936    MA    London    Lord Ellenborough’s ideas on Indian policy    Kathleen I GARRETT    Dr Morrell
1936    MA    London    British public opinion regarding Indian policy at the time of the mutiny    Jessie HOLMES    Dr Morrell
1936    PhD    London, SOAS    The rise and fall of the Rohilla power in Hindustan, 1707-1774 AD    A F M K RAHMAN
1936/37    PhD    Edinburgh    Indian foreign trade, 1900-1931, and its economic background: a study    W B RAGHAVIAH
1937    PhD    Cambridge, Gonville    The national income of British India, 1931-1932    V K R V RAO
1937    PhD    London, LSE    Culture change in South-Western India    A AIYAPPAN
1937    PhD    London, UC    Banks and industrial finance in India    R BAGCHI
1937    PhD    London    Development of social and political ideas in Bengal, 1858-1884    B C BHATTACHARYA    Prof Dodwell
1937    MSc    Leeds    An interpretation of the distribution of the population within the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh    Nora Y BOYDELL
1937    PhD    London, LSE    Rise and growth of Indian liberalism    M A BUCH
1937    PhD    London, LSE    Industrial finance and management in India    N DAS
1937    MSc    London, LSE    The effect of the breakdown of the international gold standard on India    R DORAISWAMY
1937    PhD    London, LSE    The problem of rural indebtedness in Indian economic life    B G GHATE
1937    MSc    London, LSE    Indian coal trade    J GUHATHAKURTA
1937    PhD    London SOAS    Reorganisation of the Punjab government (1847-1857)    R C LAI

1937    PhD    London, External    An economic and regional geography of the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh    S M T RIZVI
1937    PhD    Wales    Purposes and methods of recording and accounting as applied to agriculture, with special reference to provision and use of economic data relating to agriculture in India    Arjan SINGH
1938    PhD    London, SOAS    The relations between Oudh and the East India Company from 1785-1801    P BASU
1938    PhD    London,  SOAS    East India Company’s relations with Assam, 1771-1826    S K BHUYAN
1938    PhD    London, LSE    Discretionary powers in the Indian Government with special reference to district administration    B CHAND
1938    MA    London, SOAS    The British conquest of Sind    K A CHISHTI
1938    PhD    Cambridge, Christ’s    The working of the Bengal legislative council under the Government of India Act, 1919    J G DRUMMOND
1938    MA    London    British relations with the Sikhs and Afghans, July 1823 to March 1840    E R KAPADIA
1938    PhD    London, SOAS    The East India interest and the British government, 1784-1833    C H PHILIPS
1938    PhD    London, LSE    The position of the Viceroy and Governor General of India    A RUDRA
1938    MA    London    British relations with the Sikhs and Afghans, July 1823 to March 1840    Charles WADE
1938/39    PhD    Edinburgh    Agricultural geography of the United Provinces    B N MUKERJI
1939    PhD    London, LSE    Industrial development of Mysore    R BALAKRISHNA
1939    MA    London, LSE    A general geographical account of the North West Frontier Province of India    M A K DURRANI
1939    PhD    Wales    The international production and exchange of rice with special reference to the production, market demand and consumption of rice in India and Burma    Ahmas KHAN
1939    BLitt    Oxford, St Cath’s Soc    The Governor-Generalship of Sir John Shore, 1793-1798    A W MAHMOOD
1939    PhD    London, LSE    Indian provincial finance (1919-1937) with special reference to the United Provinces    B R MISRA
1940    PhD    London, LSE    Recent economic depression in India with reference to agriculture and rural life    R K BHAN
1940    PhD    Wales    The future of agricultural cooperation in the United Provinces (with an examination of the cooperative experience)with special reference to the problems of agricultural cooperation in the United Provinces, India    H R CHATURVEDI
1940    PhD    London, LSE    An administrative study of the development of the civil service in India during the Company’s regime    A K GHOSAL
1940    PhD    Wales    The production, marketing and consumption of the chief oilseeds in India and the supply and use of oilseeds in the United Kingdom    A S KHAN
1940    PhD    Wales    Principles of agricultural planning with reference to relationships of natural resources, populations and dietaries in India and with further reference to rural development in certain provinces of India    Jaswant SINGH
1941    PhD    London, LSE    Financing of local authorities in British India    A N BANERJI
1941    PhD    London    The political and cultural history of the Punjab including the North West Frontier Province in its earliest period    L CHANDRA    Prof Barnett
1941    PhD    London, LSE    Capital development of India, 1860-1913    A KRISHNASAWMI
1941    PhD    London, LSE    Influence of European political doctrines upon the evolution of the Indian governmental institutions and practice, 1858-1938    G PRASAD
1942    MLitt    Cambridge, Fitzwilliam    Economic and political relations of India with Iran and Afghanistan since 1900    T BASU
1942    PhD    Edinburgh    A study of missionary policy and methods in Bengal from 1793 to 1905    W B S DAVIS    Prof Watt; Prof Buleigh
1943    PhD    London, LSE    Development of large scale industries in India and their localisation    N S SASTRI
1944    BLitt    Oxford, St Cath’s    Communal representation and Indian self-government    I J BAHADOORSINGH
1944    MA    London, External    The physiographic evolution of Ceylon    K KULARATNAM
1946    MA    London, SOAS    The origins and development to 1892 of the Indian National Congress    Iris M JONES
1947    PhD    London, LSE    The agricultural geography of Bihar    P DAYAL
1947    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    Consumer expenditure in India, 1931/32 to 1940/41    R L DESAI
1947    MA    London, LSE    Power resources and utilisation in the United Provinces    P K DUTT
1947    PhD    London, LSE    Cultural change with special reference to the hill tribes of Burma and Assam    Edmund Ronald LEACH
1947    PhD    London, SOAS    The judicial administration of the East India Company in Bengal, 1765-1982    B B MISRA
1947    PhD    London, LSE    The monetary policy of the Reserve Bank of India with special reference to the structural and institutional factors in the economy    K N RAJ
1948    PhD    Wales    The principles and practice of health insurance as applied to India    J AGRAWALA
1948    MSc    London, LSE    International monetary policy since 1919 with special reference to India    D C GHOSE
1948    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    British policy on the North East Frontier of India, 1826-1886    S GUPTA
1948    DPhil    Oxford, St Cath’s    Local self-government in the Madras Presidency, 1850-1919    K K PILLAY
1948    PhD    London, LSE    The problem of the standards of the Indian currency    A SADEQUE
1948    DPhil    Oxford, Exeter    The social function of religion in a south India community    Mysore Narasimhashar SRINIVAS
1948    BLitt    Oxford, St Cath’s Society    Some aspects of agricultural marketing in India with reference to developments in western marketing systems    R S SRIVASTAVA
1948    PhD    London,. SOAS    Muslims in India: a political analysis (from 1885-906)    Rafiq ZAKARIA
1949    PhD    London, LSE    Settlements in the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh    E AHMAD
1949    PhD    London, SOAS    The growth of self-government in Assam, 1984-1919    A K BARKAKOTY
1949    PhD    London, SOAS    British administration in Assam (1825-1845)with special reference to the hill tribes on the frontier    H BARPUJARI
1949    MA    London    An enquiry into the development of training of teachers in the Punjab during the British period    Aquila B BERLAS
1949    PhD    London, LSE    The problem of federation in India with special reference to economic relations    J N BHAN
1949    PhD    London, LSE    A study of methods of national income measurements with special reference to the problems of India    V K CHOPRA
1949    PhD    London, LSE    An analysis of the Indian price structure from 1861    A K GHOSH
1949    DPhil    Oxford, Keble    The achievement of Christian missionaries in India, 1794-1833    Kenneth INGHAM
1949    PhD    Wales    The organization and methods of agricultural cooperation in the British Isles and the possibility of their application in the Central Province of India    N Y KHER
1949    PhD    London, LSE    Industrial geography of Bihar    S A MAJID
1949    PhD    London, LSE    Development of Indian public finance during the war, April 1939-March 1946    S MISRA
1949    PhD    London, LSE    A study of the methods of state regulation of wages with special reference to their possible applications in India    S B L NIGAM
1949    PhD    London, SOAS    The development of marriage in ancient India    B C PAUL
1949    PhD    St Andrews    The social and administrative reforms of Lord William Bentinck    G SEED
1950    PhD    London, LSE    Jails and borstals with special reference to West Bengal    B BHATTACHARYYA    Dr Mannheim
1950    PhD    London    The growth of local self-government in Assam, 1874-1919    A K BORKAKOTY    Prof C R Philips; Prof Hall
1950    DPhil    Oxford, Lady Margaret Hall    The problem of the Indian immigrant in British colonial policy after 1834    I Mary CUMPSTON
1950    PhD    London, LSE    Underemployment and industrialisation: a study of the basic problems with special reference to India    B DATTA
1950    PhD    London, UC    The agriculture of Mysore    G K GHORI
1950    PhD    London, SOAS    The influence of western, particularly English, political ideas on Indian political thought, with special reference to the political ideas of the Indian National Congress, 1885-1919    Sailesh C GHOSH
1950    PhD    London, LSE    Principles of unemployment insurance and assistance with special reference to their application to India    D GUPTA
1950    PhD    Newcastle    Anglo-Afghan relations, 1798-1878, with particular reference to British policy in Central Asia and on the North West Frontier of India    M KHAN
1950    PhD    London, LSE    The social consequences of imperialism with special reference to Ceylon    P R PIERIS
1950    PhD    London, LSE    An experiment in the estimation of national income and the in the construction of social accounts of India, 1945-1946    D N SAXENA    Mr Booker
1950    PhD    London, SOAS    The relations between the home and Indian governments, 1858-1870    Zahinuddin  Husain ZOBERI
1951    PhD    London, External    Memoir of the geology and mineral resources of the neighbourhood of Bentong, Pahang and adjoining portions of Selangor and Negri Sembilan, incorporating an account of the prospecting and mining activities of the Bentong District    J B ALEXANDER
1951    BLitt    Oxford, Exeter    The political organization of the plains Indians    Frederick George BAILEY
1951    BLitt    Oxford, Corpus    Southern India under Wellesley, 1798-1805    A S BENNELL    Mr C C Davies
1951    PhD    London, LSE    Problems of the Indian foreign exchanges since 1927    D GHOSH
1951    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    The Viceroyalty of Lord Ripon, 1880-1884    S GOPAL    Mr R C Davies
1951    MA    Wales    The problem of the Straits, 1896-1936    E W GRIFFITHS
1951    PhD    London, LSE    Sources of Indian official statistics relating to production    O P GUPTA    Dr Rhodes
1951    MA    Manchester    The administration and financial control of municipalities and district boards in the UP    N K KATHIA
1951    PhD    Glasgow    The legal and constitutional implications of the evolution of Indian independence    R KEMAL
1951    PhD    Cambridge, Jesus    An analysis of the Hindu caste system in its interactions with the total social structure in certain parts of the Malabar coast    E J MILLER    Prof Hutton
1951    PhD    Cambridge, Girton    Changes in matrilineal kinship on th Malabar coast    E K MILLER    Prof Hutton
1951    PhD    Bristol    Agriculture and horticulture in India – sundry papers    K C NAIK
1951    MA    Manchester    An economic survey of West Pakistan    A SHARIF
1951    PhD    Cambridge    The interpretation of legislative powers under the Government of India Act, 1935    S D SHARMA
1951    BLitt    Oxford, St Cath’s Society    Religion and society among some of the tribes of Chota Nagpur    H N C STEVENSON
1951        London, SOAS    The political development of Burma during the period 1918-1935    OHN TIN
1951    PhD    London, LSE    The working of the Donoughmore constitution of Ceylon, 1931-1947: a study of a colonial central government by executive committees    Irripitwebadalge don Samaradasa WEERAWARDANA    Mr W H Morris-Jones
1952    PhD    London SOAS    The career of Mir Jafar Khan, 1757-1765 AD    Raya ATULA-CHANDRA    Prof C H Philips
1952    PhD    London, LSE    The development of Calcutta: a study in urban geography    M GUHA    Prof L D Stamp; Prof O H K Spate
1952    PhD    London, LSE    The East India Company’s land policy and management in Bengal from 1698 to 1784    Mazharul HUQ    Dr Anstey
1952    MA    Leeds    The social accounts relating to Ceylon    E L P JAYTILAKA
1952    MSc    London, LSE    Rural industries in India: a study in rural economic development with special reference to Madras    C K KAUSUKUTTY    Dr Anstey
1952    MSc    London, LSE    India’s balance of international payments with special reference to her food and agricultural conditions    G B KULKARNI    Dr Anstey; Dr Raeburn
1952    PhD    Cambridge    Utilitarian influence and the formation of Indian policy, 1820-1840    E T STOKES
1952    PhD    London, SOAS    Local government in India and Burma, 1908-1937: a comparative study of the evolution and working of local authorities in Bombay, the United Provinces and Burma    Hugh R TINKER    Prof Hall
1953    PhD    London, LSE    Economic geography of East Pakistan    N AHMAD    Prof Stamp
1953    MSc    London, UC    the changing pattern of India’s foreign trade, with special reference to the impact of large scale industrial development since 1919    A ALAGAPPAN
1953    PhD    London, SOAS    The East India Company and the economy of Bengal from 1704 to 1740    Sukumar BHATTACHARYYA    Prof C H Philips
1953    MA    Wales    National income of Pakistan for the year 1948-49    Z ul H CHAUDRI
1953    MLitt    Cambridge, Fitzwilliam    The influence of Western thought on social, educational, political and cultural development of India, 1818-1840    V DATTA    Dr T G P Spear
1953    MSc    Belfast    The growth of trade unions in India    S DAYAL
1953    PhD    London    The establishment of Dutch power in Ceylon, 1638-1658     K W GOONEWARDENA    Prof Hall
1953    PhD    London, LSE    The submontane region of North West Pakistan: a geographical study of its economic development    Maryam KARAM-ELAHI    Prof Buchanan; Prof Stamp
1953    PhD    London, LSE    A study of rhe measurement of national product and its distribution, with special reference to Pakistan    A H KHANDKER
1953    PhD    Edinburgh    A regional study of survival, mortality and disease in British India in relation to the geographic factors, 1921-1940    A T A LEARMONTH
1953    PhD    London, SOAS    Development of the Muslims of Bengal and Bihar, 1819-1856, with special reference to their education    A R MAALICK    Prof Philips
1953    DPhil    Oxford, Jesus    The study of the economy of self-subsisting rural communities: the methods of investigation, economic conditions and economic relations, with specific reference to India    P K MUKHOPADHYAY
1953    PhD    London, LSE    The relationship of land tenure to the economic modernization of Uttar Pradesh    W C NEALE
1953    PhD    London, Bedford    Social status of women during the past fifty years (1900=1950)    T N PATEL    Mrs B Wootton
1953    PhD    London, LSE    The state in relation to trade unions and trade disputes in India    Anand PRAKASH    Mr W H Morris-Jones; Mr Roberts
1953    MA    London, SOAS    The tribal village in Bihar    SACHCHIDANANDA    Prof C Haimendorf
1953    PhD    London, UC    Delegated legislation in India    V N SHULKA    Prof Keeton
1953    PhD    London, SOAS    The internal policy of the Indian government, 1885-1898    H L SINGH    Prof C H Philips
1953    PhD    London, SOAS    The internal policy of Lord Auckland in British India, 1836-1842, with special reference to education    D P SINHA    Prof C H Philips
1953/54    MA    Leeds    Demand for certain exports of Ceylon    K THARMARATNAM
1954    MA    London    The administration of Sir Henry Ward,Governor of Ceylon, 1855-1860    S V BALASINGHAM    Prof Graham
1954    PhD    London, SOAS    Social policy and social change in Western India, 1817-1830    Kenneth A BALLHATCHET    Prof C H Philips
1954    Dphil    Oxford, St Hilda’s    Lord William Bentinck in Bengal, 1828-1835    C E BARRETT    Dr C C Davies
1954    MA    London    A historical survey of the training of teachers in Bengal in the 19th and 20th centuries    S BHATTACHARYA
1954    MA    London, SOAS    Evolution of representative government in India, 1884-1909    Sasadhar CHAKRAVARTY    Prof C H Philips

1954    PhD    London, LSE    Consumption levels in India    T P CHAUDHURI
1954    PhD    London, LSE    The forests of Assam: a study in economic geography    H DAS
1954    MSc    Leeds    A study of price fixing for agricultural products with special reference to milk in Great Britain and Bombay    N K DESAI
1954    BLitt    St Andrews    Eldred Pottinger and the North West Frontier, 1838-1842    D W F GOURLAY    Sir C Ogilvie
1954    PhD    London, LSE    The Korean crisis and the Indian Union    K GUPTA
1954    MA    Manchester    Some aspects of the development of Pakistan’s financial structure    M HOSSAIN
1954    MSc    London, LSE    Financing economic development in Ceylon    A T JAYAKODDY    Prof Paish; Dr Anstey
1954    PhD    London, LSE    Measurement of profits: a study of methods with special reference to India    R K NIGAM
1954    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    A study of communal representation in constitutional systems of the British Commonwealth with specific reference to Ceylon, Kenya and Fiji    Carl Gustav ROSBERG    Mr K E Robinson
1954    PhD    London, LSE    Land utilization in Eastern Uttar Pradesh (comprising the districts of Jaunpur, Banares, Guezipur, Azamgarh and Baldea)    M SHAFI    Prof Stamp; Mr R R Rawson
1954    PhD    London, LSE    Representation and representative government in the Indian Republic    Irene C TINKER    Mr W H Morris-Jones
1954    PhD    London, SOAS    Trade and finance in the Bengal Presidency, 1793-1833    Amales TRIPATHY    Prof C H Phillips
1954    PhD    London, LSE    Some aspects of the history of the coffee industry in Ceylon with specific reference to 1823-1885    I H VAN DEN DRIESEN    Mr Fisher
1954    PhD    London, LSE    The Manning constitution of Ceylon, 1924-1931    Alfred Jeyaretnam WILSON    Mr R Bassett; Mr W H Morris-Jones
1955    MSC    London, LSE    Some aspects of the history of British investments in the private sector of the Indian economy, 1876-1914    N Z AHMED    Dr Ashworth; F J Fisher
1955    PhD    Manchester    The social organisation of a village on the Hindu frontier of Orissa    Frederick George BAILEY
1955    LLM    London, LSE    Recognition and enforcement of foreign judgements in India: a comparative study    B N BANERJEE
1955    PhD    London    The administration of criminal justice in Bengal from 1773 to 1861    T K BANERJEE    S A de Smith; Prof A Gledhill
1955    MA    London    The East India Company in Madras, 1707-1744    R N BANERJI
1955    PhD    London    The factory of the English East India Company at bantam, 1602-1682    D K BASSETT    Prof D G E Hall
1955    PhD    London, LSSE    Pressure of population on land in India: a regional approach    B S BHIR
1955    MA    London, SOAS    The economic policy of the Government of India, 1898-1905    Edna BONNER    Prof C R Philips
1955    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    The educational policy of the East India Company, 1781-1854    J G BOWEN    Mr C C Davies
1955    BLitt    Oxford, Magdalen    Indian labour migration to Malaya, 1867-1910    D A CALMAN    Dr A F Madden
1955    PhD    London, LSE    Consumption levels in India    T P CHOUDHURY
1955    PhD    London, LSE    The Malay family in Singapore    J DJAMOUR
1955    PhD    Edinburgh    The abolition of the East India Company’s monopoly, 1833    D EYLES    Prof Pares
1955    MLitt    Cambridge. Fitzwilliam House    The mongoloids and their contributions to the growth of Assamese culture    M C GOSWAMI    Dr J E Lindgren
1955    PhD    London, SOAS    The administration of the Delhi Territory, 1803-1832    Jessie HOLMES    Prof C H Philips
1955    MSc (Econ)    London, LSE    Taxation and saving in India    D JHA
1955    MSc    London, LSE    A comparison of the federal aspects of the Government of India Act, 1935, and the constitution of 1950    S KHAN
1955    MA    London, SOAS    Some aspects of the social history of Bengal with special reference to the Muslims, 1854-1884    L KHATOON    Prof Philips
1955    PhD    Aberdeen    Ports of the Indian ocean: an historical geography    W KIRK    A C O’Dell
1955    PhD    Cambridge, Peterhouse    British investment in Indian guaranteed railways, 1845-1875    W J MACPHERSON    Mr K E Berrill
1955    PhD    London, UC    Fundamental freedoms, with particular reference to the Indian constitution    J C MEHDI    Prof G W Keeton
1955    PhD    Birmingham    The educational ideas of Mahatma Gandhi    N P PILLAI
1955    MA    Manchester    Cottage industries in Bihar    S B SAXENA
1955    PhD    London, LSE    The Indian jute industry: a study of agricultural geography    P SENGUPTA
1955    PhD    London,  LSE    The political philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi in relation to the English liberal tradition    Bishan Sarup SHARMA
1955    LLM    London, SOAS    Distribution of legislative power under the India constitution    R P SHARMA
1955    PhD    London , SOAS    The Council of India, 1858-1919    S SINGH    Prof C H Philips
1955    PhD    London LSE    The origin and development of left wing movements and ideas in India, 1919-1947    Lalan Prasad SINHA    R Mikband; W H Morris-Jones
1955    PhD    London; SOAS    British interest in trans-Burma trade routes to China, 1826-1876    Ma THAUNG
1955    MA    London    The training of teachers in the Bombay Presidency during the British period: a historical survey    N L VAIDYA
1955    PhD    Edinburgh    Save there, eat here: a cultural study of labour migration from a Pakhtun village    Francis Philip WATKINS
1955    PhD    London, LSE    The southeast quadrant of Ceylon: a study of the geographical aspects of land use    W A R WIKKRAMATILEKE
1956    PhD    London, SOAS    The Dutch power in Ceylon, 1658-1687    S ARASARATNAM    Prof D Hall
1956    PhD    London, LSE    Land use and soil erosion problems of Bist Jullundur Doab, Punjab, India    O P BHARDWAJA
1956    PhD    London, SOAS    British rule in Assam, 1845-1858    B CHAUDHURI    Prof C R Philips
1956    PhD    London, SOAS    Sir Josiah Child and the East India Company at the end of the 17th century    A L CROWE    Prof C Philips
1956    MSc    London, LSE    Scope and method of agricultural economic surveys in India    N Y Z FARUQI    Dr Raeburn
1956    PhD    London, LSE    A study of capital taxation and its scope in India    I S GULATI
1956    PhD    London, LSE    An analysis of the monetary experience of Ceylon    H A de S GUNASEKERA    Prof Sayers; Mr Wilson
1956    PhD    London, LSE    Federal finance and economic development with special reference to Pakistan    M HOSSAIN
1956    PhD    London, LSE    The demand for Indian exports and imports: an econometric study of selected commodities    A K MUKERJI    Prof Allen; Dr Norton
1956    PhD    London, LSE    Capital development in India with special reference to recent trends in investments    Dinanath Kashinath RANGNEKAR    Prof Paish; Dr Anstey
1956    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    A study of India’s balance of payments, 1901-1913 and 1924-1936    B S RAO    Prof E A G Robinson
1956    MA    London, SOAS    The relations between the Indian central and provincial governments with special reference to the Presidencies of Madras and Bombay, 1858-1882    D N SINGH    Prof C H Philips
1957    MA    Birmingham    An examination in disposal and treatment of juvenile delinquents in Bombay State in relation to practice in England    A D ATTAR
1957    MA    London    The development and reconstruction of university education in Pakistan since 1854    S M A AZIZ
1957    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Social organisation of the Jaffna Tamils of North Ceylon with special reference to kinship, marriage and inheritance    M Y BANKS    Mr E R Leach
1957    PhD    London, LSE    West Midnapore: a study of land use    S C CHAKRABORTI
1957    BLitt    Oxford, St Cath’s    The place of agricultural development in India’s first two Five-Year Plans    A CORREIA-AFONSO
1957    PhD    London, SOAS    Studies in the economic and social development of Inida, 1848-1856    M N DAS    Prof C Philips
1957    MA    London, LSE    The population of Chota Nagpur    H P DEVI    Prof L D Stamp
1957    MSc    London, LSE    Small scale and cottage industries as a means of providing better opportunities for labour in India    Q H FAROOQUEE    Prof A Plant; Mr Foldes
1957    PhD    London, LSE    Fiscal policy and inflation in post-war India, 1945-1954    K V G GOWDA
1957    DPhil    Oxford    Anglo Sikh relations, 1799-1849    B J HASRAT    C C Davies
1957    MLitt    Cambridge, Girton    Indian constitutional development, 1927-1935    M B HASSEN    Dr T G P Spear
1957    PhD    London, LSE    The commitee system in British and Indian local authorities    C JHA    Prof W A Robbins
1957    DPhil    Oxford, St Cath’s    The development of money and banking in Ceylon    J B KELEGAMA
1957    PhD    London, LSE    The civil service in independent India: the All India and Union Civil Services    B S KHANNA    Prof W A Robson
1957    PhD    London, LSE    Urbanization in West Pakistan    K KURESHY
1957    PhD    London, LSE    Hinduism and economic growth: a study of the nature of the impact of Hinduism on India’s economic growth with special emphasis on theperiod since the mid 18th century    B B MISHRA    Dr Anstey
1957    PhD    London, External    Large scale sampling surveys in agriculture in the Punjab (Pakistan)    D M QURESHI
1957    PhD    London, SOAS    British land policy in Oudh    j RAJ    Prof C H Philips
1957    DPhil    Oxford    The Dutch in Coromandel, 1605-1690    Tapan RAYCHAUDHURI
1957    PhD    London, LSE    Geomorphological evolution of the highaland of Chota Nagpur and the adjoining districts of Bihar    R P SINGH
1957    PhD    London, LSE    Credit problems of small farmers in Ceylon    Wijetunga Mudianselagadera TILAKARATNA    Mr A D Knox
1957    PhD    London    The urban geography of Agra    A R TIWARI    Prof A E Smailes
1957/58    PhD    London, SOAS    The life and career of Jonathan Duncan, 1756-1795    V NARAIN
1957/58    PhD    Manchester    A comparative study of informal relationships in a Chinese village in Malaya and north India    W H NEWELL
1957/58    PhD    Manchester    The history of the Arghuns and Tarkhans of Sind    M H SIDDIQI
1957/58    PhD    Manchester    An analysis of the demand for, and the supply of, food in India    R P SINHA
1958    MA    London, Inst Ed    The missionary activities of the CMS and CZEMS in Kashmir during the second half of the 19th century    S Z AHMED SAH    Prof J A Lauwerys
1958    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    The political organisation of the Swat Pathans    T F W BARTH    Mr E R Leach
1958    MA    London, Inst Ed    A historical survey of the languages problem in Bengal from the Muslim period to the end of the British period    K BHATTACHARYYA
1958    MSc    Cambridge, Fitzwilliam    The financing of planned economic development in India    S R DATTA GUPTA    Dr A R Prest
1958    MA    London, LSE    Sociology of marriage rituals in India: a study of Sanskritisation and de-Sanskritisation    B DATTAGUPTA
1958    MSc    Londond, LSE    Some aspects of Indo-British trade during the 20th century with special reference to capital goods    V P DHITAL
1958    MA    London, SOAS    The political system of the Rajputs    Sylvia J DUTRA    Dr Bauley; Prof C von Furer-Haimendorf
1958    MSc    London, LSE    The economics of the tea industry in Ceylon    J M F G FERNANDO    Dr V Anstey
1958    PhD    London    The development of the Indian National Congress, 1892-1909    Pansy C GHOSH    Dr K Balhatchet
1958    PhD    London, LSE    Inflation in India, 1939-1952: a study of inflation in an underdeveloped economy    S K GHOSH    Dr Anstey; Mr Day
1958    PhD    London,SOAS    The internal administration of Lord Lytton, with special reference to social and economic policy, 1876-1880    L M GUJRAL
1958    MLitt    Cambridge, King’s    Sir Richard Jenkins and the Residency at Nagpur, 1807-1818    F A HAGAR    Dr T G P Spear
1958    PhD    London, LSE    Agrarian problems in Bihar based, primarily, on surveys in five villages    F Tomasson JANNUZI    Dr V Anstey
1958    BLitt    Oxford, Campion Hall    An economic and historical study of food grain controls in India during the second world war and after    S C JOSEPH
1958    MSc    London, LSE    Union-state administrative cooperation in India (1937-1952)    M KAMAL    Prof W A Robson
1958    MSc    London, LSE    Problems of the agricultural labourers in India    R P KAMAT
1958    MSc    Cambridge, Newnham    The employment problem in Ceylon    I KANNANGARA    Mrs J V Robinson
1958    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    The commercial and diplomatic relations between India and Tibet in the nineteenth century    H A LAMB    Dr V W W S Purcell
1958    PhD    Cambridge, St Catharine’s    The Dutch East India Company and Mysore, 1762-1790    J van LOHUIZEN    Dr T G P Spear
1958    MA    London, LSE    Social and economic geography of the Mathura District (western Uttar Pradash)    S D MISRA    Mr R R Rawson
1958    PhD    London, LSE    Economics of nutritional problems in India    R N MITRA    Dr Raeburn
1958    PhD    Cambridge, Peterhouse    The analysis of Kandyan marriage: landlords, labourers and aristocrats    OSMAN YALMAN NUR
1958    PhD    London, SOAS    Sir Elijah Impey in India, 1774-1783    Bishwa Nath PANDEY    Prof C H Philips
1958    MA    London, LSE    A geography of the Peshawar region    M Z SAHIBZADA
1958    PhD    London, LSE    Indian monetary policy and debt management since 1939    J C D SETHI    Dr V Anstey; Mr R Turvey
1958    PhD    London, LSE    Strategic aspects of India’s foreign policy    V B L SHARMA
1958    BLitt    Oxford, St Antony’s    The rise and growth of the Praja Socialist Party of India (1934-1935)    H K SINGH    Mr F G Carnell
1958    PhD    London, LSE    Allahabad: a study in urban geography    Ujaqir SINGH    Prof D L Stamp

1958 PhD London, SOAS  Asoka and the Decline of the Mauryas  Romila THAPAR Prof A.L.Basham [viz., note from Prof Thapar dated 4 March 2016]

1958    MA    London, SOAS    History of the development of Rangoon    TUN THET    Prof Hall
1958    PhD    London, LSE    India’s membership of the sterling area    Jai Dev VARMA
1958    PhD    Cambridge    The present situation and the probably future of cotton in West Pakistan’s economy    S B WHITEHILL
1958    PhD    Edinburgh    The economic geography of Madhya Pradesh (formerly Central Provinces and Behar)    R H ZAIDI
1959    MSc(Econ)    London, LSE    The industrial worker in East Pakistan: a study in the adaptation of an industrial labour force    A K AHMADULLAH    Prof Phelps
1959    MA    Manchester    The recruitment of Indians into the covenanted civil service, 1853-1892    M R ANWAR
1959    PhD    Manchester    Britain and Muslim India: a study of British public opinion vis-a-vis the development of Muslim nationalism in India, 1905-1947    K K AZIZ
1959    MSc    London, LSE    Problems in corporation taxation with special reference to India    M P BHATT    Mr Turvey
1959    PhD    London, LSE    Applications of linear programming to the development plans of India    B BHATTACHARYYA
1959    MA    London    Trincocmalee and the East Indies Squadron, 1746-1844    H A COLGATE    Prof Graham
1959    PhD    London, LSE    Economic development of Assam with special reference to the 20th century    P GOSWAMI    Dr Anstey
1959    PhD    London    The nationalist movement in Ceylon betweem 1910 and 1931, with special reference to communal and elective problems    D K GREENSTREET    Dr Miliband
1959    BLitt    Oxford, St Cath’s    Land tenure in the Kandyan provinces of Ceylon    U A GUNASEKERA    Dr D F Pocock
1959    BLitt    Oxford, St Anne’s    The analysis of external trade and economic structure of Ceylon, 1900-1955    O E B GUNEWARDENA    Miss P H Ady
1959    PhD    London, LSE    Some problems of the organisation and administration of public enterprise with special reference to India    L N GUPTA    Prof Robson; Dr Anstey
1959    PhD    Edinburgh    The collection of agricultural statistics and the use of data in the United Kingdom and Pakistan: an objective study to explore possibilities of improvement in Pakistan    Muhammed Altaf HUSSAIN
1959    MA    London, SOAS    Social and administrative policy of the Government of Bengal, 1877-1890    Rokeya KABEER    Prof Basham
1959    PhD    London, External    Industrial relations in India    C B KUMAR
1959    PhD    London, LSE    Some aspects of the problem of implementing agricultural planning in India    Gouri NAG    Mr Knox; Mr Lancaster
1959    PhD    Edinburgh    Early English travellers in India. A study in the travel literature of the Elizabethan and Jacobean periods with particular reference to India    R C PRASAD    Prof W L Renwick; Mr G A Shepperson
1959    PhD    London, LSE    Judicial review in India: a study in constitutional theory and judicial practice    V R RAVIKANTI    Mr S de Smith
1959    MA    London, LSE    The position of women in Hinayana Buddhist countries (Burma, Ceylon, Thailand)    S SEIN    Mr F Freedman
1959    PhD    London , LSE    British opinion and Indian neutralism: an analysis of India’s foreign policy in the  light of British public reactions, 1947-1957    Shri Ram SHARMA    Prof Manning
1959/60    PhD    Cambridge, Fitzwilliam    The cottage industries of India: an enquiry into their economics with special reference to developmental planning    Kedarnath PRASAD
1959/60    PhD    Cambridge, Queen’s    The role of transport and foreign trade in the economic development of Burma under British rule, 1885-1914    Maung SHEIN
1959/60    PhD    London, External    North east Baluchistan, Quetta Division: a critical evaluation of the land and its resources    A H SIDDIQI
1959/60    MA    Manchester    An analysis of the principal factors affecting India’s policy toward her Himalayan border    J TOOMRE
1960    PhD    London, SOAS    Some aspects of the history of the Muslim community in Bengal, 1884-1912    Sufia AHMED    Prof C H Philips
1960    MA    London    Aspects of the economic development of the Assam valley, 1858-1884    A C BARUA    Dr K Ballhatchet
1960    PhD    Cambridge    Thomas Munro and the development of administrative policy in Madras, 1791-1818: the origins of “the Munro system”    T H BEAGLEHOLE    Dr K Ballhatchet
1960    PhD    London, LSE    Measurements of production and productivity in Indian industry with special reference to methodological aspects    G C BERI
1960    PhD    London, SOAS    The state and the cooperative movement in the Bombay Presidency, 1880-1930    I J CATANACH    Dr K Ballhatchet
1960    PhD    London, LSE    The centrally recruited services in Pakistan    M A CHAUDHURI    Prof P Robson
1960    DPhil    Oxford, Lincoln    Portuguese society in India in the sixteenth and seveteenth centuries    K J CROWTHER
1960    PhD    Cambridge, St Cath’s    Cottage industries of Ceylon    H D DIAS    Mr B H Farmer
1960    MSc (Econ)    London    Someproblems of agriculture in the Vale of Peshawar (West Pakistan)    Lloyd Suttor EDMONDS
1960    PhD    Cambridge, Fitzwilliam    Malabar in Asian trade, 1740-1800    Asin Ranjan Das GUPTA

1960    MA    Wales, Swansea    Indian international transactions 1948 to 1958    C GURUPRASAD
1960    PhD    London, SOAS    British policy on the North West Frontier Province of India, 1889-1901    L HARRIS    Prof K Ballhatchet
1960    PhD    London, External    Agricultural geography of East Pakistan    B L C JOHNSON
1960    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    The Indian National Congress, 1918-1923    G KKRISHNA    Dr G F Hudson
1960    PhD    London    The growth of the idea of Commonwealth in India. 1900-1929    S R MEHROTRA    Prof Philips
1960    PhD    London    The Burma-China boundary since 1886    Khin Maung NYUNT
1960    PhD    London, Birkbeck    Colombo: a study in urban geography    D B L PANDITARATNA    Prof A L Basham
1960    PhD    London, LSE    The law and the banker in Ceylon    M J L RAJANAYAGAM    Prof Gower
1960    PhD    London, LSE    Land reforms and some allied agrarian problems in Madras State since independence    Arungiri RAMASWAMI
1960    PhD    London LSE    Economic aspects of the sugar industry in India    Saraswathi RAU    Dr Raeburn
1960    PhD    London, LSE    Industrial injuries schemes in India and Britain: a comparative study    B RAYCHAUDHURI
1960    MSc    London, LSE    Wage boards in British and the application of their proceedings in India    C J N SAXENA    Prof Phelps Brown
1960    PhD    London, LSE    Recent changes in land use in the Upper Damodar Basin, India    A SHARAN    Mr Rawson
1960    PhD    London, SOAS    English relations with Haidar Ali, 1760-1782    B SHEIK ALI
1960    MA    London, Inst Ed    A comparative study of the language problem at the university level in India    R K YADAVA
1960    PhD    London, SOAS    Anglo-Chinese diplomacy regarding Burma, 1885-1897    Nancy Iu YAN-KIT
1960/61    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    Surplus manpower in agriculture and economic development with special reference to India    P S SANGHVI    Dr M R Fisher
1960/61    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    A critique of surplus labour doctrine as applied to the Pakistan in 1947-1957    Rehana TANWIR
1961    PhD    London    Constitutional and political aspects of the public corporation in Britain and India    R S ARORA
1961    BLitt    Oxford, Exeter    Some aspects of change in the structure of the Muslim family in the Punjab under British rule    T ASAD    Dr D F Pocock
1961    PhD    London, SOAS    The structure and organisatioin of the Bengal Native Infantry with special reference to the problems of discipline (1796-1852)    Amiya BARAT    Dr K Ballhatchet
1961    PhD    London, LSE    Howrah: an urban study    A CHATTOPADHYAY    Dr E Jones
1961    PhD    Leeds    India, Britain and Russia: a study of British opinion    V K CHAVDA    Prof Briggs
1961    DPhil    Oxford, Magdalen    Muslim politics in the Indo-Pakistan sub-continent, 1858-1916    M CHUGHTAI    Dr C C Davies
1961    DPhil    Oxford, Nuffield    Henry Dundas and the government of India, 1773-1801    B DE    Mr Davies
1961    PhD    London, SOAS    Some aspects of the development of social policy in Ceylon, 1840-1955 with special reference to the influence of missionary organisations    K M DE SILVA    Dr K Ballhatchet
1961    MSc    London    The economics, organisation and administration of the Indian paper industry    B N DHAR
1961    PhD    London    The administration of Guntur District with special reference to local influences on revenue policy, 1837-1848    Robert Eric FRYKENBERG    Dr K Ballhatchet
1961    PhD    Cambridge    Sir Richard Temple and the government of India 1868-1880: some trends in Indian administrative policy    G R G HAMBLY
1961    PhD    London, SOAS    Tribal unrest on the south-west frontier of the Bengal Presidency, 1831-1833    J C JHA
1961    MA    London, SOAS    Changing values in the Naga Hills and Manipur State    M KALABOVA    Prof C Von Furer Haimerdorf
1961    PhD    London, External    Financial administration in Ceylon since independence    V KANESALINGHAM
1961    MSc    London, LSE    Government of India policy towards Portuguese possessions in India from 1947 to 1957    R A KHAN
1961    PhD    London, SOAS    The development of nationalist ideas and tactics and the policies of the government of India    J R McLANE
1961    PhD    London, SOAS    The Kurumas of Malabar    Richard Lionel ROOKSBY
1961    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity Hall    The Ceylon economy, 1920-1938: a national accounts study    M R P SALGADO    Dr B B Das Gupta
1961    MA    London, SOAS    The social and political organisation of the Kandyan Kingdom (Ceylon)    S B W WICKREMASEKERA
1961/62    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    The growth of agricultural labour in the Madras Presidency in the nineteenth century    Dharma KUMAR    Mr J Gallagher
1962    MA    London, LSE    Population changes in West Bengal, 1872-1951    A BHATTACHARYYA    Prof Jones
1962    MA    London, Inst Ed    Policies regarding higher education in Ceylon during the 19th and 20th centuries with special reference to the establishment of the University of Ceylon    P CHANDRASEGARAM    Mr B Holmes
1962    PhD    London    The development of the English East India Company with special reference to its trade and organization, 1600-1640    K N CHAUDHURI
1962    PhD    Edinburgh    The control of public expenditure in less-developed countries with special reference to India    usha DAR
1962    PhD    London, LSE    Investment and economic growth in Ceylon    S B D DE SILVA    Prof Paish
1962    PhD    Londond, Birkbeck    The North West frontier of West Pakistan: a study in regional geography    D DICHTER    Prof East
1962    PhD    London    Social institutions in Ceylon 5th century BC to 4th century AD    H ELLAWALLA    Prof Basham; Dr de Casparia
1962    MLitt    Durham    The political ideas of Sir Alfred Comyn Lyall    P HASSAN    Prof W H Morris Jones
1962    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Some aspects of the social and political thought of Mahatma Gandhi    Raghavan Narasimhan IYER    Mr J P Plamenatz
1962    PhD    London, SOAS    Murshid Quli Khan and his times    Abdul KARIM    Mr Harrison
1962    PhD    London    Indo-Ceylon relations since independence    Shelton Upatissa KODIKARA
1962    PhD    London    The fiscal policy of the central government of India since independence and its economic effects    J MADHAB
1962    DPhil    Oxford, Wadham    The impeachment of Warren Hastings    Peter James MARSHALL    Principal of Lady Margeret Hall
1962    PhD    London, External    Social geography of Himachal Pradesh    S D MISRA
1962    PhD    London, LSE    Public administration aspects of community development in India (with special reference to Rajasthan)    D C POTTER
1962    PhD    London, LSE    The development of the Indian capital market with special reference to the managing agent system    B PRASAD    Dr Paish; Dr Anstey
1962    PhD    London,  LSE    A study of productivity problems in the cotton textile industries of the UK (Lancashire) and India (Bombay and Ahmedabad) since the Second World War    S P S PRUTHI    Mr Roberts
1962    PhD    London    The political and constitutional evolution of Burma from 1923-1936    Asha RAM
1962    PhD    London, Inst Ed    Education in colonial Ceylon, being a research study on the history of education in Ceylon for the period 1796 to 1834    T R A RUBERU
1962    PhD    Edinburgh    Scottish experience in the impact of farm mechanisation on the employment and use of man labour with observatioins on possible Indian problems in this field    Kalyan Kumar SARKAR
1962    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity Hall    The emergence of Indian nationalism, 1885-1915    A SEAL    Mr J Gallagher
1962    PhD    Manchester    A comparative study of the central administrative organisation in India and in some other Commonwealth countries    S C SETH
1962    DPhil    Oxford, Nuffield    India’s export performance, 1951-1960, export prospects and policy implications    M V SINGH    Dr I M D Little
1962    PhD    Manchester    Some aspects of the administration of community projects in India    T N SRIVASTAVA
1962    PhD    London, QMC    Aspects of the urban geography of new Delhi    M P THAKORE    Prof Smailes
1962    PhD    London    Family planning in India: a field study of attitudes and behaviour in a population of Delhi compared with results of existing research in India and elsewhere    S THAPER
1962   PhD    London, SOAS    Lord Minto and the Indian nationalist movement with special reference to the political activities of the Indian Muslims, 1905-1910    S R WASTI
1962    DPhil    Oxford, New    The formation of policy in the India Office, 1858-1866, with special reference to the Political, Judicial, Revenue and Public Works Departments    D WILLIAMS    Mr C C Davies
1962/63    MA    London, Inst Ed    Education in the Roman Catholic missions in Ceylon in the second half of the 19th century (1842-1905)    C N V FERNANDO    Dr Weitzman
1962/63    PhD    London, External    Sterling tea and rubber companies in Ceylon, 1889-1958    N RAMACHANDRAN
1963    DPhil    Oxford, St Cath’s    Land systems in the Punjab (including North West Frontier Province)as affected by British rule between 1849 and 1901    R AHMAD    Mrs U K Hicks
1963    PhD    London, SOAS    The Bengali reaction to Christian missionary activities, 1833-1957    M M ALI
1963    PhD    Manchester    Economic ideas and Indian economic policies in the nineteenth century    S AMBIRAJAN
1963    PhD    London, UC    The development of the constitution of Jammu and Kashmir    A S ANAND    Mr Holland
1963    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Private investment and partial planning in India    Amiya Kumar BAGCHI
1963    PhD    London    The law of parliamentary elections in India and the United Kingdom    R K BAHL
1963    PhD    London, SOAS    British policy towards the Panjab, 1844-1849    S S BAL    Dr K Ballhatchet
1963    PhD    London    Estimates of the current and capital accounts of the balance of payments of India, 1921/22 to 1938/39, incorporating also the estimates of the government of India    A K BANERJI
1963    MS    London    The governorship of Sir William Gregory in Ceylon    B E St J BASTIAMPILLAI    Prof G S Graham
1963    PhD    Manchester    The industrial growth and technological pluralism in India with special reference to the cotton textile industry    AS BHALLA
1963    PhD    London, LSE    Financial administration of nationalised industries in UK and India    G S BHALLA
1963    MA    London, Inst Ed    A cross-cultural study of interests and attitudes of British and Indian university students    J K BHATNAGAR
1963    MSc    London, LSE    American attitudes towards foreign aid with special reference to the Indian sub continent    E I BRODKIN    Mr Chambers
1963    PhD    London, SOAS    Lord Curzon and the Indian states. 1899-1905    I A BUTT    Dr K A Ballhatchet

1963    MsC    London, UC    A comparative study of the nature and effectiveness of selective credit controls in the UK, India and Australia since 1951    J G CHAPATWALA    Dr Cramp
1963    PhD    London, SOAS    Slavery in the Bengal Presidency under East India Company rule, 1772-1843    A K CHATTOPADHYAY    Major Harrison
1963    PhD    London, SOAS    The rice industry of Burma, 1852-1940    Siok-hwa CHENG    Prof C D Cowan
1963    MA    London, Inst Ed    The effects of diarchy upon educational developments in Bengal, 1919-1953    S K DUTTA GUPTA
1963    PhD    London, LSE    Colonisation of the dry zone of Ceylon    H N C FONSECA
1963    PhD    London    British relations with Kashmir, 1885-1893    D K GHOSE    Dr K Ballhatchet
1963    PhD    Sheffield    The Marquis of Dalhousie and education in India, 1848-1956    Kamala GHOSH
1963    PhD    Manchester    The British Conservative Party and Indian problems. 1927-1935    S C GHOSH
1963    PhD    London, SOAS    British historical writing from Alexander Dow to Mountstuart Elphinstone on Muslim India    J S GREWAL    Dr Hardy
1963    PhD    London, SOAS    Indian politics and the British right, 1914-1922    M R HASSAN    Dr K Ballhatchet
1963    PhD    London, LSE    Ritual pollution and social structure in Hindu Assam    T T S HAYLEY
1963    MSc    London, LSE    English, German, Spanish relations in the Sulu question, 1987-1877    S C HUNTER
1963    PhD    London, LSE    Rainfall, rice fields and irrigation needs in West Bengal    P HUR    Mr Rawson
1963    MSc    London, LSE    Ideological influences in the foreign policy of Pakistan    A HUSSAIN    Dr Manning
1963    MA    Sheffield    The industrial geography of Madras State    Iyer Balasubramanyan HYMA
1963    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    The supply of Sinhalese labour to Ceylon plantations, 1830-1930: a study of imperial policy in a peasant society    L R U JAYAWARDENA    Mr K E Berrill
1963    PhD    London, External    Caste and class in pre-Muslim Bengal: studies in social history of Bengal    N KUNDU
1963    DPhil    Oxford, Jesus    The role and limits of state authority in northern India in the early historical period: an empirical examination of the administration of government    Ian W MABBETT    Prof T Borrow
1963    DPhil    Oxford, Lady Margaret    Lord Minto’s administration in India (1807-1813)with special reference to his foreign policy    Amita MAJUMDAR    Mr C C Davies
1963    DPhil    Oxford, St Hugh’s    Imperial policy in India, 1905-1910    V MAZUMDAR    Dr C C Davies
1963    PhD    London, LSE    The origin, development and problems of village (“community”) projects in India    Vindhyeshwari Prasad PANDE
1963    PhD    London, LSE    Constitutional protection of property in India: a critical and comparative study    P P PANDIT
1963    DPhil    Oxford, Regent’s Park    British Baptist missions and missionaries in India, 1793-1837    E D POTTS    Mr C C Davis
1963    DPhil    Oxford, Somerville    Land revenue administration in the ceded and conquered provinces and its economic background, 1819-1833    Asiya SIDDIQI    Mr C C Davis
1963    MA    London, SOAS    British administration in Upper Burma, 1885-1897    Jagjit Singh SIDHU
1963    BLitt    Oxford, St Cath’s    The Jats: an ethnographic survey    Gunter TIEMANN    Dr D F Pocock
1963    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    The development and significance of transport in India (1834-1882)    K E VERGHESE    Mr C C Davies
1963    PhD    London,  SOAS    Some aspects of Indian society as depicted in the Pali Canon    N K WAGLE
1963    MA    London, LSE    Magic in Malaya    W D WILDER
1963    PhD    London, UC    Basic democracies in Pakistan    M S K YOUSUFZAI    Prof Holland
1964    LlM    London, UC    The origin and nature of presidential powers in Pakistan    M ARIF    Mr Holland
1964    PhD    London, SOAS    The ideological differences between moderates and extremists in the Indian national movement with special reference to Surendranath Banerjea and Lajpat Rai, 1882-1919    D ATGOV    Prof H Tinker
1964    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    The Indian Constituent Assembly and the framing of the Indian constitution    G S AUSTIN    Mr F G Carnell
1964    PhD    London, SOAS    The role of Shaikh Ahmad of Sarhind in Islam in India    M Q BAIG    Prof Basham
1964    PhD    London, SOAS    David Scott on the North East Frontier of India and in Assam    N K BAROOAH    Mr Harrison
1964    BLitt    Oxford, Somerville    An examination of marriage ritual among selected groups in South India    B E F BECK
1964    PhD    London, LSE    The mobilisation of savings and the role of financial institutions with special reference to India    M Q M S DALVI    Dr Anstey
1964    PhD    London, LSE    Producers’ rationality and technical changes in agriculture with special reference to India    S DASGUPTA    Dr Anstey; Mr Joy
1964    PhD    London, SOAS    British policy towards the Pathans and Pindaris in central India, 1805-1818    B GHOSH    Dr K Ballhatchet
1964    PhD    Cambridge. Newnham    Service centres in Southern Ceylon    K A GUNAWARDENA    Mr B H Farmer

1964 PhD London, UCL, A Comparative Study of Pakistani Bilingual and Monoglot School Children’s Performance in Verbal and Non Verbal Tests   Rafia HASAN Dr Charlotte Banks (added thanks to information of Naveed Hasan Henderson, PhD London 1995, in a comment below, and confirmed by the University of London Library)

1964    PhD    London, External    An appraisal of public investment policy in India, 1951-1961    J M HEALEY
1964    PhD    London    The formation of British land revenue policy in the ceded and conquered provinces of northern India. 1801-1833    M I HUSAIN    Dr K A Ballhatchet
1964    PhD    London, LSE    Soviet Russia’s policy towards India and its effect on Anglo-Soviet relations, 1917-1928    Z IMAM    Mr Schapiro
1964    PhD    London, Wye    Efficiency in agricultural production; its meaning, measurement and improvement in peasant agriculture with special reference to Pakistan    M S ISLAM
1964    PhD    London, LSE    The urban labour movement in Ceylon with reference to political factors, 1893-1947    V K JAYAWARDENA    Prof Roberts
1964    PhD    London, External    A study of the current trends in the industrial development of Ceylon    V KANAPATHY
1964    PhD    London, LSE    The modern Muslim political elite in Bengal    Abdul Khair Nazmul KARIM
1964    PhD    London, LSE    Iron and steel prices in India since independence    S S MENSINKAI
1964    PhD    London, SOAS    Sir Charles Wood’s Indian policy, 1953-1866    R J MOORE    Prof Basham
1964    PhD    London, SOAS    Lord Northwood’s Indian administration, 1872-1876    E C MOULTON    Dr K Ballhatchet
1964    PhD    London, LSE    Some aspects of agrarian reorganizationin India with special reference to size of holding    B MUKHERJEE    D Anstey
1964    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    British commercial interests and the expansion of the Bombay Presidency, 1784-1806    P NIGHTINGALE    Dr T G P Spear
1964    PhD    London, SOAS    The rise of the Muslim middle class as a political factor in India and Pakistan    A H M NOORUZZAMAN    Prof H Tinker
1964    PhD    London, SOAS    The rev. James Long and Protestant missionary policy in Bengal, 1840-1872    G A ODDIE    Prof K Ballhatchet
1964    PhD    London, Inst Ed    Some issues between the church and state in Ceylon in the education of the people from 1870 to 1901    A RAJAINDRAN    Dr Holmes
1964    PhD    London, LSE    Rural development in India with special reference to agriculture, education and administration    K RAJARATNAM    Dr Anstey
1964    PhD    Durham    The central legislature in British India, 1921-1947    Md RASHIDUZZAMAN    Prof W H Morris-Jones
1964    PhD    London, LSE    Land tenure as related to agricultural efficiency and rural welfare in India    Paramahansa RAY    Dr Anstey; Mr Joy
1964    PhD    London    The revenue administration of Chittagong from 1761 to1784    Alamgir Muhammad SERAJUDDIN    Mr Harrison
1964    BLitt    Oxford, St Hilda’s    A study of representation in multi-lateral communities with special reference to Ceylon and Trinidad from 1946-1961    A SPACKMAN    Dr A F Madden
1964    MSc    London, LSE    Trends in the pattern of distribution of consumer goods in India    B K VADEHRA
1964    PhD    London, SOAS    British administration in the maritime provinces of Ceylon, 1796-1802    U C WICKREMERATNE    Prof K A Ballhatchet
1964    MA    Nottingham    British policy and the defence of Asia, 1903-1905: with special reference to China and India    B WILLCOCK    Dr J A S Grenville
1964/65    PhD    Manchester    Revolution and counter-revolution: a study of British colonial policy as a factor in the growth and disintegration of national liberation movements in Burma and Malaya    F NEMENZO
1964/65    PhD    Nottingham    Impact of the size of the organization on the personnel management function: a comparative study of personnel departments in some British and Indian industrial firms    B P SINGH
1965    DPhil    Oxford, New College    Life and conditions of the people of Bengal (1765-1785)    Z AHMA    Mr C C Davies
1965    PhD    London, External    The commercial progress and administrative development of the East India company on the Coromandel coast during the first half of the 18th century    R N BANERJI
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    The minorities of Southern Asia and public policy with special reference to India (mainly since 1919)    J H BEAGLEHOLE    Prof H Tinker
1965    PhD    Manchester    Urban unemployment in India    RC BHARDWAJ
1965    DPhl    Oxford, Balliol    The governor-generalship of the Marquess of Hastings, 1813-1823, with special reference to the Supreme Council and Secretariat…Palmer Company    Richard J BINGLE    Mr C C Davies
1965    MSc    London, SOAS    Ministerial government under the dyarchical reforms with special reference to Bengal and Madras    K A CHOWDHURY
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    The idea of freedom in the political thought of Vivekananda, Aurobindo, Gandhi and Tagore    D G DALTON
1965    MA    London, LSE    Irrigation and winter crops in East Pakistan    O HUQ    Mr Rawson
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    Conditions of employment and industrial disputes in Pakistan    A HUSAIN    Prof A Gledhill
1965    PhD    London, LSE    Democratic decentralization and planning in rural India    A C S ILCHMAN    Dr Anstey; Prof Self
1965    MSc    London, King’s    A social geography of Chitral State    ISRAR-UD-DIN    Prof Jones
1965    MSc (Econ)    London, LSE    Economic problems and organisation of public enterprise in Ceylon, 1931-1963    A S JAYAWARDENE    Mr Foldes
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    The rights and liabilities of the Bengal raiyats under tenancy legislation from 1885 to 1947    L KABIR
1965    MA    Manchester    The failure of parliamentary system of government in Pakistan    M A KHAN
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    Curzon, Kitchener and the problem of India army administration, 1899-1909    J E LYDGATE    Prof Robinson
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    A study of urban centres and industries in the central provinces of the Mughal Empire between 1556 and 1803    H K NAQVI    Mr Harrison
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    Sir Charles Metcalfe’s administration and administrative ideas in India, 1806-1835    D N PANIGRAHI    Prof C H Philips
1965    PhD    Birmingham    Peasant farming past and present in the wet zone of Ceylon    P D A PERERA    Prof H Thorpe; Dr W B Morgan
1965    DPhil    Oxford, Merton    Some aspects of British economic and social policy in Ceylon, 1840-1871    M W ROBERTS    Prof J A Gallagher
1965    PhD    London    The rise of business corporations in India and their development during 1851-1900    R S RUNGTA    Prof Paish; Dr V Ansty
1965    PhF    London, SOAS    The Sultanate of Jaunpur    Mian Muhhammad SAEED    Prof Basham
1965    BLitt    Oxford, Lady Margaret    Agricultural policy and economic development in India    K N V SASTRI    Mr G R Allen
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    A comparative study of the traditional political organisation of Kerala and Punjab    S J SHAHANI    Dr Mayer
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    The joint Hindiu family: its evolution as a legal institution    Gunther-Dietz SONTHEIMER    Dr Derrett
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    Nullity of marriage in modern Hindu law    S K TEWARI    Dr J D M Derrett
1965    MA    London, Inst Ed    The social and political significance of Anglo-Indian schools in India    Rosalind TIWARI    Dr King
1965    MA    Manchester    Federalism in south-East Asia with special reference to Burma    Margaret YIYI
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    The partition of Bengal and its annulment: a survey of the schemes of territorial redistribution of Bengal, 1902-1911    S Z H ZAIDI    Prof Basham
1965/66    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    Economic geography of rubber production in Ceylon    G H PEIRIS    Mr B H Farmer
1965/66    PhD    Leeds    Impact of money supply on the Indian economy, 1950/51 – 1963/64    K PRASAD
1965/66    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    The structure and working of the commercial banking system in Ceylon, 1945-1963    A J A N SILVA    Miss P M Deane
1965/66    PhD    Durham    Aspects of hte administration of the Punjab, judicial, revenue and political, 1849-1858    S K SONI
1965/66    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity House    The public finances of Ceylon, 1948-1961    G USWATTE-ARATCHI    Dr A R Prest

1966  PhD Manchester University Ramgopal AGARWALA  An econometric model of India, 1948-49 to 1960-61 Mr R.J. Ball

1966    PhD    London, LSE    Expenditure classification and investment planning with special reference to Pakistan    K U AHMAD    Dr Anstey
1966    PhD    London, LSE    The methodology of studying fertility differentials with reference to East Pakistan    M AHMAD    Prof Glass; Mr Carrier
1966    PhD    Bristol    The role of a higher civil service in Pakistan    A AHMED
1966    PhD    London, SOAS    Conditions of employment and industrial disputed in Pakistan    H AHMED
1966    MScEcon    London, SOAS    Political parties and the Labour Movement in India in the 1920s    N BEGAM
1966    MLitt    Edinburgh    Patronage and education in the East India Company civil service, 1800-1857    J T BEYER
1966    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    Regional cooperation for development in South Asia with special reference to India and Pakistan    S R BOSE    Mr W B Reddaway
1966    PhD    London    The constitutional history of Malaya with special reference toe Malay states of Perak, Selangor, Negri Sembilan and Pahong, 1874-1914    P L BURNS    Prof C D Cowan
1966    PhD    Cambridge, Girton    The impact of planning upon federalism in India, 1951-1964    A CHATTERJI    Prof Sir Ivor Jennings
1966    PhD    London, UC    Industrial conciliation and arbitration in India    R L CHAUDHARY
1966    PhD    London, UC    Lahore: a geographical study    M M CHAUDHURY
1966    PhD    Manchester    The approach to planning in Pakistan    M K CHOWDHURY
1966    PhD    London, LSE    Jamshedpur – the growth of the city and its region    M DUTT    Prof Jones
1966    DPhil    Oxford, Campion Hall    The Tana Bhagats:a study in social change    P EKKA    Mr K O L Burridge
1966    PhD    London, LSE    The scope for wage policy as an instrument of planning in early stages of national economic development: a comparative study of the USSR, India and the UAR    M A ELLEISI    Prof Phelps Brown; Dr Ozga
1966    PhD    London, SOAS    The social condition of the British community in Bengal, 1757-1800    S C GHOSH    Prof A L Basham
1966    PhD    Cambridge, Girton    The transfer of power to Pakistan and its consequences (1946-1951)    M HASAN    Prof N Mansergh
1966    PhD    London, UC    The Indian Supreme Court and the constitution    M IMAM    Dr D C Holland
1966    PhD    London, LSE    Cotton futures markets in India: some economic studies    T ISLAM    Prof Yamey
1966    PhD    London, LSE    The extensions of the franchise in Ceylon with some consideration of the their political and social consequences    K H JAYASINGHE    Mr Pickles
1966    MA    London, External    The control of education in Ceylon: the last fifty years of British rule and after (1900-1962)    C S V JAYAWAWEERA
1966    PhD    London, External    A comparative study of British and American colonial educational policy in Ceylon and the Philippines from 1900 to 1948]    S JAYAWEERA
1966    PhD    Manchester    Import substitution in relations to industrial growth and balance of payments iof Pakistan, 1965-1970    A H KADRI
1966    PhD    London, SOAS    Origins of Indian foreign policy: a study of Indian nationalist attitudes to foreign affairs, 1927-1939    T A KEENLEYSIDE    Prof H Tinker
1966    PhD    London, SOAS    The transition in Bengal, 1756-1775: a study of Muhammad Reza Khan    Abdul Majed KHAN    Mr Harrison
1966    PhD    London, SOAS    The British administration of Sind between 1843 and 1865: a study in social and economic development    Hamida KHUHRO    Mr Harrison
1966    PhD    London, SOAS    The internal administration of Lord Elgin in India, 1984-1898    P L MALHOTRA    Mr Harrison
1966    PhD    London, SOAS    A study of Murshidabad Distrrict, 1765-1793    K M MOHSIN    Mr Harrison
1966    PhD    London, SOAS    The new province of Eastern Bengal and Assam, 1905-1911    M K U MOLLA    Dr Hardy; Dr Pandey
1966    PhD    London, SOAS    The early history of the East Indian Railways, 1845-1879    Hena MUKHERJEE    Dr Chaudhuri
1966    PhD    London, King’s    British military policy and the defence of India: a study of British military policy, plans and preparations during the Russian crisis, 1876-1880    A W PRESTON    Prof M E Howard
1966    PhD    London, LSE    Changes in caste in rural Kumaon    R D SANWAL    Dr Freedman
1966    PhD    London,  SOAS    The Christian missionaries in Bengal. 1793-1833    K SENGUPTA    Prof Basham
1966    PhD    London, LSE    Central control and supervision of capital expenditure in the public sector in the UK and India    Ram Parkash SETH    Prof Greaves; Prof Self
1966    PhD    London, King’s    Surveying and charting the Indian Ocean    W A SPRAY    Prof G S Graham
1966    PhD    London, SOAS    Politics and change in the Madras Presidency, 1884-1894: a regional study of Indian nationalism    R SUNTHARALINGAM    Prof H R Tinker
1966    PhD    London, External    The law relating to directors and managing agents of companies limited by shares in Pakistan    Muhammad ZAHIR    Prof Gledhill
1966/67    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Planning and regional development: the application of a multi-sectoral programming model to inter-regional planning in Pakistan    A R KHAN    Dr J A Mirrlees
1966/67    MPhil    London, Inst Ed    The impact of the creation of Pakistan on Muslim education in Pakistan    G NABI
1966/67    PhD    Manchester    A study of fiscal policy in Pakistan, 1950-51, with special reference to its contribution to economic development    M NAYIMUDDIN
1966/67    PhD    Edinburgh    The fisheries of Pakistan: their present position and potentialities    R NIAZI
1966/67    PhD    Leeds    An evaluation of the human impact on the nature and distribution of wild plant communities in the Ceylon Highlands    N P PERERA
1966/67    PhD    Reading    Intra-party relationships and federalism: a comparative study of the Indian Congress Party and the Australian political parties    Y A RAFEEK
1966/67    PhD    Cambridge, St Cath’s    The share of labour in value added during the inflation in the modern sector in under-developed economies: a comparative study of the experience of India, Peru and Turkey between 1939 and 1958    W M WARREN    Mr J A C Bowen
1967    LLM    Queen’s, Belfast    A comparative study of the provisions for emergency powers in the constitutions of the Indian, Australian, Nigerian and Malaysian federations with special emphasis on the Malaysian constitution    A ABIDIN
1967    PhD    Edinburgh    The peasant family and social status in East Pakistan    Nizam Uddin AHMED
1967    BLitt    Glasgow    Foreign trade policy of India    N M AMIN
1967    PhD    London, SOAS    English educated Ceylonese in the official life of Ceylon from 1865 to 1883    W M D D ANDRADI    Mr J B Harrison
1967    PhD    London, SOAS    Some aspects of the relationship of political and constitutional theories to the constitutional evolution of India and Pakistan with special reference to the period 1919-1956    B P BARUA    Prof H Tinker
1967    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    Indian education and politics,1898-1920    A BASU    Prof J A Gallagher

1967    MA    Sussex    Choice of technique: an activity analysis approach with special reference to the Indian cotton textiles industry    C L BELL
1967    PhD    Cambridge, Selwyn    Anglo-Afghan relations, 1870-1880    S CHAKRAVARTY    Dr T G Spear
1967    PhD    Cambridge, Clare    The relations of the Court of Directors, the India Board, the India Office and the Government of India, 1853-1865    P K CHATTARJI    Dr T G Spear
1967    MA    Sussex    The regulation of communal disturbances in West Bengal and East Pakistan in 1950    M CHAUDHURY
1967    MSc    London, SOAS    Political parties in the Bombay Presidency, 1920-1929    D S CHAVDA    Prof H Tinker
1967    PhD    London, SOAS    Oil prices and the Indian market, 1886-1964    Biplab Kumar DASGUPTA    Prof Penrose
1967    MPhil    London, LSE    Some aspects of stratificatioin in Indian rural communities    K S DASGUPTA    Prof Glass
1967    DPhil    Oxford, Lady Margaret    The growth of urban leadership n Western India with special reference to Bombay City, 1845-1885    C E DOBBIN    Prof J A Gallagher
1967    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    Judicial control of administrative action in India and Pakistan    A FAZAL    Prof H W R Wade
1967    DPhil    Oxford, Linacre House    Patterns of investment, political stability and rates of growth: an analysis of central government expenditure of Ceylon, 1930-1963    S T G FERNANDO    Lady Hicks
1967    MA    Sussex    Development administration and Calcutta metropolitan government    R FOGEL
1967    PhD    London, QMC    Peasant production of tea in Sri Lanka    R S GUNAWARDENA    Dr Hodder; Prof Smailes
1967    PhD    London, SOAS    The policy of Sir James Fergusson as Governor of Bombay Presidency, 1880-1885    A GUPTA    Prof K Ballhatchet
1967    PhD    Cambridge, Sidney    The effect of a change in the terms of trade on the economic growth of Pakistan: a study of the third five year plan    I U HAQUE    Mr W B Reddaway
1967    PhD    London, LSE    Agricultural taxation in a newly developing country: the case of Pakistan    A HASHEM    Prof Peston
1967    PhD    London, SOAS    A price stabilisation model for Pakistan: jute    A K M S HUQ    Prof Penrose
1967    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    The failure of parliamenary politics in Pakistan, 1953-1958    I HUSAIN    Prof M Beloff
1967    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    The development of Indian politics, 1888-1909    G JOHNSON    Dr A Seal
1967    MA    Sussex    Language as an issue in Indian politics    J KABANGO
1967    MA    London, LSE    The changing distribution of cash crops in East Pakistan, 1945-1962    A K M KALIMULLAH    Dr Board
1967    PhD    Aberdeen    The development of transport in East Pakistan    Abul Fazal Muhammed KAMALUDDIN
1967    MPhil    London, SOAS    The advent of the British in Ceylon, 1762-1803    V L B MENDIS    Dr Bastin
1967    MPhil    Leeds    The linguistic world of Anglo-India    K MUSA
1967    MPhil    London, SOAS    Some aspects of the Hindu-Muslim relationship in India, 1876-1892    Shamsun NAHAR    Dr B N Pandey
1967    PhD    Edinburgh    The contribution of Scottish missions to the rise and growth of responsible churches in India    James McMichael ORR    Dr H Watt; Prof A C Cheyne
1967    PhD    London, LSE    The impact of industrialisation on urban growth: a case study of Chotanagpur    P PANDEYA    Prof Jones
1967    DPhil    Oxford, Jesus    British relations with Pakistan, 1947-1962: a study of British policy towards Pakistan    M A QURESHI    Mr G Wint
1967    PhD    London    The evolution for civil procedure in Bengal from 1772 to 1806    Z RAHMAN
1967    PhD    London, SOAS    Local government services in India: a case study of Punjab, 1860-1960    D R SACHDEVA    Prof H Tinker
1967    PhD    London, UC    Judicial interpretation of the Government of India Act, 1935    H SAHARAY
1967    MA    London, SOAS    Political conflict in selected villages of India, Pakistan and Ceylon    M J SHEPPERSDSON    Prof Mayer
1967    PhD    Leicester    Some early tertiary ostracods from West Pakistan    Qadeer Ahmad SIDDIQUI
1967    PhD    London, SOAS    Evolution of the structure of civil judiciary in Bengal, 1800-1831    C SINHA    Dr Pandey
1967    PhD    London, External    The social structure of an Indian-Jewish community    S STRIZOWER
1967    MPhil    London, Inst Ed    Education and international understanding between the East and the West with special reference to the UK and Pakistan    Q J SURI    Prof Lauwery; Mr Goodings
1967    MPhil    London, Inst Ed    Education in Kerala and the missionary contribtion to it during the first half of the nineteenth century    Joseph THAIKOODAN
1967    PhD    London, SOAS    Customs and institutions connected with the domestic life of the Sinhalese in the Kandyan period:    Miniwan P TILLAKARATNE
1967    PhD    London, SOAS    Trends in and prospectsof Pakistan’s exports to the UK and the European Economic Community, 1951-1970    Z A VAINCE    Prof Penrose
1967    DPhil    Oxford, Merton    The policies of the government of Ceylon concerning education and religion, 1865-1885    L A WICKREMERATNE    Mr K A Ballhatchet
1967    BLitt    Oxford, Somerville    The sociological implications of educational policies in Ceylon since 1947    C K WICKREMESINGHE    Dr D F Pocock
1967    BLitt    Oxford, St Hilda’s    Henry Russell’s activities in Hyderabad, 1811-1820    Z YAZDANI    Mr K A Ballhatchet
1967/68    PhD    Cambridge, Corpus    The causes and consequence of trade fluctuations in Ceylon, 1948-1960    M A FERNANDO    Mr H H Leisner
1967/68    PhD    London, External    British relations with Tanjore (1748-1799)    C S RAMANUJAM
1967/68    PhD    Edinburgh    The agricultural geography of Hissar District    Jasbur SINGH
1967-68    PhD    Cambridge, Christ’s    Anglo-Mughal relations in western India and the development of Bombay, 1662-1690    G Z REFAI
1968    MA    Durham    The influence of religion on politics in Pakistan, 1947-1956    S R AHMAD
1968    PhD    London, SOAS    The administration of the North West Frontier,1901-1919    L BAHA    Dr Hardy
1968    MSc    Cambridge, Christ’s    Industrial expansion and regional cooperation in South Asia: a study of selected industries    Peter Douglas BALACS
1968    MLitt    Cambridge, Trinity Hall    The working of the supreme government of India and its constitutional relations with the home authorities, 1833-1853    A G BANERJEE    Dr T G P Spear
1968    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    On price relationships in Indian agriculture    K BARDHAN    P M Deane
1968    DPhil    Oxford, Somerville    Social and conceptual order in Kongu: a region of South India    B E F BECK    Dr R K Jain
1968    PhD    London    The urban geography of Lyallpur    M H BOKHARI    Prof A E Smailes
1968    PhD    Cambridge    Rohilkhand from conquest to revolt, 1774-1858: a study in the origins of the Indian Mutiny uprising    E I BRODKIN    Dr E T Stokes
1968    PhD    Cam,bridge, Girton    Gandhi in India, 1915-1920: his emergence as a leader and the transformation of politics    J M BROWN    Dr A Seal
1968    MPhil    London    The development of education in India under Lord Curzon, 1899-1905    Hamida I BUTT
1968    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Bengali political unrest (1905-1918)with special reference to terrorism    H CHAKRABARTI    Prof K Ballhatchet
1968    MPhil    London, King’s    The development of mountain warfare in India in the 19th century    S CHANDRA    Prof M E Howard
1968    DPhil    Oxford, St Cath’s    American policy towards India, 1941-1947, with emphasis on the Phillips mission to India, 1943    F L CHASE    Prof J A Gallagher
1968    DPHil    Oxford, Linacre    The agrarian economy and agrarian relations in Bengal, 1859-1885    B B CHAUDHURI    Dr K A Ballhatchet
1968    BLitt    Oxford, Linacre    Some aspects of English Protestant missionary activities in Bengal, 1857-1885    T CHAUDHURI    Dr S Gopal
1968    DPhil    Oxford, University    British government and society in the residency of Bengal, 1858-1880: an examination of certain aspects of British policy in relation to the changing nature of society    J M COMPTON    Mr K A Ballhatchet
1968    DPhil    Oxford, Magdalen    British reform policy and Indian politics on the eve of the rise of Gandhi    R J DANZIG    Dr S Gopal
1968    PhD    Cambridge, Magdalen    Optimum investment decisions with special reference to the Indian fertilizer industry    A K DAS GUPTA    Dr J A Mirrlees
1968    DPhil    Oxford, Somerville    Public opinion and Indian policy, 1872-1880    U DAS GUPTA    Dr S Gopal
1968    MPhil    London, Inst Ed    The contribution of the Wesleyan missionaries to southern India    P W DE SILVA
1968    PhD    York    The verbal piece in spoken Hindi: a morpho-syntactic study    Hans DUA
1968    MPhil    London, Inst Ed    An enquiry into the purpose and development of Catholic education in Madras. 1850-1950    M A DUNNE    Prof Lauwerys
1968    PhD    London, LSE    Some political aspects of foreign aid in India, 1947-1966    P J ELDRIDGE    Prof Goodwin
1968    DPhil    Oxford, Linacre House    The development of a new elite in Ceylon with special reference to educational and occupational background, 1910-1931    P T M FERNANDO    Dr A H Halsey
1968    BLitt    Oxford, Exeter    An historical survey and assessment of the ecclesiastical and missionary policy of the East India Company    I J GASH    Mr C C Davies
1968    MLitt    Bristol    The civil servant and contemporary government in India    B GIRI
1968    PhD    Birmingham    Consumption patterns in India: a regional analysis    D B GUPTA
1968    DPhil    Oxford, St Edmund Hall    The debts of the Nawab of Arcot, 1763-1776    J D GURNEY    Dame L Sutherland
1968    PhD    London, LSE    Econometrics of import planning in India (1947-1965): a case study of selected commodities    M L HANDA    Prof Sargan; De Desai
1968    DPhil    Oxford, Nuffield    Moral and religious changes in an urban village of Bangalore, South India    M N HOLSTROM    Dr D P Pocock
1968    MPhil    London SOAS    Lord Mayo’s Viceroyalty (1869-1872) with special reference to problems of external security and internal stability    M A HOSSAIN    Dr Zaidi
1968    PhD    London, LSE    British policy towards Persia and the defence of British India, 1798-1807    R INGRAM ELLIS    Miss H Lee
1968    PhD    London, LSE    Karachi: a pre-industrial city in transition    M Z KHAN    Prof Jones
1968    PhD    London, SOAS    The Dutch in Ceylon, 1743-1766    D A KOTELAWEL    Dr Bastin
1968    PhD    London, SOAS    The contribution of Christian missionaries to education in Bengal, 1793-1837    M A LAIRD    Prof K Ballhatchet

1968    PhD    London, LSE    Socio-economic determinants of infant and child mortality in Sri Lanka: an analysis of post-war experience     S A MEEGAMA    Prof Glass
1968    MPhil    London, UC    Higher judiciary in Pakistan    M Y MIRZA    Mr Holland
1968    BLitt    Oxford, St Cath’s    Funeral ritual in South India    M M MOFFATT    Dr R K Jain
1968    MPhil    London, LSE    Land use and nutrition in Lucknow District    I MOHIUDDIN    Mr R Rawson
1968    PhD    London, SOAS    Political relations between India and Nepal, 1877-1923    K MOJUMDAR    Prof K Ballhatchet
1968    MPhil    London, Bedford    The cities of Hyderabad-Secunderabad with special reference to their industrial development    K B MUSTAFA    Mr Mountjoy
1968    MPhil    London, LSE    Concepts of purity and pollution in Indian religion    Judith Ann OSTROW
1968    PhD    Lancaster    The evolution and history of the Buddhist monastic order with special reference to the Sangha in Ceylon    Gunaratne PANABOKKE
1968    PhD    London, SOAS    The invasion of Nepal: John Company at war, 1814-1816    J C PEMBLE    Dr Moore
1968    PhD    London, SOAS    The All-India Muslim League in Indian politics, 1906-1912    M RAHMAN    Dr Moore
1968    MPhil    London, SOAS    The reform of local self-government in India under Lord Ripon, 1880-1884: a study in the formation of policy    Q RAHMAN
1968    PhD    Wales, Bangor    An economic appraisal of agricultural marketing in Pakistan    Abdur RASHID
1968    PhD    Edinburgh    A geographical analysis of the historical development of towns in Ceylon    L K RATNAYAKE    Prof J W Watson; Dr R Jones
1968    MA    Sussex    Constitutional change and the depressed classes: the representations from the depressed classes in the United Provinces to the Indian Statutory Commission, 1928, and their outcome    L SEN-GUPTA
1968    PhD    London, External    The role of railway transport in Ceylon: present problems and future prospects    K SUNDERALINGAM
1968    PhD    London, Inst Ed    A critical study of the history and development of university education in modern India, with special reference to problems and patterns of growth since 1847    C TICKOO
1968    DPhil    Oxford, St Cath’s    Kinship and marriage among the Jat of Haryana in northern India    Gunter TIEMANN    Dr R K Jain
1968    PhD    Edinburgh    The strategy of Christian missions to the Muslims: Anglican and reformed contributions in India and the Near East from Henry Martyn to Samuel Zwemmer, 1800-1938    Lyle L VANDER WERFF    Prof M Watt; Prof AC Cheyne
1968    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Indian historical writing in English, 1870-1920, with special reference to the influence of nationalism    Johannes H VOIGT    Mr K A Ballhatchet
1968    MPhil    London, LSE    The hierarchy of towns in Vidarbha, India, and its significance for regional planning    Sudhir Vyankatesh WANMALI.  Prof MJ Wise
1968    MA    Manchester    The relevance of land reform to economic progress in Pakistan    M A ZAMAN
1968/69    PhD    Glasgow    Planning for economic development: a comparative case study of Indian and Egyptian experience, 1946-1966, with special reference to planning strategy and effectiveness    A El- H H EL-GHAZALI
1968/69    PhD    Cambridge, Girton    Muslim politics and government policy: studies in  the development of Muslim organisation and its social background in North India and Bengal, 1885-1917    Janetr Mary RIZVI
1969    PhD    Durham    The working of district administration in Pakistan, 1947-1964    N ABEDIN    Prof W H Morris-Jones
1969    PhD    Cambridge, Fitzwilliam    The formation of the Government of India Act, 1935    W AHMAD    Dr T G P Sper
1969    MPhil    London, SOAS    Ideological factors in selected fields of policy making in India    Zoe F ALLEN
1969    PhD    London, SOAS    British famine and agricultural policies in India with special reference to the administration of Lord George Hamilton    S K BANDYOPADHYAY    Dr R J Moore
1969    PhD    London, SOAS    The political and economic conditions of Indians in Burma, 1900-1941    N R CHAKRAVARTI
1969    PhD    London, SOAS    The amending process in the Indian constitution    H CHAND
1969    PhD    London    Trade and commercial organisation in Bengal with special reference to the English East India Company, 1650-1720    S CHAUDHURY    Dr K N Chaudhuri
1969    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    The Bombay political service, 1863-1924    I F S COPLAND    Prof J A Gallagher
1969    PhD    London, Birkbeck    The Colonial Office and political problems in Ceylon and Mauritius, 1907-1921    L B L CROOK    Dr I M Cumpston
1969    DPhil    Oxford, Nuffield    British defence policy in the Indian Ocean region between the Indian Independence Act, 1947, and the British defence review, 1966    P G C DARBY    Prof N H Gibbs
1969    DPhil    Oxford    An evaluation of the Eastern bloc assistance to India (1956-57 to 1965-66)    DATARHA
1969    PhD    London, LSE    The effect of international labour migration on trade and real income: a case study of Ceylon, 1920 to 1938    A DUTTA    Prof Johnson
1969    PhD    London, Bedford    The development of the sugar industry in Nizamabad, Andhra Pradesh    A H FAROOQI
1969    PhD    London    Lord William Bentinck in Madras, 1803-1807    M GUPTA    Dr B M Pandey
1969    PhD    London, External    A study of the planning techniques in India: India’s five year plans    S GUPTA
1969    PhD    Manchester    A typical support structure of leadership in Punjab – the faction    J J M HAUDHRI
1969    PhD    Manchester    A structural study of Pakistan’s monetary sector    K A IMAN
1969    PhD    London, LSE    Regional development in Pakistan with special reference to the effects of import licensing and exchange control    A I A ISLAM
1969    PhD    London    Social aspects of the historical geography of East Pakistan, 1608-1857    Bilquis JAHAN    Miss E M J Campbell
1969    PhD    London, External    The sources and development of the customary laws of the Sinhalese up to 1835    M L S JAYASEKERA
1969    MSocSc    Birmingham    Industrial development and organization in Ceylon – a case study of the Ceylon cement industry    G W JAYSURIYA
1969    PhD    London    Dutch rule in maritime Ceylon, 1766-1796    V KAMAPATHYPILLAI    Dr J S Bastin
1969    PhD    London, LSE    Domestic instability as a factor in Pakistan’s foreign policy, 1952-1958    M KAMLIN    Dr Lyon
1969    PhD    London, LSE    A study of import control, with special reference to India    H KUSARI
1969    PhD    London, LSE    Britain and the termination of the India-China opium trade, 1905-1913    Margaret J B-C LIM    Prof Medlicott; Mr Dilks
1969    BLitt    Oxford, Linacre    Financing agricultural development with special reference to the place of agricultural credit in West Pakistan after 1947    A M MALIK    Mr R G Opie
1969    PhD    London, SOAS    Election laws in Pakistan    M D MALIK
1969    PhD    London, SOAS    The development of the jurisdiction and powers of the superior courts in Pakistan    M A MANNAN    Prof Gledhill
1969    MA    Sussex    Th Krishak Praja Party and the Bengal provincial elections, 1937    H MOMEN
1969    BPhil    St Andrews    Muslim politics in India, 1858-1918    S NAZ    D G Seed
1969    PhD    London, SOAS    Jury and police reform during the Indian Vice-Royalty of Lord Lansdowne, 1888-1894    R RAHMAN    Dr P Hardy
1969    PhD    London, LSE    Frontier problems in Pakistan’s foreign policy    S M M RAZVI    Dr P H Lyon
1969    DPhil    Oxford, Merton    The Commission of Eastern Inquiry in Ceylon, 1829-1837: a study of a Royal Commission of Colonial Inquiry    V K SAMARAWEERA    Dr A F Madden
1969    PhD    London, SOAS    Hinduism in a Kangra village    U M SHARMA    Pror Mayer
1969    PhD    London, SOAS    The reorganization of the Indian armies, 1858-1879    A H SHIBLEY    Dr Moore
1969    PhD    London, SOAS    Land resumption in Bengal, 1819-1846    A M WAHEEDUZZAMA    Dr Zaidi
1969    PhD    London, External    Methodism in north Ceylon: its history and influences, 1814-1890    D K WILSON
1969/70    PhD    Bristol    On the construction and implementation of a planning model for Ceylon    S NARAPALASINGAM
1969/70    PhD    Durham    Some aspects of central banking in Pakistan, 1948-1966    A K NIAZI
1969/70    PhD    Edinburgh    Settlement geography of the Indian desert (Rajasthan area)    Ram C SHARMA
1969/70    PhD    Bristol    The relations between central and provincial governments in Pakistan    M A TAYYEB    Prof Bromhead
1969/70    PhD    London, SOAS    Some legal aspects of agrarian reform in India    Namgi Lal UPADHYAYA
1970    MPhil    London, LSE    Production and trade in the raw cotton and cotton textile industries of Pakistan,1948-1966    Q K AHMAD    Prof H Myint
1970    PhD    Edinburgh    Regionalism and political integration in Pakistan: a case study in political geography    Masood ALI
1970    MPhil    London, SOAS    The urban geography of Kanpur    S A ALI
1970    MPhil    London, LSE    Peasant agriculture in Ceylon, 1933-1893    A C L AMEER ALI    Prof F J Fisher
1970    PhD    Edinburgh    Possible developments in building technology in relations to low cost housing in Pakistan    Mohammed M BAJWA
1970    DPhil    Oxford, St Anthony’s    The growth of political organization inthe Allahabad locality, 1880-1925    C A BAYLY    Prof J A Gallgher
1970    PhD    Cambridge, Gonville       Spatial organizationof some villages in Northern India    P M BLAIKIE    Mr B H Farmer
1970    PhD    Cambridge    British impact on the Indian cotton textile industry, 1757-1865    J G BORPUJARI    Dr W J Macpherson
1970    MPhil    London, UC    Some problems of physical planning in Ceylon    S W P BULANKULAME
1970    PhD    London, LSE    The behaviour of prices in India, 1952-1966: an empirical study    S K CHAKRABARTI    Prof Walters
1970    MSc    Bristol    The long-term outlook for the consumption of tea in India – a quantitative analysis    B M CHAMBERS
1970    MA    Manchester    Social change in Indian towns    M K CHATERJEE
1970    PhD    Cambridge, St Cath’s    Sir Alfred Comyn Lyall: a study of the Anglo-Indian official mind    E C T CHEW    Dr E T Stokes
1970    PhD    London, SOAS    British policy on the North East frontier of India, 1865-1914    D P CHOUDHURY    Prof K Ballhatchet
1970    MA    Kent    Recent trends in Indian federalism    S DAS
1970    MPhil    London, Inst Ed    Development of adult education in India since independence with special reference to rural reconstruction    B DUTTA
1970    BLitt    Oxford, Keble    Identity amongst Muslims in West Bengal, India, and its relationship with political, social and economic change    P J K EADE    Dr R K Jain
1970    BLitt    Oxford, St Edmund Hall    Aspects of history of the Indian National Congress with special reference to the Swarajya Party, 1919-1927    R A GORDON    Prof J A Gallagher
1970    PhD    Wales, Swansea    A study of the social and economic geography of the coastal fishing industry of Ceylon    Suniti Danissari GUNASEKERA
1970    PhD    London, SOAS    British policy and Baluchistan, 1854-1876    T A HEATHCOTE    Dr M E Yapp
1970    MPhil    London, King’s    Selected aspects of agricultural development in West Pakistan    J HUSSAIN
1970    PhD    London, SOAS    Social and political change in Ceylon, 1900-1919 with special reference to the disturbances of 1915     p v i JAYASEKERA    Prof K A Ballhatchet
1970    MSc    Edinburgh    Language and politics in modern India    P KARAT
1970    PhD    London, SOAS    Protection of minority interests under the Indian constitution    G T LUIS    Prof Derrett
1970    DPhil    Oxford, Wadham    Sociological aspects of revival and change in Buddhism in nineteenth century Ceylon    Kitsiri MALALGODA    Mr B R Wilson
1970    PhD    London, SOAS    The administration of British Burma, 1852-1885    J A MILLS    Prof C D Cowan
1970    DPhil    Oxford, St John’s    Renewable natural resources planning for regional development with special reference to Kashmir    Maharaj K MUTHOO    Mr J J Macgregor
1970    DPhil    Sussex    Labour organisation in the Bombay textile industry, 1918-1929    R NEWMAN    Dr Reeves
1970    PhD    London, QMC    Land development in the Sinharaja foothill of Ceylon    M P PERERA    Mr B W Hodder
1970    PhD    London, SOAS    Shareholders’ control of public companies in Pakistan    A K RANJHA
1970    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    The politics of U.P. Muslims    Francis Christopher Rowland ROBINSON    Dr Seal
1970    MPhil    London, Inst Ed    Urbanisation – its educational implications in India    P SAJNANI
1970    PhD    York    Predicate complement constructions in Hindi and English    Anil SINHA
1970    PhD    London, LSE    Water supply and irrigation in the dry zone of Ceylon    K U SIRINANDA    Mr P Rawson; Dr Chandler
1970    PhD    Cambridge, Jesus    Ceylon’s export trends and prospects    M P S SURIAARACHCHI    Mr H Leisner
1970    MA    London, Inst Ed    The t rainingof teachers in Bombay Province (including Gujerat) since 1947    M N UPADHYAYA
1970    MSc    Wales    Britain’s forgotten war: the British role in the confrontation of Malaysia by Indonesia    Michael R WAGSTAFF
1970    MPhil    London, SOAS    A structural analysis of myths from the North east frontier of India    James Mackie WILSON
1970    PhD    Leeds    The role of the Ceylon civil service before and after independence    Watareke Aratchchige WISWA WARNAPALA
1970/71    PhD    St Andrews    The theory, practice and administration of Waqf with special reference to the Malayan state of Kadah    M Z B H OTHMAN    Dr J Burton
1970/71    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    The politics of U P muslims    M A ROWLANDS
1970/71    PhD    London, LSHTM    Dynamics of malaria in Ceylon    C SIVAGNANASUNDRAM
1971    MPhil    London, SOAS    A comparative study of social heirarchies in selected areas of India and Pakistan    Makhdum Tasadduq AHMAD    Dr Mayer
1971    PhD    Lancaster    Technical change and economic development of agriculture: the case of Bangladesh    M ALAMGIR
1971    MPhil    London, UC    A select bibliography of periodical literature published in English, German, French, Sanskrit, Hindi, Pali and Bengali during 1951-1966 on some aspects of Indian culture (philosophy, religion, linguistics, literature)from the post-Vedic to the pre-Kalidasa era    P BISWAS
1971    MPhil    London, SOAS    Symbolic and material aspects of institutions in political process: analysis of two North Indian villages    Bengt-Erik Per Gustaf BORGSTROM
1971    MLitt    Cambridge, Firtzwilliam    Metropolitan dominance in South India    R W BRADNOCK    Mr B H Farmer
1971    PhD    London, SOAS    Social change of marriage patterns in the North Western Himalayas (Churah, Pangi and Ladakh)    Bharpur Singh BRAR
1971    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    Political alliances in rural Western Maharashtra    Anthony Thomas CARTER
1971    PhD    London, External    Culture conflicts and education in Ceylon after independence    Ida W DESILVA
1971    PhD    London, SOAS    The internal politics of the Kandyan kingdom, 1707-1760    Lorna S DEWARAJA
1971    PhD    Durham    Patterns of population structure and growth in East Pakistan    K Maudood ELAHI
1971    PhD    London, LSE    An econometric growth model for Pakistan    A FAROOQUI    Mr J M Desai
1971    DPhil    Sussex    Municipal politics in Calcutta: elite groups and the Calcutta corporation, 1875-1900     C P M FUREDY    Prof A Low
1971    BLitt    Oxford, St John’s    Statutory provisions for the settlement of collective industrial disputes in England and Australia and India    S T GOH
1971    MA    Exeter    A study of the authority structure of an industrial organisation in a transitional setting: case study of a Ceylon industrial plant    S GOONATILAKE
1971    MSc    Hull    The impact of foreign aid on India’s international trade, 1951-1965    C P HALLWOOD
1971    PhD    Nottingham    Pakistan’s external relations    A K M A HAQUE    Prof Pear
1971    PhD    Durham    The working of parliamentary government in Pakistan, 1947-1958    S C HARUN
1971    MLitt    Glasgow    Government expenditure: a study with reference to economic development in Pakistan    M HUQ
1971    PhD    London, King’s    Freedom of interstate trade in India    C K M JARIWALA
1971    DPhil    Oxford, St Hilda’s    Government policy and economic and social change in western India,1850-1875    J F M JHIRAD    Prof K A Ballhatchet
1971    MSc    Strathclyde    Administrative aspects of social security programmes for factory labourers in East Pakistan    M KABIR
1971    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    Nationalism n Bengal, 1903-1911: a study of Bengali reactions to the partition of the province with special reference to the social groups involved    A P KANNANGARA    Prof K A Ballhatchet
1971    PhD    London, SOAS    Some aspects of society and politics in Bengal, 1927 to 1936    B R KHAN    Mr J B Harrison
1971    MPhil    London, SOAS    The tripartite countries [Iran, Pakistan and Turkey]of the regional cooperation for development: a geographical study of a regional grouping    Durray S KURESHI
1971    DPhil    Sussex    Administrative structures, economic change and problems of rural development in Aligarh District, Uttar Pradesh, India    Bismarck U MWANSASU
1971    PhD    London, King’s    A comparative study of the executive in Australia and India    J D OJO
1971    PhD    London, SOAS    Some aspects of the Indian Viceroyalty of Lord Elgin, 1862-1863    J A RAHMAN    Dr Harrison
1971    PhD    London, SOAS    Legal aspects of the “doctrine of pleasure” in relation to public servants in India    U R RAI
1971    MPhil    London, LSE    A comparative study of manpower in selected industries with similar technologies in India and the UK    S F RICHARDS    Prof Wise
1971    MPhil    Leeds    The military in politics in India and Pakistan since 1947    A H RIZVI    Prof Hanson; Dr O A Hartley
1971    PhD    London, SOAS    The government of India under Lord Chelmsford, 1916-1921, with special reference to the policies adopted towards constitutional change and political agitation in British India    P G ROBB    Prof K A Ballhatchet
1971    PhD    York    A generative semantic treatment of some aspects of English and Hindigrammar    Prajapati SAH
1971    PhD    London, LSE    The problem of economic holdings in the peasant agriculture of the dry zone of Ceylon    Somasundaram SELVANAYAGAM
1971    PhD    London,  SOAS    Status, power and resources: the study of a Sinhalese village    S P F SENATATNE
1971    MPhil    London. LSE    British opinion and Indian independence: a study of some British pressure groups which advanced the cause of Indian independence    Kumar Indra VIJAY
1971    MLitt    Edinburgh    David Livingstone and India    rOSINA g VISRAM    Prof G A Shepperson
1971    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    Employment incomes in Ceylon: an inquiry into the structure and determination of wage and salary earnings in Ceylon, 1949-1969    Pabawathie C WICKREMASINGHE
1971    MPhil    London, Inst Ed    A critical analysis of the problems of higher education in Pakistan since independence (1947) with special reference to student unrest    U S ZAMAN
1971/72    PhD    Liverpool    British opinion and Indian reform, 1858-1876    Nilima SAHA    Mr P J N Tuck
1972    DPhil    Oxford, Christ Church    Economic aspects of some peasant colonizations in Ceylon    G M ABAYARATNA    Miss M R Haswell
1972    PhD    Leeds    Economic, political and administrative aspects of planning for development in a divided country: a study of relationships between East Bengal and West Pakistan, 1947-1971    Shaikh Magsood ALI
1972    MSc    Bristol    Capital finance in a developing economy – Ceylon    Bernard V ANTHONISZ
1972    PhD    Cambridge, Clare Hall    Communal conflict in Ceylon politics and the advance towards self-government    Rupasinghe A ARIYARATNE
1972    MPhil    London, Inst Ed    A comparative study of language policies and problems in Ceylon and India since independence    V ARUMUGAM
1972    MPhil    London, SOAS    Judicial control of the machinery of government in Pakistan    Chaudhary M Y ASIM
1972    PhD    Cambridge, Queens    Politics in South India. 1917-1947    Christopher J BAKER
1972    PhD    Durham    The hierarchy of central places in Northern Ceylon    P BALASUNDARAMPILLAI
1972    PhD    London, LSE    Some aspects of the strains and stresses in Indo-British relations, 1947-1965: an analysis of the causes and course of gradual decline in Britain’s importance to India    A R BANERJI    Mr J B L Mayall
1972    PhD    London, QMC    Fiscal policy in India (with reference to taxation)over three five year plans    S BHADURI    Prof M H Peston
1972    DPhil    Sussex    Political change in Rohilkhand, 1932-1952: a study of the rleationships between provincial and district level politicans    L BRENNAN
1972    PhD    London, SOAS    An examination of the development and structure of the legal profession at Allahabad, 1866-1935    Gilliam F BUCKEE
1972    MPhil    Sussex    Educational administration in Bombay Presidency, 1913-1937    J L BUTLER
1972    PhD    London, SOAS    Extra-constitutional actions in Pakistan    Z I CHOUDHURY
1972    PhD    London, SOAS    The politics and functioning of the East Bengal legislature, 1947-1958    Najma CHOWDHURY
1972    MEd    Manchester    The social and educational changes brought about in some South Indian villages by the Saruodaya movement    A G CLARK
1972    DPhil    Oxford    Decentralisation and political change in the United Provinces, 1880-1921    W F CRAWLEY
1972    PhD    Aberdeen    The development and influence of British missionary movements toward India, 1786-1830    Allan K DAVIDSON    Mr A F Walls
1972    PhD    Cambridge, Emmanuel    The official mind and the problem of agrarian indebtedness in India, 1870-1910    Clive J DEWEY
1972    PhD    London, SOAS    Juristic techniques in the Supreme Court of India (195-1971)in some selected areas of public and personal law    Rajeev DHAVAN

1972    MA    Hull    Resource allocation in the public sector in Malaysia with special reference to the Muda River irrigation scheme    CHEW CHAI DOAN
1972    PhD    Hull    Some aspects of private foreign enterprise in Ceylon    L E N FERNANDO
1972    PhD    London, SOAS    Rural money markets in India    Subrata GHATAK
1972    MA    Manchester    Traditional India and the meaning of caste    Beth GOLDBLATT
1972    DPhil    Sussex    Optimum location of paddy improvement schemes in Ceylon    J M GUNADESA
1972    MA     Exeter    Industrialization and protective tariffs in Pakistan    A M A HAKIM
1972    PhD    Cambridge,St John’s    The place of India in the strategic and political consideration of the Axis powers, 1939-1942    Milan HAUNER    Prof F H Hinsley
1972    MA    Exeter    Foreign capital and economic development: the case of Pakistan    M E HOSSAIN
1972    PhD    London, LSE    Rural society and leadership in Malaya with special reference to three selected communities    Syed HUSIN ALI
1972    BLitt    Oxford, Lady Margaret    Some aspects of religion and culture in Bengal    H K ION
1972    PhD    London, SOAS    Agricultural development of Bengal: a quantitative study, 1920-1946    M M ISLAM    Dr Chaudhuri
1972    PhD    London, SOAS    Bengali Moslem public opinion as reflected in the vernacular press between 1901 and 1930    Mustafa N ISLAM
1972    PhD    London, SOAS    The permanent settlement and the landed interests in Bengal from 1793 to 1819    M S ISLAM    Mr G B Harrison
1972    BLitt    Oxford, Somerville    A social anthropological study of Jainism in Northern India    S JAIN    Dr R G Leinhardt
1972    DPhil    Sussex    Techno-economic survey of industrial potential in Sri Lanka    N D KARUNARATNE
1972    PhD    London, SOAS    Constitutional protection of the freedom of association in Pakistan    Hamiduddin KHAN
1972    PhD    London, UC    Kowloon: a factorial study of urban land use and retail structure    Chi-sen LIANG    Prof P Wood
1972    PhD    London, SOAS    The rajas and nawabs of Bengal, 1911-1919    Pronoy Chand MEHTAB
1972    PhD    Cambridge, Fitzwilliam    Income distribution and savings in Pakistan: an appraisal of development strategy    T E NULTY    Prof W B Reddaway
1972    DPhil    Oxford    The organisational basis of Indian agriculture with special reference to the development of capitalistic farming (ie based on wage-labour and following economic criteria for investment) in selected regions in recent years    U PATNAIK
1972    PhD    York    A systematic treatment of certain aspects of Telugu phonology    Vennelakanti PRAKASAM
1972    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Regional disparities in the growth of incomes and population in India, 1951-1965    Siripurapu Kesava RAO    Dr A K Bagchi
1972    PhD    Exeter    The impact of devaluation on prices and production in Pakistan    M M SHAIKH
1972    PhD    London, SOAS    The study of inflation in Pakistan, 1955-1968    Qamarul H SIDDIQI    Prof E Penrose
1972    PhD    London, UC    Functions of international conflict: a case study of Pakistan    K SIDDIQUI    Dr J W Burton
1972    PhD    London    The home government of India, 1834-1853    Robert F S TATE    Mr Harrison
1972    PhD    London, SOAS    Indian politics and the elections of 1937    D D TAYLOR    Prof H Tinker
1972    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    Economic integration and development with special reference to four Asian countries [India, Ceylon, Burma and Malaysia]    Ransit Corneille WANIGATUNGA    Prof G L Rees
1972    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    The development and function of the transport system in Ceylon: a network analysis    Poonanulkarange C H WEERASURIYA    Dr B T Robson
1972    MPhil    London, SOAS    Tribal identity among the Santals, 1770-1857    Michael Piers YORKE
1972/73    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Social conflict and political unrest in Bengal, 1875-1908    Rajat K RAY
1972/73    PhD    Reading    The applicability of linear programming to resource allocation in an irrigated agriculture with special reference to the Punjab of Pakistan    T U REHMAN
1973    BLitt    Oxford, Balliol    A study of Bengal peasants, 1765-1812    S U AHMED    Dr C C Davies
1973    PhD    London    The role of the Zamindars in Bengal, 1707-1772    Shirin AKHTAR    J B Harrison
1973    DPhil    Sussex    Political structure and economic development in rural West Pakistan    H ALAVI
1973    MPhil    London, Inst Ed    The impact of British educational thought onthe concept of university education in Sri Lanka    Chandra Lilian AMARASEKERA
1973    PhD    London, Wye    A study of economic resource use and production possibilities on settlement schemes in Sri Lanka (with special reference to the Minipe Colonisation Scheme)    Nihal St Michael Aloysius AMERASINGHE
1973    DPhil    Sussex    Nationalism and the regional politics: Tamiland, India, 1920-1937    D J ARNOLD    Prof D A Low
1973    PhD    London, QMC    Functions and status of urban settlement in West Bengal    Mira DAS
1973    DPhil    Sussex    Peasant movements in India,c.1920-1950    D N DHANAGARE
1973    PhD    London, LSE    The development of the port of Colombo, 1860-1939    K DHARMASENA    Prof F J Fisher
1973    MPhil    York    Male nurses in Ceylon: a study of the career problems of male nurses in the Ceylon health service, 1972    Malsiri K DIAS
1973    BLitt    Oxford, Campion Hall    Some aspects of agricultural policy in Ceylon since independence with special reference to youth resettlement schemes    B W DISSANAYAKE    Miss M R Haswell
1973    PhD    Exeter    Orgnisational forms in post traditional society with special reference to South Asia    P D S  GOONATILAKE
1973    PhD    London, SOAS    A study of the revenue administration of Sylhet District in Bengal, 1765-1792    Kusha HARAKSINGH    Prof K A Ballhatchet
1973    DPhil    Sussex    Revolutionary networks in Northern Indian politics, 1907-1935: a case study of the terrorist movement in Delhi, the Punjab, the United Provinces and adjacent princely states    M HARCOURT
1973    PhD    London, LSE    Indian population policy and the family planning programme    Edward C HARRIMAN
1973    BLitt    Oxford, Jesus    The role of law in the politics of Pakistan from 1947 to 1956    S F A HASSAN    Prof H W R Wade
1973    DPhil    Oxford, St Catharine’s    Foreign aid in the economic development of Ceylon    W HETTIARACHI    Miss P H Ady
1973    MSc    Lancaster    Monetary management, commercial bank credit expansion and economic development in Pakistan    Rafiqul ISLAM
1973    PhD    London, External    Economic development in Ceylon    Halwalage N S KARUNATILAKE
1973    MSocSc    Birmingham    Distribution of rate of suicide according to age and sex on the basis on caste in Gujerat State    H KAZI
1973    PhD    Hull    Some economic aspects of the oil palm industry of West Malaysia    Hacharan Singh KHERA
1973    DPhil    Oxford    Terms of trade, public policy and economic development of Ceylon, 1948-1958    W D LAKSHMAN
1973    PhD    Wales    An economic analysis of recent developments in the production and marketing of jute with particular reference to their implications for the economy of Pakistan    Saidur R LASKER
1973    PhD    London, LSE    Local government and administration in Ceylon    Genevieve R LEITAN
1973    PhD    York    Some aspects of Bhartrhari’s linguistic theory as represented in the Vakyapadiya    Kaluwachchimule MAHANAMA
1973    PhD    London, SOAS    The changing position and functions of the Rajahs and Nawabs of Bengal, 1911-1919    P C MAHTAB    Prof K Ballhatchet
1973    DPhil    Oxford, Nuffield    Private corporate industrial investment in India, 1947/1967: factors affecting its size, fluctuations and sectoral distribution    P PATNAIK    Mr P P Streeten
1973    PhD    London, King’s    The legal framework for the settlement of industrial disputes in Ceylon    Stanislaus Edward PULLE    Mr A Hughes
1973        London, SOAS    The minorities of Ceylon,, 1926-1931 with special reference to the Donoughmore Commission    G QUINTUS
1973    PhD    London, SOAS    The covenanted civil servant and the government of India, 1858-1883: a study of his part in the decision-making and decision implementing process in India    Muhammad A RAHIM    Mr J B Harrison
1973    MPhil    London, QMC    The markets of Calcutta: an analysis of the evolution of indigenous marketing systems and shopping facilities    Mondira Sinha RAY
1973    DPhil    Sussex    Poverty and policy: the impact of rural public works in the Kosi area of Bihar, India    Gerry RODGERS    L Joy
1973    PhD    Cambridge, Lucy     Polarization on Colombo in the economic geography of Ceylon    Liyanage Kundali Vidyamali SAMARASINGHE    Mr B H Farmer
1973    PhD    Birmingham    A quantitative analysis of the patterns of export: a case study of India    M L SETH
1973    MA    Sussex    A multisectoral model of production for Sri Lanka    Paran SIRISENA
1973    MSc    Cambridge, Girton    Underutilized industrial capacity in India    Nancy SLOCUM
1973    MPhil    London, QMC    External aspects of Pakistan’s political geography    A H SYED
1973    PhD    London, SOAS    Extradition in the light of the Indian constitution    Madan M TEWARI
1973    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    The Vice-royalty of Lord Irwin in 1926/31 with special reference to political and constitutional developments    James Frederick Caleb WATTS    Dr A F Madden
1973    PhD    Cambridge, Clare Hall    Some aspects of prodcution and market surplus in the rice sector of Ceylon    Piyasiri WICKRAMASEKARA
1973    PhD    Exeter    A theory of multiple exchange rates and exchange rate management in Ceylon    G W P WICKRAMASINGHE
1973/74    PhD    London, Wye    The marketing of tea with special reference to India’s share of thew world market    N C NANDA
1973/74    PhD    East Anglia    Constraints on optimum resource use in an irrigated land settlement scheme in Ceylon    D H R J PERERA
1973/74    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    Locational analysis and government sponsored large-scale industries in Ceylon    Y RASANAYAGAM

1973/74    DPhil    Sussex    A multisectoral model of production for Sri Lanka    N L SIRISENA
1973/74    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    The kinship and social organization of a Roman Catholic fishing village in Ceylon    Roderick Lennox STIRRAT
1974    PhD    Brunel    Defence expenditure and economic growth with reference to India    V AGARWAL
1974    MSc    London, LSHTM    Current patterns of food administration in the West and their application to Pakistan    A AHMED
1974    DTPH    London, LSHTM    Some problems in family planning in rural Sri Lanka    E R AMARASEKERA
1974    PhD    London, Inst Comm    Trotskyism in Ceylon: a study of the development, ideology and political role of Lanka Sama Samaja Party, 1935-1964    Y R AMARASINGHE    Prof W H Morris-Jones
1974    PhD    London, SOAS    Changes in patterns and practices of wheat farming since the introduction of the new high yielding varieties. A study of six villages in the Bulandshahr District, Uttar Pradesh, Northern India    Kathleen May BAKER
1974    PhD    London    Urban society in Bengal, 1850-1872,with special reference to Calcutta    Ranu BASU    Prof K Ballhatchet
1974    MPhil    London, Wye    Some economic aspects of rubber production in Sri Lanka    Gamlath Rallage CHADRASIRI
1974    PhD    Cambridge, Pembroke    Agrarian society and British administration in Western India, 1847-1920    Neil Rex Foster CHARLESWORTH
1974    DPhil    Sussex    Innovation, inequality and rural planning: the economics of Tubewell irrigation in the Kosi region, Bihar, India    Edward J CLAY
1974    PhD    Kent    Money and monetary policy in a lerss developed economy: the case of Ceylon (Sri Lanka)1950-1970    E CONTOGIANNIS
1974    DPhil    Sussex    A study of wages of the coal miners in India (with special reference ot the Raniganj and Jharia coalfields)    A DASGUPTA
1974    MSc    Wales, Aberystwyth    The factor shares of Indian international trade, 1947-1948 to 1967-1968    Mazumdar D DATT
1974    MPhil    Nottingham    A Marxist analysis of the economic development of India    Brian DAVEY    Prof Parkinson
1974    PhD    London    The intrigues of the German government and the Ghadr Party against British rule in India, 1914-1918    T G FRASER    Mr D N Dilks
1974    DTPH    London, LSHTM    Some public health problems of the labour force in Sri Lanka    A N HANIFFA
1974    MPhil    London, SOAS    The role of “reasonable restrictions” under the Indian constitution    Tirukattupali Kalyana Krishnamurthy IYER
1974    PhD    London    Buddhist-Christian relationships in British Ceylon, 1797-1948    C W KARUNARATNA    E G S Parrinder
1974    MSc    London, LSHTM    Growth study of the preschool children of Pakistan    M M R KHAN
1974    MPhil    Edinburgh    Implementation of development plans in Pakistan    S J KHAWAJA
1974    DPhil    Oxford, St Hugh’s    The movement towards constitutional reform in Ceylon, 1880-1910    N N LABROOY
1974    DPhil    Oxford    Social and political attitudes of British expatriates in India, 1880-1920    Margaret O MACMILLAN    Prof Gallagher
1974    PhD    Queen’s, Belfast    Allahabad: a study in social structure and urban morphology    L MALVIYA
1974    DPhil    Oxford    The Donoughmore Commission in Ceylon, 1927-1931    Tilaka Piyaseeli METHTHANANDA
1974    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    India’s exports and export policies in the sixties    D NAYYAR    Mr P P Streeten
1974    DPhil    Oxford    Prelude to partition: all-India moslem politics, 1920-1932    D J H PAGE
1974    PhD    London, King’s    The social background, motivation and training of missionaries to India, 1789-1858    Frederic S PIGGIN
1974    PhD    York    Some aspects of the Vanni dialect of Sinhalese as contrasted with the dialect of the western region of Sri Lanka    Pushpakumara PREMARATNE
1974    PhD    Manchester    The commercial pressure on the British government policy towards Indian nationalist movement, 1919-1935    M R PREST
1974    PhD    Cambridge, Clare Hall    Change in Bengal agrarian society c.1760-1850: a study of selected districts    Ratnalekha RAY    Prof E G Stokes
1974    PhD    London, SOAS    Education and society in the Bombay Presidency, 1840-1858    A J ROBERTS    Prof K S Ballhatchet
1974    PhD    Bradford    Pakistani villages in a British city: the world of the Mirpuri villager in Bradford and in his village of origin    Verity J SAIFULLAH-KHAN
1974    DPhil    Oxford    Labour and industrial organization in the Indian coal-mining industry, 1900-1939    Colin P SIMMONS    Prof P Mathias
1974    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Nationalism and Indian politics: the Indian National Congress, 1934-1942    B R TOMLINSON    Dr A Seal
1974    PhD    Hull    The European plantation rubber industry in South East Asia, 1876-1921    Phin Keong VOON
1974    PhD    London, SOAS    British scholarship and Muslim rule in India: the work of William Erskine, Sir Henry Elliot, John Dowson, Edwards Thomas, J Talboys Wheeler and Henry J Keene    Tripta WAHI    Dr P Hardy
1974    PhD    Cambridge, Tinity    The society and politics of the Madras Presidency, 1880-1920    D A WASHBROOK    Dr A Seal
1974    PhD    Hull    The Saribas Malays of Sarawak: their social and economic organisation and system of values    BIN kLING ZAINAL
1974/75    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    Landlords, planters and colonial rule: a study of tensions in Bengal rural society, c. 1830-1860    Chittabrata PALIT    Prof E T Stokes
1974/75    PhD    London, SOAS    The Khilafat movement in India, 1919-1924    M Naeem QURESHI    SDr Moore
1974/75    PhD    Birmingham    A multisectoral model for manpower and educational planning in Sri Lanka    T W Y RANAWEERA
1974/75    MSc    Cambridge Trinity    The extraction and use of surplus in India and China, 1950-1960    Chiranjivi Shumshere THAPA
1975    MSc    Strathclyde    Foreign indebtedness and debt servicing capacity of Pakistan, 1955-1970    M K ACHIGZAI
1975    MSc    London, LSHTM    Mortality and fertility trends in Orissa, 1951-1972    V AHMAD
1975    PhD    Edinburgh    Industrialisation and the problems of access to finance of small and medium sized forms in Ceylon    C A BALASURIYA
1975    MA    Ulster    Bangladesh: a divided Pakistan    N J BEST
1975    PhD    Manchester    Science and politics in India: accountability of scientific research policy structures, 1952-1970    B BHANEJA
1975    MSc    Salford    Factionalism and party building in India with special reference to the State of Rajasthan    R BHARGAVA
1975    MSc    Wales, Swansea    Population planning in Bangladesh    A R BHUIYAN    Mr J Whetton
1975    PhD    Lancaster    As assessment of the economic effects of a customs union among the South Asian countries of India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka    M A R BHUYAN
1975    PhD    London    The East India Company and its army, 1600-1778    G J BRYANT    Dr P J Marshall
1975    DPhil    sussex    The effects of external assistance on economic development: the case of Sri Lanka    A CHANDRA-RANDENI
1975    PhD    Leeds    The marketing of cotton in Pakistan    I U CHAUDHRY
1975    MSc    Wales, Swansea    Social welfare services in Pakistan: the integration of state and welfare activity    A CHOUDRY    Jim Whetton
1975    PhD    Londond, Wye    Factors influencing India’s exports since 1950    Kashmir Singh DHINDSA
1975    DPhil    Oxford    The journals and memoirs of British travellers and residents in India in the late 18th century and the 19th century prior to the Mutiny    Ketaki K DYSON    Dr C M Ing
1975    PhD    London, SOAS    The structure of politics in South India, 1918-1939: conflict and adjustment in Madras City    J A ELLIS
1975    MA    Sussex    The Vidhan Sabha election, Uttar Pradash, India, of February 1974    J GOODMAN
1975    MPhil    London, UC    Problems of port development in Sri Lanka, with special reference to Colombo    Daya Somalatha GUNATILLAKE
1975    DPhil    Sussex    Peasant agitations in Kheder District, Gujerat, 1917-1934    D R HARDIMAN    Mr P K Chaudhuri
1975    MSc    Wales, Swansea    Organisation and staffing needs in four state social services departments in Malaysia    Kamariah Mohd ISMAIL    Mr C Gore
1975    MScEcon    Wales    Economic development and the problem of unemployment with special reference to Bangladesh    Halim JAHANGIR
1975    PhD    Edinburgh    Public sector investment in the direct development of urban housing in Sri Lanka (Ceylon)    M E JOACHIM
1975    DPhil    Sussex    The relation between land settlement and party politics in Uttar Pradesh, India, 1950-69, with special reference to the formulation of the Bharatiya Kranti Dal    M H JOHNSON
1975    PhD    London, SOAS    Business, labour and opposition movements in the politics of Ahmedabad City, 1960-1972    Bharti KANSARA    Prof W H Morris-Jones
1975    MLitt    Aberdeen    South Asian international relations since rthe emergence of Bangladesh    A KHAN
1975    MA    Sussex    The Congress split of 1969: a study in factional and ideological conflicts    H KINASE-LEGGETT
1975    PhD    London    Legal aspects of stage carriage licensing in India    P LEELAKRISHNAN
1975    PhD    London, SOAS    Economics of higher yielding varieties of rice with special reference to a south Indian district…West Godavari (Andhra Pradesh)    S MADHAVAN    Mr T J Byres
1975    DPhil    Sussex    Political change in an Indian state: Mysore, 1910-1952    James G MANOR    Prof A Low; Dr Reeves
1975    PhD    Leeds    Financial institutions and private investment in Pakistan, 1955/56 to 1969/70    A M M MASIH    Finance
1975    MPhil    London, UC    Self-help in Hyderabad’s urban development    Catherine Anne MEDE
1975    PhD    London, LSE    An analysis of the economy and social organisation of the the Malapantara – a south Indian hunting and gathering people    Brian MORRIS
1975    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    The Indian National Congress and political mobilization in the United Provinces, 1926-1934    G PANDEY

Mr D K Fieldhouse
1975    PhD    Edinburgh    A prototype system for the control of land use and settlements in the planned development of Bangladesh    A M A QUAZI
1975    PhD    London, Inst Comm    The emergence of Bangladesh as a sovereign state    Mizanur RAHMAN
1975    DPhil    Oxfird, Linacre House    Some aspects of the Indian government’s policy of state railways, 1869-1884    V SHANMUGASUNDARAM    Prof K Ballhatchet
1975    PhD    Edinburgh    Changing patterns of cropland use in Bist Doab, Punjab, 1951-1968    Gurjeet SINGH
1975    PhD    London, LSE    A demographic analysis of the sterilization programme in the Indian states, 1957-1973    Veena SONI    Prof D Glass
1975    MLitt    St Andrews    Tax revenue forecasting in a developing economy with special reference to India    D K SRIVASTAVA
1975    DPhil    Sussex    The British in Malabar, 1792-1806    B S W SWAI    Prof D A Low; Dr P Reeves
1975    PhD    London, SOAS    The cotton trade and the commercial development of Bombay, 1855-1875    Antonia M VICZIANY    Dr K N Chaudhuri
1975    PhD    London, SOAS    The Moplah rebellion of 1921-1922 and its genesis    Conrad WOOD
1975/76    PhD    Birmingham    Significance of size in Indian public limited companies    N P NAYAR
1975/76    DPhil    Oxford, Trinity    British policy and the political impasse in India during the viceroyalty of Lord Linlithgow    Gowher RIZVI
1976    MPhil    London, UC    Development of printing in Urdu, 1743-1857    Nazir AHMAD    Mr R Staveley
1976    PhD    London, SOAS    The beginnings of British rule in Upper Burma: the study of British policy and Burmese reaction, 1885-1890    Muhammad S ALI    Prof C D Cowan
1976    MLitt    Glasgow    Jute in the agrarian history of Bengal, 1870-1914: a study in primary production    M W ALI    Prof S Checkland; Mr J F Munro
1976    PhD    Cambridge, Queen’s    Private industrial investment in Pakistan    Rashid AMJAD    Mr M A King
1976    PhD    London, SOAS    The Tamil renaissance and Dravidian nationalism, 1905-1944, with special reference to the works of Maraimalai Atikal    K Nambi AROORAN    Prof K Ballhatchet
1976    PhD    Lancaster    Regional dualism: a case study of Pakistan, 1947/48 to 1969/70    M AZHAR-UD-DIN
1976    PhD    London, SOAS    Patterns of rural development in Tamil Nadu    Robert Wilfred BRADNOCK
1976    DPhil    Sussex    Patterns of tractorization in the major rice growing areas of Sri Lanka    M N CARR
1976    DPhil    Oxford, St John’s    Aspects of the registration and legal control of trade unions in India with some comparative observations    B K CHANDRASHEKAR
1976    MSc    Heriot-Watt    The development of tourism in Sri Lanka(Ceylon)with special reference to Nuwara Elyia    E G DHARMASIRIWARANDE
1976    MPhil    Edinburgh    Some guidelines for a spatial framework for regional planning in Sri Lnaka    N D DICKSON
1976    PhD    London, UC    Some problems relating to constitutional amendments in India    Bhubaneswar DUTTA
1976    MA    Sheffield    An examination of the letters and papers of a Wesleyan missionary (the Rev. James John Ellis of India, 1883-1962    J ELLIS    Prof J Atkinson; Dr J C G Binfield
1976    DPhil    Sussex    Caste and Christianity: a study of the development and influence of attitudes and policies concerning caste held by Protetsant Anglo-Saxon missions in India    D B FORRESTER
1976    DPhil    Sussex    Sri Lanka and the powers: an investigation into Sri Lanka’s relations with Britain, India, US, Soviet Union and China, 1948-1974    Birty GAJAMERAGEDARA    Coral Bell
1976    PhD    Cambridge, Selwyn    Bombay city businessmen and politics, 1918-1933: the politics of indigenous colonial businessmen in relation to rising nationalism and a modernising economy    A D D GORDON    Prof J A Gallagher
1976    MSc    Wales, UWIST    The impact of the Central Freight Bureau of Sri Lanka on liner conferences and trade patterns    M H GUNARATNE
1976    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    Programming for a balanced development of modern industries in Bangladesh    A K Md HABIBULLAH    Prof P N Mathur
1976    MPhil    East Anglia    Techniques and management of annual planning with reference to Bangladesh    Shamsul HAQUE
1976    MSc    Wales, Swansea    Employment planning in Sri Lanka    Nimal HETTIARATCHY
1976    PhD    Cambridge, Christ’s    Agrarian structure and land productivity in Bangladesh: an analysis of farm level data    Mahabub HOSSAIN    Mrs S Paine
1976    PhD    Glasgow    Factor price distortions in Bangladesh    M M HUQ
1976    PhD    London, SOAS    A quantitative study of price movements in Bengal during the 18th and 19th centuries    A S M A HUSSAIN    Dr K N Chaudhuri
1976    MPhil    London    A study of 19th century historical work on Muslim rule in Bengal: Charles Stewart to Henry Beveridge    Muhammad D HUSSAIN    Dr P Hardy
1976    MSc    Wales    Construction and use of new system of national accounts for Sri Lanka    Siripala IPALAWATTE    Prof P N Mathur
1976    PhD    London, LSE    Factor intensity and labour absorption in manufacturing industries: the case of Bangladesh    R ISLAM    Prof A Sen; Dr Dasgupta
1976    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    An investigation into the effect of farm structure on resource productivitiy in selected areas of Bangladesh    Md Abdul JABBAR
1976    PhD    London, Inst Comm    India in the British Commonwealth: the problem of diplomatic representation 1917-1947    James L KEMBER    Dr T Reese
1976    PhD    Aberdeen    International relations in the South Asian sub-continent since the emergence of Bangladesh: conflict or co-operation ?    Ataur Rahman KHAN
1976    MSc    Strathclyde    Indian decision making and the Sino-Indian boundary conflict    R LOUDIS
1976    PhD    Glasgow    Regional disparities and structural change in an underdeveloped economy: a case study of India    M MAJMUDAR
1976    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Radical nationalism in India, 1930-1942: the role of the All India Congress Socialist Party    Z M MASANI
1976    PhD    London, SOAS    Political leadership among the Hindu community in Calcutta, 1857-1885    John G McGUIRE    Prof K A Ballhatchet
1976    MPhil    Leeds    Public enterprise and the economic development of Pakistan: a study of the relationship between industrial finance corporations and the development of the private sector    I MEHDI
1976    PhD    Manchester    Marketing of social products: family planning in Bangladesh    M A MIYAN
1976    PhD    London, UC    History of printing in Bengali characters up to 1866    Hussain Khan MOFAKHKHAR
1976    PhD    Cambridge, Christ’s    An Indian rural society: aspects of the structure of rural society in the United Provinces, 1860-1920    P J MUSGRAVE    Prof E T Stokes
1976    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    The British in India, 1740-1763: a study in imperial expansion into Bengal    J B NICHOL    Prof E T Stokes
1976    PhD    London, LSE    Education and educated manpower in Bangladesh: a study of development after the 1947 partition    M NURUZZAMAN    Dr C M Phillips
1976    PhD    Manchester    The sensitivity of the demand for Indian exports to world prices: a study of particular commodities    N G PEERA
1976    PhD    Glasgow    Some methodological aspects of the cost benefit analysis of irrigation projcts: a case study of the Telegana region of India    Gautam PINGLE    Mr E RAdo; Dr R P Sinha
1976    DPhil    Oxford, St John’s    The role of India in imperial defence beyond its frontiers and home waters, 1919-1939    J O RAWSON    Prof N H Gibbs
1976    PhD    London, LSE    Towards a spatial strategy for Indian development    L R SATIN
1976    PhD    London, SOAS    Municipal markets of Calcutta: three case studies    Mondira SINHA RAY
1976    PhD    London, SOAS    Munda religion and social structure    Hilary STANDING
1976    PhD    London, SOAS    Pakistan: a geopolitical analysis, 1947-1974    Arif Hassan SYED
1976    MSc    Wales, Swansea    Child welfare planning in India    Kalyani Sarojini THADI
1976    PhD    Aston    Techno-economic aspects of the competitive position of natural rubber with special reference to the natural rubber industry in Sri Lanka    G VARATHUNGARAJAN
1976    PhD    Cambridge, Sidney    The impact of tariff protection on Indian industrial growth, 1918-1939, with special reference to the steel, cotton mill and sugar industries    D M WAGLE    Dr W J Macpherson
1976    DPhil    Sussex    The use of project appraisal techniques in the Indian public sector: a case study of the fertiliser industry    John WEISS
1976    PhD    London, SOAS    Decisions and analogy: political structure and discourse among the Ho tribes of India    Michael Piers YORKE
1976/77    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    Living saints and their devotees: a study of guru cults in urban Orissa    Deborah Anne SWALLOW    Prof E R Leach
1977    PhD    London, LSE    The jute manufacturing industry of Bangladesh, 1947-1974    Q K AHMAD
1977    DPhil    Oxford    The Bengal Muslims, circa 1871-1906: the re-definition of identity    R AHMED
1977    PhD    Hull    The Boria: a study of a Malay theatre in its socio-cultural context    RAHMAN AZMAN
1977    PhD    London,SOAS    Guardianship in South Asia with special reference to alienation and limitation    M BADARUDDIN
1977    PhD    Lancaster    The image of Gandhi in the Indo-Anglican nove    D CHATTERJEE
1977    PhD    Cambridge, Selwyn    Lancashire cotton trade and British policy in India, 1919-1939    Basudev CHATTERJI
1977    PhD    Aberdeen    Doctrinal and exegetical issues in the Hindu-Christian debate during the nineteenth century Bengal renaissance with special reference to St Paul’s teaching on the religions of the nations    Chee Pang CHOONG
1977    PhD    Glasgow    Technological change in agriculture: the development experience of Tamil Nadu    M D’SA
1977    PhD    Cambridge, Selwyn    Indigo plantations and agrarian society in North Bihar in the 19th and early 20th centuries    C M FISHER    Prof E Stokes
1977    PhD    Edinburgh    Some aspects of the colonial administration in Ceylon, 1855-1865    Alison C FORBES    Dr T J Barron
1977    PhD    Manchester    A model of manpower planning for India    R D GAIHA
1977    PhD    East Anglia    Paddy and rice marketing in Northern Tamil Nadu, India    Barbara HARRISS
1977    PhD    East Anglia    Technological change in agriculture and agrarian social structure in Northern Tamil Nadu    John Charles HARRISS
1977    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Indian National congress and the Indian Muslims (1916-1928)    M HASAN    Dr A Seal
1977    MEd    Wales, Aberystwyth    Television strategies for health education in Pakistan    Muhammad Anwar HASSAN
1977    PhD    London, UC    The tax burden on Bangladeshi agriculture – a welfare economics approach    M HUQ
1977    PhD    Durham    Differentiation, polarisation and confrontation in rural Bangladesh    B K JAHANGIR
1977    DPhil    Oxford, St Hugh’s    Gangaguru: the public and private life of a Brahmin community of North India    A S JAMESON
1977    PhD    Edinburgh    A Bangladeshi town’s elite: a sociological study    F KHAN
1977    MPhil    London, King’s    South Asia Muslims and the ocncept of equality with reference to the 20th century    M LAHLOU    Dr P Hardy
1977    PhD    London, SOAS    Evaluation of integrated rural development project in Pakistan    W E LOVETT
1977    PhD    London    Depression kills more than a self: concepts of mental distress among Pakistanis    R MALIK
1977    PhD    London, SOAS    The origins and early years of the British Committee of the Indian National Congress, 1885-1907    Margot I MORROW    Prof K A Ballhatchet
1977    MPhil    London, SOAS    Caste, rituals and strategies    Rina NAYAR
1977    PhD    Edinburgh    The directors of the East India Company, 1754-1790    J G PARKER    Dr J N M Maclean; Prof V G Kiernan
1977    PhD    Hull    Anglo-Burmese relations, 1795-1826    Gandadharan Padmanabhan RAMACHANDRA
1977    PhD    Leicester    The development of local transport in Bangladesh    Abu REZA
1977    DPhil    Sussex    An analysis of the export performance and policies of Bangladesh since 1950 with special reference to the income and employment implications of trade in manufactures    S A L REZA
1977    DPhil    Sussex    A study of political elites in Bangladesh, 1947-1970    Rangalal SEN    Prof T B Bottomore
1977    PhD    Leeds    Organisation and leadership of industrial labour in Karachi, Pakistan    Z A SHAHEED
1977    PhD    Kent    A monetary macro-economic model for India, 1951/52-1965/66    M A SHAHI
1977    MLitt    Cambridge, Girton    The Congress ministry in Bombay, 1937-1939    Rani SHANKAREDASS    Prof J Gallagher
1977    mpHIL    Edinburgh    A comparative study of development policies in Pakistan, 1955-1970    S H SYED
1977    MPhil    London, Birkbeck    Differences between the UK and Indian management attitudes to organization development (OD) and manpower planning: a comparative study    M N THAKUR
1977    PhD    London, LSE    Anglo-Indian  economic relations, 1913-1928: with special reference to the cotton trade    James David TOMLINSON    Mr M E Falkus; Mr D E Baines
1977/78    PhD    Cambridge, Selwyn    Thje unemployment problem and development planning in Pakistan    Ghazy bin Subh-o MUHJAHID    Mr D A S Jackson
1977/78    PhD    London, LSE    Economic inequality and group welfare: theory and application in Bangladesh    S R OSMANI    Prof A Sen
1977/78    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    The interrelation of agriculture and industry in a developing country: the case of Bangladesh    A H WAHIDUDDIN MAHMUD    Dr R M Goodwin
1978    PhD    London, SOAS    The economic and social organization of selected Mohmand Pukhtun settlements    Akbar S AHMED
1978    MPhil    Leeds    Disguised unemployment in the rural sector in Bangladesh    A H W M ALAM
1978    PhD    London, SOAS    British policy towards the Indian states, 1905-1939    S R ASHTON    Dr B N Pandey
1978    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Lord Willington and India, 19192-1936    George W BERGSTROM    Dr A F Madden
1978    DPhl    Sussex    Inequality, demand, structures and employment: the case of India    R BERRY
1978    PhD    Edinburgh    The Kui people: changes in belief and practice    Barbara Mather BOAL
1978    MPhil    Sussex    Islam in India since the partition of the sub-continent: issues in self-definition    J A BOND
1978    PhD    Leicester    The civil and military patronage of the East India Company, 1784-1840    John Michael BOURNE
1978    PhD    London, SOAS    The history of Janakpurdham: a study of asceticism and the Hindu polity    Richard BURGHART
1978    PhD    London, SOAS    The Hindu family firm and its future in the light of Indian tax law    S C CHAKRABORTY
1978    PhD    Exeter    The production and trade of rice and cotton in Pakistan with special reference to exports to the European Community    M A CHOUDHRY
1978    DPhil    Oxford    The colonial police and anti-terrorism: Bengal 1930-1936, Palestine 1837-1947 and Cyprus 1955-1959    D J CLARK    Prof M E Howard
1978    DPhil    Oxford, Hertford    International trade and payments and economic policy in Ceylon during 1938/1953: a case study in the economics of independence    D C DOLAWATTA    Mr R W Bacon
1978    MPhil    Leicester    An econometric model of consumer behaviour in India, 1950/51-1972/73    A GHATAK
1978    PhD    Durham    Kinship and ritual in a South Indian micro-region    Anthony GOOD
1978    PhD    Cambridge, Wolfson    Pineapples from Sri Lanka: the export potential of fresh fruit in relation to some aspects of post-harvest deterioration    S J GOONERATNE    Dr P H Lowings
1978    PhD    London    The law of homicide in Pakistan    M HANIF

1978    PhD    Cranfield    Inter-urban bus operation in Bangladesh: a comparative study of the efficiency of the public and private bus sectors    M ISLAM
1978    PhD    Lancaster    Religion and moderenisation: a case study of interactions between Christianity, Hinduism and modernisation in Northern Orissa, 1947-197    A KANJAMALA
1978    PhD    Manchester    Analysis of industrial efficiency in Pakistan, 1959/60 to 1969/70    A R KEMAL
1978    PhD    Cambridge    Indian business and nationalist politics, 1931-1939: the political attitude of the indigenous capitalist class in relation to the crisis of the colonial economy    Claude MARKOVITS    Dr A Seal
1978    PhD    Lancaster    Herman Merivale and the British Empire. 1806-1874, with special reference to British North America, Southern Africa and India    D T McNAB    Dr J M MacKenzie
1978    DPhil    Oxford.     The era of civillisation: British policy for the Indians of the Canadas, 1830-1860    John Sheridan MILLOY    Dr F Madden
1978    PhD    Exeter    An analysis of the world jute economy and its implications for Bangladesh    M G MOSTAFA
1978    PhD    Surrey    Causes of educated unemployment in less developed countries: the case of Sri  Lanka    T PERERA
1978    PhD    Leeds    Public expenditure growth and its role in developing countries: the case of Bangladesh    A H PRAMANIK
1978    DPhil    Sussex    Capacity utilisation and labour employment in large scale manufacturing plant in Bangladesh    Alimur RAHMAN    B Dasgupta
1978    MPhil    Liverpool    A study in some aspects of demand and supply of food in a rapidly expanding population: the case of Bangladesh    F RAHMAN
1978    PhD    Essex    Tenancy and production behaviour in agriculture: a study of Bangladesh agriculture    K M RAHMAN
1978    MPhil    Leeds    The political economy of inflation: a case study of Bangladesh, 1959-1975    Syed Z SADEQUE
1978    PhD    Wales, InstSciTech    Spatial impact of growth poles in the context of regional development planning: a case study in the Ranchi Region (Bihar), India    Suranjit Kumar SAHA
1978    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Agrarian structure, technology and marketed surplus in the Indian economy    A SAITH
1978    MPhil    London, LSE    The Cominterm and the Communist Party of India, 1920-1929    Dushka Hyder SAIYID    Prof J Joll
1978    PhD    London, SOAS    Relations between Roman Catholics and Hindus in Jaffna, Ceylon, 1900-1926: a study of religious encounter    N M SAVERIMUTTU    Prof K A Ballhatchet
1978    PhD    London, SOAS    Legal aspects of public enterprise in India and Tanzania: a comparative study    A SEN
1978    PhD    London, SOAS    The life and writings of Sir John William Kaye, 1814-1876    Nihar Nandan Prasad SING
1978    PhD    London, SOAS    Some aspects of education and educational administration in the Madras Presidency between 1870 and 1898: a study of British educational policy in India    S SRIVASTAVA    Mr J Harrison
1978    PhD    London, SOAS    Public expenditure and state accumulation in India, 1960-1970    John F J TOTE    Mr T J Byres
1978    PhD    London, SOAS    Law and order in Oudh, 1856-1877    D B TRIVEDI    Prof K A Ballhatchet
1978    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    Periodic markets in south Bihar, India    Sudhir Vyankatesh WANMALI    Dr GP Chapman Mr BH Farmer
1978    PhD    Brunel    Job satisfaction and labour turnover among women workers in Sri Lanka    W T WEERAKOON
1978    PhD    London, SOAS    Gandhists and socialists: the struggle for control of the Indian National Congress, 1931-1939    James Carroll WILSON
1978    MPhil    London, Insti Comm    Political conflict and regionalism: Orissa, 1938-1948    T W WOLF    Prof W H Morris-Jones
1979    MPhil    Edinburgh    National parks planning in Malaysia    A K bin ABANG MORSHIDI
1979    PhD    Cambridge    Labour market and labour utilisation in Bangladesh agriculture: an analysis of farm level data    Iqbal AHMED
1979    PhD    London, SOAS    The history of the city of Dacca, 1840-1884    S U AHMED    Mr Harrison
1979    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    Sugar cane cultivation in Gorakhpur, Uttar Pradesh c.1890-1940: a study in the interrelations between capitalistic enterprise and a dependent peasantry    S AMIN    Dr Raychaudhuri
1979    PhD    London, UC    Occupational and spatial mobility among shanty dwellers in Poona: a study of selected settlements and implications for housing policy    M M BAPAT
1979    MLitt    Oxford, St Antony’s    The Punjab and recruitment to the Indian Army (1846-1918)    D BRIEF
1979    PhD    Keele    UN India Pakistan Observation Mission (UNIPOM), 1965-1966    S CHAUHDRY
1979    PhD    Wales    Local government finance in Bangladesh    Amirul Islam CHOWDHURY    Mr J Eaton
1979    PhD    Warwick    Interrelationships between income redistribution and economic growth with special reference to Sri Lanka    H M A CODIPPILY
1979    MPhil    London, SOAS    The constitutional history of Sri Lanka with special reference to the judiciary    M J A COORAY
1979    PhD    London, SOAS    Local politics in Bengal, Midnapur District    Swapan DAS GUPTA
1979    PhD    Edinburgh    Government and princes: India 1918-1939    G J DOUDS
1979    PhD    Manchester    The establishment of nuclear industry in less developed countries: the cases of Argentine, Brazil and India    M DUAYER DE SOUZA
1979    DPhil    Sussex    Levels, the communication of programmes and sectional strategies in Indian politics with reference to the Bharatiya Kranti Dal and the Republican Party of India in Uttar Pradesh State and Aligarh District (UP)    R I DUNCAN
1979    DPhil    Oxford, Keble    An anthropological analysis of the identity of the educated Bengali Muslim middle class of Calcutta, India    P J K EADE    Prof M Freeman
1979    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    Bombay peasants and Indian nationalism: a study of economic change and political activity in the Bombay countryside, 1919-1939    Simon J M EPSTEIN
1979    DPhil    Sussex    Bilateral trade and payments agreements as an instrument of trade policy in Ceylon, 1952-1971    L S FERNANDO    D Wall
1979    DPhil    Oxford    Military aid as a factor in Indo-Soviet relations, 1961-1971    P C GERHARDT
1979    PhD    Manchester    Image makers of Kumartuli: the transformation of a caste-based industry in a slum quarter of Calcutta    Beth GOLDBLATT
1979    PhD    Lancaster    Achieving national development in the Third World: a systems study [Sri Lanka and Venezuela]    P W GUNAWARDENA
1979    PhD    London, SOAS    Industrial development of Bengal, 1902-1939    A Z M IFTIKHAR-UL-AWWAL
1979    PhD    Cambridge    Afghanistan in British imperial strategy and diplomacy, 1919-1941    Lesley Margaret JACKMAN
1979    DPhil    Sussex    Changing production relations and population in Uttar Pradesh    Vinod K JAIRATH    S Epstein
1979    DPhil    Oxford, Merton    Religion and politics among the Sikhs in the Punjab, 1873-1925    R A KAPUR    Prof R E Robinson
1979    PhD    Aberdeen    Nationalism in Bangladesh    Ataur R KHAN
1979    MLitt    Oxford, Wolfson    Communities in Ceylon: an ethnic perspective on Sinhalese-Tamil relations    P LANGTON    Dr Schuyler-Jones
1979    PhD    London, Wye    An economic analyses of resource use with respect of farm size and tenure in an area of Bangladesh    Md Abdur Sattar MANDAL
1979    DPhil    Oxford    Hindu pilgrimage with particular reference to West Bengal, India    E Alan MORINIS
1979    MPhil    York    Sociolinguistics of language planning: a historical study of language planning in Sri Lanka    Abul Monsur Md Abu MUSA    Dr M W S De Silva
1979    PhD    London, SOAS    Chittagong Port: a study of its fortunes, 1892-1912    S H OSMANY    Mr J B Harrison
1979    PhD    Cambridge, St Cath’s    Punjab peasants and politics: a study of the Lower Chenab Canal, 1890-1020    B J POFF    Prof E Stokes
1979    PhD    Cambridge, Clare    Agrarian structure and capital formation: a study of Bangladesh agriculture with farm level data    Atiqur RAHMAN
1979    PhD    London, SOAS    The non-official British in India, 1883-1920    R K RENFORD
1979    PhD    Aberdeen    The soils of the central Sarawak lowlands, Malaysia    I M SCOTT
1979    PhD    Durham    The socio-cultural determinants of fertility and the population policy in India    M SEKHRI
1979    PhD    St Andrews    Macroeconmic forecasting in developing countries with special reference to fiscal policy: a case study of India    Dinesh K SRIVASTAVA    Dr GK Shaw
1979    PhD    London,  SOAS    Emergency powers in the Indian constitution    Jahnavi K P SRIVASTAVA
1979    PhD    London, LSE    Democratic considerations and population policies in development planning: a survey of third world countries with case studies of Bangladesh and Pakistan    B F M STAMFORD    Prof D V Glass
1979    PhD    Edinburgh    The development of British Indology    K B SWANSON
1979    PhD    London, Royal Holloway    Anglo-French diplomacy overseas, 1935-1845, with special reference to West Africa and the Indian Ocean    Rosalind M WALLER    Prof G N Sanderson
1979/80    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    Some aspects of the monetary and financial experience of a mixed economy: the case of Ceylon, 1950-1970    S W R D SARMARASINGHE    Mr M G Kuczynski
1980    MPhil/PhD    London, LSHTM    Sex differential mortality: a study of the status of women in Pakistan    A AHMAD
1980    DPhil    Sussex    Overseas aid and the transfer of technology – agricultural mechanisation in Sri Lanka    D F BURCH    E Brett
1980    PhD    Aberdeen    Aspects of population changes in British colonial Malacca: a study in social geography    Kok Eng CHAN
1980    PhD    London, SOAS    Rural power and debt in Sind in late 19th century, 1865-1901    David CHEESMAN    Dr Zaidi
1980    PhD    London, UC    Optimal development and various public policies: a case study of Bangladesh    Omar H CHOWDHURY    Mr Lal
1980    PhD    Cambridge    The agrarian economy of northern India, 1800-1880: aspects of growth and stagnation in the Doab    S J COMMANDER    Prof Stokes
1980    PhD    Leeds    Methodism and Sinhalese Buddhism: the Wesleyan-Methodist missionary encounter with Buddhism in Ceylon, 1814-1868, with special reference to the work of Robert Spencer Hardy    Barbara A R COPLANS    Dr E M Pye; Dr R C Towler
1980    PhD    London, King’s    British and Indian strategy and policy in Mesopotamia, November 1914-May 1916    P K DAVIS    Dr M L Dockrill
1980    MPhil    Edinburgh    Use of technology: rural industrialization in Sri Lanka    A DE WILDE
1980    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    The Indian Civil Service. 1919-1947    H A EWING    Dr A Seal
1980    PhD    Edinburgh    Devotional music in Mysore    Gordon GEEKIE
1980    MPhil    CNAA    An approach to the assessment and control by developing countries of the economic costs and benefits of their national fleets, with particular reference to Sri Lanka    M D H GUNATILLAKE
1980    DPhil    Sussex    Development of capitalism in agriculture in Pakistan with special reference to the Punjab Province    S A HUSSAIN
1980    PhD    Cambridge    Popular Christianity, caste and Hindu society in south India, 1800-1915: a study of Travancore and Tirunelveli    Susan Banks KAUFMANN
1980    PhD    Edinburgh    The cost and effictiveness of export incentive schemes in Pakistan, 1950-1970    Mohammad KHAYRAT
1980    PhD    London, SOAS    The city of Lucknow before 1856 and its buildings    Rosaleen M LLEWELLYN-JONES    Dr Chaudhuri
1980    PhD    Manchester    Domestic worship and the festival cycle in the south Indian city of Madurai    Penelope LOGAN
1980    PhD    Leeds    The policy of the government of India towards Afghanistan, 1919-1947    C MAPRAYIL    Prof D Dilks
1980    PhD    Strathclyde    Appropriate products, employment and income distribution in Bangladesh and Ghana: a case study of the soap industry    A K A MUBIN
1980    PhD    Manchester    Choice and transfer of technology: the case of modernization of dairying in India    S K MUKERJI
1980    DPhil    Oxford    The rebellion in Awadh, 1857-1858: a study in popular resistance    R MUKHERJEE
1980    DPhil    Sussex    The Muriya and Tallot Mutte: a study of the concept of the earth among the Muriya Gonds of Bastar District, India    Terrell POPOFF
1980    DPhil    Oxford    Saving in Pakistan, 1950-1977: estimation and analysis    M Z M QURESHI
1980    PhD    Durham    A study of the status of women in Islamic law and society with special reference to Pakistan    S F SAIFI
1980    PhD    London, SOAS    The political economy of rural poverty in Bangladesh    K U SIDDIQUI    Mr T J Byres
1980    DPhil    Sussex    Export led industrial development: the case of Sri Lanka    Upanda VIDANAPATHIRANA    Mr Godfrey
1980    PhD    London    Foreign investment law and policy of India: the control of private direct foreign investment    S L WATKINS
1980    PhD    Kent    The little businessman of Bukit Timah: a study of the economic, social and political organisation of traders in a market complex in Singapore    C W WONG
1981    PhD    London, External    An analysis of academic libraries in the Punjab (Pakistan)and proposals for their future development    Nazir AHMAD
1981    DPhil    Sussex    Institutional structure, income distribution and economic development: a case study of Pakistan    S E AHMAD    R Jolly; P Chaudhuri
1981    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    Productivity, prices and distribution in Pakistan’s manufacturing sector, 1955-1970    Meekal A AHMED    Mr Z A Silberston
1981    PhD    Birmingham    Pakistani entrepreneurs, their development, characteristics and attitudes    Zafar ALTAF
1981    MPhil    Reading    Approaches to the optimisation of calving interval in large dairy herds in Sri Lanka    V ARIYAKUMAR
1981    DPhil    Sussex    Adoption of high-yielding varieties of paddy: a case study of Bangladesh agriculture    M ASADUZZAMAN
1981    MPhil    Oxford    Alternative approaches to the analysis of Indian agriculture: an evaluation    P BALAKRISHNAN
1981    MLitt    Oxford, Balliol    The Indian state and the state of emergency    Ashis BANERJEE    Mr N Maxwell
1981    DPhil    Oxford, St Cath’s    Migration theory with special reference to Delhi    B BANERJEE    Prof I M D Little
1981    PhD    London, SOAS    Evaluation of changes brought about by resettlement scheme in Sri Lanka    G S BETTS
1981    PhD    Newcastle    Genetic variation and structure in selected populations of India    S M S CHAHAL
1981    PhD    London, LSE    Commercial policy and industrialization with special reference to India since independence    S CHATTERJEE    Prof T Scitovsky
1981    PhD    Edinburgh    The politics and technology ofsharing  the Ganges    B CROW
1981    PhD    Hull    Karst water studies and environment in West Malaysia    J CROWTHER
1981    DPhil    Sussex    Land and politics in West Bengal: a sociological study of a multicaste village    A S DASGUPTA
1981    DPhil    Sussex    Population trends and changes in village organisation – Rampur revisited    M DASGUPTA    S Epstein; R Cassen
1981    MPhil    London, King’s    A study of female offenders in Sri Lanka and England    S S H DE SILVA
1981    MPhil    Oxford    Educated unemployment in India    D J DONALDSON
1981    DPhil    Sussex    Rules and transactions: some aspects of marriage among the Dhund Abbasi of North East Pakistan    H DONNAN
1981    PhD    London    India’s relations with developing countries: a study of the political economy of Indian investment, aid, overseas banking and insurance    S K DUTT
1981    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    Geomorphology and environmental change in South India and Sri Lanka    Rita A M GARDNER    Dr A S Goudie
1981    PhD    Aberdeen    A study of Bangladesh tea soils with particular reference to the efficiency of phosphatic fertilizers    A K M GOLAM KIBRIA
1981    MPhil    Oxford    Some early British socialists in India    N GOPAL
1981    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    The agrarian economy of the Bombay Deccan, 1818-1941    Sumit GUHA
1981    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Planning for growth and structural change in an under-nourished economy: the case of India    U R GUNJAL    Dr D M Nuti
1981    PhD    Manchester    Buddism, magic and society in a southern Sri Lankan town    M C HODGE
1981    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    An investigation of the impact of British rule in India, c 1820-1860 in the context of political, social and economic continuity and change    D J HOWLETT    Dr G Johnson
1981    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    The origins of the partition of India, 1936-1947    Anita INDER SINGH
1981    PhD    Cambridge    Jinnah, the Muslim League and the demand for Pakistan    A JALAL
1981    PhD    London, Imperial    Supervisory style and work group satisfaction: an empirical study in the textile industry in Sri Lanka    N W N JAYASIRI
1981    MPhil    Sussex    The effect of proximity to urban influence on rural leadership in Sri Lanka    s JAYATILAKE    R Dore
1981    MPhil    London, LSHTM    Relations between estimation biases and response errors in the analysis of a retrospective demographic survey of Bangladesh    Mokbul Ahmed KHAN    Prof W Brass
1981    MTh    Aberdeen    Salvation in a Malaysian context    Boo Wah KHOO
1981    MPhil    Edinburgh    British and Indian post-war new towns: a comparative analysis    D KUMER
1981    PhD    London, LSE    Bhutto, the People’s Pakistan Party and political development in Pakistan,1867-1977    M LODHI
1981    PhD    Bradford    The economics of railway traction with particular reference to India    J MAJUMDAR
1981    PhD    London, SOAS    Law and development in Sri Lanka: an historical perspective, 1796-1989     M L MARASINGHE
1981    PhD    Glasgow    The techno-economic development of the Indian machine tool industry, with special emphasis on aspects affecting efficiency    Ronald G MATTHEWS
1981    PhD    Durham    Spatial patterns of population growth and agricultural change in the Punjab, Pakistan, 1901-1972    M A MIAN
1981    PhD    Cambridge    Patterns of long-run agrarian change in Bombay and Punjab, 1881-1972    S C MISHRA
1981    PhD    Edinburgh    An empirical analysis of export promotion in Pakistan, 1959-1977    K MOHAMMAD
1981    DPhil    Sussex    The state and peasantry in Sri Lanka    M P MOORE
1981    PhD    Warwick    Rural factor markets in Pakistan    I NABI    Prof Stern
1981    PhD    Wales, UCNW    Basic needs fulfillment and the evaluation of land use alternatives with special reference to forestry in Kerala State, India    C T S NAIR
1981    MPhil    Oxford    The structure of Indian society: a study of some aspects of the work of Louis Dumont    S S RANDERIA
1981    DPhil    Sussex    The historical problems of agricultural productivity with special reference to the use of modern technology inputs: a case study of Meerut district in western Uttar Pradesh    Sumit ROY    B Dasgupta
1981    PhD    London, SOAS    The thakur and the goldsmith: aspects of legitimation in an Indian village    Christopher Thomas SELWYN
1981    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity Hall    The agrarian constraint to economic development: the case of India    Abhijit SEN    Mr J A Rowthorn
1981    MPhil    London, LSE    Control and regulation of cotton marketing in India, 1950-1975    J SENGUPTA    Prof B S Yamey
1981    MPhil    Kent    Patani nationalism    O bin SHEIKH AHMAD
1981    PhD    Cambridge, St Edmund’s    Canal irrigation and agrarian change under colonial rule: a study of the UP Doab, India, 1830-1930    Ian Edward STONE
1981    PhD    London    The growth of the Muslim League in the Punjab, 1937-1946    I A TALBOT
1981    MPhil    Brunel    A study of financing of small industries in UK and India    J P TEWARI
1981    DPhil    Sussex    Population, growth and labour utilisation in a rural/urban context: a Sri Lanka case study    W TILAKARATNE
1981    PhD    London, SOAS    Determinants of change in population resource relationships at village level: a study of two south Indian villages    Christopher Louis WILDE
1981    PhD    Bath    Class formation, state intervention and rural development in South Asia    G D WOOD
1981    PhD    London, LSE    The identification of developing Soviet strategy interests in the Indian Ocean, 1968-1974    Rashna Minoo WRITER    Mr P Windsor
1981    PhD    London, SOAS    The impact of canal irrigation on the rural structuresof the Punjab: the canal colony districts, 1880 to 1940    Fareeha ZAFAR
1982    DPhil    Sussex    Capital accumulation, land productivity and agrarian structure in Bangladesh agriculture    M ALAM
1982    PhD    Warwick    Effects of taxation on business in less developed countries with special reference to Sri Lanka    P BENNETT
1982    DPhil    Sussex    Agrarian structure, economic change and poverty: the experience of central Gujerat    BHANWARSINGH
1982    PhD    London, Imperial    Development of the labour process in the Indian electrical industry    B BHUSHAN
1982    PhD    Edinburgh    Energy flows in subsistence agriculture: a study of a dry zone village in Sri Lanka    Jan Roderic BIALY
1982    PhD    Cambridge    Conjugal units and single persons: an analysis of the social system of the Naiken of the Nilgirirs (South India)    Nirut BIRD
1982    PhD    Aberdeen    A sociological study of the development of social classes and social structure of Bangladesh    B M CHODWHURY
1982    PhD    Salford    Foreign aid and economic development: a case study of Pakistan with special reference to poverty and income distribution    M K CHOUDHARY
1982    PhD    Cabridge    A study of cotton-weaving in Bangladesh: the relative advantages and disadvantages of handloom weaving and factory production    Nuimuddin CHOWDHURY
1982    DPhil    Sussex    Technological innovation in agriculture in India: an analysis of economic policy and political pressures    F C CLIFT
1982    DPhil    Sussex    Open unemployment and poverty in the rural sector in Sri Lanka    I COOMARASWAMY
1982    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    The jute economy of Bengal, 1900-1947: unequal interaction between the industrial, trading and agricultural sectors    O GOSWAMI    Dr Raychaudhuri
1982    DPhil    Sussex    Changing socio-economic relations in a Kandyan countryside    P N GUNASINGHE    S Epstein
1982    MPhil    Leeds    Recovery of gemstones from river gravels in Sri Lanka    S M HERATH BANDA
1982    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    The changing structure of cotton textile production in Bengal under the impact of the East India Company, 1750-1813, and the textile producers of Bengal    Hameeda HOSSAIN    Dr T Raychaudhuri
1982    MPhil    Sussex    The difference between ideological planning and service performance and the problems of differential access to agricultural credit in Bangladesh: the case of the integrated rural development programme    Sajjad HUSSAIN
1982    PhD    London, LSE    Boundary problems in South Asia    K H KAIKOBAD    Prof I Brownlie
1982    DPhil    Sussex    Spring Valley: a social, anthropological and historical enquiry into the impact of the tea estates upon a Sinhalese village in the Uva Highlands of Sri Lanka    C P KEMP
1982    DPhil    Oxford, Trinity    Pakistan’s relations with the USA, the USSR, China and India from the Sino-Indian war of 1962 to the Simla Pact    Mohamed Jameelur Rehman KHAN    Dr S Rose
1982    PhD    London    Aspects of the urban history, social, administrative and insttitutional of Dacca City, 1921-1947    Nazia KHANUM    Mr J B Harrison
1982    MPhil    Cambridge, Magdalene    The British policy of withdrawal from India: in particular with reference to its impact on the subsequent political development of India    S W KIM    Mr C Barnett
1982    DPhil    Oxford, New    The Indian coal industry after nationalisation    Rajiv KUMAR    Mr S Lall
1982    PhD    Lonon, SOAS    Industrial location and regional policy in south India    James William MACKIE    Dr Bradnock
1982    PhD    Cambridge    Women’s work and economic power in the family: a study of two villages in West Bengal    Linda Catherine MAYOUX
1982    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    Construction of capital and labour coefficient matrices for the India economy and their use in framing a development plan    Deba Kumar Datt MAZUMDAR    Prof F N Mathur
1982    PhD    Edinburgh    Relativization in Bengali    A K M MORSHED
1982    PhD    London, LSE    India and the EEC, 1962-1973    Bishakha MUKHERJEE
1982    PhD    Keele    Social aspects of production and reproduction in Bonda society    Bikram N NANDA
1982    MPhil    Reading    The evaluation and control of constraints on the development of dairying in the Jaffna District of Sri Lanka    A NAVARATNARAJAH
1982    DPhil    Sussex    Social change and class relations in rural Sri Lanka    U L PERERA    R Dore
1982    PhD    Manchester    An evaluationof the problems of measuring the profit performance of multinational enterprise in less developed countries: a case study of Bangladesh    M Z RAHMAN
1982    DPhil    Sussex    Villagers education aspirations and their relationship to rural development: a south Indian case study    Sudha V RAO    S Epstein
1982    PhD    Cambridge, Corpus    On liberty and economic growth: preface to a philosophy for India    Subroto ROY    Prof F Hahn
1982    PhD    London, LSHTM    Education and fertility in Pakistan    Zeba A SATHAR
1982    PhD    London, LSE    Maintaining non-alignment: India’s political relations with the superpowers in the 1970s    Muhammad Azher Zafar SHAH    Mr C J Hill
1982    DPhil    Sussex    The process of rural change and its impact on income distribution in Gujerat    Bhanwar SINGH    R Cassen
1982    PhD    Leeds    Analytical techniques in agricultural development planning: a critical appraisal of a project for the modernization of an irrigation scheme in Sri Lanka    Nelson VITHANAGE    Mr I G Simpson
1982    PhD    Reading    A biological study of the benefits of intercropping in England and India    N VORASOOT
1982/83    PhD    Birmingham    Pakistan: the energy sector: a study in sector planning    Tariq RIAZ
1982/83    PhD    Cambridge    A study of the development of the sugar industry in Ahmednagar Diustrict, Maharashtra, (with particular reference to the harvesting and carting labourers employed in the industry    Joy RICHARDSON
1982/83    PhD    London, SOAS    Politics and the state in Pakistan, 1947-1975    Mohammad WASEEM
1983    PhD    London, LSHTM    Dimensions of intra-household food and nutrient allocation: a study of a Bangaldeshi village    M ABDULLAH    Ms Wheeler
1983    PhD    Aberdeen    Inter-religious controversy in India: the interpretation of Jesus in the works of Rammohun Roy and Sayyid Ahmad Khan    Muda Ismail bin AB-RAHMAN
1983    DPhil    Oxford    Emerson and India    S ACHARYA
1983    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    The contribution of Elphinstone College to higher education and political leadership in the Bombay Presidency. 1840-1940    Naheed AHMAD    Prof R E Robinson
1983    PhD    London, Inst Comm    The Mujib regime in Bangladesh, 1972-75: an analysis of its problems and performance    A U AHMED
1983    PhD    London, King’s    Chromite deposits of the Sakhakot-Qila ultramafic complex, Pakistan    Zulfiqar AHMED
1983    PhD    Cambridge, St Cath’s    Rural society and politics in Bengal, 1900-1950    Sugata BOSE    Prof T E Stokes
1983    PhD    City    Conflict and communication in the Third World: a study of class and ethnic bases of conflict and relationships between these and the mass media in Pakistan and Nigeria    C M BRYNIN
1983    PhD    London, SOAS    Contemporary problems in Hindu religious endowments    Nihar Ranjan CHAKRABARTI
1983    PhD    Cambridge    Labour and society in Bombay, 1918-1940: workplace, neighbourhood and social organization    R S CHANDAVARKAR    Dr A Seal
1983    MLitt    Oxford, Trinity    The Congress ministers and the Raj, 1937-1939: a style of British policy and Indian politics    Sunil CHANDER    Dr T Raychaudhuri
1983    PhD    London, King’s    Transforming a traditional agriculture: the change from subsistence to commercial cropping in a part of Hazara District, Pakistan    K L COOK
1983    PhD    London, SOAS    Family and business in a small town of Rajasthan    C COTTAM    Dr L Caplan
1983    MPhil    Edinburgh    Towards a national human settlements strategy for Pakistan    M CRAGLIA
1983    PhD    London, SOAS    The urban demography of industrialization and its economic implications, with particular reference to a region of India from 1951 to 1971    Nigel Royden CROOK
1983    PhD    Newcastle    Agricultural export diversification and earnings instability of Sri Lanka    Maxwell Peter DE SILVA
1983    PhD    London, SOAS    British firms and the economy of Burma, with special reference to the rice and teak industries    Maria Serena Icaziano DIOKNO
1983    MPhil    London, UC    Jammu and Kashmir: a selected and annotated bibliography of manuscripts, books and articles together with a survey of its history, languages and literature from Rajatarangini, 1977/8    Ramesh Chander DOGRA
1983    PhD    London, SOAS    Trade unionism in Bengal before 1922: historical origins, development and characteristics    Stephen N GOURLAY    Dr K chaudhuri
1983    PhD    Exeter    Forms of Chhou: an investigation of an Indian theatre tradition    S J HAWKES
1983    PhD    London, Wye    Food production and food entitlement in rural Bangladesh: five year outlook for a small community in an irrigated area    Walza Md Hossaine JAIM    Mr G Allanson
1983    PhD    Cambridge    The economic and social bases of political allegiance in Sri Lanka, 1947-1982    D J JAYANNATHA    Mr G P Hawthonr
1983    PhD    London, SOAS    Domestic terms of trade and agricultural taxation policy in Pakistan, 1970-1977    Shahnaz KAZI    Mr T Byres
1983    PhD    Wales    Production technology and industrial development: India’s planning period    Edward Lawrence LYNK
1983    PhD    London, SOAS    Transport systems and urban growth in Punjab, Pakistan    M K MALIK    Dr R W Bradnock
1983    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    Peasant society and agricultural development: a case study from coastal Orissa    S MITRA    Prof J A Barnes
1983    PhD    London    A general information programme for Pakistan: some problems and prospects with special reference to the promotion of cultures in the libraries and other information centres    Rafia MOHADADALLY
1983    PhD    London, UC    A general information programme for Pakistan: some problems and prospects with special reference to the promotion of culture in the libraries and other information centres    Rafia MOHAMMADALLY
1983    PhD    Cranfield    Smallholder mechanization in Pakistan    A Q A MUGHAL
1983    DPhil    Oxford    Madrasahs, scholars and saints: Muslim response to the British presence in Delhi and the Upper Doab, 1803-1857    Farhan Ahmed NIZAMI    Dr T Raychaudhuri
1983    MPhil    Edinburgh    Social consequences of rural economic change in South Asia    O NOTE
1983    PhD    London, SOAS    A study of low caste consciousness and social protest in Western India in the later 19th century    Rosalind O’HANLON    Prof K Ballhatchet
1983    PhD    Bradford    Gandhi as a political organiser; an analysis of local and national campaigns in Inda    B OVERY
1983    PhD    London, SOAS    Contact and controversy between Islam and Christianity in northern India, 1833-1857: the relations between Muslim and Protestant missionaries in the north-western provinces and Oudh    Avril Ann POWELL    Prof K Ballhatchet
1983    DPhil    Sussex    Technological capacity and production performance in the fertilizer and the paper industries in Bangladesh    H A QUAZI
1983    PhD    London, SOAS    Differrentiation of the peasantry in Bangladesh: an empirical study with micro-level data    A RAHMAN    Mr T J Byres
1983    MPhil    Edinburgh    Planning for rural development with particular reference to Bangladesh    A H S RAHMAN    Mr J B Leonard; Prof P Johnson-Marshall
1983    PhD    Birmingham    A study of small indigenous church movements in Andra Pradesh    S RAJ
1983    PhD    London, InstiComm    Problems of organisation, policies and mobilisation in the development of the Bengal Provincial Muslim League, 1936-1947    Mohammed Harun-Or RASHID    Prof W H Morris-Jones
1983    PhD    London, UC    Commodity taxes and employment policy in developing countries (with special reference to India)    B RAYCHAUDHURI
1983    PhD    Edinburgh    Responsiveness and rules: parent-child interaction in Scotland and India    V REDDY
1983    MPhil    Sueery    Alignment in Pakistan’s foreign policy, 1954-1977    Arif H SYED    Prof C Pick
1983    MLitt    Aberdeen    The 1853 Government of India Act    Jane THOMAS    Miss R M RTyzack; Dr E C Bridges
1983    PhD    Cambridge, Corpus    Labour migration and economic development in an Indian hillarea    W WHITTAKER    Mr B H Farmer
1983    PhD    Warwick    Some experiments with a multisectoral intertemporal optimization model for Sri Lanka    D E WIJESINGHE
1984    PhD    Bristol    The socio-economic aspects of the population age structure of Uttar Pradesh, India    Mhammed ABUZAR    Dr Morgan
1984    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    Peasant production and capitalist development: a model with reference to Bangladesh    Abu M S ADNAN
1984    PhD    London, LSE    Squatter settlements of Karachi: a comparative perspective of the culture of activism    M O L AZAM
1984    PhD    Cambridge, Sidney    Regional dependence and rural development in Central India, 1820-1930    C N BATES    Dr D A Washbrook
1984    DPhil    Oxford    Agricultural growth in Bangladesh and West Bengal    J K BOYCE
1984    PhD    Edinburgh    The Vellore Mutiny, 1806    Alan D CAMERON    Prof G Shepperson
1984    PhD    Cambridge, Jesus    Opening up the interior: the impact of railways on the north Indian economy and society, 1860-1914    Ian David DERBYSHIRE
1984    PhD    Reading    Technology, growth and distribution in Sri Lanka’s paddy sub-sector    J FARRINGTON
1984    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    Non capitalist land rent: theories and the case of North India    J GHOSH    Mr T Byres
1984    PhD    Ulster    The 1st Marquess of Dufferin and Ava: Whig Ulster landlord and imperial statesman     A T HARRISON    Dr T G Fraser
1984    PhD    Edinburgh    The cultural determinants of fertility in a region of South India    Heather M  JACKSON
1984    PhD    London, SOAS    Human rights – the Sri Lanka experience    N JAYAWICKRAMA
1984    PhD    London, Bedford    Urban transport problems: the case of Bombay    P JOSHI    Dr D Hilling
1984    PhD    London, LSE    Caste and temple service in a Sinhalese highland village    Andrew John KENDRICK    Dr J P Perry
1984    PhD    London, SOAS    Tribal settlement and socio-economic integration: a case study of the Bannu lowlands, Pakistan    Gul Mohammad KHAN    Dr R Bradnock
1984    MPhil    Sussex    The effects of the changing patterns of leadership on succession problems and the use of ideology: a comparative study of India (1962-1969)and Japan (1929-1936)    H KINASE-LEGGETT    B D Graham
1984    PhD    London, SOAS    The British administaration of the Kandyan provinces of Sri Lanka, 1815-1833    K M P KULASEKERA    Prof K A Ballhatchet
1984    PhD    Cambridge, Clare    Studies in the development of India’s non-traditional manufactured exports, 1957-1980    A KUMAR    Prof W B Reddaway
1984    DPhil    Sussex    Implications of international mobility of labour for trade and development with particular reference to Bangladesh    Raisul MAHMOOD    Mr Godfrey
1984    MLitt    Oxford, St Antony’s    The Communist Movement in West Bengal. 1962-1980    Ross MALLICK    Dr T Raychaudhuri
1984    PhD    London, SOAS    Role and ritual in Hindu marriage    Werner F MENSKI    Prof J D M Derrott
1984    DPhil    Oxford, Magdalen    Political mobilisation and the nationalism movement in India – a study of eastern Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, 1936-1942    Chandan S MITRA    Dr T Raychaudhuri
1984    PhD    Cambridge, Christ’s    Instability in food grain production: causes, adjustments, policies: a case study of Bangladesh    K A S MURSHID    Prof A Robinson
1984    DPhil    Sussex    Poverty and inequality in rural India: a state-wide analysis of trends since 1950    R NAYYAR    P Chaudhuri
1984    PhD    Edinburgh    Productivity and innovation in traditional agriculture: a comparative study of agricultural development in the Forth Valley, 1760-1841 and the Bengal Presidency, 1870-1914    Alastair William ORR
1984    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Alliance and elopement: economy, social order and sexual antagonism the Kalasha (Kalash Kafirs) of Chitral    Peter S C PARKES    Dr Schuyler-Jones
1984    PhD    Leicester    The structure, petrology and geochemistry of the Kohistan batholith, Gilgit, Kashmir, North Pakistan    Michael George PETTERSON
1984    PhD    Cambridgew    Respecting power: temples, resources and authority in southern Tamilnadu, India    Gordon Darge PRAIN
1984    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    The evolution of the agrarian economy of western India, 1860-1940: a case study of selected Gujerat and Deccan districts    S PRAKASH    Dr G Johnson
1984    PhD    London, LSE    Rural protest and politics: a study of peasant movements in Western Maharashtra, 1875-1947    Livi Nancy Mary RODRIGUES
1984    PhD    London, SOAS    Crime and society in the Sinhala speaking areas of Sri Lanka, 1865-1905    John D ROGERS    Prof K Ballhatchet
1984    MPhil    Nottingham    The right to property under the Indian independence constitution    J S SANGHIA    Prof Pear
1984    PhD    Cambridge    Rural organizations in Sri Lanka: official policy and institutional reform in the peasant agricultural sub-sector, 1948-1977    S SATHANANDAN
1984    PhD    London, SOAS    Muslim society and politics in the Punjab    P SCRAGG    Dr Zaidi
1984    MPhil    London, LSE    Bengal economic development, 1790-1830    P SEN    Mr M E Falkus
1984    PhD    Reading    Tropical forest monitoring using digital Landsat data in northeastern India    Ashbindu SINGH
1984    PhD    Cambridge    Temple “prostitution” and community reform: an examination of the ethnographic, historical and textual context of the devadasi of Tamil Nadu, south India    A SRINAVASAN

1984    PhD    Edinburgh    Technology transfer in the Indian and Indonesian pharmaceutical industries    A J STOKER

1984 PhD London, SOAS, British Attitudes to Indian Nationalism, 1922-1935. Pillarisetti SUDHIR. Professor Kenneth A. Ballhatchet.

1984    PhD    London,  SOAS    Ritual status in the life cycles of women in a village of central India    catherine S THOMPSON    Prof A Mayer
1984    DPhil    Sussex    Gender as a variable in the political process: a case study of women’s participation in state-level electoral politics, Andhra Pradesh, India    C WOLKOWITZ
1985    PhD    Strathclyde    The development of small-scale enterprises: a study of the agriculture-related engineering industry in Pakistan Punjab    K AFTAB
1985    PhD    London, Royal Holloway    The emergence of Muslim socialists in North India, 1917-1947    Khizar H ANSARI    Dr F C R Robinson
1985    PhD    Salford    The impact of farm mechanization on productivity and employment: a case study of Punjab, Pakistan    M ASHRAF
1985    PhD    Durham    Blue-green algal nitrogen fixation associated with deepwater rice in Bangladesh    A AZIZ
1985    PhD    London, SOAS    Indian opium and Sino-Indian trade relations    F BAKHALA    Prof K N Chaudhuri
1985    PhD    Cambridge    On the Srawacs or Jains: processes of division and cohesion among two Jain communities in India and England    M J BANKS
1985    PhD    London, SOAS    Martial law in Bangladesh, 1975-`979: a legal analysis    M E BARI
1985    PhD    London, SOAS    Thomas Munro: the decision making process in Madras, 1795-1830    H BREITMEYER    Prof K A Ballhatchet
1985    PhD    London, LSE    Political radicalism and middle class ideology in Bengal: a study of the politics of Subhas Chandra Bose, 1928-1940    B CHAKRABARTY
1985    PhD    Cambridge, Girton    The behaviour of industrial prices in India, 1947-1977    Ruchira CHATTERJI    Dr G Meeks
1985    PhD    Edinburgh    Lateritic soils and their managment in parts of West Bengal    Sandip K CHAUDHURI
1985    PhD    London, SOAS    Social change and the development of “modern” politics in Travancore from the late 19th century to 1938    James L CHIRIYANKANDATH    Dr P G Robb
1985    PhD    Manchester    The role of exchange rate policies in the balance of payments and adjustment process in a small open developing economy: a case study of Sri Lanka    S S COLOMBAGE
1985    DPhil    Sussex    Sharecropping and sharecroppers’ struggles in Bengal, 1930-1950    Adrienne J COOPER    Mr R Guha
1985    MSc    Stirling    The mechanism of distribution of marketed surplus in the models of dual economies through the Soviet, Chinese and Indian practice towards economic development    Z COTTI
1985    PhD    Sheffield    Vegetation and land use studies in the Udawalawe Basin, Sri Lanka    D S EPITAWATTA
1985    PhD    Newcastle    Analysis of the lactation curve of Pakistani dairy buffaloes    K Z GONDAL
1985    DPhil    Oxford, St Edmund Hall    The relations between Britian, India and Burma in the formulaton of imperial policy, 1890-1905    G P GUYER
1985    PhD    Lancaster    The continuity of Madhyamaka and Yogacara in Indian Mahayana Buddhism    I C HARRIS
1985    PhD    London, LSE    Women in the urban labour force in Pakistan: the case of Lahore    Emma HOOPER
1985    PhD    Strathclyde    The choice of technique in cotton textiles and its impact on employment in Bangladesh    M R ISLAM
1985    DPhil    Sussex    The impact of male outmigration on intra-village social relationships: a case study of Meharabad, a Punjabi village in Pakistan    Naveed-I-Rahat JAAFRI
1985    PhD    Edinburgh    Health and the state in India    Roger JEFFERY
1985    PhD    Oxford    Limites and renewals: transformations of belief in Kipling’s fiction    S KEMP
1985    PhD    Queen’s, Belfast    The traditional tabla drumming of Lucknow in its social and cultural context    J R KIPPEN
1985    MPhil    CNAA, Kingston Poly    The rubber industry in India: a vital industry in the planned economy    P A MARS
1985    PhD    Cambridge    Economic relations between a centrally planned and a developing market economy: Indo-Soviet trade (1970-1982)and technology transfer (post 1955)    Santosh Kumar MEHROTRA    Dr P Nolan
1985    DPhil    Oxford    The Bengal Muslim intelligentsia, 1937-1977: the tension between the religious and the seccular    Tazeen Mahnaz MURSHID
1985    PhD    Kent    The impact of colonial rule in Johore: a case of social and political adjustment    M S H MUSTAJAB
1985    PhD    London, LSE    The sacred city of Anuradhapura: aspect of Sinhalese Buddhism and nationhood    Elizabeth NISSAN    Dr C J Fuller; Dr J P Parry
1985    MPhil    Manchester    Land ownership and irrigation development in the Sind region of Pakistan: institutional constraints on technical change    Meherunissa M K PANWHAR
1985    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    Social and political implications of changing land and labour relations in rural Bangladesh: a village level study    Tanyal RAHMAN VIROOMAL
1985    DPhil    Oxford, Lincoln    The Naxalites and their ideology: a study in the sociology of knowledge    Rabindra RAY    Dr F Parkin
1985    PhD    Cambridge    Honour, nurture and festivity: aspects of female religiosity amongst Jain women in Jaipur    J REYNELL
1985    PhD    Queen’s, Belfast    An analysis of the structure, conduct and performance of the date marketing system in Sind-Pakistan    Muneer Ali Shah RIZVI
1985    PhD    Brunel    The influence of the state in the industrial relations systems of third world countries with special reference to Bangladesh    S A SIDDIQ
1985    MPhil    London, LSHTM    Refugees, health and development: a case study of Tibetan refugees in India    Staphanie Pietre Pardoe SIMMONDS
1985    PhD    Durham    Ritual tradition of Berava caste of southern Sri Lanka    Robert SIMPSON    Mr D Brooks
1985    DPhil    Oxford, Christ Church    Some aspects of implementing appropriate technology with special reference to cotton textiles in India    Harsha Vardhana SINGH    Mrs F J Stewart
1985    PhD    Aston    Nations and organisations: a comparative study of English and Indian work-related values and attitudes in matched manufacturing firms    M H TAYEB
1985    PhD    London, SOAS    Planned language and Penang Hokkien: the socioeconomic effects of language planning on an urban Chinese community in West Malaysia    Diane Arnauld de TERRA
1985    PhD    London, Inst Ed    Education and rural development in India since independence in 1947: with special reference to Kerala    Joseph THAIKOODAN    Prof B holmes
1985    PhD    London, Queen Elizabeth    Class, nutrition education and growth: a class analysis of the impact on infant nutritional status of maternal education concerning early supplementation in Bangladesh    Katharine J WILSON    Dr C Greissler
1985    PhD    Edinburgh    Upholding the veil: Hindu women’s perceptions of gender and caste identity in rural Pakistan    Caroline Sara Lindsay YOUNG

1986    PhD    Bradford    Higher education in developing countries    M A ADEEB
1986    DPhil    Oxford, St Cath’s    Information, uncertainty and rural credit markets in Pakistan    Irfan ALEEM    Prof J A Mirrlees
1986    MPhil    Edinburgh    Housing and the state in Lahore, Pakistan    I U BAJWA
1986    MPhil    Edinburgh    Visual patterns and the landscape of wet zone Sri Lanka    S I BALASURIYA
1986    MPhil    Ulster    Russio-Afghan boundary demarcation. 1884-1895    Anila BALI    Dr T G Fraser
1986    PhD    London, SOAS    The devolution of government in Sri Lanka: legal aspects of the relationship between central and local government: an historical and comparative study    S A BANDARANAYAKE
1986    PhD    Keele    Migrant employment in the urban formal sector: the jute industry in Dacca, Bangladesh    Salma BANU    Prof D Dwyer
1986    PhD    Sheffield    The economic impact of a regional economy: the case of Bhilai Steel Plant (India)    S BHATARA    Mr W D Watts
1986    PhD    Open    Implementation across national boundaries: implementing the Government of India Act, 1935    V BOROOAH
1986    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    British politics and the East India Company, 1767-1773    H V BOWEN    Prof P D H Thomas
1986    PhD    London, LSHTM    Evaluation of a community based oral rehydration programme in rural Bangladesh    Ahmed M R CHOWDHURY
1986    PhD    Exeter    Household, kin and community in a Bangladesh village    M A M CHOWDHURY
1986    PhD    Cranfield    Rice by-product production, disposal and utilisation in Sri Lanka    S ELIAS
1986    PhD    London    Trade, kinship and Islamisation: a comparative study of the social and economic organisation of Muslim and Hindu traders in Tirunelveli District, South India    Frank Sylvester FANSELOW
1986    PhD    Aberdeen    Inter-religious conflict in India – the dynamics of Hindu-Muslim relations in North Malabar, 1498-1947    Theodore Paul Christian GABRIEL    Prof A Walls
1986    DPhil    Sussex    Rice in Bangladesh: post harvest losses, technology and employment    M T GREELEY
1986    MSc    Cambridge    The impact of Sri Lankan land reform measures, 1972-1975, on the tea sub-sector    S A P JAYATILAKA
1986    MLitt    Oxford, Trinity    The nature of Indian state: an investigation into the interrelationship between economic and political crisis (1965-75)    A K JHA
1986    PhD    London, LSE    The functions of children in the household economy and levels of fertility: a case study of a village in Bangladesh    N KABEER    Mr C M Langford
1986    MPhil    Edinburgh    The role of incentives for paddy cultivation in developing countries with reference to Bangladesh and Sri Lanka    G A M KARUNARATNE
1986    PhD    Reading    Obstacles to the adoption of modern rice cultivation practices by small farmers in Bangaldesh    Md Abul KASHEM
1986    PhD    Glasgow    Handling of industrial disputes in the public sector industries in Bangladesh    M A A KHAN
1986    DPhil    York    The state, village society and political economy of agricultural development in Bangladesh. 1960-1985    S A KHAN
1986    DPhil    Oxford, Corpus    Instability of jute prices and supplies: the impact on and implications for jute fibre production in Bangladesh    Reza KIBRIA    Mr M F G Scott
1986    MPhil    Essex    Selected aspects of India’s foreign trade in the 1970s    S LAKRA
1986    MTh    Wales, Aberystwyth    The life of the people of north Mizoram prior to and subsequent to the advent of Christianity, up the the year of the Mizo Church’s jubilee in 1944    J M LLOYD
1986    PhD    Bradford    The modelling and analysis of national development strategies for India    P MANDAL
1986    PhD    Cambridge, Emmanuel    Financial and manpower aspects of the Dominions and India’s contribution to Britain’s war effort, 1914-1919    G W MARTIN    Dr Z S Steiner
1986    PhD    Leicester    Fulfilment theology: the Aryan race theory and the work of British Protestant missionariesin Victorian India    Martin MAW
1986    PhD    London, LSHTM    Patterns of adult energy nutrition in a south Indian village    G McNEILL
1986    PhD    Dundee    Estimates of gross domestic product by provinces in Pakistan    A M MIRZA
1986    DPhil    Oxford, New    Caste, Christianity and Hinduism: a study of social organisation and religion in rural Ramnad    C MOSSE    Dr N J Allen
1986    MPhil    East Anglia    Go plough and eat: the impact of Gandhian intervention in a Bihar village between 1954 and 1974    Ivan Charles NUTBROWN
1986    PhD    Londonb, SOAS    A history of the London Missionary Scoiety in the Straits Settlements, 1815-1847    Ronnie Leona O’SULLIVAN    Prof K Ballhatchet
1986    PhD    Aston    Investigation of relationship betrween product design and production departments in manufacturing companies (India)    K PAWAR
1986    PhD    Manchester    Landed property and dynamic of instability: Bengal: the property-power nexus: state formation under colonialism and its contemporary siginificance    H Z RAHMAN
1986    PhD    Cranfield    Appropriateness of incentives for small scale enterprise location in less developed areas: the experience of the UK, Japan and India    K RAMACHANDRAN
1986    DPhil    London, St Antony’s    Exchange rate and commercial policy in a controlled trade regime: a case study of India    Narhari RAO
1986    PhD    City    The social and economic conditions of export orientated industrialisation as a strategy of development [Sri Lanka]    K RUPESINGHE
1986    PhD    City    British press coverage and the role of the Pakistan press from independence to the emergence of Bangladesh    M SHAMSUDDIN
1986    PhD    London SOAS    Vallabhbhal Patel: his role and style in Indian politics, 1928-1947    R D SHANKARDASS
1986    PhD    Sheffield    Transport and regional development in Bangladesh: a geographical study    A H M Raihan SHARIF
1986    PhD    London, SOAS    Sri Lanka: an examination of economic and social development associated with recolonisation on an irrigation scheme    Richard Paul SLATER    Dr A Turton
1986    PhD    Leeds    Pakistan’s relations with Britain, 1947-1951: with particular reference to some problems of partition    M SOHAIL
1986    DPhil    Oxford, Linacre    Tenna: peasant, state and nation in the making of a Sinhalese rural community    Jonathan R SPENCER
1986    PhD    Salford    Rural-urban population mobility in Bangladesh: its implications for rural areas with particular reference to two villages    R M TALUKDAR
1986    PhD    London, LSE    Sacrifice and divine power: Hindu temple rituals and village festivals in a fishing village, Sri Lanka    Masakazu TANAKA
1986    DPhil    Oxford, St Peter’s    India: colonialism, nationalism and perception sof develeopment    Kevin WATKINS
1986    PhD    Manchester    Agrarian change in India: a case study of Bundwan District, West Bengal    Neil Anthony WEBSTER
1986    MLitt    Oxford, Wolfson    A critical examination of Aurobindo’s contribution to the tradition of Vedanta    Yvonne WILLIAMS    Prof B K Matilal
1986    PhD    East Anglia    Cyclone vulnerability and housing policy in the Krishna Delta, South India, 1977-83    Peter WINCHESTER    Dr P M Blaikie
1986    MPhil    East Anglia    Urban unemployment in peninsular Malaysia    S R YAHYA    Dr J T Thoburn
1986    PhD    Edinburgh    The realities of life from a Hindu Sindi perspective    John Nicol YOUNG
1986    PhD    London, LSE    Sacrifice and the sacred in a Hindu “t-irtha”: the case of Pushkar, India    Sushila Jane ZEITLYN    Dr J R Parry
1986/87    PhD    Cambridge, Wolfson    Surplus appropriation and accumulation by rural households in India: a case study based on fieldwork in Uttar Pradesh    Ravi Shankar SRIVASTAVA
1987    PhD    London Royal Holloway    All India Muslim League, 1906-1919    M S AHMAD
1987    PhD    Sheffield    Formulation of design criteria for industrial architecture in Bangladesh in light of the developments made in the United Kingdom and other developed countries    N AHMED
1987    MPhil    CNAA Sheffield Poly    The effects of climate on the design and location of windows for buildings in Bangladesh    Z N AHMED
1987    PhD    Nwecastle    Housing for the lower income people of Dhaka,Bangladesh: a peri-urban development approach    S AMEEN
1987    MPhil    City    Personality, leadership and subordinate satisfaction: an empirical study in the civil service of Singapore    C T ANG
1987    PhD    London, RHBNC    The Pirs of Sind and their relationship with the British, 1843-1947    Sarah Frances Deborah ANSARI    Dr F R C Robinson
1987    MPhil    Strathclyde    The development of sugar manufacturing in Pakistan    M AURANGZEB
1987    PhD    Keele    The growth and development of trade unionism in Bangladesh, 1947-1986    M Z BADIUZZAMAN
1987    PhD    Loughborough    A strategy for the integrated development of squatter settlements: a Karachi case study    Q A BAKHTEARI
1987    PhD    Edinburgh    State and indigenous medicine in nineteenth and twentieth-century Bengal, 1800-1947    Poonam BALA
1987    PhD    Cambridge    Sectoral price determination and the inflationary process in the Indian economy, 1950-1980    P BALAKRISHNAN
1987    PhD    East Anglia    Draught animal power in Bangladesh    D BARTON    Dr D P Gibbon
1987    MPhil    Manchester    The role and contribution of the Alilgarh Muslim University in modern Indian Islam, 1877-1947    G N BUDDHANI
1987    PhD    Cambridge, Magdalene    From a pre-colonial order to a princely state: Hyderabad in tranition, c.1748-1865    S CHANDER
1987    PhD    Dundee    Financial development and agricultural development in Pakistan, 1952-1982    Mohammad Jamil CHAUDHARY
1987    PhD    Leicester    Conflict and change among the Khyber Afridis: a study of British policy and tribal society on the North-West Frontier, 1839-1947    R O CHRISTENSEN
1987    PhD    Cambridge, Sidney     State, tribe and region: policy and politics in Indiaa’s Jharkhand, 1900-1980    S E CORBRIDGE    Mr B H Farmer
1987    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Communal riots in Bengal, 1905-1947    Suranjan DAS    Dr T Raychoudhuri
1987    PhD    Cambridge    Money and finance in an underdeveloped economy: some themes from Indian economic history, 1914-1917    T DATTA    Mr M G Kuczynki
1987    PhD    London, SOAS    Images and metaphor: an analysis of Iban collective representations    J DAVISON
1987    PhD    Keele    The United Nations Military Observer Group in India and Pakistan (UNMOGIP), 1948-1965, with postscript on the impact of UNMOGIP on the Indo-Pakistan war of 1971    Pauline DAWSON    Prof A M James
1987    PhD    London, SOAS    The changing role of women in Bengal, c.1890-c.1930, with special reference to British and Bengali discourse on gender    Dagmar ENGELS    Prof K Ballhatchet
1987    PhD    London, SOAS    Psychiatry and colonialism: the treatment of European lunatics in British India, 1800-1858    Waltraud ERNST    Prof K A Ballhatchet
1987    PhD    Manchester    The origins of inflation in Pakistan, 1959-1982: an evaluation of alternative hypotheses    Faiz B FIROZE
1987    PhD    Cambridge    The brick trade in India: energy use, tradition and development    S GANDHI
1987    DPhil    Oxford    Money and the real economy: a study of India, 1960-1984    S E GHANI
1987    PhD    Cranfield    Computer simulation of runoff and soil erosion from small agricultural catchments in Sri Lanka    E GUNAWARDENA
1987    PhD    Exeter    Tariqah-i-Muhammadiyah movement and its contribution to creating a separatist political consciousness among the Muslims of India, 1818-1872    Ghulam Muhammad JAFFAR
1987    PhD    Salford    Agricultural marketing and agrarian relations in Pakistan: a case study of the Nawahshak districrt, Sind    M A KAMDAR    Dr C P Simmons
1987    MLitt    Cambridge, Trinity Hall    Communal politics in the United Provinces, 1935-1947    Mukul KESAVAN    Dr C A Bayley
1987    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    Poverty and public policy: government intervention and levels of living in Kerala, India    Bhaskar Gopalakrishna KUMAR    Prof A K Sen
1987    DPhil    Oxford, Hertford    The rise and fall of the Indian cotton mill industry, 1900-1985: the Swadeshi movement and its political legacy    Simon Robert Bough LEADBEATER    Mr G P Williams
1987    DPhil    Oxford, Oriel    British architecture in Victorian Bombay    Christopher W LONDON    Dr R A Beddard
1987    PhD    Cambridge    West Bengal government policy, 1977–1985    Ross MALLICK
1987    PhD    London, LSE    Muslims, work and status in Aligargh    Elizabeth Ashley MANN
1987    PhD    London, SOAS    Migration and the international Goan community    Stella V MASCARENHAS-KEYES
1987    MPhil    Edinburgh    Women and the housing process: observations in a Katchi Abadi in Pakistan    F McCLUNEY
1987    PhD    Leicester    The mineralogy and geochemistry of the carbonatites, syenites and fenites of North West Frontier Province, Pakistan    Ihsanullah MIAN
1987    MPhil    Sussex    Linguistic nationalism in Pakistan (with special reference to the role and history of Urdu in the Punjab)    Yameema MITHA    Dr R I Duncan
1987    PhD    Stirling    Food retailing in Malaysia: a study of supermarket use in peninsular Malaysia    K B OTHMAN
1987    DPhil    Oxford    British rule and the Konds of Orissa: a study of tribal administration and its legitimating discourse    Felix J PADEL
1987    PhD    Reading    Extension needs of a plantation industry with special reference to the tea industry in Sri Lnaka    W A PADMASIRI WANIGASUNDARA
1987    PhD    Wales, UWIST    The role of government in the administration and management of major ports in developing countries with special reference to India    Jose PAUL
1987    PhD    London, LSE    Time, work and the gods: temporal strategies and industrislisation in central India    Christopher PINNEY
1987    DPhil    York    The political dynamics of Indo-Soviet relations, 1930-1977    S S RAI
1987    PhD    London, SOAS    Islamization of laws in Pakistan with particular reference to the status of women    Abdur RASHID
1987    PhD    Aberdeen    Availability and retention of zinc, especially in relation to the soils of Bangladesh    H M RASHID
1987    DPhil    York    Indo-Soviet relations during the period 1955-1974    S S ROY
1987    PhD    Liverpool    The role of small towns in rural development: a case study of Bangaldesh    Toufiq Mohammad SERAJ
1987    PhD    Liverpool    An analysis of squatter settlements in Dhaka, Bangladesh    M T SHAKUR
1987    PhD    London, LSE    Communism in Punjab up to 1867    Gurharpal SINGH
1987    PhD    Edinburgh    The implementation of systematic nursing in selected hospsitals in India: a chronicle of the change process    Esther SIRRA
1987    DPhil    Sussex    Sri Lankan traders: a case study of credit relations and coconut marketing in a rural economy    sARAH lLEWELLYN SOUTHWOLD
1987    PhD    Leeds    The life and influence of Shapurji Saklatvala    Michael John SQUIRES
1987    PhD    Leicester    Evolution of the southern part of the Aravalli-Delhi orogen western India    Tim J SUGDEN
1987    MSc    Aberdeen    Supply response analysis of palm oil in Malaysia, 1961-1985    B A TALIB
1987    PhD    Leicester    Communication and development in South India    Pradip Ninan THOMAS
1987    PhD    Southampton    Developing a critical success factor approach to a holistic institutional evaluation for polytechnics in the states of Gujerat and Madhya Pradesh, 1977-1984    V N TRAFFORD
1987    PhD    Cranfield    The social relevance of postgraduate management education: a case study of India    S VYAKARNAM
1988    PhD    London    Breast feeding, weaning and infant growth in rural Chandpur, Bangladesh    S AHMED
1988    PhD    London, External    Islam in contemporary Bangladesh     Umne Asman Begum Razia AKEER BANU    Dr D Taylor
1988    PhD    Bradford    The impact of public policy on the poor in Sri Lnaka, 1970-1982    Pat ALAILIMA    C Dennis; S Curry
1988    PhD    Manchester    Makran and Baluchistan from the early Islamic times to the Mongol invasion    S S M AL-HUMAIDI    Prof Bosworth
1988    PhD    Birmingham    The British iron and steel industry and India, 1919-1939    H J ANDERSEN
1988    PhD    Edinburgh    Some aspects of the political and commercial history of the Muslims of Sri Lanka with special referenmce to the British period    Mahmudu Naina Marikar Kamil ASAD
1988    MPhil    Kent    The image of women in selected Malaysian novels    Rosnah BAHARUDIN
1988    PhD    Wales, UCNW    Ecology, management and conservation of Pinus roxburghii forests in Kumaun Himalaya, India    Bhagat Singh BURFAL
1988    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    The nineteenth-century book trade in Sind    Allah Rakhio BUTT
1988    PhD    London, King’s    Soldiers of Christ: evangelicals and India, 1784-1833    Penelope S E CARSON
1988    DPhil    Oxford, Exeter    Punjab politics, 1909-1923    Amrita CHEEMA    Dr T Raychaudhuri
1988    MSc    Wales    Economic appraisal of irrigated plantations of the Punjab, Pakistan: Changa Manga case study    Faqir Ahmad CHOUDHRY
1988    PhD    Reading    State sponsrship of investment credit to promote rural development in India    J G COPESTAKE
1988    PhD    Leicester    Leucogranites of the North West Himalaya: crust-mantle interaction beneath the Karakoram and the magmatic evolution of collisional belts    Mark B CRAWFORD
1988    MPhil    Brunel    Aspects of the development of manufacturing industries of India    Parviz DABIR-ALAI
1988    MLitt    Oxford, Keble    An ecumneical episcopate: Edwin James Palmer, seventh Bishop of Bombay and the reunion of the churches, with special reference to the church of South India    R W DAVIS
1988    PhD    Cambridge    The irrigation and water supply systems of the city of Vijayanagara    D J DAVISON-JENKINS
1988    PhD    Kent    Law, nation and cosmology in Sri Lanka: deconstructioni and the failure of closure    Rochan DE SILVA    Prof F Fitzpatrick
1988    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Application of social accounting matrix framework to agricultural policy analysis in Pakistan    Shafique DHANANI    Mr G H Peters
1988    DPhil    Sussex    Rural commerce in Sri Lanka: commercialisation and farm credit in the Uva highlands    E DUE
1988    PhD    Nottingham    Environmental upgrading and intra-urban migration in Calcutta    Margaret Sylvia FOSTER    Prof J C Moughton; Dr T Oc
1988    PhD    Southampton    Catholic education in Sri Lanka during its first century as a British colony, 1796-1901    J B GNANAPRAGASAM
1988    PhD    East Anglia    Inter- and intra-household analysis in North Bihar village: implications for agricultural research    Ruth GROSVENOR-ALSOP    Dr S D Biggs
1988    PhD    Cambridge    Conservation and colonial expansion: a study of the evolution of environmental attitudes and conservation policies on St Helena, Mauritius and in India, 1660-1860    R H GROVE
1988    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Art, artists and aesthetics in Bengal, c.1850-1920: westernising trends and nationalist concerns in the making of new “Indian” art    Tapati GUHA-THAKURTA    Dr T. Raychaudhuri
1988    MSc    Manchester    Science and technology policy in developing countries of South Asia and South East Asia    K R GUPTA
1988    PhD    Queen’s, Belfast    The sitar music of Calcutta: a study of two gharanas    J S HAMILTON
1988    PhD    London, UC    Inbreeding and fertility in a South Indian village population    Katherine Louise  HANN    Dr J Landers
1988    PhD    London, Inst Ed    Education and political instability in Pakistan, 1937-1971    M HAQUE
1988    PhD    Strathclyde    Tubewell irrigation and green revolution: impact on productivity and income distribution    A IKRAMULLAH
1988    MPhil    Edinburgh    Marketing problems of farmers in Punjab, Pakistan: a case study    Qamar-ul ISLAM
1988    PhD    Edinburgh    The reawakening of Islamic consciousness in Malaysia, 1970-1987    Fadzillah bin Mohd JAMIL
1988    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    Clientelism, corruption and capitalist development: an analysis of state intervention with special reference to Bangladesh    Mushtaq Husain KHAN
1988    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    External developments and policy choices facing the non-oil developing countries in the post 1973 period    Faizullah KHILJI    Mrs F J Stewart
1988    DPhil    Sussex    Political and economic organisation in a Sri Lanka market town    Colin KIRK
1988    PhD    Leicester    Media education, communications and public policy: an Indian perspective    K J KUMAR
1988    PhD    Leeds    R K Narayan and V S Naipaul: a comparative study of some Hindu aspects of their work    P LANGRAN
1988    DPhil    Oxford    Orientalism, utilitarianism and British India: James Mill’s “The history of British India” and the romantic orient    Javed MAJEED    Dr N G Shrimpton
1988    MPhil    Edinburgh    Policy issues for conservation: the case of Lahore walled city    M I MIAN
1988    PhD    Sheffield    Development of small and medium sized towns in Bangladesh: a regional planning approach    Mohammed A MOHIT
1988    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    The question of nuclear weapons proliferation in the Indian sub-continent    Ziba MOSHAVER    Mr E A Roberts
1988    PhD    London, UC    The theoretical modelling and empirical measurement of the shadow economy with application to India    U MUKHERJEE
1988    MPhil    Reading    Farming systems and information needs of tea smallholders in Sri Lanka    D K NAWARATNA
1988    PhD    London, SOAS    A social history of a colonial steroetype: the “criminal tribes and castes” of Uttar Pradesh    S B L NIGAM
1988    PhD    London, LSE    Policy making in the Indian offshore oil industry with reference to the period 1974-1986    M L NORONHA    Prof D C Watt
1988    PhD    London, LSE    The Asiatic mode of production, historical materialism and Indian historiography    Denis Brendan O’LEARY
1988    PhD    Leicester    Terraces, uplift and climate, Karakoram Mountains, Northern Pakistan    Lewis Andrew OWEN
1988    MPhil    London, LSE    The tea plantation labour movement in the “Dooars” region of north Bengal, 1900-1951    Nayantara PALCHOUDHURI
1988    PhD    Oxford, St Antony’s    Decline of the Bengal zamindars: Mindapore, 1870-1920    C PANDA    Dr T Raychaudhuri
1988    PhD    London, King’s    Between Mars and Mammon: the military and the political economy of British India at the time of the first Burma war, 1824-1826    Douglas M PEERS
1988    PhD    Cambridge, Corpus    British intelligence and Indian subversion: the surveillance of Indian revolutionaries in India and abroad    R J POPPLEWELL
1988    PhD    London, SOAS    Socio-economic change in Bihar (India) in the later 19th and early 20th century    Bihdeshwar RAM    Dr P Robb
1988    PhD    Kent    Figuring Naipaul: the subject of the post-colonial world    Dulluri Venkat RAO
1988    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    Aspects of the ethnoarchaeology of Adilabad (Andhra-Pradesh), India    Nandini Rameshwar RAO

1988    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    The determinants of India’s manufactured export performance: industry-level and firm-level evidence    Amit Shovon RAY
1988    DPhil    Sussex    Religion, class and function: the politics of communalism in twentieth century Punjab    Mark ROBINSON    Dr R I Duncan
1988    PhD    London, SOAS    The evolution of the printed Bengali character from 1778 -1978    Fiona Georgina Elizabeth ROSS
1988    PhD    Keele    Marginality, identity and the politicisation of the Bhangi community, Delhi    Rama SHARMA
1988    PhD    Kent    Class, kinship and ritual: Islam and the politics of change in Pakistan    S R SHERANI
1988    PhD    De Montfort    Temple architecture of the Marathas in Maharashtra    A SOHONI
1988    PhD    London, SOAS    Nalanda Mahayihara, 1812-1939: some aspects of the study of its art and archaeology    M L STEWART
1988    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    White-collar crime: a study of the nature, extent and control of income tax evasion in Pakistan    Muhammad Shoaib SUDDLE
1988    PhD    CNAA, Westminster     A critical and comparative study of the practice and theology of Christian social witness in Indonesia and India between 1974 and 1983 with special reference to the work of Wayan Mastra in the Protestant Christian Church of Bali and of Vinay Samual in the Church of South India    C M N SUGDEN
1988    PhD    Leeds    Some aspects of Muslim politics in the Pubab, 1921-1947    Qalb-i-Abid SYED    Prof D N Dilks
1988    PhD    Wales, UCNW    Utility-based social shadow pricing and its comparison with other evaluation techniques: a cost-benefit study of fuelwood plantations in Bihar, India    Satyendra Nath TRIVEDI
1988    PhD    Glasgow    Characteristics of public enterprise management in Bangladesh    Syed J UDDIN    Dr D Buchanan
1988    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity Hall    The economic and political context of Indian independence    R P WANCHOO    Dr C A Dayly
1988    PhD    Bath    In the teeth of the crocodile: class and gender in rural Bangladesh    Sarah C WHITE
1988    PhD    Nottingham    Presenting the Raj: the politics of representation in recent fiction on the British empire    R J F WILLIAMS
1988    PhD    East Anglia    Sources of growth and its beneficiaries in Pakistan’s large-scale manufacturing sector, 1955-1981    S WIZARAT
1988/89    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    Household energy in rural Pakistan: a technical, environmental and socio-economic assessment    A N QAZI
1988/89    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    Administration, classification and knowledge:land revenue settlements in the Panjab at the start of British rule    R W SAUMAREZ-SMITH
1989    PhD    Cambridge    Sedimentology and structure of the Southern Kohat, Trans Indus Ranged, Pakistan    Iftikhar AHMED
1989    PhD    York    Pakistan since independence: the political role of the Ulama    Safir AKHTAR    Dr T V Sathyamurthy
1989    PhD    Strathclyde    Growth of tubewell irrigation and agricultural development in the North West Frontier Province of Pakistan    M AKRAM
1989    PhD    London, Wye    A quantitative analysis of marketable surplus of paddy and food policy in Bangladesh    S AKTER
1989    MA    Leeds    Communication influences on the political socialisation of Bangladeshi adolescents    A M ALI    Prof J G Blumer; Dr T J Nossiter
1989    MPhil    London, LSE    The India League and the Indian reconciliation group as factors in Indo-British relations, 1930-1949    Keshava Chand ARORA    Prof I H Nish
1989    PhD    London, King’s    Pakistan crisis 1971: its political and strategic causes    F J AZIZ
1989    PhD    London, SOAS    Indian monetary policy and the international liquidity crisis during rthe inter-war years (1919-1939)    Gopalan BALACHANDRAN
1989    PhD    London, LSE    Communism in Tripura up to 1965    Harihar BHATTACHARYYA    Dr T J Nossiter
1989    DPhil    Oxford    The evolution of classical Indian dance literature: a study of the Sanskritic tradition    M BOSE
1989    PhD    Kent    An ethnographic account of the religious practice in a Tibetan Buddhist refugee monastery in Northern India    Catherine Mary CANTWELL    Dr J Endes
1989    MPhil    Reading    Cropping systems research in North West Frontier Province, Pakistan    E W CHARLES
1989    PhD    Glasgow    The inter-war depression in British India: aspects of its economic and social impact, 1929-36    P S COLLINS
1989    DPhil    Sussex    Paliamentary representation in Sri Lanka, 1931-1986    R COOMARASWAMY    Prof Lloyd
1989    PhD    London, LSE    Ideology and urban planning: the case of Hong Kong    A R CUTHBERT    Dr D R Diamond
1989    PhD    Cambridge, Sidney     Unfulfilled promises, popular protest, the Congress and the national movement in Bihar    V DAMODARAN
1989    PhD    London, LSE    Embodying spirits: village oracles and possession rituals in Ladakh, North India    Sophia Elizabeth DAY    Dr J P Parry
1989    PhD    London, SOAS    Discourses of ethnicity: the adivasis of Jharkhand    S B C DEVALLE
1989    MPhil    Wales, Cardiff    Rice leaffolders: natural enemies and management ractices in Sri Lanka    Malgaha Gamage DHANAPALA
1989    PhD    London, SOAS    The growth of Buddhist monastic institutions in Sri Lanka as depicted in the Brahmi inscriptions    K D M DIAS
1989    PhD    Cambridge    The socio-economic impact of a minor flood control project in rural Bangladesh    B J DODSON
1989    PhD    Bath    Water to the swamp ? Irrigation and patterns of accumulation and agrarian change in Bangladesh    M GLASER
1989    MPhil    Cranfield    Vocational training and self employment in developing countries: aspects of the design and approach of sucessful programmes    John Patrick GRIERSON    Prof M H Harper
1989    MPhil    CNAA, Poly NLondon    British women and the British empire in India, 1915-1947    Florence HAMILTON    Mr E Wilson; Dr D Judd
1989    MPhil    London, LSE    The problem of federalism and regional autonomy in Pakistan    Fayyaz Ahmad HUSSAIN    P Dawson
1989    PhD    Bradford    The monetary transmission mechanism in Sri Lanka, 1977-1985    Ranee JAYAMAHA    P Wilson; J Weiss
1989    DPhil    Sussex    The impact of international labour migration on the rural “Barani” areas of Northern Pakistan    A F KHAN
1989    PhD    Sheffield    The implementation of rural poor programmes in Bangladesh    T A KHAN
1989    PhD    Manchester    Perception and response to floods in Bangladesh    M S KHONDAKER
1989    PhD    Wales, Bangor,    Cost benefit analysis and sustained yield forestry in India    Periyapattanam Jayapal Dilip KUMAR
1989    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    Medical knowledge in rural Rajasthan: popular constructions of illness and therapeutic practice    Helen Susanna LAMBERT    Dr N J Allen
1989    MPhil    London    The expansion of the Indian Army during the Great War    I D LEASK    Prof M E Yapp
1989        Bath    Technologies and transactions: a study of the interaction between new technology and agrarian structure in Bangladesh    D J LEWIS
1989    PhD    Edinburgh    One or two sons: class, gender and fertility in north India    Andrew LYON
1989    DPhil    Sussex    Capital accumulation in agriculture in the Punjab (Pakistan)    Moazam MAHMOOD    Prof M Lipton
1989    DPhil    Oxford    The performance of selected public sector industries in Bangladesh, 1972-1985    Syed A MAHMOOD
1989    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity Hall    Missionary of the Indian Road: a study of the thought and work of E Stanley Jones between 1915 and 1948 in the light of certain issues raised by M K Gandhi for Anglo-Saxon Protestant missionaries during the period    P A J MARTIN    Dr J J Lipner
1989    PhD    Glasgow    Exchange rate regimes of less developed countries: the cxase of India    M J MELAZHAKAM
1989    PhD    London, UC    Appropriate evaluation techniques for urban planning in Sri Lanka    N S P MNEDIS
1989    PhD    Cambridge, Magdalene    The Harappan civilisation: a study in variation and regionalisssssssation in Haryana, India    V MOHAN    Dr F R Allchin
1989    PhD    Lancaster    Three Hindu philosophers: comparative philosophy and philosophy in modern India    Paul Martin MORRIS    Prof N Smart; Dr D Smith
1989    PhD    Manchester    The role of financial information in collective bargaining in a developing country: the case of Bangladesh    A J M H MURSHED
1989    PhD    East Anglia    Agrarian structure and rural poverty in Western India    Thomas PALAKUDIYIL    Dr J C Harriss
1989    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    The role of accounting in the economic development of Bangladesh    Michael John PARRY
1989    PhD    London, LSE    Household organisation and marriage in Ladakh Indian Himalaya    Maria Christina PHYLACTOU    Dr C J Fuller
1989    PhD    London, LSE    Social representations of birth control and family welfare: an Indian study    Ragini PRAKASH    Prof R Farr
1989    PhD    London, LSHTM    Household food insecurity and its implications on health, nutrition and work – a study of a dry land farming community in Sri Lanka    M K RATNAYAKE
1989    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Colonial policy, ethnic politics and the minorities in Ceylon    Nira Konjit SAMARASINGHE    Dr T Raychaudhuri
1989    PhD    Cambridge    Administration, classification and knowledge: land revenue settlements in the Panjab at the start of British rule    R S SMITH
1989    DPhil    Oxford, Somerville    Inequality and economic mobility: an analysis of panel data from a south Indian village    Madhura SWAMINATHAN    Dr S Anand
1989    DPhil    Oxford    Art, artists and aesthetics in Bengal, c. 1850-1920: westernising trends and nationalist concerns in the making of a new “Indian” art    Tapati G THAKURTA
1989    PhD    Middlesex Polytechnic    The impact of flood control on agricultural development in India: a case study in north Bihar    P M THOMPSON    Prof E Penning-Rowsell
1989    MPhil    East Anglia    The state and the determinants of the fiscal process in India: an application of James O’Connor’s Theory of the Fiscal Crisis of the State    Sarah VARKKI
1989    PhD    Aberdeen    Some aspects of the chemistry and mineralogy of soil potassium in Sri Lanka acid tea soils and Scottish soils under a range of crops    G WIMALADASA
1989    PhD    Strathclyde    Marketing implications of intermediate technology in the textile industry in Pakistan    M ZAFARULLAH
1989    PhD    Edinburgh    Strategic planning: an exploratory study of its practice by agro-based public enterprises in Malaysia    M ZAINAL ABIDIN
1990    PhD    Cambridge, Wolfson    The politics of pollution control: the Ganges at Varanasi    Sara AHMED    Prof T O’Riordan
1990    PhD    London, LSE    The budgetary process in uncertain contexts: a study of public sector corporations in Bangladesh    Mansurai ALAM
1990    PhD    Aberdeen    Petroleum geochemistry of the tertiary sediments and oil samples from the Bengal Basin, Bangladesh    M ALAM
1990    PhD    Glasgow    Size and management characteristics in the public sector: a case of Pakistan International Airlines    A H M H H AL-ESHAIKER
1990    PhD    CNAA Birmingham Poly    The low-income housing production process in Lakore, Pakistan    M I A ALVI
1990    PhD    Aberdeen    Theological education in relation to the identificaton of the task of mission and the development of ministries in India: 1947 to 1987 with special reference to the Church of South India    Siga ARLES
1990    MPhil    London, QMW    A study of some influences on the development of Ruth Jhabvala’s Indian fiction    Jayanti BAILUR
1990    PhD    London, LSE    Pakistan and the birth of the regional pacts in Asia, 1947-1955    Farooq Naseem BAJWA    Prof I H Nish
1990    PhD    Cam,bridge, King’s    Procedural rationality in public expenditure decision making with specific reference to India    A BASU
1990    PhD    Cambridge    Inter-urban and rural-urban linkages in terms of migration and remittances    J R CHAUDHURI
1990    MPhil    Bradford    Kashmir and the partition of India: the politicians and the personalities involved in the partition of India, particularly in relation to the position of Kashmir at the moment of independence on 15th August, 1947    S CHOUDHRY    Dr M J LeLohe
1990    PhD    Aberdeen    An Indian perspective on the church in the context of poverty and religious pluralism, with special reference to the works of M M Thomas    Ashish J CHRISPAL    Prof. Terrance
1990    PhD    London, LSE    Petty-trading in Calcutta: a socio-political analysis of a third world city    Nandini DASGUPTA
1990    PhD    London, King’s    Rural Bengal: social structure and agrarian economy in the late eighteenth century    Rajat DATTA    Prof P Marshall
1990    PhD    London, SOAS    Development of Sinhala drama: a socio-cultural analysis (from Nadagama to modern theatre, up to 1922)    T R G DELA BANDARA
1990    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    Indian death rituals: the enactment of ambivalence    Gillian A  EVISON    Prof R F Gombrich
1990    PhD    Bradford    Financial reforms in Sri Lanka, 1977-1987    D J G FERNANDO
1990    PhD    London, SOAS    Discussions of polygamy and divorce by Muslim modernists in South Asia, with special reference to their treatment in Qur’an and Sunna    Rehana FIRDOUS
1990    PhD    Kent    The six-nation initiative    C FRANGONIKOLOPOULOS    Prof A J R Groom
1990    PhD    Sheffield    Man mosquito interaction: the social context of Malaria transmisson in Sri Lanka    Jayaratne Pinnikamaha GAMAGE    Ms J M M Hoogvelt; Dr R A Dixon
1990    PhD    London, LSE    Paddy fields and jumbo jets: overseas migration and village life in Sylhet district, |Bangladesh    Katherine Jane GARDNER
1990    PhD    York    The politics of British aid policy formation: the case of Bangladesh, 1972-1986    M GUHATHAKURTA
1990    DPhil    Oxford    Exports and exchange rate policy: the case of India    B D GUPTA
1990    PhD    London, SOAS    The short story in Pakistan Panjab, 1947-1980    Salim Ullah HAIDRANI
1990    PhD    London, External    The phenomenonology of religious change in Bangladesh in relation to the theology and practice of conversion    Ian McLaurin HAWLEY
1990    PhD    London, UC    The single dominant party system and political development: case studies of India and Japan    Takako HIROSE
1990    MPhil    London, External    The economy and development of education in Bangladesh with particular reference to cost and some aspects of efficiency and effectiveness of higher education for the period 1972-1985    Mohammad Tazammul HUSSAIN
1990    PhD    London    Variations in mountain front geometry across the Potwar Plateau and Hazara/Kalachitta Hill ranges, North Pakistan    C N IZATT
1990    PhD    Open    Charnockite formation in Southern India    D H JACKSON
1990    PhD    Leeds    The effects of agrarian development on class formation and production relations in Pakistan    Muhammad Siddique JAVED    Mr J V Hillard
1990    MPhil    Manchester Poly    Ethnic identity and contemporary female costumes of Sri Lanka    V R JAYASURIYA
1990    PhD    London, UC    Transfer of private external capital to LDCs with special reference to India in comparison to Brazil    Veena JHA
1990    PhD    Salford    The impact of decentralisation on development, with special reference to the experience of Bangladesh since 1982    A K M A KALAM    Prof M B Gleave; Dr B Ingham
1990    PhD    Exeter    Some statistical aspects of child health and growth modelling in Pakistan    S KAMAL
1990    MSc    Wales, Cardiff    Analysis of the provision of sites and services schemes as a solution to low income housing in Colombo, Sri Lanka    Somas Kandarajah KANDIAH
1990    PhD    London, LSE    Gender, caste and class in rural South India    Karin KAPADIA
1990    DPhil    Oxford, St Cath’s    The consequence of economic liberalisation in Sri Lanka    Saman B KELEGAMA    Dr S Anand
1990    PhD    London, SOAS    Revenue, agriculture and warfare in North India: technical knowledge and the post-Mughal elites from the mid-18th century to the early 19th century    Iqbal Ghani KHAN
1990    PhD    Kent    Bengali elites’ perceptions of Pakistan – the road to disillusionment: uneven development or ethnicity    Alqama KHAWAJA    Prof A J R Groom
1990    PhD    Bath    Impact of irrigation upon the rural political economy in Bangladesh    David LEWIS    Dr G D Wood
1990    DPhil    Oxford, Magdalen    United States-Indian relations, 1961-1989: the pursuit and limits of accommodation    Satu P LIMAYE    Dr G Rizvi
1990    PhD    London, UC    Hydrogeology of part of South-Eastern Bangladesh    S M MAHABUB-UL-ALAM
1990    PhD    Lancaster    The atavara myth in the in the Harivamsa, the Visnupurana and the Bhagavatapurana    Freda MATCHETT    Prof N Smart; Dr D Smith
1990    PhD    Open    East India patronage and the political management of Scotland, 1720-1774    G K McGILVARY    Dr A L R Calder; Mr J Riddy
1990    PhD    London, UC    Epidemiology of coronary heart disease in Asians in Britain    Paul Matthew McKEIGUE
1990    PhD    Hull    The fiction of Ruth Prawer Jhabvala: irony within a dual philosophical framework    F F MERICAN
1990    PhD    Leicester    A thermotectonic evolution for the main central thrust and higher Himalaya, Western Garhwal, India    Richard Paul METCALFE
1990    PhD    Leeds    A history of Nandyal Diocese in Andhra Pradesh, 1947-1990    Constance Mary MILLINGTON    Prof A Hastings
1990    PhD    Newcastle    Becoming bilingual: a sociolinguistic study of the communication of young mother tongue Panjabi-speaking children    S MOFFAT
1990    PhD    Wales, BBangor    Ecology and silviculture of Malamus manan in peninsular Malaysia    A B MOHAMAD
1990    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    The politics of Oriya nationalism, 1903-1936    Bishnu Narayan MOHAPATRA    Dr G Rizvi
1990    PhD    London, UC    Rural development and the problem of access: the case of the integrated rural development programme in Bangladesh    Salim MOMTAZ    Prof R J C Munton
1990    PhD    CNAA, Oxford Poly    Geology and geochemistry of the Closepet granite, Karnataka, South India    K A OAK
1990    PhD    London, SOAS    Indian Muslims and the Ottomans (1877-1914): a study of Indo Muslim attitudes to Pan-Islamism and Turkey    Azmi OZCAN
1990    PhD    London, Inst Ed    The cooperative movement in the Jaffa district of Sri Lanka from 1911 to 1970    Kanthappoo PARAMOTHAYAN
1990    PhD    Sheffield    Man-mosquito interaction: the social context of malaria transmission in Sri Lanka    J PINIKAHANAN GAMAGE
1990    PhD    London, SOAS    The mercantile community of Penang and the changing pattern of trade, 1890-1941    Chuleeporn PONGONGSUPATH    Dr I Brown
1990    PhD    Salford    Gandhi and deep ecology: experiencing the nonhuman environment    S A POWER
1990    PhD    London, External    Socio-economic and environmental aspects of under nutrition and ill health in an urban slum in Bangladesh    Jane Allison PRYER
1990    PhD    London, External    Impact of zinc supplementation on Bangladeshi children suffering from acute and persistent diarrhoea    Swapan Kumar ROY
1990    PhD    London, Wye    Persistent poverty among rice farmers in the major irrigated colonization scheme of Sri Lanka    Madar SAMAD    I Carruthers
1990    PhD    London, Wye    Persistent poverty among rice farmers in the major irrigated colonization schemes of Sri Lanka    Madar SAMAD
1990    PhD    St Andrews    Political violence in the Third World: a case study of Sri Lanka, 1971-1987    Gemini SAMARANAYAKE    Prof P Wilkinson
1990    PhD    London, QMW    The use of Hindu mythology in some novels of R K Narayan and Raja Rao    Chitra SANKARAN
1990    PhD    Liverpool    State intervention in rural development: a case study of Bangladesh    A E SARKER
1990    PhD    London, SOAS    The emergence of a Muslim “middle class” in Bengal: attitudes and rhetoric of communalism, 1880-194    Mohammad SHAH    Dr P G Robb
1990    PhD    Edinburgh    Socioeconomic planning in social forestry with particular reference to Orissa State, India    Ran Avtar SHARMA
1990    PhD    Cambridge    A “despotism of law”: a British criminal justice and public authority in north India, 1772-1837    Radhika SINGHA    Dr C A Bayley
1990    PhD    Wales, Swansea    Indian merchant communities in 19th century western India    Sheila M SMITH    Dr R K Newman
1990    PhD    London, LSHTM    The estimation of fertility from incomplete birth registration records, with application to India    Govind Singh SOMAWAT    B Brass
1990    PhD    Cranfield    The role of industrial extension for  the local production of agricultural machinery in developing countries with particular reference to Sri Lanka    K-H STEINMANN    I Crawford; F Inns
1990    PhD     North London Poly    The Viceroyalty of Lord Reading, 1921-1926, with particular reference to Indian political constitutional problems and progress    Christine TURNBULL    Dr D Judd
1990    PhD    Cambridge    Constructing difference: social categories and Girahya women: social kinship and resources in south Rajasthan    Maya UNNITHAN    Dr C Humphrey
1990    MPhil    Essex    An analysis of the effects of salinity on the growth of Sri Lankan rice cultivars    S C WANIGASURIYA
1990    PhD    London, Imperial    The structure and metamorphism of the northern margin of Indian Plate, North Pakistan    Mathew Philipps WILLIAMS
1991    MPhil    Trinity College, Bristol    Identity, Islam and Christianity in rural Bangladesh    D W ABECASSSIS
1991    MPhil    London, LSHTM    Fertility trends in Pakistan: a birth order analysis    Mohamed AFZAL    J Blacker
1991    PhD    Sheffield    Intraurban residential mobility in the city of Karachi    N AHMAD
1991    PhD    Wales, Swansea    Decentralisation and the local state under peripheral capitalism: a study in the political economy of local government in Pakistan    Tofail AHMAD
1991    PhD    Newcastle upon Tyne    The effects of price and non-price factors on the production of major crops in Bangladesh    S ALAM
1991    PhD    Cambridge, St Cath’s    North Indian military culture in transition, 1770-1830    S ALAVE    Dr C A Bayly
1991    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Inheriting then earth: Pakistan People’s Party: popular mobilisation and political conflict in Pakistan, 1967-1971    R F ALI    Mr P G Hawthorn
1991    PhD    London, LSHTM    Anti-microbial chemotherapy of leprosy: a quantitiave theoretical basis for trial regimens with particular reference to India    J E ALMEIDA
1991    PhD    London, King’s    The international arms trade: case studies of India and Pakistan, 1947-86    I ANTHONY
1991    PhD    Manchester    The role of the housing market in the development of Jaffna City and its fringe    Krishnapillai ARUMUHAM    Prof B Robson
1991    PhD    London, SOAS    Agricultural production in six selected Qasbas in eastern Rajasthan (c. 1700-1780)    Madhavi BAJAKAL
1991    PhD    LondonSOAS    Agricultural production in six selected qasbas of eastern Rajastan (c.1700-1780)    Madhavi BAJEKAL    Prof K N Chaudhuri
1991    PhD    Salford    Some environmental implications of agricultural and agro-industrial developments in rural India    S K BARAT
1991    PhD    Newcastle upon Tyne    Swami Vivekananda’s practical vedanta    Vivienne BAUMFIELD    Dr D H Killingley
1991    PhD    Wales, Swansea    The significqance of “Ostindien” in the evolution of German colonial thought, 1840-1885    Theodore Robert Maria BOSKE    Prof M E Chamberlain
1991    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Communal politics and the partition of Bengal, 1932-1947    Joya CHATTERJI    Dr A Seal
1991    PhD    Cambridge    A study of subsistance and settlement patterns during the late prehistory of northcentral India    U C CHATTOPADHYAYA
1991    PhD    London, King’s    Indian nuclear strategy    Mohammad Zafar Iqbal CHEEMA    Prof L D Freedman
1991    MPhil    Bradford    Kashmir and the partition of India    S CHOUDRY
1991    PhD    London, UC    The social implications of thalassaemia major among Muslims of Pakistani origin: family experience and service delivery    Aamra Rashid DARR
1991    MPhil    CNAA, Architectural Assoc    The roots of power and root power: an enquiry into negotiations for the consolidation of illegal settlements in New Delhi, India    S DASAPPA
1991    PhD    London, SOAS    Strategy and structure: a case study in imperial policy and tribal society in British Baluchistan    Simanti DUTTA
1991    PhD    Loughborough    The Revd A G Fraser: his ecclesiastical, educational and political activity in Ceylon, 1904-1924    Brian EATHARD    Dr Avril Powell
1991    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    The political culture of the urban poor: the United Provinces between the two World Wars    N GOOPTU    Dr R S Chandavarkar
1991    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    Azariah and Indian Christianity in the late years of the Raj    S Bharper HARPER, s b
1991    DPhil    Oxford, Green College    Public health and medical research in India, c. 1860-1914    Mark HARRISON    Miss M H Pelling; Dr P J Weindling
1991    PhD    London, King’s College    Rhizolith occurrence and formation within the quartnary coastal deposits of Tamil Nadu State, South East India    Derek Albert HENDRY    Dr R Garner
1991    PhD    London, Wye    Economic analysis of production opportunities, constraints and improvement policies in coconut-based farming systems in Sri Lanka    Mudiyanselage Anura Lokubandara HERATH
1991    MPhil    Wales    Performance, problems and potential of irrigated land settlements in Sri Lanka: an analysis of past policies    Thosapala HEWAGE
1991    PhD    Cambridge    Tax reform, public pricing and trade protection in Bangladesh    S M HOSSAIN
1991    PhD    London, SOAS    The production and use of ritual terracottas in India    Stephen Porter HUYLER
1991    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Defence production in a third world country: the case of the Indian aircraft industry 1940-1980    Shireen Karim Alimohamed JANMOHAMED    Prof E A Roberts
1991    PhD    London, LSE    Rice, work and community among the Kelabit of Sarawak, East Malaysia    Monica Rachel Hughes JANOWSKI
1991    PhD    Stirling    Fishery, population dynamics and breeding biology of Panulirus homarus (L.)on the south coast of Sri Lanka    D S JAYAKODY
1991    PhD    Stirling    The utilisation of acid sulphate on soils for shrimp (Oenaeus monodon)culture on the west coast of Sri Lanka    J JAYASINGHE
1991    PhD    Durham    Perception of, and adjustment to. drought hazard by farmers in southern Sri Lanka    N L A KARUNARATNE
1991    DPhil    Oxford, Trinity    Competing through technology and manufacturing: a study of the Indian commerical vehicles industry    Sanjay KATHURIA    Dr J L Enos
1991    PhD    Leicester    Primary geochemistry and secondary dispersion from gold prospects in the Karkoram and Hindu Kush, northern Pakistan    Abdul KHALIQ
1991    PhD    London, RHBNC    The contribution of the All India Muslim Educational Conference to the educational and cultural development of Indian Muslims, 1886-1947    Abdul Rashid KHAN    Dr F C Robinson
1991    PhD    Sheffield    Low income settlement in city fringes: a case study of eastern fringe Dhaka    R A KHAN    Dr C Choguill
1991    PhD    Edinburgh    Women’s work and rural transformation in India: a study from Gujerat    Uma KOTHARI
1991    DPhil    Sussex    The role of women in household survival strategies: a case study from an urban low-income settlement in Colombo, Sri Lanka    Chandrika KOTTEGODA    Dr K Young
1991    PhD    Warwick    Critical reflections on law and public enterprises in Bangladesh    A K MASUDAL HAQUE
1991    PhD    Sheffield    Urban services in the national cities of India: organisation, financing, planning and delivery    B MATHUR
1991    DPhil    Oxford    The ecological interaction between habitat composition, habitat quality and abundance of some wild ungulates in India    V B MATHUR
1991    PhD    Bath    Poverty and patronage: a study of credit, development and change in rural Bangladesh    James Allister McGREGOR    Dr D G Wood
1991    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Caste, nationalism and communism in Malabar, 1900-1948    D M MENON    Dr R S Chandravarkar
1991    PhD    Southampton    Municipal finance and local self government: the Indian experience    Rajalakshmi MISHRA    Dr D M Hill
1991    PhD    Durham    Industrial water pollution in a surface water system in Colombo, Sri Lanka    S K MOHAMMED-ALI    Prof I G Simmons
1991    PhD    Warwick    The migration and racialisation of doctors fromthe Indian subcontinent    P J MOSS
1991    PhD    London, LSE    India and the Middle East: constancy of policy in the context of changing perspectives, 1947-1986    Prithvi Ram MUDIAM    Dr G Sen
1991    PhD    Surrey    The impact of industrialisation and urbanisation on Patidar women in the Khada District of Gujerat    P R NATTRESS
1991    PhD    Cambridge, Clare Hall    People and trees: gender relations and participation in social forestry in West Bengal, India    C A NESMITH    Dr T P Bayliss-Smith
1991    PhD    Nottingham    Urban lower-middle class and middle income housing: an investigation into affordability and options, Dhaka, Bangladesh    Mohammed Mahbubur RAHMAN    Prof J C Moughton; Mr S Jalloh
1991    PhD    Exeter    Location-allocation modelling for primary health provision in Bangladesh    S-U RAHMAN
1991    MSc    Kent    On the systematics and ecology of some freshwater turtles of Bangladesh    S M A RASHID
1991    PhD    London, SOAS    Structure and performance: a case study of Pakistan’s large scale manufacturing sector (1950-1987)    Shahnaz RAUF
1991    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    Inter-urban and rural-urban linkages in terms of migration and remittances: case study – Durgapur (West Bengal)    J RAY CHAUDHURI    Prof G P Chapman
1991    PhD    London, King’s    A comparison of the diet and health of pre-menopausal Indian and Caucasian vegetarian women    Sheela REDDY
1991        Cranfield, Silsoe    A case study on training and development of cooperative managers in implementing “Irrigation management programme” of Bangladesh Rural Development Board in Hossainpur Upazila, Bangladesh    M A SADEQUE
1991    PhD    Warwick    Towards a definition of Indian literary feminism: an analysis of the novels of K Markandaya, N Sahgal and A Desai    Minola K SALGADO    Ms P Dunbar
1991    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    South Asian Muslim politics, 1937-1958    Ahmad Y SAMAD    Dr T Raychaudhuri
1991    PhD    London, SOAS    Poverty, growth and stagnation in north Indian agriculture: a comparative study in the political economy of poverty generation in western and eastern Uttar Pradash in the early 1970s    Jean Diana SARGENT
1991    PhD    CNAA, Leicester Poly    Speech in Sri Lankan cleft palate subjects with delayed palatoplasty    D A SELL
1991    DPhil    Oxford, Wadham    The biology of vitex (verbenaceae)in Sri Lanka    Balangeda M P SINGHAKUMARA    Dr C Huxley-Lambrick
1991    PhD    London, King’s    Nabob, historian and orientalist: the life and writing of Robert Orme (1728-1801)    Asora SW TAMMITA-DELGODA    Prof P J Marshall
1991    PhD    London, LSE    Donors, development and dependence: some lessons from Bangladesh, 1971-1986    Peter Graeme Rugge THOMSON    Prof M Desai
1991    PhD    East Anglia    Errant males and the divided woman: melodrana and sexual difference in the Hindi social film of the 1950s    Ravi VASUDEVAN
1991    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    The uplift history of the Western Ghats in India    Mike WIDDOWSON    Dr K G Cox; Prof A S Goudie
1991    PhD    Salford    The causes and processes of rural-urban migration in 19th and early 20th century India: the case of Ratnagiri district    G M YAMIN
1992    PhD    East Anglia    Models of household behaviour in subsistence agriculture: a case study of NWFP in Pakistan    Farman ALI    Prof A Parikh
1992    PhD    London, King’s    Nation-building and the nature of conflict in South Asia: a search for patterns in the use of force as a political instrument within and between the states of the region    Syed Mahmud ALI
1992    PhD    Aberdeen    Aspects of Islamic revival and consciousness in Bangladesh, 1905 AC and 1975 AC    A N M AMIN
1992    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Colonialism and the transformation of matriliny in Malabar, 1850-1940    G ARUNIMA    Dr R S Chandavarkar
1992    LLD    Edinburgh    Dravidian studies    Ronald ASHER
1992    PhD    Kent    The political implications of migration: a study of the British Sikh community    S BALI    Mr K Webb
1992    PhD    Manchester    A study of aspects of Indian theatre and its role: consideration and strategies for developing theatre in education in India    S N BARHANPURKAR    Dr Jackson
1992    PhD    London^hUC    The temples of the interface: a study of the relation between Buddhism and Hinduism at the Munnervaram temples, Sri Lanka    Rohan Neil BASTIN
1992    PhD    London, SOAS    Poverty and power: survival strategies of the poorest in three villages of West Bengal, India    Anthony BECK    Dr R W Bradnock
1992    DPhil    Oxford, St Anne’s    The English East India Company and Hindu laws of property in Bengal, 1765-1801: appropriation and invention of tradition    Nandini BHATTACHARYYA-PANDA    Dr T Raychaudhuri
1992    MLitt    Oxford, Magdalen     South Asian women, midwives and the maternity system: the role of cultural differences in the creation of inequality    Isobel M W BOWLER    Dr R W Dingwall
1992    PhD    London, LSE    Agricultural pricing in developing countries: Pakistan 1960-1988    David Patrick COADY    Prof N H Stern
1992    PhD    St Andrews    Alexander Dalrymple (1737-1808), hydrographer to the East India Company and to the Admiralty, as publisher: a catalogue of books and charts.    Andrew COOK    Dr B P Lenman
1992    PhD    Cambridge, Selwyn    Cross cultural conflict analysis: the “reality” of British victory in the second Anglo-Maratha War, 1803-1805    Randolf G S COOPER    Dr G Johnson
1992    DPhil    Sussex    The determinants of private consumption and the impact of fiscal policy: a study of Sri Lanka    Ginige A C DE SILVA    Prof M T Sumner
1992    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Aspects of community participation among the slum dwellers in achieving housing in Bombay    Vandana DESAI    Dr M J Banks; Dr G C K Peach
1992    DPhil    Sussex    Biomass entitlements and rural poverty in India: a village study of crop residues in south Gujerat    Priyamwada DESHINGKAR    Dr M Greeley
1992    PhD    Cambridge, Girton    Indian thought, myth and folklore in the fiction of Rudyard Kipling and E M Forster    C R DEVADAWSON    Prof J B Beer
1992    PhD    London, UC    Residential location of low-income households in Hyderabad, India    Pothuia Jonathan DHARMARAJ
1992    PhD    London, UC    Residential location of low-income households in Hyderabad, India    J P DHARMARAT
1992    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    Religion, identity and authority among the Satnamis in colonial central India    S DUBE    Dr R O’Hanlon
1992    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson College    Continuity and recreation in the performing arts of India: a study of two artistic traditions    Anne-Marie GASTON    Mr B R Wilson
1992    PhD    Cambridge, Wolfson    The institutional politics of gender in development policy for rural development in Bangladesh    A M M GOETZ    Mr G P Hawthorn
1992    PhD    CNAA, Central England    The “Karnata Dravida” tradition: development of Indian temple architecture in Karnataka 7th to 13th centuries    C A HARDY
1992    PhD    Open    State policy, liberalisation and the development of the Indian software industry    Richard Brendan HEEKS
1992    DPhil    Oxford    Entreprenurial decline and the end of Empire: British business in India, 1919-1949    A-M HISRA
1992    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    Music of Northern Pakistan    C E HUEHNS    Dr R F Davis
1992    PhD    London, SOAS    Female migrants’ adaptation in Dhaka: a case study of the processes of urban socio-economic change    Shahnaz HUQ-HUSSAIN    Dr R W Bradnock
1992    PhD    Bristol    Hindu Muslim inter group relations in Bangladesh: a cognitive inter group analysis    Mir R ISLAM    Prof M R C Hewstone
1992    MLitt    Cambridge, Christ’s    Medical choice in an urban village: a study of Zamrudpur, Delhi    R JALOTA
1992    MPhil    London, Wye    The economics of tea investments: an assessment of factors influencing the profitability of management and rehabilitation of tea establishments in Sri Lanka    Jayakodi Arachchige Maikanthi JAYAKODY
1992    MPhil    Liverpool    The response of democratic governments to armed resistance: India, Argentina, Peru, Colombia and Northern Ireland    J KARUMBIAH
1992    PhD    Leicester    Plume-lithosphere interaction: petrology of Rajmahal continental flood basalts and associated lamproites, Northeast India    Raymond William KENT
1992    PhD    Nottingham    Housing and landslides: a case study in Murree, Pakistan    Amir Nawaz KHAN    Prof J C Moughtin; Mr S Jalloh
1992    MPhil    Bradford    Investment in human capital in Pakistan    M N KHAN
1992    PhD    Strathclyde    Foreign aid, domestic saving and economic growth in retrospect: the case of Pakistan (1960-1988)    Naheed Zia KHAN    Dr E Rahim
1992    PhD    Strathclyde    Settlement processes and strategy in metropolitan areas: policy options for improvements of slums in Pakistan    Dost-Ali KHOWAJA    A Ramsey
1992    PhD    London, Wye    Irrigation systems management under diversified cropping in Sri Lanka: a multiple objective economic assessment on performance of main-water management    Hemesiri Bandara KOTAGAMA
1992    DPhil    Oxford, St Cath’s    A description of the trade in readers for children by Longmans to British India and by Thomas Nelson to the British West Indies (1900-1939)and an examination of the structure of motifs in the readers’ texts    Wayne Barry KUBLALSINGH    Dr T F Eagleton
1992    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill College    State power and the erosion of colonial authority in Uttar Pradesh, India, 1930-42    G KUDAISYA    Prof D A Low
1992    PhD    Cambridge    The public career of G D Birla, 1911-1947    M Mlf G S KUDAISYA    Prof D A Low
1992    PhD    London, LSE    An anthropological account of Islamic holy men in Bangladesh    Samual Peter LANDELL-MILLS    Dr A A F Gell
1992    PhD    London, LSE    Inequality, poverty and mobility: the experience of a north Indian village    Peter Frederik LANJOUW    Prof N Stern
1992    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    Planning education in small dispersed island states with particular reference to the Maldives    Mohamed  LATHEEF
1992    PhD    London, LSE    The demography of Indian famines: a historical perspective    A MAHARATNA
1992    MPhil    London, King’s    The British in Bihar, 1757-81    Paramita MAHARATNA    Prof P J Marshall
1992    MPhil    London, King’s    The establishment of British rule in Bihar, 1757-1981    Paraamita MAHARATNA    Prof P J Marshall
1992    MPhil    East Anglia    Rural development in Pakistan: role and some effects of public sector    Abrar Ahmad MALIK
1992    DPhil    Sussex    A study of rural poverty in Pakistan with special reference to agricultural price policy    Shahnawaz MALIK    Mr P Chaudhuri
1992    PhD    Liverpool    Prevalence and genetics of resistance of antimicrobial agents in faecal enterobacteriaceae from children in Bangladesh    K Z MAMUM
1992    PhD    Bradford    Foreign joint ventures in Bangladesh: an empirical investigation of joint ventures in a less developed country between foreign multinational countries and local enterpirses: the case of Bangladesh    G S MAOLA    Prof P J Buckley
1992    DPhil    Oxford, St Hilda’s     Entreprenurial decline and the end of the Empire: British business in India, 1919-1949    Anna-Maria MISRA    Dr T Raychaudhuri; Dr D R Tomlinson
1992    PhD    London, Birkbeck    Languages as identity symbols: an investigation into language attitudes and behaviour amongst second-generation South Asian schoolchildren in Britain including the special case of Hindi and Urdu    M C MOBBS
1992    PhD    Cambridge, Gonville       From cattle to cane: the economic and social transformation of a Tarai village, North India    R H MONTGOMERY    Dr C Humphrey
1992    MPhil    Leicester    British newspaper coverage of Pakistan    Ahmad MUKHTAR    P Golding
1992    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    Food Engel curves and equivalence scales in Sri Lanka    M MURTHI
1992    PhD    Glasgow    The institution of cooperation, credit and the process of of development in the Indian and Pakistan Punjabs    K MUSTAFA
1992    PhD    CNAA, Huddersfield    Hindu students in a further education college: an ethnographic enquiry    P OLIVER
1992    DPhil    Oxford , Hertford College    Distress sales and exchange relations in a rural area of Rayalaseema Andhra Pradesh    Wendy K OLSEN    Mrs J U Heyer
1992    PhD    Newcastle    Vulnerability, seasonality and the public distribution system in western India: a micro-level study    E A OUGHTON
1992    PhD    Warwick    Education and community in colonial Jallandhar, 1880-1935    Rajvinder S PAL    Dr D A Washbrook
1992    PhD    London, LSE    Electricity demand and pricing in India, 1947-1986    Kirtida Vimai PARIKH    Dr M S Morgan
1992    PhD    London, Wye    Micropropogation of the Sri Lankan anthurium cultivar “Crinkled Red” (Anthurium andreanum Lind)    Sriyani Edussuriya PEIRIS
1992    MPhil    CNAA, St John’s College, Nottingham    The extended family in spouse selection: a critical study and theological evaluation of the patterns of Christian family life in India (especially in the churches of South India)    P S C POTHAN
1992    PhD    Sheffield    A study of rainfall fluctuations in the homogeneous rainfall regimes in Sri Lanka    M PUVANESWARAN
1992    PhD    Stirling    Studies of filter feeding carps of commerical importance in Bangladesh with particular emphasis on the use of automated counting methods    S RAHMATULLAH
1992    PhD    Strathclyde    Solar radiation assessment in Pakistan    I A RAJA
1992    DPhil    Oxford, Nuffield    Forest policy in the Central Provinces, 1860-1914    Mahesh RANGARAJAN    Dr T Raychaudhuri
1992    DPhil    Oxford, Linacre College    Ecophysiology of natural regeneration of “Abies pindrow” in the moist temperate forest of Pakistan    RAZA-UL-HAQ    Mr F B Thompson; Dr P S Savill
1992    PhD    London, External    Recent Christian-Hindu dialogue with reference to Christology    Robert Arthur ROBINSON
1992    MPhil    Newcastle upon Tyne    Changing the attitudes of staff in a residential setting in India – a case study    N ROTTON
1992    PhD    Cambridge, Fitzwilliam    The effect of regular deworming on the growth, health and nutritional status of pre-school children in Bangladesh    Emily Kate ROUSHAM    Dr C G Mascie-Taylor
1992    PhD    South Bank    Effects of psycho-cultural factors on the socialization of British born Indian and indigenous British children living in England    D SACHDEV
1992    PhD    Birmingham    An ecumenical ecclesiology: an historical and systemaic theological enquiry into the Church of North India    D K SAHU
1992    PhD    Reading    A systems approach to the study of potential production of boro rice in the Haor region of Bangladesh    M U SALAM
1992    PhD    Aberdeen    Farm level approaches to tree growing in agroforestry in Haryana, India    P K SARDANA
1992    DPhil    Oxford, Green    Adoption and rejection of eucalyptus on farms in North-West India    Naresh C SAXENA    Dr B Harriss; Mr J E M Arnold
1992    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Women workers in the Bengal jute industry, 1890-1940: migration, motherhood and militancy    S SEN    Dr R S Chandabarkar
1992    PhD    Cambridge^hTrinity    Literary representation of national identity and the rhetoric of nationalism in Raja Rao’s Kanthapura    R SETHI    Mr T J L Cribb
1992    DPhil    Sussex    The determinants of private consumption and the impact of fiscal policy: a study of Sri Lanka    G A C de SILVIA
1992    PhD    Cambridge, Gonville    A forest policy for Western India: the Dangs, 1800s-1920s    A SKARIA    Prof C A Bayly
1992    MPhil    Birmingham    The encounter between Christianity and Buddhism in Sri Lanka from the perspective of the Lausanne Movement    S F SKUCE
1992    MPhil    Birmingham    The development of Gandhi’s moral and religious philosophy from 1888-1921    G E SMITH
1992    PhD    Leicester    The geology of the roof-zone of the Kohistan Batholith, Northwestern Pakistan    Michael A SULLIVAN
1992    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    The military and the state in colonial Punjab, 1900–1939    T Yong TAN    Prof D A Low
1992    PhD    London, SOAS    Competing identities: the problem of what to wear in late colonial and contemporary India    Emma Josephine TARLO
1992    DPhil    Oxford, St John’s College    Studies in English and European writing on India, 1600-1800    Kate ( Katherine S) TELTSCHER    Prof J Carey; Mr J B Katz
1992    PhD    London, LSE    Health attitudes and personal health care decisions in Bombay, India    Bayjool THAKKER    Dr J E Stockdale
1992    PhD    London, LSE    Personal health care decisions in Bombay, India    B THAKKER
1992    PhD    East Anglia    NGOs and rural development process in India: case studies from Rayalaseema    V UMA
1992    PhD    London, SOAS    The personal pronouns and their related clitics in six Khasi dialects: a grammatical and sociolinguistic study    B WAR
1992    PhD    CNAA, North London    Sir Walter Lawrence and India, 1879-1918    Catherine Mary WILSON    Prof D Judd; Dr P Mercer
1993    PhD    Open    Women’s home-based income generation as a strategy towards poverty survival: dynamics of the “Khannawalli” (mealmaking)activity of Bombay    D ABBOTT    Mr A Thoms
1993    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    The role of communication in the rise of the Islamic movements in the Muslim world with special reference to Egypt, Kuwait, Afghanistan, Pakistan and Turkey    K ABU-ALKHAIR
1993    PhD    Cambridge, Girton    The People’s Party, the National Awami League and the political dynamics of federalism in Pakistan    S J AHMED    Mr G P Hawthorn
1993    PhD    Dundee    E M Forster at home and abroad: British and non-British elements in his fiction    A AL-HOUT
1993    PhD    Reading    Farmer-extension worker interaction and upstream information transfer in the T   V extension system in Bangladesh    Md. Mozahar ALI    Prof M J Rolls
1993    PhD    London, Ext (LSHTM)    Cultural influences on contraceptive behaviour in rural Bangaldesh    A AL-SABIR    J Simons
1993    PhD    Bradford    Agricultural credit for small farmers in Northern Pakistan: an analysis of access and productivity impact    Shehla Nasreen AMJAD    Dr Allan Low; Dr Behrooz Morvaridi
1993    PhD    East Anglia    Women’s experiences of a survival strategy: commoditisation of folk embroidery in Gujarat, India    J B ANDHARIA
1993    PhD    Liverpool    Seaweed resources in Sri Lanka: culture of Gracilaria and intertidal surveys    P ANNESTY JAYASURIYA
1993    PhD    Sheffield    A study of significant historic buildings in Lahore, leading towards the formulation of a national conservation policy for Pakistan    M Y AWAN    A Craven
1993    DPhil    York    The management of ethnic secessionist conflict with special reference to devolution of government: the external dimension and the big neighbour syndrome    Abersinghe BANDARA    Prof A Dunsire; Dr A Leftwich
1993    DPhil    Oxford, Somerville    A study of the Khudai Khidmatgar movement 1930-1947, North West Frontier Province, British India    Mukulika BANERJEE    Prof J Davis
1993    MPhil    Eales, Cardiff    A survey of the Pakistani Muslim community in Cardiff    P G BATEMAN
1993    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    Agrarian reforms and the politics of the Left in West Bengal    D BHATTACHARYYA    Mr G P Hawthorn
1993    PhD    Leeds    Salisbury at the India Office, 1866-67 and 1874-78    Paul R BRUMPTON    Dr E D Steele
1993    PhD    London, SOAS    Contesting the resource: the politics of forest management in colonial Burma    Raymond Leslie BRYANT
1993    PhD    London, UC    The incompatability between the the needs of low-income households and the perceptions and attitudes of architects and planners: a case study of Lahore, Pakistan    Arif Qayyum BUTT
1993    PhD    Kent    Confidence building measures in South Asia    Navnita CHADHA    Prof A J R Groom
1993    DPhil    Oxford    The changing nature of the Indian hill station    A CHATERJI
1993    MLitt    Oxford, St Hilda’s    The changing nature of the Indian Hill Station    Aditi CHATTERJI    Dr D I Scargill
1993    PhD    Keele    Paul Scott’s “Raj Quartet”: historical approaches and Bakhtinian readings    P CHILDS
1993    MPhil    Sheffield    Applicability of the CDS-ISIS package in the automation of University libraries with partciular reference to India    S CHOWDHURY
1993    PhD    London, SOAS    Colonialism and cultural identity: the making of a Hindu discourse, Bengal, 1867-1905    Indira CHOWDHURY-SENGUPTA    Prof D J Arnold
1993    MPhil    London, SOAS    The rhythmic organisation of North Indian classical music: tal, lay and laykari    Martin Richard Lawson CLAYTON
1993    PhD    London, SOAS    From Bhakti to Buddhism: early Dalit literature and ideology    Philip John CONSTABLE    Prof D J Arnold
1993    PhD    London    The relevance and feasibility of community-based production of leaf concentrate as a supplement for pre-school children in Sri Lanka    David Nicholas COX
1993    PhD    Edinburgh    Size isn’t everything: an anthropologist’s view of the cook, the potter, her engineer and his donor in appropriate technology development in Sri Lanka, Kenya and UK    Emma CREWE    Dr A Good; Dr M Noble
1993    PhD    Essex    An empirical study of technical and allocative efficiency of wheat farmers in the Indian village of Palanpur    A CROPPENSTEDT
1993    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Privilege and policy: the indigenous elite and the colonial education system in Ceylon, 1869-1948    Lakshmi K DANIEL    Dr T Raychaudhuri
1993    PhD    REading    Weed ecology studies in Sri Lanka: competition studies with maize, barley and oilseed rape    N P DISSANAYAKER
1993    M.Phil    Edinburgh    A study of the indigenous contribution to Tamil Saiva bhakti    C J EDEN
1993    PhD    Lancaster    Epic naratives inthe Hoysala temples: the Ramayana, Mahabharata and Bhagavata Purana in Halebid, Belur and Amrtapura    Kirsti Kaarina EVANS    Dr David Smith
1993    PhD    CNAA, Brighton Poly    Sport and South Asian male youth    S FLEMING
1993    PhD    Manchester    Intermarriage of Zoroastrian women in bombay    H K FRASER
1993    PhD    Brunel    TV talk in a London Punjabi peer culture    M GILLESPIE
1993    PhD    Keele    Occasions of grace: interpretations of truth in Paul Scott’s “The Raj Quartet”    P A GLOVER
1993    PhD    London, LSE    The multiplicity of agencies promoting the health of refugees, with a case study of the Afghans in Pakistan, 1978-1989    Nancy GODFREY    Prof B Abel-Smith
1993    PhD    Open    The Gujeratis of Bolton: the leaders and the led    K G HAHLO
1993    PhD    Loughborough    Acquiring foreign language materials for Pakistani libraries: a study    Syed Jalaluddin HAIDER    Prof J P Feather
1993    Phil    East Anglia    The implications of tourism for the environment: a Maldives case study    H HAMEED
1993    PhD    London, SOAS    Eurasians in British India, 1773-1833: the making of a reluctant community    Christopher John HAWES    Prof D J Arnold
1993    PhD    Aberdeen    Some aspects of the chemistry and mineralogy of soil magnesium in relation to Camellia growth on Sri Lankan acid tea soils    L HETTIARACHCHI
1993    PhD    Manchester    Management control in public sector enterprises: a case study of budgeting in the jute industry of Bangladesh    A K M Z HOQUE    Prof T Hopper
1993    PhD    Salford    Rural accessibility and agricultural development in Bangladesh    N A HUQ    Dr R D Knowles
1993    PhD    London, LSE    Decentralized resource allocation in primary health care: formal methods and their application in Britain and Pakistan    M ISHFAQ
1993    PhD    Manchester    Transnational corporations and economic development: a study of the Malaysian electronics industry    M N ISMAIL
1993    PhD    Edinburgh    Rice marketing in Pakistan: the case for liberalisation ?    Amanat Ali JALBANI
1993    DPhil    York    Language maintenance and bilingualism in Darbhanga    Shailjanand JHA    Dr C Verma
1993    PhD    Cambridge    Industrial concentration and performance: an empirical study of the structure, conduct and performance of Indian industry (1970-1985)    U S KAMBHAMPATI
1993    PhD    London    A genetic analysis of diabetes mellitus in subjects of Indian origin    Parminder Kaur KAMBO
1993    MPhil    Strathclyde    Famine and poliocy in the Central Provinces of India: the crises of 1896/97 and 1899/1900    Nicalas W KEYS    Dr P S Collins
1993    PhD    Kent    Regional conflict in South Asia: the route to intractability in the Kashmir conflict, 1947-1990    A Robert KHAN    Prof A J R Groom
1993    MPhil    Wales, Bangor    Wood production through agroforestry in Charsadda district, North West Frontier Province, Pakistan    F S KHAN
1993    DPhil    Oxford, St Hilda’s     Indian Muslim perceptions of the West during the 18th century    Gulfishan KHAN    Dr I Malik
1993    PhD    Wales, Bangor    Ex-post cost benefit analysis of village woodlots of Gujarat, India    J A KHAN
1993    PhD    London, External    The history of printing and publishing in Ceylon, with special reference to Sinhalese books, 1737-1912    Egodahettiarachchige Don Tilakapala KULARATNE
1993    MLitt    Cambridge    The security of new states, Pakistan and Singapore: a study in contrast and compulsion    A UL I LATIF
1993    MLitt    Glasgow    The imperial eye: perceptions in British photography (1850-1870)of India and the Near East    Alison J LINDSAY    Dr C A Wilson
1993    DPhil    Oxford, Somerville    The role of culture in India’s international relations    V MANI
1993    PhD    London, SOAS    Caring women: power and ritual in Gujerati households in East London    Merryle Ann McDONALD    Dr N Lindisfarne
1993    PhD    Cambridge    Governance and resistance in north Indian towns, c.1860-1900    Patrick M McGINN    Prof C A Bayly
1993    PhD    City    Gamaka and Alamkara: concepts of vocal ornamentation with reference to Bara Khayal    S M McINTOCH
1993    PhD    Aston    Management role in employee participation: a comparative study of multination enterprisei n India and the UK    Santrupt MISRA    Dr R Lumley
1993    PhD    Aston    Management role in employee participation: a comparative study of multinational enterprises in India and the UK    Santrupt MISRA    Dr R Lumley
1993    PhD    London, LSE    Inside and outside: conceptual continuities from household to region in Kumaon, North India    Joanne MOLLER    Dr C Fuller
1993    MPhil    Loughborough    Performance of concrete buried pipe distribution systems of surface irrigation under farm manager’s management in Tangail, Bangladesh    Mohammed Abdul Karim MRIDHA    Mr I K Smout
1993    PhD    London, Wye    The economic evaluation of agricultural research in Sri Lanka    Jeyaluxmy NADARAJAH
1993    PhD    Cambridge, St Edmund’s    Co-option and control: the role of the colonial army in India, 1918-47    Namrata NARAIN    Dr R S Chandavarkar
1993    PhD    London, LSE    Kinship, marriage and womanhood among the Nakarattars of South India    Yuko NISHIMURA    Dr C Fuller
1993    PhD    Guildhall    The determinants of direct overseas investment from Singapore    Samual Bassey OKPOSEN    M Cowen
1993    PhD    Hull    British policy and Chinese policy in Malaya, 1942-1955    HAK CHING OONG    C J Christie
1993    PhD    London, LSE    Making hierarchy natural: the cultural construction of gender and maturity in Kerala, India    Caroline OSELLA    Dr C Fuller; Dr J P Parry
1993    PhD    London, LSE    Caste, class, power and social mobility in Kerala, India    Filippo OSELLA    Dr C Fuller; Dr J P Parry
1993    DPhil    Oxford, Christ Church    The confusions of an imperialist inheritance: the Labour Party and the Indian problem, 1940-1947    Nicholas J OWEN    Dr J G Darwin
1993    DPhil    York    Imperialism, insularity and identity: the novels of Paul Scott    G Martin PATERSON    Mr Landig White
1993    PhD    London, UC    Effects of land use policies on land prices in middle income housing, Hyderabad, India    Padmavathi PERVAR
1993    PhD    London, UC    Sir Leonard Rogers F.R.S. (1868-1962): tropical medicine in the Indian Medical Service    Helen Joy POWER    Prof WF Bynum
1993    DPhil    Oxford, Campion Hall    Satnamis: the changing status of a scheduled caste in Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradash    Gnana PRAKASAM    Dr N J Allen
1993    MPhil    Wales, Aberystwyth    The career of Robert, first  baron Clive (1725-1764) with special reference to his administrative and political career    David Livett PRIOR    Prof P D G Thomas
1993    PhD    London, QMW    Belonging and not belonging: understanding India in novels by Paul Scott, Ruth Prawer Jhabvala and V S Naipaul    Janet Mariana PUGH
1993    PhD    Newcastle upon Tyne    Coping strategies of domestic workers: a study of three settlements in Delhi metropolitan region, India    P RAGHURAM    Dr J D Jones
1993    MPhil    Leicester    Conceptions of health and health care among two generations of Gujerati-speaking Hindu women in Leicester    V RAJA
1993    PhD    London, LSE    The political economy of agrarian policies in Kerala: a study of state intervention in agricultural commodity markets with particular reference to dairy pmarkets    Velayudhan RAJAGOPALAN    Prof T J Nossiter
1993    PhD    Hull    Religion, politics and the secular state in India after independence    C S RANGANATHAN
1993    PhD    London, LSE    Construction of female gender in rural north India    Deborah Edith RUTTER    Dr J P Parry
1993    MPhil    Newcastle-upon-Tyne    Modelling growth of rainfed and irrigated sugarcane in the dryzone of Sri Lanka    K SANMUGANATHAN
1993    PhD    Hull    Tribes, politics and social change in India: a case study iof the Mullukurumbas of the Nilgiri Hills    S SATHIANATHAN
1993    PhD    Keele    The sources and supply of basic foods in Dhaka City    Sayeed SAYEED
1993    PhD    London, SOAS    Pollution theory and Harijan strategies among south Indian Tamils    Yasumasa SEKINE
1993    PhD    London, Inst Comm    The linkages between Pakistan’s domestic policies and its foreign policy, 1971-1991    Mehtab-Ali SHAH    Dr P H Lyon
1993    PhD    UEA    Various approaches to the measurement of inefficiency in Pakistani agriculture: an empirical investigation    M K SHAR
1993    PhD    London, SOAS    Consumer protection law in India: a socio-legal study    Gurjeet SINGH
1993    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    Quarternary alluvial sedimentology in Bihar, India    Rajeev SINHA    Dr P F Friend
1993    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    On religion and renunciation: the case of the Raikas of western Rajahastan    Vinay Kumar SRIVASTAVA    Dr C Humphrey
1993    PhD    Leicester    The empire aggrandized, a study in commemorative portrait statuary exported from Britain to her colonies in South Asia, 1800-1939    M A STEGGIES
1993    MPhil    Warwick    South Asians and employment in Great Britain with particular reference to agriculture    R H G SUGGETT
1993    OhD    London, SOAS    Peasant agriculture and tenancy in Orissa (India): a study of three villages at different levels of development, with special reference to share tenancy    M SWAIN
1993    PhD    Warwick    The politics of homeland: a study of ethnic linkages and political mobilisation amongst Sikhs in Britain and North America    D S TALLA
1993    PhD    Edinburgh    Lakshmi in the market place: traders and farmers in a north Indian market    M S TOMAR    Dr P M Jeffrey; Dr R Jeffrey
1993    PhD    Hull    Nagas in the museum: an anthropological study of the material cculture of the Hill People of the Assam-Burnma border    Andrew OChristopher WEST    Mr L G Hill
1993    PhD    London, SOAS    The politics of moderation: Britain and the Indian Liberal Party, 1917-1923    Philip Graham WOODS    Prof D J Arnold
1993    PhD    Leeds    Afghanistan in the defence of India, 1903-1915    Christopher Mark WYATT    Dr K M Wilson
1993    PhD    Exeter    The correlates of contraceptive and fertility behaviour withon the framework of sociocultural ideology: a case study of two urban centres of Pakistan    M I ZAFAR
1994    PhD    Glasgow    The non-compliant behaviour of the small states of South Asia: Nepal and Bangladesh in relation to India    S AFROZE
1994    MPhil    Lancaster    The status of women and fertility: a case study of Pakistani women in Rochdale     Salma AHMAD    Dr Suzette Heald; Dr Sarah Franklin
1994    PhD    London, UC    The hydrogeology of the Dupi Tila sands acquifer of the Barind tract, NA Bangladesh    Kazi Matin Uddin AHMED    Dr W G Burgess
1994    PhD    Cambridge, Wolfson    Behavioural ecology of the Hoolock gibbon (Hylobates Hoolock)in Bangladesh    M F AHSAN    Dr D J Chivers
1994    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    Violence and the state in the partition of Punjab, 1947-48    Swarna AIYAR    Prof D A Low
1994    PhD    Manchester    Taxation and economic development in Bangladesh with special reference to indirect taxation    Sofia H J ALI    Ms W Olsen
1994    PhD    Salford    Environmental assessment for wetlands management in Sri Lanka    M D AMARASINGHE
1994    PhD    Cambridge, Fitzwilliam    Residential land price changes in selected peripheral colonies of Lucknow City, India, 1970-1990    F AMITABH    Dr S E Corbridge
1994    PhD    Cranfield, Silsoe    Mechanisation of grain harvesting in Pakistan    Nadeem AMJAD
1994    PhD    London, SOAS    Women’s consciousness and assertion in colonial India: gender, social reform and politics in Maharashtra, c.1870-c.1920    P ANAGOL-McGINN
1994    PhD    London, SOAS    Women’s consciousness and assertion in colonial India: gender, social reform and politics in Maharashtra, c.1870-1920    Padma ANAGOL-McGINNnagol    Prof D J Arnold
1994    PhD    Strathclyde    Tourism in developing countries: a case study of Pakistan    M I ANWAR
1994    PhD    Bradford    The understanding of truth and the human person in Gandhi’s thought    C ARBER
1994    PhD    Leicester    Mineralogy, geochemistry and stable isotope studies of the ultramafic rocks from the Swat Valley ophiolite, North Western Pakistan: implications for the genesis of emerald and nickeliferous opaque phases    Mohammad ARIF
1994    PhD    Edinburgh    The understanding of pastoral care and counselling in the Church of South India, with special reference to the work of the Christian Counselling Centre, Velore    Nalini ARLES    Prof A F Walls; Dr D Lyall
1994    PhD    Birmingham    Bangladeshi community organisations in East London: a case study analysis    M A ASGHAR
1994    PhD    London, SOAS    Naqshbandi Sufis in a western setting    A T ATAY
1994    PhD    London, LSHTM    Cost effectiveness of anti-malaria activities in Sri Lanka    A M G G N K ATTANAYAKE
1994    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Is education beneficial ? A microeconomic analysis of the impact of education on the economic welfare of a developing country, Sri Lanka    D H C ATURUPANE    Dr P B Seabright
1994    PhD    Leicester    The Koga feldspathoidal syenite, North Western Pakistan: mineralogy and industrial applications    Iftikar Hussain BALOCH
1994    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    Workers’ politics in Bengal, 1890-1929: mill-towns, strikes and nationalist agitations    Subho BASU    Dr R S Chandavarkar
1994    BLitt    Oxford, Lady Margaret    The famine of 1899-1900 and the government of India    M BHABA
1994    PhD    Essex    A comparative sociolinguistic study of urban and rural Sindhi    M Q BUGHIO
1994    PhD    Southampton    India, Sri Lanka and the Tamil crisis, 1976-1990    A J BULLION
1994    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    Fluvial landforms and sediments in the North-Central Gangetic plain, India    S CHANDRA    Dr K S Richards
1994    PhD    London, LSE    Legislators in India: a comparison of MLAs in five states    Virender Kumar CHOPRA    Prof T J Nossiter
1994    PhD    London, King’s    The development of Singapore land law as influenced by English and Australian law    Panicker Alice CHRISTUDASON
1994    PhD    Cambridge, King’s     Urban texts: an interpretation of the architectural, textual and artefactual records of a Sri Lankan early historic city    R A E CONINGHAM    Dr F R Allchin
1994    PhD    Kent    Indias of the mind: the construction of post-colonial identity in Salman Rushdie’s fiction    C P CUNDY
1994    MLitt    Bristol    British Baptist missionary activity in Orissa, 1822-1914    P K DAS
1994    PhD    Cambridge, St Cath’s     The making of a Jat identity in the Southeast Punjab circa 1880-1936    Monica DATTA    Prof C A Bayly
1994    MPhil    Wales, Cardiff    An evaluation of the attractiveness to Apia cerana F. of the honeybee flora growing in the Dhaka region of Bangladesh and the socio-economic value of these plants to the local community    R J DAY
1994    DPhil    Oxford, New    Indian industry 1950-1990: growth, demand and productivity    Ranu DAYAL
1994    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    Technical change and efficiency in Sri Lanka’s manufacturing sector    Sonali D P DERANIYAGALA    Mrs F J Stewart
1994    PhD    Edinburgh    Energy resources and the role of mini and micro hydro power in Northern India    Alison DOIG
1994    PhD    London, Wye    Reaching the poor ? The identification and assessment of rural poverty by a non-governmental organisation (NGO)in Gujerat, India    Talib Baahadurail Karmali ESMAIL
1994    PhD    London, LSE    Defence industrialization in the NICs: case studies from Brazil and India    Carol Vervain EVANS
1994    PhD    London    Dying: death and bereavement in a British Hindu community    Shirley Jean FIRTH
1994    MPhil    Bristol    Pakistan: a power in central Asia     N GHUFRAN    Dr V Hewitt
1994    PhD    Hull    Construction of the European Union: implications for the developing countries: case study of India    D K GIRI
1994    PhD    London    Sufism and its development inthe Panjab    Shuja Ul HAQ
1994    PhD    Aberdeen    Export performance and marketing strategy for Malaysian palm oil    A HASHIM
1994    PhD    Bradford    Microenterprises in Pakistan: an efficiency and performance analysis of manufacturing microenterprises in North West Frontier Province, Pakistan    Syed Amjad Farid HASNU    Mr Michael Yaffey
1994    PhD    Birmingham    The quest of Ajneya: a theological appraisal of the search for meaning in his three Hindi novels    R H HOOKER
1994    PhD    Newcastle    Mechanisation of wheat production in Bangladesh based on a growth modelling approach    A H M S HOSSAIN
1994    PhD    Newcastle    Some factors affecting the performance of draught buffaloes in wetland rice cultivation in Sri Lanka    S M HULANGAMUWA
1994    PhD    Edinburgh    The scented garden in Deccani Muslim literature    S A A HUSAIN
1994    PhD    Durham    Rural-urban integration in Bangladesh: a study of linkages between villages and small urban centres    M N ISLAM    Dr P J Atkins
1994    PhD    Nottingham    Standards of safety in the underground coal mining industry of Pakistan    K G JADOON
1994    PhD    Bradford    Trade liberalization and performance: the impact of trade reform on manufacturing sector performance: Sri Lanka, 1977-89    Kangesu JAYANTHAKUMARAN    Prof C Kirkpatrick; Mr Michael Yaffey
1994    PhD    Reading    Changing patterns ofinformal and formal finance in a Rajasthan village    J Howard M JONES    Mr A Harrison
1994    PhD    London, SOAS    Polygamy and purdah in the royal households of Rajastan – 13th-19th centuries    Varsha JOSHI    Prof D J Arnold
1994    MPhil    Oxford, St Cath’s    Sustainability of public debt: an application to India    Alka KACKER    Dr E V K Fitzgerald
1994    PhD    Reading    Comparison of extension provision for the smallholder and estate tea sectors in Sri Lanka    H R K K KARUNADASA    Dr C J Garforth
1994    PhD    Glasgow    Factor price distortions, underutilisation of capacity and employment in the large-scale manufacturing sector of Pakistan    R KAUSER
1994    PhD    London, SOAS    Missionaries: the Hindu state and British paramountcy in Travancore and Cochin, 1858-1936    Koji KAWASHIMA    Prof D J Arnold
1994    MPhil    Strathclyde    Famine and famine policy in the central provinces of India: the crises of 1896-7 and 1899-1900    N W KEYS
1994    PhD    Wales, Lampeter    Indian Muslims in the political process    O KHALIDI
1994    PhD    Strathclyde    Poverty, uneven development, urbanisation and economic planning policies in Pakistan: a case study of Peshawar, North West Frontier Province    Assmatullah KHAN    Prof U Wannop
1994    PhD    Strathclyde    Interlinkages between land-lease and credit markets: impact on the introduction of modern technology in the North West Frontier Province (Pakistan)    H KHAN
1994    PhD    Lancaster    Saiva priests of Tamil Nadu    G LAZAR
1994    PhD    London    Fertility transition in Malaysia: an analysis by state and ethnic group    R LEETE
1994    PhD    London, Inst Ed    A comparative study of educational disadvantage in India within the Anglo-Indian community: a historical and contemporary analysis    Antoinette Iris Grace LOBO    Mr C Jones
1994    PhD    London, SOAS    The transformation of colonial perceptions into legal norms: legislating for crime and punishment in Bengal, 1790s to 1820s    Shahdeen MALIK
1994    PhD    Central England    Housing finance in developing countries: a case study of Lahore, Pakistan    T H MALIK
1994    PhD    Open    Thermal comfort for urban housing in Bangladesh    F H MALLICK
1994    PhD    London, Bedford    Consciousness and the actors: a re-assessment of Western and Indian approaches to the actor’s emotional involvement from the perspective of Vedic psychology    Daniel MEYER-DINKGRAFE
1994    DPhil    Sussex    The comprehensive crop insurance scheme in India, 1985-1991: a study of its working with special reference to Gujerat    Pramod K MISHRA    Prof M Lipton
1994    PhD    London, SOAS    From patriarchy to gender equity: family law and its impact on women in Bangladesh    Taslima MONSOOR
1994    DPhil    Sussex    Re-reading the Raj: narrative and power in British fictions of India    P G MOREY
1994    PhD    Reading    An effective communication model for the acceptance of new agricultural technology by farmers in the Punjab, Pakistan    Sher MUHAMMAD    Dr C J Garforth
1994    DPhil    Sussex    Brother, there are only two Jatis – men and women: the construction of gender identity, women, the state and personal laws in India    M MUKHOPADHYAY
1994    PhD    London, LSHTM    Visceral leishmaniasis vectors in Pakistan    Mohammad Arif MUNIR
1994    PhD    Leeds    Ramayana and Mahabharata: contemporary theatrical experiments in English with Indic oral traditions of storytelling    V NAIDU
1994    PhD    Durham    Rural-urban interaction in Bangladesh: a study of linkages between villagers and small urban centres    M N I NAZERN
1994    PhD    Queen’s, Belfast    Rukmini Devi and the Bharata Natyam – the revival of classical dance in India    K OHTANI
1994    PhD    London, SOAS    Bauls of West Bengal: with special reference to Raj Khyapa and his followers    Jeanne OPENSHAW    Dr A Cantlie
1994    DPhil     Sussex    Agrarian structure, new technology and labour absorption in Indian agriculture: an empirical investigation of Gujerat    Kirankumar Manubhai PANDYA
1994    PhD    London    Gender, discipleship and charismatic authority in the Rajneesh movement    Marie Elizabeth PUTTICK
1994    PhD    Durham    Social change and fertility transition in Sri Lanka    P PUVANARAJAN    Prof J I Clarke; Mr A R Townsend
1994    PhD    London, LSHTM    Epidemiology of visceral leishmaniasis in northern areas of Pakistan with particular reference to the reservoir(s)    Mohammed Abdur RAB
1994    PhD    Brunel    Management education and development strategies in Bangladesh    A S M M RAHMAN
1994    PhD    Wales, Swansea    Decentralisation and rural society in Bangladesh: a study of bureaucratic restraints on access in the UPAZILA structure     Mohammed Halibur RAHMAN    Dr C Gerry
1994    DPhil    Oxford, Worcester    India and the north-south politics of global environmental issues: the case of ozone depletion, climate change and loss of biodiversity    Mukund G RAJAN    Dr A J Hurrell
1994    PhD    Kent    Causal factors and transmission mechanisms of inflationary impulses in Sri Lanka, 1970-1989    Purnima RAJAPAKSE    Prof Thirlwall
1994    MPhil    London, SOAS    Remembering Burma: Tamil migrants and memories    Audrey Beatrice Stephanie RAMAMURTHY    Dr N Lindisfarne
1994    PhD    Reading    The analysis of farmer information systems for feeding dairy cattle in two villages of Kerala State, India    S N RAMKUMAR
1994    PhD    City    Perception-production in relation to fronting of velars in Hindi and Marati speaking children    M E RAO
1994    PhD    London, UC    Socio-economic status, channels of recruitment and the rural to urban migration of labour: a case study of the squatter settlements of Delhi, India    Himmat Singh RATNOO
1994    PhD    London, UC    Haemoglobin disorders among the tribal population of Madhya Pradesh, India    P H REDDY
1994    PhD    Cambridge, Sidney    Mohajir subnationalism and the Mohajir Qaumi Movement in Sindh Province, Pakistan    J J RICHARDS    Dr S Corbridge
1994    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Conversion and catholicism in Southern Goa, India    R T ROBINSON    Dr C Humphrey
1994    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Rural labour arrangements in West Bengal, India    Benjamin N ROGALY    Dr B Harriss
1994    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    The politics of fiscal policy: some reflections on fiscal policy and state intervention in developing economies with special reference to India    R ROY
1994    PhD    Reading    The taxonomy and ecology of the genus Licuala (Palmae)in Malaya    L G SAW
1994    PhD    Cambridge, Clare Hall    Politics in Orissa, 1900-1956: regional identity and popular movements    Jayanta SENGUPTA    Dr R S Chandavarkar
1994    MPhil    Newcastle    Public participation in the Malaysian structure plan system practice, response and impact studies    K SHAMSUDIN
1994    PhD    Aberdeen    Attitudes of tribal people towards social forestry with reference to Madhya Pradesh, India    A SHUKLA
1994    PhD    Manchester    Decentralisation, participation and rural development in Bangladesh: an analysis pf the Upazila system    N A SIDDIQUEE    Dr D Hulme
1994    PhD    Bradford    The political economy of agricultural change in India    Kalim U SIDDIQUI    Dr Carolyn Dennis; Dr Behrooz Morvaridi
1994    PhD    Leicester    Electoral campaigns and the media: the coverage of India’s 1991 general election in the Indian and the British press    Balwinder SINGH    Ms O Linne
1994    DPhil    York    Case and agreement in Hindi: a GB approach    Joga SINGH    Mr M K Verma
1994    PhD    Manchester    Historical relations: representing collective identities. Small group portraiture in eighteenth-century England, British India and America    K S STANWORTH
1994    PhD    London, SOAS    The symbolic construction of the Sri Lankan Hindu Tamil community in Britain    D A TAYLOR
1994    PhD    Leeds    The development of the Bangladesh jute industry since 1971    F TERKELSEN
1994    PhD    Reading    Exploring media non-professionals’ participation in access television: towards a participatory production model for development broadcasting in India    Korula VARGHESE    Dr P Norrish
1994    PhD    London, Goldsmiths’    What the neighbours say: gender and power in two low-income settlemets in Madras    Penny VERA-SANSO    Prof P Caplan
1994    PhD    Queen’s, Belfast    Creation in Santal tribal religion and Christian faith: a study in comparative religion    W WALKER
1994    PhD    Manchester    Growth and adjustment after trade liberalisation: Sri Lanka, 1977-1992    D N WEERAKOON
1994    PhD    London, UC    The management of official records in Sri Lanka and its impact on public administration    Sarath Sisira Kumara WICKRAMANAYAKA
1994    PhD    REading    The solubility of rice straw silica and its use as a silicon source in paddy cultivation    D E WICKRAMASINGHE
1994    PhD    London    Effect of climatic factors on the growth of tea (“Camellia sinensis”)in the low country wet zone of Sri Lanka    Madawala Arachchillage WIJERATNE
1994    PhD    Leeds    Young British Hindu women’s interpretation of the images of womenhood in Hinduism    S M WILKINSON
1994    PhD    Bradford    Interlocking directorates in Hong Kong business organizations: a longitudinal study of their changing patterns    G Y-Y WONG
1994    PhD    London, SOAS    Mission-conversion-dialogue: the process of Christianization of the Richi in south-West Bangladesh    Cosimo ZENE    Dr A Cantlie
1995    PhD    London, King’s    The implications of the Falklands War for the defence of India’s island territories    Biju ABRAHAM    Prof G Till
1995    PhD    Exeter    An investigation into programme factors and providers and providers’ perceptions of family welfare centres in Faisalabad district of Pakistan    A AHMAD
1995    PhD    Exeter    An initiative into programme factors and providers’ perceptions at family welfare centres in Faisalbad district of Pakistan    Ashfaq AHMED
1995    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    Aspects of influence over accounting and accounting for currency devaluation in Bangladesh    J AHMED
1995    PhD    Birmingham    Social relations and migration: a study of post-war migration with particular reference to migration from Bangladesh to Britain    F ALAM
1995    PhD    Hull    Keralites in Abu Dhabi: a study of skilled and unskilled Keralite migrant workers in the city of Abu Dhabi    S A S ALKOBAISI
1995    PhD    Reading    The effect of a prolonged release formulation of bovine somatotropin (sometribove)on milk production of Bos Taurus and dairy crossbred cows in Malaysia    A AZIZAN
1995    PhD    Stirling    Scholarly publishing in Malaysia: a study of marketing environment and influences on readership behaviour    Firdaus Ahmad AZZAM
1995    PhD    Strathclyde    The role of the private sector in the provision of sites and services schemes for low income groups: a case study of Lahore, Pakistan    Ihsan-Ullah BAJWA    P Green
1995    PhD    Open    Crustal evolution and metamorphism in the high-grade terrain of South India    J M BARTLETT
1995    PhD    Lancaster    A study of continuity within the Ramakrishna Math and Mission with reference to the practice of seva, service to humanity    G T BECKERLEGGE
1995    MPhil    Wales    Population planning and its effect upon the development of agricultural policies in India since 1947    Austin BICKERS
1995    PhD    London, SOAS    An Indian cloth painting and its art worlds: perceptions of Orissan “patta” paintings    Helle BUNDGAARD    Dr C Pinney
1995    PhD    London, LSE    Gender, exchange and person in a fishing community in Kerala, South India    Cecilia Jane BUSBY    Dr Henrietta Moore
1995    PhD    Cambridge, Clare Hall    Britain, India and the genesis of the Colombo Plan, 1945-51    Philip J CHARRIER    Prof D A Low
1995    MPhil    Warwick    Such a long journey: the Anglo-Indian literary tradition: a study in duality    Mithu CHATTOPADHYAY
1995    DPhil    Oxford, Somerville    Orientalist themes and English verse in nineteenth century India    Rosinka CHAUDHURI    Dr R Young
1995    MPhil    London, King’s College    So peculiarly formed a corps: the beginnings of Gorkha service with the British     A P (Jim) COLEMAN    Prof B J Bond
1995    PhD    London    The elites of the Maldives: sociopolitical organisation and change    Elizabeth Overton COLTON
1995    PhD    Cambridge, Gonville      Origins, development and organisation of national Antarctic programmes with special reference to the United Kingdom and India    A DEY-NUTTALL
1995    PhD    London    The control of Callosobruchus maculatus (Fab.)in cowpeas in Sri Lanka: effect of varietal resistance, conventional insecticides and locally available bontanicals    C M D DHARMASENA
1995    PhD    London, SOAS    The Gujerati lyrics of Kavi Dayarambhai    R M J DWYER
1995    PhD    Edinburgh    Community health care the NGO way: an anthropological study of a maternal-child health and family planning programme in rural Bangladesh    R V EBDON    Dr A Good; Dr M C Jedrej
1995    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    Co-option and exclusion: a study of Indian MPs    Paul C R FLATHER    Dr A F Heath
1995    PhD    Strathclyde    Solar based technology for crop drying in rural Pakistan    Mohammad GHAFFAR    Dr G Zawdie
1995    PhD    Cambridge, St Edmund’s    The enforcement of the zini ordinance by the Federal Shariat Court in the period 1980-1990 and its impact on women    E GIUNCHI    Dr B F Musallam
1995    PhD    London, SOAS    Popular resistance to Zamindari oppression in the Eastern Uttar Pradesh, Northern India, 1920-1960    Kusum GOPAL    Prof D J Arnold
1995    PhD    London, SOAS    Geology in India, 1770-1851: a study in the methods and motivations of a colonial science    Andrew GROUT    Dr P G Robb
1995    PhD    London    Carbon dioxide abatement in an empirical model of the Indian economy: an integration of micro and macro analysis    S GUPTA
1995    DPhil    Oxford    The Kishangarh school of painting, c 1680-1850    N N HAIDAR
1995    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    The implications of resettlement on Vasava identity: a study of a community displaced by the Sardar Sarovar (Narmada)Dam project    R P HAKIM    Mr G P Hawthorn
1995    PhD    Keele    Dimensions and types of Malay family interaction in Malaysia: a humanistic approach    L M H HARUN
1995    PhD    London, LSE    Management practices and business development in Pakistan, 1950-1988    Naveed HASAN    Dr G M Austin
1995    PhD    London, Wye    Factors influencing post-harvest longevity of embul bananas    K S HEWAGE
1995    PhD    Durham    Singapore’s experience in ASEAN: the nature of trade and inward investment    M A HILEY    Dr R J A Wilson
1995    PhD    East London    Women’s right to divorce in rural Bangladesh    Naima HUQ    Mr J Roche; Dr J Cooper; Dr J Eade
1995    MPhil    Wales, Lampeter    Resistance, reformation and rejection: modernity and tradition in ninteenth century Hinduism    S B JACOBS
1995    PhD    London, LSHTM    Gynaecological and mental health of low-income urban women in India    Surinda Kaur Parmar JASWAL
1995    PhD    Edinburgh    Estate Tamil: a morphosyntactic study    Nagita KADRURGAMUWE
1995    PhD    Leeds    Provision of corporate financial information in Bangladesh    A K M Waresul KARIM    Prof P Moizer; Ms H Short
1995    PhD    East London    Changing responses to child labour: the case of female children in the Bangladesh garment industry    Sumaiya KHAIR    Dr H Lim; Prof M Freeman
1995    PhD    London, Imperial    Inclincations towards enterprise – a typology of poor, enterprising and non-enterprising women in India    U E KRAUS-HARPER
1995    PhD    London, SOAS    Metropolitan encounters: a study of Indian students in Britain, 1880-1930    Shompa LAHIRI    Dr P G Robb
1995    PhD    Exeter    How to measure default risk: an empirical study on India’s operations in the loan and bond markets    Geeta LAKSHMI    Mr J Matatko; B Pearson
1995    DPhil    Oxford, Nuffield    Financial development, economic growth and the effect of financial innovation on the demand for money in an open economy: an econometric analysis for Singapore    Lamin LEIGH    Dr J Muellbauer; Prof D F Hendry
1995    PhD    Kent    Structured dependency: lone mothers and social security in Hong Kong    L C LEUNG
1995    PhD    London, RHBNC    Sufism, sufi leadership and modernisation in South Asia since c.1800    Claudia LIEBESKIND    Prof F R C Robinson
1995    PhD    Wales, Swansea    Planning for the participation of vulnerable groups in communal management of forest resources: the case of the Western Ghats forestry projects    Catherine LOCKE    Prof Alan Rew
1995    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    Aspects of urban design with special reference to image and identity in built form – case study of Kuala Lumpur    B S MAHBOB
1995    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Pakistan’s foreign policy, 1971-1981: the search for security    Niloufer Q MAHDI    Dr G Rizvi
1995    DPhil    Oxford, St Peter’s     Impact of highland-lowland interaction on agriculture in the Hunza Valley: the socio-economic transformation of mountain societies    Arif MAHMUD    Prof G C K Peach
1995    DPhil    Oxford, Oriel    Contractual arrangements in Pakistani agriculture : a study of share tenancy in Sindh    Nomaan MAJID    Dr B Harriss
1995    MD    Manchester    Maternal and environmental factors and the development of Pakistani children (6-18 months)    S MAQBOOL
1995    PhD    Nottingham    Resource partitioning and productivity of perennial pigeonpea/groundnut agroforestry systems in India    F M MARSHALL
1995    PhD    Essex    Social factors shaping fertility behaviour in Pakistan    Rukhsana MASOOD    Dr Joan Busfield; Mr? Sullivan
1995    PhD    Kent    Toward an integral ecotheology relevant for India    MATHEW
1995    PhD    Edinburgh    Alexander Duff and the theological and philosophical background to the General Assembly’s mission in Calcutta to 1840    Ian Douglas MAXWELL    Prof A F Walls; Dr A C Ross
1995    PhD    London, SOAS    Tibet and the British Raj, 1904-47: the influence of the Indian political department officers    Alexander Colin McKAY    Dr P G Robb
1995    PhD    Cambridge, New Hall    The politics of nationalism: the cast of the Chittagong Hill Tracts, Bangladesh    A A MOHSIN    Mr G P Hawthorn
1995    PhD    Leicester    Media, state and political violence: the press construction of terrorism in the Indian Pubjab    Vipul MUDGAL    Anders Hansen
1995    PhD    Leicester    Media, state and political violence: the press construction of terrorism in the Indian Punjab    Vipul MUDGAL
1995    PhD    Manchester    An analysis of factors affecting farmers’ participation in two rice irrigation schemes in Sri Lanka    S H MUDIYANSELAGE
1995    PhD    Edinburgh    Evolution of the early Himalayan Foreland Basin in North West India and its relationship to orogenesis    Y M R NAJMAN
1995    PhD    Lancaster    The Mills and Boon memsahibs: women’s romantic Indian fiction, 1877-1947    Dominic OMISSI    Prof J M MacKenzie
1995    PhD    Surrey    Consumption, fiscal policy and endogenous growth: the case of India    I PATNAIK
1995    PhD    Durham    A theological reappraisal of the mission of the Christian church in Tamilnadu in the light of the challenge presented by the Dravida Kazhagam Movement (a secular humanistic)movement    R PAULRAJ
1995    PhD    Bradford    A cointegration analysis of money demand in a developing country: a case study of Pakistan    A QAYYUM
1995    PhD    Edinburgh    A comparative study of native and Pakistani geology research articles    Mujib RAHMAN
1995    PhD    Newcastle    Eco-engineering prtactices in Malaysia    N RAHMAN
1995    PhD    Edinburgh    Activating vs. resetting functional categories in second language acquisition: the acquisition of AGR and TNS in English by Sinhalese first language speakers    Hemamala Vajira RATWATTE
1995    PhD    Edinburgh    George Orwell, the BBC and India: a critical study    Abha S RODRIGUES    Mr G D Carnell; Dr R C Craig
1995    PhD    London, LSE    Socio-cultural changes in an Indian peasant society    Arild Engelsen RUUD    Dr J Harries
1995    PhD    London, UC    Public transport in Kuala Lumpur: a model based approach    A F SADULLAH
1995    MPhil    Loughborough    The macroeconomic impact of foreign capital inflows: a case study of Pakistan    T SAEED
1995    PhD    Strathclyde    The lessons from privatization experience for privatization in Pakistan: from public sector enterprises to monopolistic utilities    Mushtaq A SAJID
1995    PhD    Leicester    Mineralogy, geochemistry and possible industrial applications of illite-smectite rich clays from Karak, Northwestern Pakistan    Akhtar Ali SALEEMI
1995    PhD    Stirling    Small enterprise development in Bangladesh: a study of the nature and effectiveness of support services    J H SARDER
1995    PhD    Cambridge    Histological techniques for estimating age at death from human bone:an Indian case study    A SAXENA
1995    MPhil    Newcastle    An analysis of prices and marketing margins for potatoes and onions in Pakistan    S SHAH
1995    MPhil    Leeds    The development of an environmentally sensitive information system in the water industry in Bangladesh    Mohammad Taslim Uddin SHARIF    Prof T Moizer
1995    PhD    Open    A comparative study of Milton Keynes (UK)and Islamabad (Pakistan)    M I H SIDDIQI    Mr R Thomas; Mr J B Harison
1995    PhD    Newcastle    The reproductive biology and histology of three species of sceractinian corals from the Republic of Maldives, India Ocean    C J SIER
1995    PhD    Wales, Bangor    Economic evaluation of agroforestry, forestry and agriculture projects in Orissa, India: with particular reference to financial profitability and basic needs fulfilment    Jitendra Prasad SINGH    Mr T H Thomas
1995    DPhil    Oxford, Linacre    The impact of migration, environment and economic conditions on the biological growth and physique of Sikhs    Lakhwinder P SINGH    Prof G A Harrison
1995    PhD    London, Inst Ed    Design and standardisation of a developmental test for Indian children: the Indian picture puzzle test    R SINGHANIA
1995    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    The stylistic development of the sculpture of Kashmir    John E C SIUDMAK    Mr G J S Sanderson
1995    MPhil    London, LSE    Auctioning the dreams: economy, community and philanthropy in a North Indian city    Roger Graham SMEDLEY    Dr C Fuller; Dr J P Parry
1995    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    The stylistic development of the sculpture of Kashmir    J E C SUIDMAK
1995    PhD    Lancaster    I see all the gods in your body: a study of religious doctrine in the Mahabharata    N SUTTON
1995    PhD    Sussex    Utilisation of industrial R & D findings in Malaysia: a case study of selected public research institutions, universities and industry    K THIRUCHELVAM
1995    PhD    Middlesex     A regional power : United States policy in the Indian Ocean and the definition of national security, 1978-1980    Paul TODD    T Putnam; Prof F Halliday
1995    PhD    London, LSE    Sacred grove (kaavu): ancestral land of “landless agricultural labourers” in Kerala, India    Yasushi UCHIYAMADA    Dr C Fuller
1995    PhD    East Anglia    Employment and the small enterprise economy in India: an inquiry into its growth and significance for development    Nalini VITTAL
1995    PhD    Edinburgh    Social control and deviance in Edinburgh’s Pakistani community    Abdul Ali WARDAK
1995    MLitt    Aberdeen    From Banff to Bengal and beyond: the list, travel and writings of a remarkable north-east loon: Robert Wilson, M D. (1787-1871)    Thelma G WATT    Prof R Bridges
1995    phD    Edinburgh    Environmental effects on the growth of broad-leaved trees introduced under pine stands in Sri Lanka    N D R WEERAWARDANE
1995    DPhil    Oxford, Magdalen    Manufactured exports, outward-orientation, and the acquisition of technological capabilities in Sri Lanka, 1997-1989    Ganeshan WIGNARAJA    Dr S Lall
1995    PhD    Birmingham    A study of recent conversion to and from Christianity in the Tamil area of South India    A D C WINGATE
1995    PhD    Bradford    The economic impact of temporary migrant workers remittances on the Pakistan economy: estimates from a macro economic model    K U ZAMAN
1996    MLitt    Oxford, Exeter    The women’s movement in Pakistan in the 1980s and 1990s    Nilofer AFRIDI-QAZI    Dr M W Lau
1996    PhD    Leicester    Paleoenvironments, diagenesis and geochemical studies of the Dungan formation (Palaocene)eastern Sulaiman Range, Pakistan    Nazir AHMAD
1996    PhD    Sheffield    A study of changes occurring in valuable aspects ofthe built environment of the core areas of historic settlements in Pakistan    T AHMAD    A Craven
1996    PhD    Open    Approaches to bioclimatic urban design for the tropics with special reference to Dhaka, Bangladesh    K S AHMED
1996    DPhil    Oxford, Linacre    Oral traditions in Ladakh    Monisha AHMED    Dr R Barnes Dr N J Allen
1996    PhD    London, RHBNC    The emergence of Muslim feminism in South Asia, 1920-1960    Azra Asghar ALI    Prof F R C Robinson
1996    MPhil    Liverpool    Molecular epidemiology of human and environmental enterobacteriaceae in rural Bangladesh    K S ANWAR
1996    DPhil    Sussex    The spread of technology and the level of development: a comparative study of steel mills using electric arc furnace technology in India and Britain    S S ATHREYE
1996    PhD    Londond, SOAS    A garland of razors: the life of a traditional musician in contemporary Pakistan    Khalid Manzoor BASRA
1996    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    Bharat versus India: peasant politics and rural-urban relations in North West India    M J R BENTALL    Dr S E Corbridge
1996    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    Four essays on the labour market in India    Sonia R BHALOTRA    Prof S J Nickell
1996    MPhil    York    Women writing India: a study of prose fiction by Ruth Prawer Jhabvala, Nayantara Sahgal and Sashi Deshpanda    Shivani BHARGAVA    Dr Joe Bristow
1996    PhD    London, SOAS    A necessary weapon of war: state policies towards propaganda and information in Eastern India, 1939-1945    Sanjoy BHATTACHARYA    Dr P G Robb
1996    PhD    Birmingham    Rich pickings ? the political economy of solid waste management in Calcutta, India    A BOSE    I C Blore
1996    PhD    Glasgow    Cultural strategies of young women of south Asian origin in Glasgow, with special reference to health    H BRADBY
1996    PhD    Cambridge, Corpus    European authority and caste disputes in South India, 1650-1850    N BRIMNES    Prof C A Bayly
1996    PhD    London, SOAS    Contemporary uses of Vastu Vidya, the traditional Indian knowledge of architecture    Vibhuti CHAKRABARTI    Dr Giles Tillotson
1996    PhD    Strathclyde    Waterlogging and salinity in the Sukkur region of Sindh: causes and remedies    Mohammed Nawaz CHAND    Prof A I Clunies Ross
1996    PhD    London, SOAS    Slavery and the household in Bengal, 1770-1880    Indrani CHATTERJEE    Prof D J Arnold

1996    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    A comparative analysis of centre-local relations in government with special reference to Pakistan and Britain    Ishtiaq Ahmed CHOUDHRY
1996    PhD    Dundee    Audit expectations gap in the public sector of Bangladesh    R R CHOWDHURY
1996    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    Gujjars in Garhwal – parallel lives: situational identity and exchange    B DALAL    Dr C Humphrey
1996    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    The Europeans of Calcutta, 1858-1883    Damayanti DATTA    Prof C A Bayley
1996    MPhil    Reading    The effectiveness of different radio programme formats for the dissemination of information on safe use of insecticides in paddy cultivation in Mahaweli system C in Sri Lanka    N DE SILVA
1996    PhD    Cranfield    Estimating groundwater recharge with limited resources with special emphasis on spatial variability: a study in the dry zone of Sri Lanka    Roshan Priyantha DE SILVA    R C Carter
1996    PhD    London, LSE    Religion and nationalism in India: the case of Punjab, 1960-1990    Harnick DEOL    Prof A Smith
1996    MPhil    London, SOAS    Love and mysticism in the Punjabi Qissas of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries    Jeevan Singh DEOL    Prof C Shackle
1996    PhD    Lancaster    The development of Bhuddist monastic education in Sri Lanka with special reference to the modern period    Naimbala DHAMMADASSI    Prof G Samuel; Dr H Kawanami
1996    PhD    Strathclyde    Solar-based technology for crop drying in Pakistan    M G DOUGGAR
1996    PhD    Lancaster    Touring the Taj: tourist practices and narratives at the Taj Mahal and in Agra    T EDENSOR
1996    PhD    London    Indian music and the west: a critical history    GJ FARRELL
1996    PhD    Hull    Standarisation versus adaptation of marketing strategies: British multinationals in Pakistan    G GHOUS
1996    PhD    Hull    The religious and political thought of Swami Vivekananda    A HARILELA
1996    PhD    Leicester    Cross cultural interpretatioins of television: a phenomenonological hermeneutic enquiry [India]    Ramaswami HARINDRANATH    Mr R Dickinson
1996    PhD    Cambridge, Corpus    Pre-cursors to post-colonialism : Leonard Woolf, E. J. Thompson, and E. M. Forster and the rhetoric of English India    R B P HARRISON    Prof J B Beer
1996    PhD    Wales, Bangor    Farmers’ knowledge and the development of complex agroforestry practices in Sri Lanka    H HITINAYAKE
1996    PhD    Aberdeen    Effects of periodic drought on Acacia magum Willd. and Acacia auriculiformis A.Cunn.ex Benth growing on sand tailings in Malaysia    A L HOE
1996    DPhil    Sussex    Replacing market with government: the Indian experience in credit control    R KOHLI
1996    DPhil    Oxford, Wadham    Indian civil servants, 1892-1937: an age of transition    Takehiko HONDA    Prof J M Brown; Dr M C Curthoys
1996    PhD    London, SOAS    Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain, 1880-1932: the status of Muslim women in Bengal    H Y HOSSAIN
1996    PhD    East London    Born to be wed: Bangladeshi women and the Muslim marriage contract    Shahnaz HUDA    Dr K Green; Ms A Stewart
1996    PhD    Manchester    Social, psychological and economic factors in the growth of a small firm: a study of the small scale furniture and footwear firms in Pakistan    S A HUSSAIN
1996    PhD    Cambridge, Jesus    Fluvial sedimentology of the Kamial Formation (Miocene)Himalayan Foreland, Pakistan    J A HUTT    Dr P F Friend
1996    DPhil    York    Development through conservation: a sustainable development strategy with special reference to a heritage zone in Madras    R V ISIAH
1996    PhD    Reading    Improvement of Erythrina variegata L.: a multipurpose fast growing tree species in Bangladesh    S ISLAM
1996    PhD    East Anglia    Constraints to the adoption of modern rice varieties during the Aman season in Bangladesh    Md Abdul JABBER    Dr Richard Palmer-Jones
1996    PhD    London, UC    Modern agricultural production and the environment: the case of wheat production in the Indian Punjab, 1971-1988    Amballur Jospeh JAMES
1996    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    Agro-ecological knowledges and forest managment in the Jharkhand, India: tribal development or populist impasse ?    S L JEWITT    Dr T P Bayliss-Smit
1996    PhD    Glasgow    A study of human rights organizations and issues in India    M JHA
1996    PhD    London, UC    Early iron and steel in Sri Lanka: a study of the Samanalawewa area    G JULEFF
1996    PhD    London, LSHTM    Areal variations in use of modern contraceptives in rural Bangladesh    Nashid KAMAL    A Sloggett
1996    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    A longitudinal anthropometric study of mother-infants pairs in Dhaka, Bangladesh    E KARIM
1996    PhD    Southampton    Development of dietary assessment methods for use in the South Asian community    N A KARIM
1996    DPhil    Oxford, St Edmund Hall    Capital market liberalization in Pakistan: 1980-1992    Bashir A KHAN    Mr C J Cowton
1996    PhD    Bradford    Public sector accounting and financial reporting oractices in Bangladesh    M A S KHAN
1996    PhD    Leicester    Genesis of stratabound scheelite and stratiform Pb-Zn mineralisation, Chitral, Northern Pakistan, and its comparison with South West England tin-tungsten deposits    Mohammad Zahid KHAN
1996    PhD    Wales, Swansea    A political economy of forest resource use: case studies of social forestry in Bangladesh    Niaz Ahmed KHAN    Prof A Rew
1996    PhD    Loughborough    An analysis of risk sharing in Islamic finance with reference to Pakistan    T KHAN
1996    PhD    Leeds    Central-local government relations in Pakistan since 1979    T KHAN    Dr Owen Hartley
1996    PhD    London, UC    Economic values of resource depreciation and environmental degradation in Bangladesh    Fahmida Akter KHATUN
1996    PhD    Warwick    Analysis of tariff and tax policies in Bangladesh: a computable general equilibrium approach    B H KHONDKER
1996    PhD    London, UC    Subsistence and petty-capitalist landlords: an enquiry into the petty commodity production of rental housing in low-income settlements in Madras, India    S KUMAR
1996    PhD    London, LSE    Civil-military relationships in British and independent India, 1918-1962, and coup prediction theory    Apurba KUNDU    Prof T J Nossiter
1996    PhD    London, King’s    Marketing and economic development: a case study of maize marketing in Mardan District, North West Frontier Province, Pakistan    Teshome LEMMA    R Black; M Byron; M E Frost
1996    PhD    London, Imperial    The effects of ozone and nitrogen dioxide on Pakistan wheat (“Triticum aestivum”l.)and rice (“Oryza sativa”L) cultivars    R MAGGS
1996    PhD    Keele    The European Community and South Asia: development, economic cooperation and trade policies with India, Bangladesh and Bhutan, 1973-1993    M MARWAHA    Christopher Brewin
1996    PhD    Hull    Corporate management styles of Malaysian parent companies in managing their local subsidiaries in the manufacturing sector    N A MAZELAN
1996    PhD    Cambridge    Fertility and frailty: demographic change and the health and status of Indian women    K McNAY
1996    MPhil    Leicester    Constraints to professionalism in Sri Lankan newspaper journalism    Mahim MENDIS    Anders Hansen
1996    PhD    Wales, Bangor    The ecology and management of traditional home gardens in Bangladesh    M MILLAT-E-MUSTAFA
1996    PhD    East London    Land reform and landlessness in Bangaldesh    M A MOMEN
1996    PhD    London, King’s    Passing it on: the army in India and the development of frontier warfare, 1849-1947    Timothy Robert MOREMAN    Prof B J Bond
1996    MPhil    London, SOAS    Legal and penal institutions within a middle class perspective in colonial Bengal, 1854-1910    Anindita MUKHOPADHYAY    Prof D J Arnold
1996    DPhil    Oxford    Space, class and rhetoric in Lahore    R McG MURPHY
1996    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity     The crisis of the Burmese State and the foundations of British colonial rule in Upper Burma (1853-1900)    T MYINT-U    Prof C A Bayly
1996    PhD    Nottingham    Open distance learning aspects of adult basic educastion in the UK and their implications for Kerala (India)    Chandrasekharan NAIR-MADHAVEN    W J Morgan
1996    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    Chidambaram – city and people in the Tamil tradition    V NANDA    Dr F R Allchin
1996    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    Chidambaram: temple and city in the Tamil tradition    Vivek NANDA    Dr F R Allchin
1996    PhD    London, Inst Ed    Manpower planning in Pakistan: a study of its assumptions concerning the education-occupation relationship    H K NIAZI
1996    PhD    Southampton    Exploring a bottom up approach to networking for open learning in India    Asad Mohd NIZAM    Dr A P Hart
1996    MPhil    East Anglia    Contradictions of organisation: a case study of a rural development NGO in Rajasthan, India    Jane Elizabeth OLIVER
1996    PhD    Reading    Studies of black pepper (Piper nigrum L)virus disease in Sri Lanka    D PADMINI DE SILVA
1996    PhD    Sheffield    The role of small towns and intermediate cities in regional development in India    A PANNEERSELVAM    C L Chogull
1996    PhD    Birmingham    The word of God is not bound: the necounter of Sikhs and Christians in India and the United Kingdom    J M PARRY
1996    DPhil    Oxford, Green College    Regeneration and sucession following shifting cultivation of dry tropical deciduous forests of Sri Lanka    Gamaralalage A D PERERA    Dr N D Brown; Dr P S Savill
1996    PhD    London    Bureaucrats, development and decentralisation in India: the bureau-shaping model applied to Panchayati in Karnataka, 1987-1991    H J PERRY
1996    PhD    London, LSHTM    Linear growth retardation (stunting)in Sri Lankan children and the role of dietary calcium    Ambegoda Geekiyanage Damayanthi PIYADASA
1996    DPhil    Sussex    English studies and the articulation of the nation in India    P K PODDAR
1996    MPhil    REading    Village organisations and extension: a case study of Balochistan rural support programme    A R QAZI
1996    PhD    Cambridge    Lactational amenorrhoea, infant feeding patterns and behaviours in Bangladeshi women    M RAHMAN
1996    PhD    Cambridge    Relation between energetics, body composition and length of post-partum amenorrhoea in Bangladeshi women    M RASHID
1996    MPhil    Leicester    Thermobarometry of the garnet bearing rocks of the Jijal complex (western Himalayas, northern Pakistan)    Lucie RINGUETTE
1996    PhD    London, SOAS    The devotional poetry of Svami Haridasa    Ludmila Lupu ROSENSTEIN    Dr R Snell
1996    PhD    London, SOAS    Local perceptions of environmental change in a tropical coastal wetland: the case of Koggala Lagoon, Galle, Sri Lnaka    V N SAMARASEKARA
1996    PhD    Newcastle    The production of seed potato (Solanum tuberosum L)tubers from stem cuttings in Sri Lanka    P W S M SAMARASINGHE
1996    PhD    London, SOAS    Mangrove ecology in Sri Lanka    V SAMARESKARA    Prof P Stott
1996    PhD    London, King’s    Agrarian impacts on manufacturing expansion in the Indian Punjab    Jagpal Kaur SANGHA    Dr L Hoggart
1996    DPhil    York    A sociolinguistic study of Panjabi Hindus in Southall: language maintenance and shift    Mukul SAXENA    C Wallace
1996    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    Political alignments, the state and industrial policy in Pakistan: a comparison of performance in the 1960s and 1980s    A U SAYEED    Dr M H Khan
1996    PhD    Manchester    The role of agriculture in the Indian economy: an analysis using a general equilibrium model based on a social accounting matrix    Sabyasachi SEN    Prof D Colman; Dr A Ozanne
1996    PhD    London, SOAS    Famine, state and society in North India, c.1800-1840    Sanjay Kumar SHARMA    Dr P G Robb
1996    PhD    Wales, Bangor    Project appraisal under risk, threat and uncertainty: a case study of the afforestation project of Bihar, India    Devendra Kumar SHUKLA    Dr C Price
1996    PhD    London    Pakistan’s arms procurement decision-making    A SIDDIQA
1996    PhD    London, SOAS    Political prisoners in India, 1920-1977    Ujjwal Kumar SINGH    Dr Taylor
1996    PhD    Liverpool    Molecular and seroepidemiological studies of rotavirus from children in Bangladesh    S TABASSUM
1996    PhD    Beradford    Environmental education and distance teaching: a case study from Pakistan    F TAHIR
1996    MPhil    Liverpool John Moores    The demand for money in Pakistan: simple-sum versis Divisia    S M TARIQ
1996    PhD    Cambridge, Corpus    Property rights and the issue of power: the case of inland fisheries in Bangladesh    Kazi Ali TOUFIQUE    Dr M H Khan
1996    MPhil    Open    Gender issues and social change: evaluating programme impact in rural Bangladesh    A M VAN SWINDEREN    Mr A Thomas
1996    PhD    Cranfield    The performance in public enterprises in a developing country: Sri Lanka’s experience in perspective    Tillaka S WEERAKOON    Prof Chris Brewster
1996    PhD    Reading    Evaluation of the effectiveness of radio and television in changing the knowledge and attitudes of cinnamon growers in Sri Lanka    J WEERASINGHE
1996    PhD    Manchester    Rationales of accounting controls in a developing context: a mode of production theory anaysis of two Sri Lankan case studies    D P WICKRAMASINGHE    Prof T Hopper
1996    PhD    Cambridge, St Cath’s    Socialist development ? Economic and political change in rural West Bengal under the Left Front    G O WILLIAMS    Dr S Corbridge
1996    PhD    Bristol    The politics of caste in India with special reference to the Dalit Christian campaign for scheduled caste reservations    Andrew K J WYATT    Dr D Turner; Dr V Hewitt
1997    PhD    Stirling    Strategic planning and strategic awareness in small enterprise: a study of small engineering firms in Bangladesh    A F M ABDUL MOYEEN
1997    PhD    Loughborough    A strategy for managing brickwork in Sri Lanka    W V K M ABEYSEKERA    Dr A Thorpe
1997    PhD    East Anglia    Sex ratio imbalances in India: a disaggregated analysis    S B AGNIHOTRI
1997    PhD    Lancaster    Gender roles and fertility: a comparative analysis of women from Britain and Pakistan    S AHMAD
1997    PhD    Nottingham    Modelling the impact of agricultural policy at the farm level in the Punjab, Pakistan    Z AHMAD
1997    PhD    London, Imperial    Particulate air pollution and respiratory morbidity in New Delhi, India    S AKBAR
1997    PhD    East London    Keeping a wife at the end of a stick: law and wife abuse in Bangladesh    Nusrat AMEEN    Dr Kate Green; Ms N Lacey
1997    PhD    Birmingham    The generation of a tool for screening the early grammatical development of Bangla-speaking children and the potential useof this instrument in classes of hearing-impaired children    N ANAM
1997    PhD    Durham    A mission for India: Dr Ellen Farrer and India, 1891-1933    Imogen S ANDERSON    A J Heesom
1997    DPhil    Sussex    Changes in poverty and inequality in Pakistan during the period of structural adjustment (1987-88 to 1990-91)    T ANWAR
1997    PhD    Cranfield    Sustainable farming systems and the role of change agents: Moneragala District, Sri Lanka    J P ATAPATTU
1997    PhD    Edinburgh    Common property resource management in Haryana State, India: analysis of the impact of participation in the management of common property resources and the relative effectiveness of common property regimes    Pasumarthy Venkata Subhash Chandra BABU
1997    MPhil    Oxford, Nuffield    Recognising minorities: a study of some aspects of the Indian Constituent Assembly debates, 1946-1949    Rochana BAJPAI    Dr N Gooptu; Prof M S Freeden
1997    PhD    London, SOAS    The transformation of domesticity as an ideology: Calcutta, 1880-1947    Sudeshna BANERJEE    Prof D J Arnold
1997    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    Decentralising forest management in India: the case of Van Panchayats in Kumaun    P C BAUMANN    Mr G P Hawthorn
1997    PhD    London, LSE    Households, livelihoods and the urban environmental social development perspectives on solid waste management in Faisalabad, Pakistan    J D BEALL
1997    PhD    London, SOAS    Tribe and state in Waziristan, 1849-83    Hugh BEATTIE    Prof M E Yapp
1997    DPhil    Sussex    A study of small-scale community tank irrigation systems in the dry zone of Sri Lanka    Saleha BEGUM    Dr M Moore
1997    PhD    Aberdeen    The “empire of the raj:” conflict and cooperation with Britain over the shape and function of the Indian sphere in Eastern Africa and the Middle East, 1850s-1930s    Robert J BLYTH    Prof R C Bridges; Ms Rosemary M Tyzack
1997    PhD    Manchester    Comparative human resource managment: a cross national study of India and Britain    P S BUDHWAR
1997    PhD    Wales, Lampeter    Decision making and idjtihad in Islamic environments: a comparative study of Pakistan, Malaysia, Singapore and the United Kingdom    G L R BUNT
1997    DPhil    Oxford, St Hilda’s    A history of the trade to South Asia of Macmillan   Co and Oxford University Press, 1875-1900    Rimi B CHATTERJEE    Mr M Turner; Mr L W St Clair
1997    PhD    East Anglia    Innovation paths in developing country agriculture: true potato seed in India, Egypt and Indonesia    a CHILVER
1997    PhD    Cambridge, Clare Hall    From nabob to sahib: the construction of the British body in India, c.1800-1914    Elizabeth M COLLINGHAM    Prof C A Bayley
1997    PhD    London, UC    Of moths and candle flames: the aesthetics of fertility and childbearing in the Northern areas of Pakistan    Teresa Mary Helen COLLINS    Dr N Redclift; Dr Murray Last
1997    PhD    London, UC    Environmental aspects of industrial location policy in India    Mala DAMODARAN
1997    PhD    Cambridge, Pembroke    A comparative analysis of sharecropping and mudaraba business in Pakistan: a study of PLS in the context of the new theory of the firm    M H A DAR    Dr A M M McFarquhar
1997    PhD    Open    Multiple realities, multiple meanings: a reception analysis of television and nationhood in India    S DAS
1997    PhD    Portsmouth    Control of mycotoxins in major food commodities in Bangladesh    M DAWLATANA
1997    PhD    Liverpool    Evidence based decision making and managerial chaos in population displacement emergencies: a case study of Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, 1992-93    P M DISKETT
1997    PhD    Hull    An investigation into effective management structure for tuna resources in the West Indian Ocean    EDALY
1997    PhD    London, External    Parasitical clinical and sero-epidemiological studies of visceral leishmaniasis in Bangladesh    Md A EL-MASUM
1997    PhD    Manchester    Production, consumption and labour supply linkages of farm households in the rice-wheat zone of Punjab, Pakistan    U FAROOQ
1997    PhD    Aberdeen    An economic analysis of factors affecting the adoption of coconut-based intercropping systems in Sri Lanka    M T N FERNANDO
1997    PhD    Edinburgh    Varieties of pilgrimage experience: religious journeying in central Kerala    Alexander David Hanson GATH
1997    PhD    Warwick    Against purity, identity, Western feminism and Indian complications    I GEDALOF
1997    PhD    Oxford Brookes    Spatial setting for household income generation: The case of intermediate sized cities, Bangladesh    Shayer GHAFUR
1997    PhD    Cambridge, Clare    Literature, language and print in Bengal, c.1780-1900    Anindita GHOSH    Dr R O’Hanlon
1997    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    Conservation ecology of primates and human impact in North East India    A K GUPTA    Dr D J Chivers
1997    DPhil    Oxford, New College    The monetary system of Mughal India    Syed N HAIDER    Dr D A Washbrook
1997    PhD    London    Diet, exercise and CHD risk: a comparison of children in the UK and Pakistan    Rubina HAKEEM
1997    PhD    London, LSE    India’s information technology industry: adapting to globalisation and policy change in the 1990s    Gopalakrishnan HARINDRANATH
1997    PhD    Cambridge, Girton    State and local power relations in the towns of Gujerat, Surat and Cambray, c.1572-1740    F HASAN    Dr G Johnson
1997    PhD    Exeter    The organisation, development and management of the population training programmes: a case study in Bangladesh    Md Akhter HOSSAIN    Dr A Ankomah;  C Allison
1997    PhD    Reading    Involving women in the process of rural development: a project case study from Balochistan, Pakistan    U HUBNERR
1997    MPhil    London, Goldsmith’s    Significant other: Anglo Indian female authors, 1880-1914    Karyn Marie HUENEMANN    Dr B Moore-Gilbert
1997    PhD    Cambridge, Queens’    Public housing in Hong Kong    E C M HUI    Dr B J Pearce
1997    PhD    East London    Law as a site of resistance: recourse to the law by “garments women” in Bangladesh    Farmin ISLAM    Dr Hilary Lim; Prof J Cooper
1997    PhD    Middlesex    The impact of flooding and methods of assessment in urban areas of Bangladesh    K N ISLAM
1997    DPhil    Sussex    Democratic adjustment: explaining the political sustainability of economic reform in India     Robert S JENKINS    Prof J Manor
1997    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    Labour and nationalism in Sholapur: conflict, confrontation and control in a Deccan city, Western India, 1918-39    M N KAMAT    Dr R S Chandavakar
1997    PhD    London, LSE    Political communication in India    Kavita KARAN    Prof T J Nossiter
1997    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    The social history of the Rajput clans in colonial North India circa 1800-1900    Malavika KASTURI    Prof C A Bayley
1997    PhD    Aberdeen    Sustainability of small-holder sugar cane based production systems in Sri Lanka    Adhikari P KEERTHIPALA
1997    PhD    Manchester    The market for local capital for small firms in Bangladesh: loan evaluation, monitoring and contracting practices    Mohammed Hassanul Abedin KHAN    P Taylor
1997    PhD    Reading    Improving precision of agricultural field experiments in Pakistan    M I KHAN
1997    PhD    London, Wye    The mango production and marketing system in Sindh Pakistan: constraints and opprtunities    A M KHUSHK
1997    PhD    Aberdeen    Factors influencing adoption of farm level tree planting in social forestry in Orissa, India    A K MAHAPATRA
1997    PhD    Bradford    The quality of higher education in Pakistan: an exploration into the quality of curriculum taught in the universities    M J MALIK
1997    PhD    Surrey    Management consultancies in developing countries: strategies for a competetive era – the case of Pakistan    S H MALLICK
1997    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    Non-seccessionist regionalism in India: the demand for a separate state of Uttarakhand    E E MAWDSLEY    Dr S E Corbridge
1997    PhD    Cambridge    Sadhana and salvation: soteriology in Ramanuja and John Wesley    P R MEADOWS
1997    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    The unit head nurse in Pakistani hospitals: current and desired levels of practice    G P MILLER
1997    PhD    Edinburgh    The lunatic asylum in British India, 1857-1880: colonialism, medicine and power    James Henry MILLS    Dr C N Bates; Dr P J Bailey
1997    PhD    London, SOAS    The making of a cultural identity: language, literature and gender in Orissa in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries    Pragati MOHAPATRA    Dr P G Robb
1997    PhD    Leicester    Conceptualising post-colonial policing: an analysis and application of policing public order    S C MUKHOPADHYAY
1997    DPhil    Sussex    Small firm industrial districts in Pakistan    Khalid M NADVI    Dr H Schmitz
1997    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    British and American Army counterinsurgency learning during the Malaysian emergency and the Vietnam War    J A M NAGL
1997    PhD    London, External    Constitutional breakdown and the judiciary in Pakistan    M F NASEEM
1997    PhD    Sheffield    The external environment of housing in the third world: sustainability and user satisfaction in planned and unplanned low-income housing in Lahore, Pakistan    N NAZ
1997    PhD    London, UC    Dynamics of urban spatial and formal changes of old Dhaka: a developmental influence on a historical city of the Third World    Farida NILUFAR    Alan Penn
1997    PhD    London, SOAS    The Hindi public sphere, 1920-1940    Francesca ORSINI    Dr A S Kalsi
1997    PhD    London, InstChild Health    Iodine deficiency in the Northern Pujab of Pakistan    M POULTON
1997    PhD    REading    Studies on weed management during early establishment of tea in low-country of Sri Lanka    K G PREMATILAKA
1997    PhD    Reading    The effect of defoliation of vetch, barley and their mixtures on forage yield, quality and residual effects on succeeding crops in the rainfed areas of Pakistan    I A QAMAR
1997    PhD    Cambridge, Lucy     Shifting culture in the global terrain: cultural identity constructions amongst British Hindu Punjabis    D S RAJ    Dr S N Bensen
1997    PhD    Manchester    The rural poor and technological change: an enquiry into agricultural extention in Sri Lanka    T T RANASINGHE    Dr J Mullen
1997    PhD    Bradford    Environmental education and agricultural education in Pakistan    G RASUL
1997    PhD    London, SOAS    Social history of North Bengal, c.1870-1949    Rubhajyoti RAY    Dr P G Robb
1997    PhD    Cambridge, St Cath’s    Indian elites, urban space and the restructuring of Ahmedabad city, 1890-1947    Siddhartha RAYCHAUDHURI    Prof C A Bayly
1997    PhD    City    Military rule and the media: a study of Bangladesh     REZWAN-UL-ALAM
1997    PhD    London, LSE    The Kalbelias of Rajasthan: Jogi Nath snake charmers, an ethnography    Miriam ROBERTSON    Dr J Parry; Dr J Woodburn
1997    MPhil    Open    The role of caste in prostitution: culture and violence in the life histories of prostitutes in India    M R ROZARIO
1997    PhD    Hull    A socio-economic assessment of collective choices in the coastal trawl fishery of Malaysia    K H SALIM
1997    PhD    London, LSHTM    Contraception following birth in Bangladesh    S M SALWAY    Prof J Cleland
1997    PhD    Nottingham    People’s participation in community development and community work activities: a case study in a planned village settlement in Malaysia    Asnarulkhadi Abu SAMAH
1997    PhD    Bristol    A basket of resources: women’s resistence to domestic violence in Calcutta    P SEN
1997    MPhil    Reading    Evaluation of adoption levels of innovations in coffee in relation to technology transfer process in the Central Province of Sri Lanka    M A P K SENEVIRATNE
1997    PhD    Kent    Choice and collection of agricultural survey data in Punjab and its use in planning improved food supply    Javid SHABBIR    Mr G M Clarke
1997    DPhil    Sussex    Participatory village resource management: case study of Aga Khan Rural Support Programme (AKRSP), India    Parmesh SHAH    Dr M T Howes
1997    PhD    London, SOAS    The formation of the Indo-European telegraph line: Britain, the Ottoman Empire and Persia, 1855-1865    Sulieman SHAHVAR    R M Burrell
1997    PhD    Cambridge, Emmanuel    The development of an Indian nuclear doctrine since 1980    W P S SIDHU    Dr I Clark
1997    PhD    Leeds    Gender and nation in selected contemporary writing from Sri Lanka, India and Pakistan    N M S SILVA
1997    PhD    York    Changing attitudes to design with nature: the urban Indian context    P SINGH
1997    PhD    Cambridge, Emmanuel    Pollution and environmental policy in the Ganga Basin: a case study of heavy metal pollution by tanneries near Kanpur, India    S SINHA    Dr K S Richards
1997    PhD    East Anglia    Framing the nation: languages of “modernity” in India    Ajanta SIRCAR
1997    PhD    London, UC    Islamic anthropology and religious practice among Muslims in a southern Sri Lankan town    Llyn Frances SMITH    Prof B Kapferer
1997    PhD    Sussex    The formal and informal sector of solid waste management in Hyderabad, India    Marielle SNEL    Dr T Binns
1997    PhD    London, UC    Urban development and the information technology industry: a study of Bangalore, India    Sampath SRINIVAS    Ms Julie Davila
1997    PhD    London    Land policies in Delhi: their contribution to unauthorised land development    K SRIRANGAN
1997    PhD    Southampton    Coronary heart disease, diabetes, serum lipid concentrations and lung function in relation to fetal growth in South India    C E STEIN
1997    PhD    Open    The involvement of the Church of Pakistan in development    P SULTAN
1997    PhD    Salford    Off-farm activities in India: a case stury of rural househlds in Rurka Kalan Development Block, Punjab, c. 1961-1993    S S SUPRI
1997    PhD    Cambridge, Robinson    Gandhara art in the Swat Valley, Pakistan: a study based on the Peshawar University collection    M F SWATI    Dr J R Knox
1997    PhD    Reading    The compound verb in Assamese    J TAMULI
1997    MPhil    Newcastle    Socio-economic problems of second genertion settelrs in Mahaweli irigation settlement in Sri Lanka    T M P B TENNAKOON
1997    PhD    London, SOAS    The political economy of Burma    TIN MAUNG MAUNG THAN    Prof R Taylor
1997    PhD    Warwick    Reconstructing the history of women’s participation in the nationalist movement in India, 1905-1945: a study of women activitists inUttar Prqdesh    Suruchi THAPAR-BJORKERT    Dr C Wolkowitz; Ms Joanna Liddle
1997    PhD    London, LSE    Spiritual communities in India    Dimitrios THEODOSSOPOULOS    Dr P Loizos
1997    DPhil    Oxford, New    Rajput painting in Mewar    A S TOPSFIELD
1997    PhD    Manchester    The role of management control systems in privatisation: a labour process analysis of a Bangladeshi case study    S N UDDIN
1997    PhD    Cambridge, Clare Hall    Distribution improving development policies for Bangladesh: applying the equilibrium framework    W J A VAN DER GEEST    Prof D M G Newbery
1997    MPhil    City    Women, gender and news values: a case study of Bangladesh    F R VEENA
1997    PhD    Kingston    Miocene-aged extension within the main mantle thrust zone, Pakistan Himalaya    K J VINCE    Dr P Treloar; Dr J Grocott
1997    PhD    London, SOAS    The development of Siraiki language in Pakistan    M A WAGHA
1997    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    Worth its weight: gold, women and value in North West India    H WARD    Dr C Humphrey
1997    PhD    London, Birkbeck    Colonialism and culture in nineteenth century British India    Caroline L WEAVER
1997    PhD    Cambridge    Hedgerow intercropping for soil improvement in Sri Lanka    S M WEERASINGHE
1997    PhD    London, LSHTM    Control of anopheline vectors in a gem mining area in Sri Lanka    A M G M YAPABANDARA
1998    PhD    Liverpool    Malaria and malarial control in Jeli Peninsular Malaysia    M R ABDULLAH
1998    PhD    Reading    The management practices and organisational culture of large Malaysian construction contractors    R ABU BAKER
1998    MPhil    Aberdeen    The determination of sheep and goat prices in the markets of Balochistan – Pakistan    M AFZAL
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    Litigating in the name of the people: stresses and strains of the development of public interest litigation in Bangladesh    Naim AHMED
1998    PhD    London, UC    An approach for the prevention of thalassaemia in Pakistan    S AHMED
1998    PhD    Leeds    Foreign direct investment in Pakistan    M AKHTAR    Hugo Radice
1998    PhD    Durham    Water rationality: mediating the Indus Waters Treaty    U Z ALAM    Dr J D Rigg
1998    PhD    Bath    Fish consumption behaviour in Bangladesh    Zulfiqar ALI    Prof Chris Heady; Dr J A McGregor
1998    DPhil    Oxford    Operationalizing Amartya Sen’s capability approach to human development: a framework for identifying valuable capabilities    Sabina ALKIRE
1998    PhD    Reading    The impact of Anand Pattern Cooperative Societies on the status of women in dairying households in Kerala, India    S S ANIL
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    The politics of time: “primitives” and the writing of history in colonial Bengal    Prathama BANERJEE    Prof D J Arnold
1998    PhD    Bristol    Scripture as empowerment for liberation and justice: the experience of Christian and Muslim women in Bangaldesh    Mukti BARTON    Prof U King
1998    PhD    Nottingham    The protection of human rights in Islamic Republic of Pakistan with special reference to Islamic Shari’ah under 1973 Constitution    A H BOKHARI
1998    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    A comparison of vocational schools and industrial training institutes in Malaysia    A BRAHIM
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    The Nayak temple complex: architecture and ritual in southern Tamilnadu, 1550-1700    Crispin Peter C BRANFOOT    Dr G Tillotson
1998    PhD    Bristol    Studies in early Indian Madhyamaka epistemology    David F BURTON    Dr P Williams; Dr R Gethin
1998    PhD    Cambridge    Agency, animacy and personification in “A passage to India”    R BUZZA
1998    MPhil    Birmingham    Identifying the requirements of a parent education programme for the primary prevention of child physical abuse in the Indian State of Maharashtra    M CAESAR
1998    PhD    Birmingham    Recent structural reforms in India: the role of the government    S CHATTERJEE
1998    PhD    Manchester    Gender implications of industrial reforms and adjustment in the manufacturing sector of Bangladesh    Salma  CHAUDHURI ZOHIR    Ms D Elson
1998    PhD    Wales, Swansea    Order and diversity: representing and assisting organisational learning in non government aid organisations [Bangladesh]    Richard J DAVIES    Prof A Rew
1998    PhD    Kent    Law, nation and cosmology in Sri Lanka: deconstruction and the failure of closure    B R DE SILVE WIJEYERATNE
1998    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    Muslim women in colonial North India, c.1920-1947: politics, law and community identity    Karin A DEUTSCH    Dr R O’Hanlon
1998    PhD    Bath    Factors influencing the growth of sustainable people’s organisations at grassroots level: the case of Caritas DEEDS and Sangathan in Bangladesh    Benedict D’ROZARIO
1998    PhD    Aberdeen    South Asia: a case study of a subordinate internaltional system approach with a speicla reference fo India’s security policy during the Cold War    B DUSADEEISARIYAWONG
1998    PhD    London    Childhood cataract in South India: aetiology, management and outcome    M B ECKSTEIN
1998    PhD    Leeds    Neighbourhood perceptiopns of health and the value placed on health care deliverers in the slums of Mumbai    Nick EMMEL    Dr Ray Bush; J Soussan
1998    PhD    Strathclyde    Patrick Geddes, education and society in colonial India    Michael EYRE    Prof B R Tomlinson
1998    PhD    London, LSE    Migrants to citizens: changing orientations among Bangladeshis of Tower Hamlets, London    K S GAVRON
1998    PhD    Bradford    Evaluating the performance of public infrastructure: the case of electric power and telecommications in Pakistan    A G GHAFOOR
1998    PhD    Bradford    Budget deficits and the economy: the macro-economic effects of budget deficits in Sri Lanka, 1978-1996    Nandana Wijesiri GOONEWARDENA    Prof C Kirkpatrick; Mr Roland Clarke
1998    MPhil    Bradford    An assessment of the survival of dairy residues associated with archaeological and ethnographic ceramics: GC and GC/MS analysis of lipid residues extracted from archaeological (Bronze Age Harappa)and ethnographic (modern Pakistan and India)ceramic vessels    S M GRAYSON
1998    PhD    Southampton    Household structure, health and mortality in three Indian states    Paula L GRIFFITHS    Dr P Hinde
1998    PhD    London, Goldsmiths    Local politics in the Suru Valley of northern India    Nicola GRIST    Dr Sophie Day
1998    PhD    London, LSHTM    The impact of peer counsellers on breast feeding practices in Dhaka, Bangladesh    Rukhsana HAIDER

1998    PhD    Oxford Brookes    Spatial setting of manufacturing activities in the metropolitan cities of developing countries: the example of Dhaka, Bangladesh    Mahmudul HASAN
1998    DPhil    Oxford, Jesus    The Hindu Kush of Pakistan: mountain range evolution from an active margin to continent-continent collision    P R HILDEBRAND    Prof J F Dewe; Dr M P Searle
1998    PhD    London, Institute of Child Health    Iodine nutrition, cognition and school achievement of Bangladeshi schoolchildren    S N HUDA
1998    PhD    Open    Education as a missionary tool: a study in Christian missionary education by English Protestant missionaries in India with special reference to cultural change    J C INGLEBY
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    Urban planning in new Bombay: physical and socio-economic growth and development of a counter-magnet in India    Alain JAQUEMIN
1998    PhD    Open    A critical and comparative study of the relationship between missionary strategy, Dalit consciousness and socio-economic transformation in the missionary work by SPG among the Nadar and Paraiya communities of Tirunelveli District between 1830 and 1930    S JAYAKUMAR
1998    PhD    Birmingham    Portfolio behaviour ofIslamic banks: case studies for Pakistan, 1974-1994, and Iran, 1984-1994    K A A KAGIGI
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    Performative politics: artworks, festival praxis and nationalism with reference to Ganipatil Utsav in western India    Raminder Kaur KAHLON    Dr C Pinney
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    The Vishnu Hindu Parishad in the rise of Hindu militancy in India    Manjari KATJA    Dr Taylor
1998    PhD    Bradford    Foreign aid as a determinant of health expenditure, life expectancy at birth and infant mortality rate in Pakistan, 1971-1990    S G H KAZMI
1998    PhD    Reading    Farmers’ objectives and the choice of new crops in the irrigated farming systems of Pakistan’s Punjab    M A KHAN
1998    PhD    Reading    Improving the potential for adoption of agricultural technology through enhanced use of the mass media and the religious community in disadvantaged environments in Pakistan    N KHAN
1998    MPhil    Salford    Pakistan’s and international textile and clothing trade regime    S M KHAN
1998    MPhil    Manchester    Women’s access to credit and gender relations in Bangladesh    Mubina KHONDKAR    Dr D Hulme; Dr U Kothari
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    Politics of mass literacy in India; a case study of two North Indian villaages under the “Total Literacy” campaign (198-1995)    Ajay KUMAR    Dr S Kaviraj
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    Contesting seclusion: the political emergence of Muslim women in Bhopal, 1901-1930    Siobhan LAMBERT-HURLEY    Dr A A Powell
1998    PhD    Cambridge, Clare    Prosodic prominence in Singapore English    E L LOW    Dr F J D Nolan
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    Pativratas and Kupattis: gender, caste and identity in Punjab, 1870-1920    Anshu MALHOTRA    Dr A A Powell
1998    PhD    Warwick    Modelling macroeconomic adjustment with growth in developing economies: the case of India    Sushanta Kumar MALLICK
1998    PhD    London, UC    Religion, ritual and the pantheon amongst the Sinhalese Buddhist traders of Kandy City, Sri Lanka    Desmond MALLIKARACHCHI    Prof Bruce Kapferer; Dr Danny Miller
1998    DPhil    Sussex    Rapid credit deepening and the joint liability of credit contract: a study of Grameen Bank borrowers in Madhupur    Imran MATIN
1998    PhD    Leeds    Spatial and temporal change in the caste system: the Punjab to Bradford    D J MEDWAY
1998    DPhil    Sussex    Contexts of scarcity: the political economy of water in Kutch, India    Lyla MEHTA    Dr M Greeley
1998    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    Popular princes: kingship and social change in Travancore and Cochin, 1870-1930    Vikram MENON    Prof J M Brown; Dr D A Washbrook
1998    PhD    Manchester    Perception of adolescent problems by form four malay students in Sarawak, Malaysia    Z MERAWI
1998    DPhil    Sussex    The peculiar mission of Christian womanhood: the selection and preparation of women missionaries of the Church of England Zenana Missionary Society, 1880-1920    Jennifer MORAWIECKI    C A Dyhouse; Prof P M Thane
1998    PhD    Dundee    Approaches to the integrated management of potato cyst nematode in Pakistan    A MUNIR
1998    PhD    Wales    A study of the relation between Christianity and Khasi-Jaintia culture, 1899-1969, with particular reference to the theology and practice of the Khasi-Jaintia Presbyterian Church    L MYLLIEMNGAP
1998    PhD    London, Wye    The pineapple industry in Sri Lanka: constraints and opportunities for its future development    Arumugam NAGENDRAM
1998    PhD    Southampton    Study of rice blast fungus Magnaporthe grisea (Herbert)of Bangladesh    N S NAHAR
1998    PhD    London, LSHTM    A study of policy process and implementation of the national tuberculosis programme India    Thelma NARAYAN
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    English in the colonial university and the politics of language: the emergence of a public sphere in western India, 1830-1880    Veena NAREGAL    Dr S Kaviraj
1998    PhD    Southampton    Women in Bangladesh: a study of the effects of garment factory work on control over income and autonomy    M H NEWBY
1998    MPhil    Oxford, Hertford    Homeward bound ? the influence of the national norm on voluntary repatriation on the construction of Indian refugee policy with reference to the Bangladeshi Jumma refugees and the Sri Lanka Tamil refugees    Pia A OBEROI
1998    PhD    Southampton    Theorising nuclear weapons proliferation: understanding the nuclear policies of India, South Africa, North Korea and Ukraine    T OGILVIE-WHITE
1998    PhD    Queen’s, Belfast    Credit and women’s relative well-being: a case study of the Grameen Bank, Bangladesh    L N K OSMANI
1998    PhD    Warwick    Pakistani children in Oslo: Islamic nurture in a secular context    Sissel OSTBERG

1998    PhD    London, UC    Control of childhood epilepsy in rural India    D K PAL
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    The politics of development and identity in the Jharkhand Region of Bihar (India), 1951-1991    Amit PRAKASH
1998    PhD    Bristol    The Assam Movement and the construction of Assamese identity    G PRICE
1998    PhD    Lancaster    Social access to housing: a study of low-income settlements around the walled city of Amritsar, Punjab, India    N K PUREWAL
1998    PhD    Aberdeen    An analysis of beef and bovine marketing systems in Pothwar Plateau of Punjab, Pakistan    A H QURESHI
1998    PhD    Aberdeen    An analysis of beef and bovine marketing systems in Pothwar Plateau of Punjab, Pakistan    A H QURISHI
1998    PhD    Reading    The role of the migrant moneylenders in North East India: the Kabuliwallahs of Assam    S RAFIQUE
1998    MPhil    Newcastle    Integrated crop growth modelling system for Barind in Bangladesh    M S RAHMAN
1998    PhD    Kent    Socio legal status of Bengali women in Bangladesh: implications for development    S RAHMAN
1998    PhD    Wales, Bangor    Risk, store of wealth and land use choice: a socio-economic analysis of farmer adoption of woodlots in Karnataka, India    D RAVINDRAN
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    Idealizing motherhood: the brahmanical discourse on women in ancient India (c500 BCE-300CE)    Ujjayini RAY    Dr I J Leslie
1998    DPhil    Oxford, Somerville    British women writers on India between the mid-eighteenth century and 1857    Rosemary A RAZA    Prof J M Brown; Mr J M Prest
1998    PhD    London, LSE    Organisational identification of managers in multinational corporations: a quantitative case study in India and Pakistan    C E W READE
1998    PhD    London, RHBNC    Intense weathering regimes of Deccan basalts    Jennifer Lesley REEVES    Dr J N Walsh
1998    PhD    Leeds    Sedimentology and dynamics of mega-dunes, Jamuna River, Bangladesh    Julie Elizabeth RODEN    Prof P Ashworth
1998    PhD    Newcastle    Owner-occupiers’ transformation of public low-cost housing in Peninsular Malaysia    Azizah SALIM    Dr A G Tipple
1998    PhD    Strathclyde    A study in inter-sectoral relations of linkages, trade and technology: the case of Bangladesh (an application of input-output analysis)    Mohammed SALIMULLAH    Prof I McNicoll
1998    PhD    Wales, Swansea    Contraband trade between Sri Lanka and India    M SARVATHAN    Mr J Whetton
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    The transitional state: Congress and government in Uttar Pradesh, India, 1947-1955    Suhit Kumar SEN    Dr P G Robb
1998    PhD    Manchester    Gender implications of economic reforms in the education sector in India-care of Haryana abd Madhya Pradesh    Manju SENAPATY    Ms D Elson
1998    PhD    Cambridge, St Cath’s    The creation of religious identities in the Punjab, c,1850-1920    Anil SETHI    Prof C A Bayly
1998    PhD    Reading    Relative efficiency of crop production n the cotton-wheat cropping system of Pakistan’s Punjab    M SHAFIQ
1998    PhD    Nottingham    Educational management: an exploratory study of management roles and possibilities of management development at college level in AJK, Pakistan    Saeeda Jahan Ara SHAH    Dr M Parker-Jenkins; Dr M Griffiths
1998    DPhil    Oxford, Worcester    Muslim politics in the North West Frontier Province, 1937-1947    Sayed W A SHAH    Prof J M Brown
1998    PhD    Reading    Economic and non-economic factors that influence the adoption of no-tillage technologies at farm level in rice-wheat and cotton-wheat areas of Pakistana’s Punjab    A D SHEIKH
1998    PhD    Bradford    Project performance and the impact of official development assistance: aid to agricultural development in Pakistan    M K SHEIKH
1998    MLitt    Aberdeen    Selective evaluation of the cycle of women’s status through religious and social practices with special reference to Bengal    S K SIRKAR
1998    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    Transplanting liberal education: higher education in 19th century Bombay Presidency, India    Anne H E SLIWKA    Prof J M Brown
1998    MPhil    Newcastle    The  Permatent emergency shelter cum roofing unit for Bangladesh    David SORRILL    Dr A G Tipple
1998    PhD    Cambridge, Queens’    Colonialism and linguistic knowledge: John Gilchrist and the representation of Urdu in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries    R D STEADMAN-JONES    Dr V A Law
1998    PhD    London, LSHTM    Child work and school attendance in urban India    H TAYLOR    Prof I Timaeus; N Crook (SOAS)
1998    PhD    Edinburgh    Building Christianity on Indian foundations: the theological legacy of Brahmabandav Upadhyay (1861-1907)    Timothy Craig TENNENT
1998    PhD    Leeds    Homelands and the representation of cultural and political identity in selected South Asian texts, 1857 to the present    g f h TICKELL
1998    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    Between two civilisations: history and self representation of Bangladeshi Buddhism    Paola G TINTI    Prof R F Gombrich
1998    PhD    Kent    Readings in the works of Michael Ondaatje (1963-1982)    Monica TURCI    Prof C L Innes
1998    PhD    Queens, Belfast    Formal and de facto states of emergency: the Indian experience, 1947-1997    K S VENKATESWARAN
1998    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    Studies on the biology and control of Tropilaelaps clareae: Asian parasitic brood mite in Apis mellifera colonies in Islamabad, Pakistan    Camphour E S WAGHCHOURE
1998    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    Studies on the biology and control or Tropilaelaps clareae: Asian parasitic brood mites in Apis mellifera colonies in Islamabad, Pakistan    Elizabeth S WAGHCHOURE-CAMPHOR
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    India’s small scale industry policy: an evaluation and a case study    Trevor L WILLIAMS
1998    PhD    Aberdeen    Studies on weed populations in sugar cane in Sri Lanka    W R G WITHARAMA
1998    PhD    Strathclyde    Industrialization and economic growth: a case study of Bangladesh    A K M ZASHEEM UDDIN AHMED    Dr M M Huq
1998    PhD    Bristol    Sangathan: the pursuit of a Hindu ideal in colonial India: the idea of organisation in the emergence of Hindu nationalism, 1870-1930    John ZAVOS    Prof U King
1998    PhD    Ulster    Groundwater pollution and its environmental impact in Karachi Region (Pakistan)    A ZUBAIR
1999    PhD    London. LSE    Banking and debt recovery: a comparative study of the law and practice in India, Sri Lanka and Malaysia    Sonil G ABEYRATNE
1999    PhD    Oxford Brookes    A micro-level view of low-income rural housing in Bangaldesh    K I AHMED
1999    PhD    Cambridge    A political economy of industrial policy and development: a comparative study of Pakistan and Malaysia    A AKHLAQUE    Industrial productivity
1999    MPhil    Newcastle    An appraisal of processes of soil degradation in the Barind Tract, Bangladesh    S M M ALAM
1999    PhD    Leeds    Urban women in households and in the labour market under structural adjustment policy and programmes: a case study of Pakistani working women    K ALI
1999    DPhil    Oxford, Magdalen    Operationalising Amartya Sen’s capability approach: a framework for identifying valuable capabilities    S M ALKIRE    Prof F J Stewart; Prof J M Finnis
1999    PhD    Manchester    Economic reform in India since 1991 with particular reference to direct foreign investment and privatisation    Thanhkom ARUN    Prof F Nixson
1999    PhD    Hull    Opium and heroin production in Pakistan    A Z ASAD
1999    DPhil    York    Biodiversity and community ecology of mangrove plants, molluscs and crustaceans in two mangrove forests in Peninsular Malaysia in relation to local management practices    E C ASHTON
1999    PhD    Southampton    A multilevel model of the impact of health services on child mortality in Bangladesh    Michael Dennis ASHTON    Dr J McDdonald
1999    PhD    Southampton    Genetic diversity of jackfruit in Bangladesh and development of propagation methods    A K AZAD
1999    PhD    London, King’s    Nuclear weapons in the Indo-Pakistan conflict    Sanjay BADRI-MAHARAJ
1999    PhD    Leicester    The growth of farm firms through production,investment and capital formation in the rice-wheat zone of the Punjab Province of Pakistan    K A BAJWA
1999    PhD    Aberdeen    An economic analysis of farm household pluriactivity in Sri Lanka    G BALASURIYA
1999    DPhil    Oxford, St Cross    This work on Oriya literature and the Jagannath cult, 1866-1936: quest for identity    Subhakanta BEHERA    Dr F A Nizami
1999    PhD    London, UC    Structure of the DP in Bangla    Tanmoy BHATTACHARYA
1999    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    The politics of religious identity in South Asia in the late nineteenth century     Torkel BREKKE    Prof R F Gombrich
1999    MSc    Stirling    Investigations to the biology and ecology of an unidentified isopod affecting the CARE CAGES aquaculture programme, Bangladesh    P BULCOCK
1999    DPhil    Sussex    The global and the local in the post-colonial: popular music in Calcutta (1992-1997)    R CHAKRAVARTY
1999    PhD    London, SOAS    Change and continuity in Naqshbandi Sufism: Mujaddidi branch and its Hindu environment    T W P DAHNHARDT    Prof C Shackle
1999    PhD    Ulster    Traveller acts: a critical ethngraphy of backpacker India    K J DAVIDSON
1999    PhD    London , LSE    Tamil warps and wefts: an anthropological study of urban weavers in South India    Geert Raymond DE NEVE    Prof C Fuller; Prof J Parry
1999    PhD    London, Wye    Amelioration of the physical conditions of sandy soils with organic amendments under tropical conditions    S H S A DE SILVA
1999    PhD    Cambridge, Jesus    Youth, gender and community change: a case study of Bangladeshi students in an inner city    Eva DEBNATH    Dr M M Arnot
1999    PhD    Bath    One foot in each boat: the macro politics and micro sociology of NGOs in Bangladesh    Joseph DEVINE    Dr G D Wood; Dr A McGregor
1999    PhD    London, RHUL    The image of the prophet in Bengali Muslim piety, 1850-1950    Amit DEY    Prof F C R Robinson
1999    PhD    London, RHBNC    Images of the Prophet in Bengali Muslim piety, 1850-1950    Amit DEY    Prof F R C Robinson
1999    PhD    London, LSE    Women and gold: gender and urbanisation in comtemporary Bengal    Fentje Henrike DONNER    Dr J F Parry; Dr C Fuller
1999    DPhil    Oxford, Linacre    A study of the origin, evolution and role in society of a group of chiselled steel Hindu arms and armour from Southern India, c.1400-1800 A D    Robert F W ELGOOD    Dr Schuyler Jones

1999    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    Caste, ethnicity and nation in the politics of the Muslims of Tamil Nadu, 1930-1967    S M A K FAKHRI    Dr R S Chandravarkar
1999    PhD    Cambridge, Selwyn    The ecology and behaviour of the pig-tailed macaque (Macaca Nemestrina Leonina)in Bangladesh    M M FEEROZ
1999    PhD    Wales    At the feet of the goddess: a comparative study of local goddess worship in Khurdapur, a village settlement in Orisssa and Cholavandan, a small town in Tamil Nadu    L F FOULSTON
1999    PhD    Leeds    Socio-economic changes in the peri-urban villages in Penang, Malaysia    Suriati GHAZALI    Dr D Preston
1999    PhD    London, SOAS    The dynamics of scientific culture under a colonial state: Western India, 1823-1880    Vaswati Bidhan Chandra GHOSH    Prof P G Robb
1999    PhD    Southampton    A passage from India: British women travelling home, 1915-1947    Georgina GOWANS
1999    PhD    London, External    Solid waste management: a case study of Delhi    V I GROVER
1999    PhD    Aberdeen    A study of factors influencing participation in joint forest management in the northwest Himalayas, India    H K GUPTA
1999    PhD     Southampton    British relations with the Marathas under the Wellesley regime     William A C HALLIWELL    Dr C M Woolgar
1999    PhD    Leeds    A corpus-based study of apposition in written Malay    H A HAROON
1999    PhD    London, UC    The vulnerability of the Dupi Tila Aquifer, Daka, Bangladesh    Muhammed Kamrul HASAN    Dr W G Burgess; Dr J Dottridge
1999    PhD    London, LSHTM    The prevalence of reproductive tract infections in rural Bangladesh    Sarah Jane HAWKES
1999    PhD    Warwick    The colonial city and the challenge of modernity: urban hegemonies and civic contestations in Bombay City, 1905-1925    H HAZAREESINGH
1999    PhD    Warwick    Gandhi and the Muslim question    Sandip HAZARIESINGH    Dr D A Washbrook
1999    PhD    London    Malaria in Afghan refugee communities in North-Western Pakistan: appropriate strategies for vector control and personal protection    S E HEWITT
1999    PhD    London, SOAS    Kings, things and courtly ideal in pre-colonial south India, 1500-1800    Jennifer Anne HOWES    Dr Giles Tillitson
1999    PhD    Cambridge, Clare    The Gujerati literati and the construction of a regional identity in the late 19th century    Riho ISAKA    Dr R S Chandavarkar
1999    DPhil    Sussex    The Grameen Bank: rhetoric and reality    Sanae ITO    Dr M T Greeley
1999    PhD    Stirling    Gender and management: factors affecting career advancement of women in the federal civil service of Pakistan    N JABEEN
1999    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    Hindu identity, nationalism and globalization    S R JACOBS
1999    PhD    Reading    Residual effect of phosphate fertiliser measured using the Olsen method in Pakistani soils    Shahid JAVID
1999    PhD    Edinburgh    When horizons darken: the process and experience of religious conversion among Sri Lankan Tamil refugees in London    A W JEBANESAN
1999    DPhil    Oxford, Nuffield    Press and Empire: the London press, government news management and India, c.1900-1922    Chandrika KAUL    Dr J G Darwin
1999    PhD    Edinburgh    Informal Islamic leadership in a Bangladeshi village    Jeffrey William John KEMP
1999    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    The economics of milk production and marketing in the development of Pakistan with special reference to Peshawar District    M KHAN
1999    PhD    Essex    Narratives of rise and fall: family, memory and mobility in Jaipur City    Ajay K KHANDELWAL    Prof P Thompson
1999    PhD    Durham    The provision of infrastructure services in Rohtak and Bhiwani Districts, Haryana, India, 1981-1998: a geographical analysis    N KUMAR
1999    PhD    Edinburgh    From people’s theatre to people’s Eucharist: resources from popular theatre for Eucharist reform in the Church of South India, Kerala State.    George KURUVILLA
1999    PhD    Nottingham    Spectrohistory: new historicism and beyond in Salman Rushdie’s novels    C-H LAI
1999    PhD    London, SOAS    Institutional and social change among the Muslims of Malabar, with special refernce to Calicut, 1870-1947    Lakshminarayayanapuram R S LAKSHMI    Dr Avril A Powell
1999    PhD    London, LSE    India’s relationship with the non-resident Indians, 1947-1996: a missed opportunity ?    Marie-Carine LALL
1999    PhD    London, SOAS    The Islamic marble carving and architecture of Cambay in Gujerat between 1200 and 1350: a collection of merits from difference sources    E A LAMBOURN
1999    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Science and related consciousness: a study of the response to modern science in colonial Bengal. c 1870-1930    John Bosco LOURDUSAMY    Dr D A Washbrook
1999    PhD    Manchester    Runoff modelling from large glacierised basins in the Karakoram Himalayas using remote sensing of the transient snowline    A LOWE
1999    MPhil    Edinburgh    The influence of light availability on attack by the mahogany shoot-borer (Hypsipyla rubusta Moore)in Sri Lanka    M R MAHROOF
1999    PhD    Kent    The interpretation of Islam and nationalism by the elite through the English language media in Pakistan    A L MAJOR
1999    PhD    Hull    Ethnicity and politics in the Kashmir Valley    I S MALIK
1999    PhD    London, LSHTM    Undernutrition and impaired functional ability amongst elderly slum dwellers in Mumbai, India    Mary C MANANDHAR
1999    PhD    East Anglia    Cotton leaf curl disease in Pakistan: molecular characterisation, diagnostics and genetically engineered virus resistance    S MANSOOR
1999    PhD    Birmingham    Some historical responses to disability in South Asia and reflections on service provision, with focus on mental retardation in India, Pakistan and Bangladesh, and some consideration of blindness    M MILES
1999    PhD    Kent    Sacred anthropology: a study of nondual conceptions of man in Hinduism and Christianity    J R MILNE
1999    PhD    Hull    Perception of Islam in Indian nationalist thought    A MISRA
1999    PhD    London, Inst Comm    The politics of privatisation in Bangladesh    Mobasser MONEM    Prof J Manor
1999    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    The Kisan world abd human rights: a displaced people of eastern India    Ranjit NAYAK    Dr K J Hart
1999    PhD    Salford    An analysius of information systems development across time and space: the case of outsourcing to Infia    Brian NICHOLSON
1999    MLitt    Oxford, St Anne’s    Shaikh Mohammad Abdulllah and the movement for Muslim female education in North India (1890-1945)    Farah NIZAMI    Prof J M Brown; Prof F Robinson
1999    DPhil    Oxford, Lincoln    India, parliament and the press under George III: a study of British attitudes towards the East India Company amd empire in the later 18th and early 19th centuries    Jeremy R OSBORN    Dr D A Washbrook
1999    DPhil    Oxford, Brasenose    Identity and institutions in ethnic conflict:the Muslims of Sri Lanka    Meghan L O’SULLIVAN    Dr N Gooptu
1999    PhD    Warwick    Labour and land rights of women in rural India with particular reference to Western Orissa    Reena PATEL
1999    PhD    Edinburgh    Legislating forests in colonial India, 1800-1880    Akhileshwar PATHAK
1999    DPhil    York    An environmental Leibenstein framework: population pressure, agricultural land use and and environmental change in Orissa (India)    Lopamudra PATNAIK    Prof C Perrings
1999    PhD    Edinburgh    Social and cultural processes of healing and rehabilitation in Sri Lanka    Abigail PENNY    Dr J Spencer
1999    PhD    City    Development and international business: an application to India    M RAMAN
1999    PhD    Liverpool    Fertility in Kerala: the impacts of social development policies and gender relations    Linda REICHENFELD    Prof R I Woods; Mr W T S Gould
1999    PhD    London     Paleoclimate of South Asia over the last 80 ka: luminescent ages of sediments from former glaciations in Nepal and Pakistan    B W M RICHARDS
1999    PhD    Nottingham    Fiscal response to foreign aid: applications to Pakistan and Costa Rica    S E RODRIGUEZ

2000    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    Religion and the economics of fertility in South India    S IYER
2000    MPhil    London, Inst Ed    Privatisation and equity: the case of Pakistan urban secondary schools    B R JAMIL
2000    PhD     Exeter    The Penjdeh crisis and its impact on the Great Game and the defence of India, 1885-1897     Robert A JOHNSON    Prof J Black
2000    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    The state and the political economy of industrial development in India: the automobile industry circa 1980-1996    Indraneel KARLEKAR    Dr S E Corbridge
2000    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Gender, identity and development among the Wakhi of northern Pakistan    Sabrina KASSAM-JAN    Dr D Parkes; Dr N J Allen
2000    PhD    Exeter    Drug addiction syndrome among university students in Pakistan    W KAUSAR
2000    PhD    Bath    Struggle for survival: networks and relationships in a Bangladesh slum    M Iqbal Alam KHAN    Prof G Wood; Dr J A McGregor
2000    PhD    Cambridge, Queens’    An empirical study of human resource management in a developing country – the case of the banking industry of Pakistan    Shaista Ensan KHILJI    Mr C G Gill
2000    PhD    Cambridge. Queens    Human resource management in a developing country: the case of banking industry in Pakistan    S E KHILJI    Mr C G Gill
2000    PhD    Cambridge, Fitzwilliam    A study of debates on Christian conversion in India, 1947-1999 from the perspective of Christian mission    Sebastian Chang-Hwan KIM    Dr B Stanley
2000    DPhil    Oxford, St Edmund Hall    The “domestic” world of the Mughals in the reigns of Babar, Humayan and Akbar (1500-1605)    Ruby LAL    Dr D A Washbrook;  Dr J D Gurney
2000    PhD    East Anglia    Perceiving disability and practising community-based rehabilitiation: a critical examination with case studies from south India    R P LANG
2000    PhD    Keele    The internationalisation of Malaysian business and its relevance to Malay entrepreneurs    A J MAHAJAR
2000    PhD    Birmingham    The administration of waqf, pious endowment in Islam: a critical study of the State Islamic Religious Councils as the sole trustees of awqaf assets and the implementation of istibdal in Malaysia with special reference to the Federal Territory of Kuala Lumpur    S M MAHAMOOD
2000    PhD    Strathclyde    Price competetitiveness and performance of manufactured exports: the case of Pakistan    Seema K MAKHDOOMI    Dr M Huq; Prof J Love
2000    MPhil    Nottingham    Levels of flat ownership by middle-income households in Dhaka, Bangladesh    Nasima MATIN    Mr S Jalloh; Prof J C Moughtin
2000    MPhil    London, LSE    European images of India before the rise of orientalism in the late eighteenth century    Kyoko MATSUKAWA    Dr G Wilson
2000    PhD    East London    Thermal comfort in havelis of Jaisalmer    Jane MATTHEWS
2000    DPhil    Sussex    Distress diversification or growth linkages ? Explaining rural non-farm employment variations in Andhra Pradesh, India    Prasado R MECHARIA    D M Hunt
2000    PhD    Bradford    Social policy in Malaysia: a study of social support for the elderly in a rural area    N MOHAMED
2000    PhD    Oxford Brookes    Seismic interpretation and sequence stratigraphy of the offshore Indus basin of Pakistan    S MOHAMMAD
2000    PhD    London    Nationalism, literature and ideology in colonial India and occupied Egypt    A A  MONDAL
2000    MPhil    Manchester    Burma and British Cold War policy, 1946-1951    Benjamin John MORRIS    Dr P C Lowe
2000    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Gender, work and familial ideology: women workers in the unorganised garment export industry, New Delhi, India    T MUKHOPADHYAY    Prof G P Hawthorn
2000    PhD    Newcastle    Supply reponse of major agricultural commodities in Pakistan    K MUSHTAQ
2000    MPhil    London, SOAS    Political economic dimensions of East Asian development: South Korea, India    Rajiv Chitazhi NARAYAN    Dr R H Taylor
2000    DPhil    Oxford, Christ Church    Conservation management of the tiger, Panthera Tigris Tigris, in Bandhavgarh National Park, India    Latika NATH    Dr D W MacDonald
2000    PhD    LSHTM    Epidemiological immunochemistry of Helicobacter pylori in Jessore, BBHangladesh    J NESSA
2000    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    An operational evaluation test of MEDLINE on CD-ROM  in Malaysia with special reference to investigating practicable relevance-based perfoormance measures    Roslina OTHMAN
2000    PhD    Hull    Changing dimensions of single European Market: implications for the non-member countries – a case study on India’s textile and clothing exports    S Gnanasekara PANDIAN
2000    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    Technology and environmental leapfrogging: three case studies from India    R M PERKINS    Dr B Vira
2000    PhD    London, LSE    Legal systems as a determinant of foreign direct investment: the case of Sri Lanka    Amanda Joan PERRY    Mr P Muchlinski
2000    PhD    Lancaster    A critical ethnography on the production of the Indian MBA discourse    E PRIYADHARSHINI
2000    PhD    Nottingham Trent    Douglarisation and the politics of Indian/African relations in Trinidad writing    Sheila RAMPERSAD
2000    PhD    Edinburgh    Another member of our family: aspects of television culture and social change in Varanasi, North India    Simon William ROBERTS    Dr A Good; Dr J Spencer
2000    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Communal conflict in Bengal, 1930-1947: political parties, the Muslim intelligentsia and the Pakistan Movement    Sulagna ROY    Dr R S Chandavarkar
2000    PhD    Cambridge    Matrilineal comunities, patriarchial realities: female headship in eastern Sri Lanka – a feminist economic reading    K N RUWANPURA    Mrs S Fennell
2000    MPhil    Newcastle    Modelling privatised minor irrigation systems in Bangladesh: an economic analysis    F I M G W SARKER
2000    PhD    Durham    The influence of British political thought in China and India: the cases of Sun Yat-Sen, Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru    N A SCOTT
2000    PhD    Wales, Bangor    The influence of farmer knowledge, shade and planting density on smallholder rubber/banana intercropping in Sri Lanka    A M W K SENEVIRATHNA
2000    DPhil    Sussex    Mother/child health and health care in Pakistan    Shafqat SHEHZAD    Mr P Chaudhuri; Dr A Wagstaff
2000    PhD    Southampton    Constitutional rights relating to criminal justice in South Asia: a comparison with the European Convention on Human Rights    Kabiniyage Buddhappriya Asola SILVA
2000    PhD    Warwick    Gendered labour process and flexibility: a study of jewellery production in India    U SONI-SINHA
2000    PhD    London, SOAS    The impact of Islamization on the Christian community of Pakistan    P SOOKHDEO
2000    PhD    Southampton    The impact of rural-urban migration on child survival in India    Robert STEPHENSON    Dr J McDdonald
2000    PhD    Open    Coproducing universal primary education in a context of social exclusion: households, community organisations and state administration in a district of Karnataka, India    R SUBRAHMANIAN
2000    PhD    Edinburgh    Development of a range management decision support system (RAMDSS)for forest planning in the Banavasi Range of the Western Ghats, India    Ramanathan SUGUMARAN
2000    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Women’s political strategies to combat poverty: a study of a squatter settlement in Dhaka    S M SULTAN    Dr R S Chandavarkar
2000    PhD    Cambridge, Wolfson    Mapping hinduism: “Hinduism” and the study of Indian religions, 1630-1776    Barry W H  SWEETMAN    Dr J Lipner
2000    PhD    Essex    The perception of social support and the experience of depression in Pakistani women    E TAREEN
2000    PhD    Southampton    Rural poverty and the role of the non-farm sector in economic development: the Indian experience    M TIWARI
2000    PhD    Portsmouth    Illiteracy in India: a multi-level analysis    S VENKATASUBRAMANIAN
2000    PhD    Warwick    The influence of culture and politics on accounting change in India from 1947 to 1998    Shradda VERMA
2000    PhD    Cambridge, Corpus    Cranial diversity and the evolutionary history of South Asians    Samanti Dineshkumari WARUSAWITHANA KULATILAKE
2000    MPhil    Wales, Aberystwyth    Britain and the Muslims: imperial perceptions of Indian Muslims, 1914-1922    R A J WHITE
2000    MPhil    Oxford, St Cross    Released on both sides ? The origin and position of formless meditation in early Indian Buddhism    Alexander WYNNE    Prof R F Gombrich
2000    PhD    Edinburgh    The forest cooks and the people eat: nature and society in Mayurbhanj, Orissa    Hannele Kirsi Aija YLO’NEN
2000    PhD    Bradford    Agriculture and pastorarlism in the late Bronze Age, North West Frontier, Pakistan    R L YOUNG
2001    MPhil    Glasgow    Colonisation and Hijab: a case study of Egypt and India    N AHMAD
2001    PhD    Stirling    Socio-economic aspects of freshwater prawn culture development in Bangladesh    N AHMED
2001    PhD    Leeds    Thalassaemia carrier testing in pregnant Pakistani women: perceptions of “information ” and “consent”    Shenaz AHMED
2001    PhD    London, SOAS    Early Indian moulded terracotta: the emergence of an iconography and variations in style, circa second century BC to first century AD    Naman Parmeshwar AHUJA
2001    PhD    Essex    Pakistan’s export performance, 1972-1998    M AKBAR
2001    PhD    Durham    Slaves of water: indigenous knowledge of fisheries on the floodplain of Bangladesh    M ALAM
2001    PhD    Aberdeen    Evaluation of environmental sustainability of forest land use policies of Bangladesh    Mohammad ALI
2001    PhD    Aberdeen    The effects of low temperature and seed quality on the germination of fifteen rice (Oryza sative L)cultivars from Bangladesh    M G  ALI
2001    PhD    Portsmouth    The rise of a service class culture in India: the software industry in Bangalore    Elaine ASSAR
2001    PhD    Portsmouth    The emergence of a new culture class: the software industry in Bangalore, India    Elain Risa ASSER    Dr P Churmer-Smit
2001    PhD    Brunel    The development of India’s crafts and their implication upon Indo-European furniture    N W BAMFORTH
2001    PhD    Strathclyde    A critique of tourism development planning: a case of Sri Lanka    H M BANDARA
2001    PhD    Wales, Bangor    Developing fodder resources on the forest grassland of tribal areas in western India    Peter George BEZKOROWAJNYI
2001    PhD    Bristol    Conceptions: an exploration of infertility and assisted conception in India    A BHARADWAJ
2001    PhD    Oxford, St Antony’s    The emergence of the Bombay film industry, 1913-1937    Kaushik BHAUMIK    Dr D A Washbrook
2001    PhD    Strathclyde    Consumer preferences and public policy: a case study of water supply and waste management in Madras (Chennai), India    A P BHAYAN KARAM
2001    PhD    Strathclyde    Contingent variation in a developing metropolis: an exploration of water and waste management in Madres    Anand Prathivadi BHAYANKARAM    Mr R Perman
2001    PhD    Kingston    The initiation and magmatic evolution of a juvenile island arc: the Kohistan arc, Pakistan Himalaya    S M BIGNOLD
2001    PhD    London, LSHTM    The rational use of blood in India: intervention to promote good transfusion practice    Timothy John BRAY
2001    PhD    Aberdeen    Chipko and crofter: land movements in northern India and the Highlands of Scotland    Nandini B CHADHA    Mr W T C Brotherstone; Dr J Forster
2001    PhD    Strathclyde    The impact of trade policy on growth in India    Ramesh CHANDRA    Prof J Love
2001    PhD    Cambridge, Girton    Colonial power and agrarian politics in Kheda District (Gujarat), c.1890-1930    Vinayak CHATURVEDI    Prof C A Bayly
2001    PhD    Leeds    Appropriate disposal of sewage in urban and suburban Sri Lanka    E J H COREA
2001    PhD    London, RHUL    Faith, unity, discipline: the making of a socio-political formation in urban India, Lahore,1935-1953    Markus DAECHSEL    Prof F C R Robinson
2001    PhD    Cambridge, Sidney     Whither urban governance ? Self-help civil society, political conflicts and environmental services in Chennai, India    S L DAHIYA    Dr B J Devereux
2001    PhD    Glasgow    The Bengal Army and the outbreak of the Indian Mutiny, 1856-1857    Julian Saul Markham DAVID    Prof H F A Strachen
2001    PhD    London    Air pollution and agricultural insect pests in urban and peri-urban areas of India    C DAVIES
2001    PhD    Essex    No time to play: social, economic and legal dimensions of child labour practices in India    Rie DEBABRATA
2001    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    Sikh discourses of community and sovereignty in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries     Jeevan S DEOL    Prof C A Bayley
2001    PhD    Exeter    The effects of marital dissolution, fertility and contraceptive behaviour among men and woimen in Addu Atoll, Maldives    Aminath Mohamed DIDI    Dr N Ford; Dr A Ankomah
2001    PhD    Cambridge, Queens’    The scars of piety: Islam and the dynamics of religious dispute on Androth Island, South India    Brian John DIDIER    Dr J A Laidlaw
2001    PhD    London, RHUL    Traditional rule and western conventions: the Maharajas of Bikaner and their partnership with the Raj, 1887-1947    Paolo DURISOTTO    Prof F C R Robinson
2001    PhD    Loughborough    Venture capital financing in India: a study of venture capitalist’s valuation, structuring and monitoring practices     Mansoor DURRANI
2001    PhD    Cambridge, Clare Hall    Commerce and diaspora: locating the business practices of Hindu Sindhis     Mark Anthony FALZON    Dr J A Laidlaw
2001    PhD    London, SOAS    Buddhist narratives in Burmese murals    Alexandra Raissa GREEN    Dr E H Moore; Dr G H R Tillitson
2001    PhD    Lancaster    A critical review of ecological impact assessment in Sri Lanka: with particular reference to the shrimp aquaculture industry    Miriya Prasanni GUNAWARDENA
2001    DrPH    London, LSHTM    Regulation of the private health care sector in Pakistan    Ajmal HAMID
2001    PhD    South Bank    Social exclusion and women’s health in Lahore, Pakistan    N A HAMID
2001    PhD    Liverpool    Identity, conflict and nationalism: the Naga and Kuki peoples of northeast India and northwest Burma    Seilen HAOKIP
2001    MPhil    London, LSE    Humanitarian assistance: the relationship between NGOs and the government of Sri Lanka    Marit HAUG    Prof C Fuller; Prof M Light
2001    PhD    Durham    The engineering behaviour of the tropical clay soils of Dhaka, Bangladesh    A S HOSSAIN
2001    PhD    London, Imperial    The nitrogen economy of rice-based cropping systems in Bangladesh    F HOSSAIN
2001    PhD    Southampton    Assessment of family planning outreach workers’ contact and contraceptive use dynamics in rural Bangladesh using multilevel modelling    M B HOSSAIN
2001    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Essays on consumption and asset mobility in rural Pakistan: a microeconomic approach    Taimur HYAT    Prof B Harriss-White
2001    PhD    Leeds    Internet implementation and strategic subsidiary context of Malaysias subsidiaries located in the UK    Azizi Ali IBRAHIM
2001    PhD    Edinburgh    The scent of jasmine: experiencing knowledge and emotion in cross cultural contextrs of South Indian classical dance    Joanna Rose JACOBSON
2001    PhD    Stirling    Fishery biology and population dynamics of shrimps (Penaeua indicus)and Metapenaeus dobsoni)in the lagoon and coastal area of Negombo, Sri Lanka    P A A T JAYAWARDANE
2001    PhD    Birmingham    A cluster randomised controlled trial of reorganising maternal health services in Sindh, Pakistan    A H JOKHIO
2001    DPhil    Oxford, St Edmund Hall    Christian and non-Christian Angami Nagas with special reference to traditional healing practices    Vibha JOSHI    Dr N J Allen
2001    PhD    London, SOAS    The making of colonial psychiatry, Bombay Presidentcy, 1849-1940    Shruti KAPILA    Prof D J Arnold
2001    PhD    London, Inst Comm.    Security, development and political accommodation in Bangladesh    Shahnaz KARIM    Prof J Manor; Prof R F Holland
2001    PhD    Southampton    Maternal health care utilisation among the urban poor of Maharashtra, India    F KAUSAR
2001    DPhil    Oxford    Echo words in Tamil    Elinor KEANE
2001    PhD    Newcastle    Enhancement of nutritional quality of straw-based diets in Pakistan by urea treatment or suppementation with protein or energy    Muhammad Aslam KHAN
2001    PhD    Nottingham    Environmental hazards, risk perception and general environmental beliefs: a cross cultural study between UK and Pakistan    N R KHAN
2001    DPhil    Oxford, Wadham    Poverty in Pakistan: a study on health, nutrition, income and consumption    Salman H KHAN    Dr C Muller
2001    DPhil    Oxford, Wadham    State, society and labour in colonial Bombay, 1893-1918    Prashant K KIDAMBI    Dr D A Washbrook
2001    PhD    Birminghm    Mission pneumatology with special reference to the Indian theologies of the holy spirit of Stanley Samartha, Vandana and Samuel Rayan    K KIM
2001    PhD    Reading    Sociolinguistic variation in urban India: a study of Marathi-speaking adolescents in Pune    Sonal KULKARNI
2001    PhD    Birmingham    British South Asian identities and the popular cultures of British Bhangra music, Bollywod films and Zee TV in Birmringham    r KUMAR DUDRAH
2001    PhD    London, External    Sarangi style in North Indian art music    Nicolas Fairchild MAGRIEL    Dr R Widdess
2001    PhD    Lancaster    Economic reforms in India: impact on savings and productivity of the manufacturing sector    Vidya MAHAMBARE    Prof V N Balasubramanyam
2001    PhD    Stirling    Small scale multispecies demersal fishery off Negombo, Sri Lanka    R R P MALDENIYA
2001    PhD    Oxford, St Antony’s    A reluctant warrior: Hong Kong in Anglo-American interactions, 1949-1957    Chi Kwan MARK    Dr R J Foot
2001    PhD    Brunel    Rushdie’s legacy: the emergence of a radical British Muslim identity    G A McROY
2001    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    African NGOs: turning knowledge and experience into power    Sarah G MICHAEL    Dr C Elliott
2001    PhD    London, SOAS    Painting awareness: a study in the use of exotic cultural traditions by the artists of the Emperor Akbar’s Khamsa of Nizami    Gregory B MINISSALE
2001    PhD    Leeds    Weak market efficiency and the determinants of share returns: a study of the listed companies on the Dhaka Stock Exchange    Asma MOBAREK    Prof K Keasey; Dr H Short
2001    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Love and marriage in Delhi    Perveez MODY SPENCER    Dr J A Laidlaw
2001    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    Dispute settlement mechanism in the ASEAN free trade area (AFTA}    Rahmat MOHAMAD
2001    PhD    Leeds    Dividend policy and behaviour and security price reaction to the announcement of dividends in an emergency market: a study of companies listed on the Dhaka Stock Exchange    A Sabur MOLLAH    Prof K Keasey
2001    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    Writing crime, writing empire: representing the colony in nineteenth century fiction fo crime    Upamanyu Pablo MUKHERJEE    Prof C I Donaldson
2001    PhD    Kent    On the strength of a likeness: Kipling and the analogical connections between India and Ireland    Kaori NAGAI
2001    PhD    Leeds    Perceptions of empowerment and reproductive health decisions amongst rural India women    Ann Marie NICHOLS    Dr Ray Bush; Dr Z Aydin
2001    PhD    London, LSE    The Singapore entrepreneurial state in China: a sociological study of the Suzhou industrial park, 1992-1999    Alexius A PEREIRA    Dr A Power
2001    PhD    Hull    Population biology and management of hilsa shad (Tenualosa ilisha)in Bangladesh    Md Jalilur RAHMAN
2001    PhD    London, LSHTM    Utilisation of primary health care services in rural Bangladesh: the population and provider perspectives    S A RAHMAN
2001    PhD    Manchester    Modelling demand and supply in Bangladesh agriculture: a computable general equilibrium approach to public policy and economic welfare    S M Osman RAHMAN    Dr N Russell
2001    PhD    City    The evolving devi: education, employment and British Hindu Gujerati women’s identity    Hasmita RAMJI
2001    DPhil    Oxford, Christ Church    Constrictions of identity and cultural translation in relation to origin and destination: a generational comparison of South Asian expatriate and immigrant writers in Britain (1937-present)    Ruvani RANASINHA    Dr J A Mee
2001    PhD    London, QMW    Public interest environmental legislation in India, Pakistan and Bangladesh    J RAZZAQUE
2001    PhD    Manchester    Participation and protected area conservation in India: ecodevelopment theory and practice    Trevor Pritchard REES    Prof D Hulme
2001    PhD    Cambridge, Clare Hall    The making of ethnoHinduism: communalism, reservations and the Ahmedabad riot of 1985    Ornit SHANI    Dr R S Chandravarkar
2001    PhD    London, LSE    Merchants, “saints” and sailors: the social production of islamic reform in a port town of western India    Edward Lawrence SIMPSON
2001    PhD    Wales, Swansea    Gender participation and community forestry: the case of joint forest management in Madhya Pradesh, India    R SINGH
2001    PhD    Reading    International experience of plant variety protection: lessons for India    Chittur SSRINIVASAN    Prof C G Thirtle
2001    PhD    Cambridge, Sidney Sussex    Ecological institutions: joint forest management in Bihar (Jharkhand)and West Bengal, India    M TIWARY    Dr S E Corbridge
2001    PhD    Cambridge, Gonville    Contested notions of sovereignty in Bengal under British rule, 1765-1785    Thomas R TRAVERS    Prof C A Bayly
2001    MPhil    Open    The legacy of the controversies: the continuing impact on interfaith encounters in Sri Lanka of nineteenth century controversies between Buddhists and Christians     M S VASANTHAKUMAR
2001    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    The appeal of a modern god-person in contemporary India: the case of Mata Amritanandamayi and her mission    M WARRIER    Dr S B Bayley
2001    PhD    Hertfordshire    Identifying potential barriers to business process and information systems reengineering in Sri Lanka    V WEERAKKODY
2001    PhD    Southampton    Short birth intervals and infant health in India    Alison K WHITWORTH
2001    DPhil    Oxford, St Hughes    Governing property, making law: British conceptions of agrarian society and the administration of rural Bengal, c.1785-1835    Jon E WILSON    Dr D A Washbrook
2001    DPhil    Oxford, St Cross    Process analysis of a total literacy campaign in India: a case study of Udaiput District    Rie YAGI    Dr C Brock
2001    PhD    Loughborough    The globalisation of Western advertising: a case study of the impact of imported advertising on cultural values    Azizul Halim YAHYA
2001    PhD    London, SOAS    The intertextuality of women in Urdu litterature: a study of Fahmida Riaz and Kishwar Naheed    Amina YAQIN
2002    PhD    Wales, Bangor    Basic needs analysis of social forestry participants in northwest Bangladesh    S AKHTER    Prof C Price
2002    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Child labour in the Bombay Presidency, 1850-1920    Emma Catherine ALEXANDER    Dr R S Chandavarkar
2002    PhD    London, Imperial    Biological variation and chemical control of Rhizoctonia solani causing rice sheath blight disease in Bangladesh    Md Ansar ALI
2002    PhD    LSHTM    An analysis of private hospital markets in Bangladesh    M A AMIN
2002    PhD    Stirling    A question of “Chineseness”: the Chinese diaspora in Singapore, 1819-1950s    Lynn Ling-Yin ANG    Dr S Mishra
2002    MPhil    Newcastle    Trophy hunting and conservation: Himalayan Ibrex Capra Ibex sibirica in northern Pakistan    Masood ARSHAD
2002    PhD    London    The political economy of policy reform: labour market regulation in India    Roli ASTHANA
2002    PhD    Sheffield    Children’s drawings as research tool: establishing children’s environmental concepts and preferences with reference to urban openspace planning design in Johore Bahru, Malaysia    M S A BAKAR
2002    PhD    London, SOAS    Buddhism and shamanism in village Sikkim    A BALIKCI
2002    DPhil    Oxford, Somerville    The other side of the Raj: representation of colonial India in the writings of Edward John Thompson    Nilanjana BANERJI    Prof R J C Young
2002    PhD    London, SOAS    An investigation into the 56 Vinayakas in Banares and their origins    Isabelle O T BERMIJN
2002    DPhil    Oxford, Linacre    Biodiversity and conservation of a cultural landscape in the Western ghats of India    Shonil A BHAGWAT    Dr N D Brown; Dr P S Savill
2002    DPhil    Oxford, St Anne’s    Stylistic features of Sanskrit in the Upanisads and Pali in early Buddhist texts with special reference to prose word order    Pathompong BODHIPRASIDDHINAND    Prof R F Gombrich
2002    PhD    Cambridge, Wolfson    Archaeological science as anthropology: time, space and matreriality in rural India and the ancient past    Nicole Lise BOIVIN    Dr C A French
2002    MPhil    London, Birkbeck    Religion and the experiences of Indo-Pakistani women in the fiction of Bharati Mukherjee, Bapsi Sidhwa, Hanif Kureishi and Salmon Rushdie    N H BOWEN
2002    PhD    London, SOAS    Baloch nationalism: its origin and development up to 1980    Taj Mohammad BRESEEG
2002    PhD    London    Asakta Karman in the Bhagavadgita    Simon Pearse BRODBECK
2002    PhD    London, SOAS    Indian religions    Simon Pearse BRODBECK
2002    PhD    Newcastle    The integration of poverty-focused aquaculture in large-scale irrigation systems in South Asia    Cecile D BRUGERE
2002    PhD    London    Local governance in Calcutta: bureaucratic performance and health care delivery    Indranil CHAKRABARTI
2002    MLitt    Oxford, St Antony’s    Ashraf identity in early Urdu fiction    Shardul Kumar CHATURVEDI    Dr D A Washbrook; Dr N Gooptu
2002    PhD    Bristol    Towards the socialisation of children’s learning: pupils, parents and primary education in an Indian district – an ethnographic survey    Rita CHAWLA-DUGGAN
2002    PhD    London, UC    The influence of ethnicity and beliefs on the course and outcome of schizophrenia in Singapore    J L CHUA
2002    PhD    London, LSE    Social mobility in a Chamar community in eastern Uttar Pradesh, northern Indian    Manuela CIOTTI
2002    DPhil    Sussex    Rural poverty in Bangaldesh: a comparative study of determinants of economic well-being and inequality    Maria Jose A  CORTIJO
2002    PhD    Open    Environmental impact of Deccan Trap flood basalt volcanism: assessment of regional floral responses to late Cretaceous-early Tertiary activity    Jennifer Ann CRIPPS
2002    PhD    De Montfort    Maharashtra and the cross-fertilisation of style of Brahmanical caves in India    Deepanjana DANDA
2002    PhD    London, LSHTM    The long term effect of child bearing on adult mortality in Matlab, Bangladesh    Lisa Sioned DAVIES
2002    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    British policy in Bengal: 1939-1954    Bikramjit DE    Prof J M Brown; Prof T Raychaudhuri
2002    PhD    London, SOAS    Institutionalizing education: colonial government, missionary and household education in British colonial Punjab    Jeffrey Mark DIAMOND    Dr A A Powell
2002    PhD    Oxford Brookes    The molecular basis of thalassaemia in Sri Lanka    Christopher A FISHER
2002    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    Globalization and religious revival in the imperial cities of the Indian Ocean rim, 1870-1820    Mark Ravinder FROST    Dr T N Harper
2002    PhD    Durham    Indigenous knowledge, livelihood and decision -making strategies on floodplain farmers in Bangladesh    G P GHOSH
2002    PhD    Bath    Competing interests and institutional ambiguities: problems of sustainable forest management in the northern areas of Pakistan    A GOHAR
2002    PhD    Edinburgh    Untouchable citizens: an analysis of the Liberation Panthers and democratistion in Tamil Nadu    Hugh GORRINGE
2002    PhD    London, SOAS    The Sufi saints of Awrangabad: narratives, contexts and identities    Nile S GREEN
2002    PhD    Cambridge. St John’s    Mantle plumes and depositional sequences: onshore/offshore India    A R W HALKETT    Dr N J White
2002    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Famine process and famine policy: a case study of Ahmednagar District, Bombay Presidency, 1870-84    David N J HALL-MATTHEWS    Dr D A Washbrook; Dr B Harriss
2002    PhD    Leeds    Computer misuse within the organisation: an evaluation of computer misuse legislation in Britain and Malaysia    Zaiton HAMIN
2002    PhD    London, Imperial    Characterisation of Bacillus cereus strains in Bangladeshi rice    Md Anwarul HAQUE
2002    PhD    Edinburgh    Growing gods: bidayuh processes of religious change in Sarawak, Malaysia    F M A HARRIS
2002    DPhil    Sussex    British collecting of Indian art and artifacts in the 18th and 19th centuies    Lucian G HARRIS
2002    PhD    Reading    Understanding farmers’ attitudes and behaviours towards the use of pesticides on cotton crop in Pakisdtan’s Punjab    Tariq HASSAN
2002    PhD    London    The curriculum for health education in schools: issues of definition, choice and implementation: an illuminative study based on Uganda, Zambia and India    Hubert William Richmond HAWES
2002    PhD    Strathclyde    The significance of ethnic ties and entreprenurial networks in the internationalisation of the firm: case study: the internationalisation of UK Indian enterprises    Jaswinder Singh HAYER
2002    PhD    Leeds    The expression of syntax in Sri Lankan English: speech and writing    S M F HERAT
2002    PhD    Hull    US – Pakistan partnership in response to the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, 1979-1988: causes, dynamics and consequences    A Z A HILALI
2002    PhD    Strathclyde    An integrated performance measurement system of health care services: an empirical study of public and private hospitals in Malaysia    Abdul Razak IBRAHIM
2002    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    Alternative methods and sources for measuring vaccination coverage in rural Bangladesh    MdD Shafiqul ISLAM    Dr C G N Mascie-Taylor
2002    DPhil    Sussex    Voice, responsiveness and collaboration: democratic decentralization and service delivery in two Indian cities    Jennifer JALAL    J P Gaventa
2002    PhD    Wales, Bangor    Drivers of land use change and policy analysis: the case of Bangladesh    Mohammed JASHIMUDDIN    Prof G Edwards-Jones
2002    PhD    Open    An investigation of teaching and learning biology at a distance: with special reference to Sri Lanka    B G JAYATILLEKE
2002    DPhil    York    Cultural construction of the “Sinhala woman” and women’s lives in post-independence Sri Lanka    J D JAYAWARDENA    Dr J de Groot
2002    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Greeks, Saracens and Indians: imperial builders in south India, 1800-1880    Ioma Shanti JAYEWARDENE-PILLAI    Dr D A Washbrook
2002    PhD    London, RHUL    Being Sri Lankan: three cultural geographies    Tariq JAZEEL    Dr C Nash; Prof D Gower
2002    PhD    Southampton    The rhetoric and reality of gender issues in the domestic water sector: a case study from India    Deepa JOSHI
2002    PhD    Cambridge, Selwyn    Behavioural ecology of sympatric langures in Bangladesh    Md Mofizul KABIR    Dr D J Chivers
2002    MD    Leeds    Genetic and environmental determinants of cardiovascular risk factors in South Asian patients with cerebrovascular disease and their first degree relatives    K KAIN
2002    PhD    Nottingham    The categories of Hindu nationalism: a neo-structuralist analysis of the discourse of Hindutva    Christian KARNER
2002    PhD    Manchester Metropolitan    Public participation in environmental impact assessment in the developing and developed worlds: Pakistan and UK perspectives    Amjad Ali KHAN
2002    PhD    Kent    Memory, dis-location, violence and women in the partition literature of Pakistan and India     Furrukh Abbas KHAN    Dr A S Gurnah
2002    MPhil    London, UC    Vitamin A deficiency in children in the North West Frontier Province (NWFP)of Pakistan    M A KHAN
2002    PhD    Manchester    An evaluation of the performance of small and medium enterprises in Bangladesh with special reference to finance    Md Saiful Amin KHAN    Prof F Nixson
2002    PhD    Durham    Women’s voices: the presentation of women in the fiction of South Asian women    Lisa Ee Jia LAU    Dr M A Crang; Dr E E Mawdsley
2002    PhD    London    The role of Islam in the legal system of Pakistan    Martin Wilhelm LAU
2002    PhD    Kent    Power and patronage in Pakistan    Stephen M LYON    Mr R S Edmond
2002    PhD    Reading    The role of English in higher education in Pakistan    S MANSOOR
2002    PhD    Bristol    The global regulation of marine fisheries and its impact on two developing states: Namaibia and Kerala    Leonarda Enrica Camilla MARAZZI
2002    DClinPsy    Leicester    Illness representations, coping and locus of control in breast cancer: a comparative study amongst South Asian Indian women and white indigenous women    R MARTYN
2002    PhD    Durham    Sowing new ideas; an investigation of anthropology’s contribution to rural development in south east Sri Lanka    M MARZANO
2002    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    The sepoy army and colonial Madras, c1806-57    Carina Anne MONTGOMERY    Dr D A Washbrook
2002    PhD    London, SOAS    A lot of history: sexual violence, public memory and the Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971    Nayanika MOOKHERJEE    Dr C Pinney; Dr C Osella
2002    PhD    London, SOAS    Hindi film songs: and the cinema    Anna Frances MORCOM    Dr R Widdess
2002    PhD    Bristol    A study of the late Madhyamaka doxography    Jundo NAGASHIMA
2002    PhD    East Anglia    Between work and school: children in rural Andhra Pradesh    Masako OTA    Prof J D Seddon; Dr R Palmer-Jones

2002    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    The fragile web of order: conflict avoidance and dispute resolution in Ladakh    Fernanda PIRIE    Dr M J Banks; Prof D Parkin
2002    PhD    Glasgow    Morphological and molecular systematic studies of Asian caecilians (Amphibia: Gymnophiona)    Bronwen PRESSWELL
2002    PhD    London, LSE    US foreign  policy to Pakistan, 1947-1960: reconstructing strategy    Saqib Iqbal QUERESHI    Dr C Coker
2002    PhD    Essex    India in the making of liberal identities: the case of Mary Carpenter and Harrier Martineau    Brenda A QUINN    Prof C M Hall
2002    PhD    Wales, Bangor    Muslims and crime: a comparative criminological study of South Asian Muslims in Britain and Pakistan    Muzammil QURAISHI    Dr J Wardhaugh
2002    PhD    London, LSE    US foreign policy to Pakistan, 1947-1960: re-constructing strategy    Saqib Iqbal QURESHI    Dr C Coker
2002    PhD    Aberdeen    Seasonal availability and utilisation of feed resources and their impact on the nutrition of livestock in an agro pastoral system of the Hindu Kush Karakoram Himalayan region of Pakistan    Abdur RAHMAN
2002    PhD    East Anglia    Standing one’s ground: gender, land and livelihoods in the Santal Parganas, Jharkhans, India    Nitya RAO    Prof C Jackson; Dr B Rogaly
2002    PhD    Bradford    Opening up spaces: engendering protracted social conflict and conflict transformation: an analysis with special reference to Sri Lanka    C REIMANN
2002    PhD    London, LSHTM    Sustaining menstrual regulation policy: a case study of the policy process in Bangladesh    Gabrielle Catherine ROSS
2002    PhD    Aberdeen    The economic viability of shrimp farming in the coastal areas of Pakistan    Nizam SABIR
2002    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    Raj Bhakta Marg: the path of devotion to Srimad Rajcandra: a Jain community in the twenty first century    E K SALTER    Dr Johnson
2002    PhD    Edinburgh    Negotiations and contradictions: local perceptions of tourism on Langkawi Island, Malaysia    Nor Hafizah SELAMAT
2002    PhD    London, UC    A study to determine the effects of the status of women on child growth undertaken in the Mysore region of Karnataka, India    K SETHURAMAN
2002    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    The resolution of environmental disputes in India    D SHANNUGANATHAN
2002    PhD    Newcastle    Application of information technology to improve the design process in the construction sector in Pakistan: a case of the specification management process    B K SHAR
2002    PhD    London, SOAS    Communism in India    Shalini SHARMA    Dr S Kaviraj
2002    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    The sacred geography of Sanchi Hill: the archaeological setting of Buddhist monasteries in central India    J SHAW    Dr D K Chakrabarti
2002    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    Metaphysical psychology: an analysis of Sri Aurobindo Ghose’s theory of psychological consciousness development with special reference to his concepts of integral Brahman and the psychic entity     Girija SHETTAR    Dr Johnson
2002    MPhil/PhD    Reading    Credit constraints on the growth of rural non-farm sector in India    Anchita SHUKLA (TRIPATHI)    Dr S L Wiggins
2002    PhD    Bath    Escape and “struggle”: routes to women’s liberation in Bihar    Indu B SINHA    Dr G Wood; Dr J A McGregor
2002    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    Representative agent modes and macroeconomic poliocy: an application to the UK    Naveen SRINIVASAN
2002    DPhil    Oxford, Trinity    Bhuvanekabahu VII and the Portuguese: temporal and spiritual encounters in Sri Lanka, 1521-1551    Alan Leiper STRATHERN    Dr P B R Carey; Prof T F Earle
2002    PhD    Cranfield, Silsoe    An evaluation of public and private groundwater irrigation systems in Bangladesh and Pakistan    David SUTHERLAND    Dr R Carter
2002    DPhil    Oxford    Clothing culture: sex, gender and transvestism with reference to UK transvestites and the hijras of India    Charlotte SUTHRELL    Prof M Banks
2002    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    A study of consecration ritual in Indian Buddhist tantrism: a critical and annotated transslation of selected sections of the Kriyasagrahapanjika of Kuladatta    Ryugen TANEMURA    Prof A G J Sanderson
2002    PhD    Wales, Bangor    Influence of crop profitability, market, labour and land on smallholder cropping systems in rubber-growing areas of Sri Lanka    Sunethra Pushpa Kumri Thennakoon  THENNAKOON-MUDIYANSELAGE    Dr F Sinclair
2002    DPhil    Oxford, Hertford    Negotiating the boundaries of gender and empire: Lady Mary Curzon, Vicereine of India    Nicola J THOMAS    Dr P Coones; Dr J R Ryan
2002    PhD    Cambridge, Fitzwilliam    The institutional responses to the water needs of peri-urban communities in Delhi, India    Kathryn Signe TOVEY    Dr B Vira
2002    PhD    Cambridge, Christ’s    Crafting discourse: mat weaving in Pattamadai, South India    S VENKATESAN    Dr D A Swallow
2002    PhD    East Anglia    Foreign aid, power and elementary education reform in Pakistan from 1992 to 1999    Michael WARD    Dr R McBride
2002    PhD    Nottingham    Salman Rushdie: imagining the other name foe Islam    Y YACOUBI
2002    PhD    London, SOAS    The Vinaya in India and China: spirit and transformation    Jing YIN    Dr T Skorupski
2002    PhD    Reading    An application of theory of planned behaviour and logistic regression models to understand farm level tree planting and its determinants in the district of Dera Ismail of Pakistan’s North West Frontier Province    Muhammad ZUBAIR
2003    PhD    Birmingham    Women empowerment and intrahousehold resource allocation through micro-finance: a comparative study of two micro-finance institutions in Bangladesh    Shahnaz Tarannum ABDULLAH
2003    PhD    Glasgow    An ethnographic study of violence experienced by Dalit Christian women in Kerala State, India, and the implications of this for feminist theology    S ABRAHAM
2003    PhD    London, LSE    Federal formation and consociational stabilisation: the politics of national identity, articulation and ethnic conflict regulation in India and Pakistan    Katharine ADENEY    Prof B O’Leary
2003    PhD    Stirling    An empirical study of employee share ownership in Malaysia    Mohmad ADNAN B ALIAS
2003    PhD    Exeter    Linking India with Britain: the Persian Gulf cable, 1864-1906    Farajollah AHMADI    Prof J Black; Dr L P Morris
2003    PhD    London, UC    Ethnicity and environment in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. Bangladesh    Farid AHMED    Dr M Banerjee
2003    DPhil    Sussex    The construction of childhood in Monipur: negotiating boundaries through activities    Iftikhar AHMED
2003    PhD    Manchester    Sri Lankan export-orientated clothing manufacturing industry: a comparison of management development practices across foreign, joint venture and local companies    Vathsala AKURATIYAGAMAGE    B Cooke; A Mamman
2003    PhD    Queen’s, Belfast    We are fighting for the women’s liberation also: a comparative study of female combatants in the national conflicts in Sri Lanka and Northern Ireland    M ALISON
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Dominant texts, subaltern performances: two tellings of the Ramayan in central India    S ANITHA
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Wolfson    A political biography of Don Stephen Senanyake, (1931-1952): the former prime minister of Sri Lanka    Drene Terana APONSO    Dr G Johnson
2003    DPhil    Oxford, St Cross    Education reform in developing countries:decentralisation with reference to India and Pakistan    Linda F C ARTHUR    Dr C Brock
2003    PhD    London, UC    Childhood epilepsy in Bangladesh: clinical profile, predictors of outcome and randomised controlled trial of efficacy and side effects of treatment    S H BANU
2003    MPhil    Birmingham    A comparative examination of critical, religious and interreligious ingredients contributing to intercommunal harmony and disharmony in Sri Lanka: Sri Lankan Tamil Hindu dynamism, British Christian evangelism and the rise of 20th century Sinhalese Buddhist militancy    A R BECKETT
2003    PhD    Manchester    Perceptions of user education in the university libraries of Pakistan    Rubina BHATTI    T Christie; G Price
2003    PhD    Oxford Brookes    Revolution, military personnel and the war of liberation in  Banglaldesh    O A BIR BIKRAM
2003    MPhil    London, SOAS    Hindustani music in the reign of Aurangzeb    Katherine Ruth BROWN    Dr R Widdess
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    We Nelpalis: language, lliterature and the formation of a Nepali public sphere in India, 1914-1940    Rhoderick Alasdair MacDonald CHALMERS    Dr M Hutt
2003    PhD    Leeds    The relationship between knowledge and power in the work of Amitav Ghosh    C G CHAMBERS
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity Hall    Mysore: the making and unmaking of a model state, c. 1799-1834    Nigel Hugh Mosman CHANCELLOR    Prof C A Bayly
2003    PhD    Edinburgh    Rishtas: transational Pakistani marriages    Katharine CHARSLEY
2003    PhD    Sheffield    Birth for some women in Pakistan: defining and defiling    M CHESNEY
2003    PhD    Edinburgh    Admitted truths in Muslim-Christian dialogue: a study of William Muir, Sayyid Ahmad Khan and William Goldsack in 19th century India    David Otis COFFEY
2003    DPhil    Oxford, Queen’s    Marxism and middle class intelligentsia: political ideology and culture in Bengal, 1920-1950    Rajarshi DASGUPTA    Dr N Gooptu
2003    DPhil    Oxford, St Hugh’s    Bridging educational and social divides ? private school outreach for out-of-school children in India    Laura L DAY    Dr C Brock
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Local brokers: knowledge and trust and organisation in the practice of agricultural extension for small and marginal farmers in Rajasthan, India    Bina DESAI    Dr D Mosse
2003    PhD    Newcastle    The regulation of private schools for low-income families in Andrha Pradesh,India: an Austrian economic approach    P DIXON
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Girton    Orientalism, Sanskrit scholarship and education in colonial north India, ca 1775-1875    Michael Sinclair DODSON    Prof C A Bayley
2003    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    Sri Ramakrishna, Swami Vivekananda and the Ramakrishna movement: the question of continuity    Paul W EATON    Dr Johnson
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Jews and Judaism in modern Indian discourse    Yulia EGOROVA    Prof C Shackle
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Clare Hall    Behind the scenes at the magic house: an ethnoggraphy of the Indian Museum, Calcutta    M J ELLIOTT    Dr D A Swallow
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Jesus    A study of agricultural production at the level of household, community and region: long term trends in India and China    Shailaja FENNELL    Dr P H Nolan
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Sinhala Buddhist nationalism from revivalism to militant political ideology: the struggle to shape public culture in Sri Lanka    Yolanda FOSTER    Dr DTaylor
2003    PhD    Gloucestershire    Exiled from glory: Anglo-Indian settlement in nineteenth century Britain with special reference to Cheltenham    S FRASER    Dr C R V More; Dr J M Bourne
2003    PhD    Gloucestershire    Exiled from glory: Anglo-Indian settlement in nineteenth century Britain with special reference to Cheltenham    Stuart J FRASER    Dr C R V More; Dr J M Bourne
2003    PhD    London, LSE    From local tensions to ethnic conflict: the emergence of Hindu nationalism in a Christian/Hindu “tribal” community in Chhattisgargh, northern India    Peggy FROERER    Dr L Sklar
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    An economic perspective on resettlement of populations displaced by large dams: the case of the Sardar Sarovar Project displaced, India    Supriya GARIKIPATI
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    The origins and early development of anthropomorphic Indian iconography    Madhuvanti GHOSE    Dr G H R Tillotson
2003    DPhil    Oxford, St Edmund Hall    Subduction-related metamorphism, structure and tectonic evolution of the Kohistan arc and main mantle thrust zone, Pakistanm Himalayas    Simon J GOUGH    Dr D J Waters; Dr M P Searle
2003    PhD    Birmingham    Islamic activism in South Asia: the reasons for the electoral under-achievement of the Jama’at Islami Party of Pakistan, 1947-1977    F HAMEED
2003    PhD    Derby    A critical analysis of policy initiatives involving small and medium enterprises in  Malaysia    A B A HAMID
2003    PhD    Sunderland    Identity and the Bengal Muslims: mapping changing perspectives (1905-1971)    F HASHEM
2003    PhD    London, External    Patterns and dynamics of loan use: a study of BRAC borrowers in Bangladesh    F HASIN
2003    PhD    Durham    Arsenic toxicity in Bangladesh: health and social hazards    Md Manzarul HASSAN
2003    DPhil    Sussex    Elite public discourses of poverty and the poor in Bangladesh    Naomi T HOSSAIN    M P Moore
2003    PhD    Southampton    Quality of care in maternity services: childbirth among the urban poor of Mumbai, India    Louise A HULTON
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    Effect of weekly iron supplementation and antihelminthic treatment on the physical growth and development of Bangladeshi children    Mohammad Mushtuq HUSAIN
2003    PhD    Essex    Factors limiting productivity and adoption of rubber tea intercropping in the low country wet zone of Sri Lanka    S M M IQBAL
2003    MPhil    Birmingham    A call to Christian discipleship in a situation of conflict: a study of Christian mission in the socio-ethnic conflict of Sri Lanka, with special reference to the life witness and theoleogy of Dietrich Bonhoefer    M B JEYAKUMAR
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Queens’    Novels of the South Asian diaspora in East Africa    Stephanie Jillian JONES    Mr T L J Cribb
2003    PhD    London, LSE    Governing morals: state, marriage and householfd among the Gaddis of north India    Kriti KAPILA
2003    MPhil    London, SOAS    The power behind the throne: relations between the British and Indian states, 1870-1909    Caroline J KEEN    Dr A A Powell
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Corpus    Representing children: power, policy and the discourse on child labour in the football manufacturing industry of Sialkot    Ali KHAN    Dr D Sneath
2003    PhD    Manchester    The impact of privatisation in Pakistan    Iram Anjum KHAN    Dr P Cook
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Hughes Hall    A social and political history of the telegraph in the Indian empire, circa 1850-1920    Deep Kanta LAHIRI CHOUDHURY    Prof C A Bayley
2003    PhD    Cambridge,Fitzwillliam    Colonial governmentality: spaces of inperialism and nationalism in India’s new capital, New Delh    S I LEGG    Dr J S Duncan
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Women, equality, autonomy: study of women’s rights in India    Sumi MADHOK    Dr S Kaviraj
2003    PhD    Aberdeen    The performance of agricultural institutions in disseminating new technologies: a case study of  modern rice variety BR 32 in Bangladesh’    B MAJUMDER
2003    PhD    Reading    Vegetation mapping in the north west of Pakistan    R N MALIK
2003    DPhil    Sussex    Gendered places, transnational lives: Sikh women in Tanzania, Britain and Indian Pubjab    K P K MAND
2003    PhD    Stirling    Policy transfer and policy translation: day care for people with dementia in Kerala, India    L F M McCABE
2003    PhD    Southampton    Barriers and opportunities in effective contraceptive management in Bangladesh    Juliet McEACHRAN
2003    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    Federalism in Malaysia: a constitutional study of the federal institutions established by the Federal Constitution of Malaysia and their relationships with the traditional institutions in the constitution (with special reference to the Islamic religious power and bureaucracy in the states)    K A MOKHTAR
2003    PhD    Leeds    The levels of integration of people with spinal cord lesion in Bangladesh    Abdul Khair Mohammed MOMIN
2003    PhD    Loughborough    Modelling a flow of funds and policy simulation experiments in the financial sector in India    Tomoe MOORE
2003    PhD    London, LSE    Tradition and modernity: a sociological comparison between Sri Lankan women in Colombo and in London in the late 1990s    Fathima Fatheena MUBARAK
2003    PhD    London, Goldsmiths    Doing development: voluntary agencies in the Sundarbans of West Bengal    Amites MUKHOPADHYAY    Prof P Caplan
2003    PhD    London, LSHTM    Gender and reproductive health in Pakistan: a need for reconceptualisation    Z MUMTAZ
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Romance and pleasure in a restrictive society: understanding the sexual conduct of unmarried middle class young people in Bangladesh    Lazeena MUNA    Prof J Cleland (LSHTM)
2003    PhD    London, LSE    Marxism and beyond in Indian politicval thought: J P Narayan and M N Roy’s theory of radical democrary    Eva-Maria NAG    Dr Chun Lin
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    The museum in colonial India (1770-1936): a history of collecting, exhibiting and disciplining of knowledge    Savithri Preetha NAIR    De G H R Tillotson
2003    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    Second World War Japanese atrocities and British minor war crimes trials: the issue of fair trial in four selected British war crimes trials in Malaysia and Singapore in 1946-1947    Arujanan NARAYANAN
2003    PhD    London, UC    The life cycle of clothing: recycling and the efficacy of materiality in contemporary urban India    Katherine Lucy NORRIS    Dr S Kuechler-Fogden
2003    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Refugees on the Indian sub-continent, 1947-1998: state policy and practice    Pia A OBEROI    Dr G S Goodwin-Gill
2003    PhD    Aberdeen    The classification and efficiency of use of forage resources under semi-arid conditions in the Hindukush, Karakoram and Himalayan region of Pakistan    R M OMER
2003    PhD    Birmingham    The echoes of a faded memory: a contribution to a history of the Tamil Coolie Mission    P J T PEIRIS
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    The formation of a divided public: print, language and literatuire in colonial Goa    R PINTO
2003    PhD    Greenwich    A tapestry of resistance: Afghan educated refugee women in Pakistan: “Agency” identity and resistance in war and displacement    N POURZAND
2003    PhD    Dundee    Quality assurance in undergraduate medical education: a multiple case study in Bangladesh, Thailand and Indonesia    Titi Savitri PRIHATININGSIH
2003    PhD    Reading    International joint ventures in developing economies: an analysis of Indo-British ventures in India    Raji RAJAN    Prof M Utton; Dr U Kambhampati
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Law and social change in India    Gopalan RAMAN
2003    PhD    London, LSHTM    The consequences of health insurance for the informal sector: two non-governmental, non-profit schemes in Gujerat    Michael Kent RANSON
2003    PhD    Durham    A study of land transformation in Savar Upazila, Bangladesh, 1915-2001: an integrated approach using remore sensing    Md Shahedur RASHID    Dr P J Atkins
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Sidney Sussex    Auditing “development”: an anthropological study of “audit culture” within a “participatory rural development” project in eastern India    M J REW
2003    MPhil    Newcastle    Development and land relations in tribal India: a study of Chotanagpur    Richard ROBERTS    P W Kellett
2003    PhD    Edinburgh    William Roxburgh (1751-1815)the founding father of Indian botany    Timothy Francis ROBINSON
2003    DPhil    Sussex    Representing rebellion: visual aspects of counter-insurgency in colonial India    Daniel J RYCROFT
2003    PhD    Wawick    Malaysian pre-school children with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) in inclusive settings    S SAAD
2003    PhD    Bristol    Voices from an island: a reading of four Sri Lankan novelists in English    D SAIKIA
2003    PhD    Bradford    A social constructionist account of children’s rights under the conditions of globalisation: the issue of child labour in India    G SANGHERA
2003    PhD    Warwick    The knowledge and perspectives about Educational Management Information System (EIS/SMPP) of decision makers in the Malaysian Ministry of Education (MMOE): an enquiry into the implementation of an EMIS    M W SARWANI
2003    PhD    Manchester    Institutions and poverty reduction: a case study of rural Bangladesh    Md Golam SARWAR    Dr J Mullen
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Woman and communal violence in India    Atreyee SEN    Dr D Mosse
2003    PhD    Manchester    Information technology and the construction industry in Pakistan    Ali SHAR    Prof S Guy
2003    PhD    Cambridge, St Cath’s    The making of modern Assam, 1826-1935    Jayeeta SHARMA    Prof C A Bayley
2003    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    Arsenic mobility in sediments and contamination of he Bengal Basin    Darren SHAW
2003    PhD    Bradford    Microfinance and social change: a case study of household finance, development and change in gender relations in rural Bangladesh    M N I SHEKH
2003    DPhil    Sussex    Resisting stigma and interventions: situating trafficked Nepali women’s struggles for self-respect, safety and security in Mumbai and Nepal    M M SHIVADAS
2003    PhD    Leicester    Violence as non communication: the news differential of Kashmir and north east conflicts in the Indian national press    Prasun SONWALKAR    Prof A Sreberny
2003    PhD    Aberdeen    Factors affecting tree growing in traditional agriforestry systems in Werstern Himalaya, India    K K SOOD
2003    PhD    Brunel    Moral continuity: Gujerati kinship, women, children and rituals    Alison SPIRO, Mary
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Social exclusion and cohesion: the case of leprosy in South India    James STAPLES    Dr D Mosse
2003    PhD    London, LSE    Bringing the Empire back in: patterns of growth in the British imperial state, 1890-1960 (with special reference to Indian and Africa)    Gita SUBRAHMANYAM
2003    PhD    Birmingham    Imagining Hinduism: a post colonial perspective    S SUGIRTHARAJAH
2003    PhD    Manchester    A feminist analysis of “white-ness” in an Indian research context    Maria SUMMERSON    Prof L Stanley
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Prostitution and the law in Pakistan: a case study of Lahore’s Hira Mandi    R TAK
2003    PhD    Open    South Asian women and the construction of political identity    S TAKHAR
2003    PhD    Warwick    Foreign music: linguistic estrangement and its textual effects in Joyce, Beckett, Nabokov and Rushdie    J TAYLOR
2003    DPhil    Oxford, Wadham    Monetary remedy for breach of constitutional rights in the United States, India, New Zealand and the United Kingdom    Lisa Anne TORTELL    Prof P P Craig
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Literature and the politics of identity in Orissa    Lopamudra TRIPATHY    Dr S Kaviraj
2003    DPhil    Oxford, Nuffield    Growth empirics within a low income country: evidence from states in India,1960-1992    Kamakshya D TRIVEDI    Dr G M F Cameron
2003    PhD    London, LSE    Rebels and devotees of Jharkhand: social, religious and political transformation among the Adivasis of northern India    Barbara VERARDO
2003    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    Institutional change and natural resource management: the case of forest policy reform in India    Bhaskar VIRA    Prof P H Nolan
2003    PhD    East Anglia    Embodied working lives: manual labouring in Maharashtra, India    Louise WAITE    Dr C Jackson; Dr R Palmer-Jones
2003    PhD    Warwick    Pakistan’s teaching hospitals: present measures quality and proposed quality improvement programmes    G WAJID
2003    DPhil    Oxford, St Cross    Bangladeshi pupils: experiences, identity and achievement    Sue WALTERS    Dr C W R Davies; Prof S Tomlinson
2003    PhD    East Anglia    The growth of the Indian software industry: a social history    Meera WARRIER    Dr K Sen
2003    PhD    Edinburgh    Stereotyped Scots: representations and realities of Scottish missionary and military experience in colonial and post-independence Pakistan    Jeremy WESTON
2003    PhD    Wales    Pandita Ramabai (1858-1922): a re-evaluation of her life and work    Keith J WHITE
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Lucy     The world is established through the work of existence: the performance of Gham-Khadi among Pukhtun Bibiane in northern Pakistan:    Amineh A AHMED    Dr S B Bayly
2004    PhD    Hull    Political regime change and local government in Bangladesh    Tariq AHMED    L Summers
2004    MPhil    Bradford    Community level conflict transformation for sustainable peace: a Barefoot University for peace education in Sri Lanka    Monica ALFRED
2004    MPhil    De Montfort    Arsenic speciation in foodstuffs from Bangladesh and a method for arsenic removal from water    Shaban W AL-RMAILLY
2004    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    The portfolio behaviour of the GCC islamic and conventional banks    Abdulaziz Mohammad N AL-SAEED
2004    DPhil    Oxford, Linacre    Just a pile of stones ! The politicization of identity , indigenous knowledge and sacred landscapes among the Lepcha and the Bhutia tribes in contemporary Sikkim, India    Vibha ARORA    Prof D Parkin; Prof M J Banks
2004    DPhil    Oxford, Campion Hall    From outcaste to caste: the use of symbols and myths in the construction of identity: a study of conflict between the Paraiyars and the Vanniyars in Tamil Nadu, South India    Chockalingam Joe ARUN    Dr M J Banks
2004    PhD    Durham    Economic and structural reforms and bank efficiency: a comparative analysis of India and Pakistan, 1990-1998    A ATAULLAH
2004    PhD    Bradford    Quality assurance in the basic nurse education programme in Pakistan: a case study aimed at improving the quality assurance practices in the basic nurse education in Pakistan    A AZIZ
2004    PhD    Greenwich    A sustainable competitiveness model for strategic alliances: a study of rural entrepreneurs and commercial organisations in Malaysia with special emphasis on Malaysian farmer’s organisations    S A BAHARUM
2004    DPhil    Oxford, Nuffield    The legisimating vocabulary of group rights in contemporary India    Rochana BAJPAI    Prof M S Freedom; Dr N Gooptu
2004    PhD    Reading    Farmers’ risk and uncertainty perceptions and their influence on farm level decision-making in the cotton-wheat zone of Pakistan’s Punjab    K A BAJWA    Dr T Rehman
2004    PhD    London, InstEd    An evaluation of the impact of school-based resource management and formula funding of schools and on the efficiency and equity of resource allocation in Sri Lanka    Balasooriya Mudiyanselage Jayantha BALASOORIYA    Prof A Little; Prof R Levacic
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Downing    Skill upgrading within informal training: lessons from the Indian auto mechanic    J C BARBER    Dr L Caley
2004    DBA    Strathclyde    The competitive advantage of Pakistan: empirical analysis of the textile/apparel industry    K M BARI
2004    PhD    London, Goldsmiths    In service in India: the ethics of rule and conduct of British administrators and army officers in late nineteenth and early twentieth century India    Jatinder BARN    N Rose
2004    MPhil    SOAS    The dispensary movement in Bombay Presidency: ideology and practice, 1800-1876    Jennifer BLAKE    Prof D Arnold
2004    PhD    Middlesex    The “divine heirarchy”: the social and institutional elements of vulnerability in South India    B BOSHER
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    Challenging development: western discourses and Rajasthan women    Tamsin Jane BRADLEY
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Queens    Tectono-metamorphic evolution of the central and western Himalayas    M CADDICK    Dr T J B Holland
2004    PhD    Coventry    Empire and authority:  Curzon, collisions, character and the Raj, 1899-1906    M CARRINGTON
2004    DPhil    Sussex    Bringing citizens back in: public sector reform, service delivery performance and and accountability in an Indian state    Jonathan CASELEY    Dr A Joshi
2004    PhD    Sheffield    Site-formation studies and paleolithic investigations in the Siwalik Hill of northern India: reconsidering the  Soanian history    P R CHAUHAN
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    Buddhist nuns in Sri Lanka and Taiwan    W-Y CHENG
2004    PhD    Warwick    Uncovering injustice: towards a Dalit feminist politics in Bangladesh    Shraddha CHIGATERI    C Wright
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    The Da’sanami-Samnyasis: the integration of ascetic lineages into an order    Matthew James CLARK
2004    PhD    Manchester    We are the kings: the children of Dhaka’s streets    Alessandro CONTICINI    D Hulme
2004    PhD    Anglia    Adaptation and change in a traditional society: sustainable development in the context of a Ladakhi village    Robert COOK
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    The Irish expatriate community in British India, c1750-1900    Barry James Conleth CROSBIE    Prof C A Bayley
2004    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    Much ado about religion: a critical and annotated translation of the Agamadambara, a satirical play by the 9th century Kashmirian philosopher Bhatta Jayanta    Csaba DEZSO    Prof J A Sanderson
2004    PhD    Manchester    Marginal Indian Punjabi Sikh men; a psychotherapeutic perspective    Kamaldeep Singh DHILLON    Dr C Bates
2004    PhD    Nottingham    Inherited factors in pre-eclampsia: molecular genetic and epidemiological studies in a Sri Lankan population    V H W DISSANAYAKE
2004    PhD    Bristol    Gender and human rights: a discursive study of “violence against women” in Mexico and Pakistan    Silvie DRESSELHAUS    Dr J Weldes; Dr V Hewitt
2004    PhD    Portsmouth    The growth and applicationof Shari’ah in India: a legislative and judicial interpretation since 1947    E EHSANULLAH
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    Portugal and Portuguese India, 1870-1961    Bernard Dale ETHELL    Prof P G Robb
2004    PhD    Bradford    Ceramic specialisation and standardisation in early historic South Asia: an interdisciplinary investigation of rouletted ware, grey ware and Arikamedu Type 10    L A FORD
2004    PhD    Hull    Identity, war and the state in India:  the case of the Nagas    Mr T FRANKS
2004    PhD    London, King’s    Improving the quality management systems for pharmaceutical services in developing countries: a case study in Sri Lanka    Piyadasa Galalla GAMAGE
2004    PhD    Oxford, Blackfriars    The Vedantic cosmology of Ramanuja and its western parallels    Robindra GANERI    Prof J S K Ward
2004    PhD    Nottingham    Slavery in ancient Greek poleis and ancient Sri Lanka: a comparison    W M W GEDARA
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Queens’    Of poverty and markets: the political economy of informal waste recovery and plastic recycling in Delhi    K GILL    Dr B Vira
2004    PhD    St Hugh’s    Caitanya Vaisnava Vedanta: acintyabhedabheda of Jiva Gosvani’s Catusutri Tika    Ravi Mohar GUPTA    Dr S Gupta-Gombrich; Prof J S K Ward
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    Samaj and unity: the in Bengali literati’s discourse on nationhood,  1867-1905    Swarupa GUPTA    Prof P G Robb
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    The politics of language and nation-building: the Nehruvian legacy and representations of cultural diversity in Sahgal, Rushdie and Seth    A M GUTTMAN
2004    PhD    East Anglia    Understanding gender and intra-household relations: a case study of Shaviyani Atoll, Maldives    Hala HAMEED    Prof C Jackson
2004    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    The dynamics of low-caste conversion movements: rural Punjab c 1880-1935    Christopher Gerard Michael HARDING    Prof J M Brown
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    Religious mobilisation and the construction of political space in the Indian North West Frontier tribal areas in the early twentieth century    Sana HAROON
2004    MPhil    Leicester    Lord Lake of Laswaree and Delhi, 1744-1808    Roger HARRIS    Dr H V Bowen
2004    PhD    Durham    Detection, monitoring and management of small water bodies: a case study of Shahjadpur Thana, Bangladesh    Khondaker Mohammod Shariful HUDA    Dr P J Atkins; Dr D Donaghue
2004    PhD    Warwick    Problem of national identity of the middle class in Bangladesh and state-satellite television    Zeenat HUDA    Dr P Mukta
2004    PhD    Essex    Initial public offerings in Pakistan    T IMTIAZ
2004    PhD    South Bank    Parental involvement, attitudes and responsibilities in educaton: a case study of parents in Britain and Pakistan    N INAYAT
2004    PhD    Cranfield    Technology catch-up actions for manufacturing companies in Pakistan    N IQBAL

2004    PhD    London, SOAS    Protestant translations of the Bible (1714-1995) and defining a Protestant Tamil identity    Hephziba ISRAEL
2004    PhD    London, LSE    People and tigers: an anthropological study of the Sundarbans of West Belgal, India    A JALAIS
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Queens’    The agency of normal food: performing normality in contemporary urban Bengal    Manpreet Kaur JANEJA    Prof C Humphrey
2004    DPhil    Oxford, Nuffield    Bridging the digital divide: regulating universal access in India    Akash K KAPUR    Ms B Morgan
2004    PhD    Reading    Constraints and opportunities for sustainable livelihoods and forest management in the mountains of North West Frontier Province, Pakistan    Jahangir KHAN    Dr H M Jones
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Selwyn    Ecology and conservation of the Bengal tiger in the Sundarbans mangrove forest of Bangadesh    M M H KHAN    Dr D J Chivers
2004    PhD    De Montfort    Temple architecture of Bengal 9th to 16th centuries    A KHARE
2004    PhD    Keele    Reconstructing rights: an analysis of the role of rights in reconstructing gender relations in the earthquake affected area, Maharashtra, India    Jane KRISHNADAS
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    Resolution and rupture: the paradox of violence in witch accusations in Chhatisgarh, India    Helen M MACDONALD    Dr D Mosse
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    Resolution and rupture: the paradox of violence in witch accusations in Chhattisgarh, India    Helen M MacDONALD
2004    PhD    Edinburgh    Pious flames: changing Western interpretations of widow burning in India to 1860    Andrea MAJOR    Dr C Bates; Dr I Duffield
2004    PhD    Oxford, St John’s    Cricket in colonial India, 1850-1947    Boria MAJUMDAR    Dr D A Washbrook
2004    PhD    Nottingham    Land tax administration and compliance attitudes in Malaysia    N A A MANAF
2004    PhD    London, King’s    Countering hegemony: the geopolitics of agrobiotechnology and the regulatory role of the Indian state    Martin MANSKI    M Mulligan
2004    PhD    Birmingham    The interdependency and the relationship between the government and private sector and their changing role in the development of micro island tourism in the Maldives    Abdulla MAUSOOM
2004    PhD    Durham    Travelling knowledges: urban poverty and slum/shack dwellers international    Colin McFARLANE    Dr G Macleod
2004    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    The establishment and growth of selected pioneer tree species from disturbed tropical rainforest sites in Malaysia    H MD NOOR
2004    PhD    London, King’s    Reterritorialising transnational corporate hegemony: the geopolitics of agribiotechnology and the regulatory role of the state in India    Martin MENSKI
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    Zorastrian music    Raiomond MIRZA    Prof O Wright; Dr R Widdess
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    Space, borders and histories: identity in colonial Goalpura (India)    Sanghamitra MISRA    Prof P G Robb
2004    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    Crystal structure of north east India and southern Tibet and a comparison with thelithosphere of the stable Indian shield    S MITRA    Dr K F Priestley
2004    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    The British in India and their domiciled brethern: race and class in the colonial context, 1858-1930    Satoshi MIZUTANI    Dr D A Washbrook
2004    MPhil    Leeds    Enabling and disabling factors of community cohesion among Pakistani Muslims in Bradford    Dominic J MOGHAL    Dr K Knott
2004    PhD    London , UC    Reworking modernity: the impact of resettlement in the Narmada valley, India    Kuheli MOOKERJEE    Dr C Dwyer; Dr A Varley
2004    PhD    London, InstArch    An examination of the spatial and temporal variation of lithic technology throughout the early Bronze Age of Pakistan    Justin Collard MORRIS    K Thomas
2004    PhD    London, UC    Lithic technology and cultural change during the late prehistoric period of northwest South Asia    J C MORRIS
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Lucy     Markets, transport and the state of Bengal economy, c.1750-1800    T MUKHERJEE    Prof C A Bayley
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    The perception of the “medieval” in Indian popular films, 1920s -1960s    Urvi MUKHOPADHYAY    Dr D Ali; Dr R Dwyer
2004    PhD    Cambridge    Impact of food supplementation on pregnancy weight gain and birth weight in rural Bangladesh    Shamsun NAHAR
2004    PhD    Cambridge. Sidney    Caught in the digital divide: transforming meanings of space, gender and identity for high tech professionals in Bangalore city, India    Roopa NAIR    Prof S E Corbridge
2004    PhD    Reading    The motivation of masons in the Sri Lankan construction industry    Leyon NANAYAKKARA
2004    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    Second World War Japanese atrocities and British minor war crimes trials: the issue of fair trial in the four selected British minor war crimes trials in Malaya and Singapore    A NARAYAN
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    The Gandavyuha-sutra: a study of wealth, gender and power in an Indian Buddhist narrative    Douglas Edward OSTO
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    Archaic knowledge, tradition and authenticity in colonial north India    Rakesh PANDEY    Dr D Ali
2004    PhD    West of England    Performance measurement and evaluation of supply chain: the Indian automobile industry    B PATEL
2004    PhD    Aberdeen    Emergency obstetric care: needs of poor women in Bangladesh    E PITCHFORTH
2004    PhD    London, LSE    Multinationals, local firms and economic reforms in Indian industry    Tushar PODDAR
2004    PhD    Birmingham    Mineral chemistry and metal extraction of Sri Lanka beach sands    W A P PREMARATNE
2004    PhD    London, LSE    A micro-econometric analysis of alcohol prohibition in India    L RAHMAN
2004    PhD    London, Wye    Measurement of productivity and efficiency of rice farmers in Bangladesh: an empirical study    Mohamed Mizanur RAHMAN
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Wolfson    Seismic characteristics of the southern Indian and the adjacent pan-African high grade terranes of Gondwanaland    Abhishek Kumar RAI    Dr K F Priestley
2004    PhD    Leeds    Nation, celebration and selected works of Michel Ondaatje and Carol Shields    Gillian Marie ROBERTS
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Gonville    HLA-DBQ1 – reproduction and health in consanguinous and non consanguinous families in Bangladesh    S ROY CHOUDHURY    Dr L A Knapp
2004    PhD    Leeds    The Sixteenth Landers, 1822-1846: the experience of regimental soldiering in India    J H RUMSBY
2004    PhD    Newcastle    Trade reforms: total factor productivity and profitability of manufacturing sectors in Pakistan    Naveeda SALAM
2004    PhD    Open    Psychedelic whiteness: rave tourism and the materiality of race in Goa    Joseph Johannes Arun SALDANHA    Dr J D Robinson; Prof D B Massey
2004    PhD    Manchester    The effect of globalisation on the grassroots women in Bangladesh    Nasreen SATTAR    Ms S Rowbotham
2004    PhD    London, LSE    Understanding the state: an anthropological study of rural Jharkhand, India    A SHAH
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    The Balochi verb: an etymological study    Azim SHAHBAKHSH
2004    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    State and society in: Gujerat, c.1200-1500: the making of a region    Samira SHEIKH    Dr D A Washbrook
2004    PhD    Edinburgh    Living with HIV/AIDS: turning points, transitions and transformations in the lives of women in Bombay and Edinburgh    Dina Pervez SIDHVA
2004    PhD    Cambridge    Exploring inclusive education in an Indian context    N SINGAL
2004    PhD    Birmingham    The question of method in Dalit theology: in search of a systematic approach of an Indian liberation theology    Charles SINGARAM
2004    MPhil    Wales, Swansea    Policy and practice of forest management through local institutions in Himachal Pradesh, India    M P SOOD
2004    PhD    South Bank    Health beliefs and health practices of South Asian and British white adults with and without myocardial infarction    Dooroowadave SOOKHOO
2004    DPhil    Oxford, Linacre    Secularism in Salman Rushdie’s “Midnight’s children” and Vikram Seth’s “A suitable boy”: history, nation, language    Neelam F R SRIVASTAVA    Dr J A Mee
2004    PhD    Cardiff    Crossing boundaries: an ethnography of occupational socialization of post-diploma baccalaureate nursing students in Pakistan    Grace D STANLEY
2004    PhD    Cardiff    Crossing boundaries: an ethnography of occupational socialization of post-diploma baccalaureate student nurses in Pakistan    Grace Dianne STANLEY    M Neary; G A Donald
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Downing    From “Palestine” [poem] to India: Bishop Heber’s poetic pilgrimage    I TAKAHASHI    Dr N J Leask
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    Towards a definitive grammar of Bengali: a study and critique of research on selected grammatical structures    Hanne-Ruth THOMPSON    Dr W Radice
2004    PhD    Birmingham    Support and supervision of secondary school teachers in Bangladesh    H THORNTON
2004    DPhil    Oxford, Worcester    Tectonic, metamorphic and magmatic evolution of the central Karakoram crust, northern Pakistan    aNDREW THOW    Dr D J Waters; Prof R R Parrish; Dr M P Searle
2004    DPhil    Oxford, St Cross    The grammar and poetics of Murti-Seva: Caitanya Vaisnava image worship as discourse, ritual and narrative    Kenneth R VALPEY    Dr S Gupta-Gombrich; Prof J S K Ward
2004    PhD    Birmingham    Differences in school performance between Tamil Brahmin and Malabar Muslim children in Kerala, India: a socio-cutural approach    V P VAZHALANICKAL
2004    PhD    Open    Science, technology and agency in the development of drought prone areas: a cognitive history of drought and scarcity    Linden Faith VINCENT    Prof D V Wield
2004    PhD    Coventry    Partition and locality: case studies of the impact of partition and its aftermath in the Punjab region, 1947-1961    Pritpal VIRDEE    Prof I A Talbot
2004    PhD    Cambridge, St Edmund’s    Eating and identity in the novels of V S Naipaul, Anita Desai, Timothy Mo and Salman Rushdie    Paul Matthew John VLITOS    Dr A D B Poole
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    Thuggee and the “construction” of crime in early nineteenth century India    Kim Ati WAGNER    Prof C A Bayley
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Emmanuel    Between bureaucrats and beneficiaries: the implementation of eco-development:in Pench tiger reserves, India    Jo L WOODMAN    Dr B Vira
2004    PhD    Glasgow    The analysis of human mitochondrial DNA in peninsular Malaysia    Z ZAINUDDIN
2004    PhD    London, King’s    Remote sensing and GIS based assessment of El-Nino related fire activity on Borneo, 1982-1998    Athanossios ZOUMAS
2005    PhD    Loughborough    Alternative arrangements for water supply in urban areas: case studies in Karachi, Pakistan    Noman AHMED
2005    PhD    London, UC    Through “spirits”: cosmology and landscape ecology among the Nyishi tribe of upland Arunachal Pradesh, northeast India    Alexander AISHER    Dr C Pinney; Dr M Banerjee
2005    PhD    Keele    The cultural politics of production: ethnicity, gender and the labour process in Sri Lanka tea plantations    Chandana G ALAWATTAGE
2005    PhD    London, King’s    Studies on slected Malaysian plants as antidiabetic agent    H M ALI
2005    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Equality of educational opportunity and public policy in Bangladesh    Mohammad Niaz ASADULLAH    Dr R Kingdon; Dr S Dercon
2005    PhD    London, LSE    Structural changes in East Asia: factor accumulation, technological progress and economic geography    Shuvojit BANERJEE
2005    PhD    Manchester    The politics of market space in Calcutta, India: past and present    Martin BEATTIE    Prof S Guy
2005    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Missionary education knowledge and and north Indian society, c 1880- 1915    Hayden John-Andrew BELLENOIT    Dr D A Washbrook
2005    PhD    London, King’s    The changing goddess: the religious lives of Hindu women in West Bengal    Cynthia BRADLEY    Prof F Hardy
2005    PhD    London, UC    Mental illness, medical pluralism and Islamism in Sylhet, Bangladesh    Alyson Fleur CALLAN    Prof R Littlewood
2005    PhD    London, SOAS    Muzaffar Ahmad, Calcutta and socialist politics, 1913-1929    Suchetana CHATTOPADYHYAY    Prof P G Robb
2005    PhD    East Anglia    Surface tension: water and agrarian change in a rainfed village, West Bengal, India    Daniel COPPARD    Dr B Lankford
2005    PhD    Edinburgh    Sri Pada: diversity and exclusion in a sacred site in Sri Lanka    Delkandura Arachchige Premakumara DE SILVA
2005    PhD    London, LSHTM    Social capital and maternal mental health: a cross cultural comparison of four developing countries [Peru, India, Ethiopia, Vietnam]    Mary Joan DE SILVA    Ms S Huttly; Prof T Harpham
2005    PhD    Cambridge. Trinity Hall    Second language acquisition of articles and plural markings by Bengali learners of Engish    Hildegunn DIRDAL    Dr T Parodi
2005    MPhil    London, UC    The servant/employer relationship in19th century England and India    Fae Ceridwen DUSSART    Prof C M Hall
2005    PhD    London, Royal Holloway    Analysing the impact of labour and education laws on child labour in Pakistan during the 1990s    T FASIH
2005    PhD    London, Inst Ed    Ways forward to achieve school effectiveness and school improvement: a case study of school leadership and teacher professional development in Sri Lanka    B N A B FERNANDO
2005    PhD    London, SOAS    Surrendering to the earth: a feminine interpretation of Dharma worship in Bengal with special reference to ‘Sunya Purana    Fabrizio FERRARI
2005    PhD    Edinburgh    Twentieth century South Asian Christian theological engagement with religious pluralism: its challenges for pentecostalism in India    Geomon Kizhakkemalayil GEORGE
2005    MPhil    Birmingham    Sikhism and violence    P GILL
2005    PhD    Cambridge, Gonville     Inverted metamorphism in the Sikkim-Darjeeling Himalay: structural, metamorphic and numerical studies    S GOSWAMI    Prof M J Bickle
2005    MPhil    West of  England    A study of “enabling conditions” in primary schools in Negombo Education Zone in Sri Lanka with special reference to effective leadership and physical and material resources    Egodawatte Arachchige Don GUNAWARDENA
2005    DPhil    Oxford, St Cross    Discourses of religion and development: agency, empowerment and choices or Muslim women in Gujerat, India    Laila N HALANI    Dr M J Banks
2005    PhD    Reading    Farmers’ decision-making in rice pest management: implications for farmer field school approaches in Bangladesh    Mohammad Abdul HAMID    Dr D D Shepherd
2005    PhD    Manchester    A fire of tongues: narrative patterning in the Sanskrit Mahabharata    James Marcel HEGARTY
2005    PhD    London, Queen Mary    Intellectual property law and e-commerce in Sri Lanka: towards a jurisprudence based on consitution, Roman-Dutch law and Buddhist principles    T S K HEMARATNE
2005    PhD    Edinburgh    Rights based development: formal and process approaches in Pakistan    Shiona Mary HOOD
2005    PhD    Cambridge, Fitzwilliam    Ecology, economy and society in the eastern Bengal delta, c.1840-1943    Khondker Iftekhar IQBAL    Prof C A Bayley
2005    PhD    Plymouth    International freight transport multimodal development in developing countries: the case of Bangladesh    Dewan Mohammad Zahurul ISLAM    Dr R Gray
2005    DPhil    Sussex    Women, employment and the family: poor informal sector women workers in Dhaka city    Farzana ISLAM    Dr H Standing
2005    PhD    London, LSE    Assessing the impact of Gujerat’s resettlement and rehabilitation policy on the livelihoods of women and their empowerment post-displacement    Anupma JAIN
2005    PhD    Open    Volcanic architecture of the Deccan Traps, western Maharashtra, India: an integrated chemostratigraphic and paleomagnetic study    Anne E JAY
2005    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    Cross cultural perspectives in contemporary Sri Lankan writing in English    Sharanya JAYAWICKRAMA    Dr P Gopal
2005    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    India divided: state and society in the aftermath of partitition: the case of Uttar Pradesh, 1946-1952    Yasmin KHAN    Prof J M Brown; Prof I A Talbot
2005    PhD    London, LSE    Soldiers’ experience of war, Burma 1942-1945    Tatjana Genoveva Ursula KRALJIC    Prof M Knox
2005    MPhil    West of England    An investigation of primary teachers’ professional attitudes in Sri Lanka with special reference to Negombo Educational Zone    Nihil Tissa Kumara LOKULIYANA
2005    DPhil    Oxford    Implications of displacement and resettlement for the Gonds of central India    Preeti MANN    Dr D Chatty; Dr M J Banks
2005    PhD    Queen’s, Belfast    Women’s human rights in Islam and international human rights regime: the case of Pakistan    N MIAN
2005    PhD    London, SOAS    Merchants, markets and the monopoly of the East India Company: the salt trade in Bengal under colonial control c. 1790-1836    Sayako MIKI    Prof P G Robb
2005    PhD    London,  SOAS    The transmission and performance for khyai composition in the Gwalior gharana of India vocal music    A D MORRIS
2005    PhD    Essex    A case of interest maximisation? Military-civil bureaucratic behaviour and political outcomes in Bangladesh (1975-1990)    Khairuzzaman MOZUMDER
2005    EdD    Birmingham    Exploring the potential for educational change through participatory and democratic approaches in Pakistan    N MUHAMMAD
2005    PhD    Nottingham    United Nations charter and treaty-based international human rights monitoring in relation to the prohibition of torture and other cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment or punishment: a study of two states, the United Kingdom and the Republic of India    A MUKHERJEE
2005    DPhil    Sussex    Knowledge, identity, place and (cyber)space: growing up male and middle class in Bangalore    N C NISBETT
2005    PhD    Edinburgh    Case study of a health-oriented NGO in Pakistan    Madeline PATTERSON
2005    PhD    Edinburgh    From medical relief to community health care: a case study of non-governmental organisation (Frontier Primary Health Care) in North Western Province, Pakistan    Margaret Madeline PATTERSON
2005    dpHIL    Oxford, Balliol    Through district eyes: local raj and the myth of the Punjab tradition in British India, 1858-1907    Dara Milnes PRICE    Dr D A Washbrook
2005    PhD    London, SOAS    The sant traditioin and community formation in the works of Guru Nanak and Dadu Dayal    Susan Elizabeth PRILL    Dr C Shackle
2005    PhD    King’s, London    Gender disadvantage as a risk factor for common mental disorder in women residing in Rawalpindi/Islamabad    F QADIR
2005    EdD    Durham    Nurse education, foreign aid and development: a case study from Bangladesh    Patricia ROBSON
2005    DPhil    Sussex    Tamil youth: the performance of hierarchical masculinities: an anthropological study of youth groups in Chennai, Tamil Nadu, India    M C ROGERS
2005    PhD    London, Insti Comm    Socio-economic rights as constitutional human rights: Canada, South Africa and India compared    Desa ROSEN    Dr M Craven (SOAS); Dr P Gready
2005    PhD    London, SOAS    Early photography in India, 1850s-1870s    Stephanie S ROY
2005    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Sentimental imperialism: British literature and India, 1770-1830    Andrew John RUDD    Dr N J Leask
2005    PhD    Edinburgh    Conversion and communication: Christian communication and indigenous agency in conversion among the Kui people of Orissa, India, 1835-1970    Jagat Ranjan SANTRA
2005    PhD    London, SOAS    The formation of Islamic community identity in medieval north India    Nilanjan SARKAR    Dr D Ali
2005    PhD    London, SOAS    The political identity of the Delhi Sultanate, 1200-1400: a study of Zia ud-din Barani’s Fatawa-i-Jahandari    Nilanjan SARKAR    Dr D Ali
2005    PhD    London, SOAS    Globalization and identity: Sikh nationalism, diaspora and international relations    Giorgiandrea SHANI
2005    PhD    Sheffield    Structure and composition of India’s exports with speial reference to India’s post- liberalisation period    Abhijit SHARMA
2005    PhD    De Montfort    Colonial intervention and urban transformation: a case studyof Shahjahanabad, Old Delhi    J P SHARMA
2005    PhD    London, SOAS    A study of the Amaravati stupa: the chronology and social contexts of an early historic Buddhist site in the Lower Krishna Valley    Akira SHIMADA    Dr D Ali
2005    DPhil    Oxford, Green    The business of schooling:the school choice processes, markets and institutions governing low-fee provate schooling for disadvantaged groups in India    Prachi SRIVASTAVA    Dr M Birbili; Prof G Walford
2005    DPhil    Oxford    The experience of four famines in NWP & O (1837-1838, 1860- 1861; 1868-1869; 1896-1897): the gainers and the losers    Seema SRIVASTAVA
2005    MPhil    Nottingham    The effects of Asean on trade flows and assessing trade flows of the candidate country (case study: India)    Puttachat SUWANKIRI
2005    PhD    Edinburgh    Prime time and prayer time: television, religion and the practices of everyday life of Marthoma Christians in Kerala, India    Sham Padinjattethil THOMAS
2005    PhD    Strathclyde    Car dependency and traffic congestion: a case of a Malaysian city in Borneo    L TSESED KONG
2005    MPhil    Dundee    Motivation and incentives in government organisations: a study of the Income Tax Department in India    Mohanish VERMA
2005    PhD    Cambridge, Jesus    Seeking cultural safety: NGO responses to HIV/AIDS among South Asians in Delhi and London    Hannah Jill WESTON    Dr G Kearns
2005    MPhil    London, King’s    Sri Lankan perceptions of health and illness: quantitative and qualitative approaches    Yapa Mudiyanselage Charitha Gothami WIJERATNE
2005    PhD    Sunderland    Women’s ordination in Theravada Buddhism:ancient evidence and modern debates    L WILLIAMS
2005    PhD    London, SOAS    Literate networks and the production of Sgaw and Pwo Karen writing in Burma, c.1830-1930    William Burgess WOMACK    Dr M Charney Professor Ian Brown
2005    PhD    Nottingham    Predictors of language learning success in Bangladeshi secondary education institutions    Feroza YASMIN    Prof Z Dornyel
2006    PhD    London, LSHTM    Quality of care for reproductive tract morbidities by rural private practitioners in north India    Meenakshi GAUTHAM
2006    DPhil    Sussex    Poor women’s experiences of marriage and love in the city of New Delhi: every day stories of Sukh and Dukh    Shalini GROVER
2006    PhD    Newcastle    Valuation techniques of protected areas: a case study of Gir, Gujarat, India    Mohan Lal SHARMA
2006    PhD    London, Imperial    Contaminated irrigaton water and food safety in India    Kerry Vivienne SWANTON

Table 2: List of theses with incomplete data, listed alphabetically by the University and College followed by the AUTHOR (in capital letters) followed by the Supervisor(s) where available and the thesis Title. The Year and/or  Degree were not available in the public database.  If you are an author or supervisor or other academic representative, please write in with these details if possible.

Aberdeen    Sultan Ali ADIL        An economic analysis of energy use in irrigated agriculture of Punjab        PhD
Birmingham 0.365217391    S A KARUNANAYAKE        An evaluation of the present system of local government in Ceylon in the light of national needs for unity and economic and social development and proposals for appropriate changes        PhD
Birmingham 0.369264706    M G KANBUR        Spatial equilibrium analysis of trhe rice economy of South India    2000
BradfordCambridge, Trinity    Z KHAN        The development of overt nuclear weapon states in South Asia        PhD
Cambridge    Katherine Helen PRIOR        The British administration of Hinduism in India, 1780-1900        PhD
Cambridge    G CHAKRAVARTY        Imagining resistance: British historiography and popular fiction on the Indian Rebellion of 1857-1859        PhD
Cambridge 0.327375    Ajit Kumar GHOSE        Production organisation, markets and resource use in Indian agriculture        PhD
Cambridge 0.361285714    M J EGAN        A structural analysis of a Sinhalese healing ritual        PhD
Cambridge, King’s 0.301    J A LAIDLAW        The religion of Svetambar Jain merchants in Jaipur        PhD
Cambridge, Pembroke    H T  FRY    Prof E E Rich    Alexander Dalrymple, cosmographer and servant of the East India Company        PhD
Cambridge, Trinity    Magnus Murray MARSDEN    Dr S B Bayly    Islamization and globalization in Chitral, Northern Pakistan
Cambridge, Trinity Hall    C J JEFFREY    Dr S E Corbridge    Reproducing difference: the accumulation strategies of richer Jat farmers in Western Uttar Pradesh, India    2002
Cambridge, Wolfson    Gethin REES    DrD K Chakrabarti    Buddhism and trade: rock cut caves of the Western Ghats        PhD
Cranfield, Silsoe    Ariyaratne DISSANAYAKE    J Morris    Research and development and extension for agricultural mechanisation in Sri Lanka
De Montfort    S JAIN        The havelis of Rajasthan: form and identity        PhD
Durham 0.401311475    M F A KHAN        The arid zone of West Pakistan        PhD
East Anglia    John HARISS        Technological change in agricultural and agrarian social structure in Northen Tamil Nadu, India        PhD
Edinburgh    N THIN        High spirits and heteroglossia: forest festivals of the Nilgiri Irulas        PhD
Edinburgh    AKSHAY KHANNA        Sexuality as a political object in civil society: active formations in India    2003
Edinburgh    Rebecca WALKER        Concepts of peace in conflict situations in Sri Lanka        PhD
Glasgow    Sana KHOKHAR    Dr F Noorbakhsh; Dr A Paloni    An evaluation of the structural adjustment and economic reform programme: a case study of Pakistan        MPhil
Lancaster    J A BURR        Cultural stereotypes and the diagnosis of depression: women from South Asian communities and their experience of mental distress    1980
Leeds    E K TARIN        Health sector reforms: factors influencing the policy process for government initiatives in the Punjab (Pakistan) health sector, 1993-2000        PhD
Leeds 0.35375    A P A FERNANDO        Agricultural development of Ceylon since independence (1948-1968)- an investigation into some aspects of agricultural development in Ceylon and an evaluation of major agricultural policies adopted in the peasant sector        PhD
Leeds 0.35375    M S KHAN        Policies and planning for agricultural development with a high population density: a case study of East Pakistan        PhD
London    F R M HASAN        Ecology and rural class relations in Bangladesh: a study with special reference to three villages        PhD
London    B GHOSH    Dr Anstey    The Indian salt industry, trade and taxation        PhD
London    R L HATFIELD        Management reform in a centralised environment: primary education administration in Balochistan, Pakistan, 1992-1997        MSc
London    GAYAS-UD-DIN        Medical library and information system for India        PhD
London    Sarmistha PAL        Choice of casual and regular labour contracts in Indian agriculture: a theoretical and empirical analysis    2000
London,  SOAS    Pillarisetti SUDHIR    Mr Chaudhuri    British attitudes to Indian nationalism, 1922-1935    2001 (Apropos the author’s correction in the Comments section, this entry has been moved to the main list.)
London, External 0.357464789    A A KHATRI        Marriage and family relationships in Gujerati fiction        PhD
London, Imperial    Sinniah JEYALINGAWATHANI        Thr utilisation of indigenous and imported Bos indicus breeds in the dry zone of Sri Lanka    2002
London, LSE    A KUNDU    Prof Allen; Mr Booker    Statistical measures of five year plans in India    2003
London, LSE    Flora Elizabeth CORNISH    Dr C Campbell    Constructing an actionable environment: colelctive action for HIV prevention among Kolkata sex workers        MPhil
London, LSE 0.423157895    B P DUTIA        Economic aspects of production and marketing of cotton in India        PhD
London, LSHTM    Margaret J LEPPARD        Obstetric care in a Bangladeshi hospital: an organisational ethnography        PhD
London, LSHTM    Steven RUSSELL        Can households afford to be ill ? the role of the health system, maternal resources and social networks in Sri Lanka        PhD
London, LSHTM    Syed Mohd Akramuz ZAMAN        Cohort study of the effect of measles on childhood morbidity in urban Bangladesh        PhD
London, LSHTM    Mrigesh Roopchandra BHATIA        Economic evaluation od malaria control in Surat, India: bednets versus residual insecticide apray        PhD
London, SOAS    A B M MAHMOOD    Mr Harrison    The land revenue history of the Rajshahi zamindari, 1765-1793        PhD
London, SOAS    Oliver David SPRINGATE-BAGINSKY    Dr S I Jewitt    Sustainable development through particpatory forest management: an analysis of the long term role of the cooperative forest societies of Kangra District, Himachal Pradesh, India        PhD
London, SOAS    Isabella NARDI    Dr G Tillotson    The Citrasutras: the Indian theory of painting    1929?    MA
London, SOAS    Angela ATKINS    Dr R Snell    The Indian novel in English and Hindi        PhD
London, SOAS    Angela C EYRE        Land, language and literary identity: a thematic comparison of Indian novels in Hindi and English        MA
London, SOAS    Rajit Kumar MAZUMDER    Prof P G Robb    The making of Punjab: colonial power, the Indian army and recruited peasants, 1849-1939        MA
London, SOAS    Lalita Nath PANIGRAHI    Prof a l Basham    The practice of female infanticide in India and its suppression in the North Western Provinces        PhD
London, SOAS 0.318795181    Terumichi KAWAI        Freedom of religion in comparative constitutional law with special reference to the UK, US, India and Japan        MPhil
London, SOAS 0.3432    W P KINNEY    Dr M Caldwell; P C Ayre    Aspects of economic development in Malaya        MA
London, SOAS 0.35375    K D GAUR        Economic crimes relating to income tax in India: a critical analysis of tax evasion and tax avoidance        PhD
London, SOAS 0.35375    A GHAFFAR        Protection of personal liberty under the Pakistan constitution        BLitt
London, SOAS 0.35375    K P MISHRA    Dr J B Harrison    The administration and economy of the Banaras region, 1738-1795        BLitt
London, SOAS 0.382153846    K M KARIM        The provinces of Bihar and Bengal under Shabjahan    2003
Manchester    A BERADLEY    Prof Muir    Settlement of the Madras Presidency, 1765-1827        MA
Manchester    W A G HARRINGTON        The theory and practice of non-formal education in developing countries with case studies from India        PhD
Manchester    Jane HAGGIS        Professional ladies and working wives: female missionaries in the London Missionary Society and its South Travancoe District, South India, 1850-1900         MPhil
Manchester 0.401311475    S T G FERNANDO        A historical and analytical account of export taxation in Ceylon, 1802-1958        PhD
Manchester 0.411864407    R L KUMAR        India’s post-war balance of payments sincce 1945-1955        DPhil
Manchester 0.417413793    T S EPSTEIN        A comparative study of economic change and differentiation in two South Indian villages        PhD
Manchester Metropolitan    S PAREKH        Relationships between children with cerebral palsy and their siblings: an ethnography in Kolkata, India
Newcastle    Alice MALPASS    Dr P Phillimore    Hibred kala: the hybrid age of choice, dissent and imagination: contract faming and genetically modified cotton in Karnataka, South India        MSC
Newcastle 0.373432836    K K KHOSLA        Conditions of labour and labour legislation of industrial workers in India since 1947    2001
North London    Jasmin ARA    Ms R Glanville    Primary health care facilities in Bangladesh: a method of planning and design taking account of limited resources, local technology, future growth and change    2000
Oxford    W M KHAN        An economic evaluation of the alternative uses of land under state forests in Baluchistan    1999
Oxford, Campion Hall    P EKKE    Dr D F Brook    An ethnogaphic survey of the Oraons and the Mundas of Chota-Nagpur    1991
Oxford, Nuffield    Alistair McMILLAN    Dr N Gooptu; Prof A F Heath    Scheduled castes, scheduled tribes and party competition in India    1991
Oxford, St Hilda’s    H Vinita TSENG    Prof R F Gombrich    The Nidanavagga of the Saratthappakasini: the first two vaggas    1993
Oxford, Wolfson    Somadeva VASUDEVA    Prof A G J S Sanderson    The yoga of the Malinivijayottaratantra    1994
Reading 0.38671875    M A KAMAL        Balances and unbalanced growth as exemplified by a decade of planning experience in India    1994
Salford    S CHOWDHURY    Mr E K Grime    Housing in Bangladesh    1998
Sheffield    RITA SAIKIA    Prof M F Lynch    The utility of object-oriented domain specification in the context of a large organisation in India    1998
Southampton 0.369264706    Mohammad A MONDAL        A suggested approach to the solution of the profit measurement and asset valuation with reference to the developing economies of India and Pakisttan    1999
Strathclyde 0.37358209    T G GEHANI        A critical review of the work of Scottish Presbyterian missions in India, 1878-1914    1999
Sussex    R G HESELTINE        The development and impact of jute cultivation in Bengal, 1870-1930    2000
Wales    Animesh HALDER        Potential diversification in India’s export pattern    2000
Wales, Swansea    S S MUKHERJEE        Urban process in Calcutta: some planning implications    2004
Wales, Swansea    Julia CLEEVES        Gender and reproductive health: issues in hormonal contraception in India    2004
Wales, University College of Swansea 0.346621622    E A KUMARASINGHE        Information for health planning in Sri Lanka    1965

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Kasab, the young misguided Pakistani mass-murdering terrorist, needs to be given political asylum in India! (Matt Damon, Will Smith: here’s a real-life case!)

February 11, 2009 — drsubrotoroy

Life imitates art or rather Hollywood again as young Kasab, the misguided primary-school dropout Pakistani mass-murdering terrorist caught by Indian police after the Mumbai massacres,  becomes a kind of Jason-Bourne/Enemy-of-the-State character who is said to be being targeted now by Pakistan’s terrorist masterminds for not being dead already! There have been all kinds of weird assassinations by and of government agents using poisoned umbrellas and radioactive pills etc in real life, and who is to say that young Kasab is not going to be given a small cyanide capsule along with a letter of farewell from his parents when His Excellency the High Commissioner’s consular agents receive access to him?

Shortly after Kasab’s remorseful confessions (which flowed from his natural gratitude at having survived and having been treated humanely by Mumbai’s police), I said here that if I was the judge trying him, I would send him to an Indian prison for 20 or 30 years (given his 20 or 30 murder victims), but I would add that he should be occasionally, say once a year, permitted to offer namaz at India’s grandest mosques. He could become a model prisoner,  possibly a potent weapon against Pakistan’s terrorist masterminds who have ruined his life and now wish him dead.

(Message to Matt Damon, Will Smith and assorted Hollywood cinematic personalities:  there is a confessed, remorseful mass-murdering 20-year old Pakistani terrorist in an Indian prison who is being targeted by the very people who sent him on his vile mission.)

In present circumstances, young Kasab needs to seek political asylum in the Indian Republic as his life in his own Pakistan Republic is as good as over for political reasons. He would become the first person ever in history to receive political asylum in a country that he attacked despite being a confessed terrorist mass-murderer.   But Mahatma Gandhi would have approved and smiled at the irony of it all!  Ahimsa paramo dharmaha in practice.

SR

Posted in Ahimsa, Art, Diplomacy, Hollywood, India's crimes, India's Foreign Policy, India's Jurisprudence, India's Rule of Law, India's secularism, India-Pakistan cooperation against terrorism, Jainism, Life and death, MK Gandhi, Mumbai massacres, Mumbai terrorist Kasab, Natural Justice, Pakistan's diplomacy, Pakistan's terrorist masterminds, Pakistan's terrorist training institutes, Political asylum. Leave a Comment »

RAND’s study of the Mumbai attacks

January 25, 2009 — drsubrotoroy

RAND’s study of the Mumbai attacks

by

Subroto Roy  January 25 2009

The conspicuously good thing that can be said about the RAND Corporation’s study of the Mumbai massacres (“The Lessons of Mumbai”, RAND January 2009) is that there is no sign of it having been affected by the powerful Pakistan lobby.  Far too many purported studies emerging from American or British “thinktanks” cannot say the same.

If anything, the ten American authors of the 25-pages of the RAND text have among them two prominent advocates of better US-India relations.  This is helpful to truthfulness because of the simple fact India has been in this case a victim of aggression that originated in Pakistan. Whether elements of the Pakistan Government were involved is almost the wrong question – if some retired underemployed former soldier drawing a Pakistan Army pension helped the Lashkar-e-Taiba’s commando training of the Mumbai terrorists, the existence of Pakistani state involvement is proved. Commando training requires technical skills of a sort that can only originate with a military.

In Pakistan as in any other large populous country including India, the state tends to be a hydra-headed monster and it may be foolish to imagine instead a rational, unified, well-informed or even a benevolent political entity.  State involvement in Pakistan, India, China or elsewhere is something hard to isolate when there is so much mixing of private and public property or misuse of resources arising from the public exchequer.

What Pakistan’s PR campaign has done after Mumbai is not so much raise the Kashmir dispute as to obfuscate things by shedding crocodile tears and pretending to share victimhood saying, oh we sympathise with you but please sympathise with us too as we have been victims of even bigger terrorist attacks by the same kind of people, we have lost Benazir, we have lost many more people than you have, therefore  cooperate with us and we will try to do what we can to help you in this matter.  English-speaking liberals educated at places like Karachi Grammar School have then appeared on Indian TV stations (owned by Delhi people from places like Doon School) purporting to represent Pakistan on “the Mumbai incident”; none of them can have much credibility because the real India-haters in Pakistan might cheerfully make them murder victims too given half a chance.

The RAND study deserves credit for avoiding all misleading Pakistani rhetoric about the Mumbai massacres and at least intending to try to get to the bottom of things in a systematic manner.  Beyond that, unfortunately, it has made logical and factual and methodological errors which cause it to fail to do so.

The key logical error made by the RAND authors arises from combining a central front-page statement

“Evidence suggests Lashkar-e-Taiba, a terrorist group based in Pakistan, was responsible for the attack”

with assertive suggestions about Mumbai’s police being backward, incompetent, cowardly etc (“passive”).  Yet how precisely did evidence about LeT culpability come to light?  Only because Mumbai’s police and the Railway police engaged, injured and then captured Kasab using their antiquated equipment the best they could.  There is no evidence of police cowardice at CST Station; to the contrary, it took courage to aim .303’s at adversaries firing back with assault rifles.  Kasab received his first hand injury there. ATS Chief Karkare and his fellow-officers may seem foolhardy in hindsight to have been driving in the same vehicle but they did engage their unknown enemy immediately they could and died doing so, crippling Kasab badly enough that he could be captured in due course at Chowpatty.  [Correction: it appears that though Kasab was fired upon by the police at CST Station  he  received both his hand injuries from the firing by the ATS squad.] And the Chowpatty police action showed obvious bravery in absorbing injury and death in order to kill Ishmail and capture Kasab.  (Kasab, among the youngest, had been paired with Ishmail, the apparent leader of the group.)

Furthermore, Kasab upon capture was treated humanely and lawfully.  His injuries were treated, he was produced before a magistrate within a week who asked him if he was being mistreated to which he said no.  Slumdog millionaire may get undeserved Oscars portraying torture of a British actor by Mumbai police but it is ridiculous fiction – Kasab the captured Pakistani terrorist mass murderer was not tortured by Mumbai’s police.

Contrast such Indian police behaviour with the “enhanced interrogation techniques” the Bush Administration used with negative results in Guantanamo and Abu Ghraib – which President Obama has now started to end.  Kasab, an ignorant misguided youth, was grateful enough for the humane and civilized treatment to start singing like the proverbial canary.  The result of that has been precisely all the evidence the Government of India has now presented to the world and Pakistan about the LeT’s culpability.

As for the anti-terrorist actions of the Indian Army, Navy and NSG, the RAND study is right to point to multitudinous errors and it is useful to have these listed in orderly fashion.  But many of these errors were obvious to millions of lay Indian citizens who watched events on TV.  The central fault was the scarcity of trained NSG officers and men, and the failure to apply standard emergency management protocols.

The RAND study, by relying overly on government sources, has failed to point to what ordinary Indian citizens already know – the NSG is being utterly wasted protecting our politicians.  India has no proper equivalent of the US “Secret Service”, and even if we did, we would probably waste that by spreading it too thinly among politicians.  As it happens if almost any politician in India today did happen to be unfortunately assassinated, the main mourners would be family-members and not the general Indian public.  Despite politicians constituting rather “low-value targets” for terrorists, India’s scarce anti-terrorist and police resources have been misallocated to protecting them.

Finally, the RAND study makes the lazy-man’s methodological error of supposing outfits like the LeT think and behave in a manner explicable by American political science textbooks, or ought to do so.  What Western analysts may need to do instead is learn from the old Arabist and Orientalist traditions of how to think and see the world from Eastern points of view.    But that may require greater self-knowledge than the modern world tends to permit.

Postscript:

My December 6 2008 analysis here titled “A Quick Comparison Between the September 11 2001 NYC-Washington attacks and the November 26-28 2008 Mumbai Massacres (An Application of the Case-by-Case Philosophical  Technique of Wittgenstein, Wisdom and Bambrough)” is republished below.  I have corrected “Rome Airport” with “Lod Airport” on the basis of  reading the RAND report, though may not have received the courtesy of aknowledement for the reminder of the  Japanese Red Army attack.

 

“In my book Philosophy of Economics (Routledge, 1989) and in my August 24  2004 public lecture  in England  “Science,  Religion, Art and the Necessity of Freedom”, both available elsewhere here, I described the “case-by-case” philosophical technique recommended by Ludwig Wittgenstein, John Wisdom and Renford Bambrough.  (Bambrough had also shown a common root in the work of the American philosopher Charles Sanders Peirce.)   Herewith an application of the technique to a contemporary problem that shows the “family resemblance” between two modern terrorist attacks, the September 11 2001 attack on New York and Washington and the Mumbai massacres last week.

Similarity:  In both, a gang of motivated youthful terrorists acted as a team against multiple targets; their willingness to accept  suicide while indulging in mass-murder may have, bizarrely enough, brought a sense of adventure and meaning to otherwise empty lives.

Difference: In the 9/11 attacks, Mohammad Atta seemed to have been a single predominant leader while each of the others also had complex active roles requiring decisions, like piloting and navigating hijacked jumbo-jets.  In the Mumbai massacres, the training and leadership apparently came from outside the team before and even during the operation  – almost as if the team were acting like brainwashed robots under long-distance control.

Similarity:  Both attacks required a long prior period of training and planning.

Difference: The 9/11 attacks did not require commando-training imparted by military-style trainers; the Mumbai massacres did.

Difference: In the 9/11 attacks, the actual weapons used initially were primitive, like box-cutters; in the Mumbai massacres, assault rifles and grenades were used along with sophisticated telecommunications equipment.

Difference: In 9/11, the initial targets, the hijacked aircraft, were themselves made into weapons against the ultimate targets, namely the buildings, in a way not seen before.  In the Mumbai massacres, mass-shooting of terrorized civilians was hardly something original; besides theatres of war, the Baader-Meinhof gang and the Japanese Red Army used these in the 1970s as terrorist techniques (e.g. at Rome Airport  Lod Airport; Postscript January 26 2009: I make this correction after reading and commenting on the RAND study which unfortunately  did not have the courtesy of acknowledging my December 6 2008 analysis) plus there were, more recently, the Columbine and Virginia Tech massacres.

Similarity: In both cases, Hollywood and other movie scripts could have inspired the initial ideas of techniques to be  used.

Similarity: In both cases, the weapons used were appropriate to the anticipated state of defence: nothing more than box-cutters could be expected to get by normal airport security; assault rifles etc could come in by the unguarded sea and attack soft targets in Mumbai.  (Incidentally, even this elementary example of strategic thinking  in a practical situation may be beyond the analytical capacity contained in the tons of waste paper produced at American and other modern university Economics departments under the rubric of  “game theory”.)

Similarity: In both cases, a high-level of widespread fear was induced for several days or more within a targeted nation-state by a small number of people.

Similarity: No ransom-like demands were made by the terrorists in either case.

Similarity: Had the single terrorist not been captured alive in the Mumbai massacres, there would have been little trace left by the attackers.

Difference: The 9/11 attackers knew definitely they were on suicide-missions; the Mumbai attackers may not have done and may have imagined an escape route.”

SEE ALSO

https://independentindian.com/2009/11/26/did-civil-military-conflict-contribute-to-the-2611-destruction/
https://independentindian.com/2009/11/26/on-decision-making-in-terrorist-hostage-situations/

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Kasab was a stupid, ignorant, misguided youth, manufactured by Pakistan’s terrorist masterminds into becoming a mass-murdering robot: Mahatma Gandhi’s India should punish him, get him to repent if he wishes, then perhaps rehabilitate him as a potent weapon against Pakistani terrorism

December 12, 2008 — drsubrotoroy

The crime of murder is that of deliberate homicide, that of mass-murder is the murder of a mass of people.  There is no doubt the lone captured Mumbai terrorist, “Kasab”, has committed mass-murder, being personally responsible for the murder of probably 20 or 30 wholly innocent people he had never met.  He killed them by machine-gun fire and grenades at CST/VT railway station on November 26 2008 before being shot and captured by police.  He is also a co-conspirator in the mass-murders carried out by his associate at the railway station and those elsewhere in Mumbai.  There is no doubt he should serve rigorous imprisonment for life in an Indian prison for his crimes.

And yet…. And yet…

If the Government of India is sensible, it needs to describe and comprehend the moral subtleties of the circumstances surrounding Kasab’s life, especially during the last year.  Here was a stupid, ignorant, rather primitive youth misguided by others first into becoming a petty robber, later into becoming a terrorist-trainee in hope of advancing his career in thievery!

Bakri-Id 2008 has just occurred – it is on Bakri-Id a year ago in 2007 that Kasab reportedly first ventured into volunteering for terrorist training as a way of learning how to use firearms!  It is almost certain he had never met a Hindu or an Indian in his life before then, that he knew absolutely nothing about the subcontinent’s history or politics, that he would be ignorant about who, say, Iqbal or Jinnah or Maulana Azad or Sheikh Abdullah or Mahatma Gandhi ever were.  Within less than a year, that same youth had been brainwashed and trained adequately enough by Pakistan’s terrorist masterminds to become a robotic mass-murderer in Mumbai’s railway station.  Now having been caught and treated humanely by his captors, he has confessed everything and even expressed a wish to write a letter to his father in Pakistan expressing remorse for his deeds.

If I was the judge trying him, I would sentence him to a minimum of twenty or thirty years rigorous imprisonment in an Indian prison.  But I would add that he should be visited in jail by a few of India’s Muslim leaders, and indeed he should be very occasionally allowed out of the prison (under police supervision) in a structured program to offer Namaz with India’s Muslims in our grandest mosques.  He should learn firsthand a little of the lives of India’s Muslims and of India’s people as a whole.  Perhaps he will become a model prisoner, perhaps he may even want to become in due course a potent weapon against the terrorist masterminds who ruined his life by sending him to murder people in India.

It bears to be remembered that in an incredible act of Christian forgiveness, the widow of the Australian missionary Graham Staines forgave the cold-blooded murderers who burnt alive her husband and her young sons as they slept in a jeep in Orissa.  The family of Rajiv Gandhi may have done the same of those who assassinated or conspired to assassinate Rajiv Gandhi.  This is the land of Mahatma Gandhi, who had woven a remarkable moral and political theory out of the Jain-Buddhist-Hindu doctrine of ahimsa as well as Christian notions from Tolstoy and Thoreau of forgiving the sinner.

Of course there cannot be forgiveness where there is no remorse.  Kasab’s behaviour thus far suggests he will be remorseful and repentant; there are many other thieves and murderers in the world who are not.

Subroto Roy

Reported statement of Mohammad Ajmal Amir ‘Kasab’, 21, to police after arrest:  “I have resided in Faridkot, Dinalpur tehsil, Ukada district, Suba Punjab state, Pakistan since my birth. I studied up to class IV in a government school. After leaving school in 2000, I went to stay with my brother in Tohit Abad mohalla, near Yadgar Minar in Lahore. I worked as a labourer at various places till 2005, visiting my native once in a while. In 2005, I had a quarrel with my father. I left home and went to Ali Hajveri Darbar in Lahore, where boys who run away from home are given shelter. The boys are sent to different places for employment.  One day a person named Shafiq came there and took me with him. He was from Zhelam and had a catering business. I started working for him for Rs120 per day. Later, my salary was increased to Rs200 per day. I worked with him till 2007. While working with Shafiq, I came in contact with one Muzzafar Lal Khan, 22. He was from Romaiya village in Alak district in Sarhad, Pakistan. Since we were not getting enough money, we decided to carry out robbery/dacoity to make big money. So we left the job.

We went to Rawalpindi, where we rented a flat. Afzal had located a house for us to loot… We required some firearms for our mission… While we were in search of firearms, we saw some LeT stalls at Raja Bazaar in Rawalpindi on the day of Bakri-id. We then realised that even if we procured firearms, we would not be able to operate them. Therefore, we decided to join LeT for weapons training.  We reached the LeT office and told a person that we wanted to join LeT. He noted down our names and address and told us to come the next day.  The next day, there was another person with him. He gave us Rs200 and some receipts. Then he gave us the address of a place called Marqas Taiyyaba, Muridke, and told us to go to there. It was an LeT training camp. We went to the place by bus. We showed the receipts at the gate of the camp. We were allowed inside… Then we were taken to the actual camp area. Initially, we were selected for a 21 days’ training regimen called Daura Sufa. From the next day, our training started.

The daily programme was as follows: 4.15 am — Wake-up call and thereafter Namaz; 8 am — Breakfast; 8.30 am to 10 am — Lecture on Hadis and Quran by Mufti Sayyed; 10 am to noon – Rest; Noon to 1 pm – Lunch break; 1 pm to 4 pm – Rest; 4 pm to 6 pm – PT; instructor: Fadulla; 6 pm to 8 pm – Namaz and other work; 8 pm to 9 pm – Dinner

After Daura Sufa, we were selected for another training programme called Daura Ama. This was also for 21 days. We were taken to Mansera in Buttal village, where we were trained in handling weapons.  The daily programme was as follows: 4.15 am to 5 am – Wake-up call and thereafter Namaz; 5 am to 6 am – PT; instructor: Abu Anas; 8 am – Breakfast; 8.30 am to 11.30 am – Weapons training; trainer: Abdul Rehman; weapons: AK-47, Green-O, SKS, Uzi gun, pistol, revolver; 11.30 am to Noon – rest; Noon to 1 pm – Lunch break; 1 pm to 2 pm – Namaz; 2 pm to 4 pm – Rest; 4 pm to 6 pm – PT; 6 pm to 8 pm – Namaz and other work; 8 pm to 9 pm – Dinner.

After the training, we were told that we will begin the next stage involving advanced training. But for that, we were told, we had to do some khidmat for two months (khidmat is a sort of service in the camp as per trainees’ liking). We agreed. After two months, I was allowed to go to meet my parents. I stayed with my parents for a month.  Then I went to an LeT camp in Shaiwainala, Muzaffarabad, for advanced training…  We were taken to Chelabandi pahadi area for a training programme, called Daura Khas, of three months. It involved handling weapons, using hand grenade, rocket launchers and mortars.

The daily programme was as follows: 4.15 am  to 5 am – Wake-up call and thereafter Namaz; 5 am to 6 am – PT; instructor: Abu Mawiya; 8 am – Breakfast; 8.30 am  to 11.30 am – Weapons training, handling of all weapons and firing practices with the weapons, training on handling hand grenade, rocket-launchers and mortars, Green-O, SKS, Uzi gun, pistol, revolver; trainer: Abu Mawiya; 11.30 am to 12 noon – rest; Noon to 1 pm – Lunch break; 1 pm to 2 pm – Namaz; 2 pm to 4 pm – Weapons training and firing practice; lecture on Indian security agencies; 4 pm to 6 pm – PT; 6 pm to 8 pm – Namaz and other work; 8 pm to 9 pm – Dinner

There were 32 trainees in the camp. Sixteen were selected for a confidential operation by one Zaki-ur-Rehman, alias Chacha, but three of them ran away from the camp.  Chacha sent the remaining 13 with a person called Kafa to the Muridke camp again. At Muridke, we were taught swimming and made familiar with the life of fishermen at sea… We were given lectures on the working of Indian security agencies. We were shown clippings highlighting atrocities on Muslims in India.  After the training, we were allowed to go to our native places. I stayed with my family for seven days. I then went to the LeT camp at Muzaffarabad. The 13 of us were present for training.   Then, on Zaki-ur-Rehman’s instructions, Kafa took us to the Muridke camp. The training continued for a month. We were given lectures on India and its security agencies, including RAW. We were also trained to evade security personnel. We were instructed not to make phone calls to Pakistan after reaching India.

The names of the persons present for the training are: n Mohd Azmal, alias Abu Muzahid  n Ismail, alias Abu Umar  n Abu Ali n Abu Aksha n Abu Umer  n Abu Shoeb n Abdul Rehman (Bada) n Abdul Rehman (Chhota) n Afadulla  n Abu Umar. After the training, Chacha selected 10 of us and formed five teams of two people each on September 15. I and Ismail formed a team; its codename was VTS. We were shown Azad Maidan in Mumbai on Google Earth’s site on the internet… We were shown a film on VT railway station. The film showed commuters during rush hours. We were instructed to carry out firing during rush hours — between 7 am and 11 am and between 7 pm and 11 pm. Then we were to take some people hostage, take them to the roof of some nearby building and contact Chacha, who would have given us numbers to contact media people and make demands.  This was the strategy decided upon by our trainers. The date fixed for the operation was September 27. However, the operation was cancelled for some reason. We stayed in Karachi till November 23.  The other teams were: 2nd team: a) Abu Aksha; b) Abu Umar; 3rd team: a) Abdul Rehman (Bada); b) Abu Ali; 4th team: a) Abdul Rehman (Chotta); b) Afadulla; 5th team: a) Abu Shoeb; b) Abu Umer.

On November 23, the teams left from Azizabad in Karachi, along with Zaki-ur-Rehman and Kafa. We were taken to the nearby seashore… We boarded a launch. After travelling for 22 to 25 nautical miles we boarded a bigger launch. Again, after a journey of an hour, we boarded a ship, Al-Huseini, in the deep sea. While boarding the ship, each of us was given a sack containing eight grenades, an AK-47 rifle, 200 cartridges, two magazines and a cellphone.  Then we started towards the Indian coast. When we reached Indian waters, the crew members of Al-Huseini hijacked an Indian launch. The crew of the launch was shifted to Al-Huseini. We then boarded the launch. An Indian seaman was made to accompany us at gunpoint; he was made to bring us to the Indian coast. After a journey of three days, we reached near Mumbai’s shore. While we were still some distance away from the shore, Ismail and Afadulla killed the Indian seaman (Tandel) in the basement of the launch. Then we boarded an inflatable dinghy and reached Badhwar Park jetty.  I then went along with Ismail to VT station by taxi. After reaching the hall of the station, we went to the toilet, took out the weapons from our sacks, loaded them, came out of the toilet and started firing indiscriminately at passengers. Suddenly, a police officer opened fire at us. We threw hand grenades towards him and also opened fire at him.  Then we went inside the railway station threatening the commuters and randomly firing at them. We then came out of the railway station searching for a building with a roof.  But we did not find one. Therefore, we entered a lane. We entered a building and went upstairs. On the third and fourth floors we searched for hostages but we found that the building was a hospital and not a residential building. We started to come down. That is when policemen started firing at us. We threw grenades at them.

While coming out of the hospital premises, we saw a police vehicle passing. We took shelter behind a bush. Another vehicle passed us and stopped some distance away. A police officer got off from the vehicle and started firing at us. A bullet hit my hand and my AK-47 fell out of my hand. When I bent to pick it up another bullet hit me on the same hand. Ismail opened fire at the officers in the vehicle. They got injured and firing from their side stopped. We waited for a while and went towards the vehicle.  There were three bodies in the vehicle. Ismail removed the bodies and drove the vehicle. I sat next to him. Some policemen tried to stop us. Ismail opened fire at them. The vehicle had a flat tyre near a big ground by the side of road. Ismail got down from the vehicle, stopped a car at gunpoint and removed the three lady passengers from the car. Since I was injured, Ismail carried me to the car. He then drove the car. We were stopped by policemen on the road near the seashore. Ismail fired at them, injuring some policemen. The police also opened fire at us. Ismail was injured in the firing. The police removed us from the vehicle and took us to the same hospital. In the hospital, I came to know that Ismail had succumbed to injuries.  My statement has been read to me and explained in Hindi, and it has been correctly recorded.”

Posted in Ahimsa, Buddhism, Christian forgiveness, Christianity, Ethics, Existentialism, Good and Evil, Graham Staines, Habeas Corpus for terrorist suspects, Hinduism, Hindus and Muslims, India's crimes, India's Jurisprudence, India's Muslims, India's Rule of Law, India's secularism, Iqbal, Jainism, MA Jinnah, Maulana Azad, MK Gandhi, Moral reasoning, Mumbai massacres, Mumbai terrorist Kasab, Mumbai's Police, Mumbai/Bombay, Nariman House massacre, Pakistan in international law, Pakistan's politics, Pakistan's terrorist masterminds, Pakistan's terrorist training institutes, Pakistan, Balochistan, Afghanistan, Iran, Rajiv Gandhi's assassination, Sheikh Abdullah, Tolstoy. Comments Off on Kasab was a stupid, ignorant, misguided youth, manufactured by Pakistan’s terrorist masterminds into becoming a mass-murdering robot: Mahatma Gandhi’s India should punish him, get him to repent if he wishes, then perhaps rehabilitate him as a potent weapon against Pakistani terrorism

Congratulations to Mumbai’s Police: capturing a terrorist, affording him his Habeas Corpus rights, getting him to confess within the Rule of Law, sets a new world standard

December 10, 2008 — drsubrotoroy

The full statement to police of the single captured terrorist perpetrator of the Mumbai massacres is now available. It tells a grim story. But Mumbai’s Police, from ordinary beat constables and junior officers to the anti-terrorism top brass, come off very well both with their heroism and their commitment to the Rule of Law.   In comparison to the disastrous failures of the Rule of Law in the United States and Britain since 9/11 in fighting terrorism, Mumbai’s Police may have set a new world standard.

The prisoner was several days ago afforded Habeas Corpus rights  and produced before a magistrate who asked him if he was being mistreated to which he replied he was not – though there might not be any Indian equivalent of America’s “Miranda”  law.

Posted in anarchy and governance, Asia and the West, Britain, Common Law and Equity, Habeas Corpus for terrorist suspects, India's crimes, India's Judiciary, India's Jurisprudence, India-Pakistan peace process, Master and Servant Law, Mumbai massacres, Mumbai's Police, Pakistan's exports, Pakistan's politics, Pakistan's terrorist masterminds, Rule of Law, US Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, Espionage, US Pakistan policy. Leave a Comment »

Habeas Corpus: a captured terrorist mass-murderer tells a magistrate he is not being mistreated by Indian police

December 3, 2008 — drsubrotoroy

A youth who had been a petty thief in Multan, was induced by Pakistan’s terrorist masterminds to  train to  become a mass murderer with an assault rifle and grenades in the Mumbai massacres last week.  He was shot and arrested by India’s police and is now in custody.  He has already been produced before a magistrate who asked him if he was being mistreated, to which he said he was not. This redounds to India’s credit in view of the vast (and yes, probably racist) mistreatment over years of those held e.g. at Guantanamo Bay.  (The argument that the US Constitution and the laws associated with habeas corpus did not apply to the US Government because Guantanamo Bay was not American territory, was always specious.)

Posted in Habeas Corpus for terrorist suspects, India's Judiciary, India's Jurisprudence, India's Rule of Law, Law, Mumbai massacres, Mumbai terrorist Kasab, Mumbai's Police, Mumbai/Bombay, Natural Justice, Pakistan's terrorist masterminds, Pakistan, Balochistan, Afghanistan, Iran, Racism, Secular governance, Secularism in practice, September 11 attacks, US Constitution, US Federal Law & Jurisprudence. Leave a Comment »

Origins of India’s Constitutional Politics: Bengal 1913

October 12, 2008 — drsubrotoroy

This is a 1913 photograph of the Indian members of the  first Bengal Legislative Council elected (in 1912)  after the 1909 Morley-Minto reforms; the members apparently were being greeted by gentlemen of the sub-urban areas south of Calcutta.  The Englishman sitting at the centre  seems to be Sir Henry Cotton (1845-1915), the 1904 President of the Indian National Congress and a  great political friend of India.   To his right sits Surendranath Roy, who may have been the Council’s first President.

 

Academic studies include notably those by JH Broomfield, “The Vote and the Transfer of Power: A Study of the Bengal Election 1912-1913” Journal of Asian Studies, Feb 1962, his book Elite Conflict in a   Plural Society: 20th Century Bengal (Berkeley 1968); and Rajat Kanta Ray, Social Conflict and Political Unrest in Bengal 1875-1927 (Oxford 1984).  Professor Ray writes about the 1912 election: “Only  a few candidates of the “Popular Party” — Surendranath Banerjea, Abul Kasim, Byomkesh Chakravarti and Surendranath Ray — scraped through…. (A) sympathetic moderate wrote in 1919: ‘The Popular Party is a bundle of disjoined units which cannot resist the slightest pressure from without.’  This charge was eventually disproved by the stand taken by (the Popular Party) in the Bengal Legislative Council.  It showed no sign of wilting under the pressure exerted by the European group…”

 

Other studies of the period include John R McLane, Indian Nationalism and the Early Congress (Princeton 1977), Anil Seal, The Emergence of Indian Nationalism (Cambridge 1971),  Gordon Johnson, Provincial Politics and Indian Nationalism (Cambridge 1973) etc.

By way of incidental reference, the young Jawaharlal Nehru had returned from his studies in England in 1912; MK Gandhi was still in South Africa and would not be returning until 1915.  The Tilak-Gokhale clash though had been in full swing since 1907.

 

 

Subroto Roy

Nota Bene: The text and photograph in this post may be considered in the public domain and may be freely used for purposes of a Wikipedia article or any other publication in the common interest.

Posted in Asia and the West, Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Bengal, Bengal Constitutional Politics, Bengal Legislative Council, Britain in India, Congress Party, Constitutional Politics, GK Gokhale, India's Constitution, India's constitutional politics, India's Democracy, India's independence, India's Jurisprudence, India's Nationalism, India's Panchayat local democracy, India's Parliament, India's Politics, India's Polity, India's Rajya Sabha, Indian National Congress Origins, Jawaharlal Nehru, MK Gandhi, Roys of Behala, Sir Henry Cotton 1845-1915, Surendranath Roy. 1 Comment »

Irresponsible Governance

March 4, 2008 — drsubrotoroy

Irresponsible Governance

Congress, BJP, Communists, BSP, Sena Etc Reveal Equally Bad Traits

By Subroto Roy

First published in

The Statesman, March 4 2008,

Editorial Page Special Article

A “black” American, born of a black Kenyan father and white American mother, and having a Muslim middle name Hussein though Christian by faith, may become the freely elected President of the USA in January 2009. He has stood up himself and anyone who knows Western cultures will know how hard it would have been to overcome workplace prejudices. Martin Luther King Jr’s dream of America becoming a nation where people “will not be judged by the colour of their skin but by the content of their character” might start to be fulfilled.

Can the same be said of modern India, ever? When will Muslims, Dalits, tribals and whomever become well enough integrated with mainstream Hindu societies ~ and vice versa ~ that we have army generals, fighter pilots, submarine commanders, nuclear scientists, media moghuls, top executives, and yes, freely elected Prime Ministers of India from any externally identifiable group without batting an eyelid? The policies followed by the Congress, BJP, Communists, BSP etc., exemplified by Mr Chidambaram’s pandering Budget-Speech last week, suggest that the answer will be never.

Selling illusions

Mr Chidambaram mentioned “Scheduled Caste” six times and “Minority” (meaning “Muslim”) five times in his speech~ if he or the Sonia-Manmohan Government genuinely felt any of the schemes mentioned were in the true interest of these groups, these schemes could have been simply and quietly implemented without fanfare or political advertisement. Making a big deal about them in Parliament during a Budget-Speech precisely reveals the actual underlying cynicism and hypocrisy. The fact may be it is not the schemes themselves that are important but the illusions created and sold about them, illusions that have electoral value because they deceive the purported beneficiaries into thinking that somebody powerful cares about them and controls their well-being.

A quarter-century ago in Pricing, Planning & Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India, I applied the arguments of the black American economist Thomas Sowell to the Indian case. I said: “the racial composition of contemporary American society is a complex mosaic, and no-one can say with certainty how it has come to be what it is today. In such circumstances, for the government to try to isolate a single contingent characteristic like “race”, partition society on the basis of census data according to this characteristic, and then construct public policies accordingly, is to introduce an enormous arbitrariness into economic life. By merely defining a group by reference to a single contingent characteristic, which all its members seem to possess, the intrinsic complexity of the individual person is lost or overlooked. Two members of the same race may be very different from each other in every relevant characteristic (income, education, political preference, and so on), and indeed resemble members of other races more closely in them. A policy which introduces a citizen’s race as a relevant factor in the assignment of jobs or college places partitions the citizenry into vague groups: members of groups who are very different from members of other groups in characteristics other than race rarely competing with each other anyway, while the burden and beneficence of the State’s policies fall on members of groups who are not very different from members of other groups in characteristics other than race”.

Sowell himself (in Knowledge and Decisions) put it like this: “costs are borne disproportionately by those members of the general population who meet standards with the least margin and are therefore most likely to be the ones displaced to make room for minority applicants. Those who meet the standards by the widest margin are not directly affected ~ that is, pay no costs. They are hired, admitted or promoted as if blacks did not exist. People from families with the most general ability to pay also have the most ability to pay for the kind of education and training that makes such performance possible. The costs of special standards are paid by those who do not. Among the black population, those most likely to benefit from the lower standards are those closest to meeting the normal standards. It is essentially an implicit transfer of wealth among people least different in non-racial characteristics. For the white population it is a regressively graduated tax in kind, imposed on those who are rising but not on those already on top.’”

What Sowell said about American blacks may well apply to India’s religious and caste minorities today. Problems of tribal India are more subtle requiring more technical sociological and anthropological study.

The Leftist idea common to the Congress, Communists, BSP etc has been to perpetuate dependency of Muslims, Dalits, OBCs etc upon the whims of State power (as wielded by such Leftists themselves). By contrast, the Rightist/Fascistic idea of the BJP, its RSS parent, the Sena etc has been to try to bludgeon Muslims, Dalits and everyone else into submission whereby they must adopt majority customs, habits or political beliefs or (in true Nazi fashion) come to be exiled or banned from mainstream society. Both Left and Right in India have also promoted new government-induced “Sex Wars” between males and females ~ passing laws drastically raising the risk and cost of maintaining marriages and family households, which then simply collapse as has happened elsewhere.

In general, the Congress, BJP, Communists, BSP etc have been united in being wholly incapable of seeing India’s people as individuals in their own right in all the diversity and complexity that entails ~ as free citizens who possess individual rights to belief, property, security, privacy etc. Instead the idea has been to politically categorize people as members of mass-groups that may be then manipulated as puppets using State power in one direction or another. The result has been a general failure in the country to develop the notion of responsible individual citizens (hundreds of millions in number) dealing with responsible public and civic institutions including the State.

Citizens and State

Even in nations that are heirs to a long history of democratic political development, the link often has not been made in the public mind between enjoyment or lack of enjoyment of public services, and costs upon individual citizens from whom resources must be ultimately raised. In a fiscal democracy “those who bear the costs of public services are also the beneficiaries” (JM Buchanan); conversely, those who demand public services must pay for them in real resources one way or another. If citizens feel they receive little or nothing of value from government, there is an obvious loss of incentive to be counted as responsible voting members of the same community, and instead reason to evade taxes or flee the country or cynically believe everything to be corrupt.

On the other hand, if citizens demand public services without expecting to contribute private resources for their production, this amounts to being no more than a wish to be free-riders on the general budget. While Indian citizens have been arbitrarilty partitioned by government according to religion, caste etc., widespread cynicism has prevailed about secular provision of public services by government at any level. At the same time the idea is far from understood that beneficiaries of public services must sooner or later expect to bear real resource-costs one way or another. Everyday politics thus becomes highly irresponsible. Political New Delhi has created such a state of affairs over decades and continues to contribute to it.

Posted in Barack Obama, BJP, Communists, Congress Party, Economic Policy, Economic quackery, Economics of Unemployment, India's Caste/Ethnic Problems, India's Constitution, India's Democracy, India's Jurisprudence, India's Nationalism, India's Politics, India's Polity, Martin Luther King Jr, Thomas Sowell, USA, United States polity. Leave a Comment »

On Indian Nationhood (2007)

May 25, 2007 — drsubrotoroy

On Indian Nationhood
From Tamils To Kashmiris And Assamese And Mizos To Sikhs And Goans

First published in The Statesman, Editorial Page

May 25 2007

By Subroto Roy

In the decades before 1947, imperialist critics of Indian nationalism accused the movement of being less about creating Indian nationhood than about supplanting British rule with local Indian oligarchies. Sydenham, for example, in the upper house of Britain’s Parliament in August 1918, gleefully quoted from the “Madras Dravidian Hindu Association” (forerunners of today’s DMK etc): “We shall fight to the last drop of our blood any attempt to transfer the seat of authority in this country from British hands to so-called high-caste Hindus, who have ill-treated us in the past and will do so again but for the protection of British laws.” Also quoted were “Namasudras of Bengal”, allegedly numbering “ten million men”, protesting “gross misrepresentation” by “so-called high-caste leaders” of the desirability of “Home Rule or self-government”. Besides caste and class there was always religion too by which India’s inhabitants could be classified and divided, and it must have delighted Sydenham to quote the “South Indian Islamic League” saying “Nothing should be done which will weaken British authority in any manner whatsoever, and hand over the destinies of the Moslem community to a class which has no regard for their interests and no respect for their sentiments”.

Home Rule League

Sydenham was attacking the Montagu-Chelmsford Report which had stated that India had “a core of earnest men who believe sincerely and strive for political progress; around them a ring of less educated people to whom a phrase or a sentiment appeals; and an outside fringe of those who have been described as attracted by curiosity to this new thing, or who find diversions in attacking a big and very solemn Government as urchins might take a perilous joy at casting toy darts at an elephant.”

Annie Besant, herself an Englishwoman, was, along with BG Tilak and MA Jinnah, a pioneer of Indian nationalism at the time and headed the new Indian Home Rule League on the Irish pattern. The League stated its membership at 52,000. Sydenham multiplied that by five and asked if a quarter million could purport to rule 244 millions in an Indian democracy. Where, he demanded, was the “voice that cannot yet be heard, the voice of the peoples of India”? The imperialist jibe was that the British Raj would be replaced at best by a “Vakil Raj” of “high-caste” Hindus and at worst by anarchy and bloodshed.

Thirty years later India’s was partitioned and independent under Attlee’s Labour Party. Churchill took over the imperialist mantle and found solace in the new India agreeing to remain in Britain’s “Commonwealth”, saying that India doing so as a Republic did not impair “the majesty of the Crown or the personal dignity of the King”.

The ghosts of Churchill and Sydenham today would heartily cheer our Republic’s current President APJ Abdul Kalam agreeing to receive the “King Charles II Medal” from the Royal Society, and our current PM Manmohan Singh accepting honorary British degrees also while in office. Britain’s Crown Prince has proposed a cricket match between India and Pakistan to mark the 60th anniversary of 1947, and what, after all, could be less inappropriate to mark the event in British eyes? All that Indian nationalism would have been firmly put in its place.

Now Pakistan mostly goes unmentioned in the history of Indian nationalism because the new Pakistanis as of 14 August 1947 hardly felt or even wished to be independent of the British. Instead they longed only to acquire control over any kind of Muslim-majority Government that they could, and as much of the resources and joint military assets of the old India they could get their hands on.

The Kashmir dispute and India-Pakistan conflict have not been ones between Hindus and Muslims, regardless of what the BBC, CNN etc make themselves believe. As much as for any other reason, Kashmir escalated out of control because of British irresponsibility during the process of disintegration of the old Indian Army between the two new Dominions. Newly demobilised Mirpuri soldiers who had formed loyal British battalions were drawn into the cycle of Partition-related communal violence and reprisals in Punjab, which inevitably spilt over into Jammu and culminated in the attack on J&K State that commenced from Pakistan’s NWFP in October 1947 ~ plunging J&K into civil war with Sheikh Abdullah and Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad’s National Conference allied to the new secular India and Sardar Ibrahim’s Muslim Conference allied to the new and soon to be Islamic Pakistan. Field Marshal Auchinlek, the Supreme Commander of both Indian and Pakistani Armed Forces, had the decency to resign and abolish the so-called “Supreme Command” as soon as he realised his own forces were at war with one another.

It would not be too inaccurate to say Pakistan and Britain continued in a neo-colonial relationship throughout the 1950s and 1960s ~ all the way until Ayub Khan (who had been warmly entertained at Chequers during the Christine Keeler-Profumo matter), overplayed his hand by attacking India in 1965. That war followed by the East Pakistan cyclone in 1969 brought to a head the inherent political contradictions of the Pakistani state accumulated until that time, and soon led to Bangladesh’s creation in 1971. Britain has had no real interest in Bangladesh but as Pakistan had allowed dual nationality with Britain, Britain found itself with a lot of Bangladeshi immigrants whose “Indian” restaurants give modern Britons today something to look forward to every weekend.

Britain and its American ally continued to have deep interests in Pakistan, mostly because of the geopolitical importance of Pakistani real estate and the generally obsequious and compliant nature of the Pakistani military and diplomatic elite. All that began to change fundamentally when the real declaration of Pakistani independence occurred in the world with the AQ Khan nuclear bombs exploding in 1998 followed by the September 11 2001 attacks upon the USA.

Nationalism today

As for ourselves in India, we have developed some coherent and recognisable design of a modern political economy with a Union Government and more than two dozen State Governments, and we have abolished the imperialist lackeys known as the “princes”. Our Governments at Union and State levels change peacefully by periodic elections under the 1950 Constitution. This in itself would be seen as an astonishing democratic achievement relative to where we were one hundred years ago at the time of the Morley-Minto policies. Thanks to Jawaharlal Nehru, we have had universal franchise since 1952 (at a time when the USA still had its Jim Crow laws against black citizens) ~ yet the imperialist jibe of an infinitesimally small elite purporting to represent hundreds of millions of India’s people remains to be addressed.

It would be interesting to know how many descendants of the 52,000 members of Annie Besant’s Home Rule League remain in India and how many have emigrated to the USA, Britain, Australia etc. The children of our top military, bureaucratic, business, professional and academic elite have cheerfully led an exodus out of the country. E.g. the son of a former commanding general of the Indian Army’s Artillery Regiment is now a British businessman and member of Tony Blair’s new House of Lords. Indian Nationhood in the 21st Century no longer has to include Bangladeshis and Pakistanis who have ended up seeking to develop their own nationalisms, but it remains hard enough to try to include everyone else ~ from Tamils to Kashmiris and from Assamese and Mizos to Sikhs and Goans. Cleaning up our government accounting and sorting out our public finances nationwide so as to establish a sound money for everyone to use for the first time in sixty or seventy years, is among the first steps in defining our common goals as an independent nation.

(Postscript: The original text stated Independence and Paritition came “forty years” after the only date mentioned until that point in the text, which is of the 1918 Montagu-Chelmsford period.   Unconsciously, I was counting from the Morley-Minto period of 1906-1908 which was the constitutional precedent to Montagu-Chelmsford.)

Posted in Annie Besant, Asia and the West, Attlee, Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Bangladesh, Bengal, Britain, Britain in India, Britain's immigrant communities, Britain's monarchy, British foreign policy, British history, Democracy, DMK, Government of India, Imperialism, India's Army, India's Caste/Ethnic Problems, India's Constitution, India's constitutional politics, India's Democracy, India's emigrants to the West, India's History, India's independence, India's Jurisprudence, India's Macroeconomics, India's Monetary & Fiscal Policy, India's Nationalism, India's nomenclatura, India's Parliament, India's Partition, India's Politics, India's Polity, India's Public Finance, India's State Finances, India-Pakistan peace process, Indian National Congress Origins, Indian subcontinent, Jammu & Kashmir, Jawaharlal Nehru, MA Jinnah, Manmohan Singh, Pakistan's diplomacy, Pakistan's history, Pakistan's nuclear weapons, Pakistan's politics, Pakistan, Balochistan, Afghanistan, Iran, Political Economy, Winston Churchill. Leave a Comment »

India and Her Neighbours

May 15, 2007 — drsubrotoroy

We & Our Neighbours
Pakistanis And Bangladeshis Would Do Well To Learn From Sheikh Abdullah

by Subroto Roy

First published in The Statesman May 15 2007, Editorial Page Special Article, http://www.thestatesman.net

Pakistan and Bangladesh, unlike ourselves in India, have yet to properly establish elementary constitutional institutions. “Individuals may form communities, but it is institutions alone that can create a nation”, said Benjamin Disraeli. The continual political chaos on the streets of Pakistan and Bangladesh ~ not just in recent weeks but in recent years and decades ~ indicate such institutions are still lacking or stillborn there. Tear gas, water cannon and hordes of armed policemen to charge at enraged stone-throwing crowds are not part of any solution but part of the political problem itself.

One main purpose of constitutional institutions has to do with peaceful transfer of power from one political party to its adversary. Mulayam Singh Yadav has just transferred political power to Mayawati in Uttar Pradesh, an Indian State more populous than either Pakistan or Bangladesh. Not long ago Lalu Prasad Yadav did the same to Nitish Kumar in Bihar, and Atal Behari Vajpayee to an appointee of Sonia Gandhi for all India itself. Modern democratic institutions are precisely about such peaceful transfers of power after voters have acted periodically to try to “throw the rascals out”.

Honeymoon period
It would be foolish to suppose an incoming Government of UP, Bihar or all India itself will be very much better than the one it displaces. But certainly in its first few “honeymoon” months or weeks at least, it will not be any worse. The tail-end of any scheduled democratic government, whether in India, Britain, the USA or elsewhere, is quite a disgusting sight, as those in their last days of power grab whatever they can from office before departure without any pretence of shame or embarrassment. Serious decision-making in the public interest would have long ago ceased. Almost anything new would be better.

At the same time, among those coming into power there will be some earnest wish at least to make some small difference for the better ~ a wish that will surely disappear within weeks of entering office after which the old cynicism and corruption will take hold again, and it will be the same ugly business as usual. But certainly, voters can expect slightly fresh air for a brief time after they have thrown one party out of power and chosen to bring in another. That is as about as good as democracy gets in modern practice.

Of India’s dozen or more larger States, we have, in the sixth decade of our Constitution, quite a few in which bipartisan democratic processes have been taking shape. UP was not one of them, and it is to Mayawati’s credit that she has broken the pattern of hung assemblies and now heads a majority government. Bihar too had seemed in the monolithic grip of Lalu Yadav until Nitish Kumar broke it, though the latter’s honeymoon period is now long over and it is business quite as usual there. Madhya Pradesh, Punjab, Maharashtra, Rajasthan, Haryana, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Kerala and even J&K each have a noticeable bipartisan nature developing with at least one “national” party present to be counted. Tamil Nadu has been bipartisan but in an unhealthy way based on the personality cults of antagonistic leaders rather than any political principles or class-interests ~ which is a pity as the old Madras once had seemed a source of some new rationality in Indian politics. West Bengal’s voters have been definitely bipartisan, the communist vote being no more than that of the Congress and Trinamul combined. But for decades the local Congress has been notoriously sold down the river to its communist adversary by the Congress “leadership” in Delhi, and that has allowed an entrenched and wholly corrupted communist cultural and political mindset to rule in Kolkata. The Basu-Bhattacharjee Government was palpably bewildered over the Singur and Nandigram events because of their self-induced delusion about the economic and political realities of the State.

Throughout India though, periodic elections have acquired enough legitimacy to be accepted as the means of peaceful change of government. And with bipartisan politics there is a tendency for the median voter to be wooed at election-time.

We have of course many other continuing problems in our political economy ~ most notorious of which is the rotten state of our public finances and the continuous massive deficit finance that has ruined our paper currency and banking system ever since Indira Gandhi’s rule, coinciding with the start of Manmohan Singh’s career as an economic bureaucrat and Pranab Mukherjee’s as a politician in the early 1970s. Our acceptance of the democratic way has to an extent depended on our notoriously irresponsible macroeconomic policies ~ since every State and Union Government entity has been allowed to face no effective binding financial budget-constraint, and all its perverse decision-making can flow eventually into the swamp that is our Public Debt which constitutes the asset-side of the domestic banking system. India’s cardinal problem then becomes one of how to improve our macroeconomics without losing our democracy ~ something the Sonia-Manmohan-Pranab Congress, the BJP/RSS and the Communists are all equally clueless about.

Across our borders, our Pakistani and Bangladeshi cousins were cut from the same constitutional cloth as ourselves, namely the 1935 Government of India Act and the Montague-Chelmsford reforms before that. But after Jinnah’s death they refused to admit this and instead embarked on trying to write and implement a Constitution for a new Caliphate. The initial demand was “That the sovereignty in Pakistan belongs to God Almighty alone and that the Government of Pakistan shall administer the country as His agent”. In Rashid Rida and Maulana Maududi’s words, Islam becomes “the very antithesis of secular Western democracy. The philosophical foundation of Western democracy is the sovereignty of the people. Lawmaking is their prerogative and legislation must correspond to the mood and temper of their opinion… Islam… altogether repudiates the philosophy of popular sovereignty and rears its polity on the foundations of the sovereignty of God and the viceregency (Khilafat) of man.” (Rosenthal, Islam & the Modern National State, Cambridge 1965). Pakistan’s constitutionalists thus have faced an impossible battle to overcome the ontological error of assuming that any mundane government can be in communication with God Almighty.

J&K’s Constitution
Now Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah was as pious a Muslim as any but was far more modern in his 5 November 1951 speech to J&K’s Constituent Assembly: “You are the sovereign authority in this State of Jammu & Kashmir; what you decide has the irrevocable force of law”. Referring to the American and French Constitutions, he said the “basic democratic principle” was of the “sovereignty of the nation”. “We should be clear about the responsibilities that this power invests us with. In front of us lie decisions of the highest national importance which we shall be called upon to take. Upon the correctness of our decisions depends not only the happiness of our land and people now, but the fate as well of generations to come.”

Can a modern conclave of Pervez Musharraf, Nawaz Sharif, Benazir Bhutto and Chaudhry Iftikhar Ahmed decide or declare any better for Pakistan today? Or one of Khaleda, Hasina and whichever cabal of generals and bureaucrats happens to head Bangladesh at present?

If Pakistan and Bangladesh each chose to restart with the modern-minded constitutional example Sheikh Abdullah set more than a half century ago in J&K, they may find their political problems less severe in due course. It is a long road ahead.

Posted in Atal Behari Vajpayee, Bangladesh, Bengal, Bihar, BJP, BR Ambedkar, Communists, Congress Party, Democracy, Elections, India's Democracy, India's Economy, India's Jurisprudence, India's Monetary & Fiscal Policy, India's Parliament, India's Polity, India's Public Finance, India's State Finances, India's Union-State relations, Indira Gandhi, Islam, Jammu & Kashmir, MA Jinnah, Macroeconomics, Maharashtra, Manmohan Singh, Median Voter, Pakistan's history, Pakistan, Balochistan, Afghanistan, Iran, Pervez Musharraf, Political corruption, Political cynicism, Political Economy, Politics, Public Choice/Public Finance, Secular governance, Sheikh Abdullah, Uttar Pradesh. Leave a Comment »

Presidential Qualities

May 8, 2007 — drsubrotoroy

Presidential Qualities

Simplicity, Genuine Achievement Are Desirable; Political Ambition Is Not

by Subroto Roy

First published in The Statesman, Editorial Page, Special Article, May 8 2007

To become President of the Indian Republic is to become our Head of State, and we may wish to see our President possess certain kinds of qualities of character and achievement. Unlike the USA, France and Russia but like Britain, Germany and Japan, our Head of State is not our Head of Government, who is the Prime Minister. Unlike Britain and Japan but like Germany, our Head of State is someone we get to choose and we do not have to depend on aristocratic hereditary chances.

Naked political ambition, whether overtly or covertly manifested, may be expected and can be tolerated in the drive to becoming a Prime Minister or a Chief Minister. But it is not a quality we would find endearing or salubrious in a President of India. One former President quite meticulously planned his career so as to make him a possible choice, and then asserted his “right” to the job and allowed a lobbying process to take over. Then too, becoming President is the highest possible honour for an Indian citizen ~ there can be nothing higher; no Bharat Ratna, no Nobel Prize or anything else can surpass having embodied the sovereignty of India as a free democratic republic. Yet one former President received a private award after leaving office and declared it to have been his highest honour ~ again, not an endearing or salubrious thing to have done.

We may almost say that the expressed wish or desire to become President of India should be almost a disqualification for the job. In the USA, a childhood ambition to grow up to be President is an admirable thing; in India it is not.

Practical aspects

Secondly, looking to the practical aspects of the job, these are twofold: acting as the Head of State of the Union of India as well as supervising the Presidential emissaries to our more than two dozen States, namely, the Governors. In a different and more modern nomenclature, the idea of a Governor would have been dispensed with as a British-era anachronism, and instead we would have had a Vice President for the Union of India and a Vice President for each of the States, forming an indirectly elected college of high and eminent dignitaries with fixed terms of office. So instead of a Governor of UP or Governor of Karnataka, we would have had a Vice President for UP and a Vice President for Karnataka, besides a Vice President of the Union of India who would chair the Upper House of Parliament.

This may have served to highlight the fact that the President is the constitutional Head of State both at the Union and in each of the States. His/her deputies act solely in his/her name, which, after all, is in the name of the sovereign people of India as expressed in their Constitution.

For example, we have had elected chief ministers dismissed for no good reason in the past, while we now have the first prime minister anywhere since Salisbury in 19th Century Britain who does not command a majority in the Lower House of Parliament. Also, many life-long “career politicians” have spent their lives organising this or that political party, giving speeches at mass rallies, undermining their opponents, backing their friends, being involved in all the ugliness of day-to-day politics. Such persons would not have transcended their own pasts sufficiently to be able to earn the kind of public confidence and respect that is necessary in our President. Nor is our Presidency a place to carry on any kind of explicit personal agenda or political hobby or ideology.

Then, too, we could do with a President who does not feel any great urge for foreign travel or pomp and circumstance. India’s Foreign Minister and Foreign Trade Minister may have need to run around the globe but hardly anyone else in our Government needs to be in fact travelling abroad, not even the Prime Minister, especially when the domestic political and economic and jurisprudential agenda of our country is so large and yet unfulfilled.

Our Presidential term lasts sixty months: if, say, 20 months in total are devoted to the Union’s matters and another 30 months to our more than two dozen States and Union Territories, that would leave a month’s vacation for each of five years, with a full five months in hand for exigencies. How should the President allocate all that time? Plainly, the answer is that we expect him/her to be using moral suasion and sheer physical presence in defending the Constitution and the ordinary anonymous individual citizen against whatever misfortune may befall them, whether from natural calamity or evil behaviour by the State.

When was the last time we had a President who travelled by AC 2-tier and chatted normally with his fellow citizen-travellers? Or someone who spent not just a flying visit of a few hours to Mizoram or Tripura but who actually set up camp there at the Raj Bhavans for several weeks and came to know firsthand what was going on and what the Indian Union as a whole may do to help?

Have we ever had a President who requested an end to all the bands playing and marching around in front of a few boring New Delhi people once a year, and instead sent those marching bands to play on Sunday mornings all year long ~ along a Marine Drive or Chowringhee or a Mahatma Gandhi Road in this or that city or small town or other, for the enjoyment and entertainment of the common Indian family?

 

President’s rights

The President is not the Head of Government, and must at all times remember that he/she is to be guided by Cabinet advice in substantive political matters, which have mainly to do with the raising and spending of public resources. But there are a thousand parliamentary and procedural things wrong at present with our Governments and Oppositions both at the Union and the States, and the President of India may be the only person with the moral stature, dignity and gravity to try at least to nudge things in the right direction before they get any worse. The constitutional Head of State in our system has, in the words of Walter Bagehot, the right to be consulted, the right to encourage and the right to warn. Someone needs to be a person of character and achievement and not a hollow empty dummy to be able to exercise such rights appropriately.

Posted in India's Constitution, India's Democracy, India's Jurisprudence, India's Lok Sabha, India's Parliament, India's Polity, India's Presidency, India's Rajya Sabha, India's Union-State relations, Maulana Azad, Walter Bagehot. 2 Comments »

Land, Liberty & Value

December 31, 2006 — drsubrotoroy

LAND, LIBERTY & VALUE

Government must act in good faith treating all citizens equally ~ not favouring organised business lobbies and organised labour over an unorganised peasantry

By SUBROTO ROY
First published in The Sunday Statesman Editorial Page Special Article, December 31 2006

EVERY farmer knows that two adjacent plots of land which look identical to the outsider may be very different in character, as different as two siblings of the same family. Adjacent plots may differ in access to groundwater and sunlight, in minerals and salts, in soil, fertilisers, parasites, weeds or a dozen other agronomic factors. Most of all, they will differ in the quality and ingenuity of thought and labour that has gone into their care and cultivation over the years, perhaps over generations.

John Locke said: “Whatsoever that (a man) removes out of the state that Nature hath provided and left it in, he hath mixed his labour with and joined to it something that is his own, and thereby makes it his property… For this labour being the unquestionable property of the labourer, no one but he can have a right to what that once joined to, at least where there is enough and as good left in common for others” (Second Treatise of Government). Plots of land are as specific as the families that have “mixed” their labour with them. Locke wrote of labour being something “unquestionably” the labourer’s own property; in the same libertarian vein, Robert Nozick opened Anarchy, State and Utopia saying “Individuals have rights, and there are things no person or group may do to them (without violating their rights)”.

But as we recognise the universal sanctity of the individual person and his/her private property, we have to start qualifying it. If you purchase a field, forest or estate through which runs a pathway traditionally used by the public to get from one side to the other then even as the new owner you may not have a right to forbid the public’s use of the pathway. By extension, it is clear the State, the community of which you are a citizen, may approach you and demand there should be and will be a public road or thoroughfare through your property in the common interest. Such is the sovereign’s right of “eminent domain” recognised throughout the world, not only in times of war or natural disaster but also in normal times where private property may be taken for public use. The individual’s right to free use of his/her property is circumscribed as a result.

What may be certainly expected though in all matters is that the State will act in good faith, i.e., that it has conducted proper technical surveys and cost-benefit analyses as well as transparent public hearings, and has honestly decided that the road must be constructed using this route and no other. The doctrine of eminent domain implies that while the right to private property may be basic, it is not absolute, as indeed no right is, not even the right to one’s own life. In India, one key difference between the landmark Golaknath (AIR 1967 SC 1643) and Kesavananda Bharati (AIR 1973 SC 1461) rulings had to do precisely with the former recognising the right to property being fundamental as in our original 1950 Constitution, while the latter consented to the Indira Parliament’s denial of this.

When private property is taken, fair compensation must be paid. For example, the American Constitution says “no private property may be taken for public use without just compensation”. What is just compensation? Typically it would be the “fair market value” — but that must be properly adjudged accounting for the best future use of the land, not merely the historical or traditional past use of the land.

Consider, in a mature urban real-estate market, a plot made vacant because a warehouse located on it has accidentally burned down. What is the value of the plot now? Another warehouse could be built, but other bids could come in too for construction of offices or residential flats or a multi-storey garage. The plot’s value would differ depending on which use it is ultimately put to. And this value would be ascertained by calculating the expected cash flows into the future from each of these possibilities, discounted appropriately to account for the fact the future is less valuable than the present, with the highest value alternative being chosen. That is how a mature private real-estate market works in theory, though in practice there would be zoning and environmental restrictions to account for the traditional nature of the neighbourhood as well as possible pollution by effluent waste etc.

In India, Government departments and ministries have inherited prime urban real estate from British times. Amidst the highest value real estate in Kolkata, Bangalore, Delhi etc. will be found a military camp or flats built for military personnel, having nothing whatsoever to do with furtherance of the nation’s defences today. The appalling state of government accounting and audit of our public property and institutions includes the fact that neither the Union nor State Governments and municipalities have the faintest idea of assets, including real estate, that they own. These public assets are frequently open to abuse by managerially uncontrolled government employees.

Fallacies even more curious seem to be currently at work in Indian policy-making, whether by this or that political party. The “eminent domain” doctrine requires a public purpose to exist for acquisition of private property by the State: e.g. construction of a road, bridge, dam, airport or some other traditional public good which is going to be used by the public. In India as elsewhere, “land reform” did involve taking an absentee landlord A’s land and distributing it to B, C, D and E who worked as peasants on it. But nowhere else outside formerly communist China has land been forcibly taken from peasants B, C, D and E and handed over to this or that private capitalist in name of economic development (in a reverse class war)!

Eminent domain doctrine requires good faith on part of the State with respect to its citizens and that implies treating all citizens’ interests equally – not e.g. favouring an organised business lobby or organised industrial labour over the unorganised peasantry uneducated in the wiles of city people.

Also, there is no reason why Government should be interested in a particular product-mix emerging out of a given private factory (such as the so-called inflation-unadjusted “Rs one lakh car” instead of telecom equipment or garments or textiles). Dr Manmohan Singh’s statement last week that he wishes to see “employment-intensive” industries merely added to Government confusion: from Henry Ford to Japanese “lean business” today, everyone knows the direction of change of technology in the automobile industry has been towards robotics, making modern manufacturing less and less manpower-intensive! The Tatas themselves underwent a major downsizing and restructuring in the last decade, hiving off industries not considered part of their “core competence”.

Traditional agriculture of Singur’s sort represents the most labour-intensive employment-generating kind of rural economy. While such rural life may appear unsatisfying to the urban outsider, there is, as Tolstoy, Rabindranath, Gandhi and others knew, subtle happiness, contentment and tranquility there absent in alienated industrial sprawls. “Surplus” labour occurs in agriculture because of technological improvements in quality and delivery of agricultural inputs as well as new education and awareness (Theodore W. Schultz,Transforming Traditional Agriculture). It is mostly seasonal and all hands are used during the harvest when even urban migrants flock back to help. Industry did not leave Bengal in the 1960s and 1970s because of Mamata Banerjee but because of urban unrest, the culture of gheraos and lockouts, and bad regulations of the labour and capital markets associated largely with Ms Banerjee’s Left Front adversaries.

The basic fiction the Union and State Governments have made themselves believe is that their idea of an industrialisation plan is necessary for economic development. It is not. Real economic problems in West Bengal and elsewhere are financial to do with State budgets. “Debt overhang is there” is how the RBI Governor apologetically put it last week. Interest payments on the West Bengal State public debt consume larger and larger fractions of the revenue: these payments were at Rs 13 Bn in 1995 but grew to Rs. 92 Bn by 2004, and may jump to Rs 200 Bn in the next decade. The communists have been in power thirty years and no one but they are responsible. Making the State’s budget healthy would require tackling the gargantuan bureaucracy, slashing ministerial extravagance (foreign trips, VIP security) etc. It is much easier to hobnob with the rich and powerful while tear-gassing the peasants.

Posted in Bengal, China, Communists, Economics of real estate valuation, Financial markets, Government accounting, Government of India, India's agriculture, India's Agriculture & Food, India's Economic History, India's Economy, India's Families, India's farmers, India's Government Expenditure, India's grassroots activists, India's Industry, India's Judiciary, India's Jurisprudence, India's Land, India's Monetary & Fiscal Policy, India's peasants, India's Politics, India's Polity, India's Public Finance, India's State Finances, John Locke, Kesavananda Bharati, Land and political economy, Liberalism/Libertarianism, Mamata Banerjee, Manmohan Singh, MK Gandhi, Politics, Rabindranath Tagore, Robert Nozick, Singur and Nandigram, Theodore W Schultz, US Constitution. 2 Comments »

What To Tell Musharraf: Peace Is Impossible Without Non-Aggressive Pakistani Intentions

December 15, 2006 — drsubrotoroy

What to tell Musharraf:

Peace Is Impossible Without Non-Aggressive Pakistani Intentions

First published in The Statesman December 15, 2006,

Editorial Page Special Article

by

SUBROTO ROY

In June 1989 a project at an American university involving Pakistani and other scholars, including one Indian, led to the book Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s published in Karachi, New Delhi and elsewhere. The book reached Nawaz Sharif and the Islamabad elite, and General Musharraf’s current proposal on J&K, endorsed warmly by the US State Department last week, derives from the last paragraph of its editorial introduction: “Kashmir… must be demilitarised and unified by both countries sooner or later, and it must be done without force. There has been enough needless bloodshed on the subcontinent… Modern Pakistanis and Indians are free peoples who can voluntarily agree in their own interests to alter the terms set hurriedly by Attlee or Mountbatten in the Indian Independence Act 1947. Nobody but we ourselves keeps us prisoners of superficial definitions of who we are or might be. The subcontinent could evolve its political identity over a period of time on the pattern of Western Europe, with open borders and (common) tariffs to the outside world, with the free movement of people, capital, ideas and culture. Large armed forces could be reduced and transformed in a manner that would enhance the security of each nation. The real and peaceful economic revolution of the masses of the subcontinent would then be able to begin.”

The editors as economists decried the waste of resources involved in the Pakistan-India confrontation, saying it had “greatly impoverished the general budgets of both Pakistan and India. If it has benefited important sections of the political and military elites of  both countries, it has done so only at the expense of the general welfare of the masses.”

International law

Such words may have been bold in the early 1990s but today, a decade and a half later, they seem incomplete and rather naïve even to their author, who was myself, the only Indian in that project. Most significantly, the position in international law in the context of historical facts had been wholly neglected. So had been the manifest nature of the contemporary Pakistani state.

Jammu & Kashmir became an entity in international law when the Treaty of Amritsar was signed between Gulab Singh and the British on March 16 1846. British India itself became an entity in international law much later, possibly as late as June 1919 when it signed the Treaty of Versailles. As for Pakistan, it had no existence in world history or international law until August 14 1947, when the British created it as a new entity out of certain demarcated areas of British India and gave it the status of a Dominion. British India dissolved itself on August 15 1947 and the Dominion of India became its successor-state in international law on that date. As BR Ambedkar pointed out at the time, the new India automatically inherited British India’s suzerainty over any and all remaining “princely” states of so-called “Indian India”. In case of J&K in particular, there never was any question of it being recognised as an independent entity in global international law.

The new Pakistan, by entering a Standstill Agreement with J&K as of August 15 1947, did locally recognise J&K’s sovereignty over its decision whether to join Pakistan or India. But this Pakistani recognition lasted only until the attack on J&K that commenced from Pakistani territory as of October 22 1947, an attack in which Pakistani forces were complicit (something which, in different and mutating senses, has continued ever since). The Dominion of India had indicated it might have consented if J&K’s Ruler had decided to accede to Pakistan in the weeks following the dissolution of British India. But no such thing happened: what did happen was the descent of J&K into a condition of legal anarchy.

Beginning with the Pakistani attack on J&K as of October 22 upto and including the Rape of Baramulla and the British-led Pakistani coup détat in Gilgit on one side, and the arrival of Indian forces as well as mobilization by Sheikh Abdullah and Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad of J&K’s civilians to repel the Pakistani invaders on the other side, the State of Jammu & Kashmir became an ownerless entity in international law. In Roman Law, from which all modern international and municipal law ultimately derives, the ownership of an ownerless entity is open to be determined by “military decision”. The January 1949 Ceasefire Line that came to be renamed the Line of Control after the 1971 Bangladesh War, demarcates the respective territories that the then-Dominions and later Republics of India and Pakistan acquired by “military decision” of the erstwhile State of J&K which had come to cease to exist.

What the Republic of India means by saying today that boundaries cannot be redrawn nor any populations forcibly transferred is quite simply that the division of erstwhile J&K territory is permanent, and that sovereignty over it is indivisible. It is only sheer ignorance on the part of General Musharraf’s Indian interviewer the other day which caused it to be said that Pakistan was willing to “give up” its claim on erstwhile J&K State territory which India has held: Pakistan has never had nor even made such a  claim in international law. What Pakistan has claimed is that India has been an occupier and that there are many people inhabiting the Indian area who may not wish to be Indian nationals and who are being compelled against their will to remain so ~  forgetting to add that precisely the same could be said likewise of the Pakistani-held area.

Accordingly, the lawful solution proposed in these pages a year ago to resolve that matter, serious as it is, has been that the Republic of India invite every person covered under Article 370, citizen-by- citizen, under a condition of full information, to privately and without fear decide, if he/she has not done so already, between possible Indian, Iranian, Afghan or Pakistani nationalities ~ granting rights and obligations of permanent residents to any of those persons who may choose for whatever private reason not to remain Indian nationals. If Pakistan acted likewise, the problem of J&K would indeed come to be resolved. The Americans, as self- appointed mediators, have said they wish “the people of the region to have a voice” in a solution: there can be no better expression of such voice than allowing individuals to privately choose their own nationalities and their rights and responsibilities accordingly. The issue of territorial sovereignty is logically distinct from that of the choice of nationality by individual inhabitants.

Military de-escalation

Equally significant though in assessing whether General Musharraf’s proposal is an  anachronism, is Pakistan’s history since 1947: through Ayub’s 1965 attack, the civil war and secession of Bangladesh, the Afghan war and growth of the ISI, the Kargil incursion, the 1999 coup détat, and, once or twice removed, the 9/11 attacks against America. It is not a history that allows any confidence to arise in Indians that we are not dealing with a country misgoverned by a tiny arrogant exploitative military elite who remain hell-bent on aggression against us. Like the USA and USSR twenty years ago, what we need to negotiate about, and negotiate hard about, is an overall mutual military drawdown and de-escalation appropriate to lack of aggressive intent on both sides. Is General Musharraf willing to discuss that? It would involve reciprocal verifiable assessment of one another’s reasonable military requirements on the assumption that each was not a threatening enemy of the other. That was how the USA-USSR drawdown and de-escalation occurred successfully. If General Musharraf is unwilling to enter such a discussion, there is hardly anything to talk about with him. We should wait for democracy to return.

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History of Jammu & Kashmir (2006)

October 30, 2006 — drsubrotoroy

History of Jammu & Kashmir

by

Subroto Roy

First published in two parts in The Sunday Statesman, Oct 29 2006

and The Statesman Oct 30 2006, Editorial Page Special Article.

At the advent of Islam in distant Arabia, India and Kashmir in particular were being visited by Chinese Buddhist pilgrims during Harsha’s reign. The great “Master of Law” Hiuen Tsiang visited between 629-645 and spent 631-633 in Kashmir (“Kia-chi-mi-lo”), describing it to include Punjab, Kabul and Kandahar. Over the next dozen centuries, Buddhist, Hindu, Muslim, Sikh and again Hindu monarchs came to rule the 85 mile long 40 mile wide territory on the River Jhelum’s upper course known as Srinagar Valley, as well as its adjoining Jammu in the upper plains of the Punjab and “Little Tibet” consisting of Laddakh, Baltistan and Gilgit.

In 1344, a Persian adventurer from Swat or Khorasan by name of Amir or Mirza, who had “found his way into the Valley and in time gained great influence at the Raja’s court”, proclaimed himself Sultan Shamsuddin after the death of the last Hindu monarchs of medieval Kashmir. Twelve of his descendants formed the Shamiri dynasty including the notorious Sikander and the just and tolerant Zainulabidin. Sikander who ruled 1386-1410 “submitted himself” to the Uzbek Taimur the Lame when he approached Kashmir in 1398 “and thus saved the country from invasion”. Otherwise, “Sikander was a gloomy ferocious bigot, and his zeal in destroying temples and idols was so intense that he is remembered as the Idol-Breaker. He freely used the sword to propagate Islam and succeeded in forcing the bulk of the population to conform outwardly to the Muslim religion. Most of the Brahmins refused to apostatise, and many of them paid with their lives the penalty for their steadfastness. Many others were exiled, and only a few conformed.”

Zainulabidin who ruled 1417-1467 “was a man of very different type”. “He adopted the policy of universal toleration, recalled the exiled Brahmins, repealed the jizya or poll-tax on Hindus, and even permitted new temples to be built. He abstained from eating flesh, prohibited the slaughter of kine, and was justly venerated as a saint. He encouraged literature, painting and music, and caused many translations to be made of works composed in Sanskrit, Arabic and other languages.” During his “long and prosperous reign”, he “constructed canals and built many mosques; he was just and tolerant”.

The Shamiri dynasty ended in 1541 when “some fugitive chiefs of the two local factions of the Makri and the Chakk invited Mirza Haidar Dughlat, a relation of Babar, to invade Kashmir. The country was conquered and the Mirza held it (nominally in name of Humayan) till 1551, when he was killed in a skirmish. The line… was restored for a few years, until in 1559 a Chakk leader, Ghazi Shah, usurped the throne; and in the possession of his descendants it remained for nearly thirty years.” This dynasty marks the origins of Shia Islam in Srinagar though Shia influence in Gilgit, Baltistan and Laddakh was of longer standing. Constant dissensions weakened the Chakks, and in 1586, Akbar, then at Attock on the Indus, sent an army under Raja Bhagwan Das into Srinagar Valley and easily made it part of his Empire.

After the Mughals collapsed, Iran’s Turkish ruler Nadir Shah sacked Delhi in 1739 but the Iranian court fell in disarray upon his death. In 1747 a jirga of Pashtun tribes at Kandahar “broke normal tradition” and asked an old Punjabi holy man and shrine-keeper to choose between two leaders; this man placed young wheat in the hand of the 25 year old Ahmed Shah Saddozai of the Abdali tribe, and titled him “Durrani”. Five years later, Durrani took Kashmir and for the next 67 years the Valley was under Pashtun rule, a time of “unmitigated brutality and widespread distress”. Durrani himself “was wise, prudent and simple”, never declared himself king and wore no crown, instead keeping a stick of young wheat in his turban. Leaving India, he famously recited: “The Delhi throne is beautiful indeed, but does it compare with the mountains of Kandahar?”

Kashmir’s modern history begins with Ranjit Singh of the Sikhs who became a soldier at 12, and in 1799 at age 19 was made Lahore’s Governor by Kabul’s Zaman Shah. Three years later “he made himself master of Amritsar”, and in 1806 crossed the River Sutlej and took Ludhiana. He created a fine Sikh infantry and cavalry under former officers of Napoleon, and with 80,000 trained men and 500 guns took Multan and Peshawar, defeated the Pashtuns and overran Kashmir in 1819. The “cruel rule” of the Pashtuns ended “to the great relief of Kashmir’s inhabitants”.

The British Governor-General Minto (ancestor of the later Viceroy), seeing advantage in the Sikhs staying north of the Sutlej, sent Charles Metcalfe, “a clever young civilian”, to persuade the Khalsa; in 1809, Ranjit Singh and the British in the first Treaty of Amritsar agreed to establish “perpetual amity”: the British would “have no concern” north of the Sutlej and Ranjit Singh would keep only minor personnel south of it. In 1834 and 1838 Ranjit Singh was struck by paralysis and died in 1839, leaving no competent heir. The Sikh polity collapsed, “their power exploded, disappearing in fierce but fast flames”. It was “a period of storm and anarchy in which assassination was the rule” and the legitimate line of his son and grandson, Kharak Singh and Nao Nihal Singh was quickly extinguished. In 1845 the Queen Regent, mother of the five-year old Dalip Singh, agreed to the Khalsa ending the 1809 Treaty. After bitter battles that might have gone either way, the Khalsa lost at Sobraon on 10 February 1846, and accepted terms of surrender in the 9 March 1846 Treaty of Lahore. The kingdom had not long survived its founder: “created by the military and administrative genius of one man, it crumbled into powder when the spirit which gave it life was withdrawn; and the inheritance of the Khalsa passed into the hands of the English.”

Ranjit Singh’s influence on modern J&K was even greater through his having mentored the Rajput Gulab Singh Dogra (1792-1857) and his brothers Dhyan Singh and Suchet Singh. Jammu had been ruled by Ranjit Deo until 1780 when the Sikhs made it tributary to the Lahore Court. Gulab Singh, a great grand nephew of Ranjit Deo, had left home at age 17 in search of a soldierly fortune, and ended up in 1809 in Ranjit Singh’s army, just when Ranjit Singh had acquired for himself a free hand to expand his domains north of the River Sutlej.

Gulab Singh, an intrepid soldier, by 1820 had Jammu conferred upon him by Ranjit Singh with the title of Raja, while Bhimber, Chibal, Poonch and Ramnagar went to his brothers. Gulab Singh, “often unscrupulous and cruel, was a man of considerable ability and efficiency”; he “found his small kingdom a troublesome charge but after ten years of constant struggles he and his two brothers became masters of most of the country between Kashmir and the Punjab”, though Srinagar Valley itself remained under a separate Governor appointed by the Lahore Court. Gulab Singh extended Jammu’s rule from Rawalpindi, Bhimber, Rajouri, Bhadarwah and Kishtwar, across Laddakh and into Tibet. His General Zorawar Singh led six expeditions into Laddakh between 1834 and 1841 through Kishtwar, Padar and Zanskar. In May 1841, Zorawar left Leh with an army of 5000 Dogras and Laddakhis and advanced on Tibet. Defeating the Tibetans at Rudok and Tashigong, he reached Minsar near Lake Mansarovar from where he advanced to Taklakot (Purang), 15 miles from the borders of Nepal and Kumaon, and built a fort stopping for the winter. Lhasa sent large re-inforcements to meet him. Zorawar, deciding to take the offensive, was killed in the Battle of Toyu, on 11-12 December 1841 at 16,000 feet.

A Laddakhi rebellion resulted against Jammu, aided now by the advancing Tibetans. A new army was sent under Hari Chand suppressing the rebellion and throwing back the Tibetans, leading to a peace treaty between Lhasa and Jammu signed on 17 September 1842: “We have agreed that we have no ill-feelings because of the past war. The two kings will henceforth remain friends forever. The relationship between Maharajah Gulab Singh of Kashmir and the Lama Guru of Lhasa (Dalai Lama) is now established. The Maharajah Sahib, with God (Kunchok) as his witness, promises to recognise ancient boundaries, which should be looked after by each side without resorting to warfare. When the descendants of the early kings, who fled from Laddakh to Tibet, now return they will not be stopped by Shri Maharajah. Trade between Laddakh and Tibet will continue as usual. Tibetan government traders coming into Laddakh will receive free transport and accommodations as before, and the Laddakhi envoy will, in turn, receive the same facilities in Lhasa. The Laddakhis take an oath before God (Kunchok) that they will not intrigue or create new troubles in Tibetan territory. We have agreed, with God as witness, that Shri Maharajah Sahib and the Lama Guru of Lhasa will live together as members of the same household.” The traditional boundary between Laddakh and Tibet “as recognised by both sides since olden times” was accepted by the envoys of Gulab Singh and the Dalai Lama.

An earlier 1684 treaty between Laddakh and Lhasa had said that while Laddakh would send tribute to Lhasa every three years, “the king of Laddakh reserves to himself the village of Minsar in Ngarees-khor-sum, that he may be independent there; and he sets aside its revenue for the purpose of meeting the expense involved in keeping up the sacrificial lights at Kangree (Kailas), and the Holy Lakes of Mansarovar and Rakas Tal”. The area around Minsar village near Lake Mansarovar, held by the rulers of Laddakh since 1583, was retained by Jammu in the 1842 peace-treaty, and its revenue was received by J&K State until 1948.

After Ranjit Singh’s death in 1839, Gulab Singh was alienated from the Lahore Court where the rise of his brothers and a nephew aroused enough Khalsa jealousy to see them assassinated in palace intrigues. While the Sikhs imploded, Gulab Singh had expanded his own dominion from Rawalpindi to Minsar ~ everywhere except Srinagar Valley itself. He had apparently advised the Sikhs not to attack the British in breach of the 1809 Treaty, and when they did so he had not joined them, though had he done so British power in North India might have been broken. The British were grateful for his neutrality and also his help in their first misbegotten adventure in Afghanistan. It was Gulab Singh who was now encouraged by both the British and the Sikhs to mediate between them, indeed “to take a leading part in arranging conditions of peace”, and he formally represented the Sikh regency in the negotiations. The 9 March 1846 Treaty of Lahore “set forth that the British Government having demanded in addition to a certain assignment of territory, a payment of a crore and a half of rupees, and the Sikh Government being unable to pay the whole”, Dalip Singh “should cede as equivalent to one crore the hill country belonging to the Punjab between the Beas and the Indus including Kashmir and the Hazara”.

For the British to occupy the whole of this mountainous territory was judged unwise on economic and military grounds; it was not feasible to occupy from a military standpoint and the area “with the exception of the small Valley of Kashmir” was “for the most part unproductive”. “On the other hand, the ceded tracts comprised the whole of the hereditary possessions of Gulab Singh, who, being eager to obtain an indefeasible title to them, came forward and offered to pay the war indemnity on condition that he was made the independent ruler of Jammu & Kashmir.

A separate treaty embodying this arrangement was thus concluded between the British and Gulab Singh at Amritsar on 16 March 1846.” Gulab Singh acknowledged the British Government’s supremacy, and in token of it agreed to present annually to the British Government “one horse, twelve shawl goats of approved breed and three pairs of Kashmir shawls. This arrangement was later altered; the annual presentation made by the Kashmir State was confined to two Kashmir shawls and three romals (handkerchiefs).” The Treaty of Amritsar “put Gulab Singh, as Maharaja, in possession of all the hill country between the Indus and the Ravi, including Kashmir, Jammu, Laddakh and Gilgit; but excluding Lahoul, Kulu and some areas including Chamba which for strategic purposes, it was considered advisable (by the British) to retain and for which a remission of Rs 25 lakhs was made from the crore demanded, leaving Rs 75 lakhs as the final amount to be paid by Gulab Singh.” The British retained Hazara which in 1918 was included into NWFP. Through an intrigue emanating from Prime Minister Lal Singh in Lahore, Imamuddin, the last Sikh-appointed Governor of Kashmir, sought to prevent Gulab Singh taking possession of the Valley in accordance with the Treaty’s terms. By December 1846 Gulab Singh had done so, though only with help of a British force which included 17,000 Sikh troops “who had been fighting in the campaign just concluded”. (Contemporary British opinion even predicted Sikhism like Buddhism “would become extinct in a short time if it were not kept alive by the esprit de corps of the Sikh regiments”.)

The British in 1846 may have been glad enough to allow Gulab Singh take independent charge of the new entity that came to be now known as the “State of Jammu & Kashmir”. Later, however. they and their American allies would grow keen to control or influence the region vis-à-vis their new interests against the Russian and Soviet Empires.

see also

A Brief History of Gilgit

My Seventy-One Articles, Notes Etc on Kashmir, Pakistan, & of course, India (plus my undelivered Lahore lectures)

Pakistan’s & India’s Illusions of Power (Psychosis vs Vanity)

Posted in Afghanistan, Akbar, Aksai Chin, Anglo-American relations, Anglo-Russian Treaty 1907, Asia and the West, Babar, Britain, Britain in India, Buddhism, China, China-India Relations, China-Tibet problem, Chinese pilgrims to India, Diplomatic recognition, Dogras, Gilgit and Baltistan, Gulab Singh, Himalayas, Hinduism, Hindus and Muslims, Imperialism, India in international law, India's History, India's Jurisprudence, India's Muslims, India's Polity, India's secularism, India-Pakistan peace process, India-Tibet Border, International Law, Iran, Islam, Jahangir, Jammu & Kashmir, Karakorum Pass, Laddakh, Pakistan, Pashtuns, Ranjit Singh, Religion, Russia, Secular governance, Sikhs, Sino-Indian Border, Srinagar, Sunnis and Shias, Tibet, USA, Uzbekistan, War, World History, Zainulabidin. 4 Comments »

On a Liberal Party for India

October 22, 2006 — drsubrotoroy

NON-EXISTENT LIBERALS

By SUBROTO ROY

First published in The Sunday Statesman October 22 2006, Editorial Page Special Article

Communists, socialists and fascists exist in the Left, Congress and BJP-RSS ~ but there is a conservative/”classical liberal” party missing in Indian democracy today

We in India have sorely needed for many years a serious “classical liberal” or “conservative” political party. Major democratic countries used to have such parties which paid lip-service at least to “classical liberal” principles. But the 2003 attack on Iraq caused Bush/McCain-Republicans to merge with Hilary-Democrats, and Blair-Labour with Tory neocons, all united in a cause of collective mendacity, self-delusion and jingoism over the so-called “war on terror”. The “classical liberal” or “libertarian” elements among the Republicans and Tories find themselves isolated today, just as do pacifist communitarian elements among the Democrats and Labour. There are no obvious international models that a new Indian Liberal Party could look at ~ any models that exist would be very hard to find, perhaps in New Zealand or somewhere in Canada or North Eastern Europe like Estonia. There have been notable individual Indian Liberals though whom it may be still possible to look to for some insight: Gokhale, Sapru, Rajagopalachari and Masani among politicians, Shenoy among economists, as well as many jurists in years and decades gone by.

What domestic political principles would a “classical liberal” or conservative party believe in and want to implement in India today? First of all, the “Rule of Law” and an “Efficient Judiciary”. Secondly, “Family Values” and “Freedom of Religious Belief”. Thirdly, “Limited Government” and a “Responsible Citizenry”. Fourthly, “Sound Money” and “Free Competitive Markets”. Fifthly, “Compassion” and a “Safety Net”. Sixthly, “Education and Health for All”. Seventhly, “Science, not Superstition”. There may be many more items but this in itself would be quite a full agenda for a new Liberal Party to define for India’s electorate of more than a half billion voters, and then win enough of a Parliamentary majority to govern with at the Union-level, besides our more than two dozen States.

The practical policies entailed by these sorts of political slogans would involve first and foremost cleaning up the budgets and accounts of every single governmental entity in the country, namely, the Union, every State, every district and municipality, every publicly funded entity or organisation. Secondly, improving public decision-making capacity so that once budgets and accounts recover from having been gravely sick for decades, there are functioning institutions for their proper future management. Thirdly, resolving J&K in the most lawful and just manner as well as military problems with Pakistan in as practical and efficacious a way as possible today. This is necessary if military budgets are ever going to be drawn down to peacetime levels from levels they have been at ever since the Second World War. How to resolve J&K justly and lawfully has been described in these pages before (The Statesman, “Solving Kashmir” 1-3 December 2005, “Law, Justice and J&K”, 2-3 July 2006).

Cleaning up public budgets and accounts would pari passu stop corruption in its tracks, as well as release resources for valuable public goods and services. A beginning may be made by, for example, tripling the resources every year for three years that are allocated to the Judiciary, School Education and Basic Health, subject to tight systems of performance-audit. Institutions for improved political and administrative decision-making are necessary throughout the country if public preferences with respect to raising and allocating common resources are to be elicited and then translated into actual delivery of public goods and services.

This means inter alia that our often dysfunctional Parliament and State Legislatures have to be inspired by political statesmen (if any such may be found to be encouraged or engendered) to do at least a little of what they have been supposed to be doing. If the Legislative Branch and the Executive it elects are to lead this country, performance-audit will have to begin with them.

The result of healthy public budgets and accounts, and an economy with functioning public goods and services, would be a macroeconomic condition for the paper-rupee to once more become a money that is as good as gold, namely, a convertible world currency again after having suffered sixty years of abuse via endless deficit finance at the hands of first the British and then numerous Governments of free India that have followed.

It may be noticed the domestic aspects of such an agenda oppose almost everything the present Sonia-Manmohan Congress and Jyoti Basu “Left” stand for — whose “politically correct” thoughts and deeds have ruined India’s money and public budgets, bloated India’s Government especially the bureaucracy and the military, starved the Judiciary and damaged the Rule of Law, and gone about overturning Family Values. While there has been endless talk from them about being “pro-poor”, the actual results of their politicization of India’s economy are available to be seen with the naked eye everywhere.

One hundred years from now if our souls returned to visit the areas known today as India, Pakistan, Bangladesh etc, we may well find 500+ million inhabitants still below the same poverty-line despite all the gaseous prime ministerial or governmental rhetoric today and projections about alleged growth-rates.

If the Congress and “Left” must oppose any real “classical liberal” or conservative agenda, we may ask if the BJP-RSS could be conceivably for it. The answer is clearly not. The BJP-RSS may pontificate much about being patriotic to the motherland and about past real or imagined glories of Indian culture and religion, but that hardly ever has translated concretely into anything besides anti-Muslim or anti-Christian rhetoric, or breeding superstitions like astrology even at supposedly top technological institutes in the country. (Why all astrology is humbug, and a pre-Copernican Western import at that, is because all horoscopes assume the Sun rotates around the Earth in a geocentric solar system; the modern West’s scientific outlook arose only after astrology had declined there thanks to Copernicus and Galileo establishing the solar system as heliocentric.)

As for a “classical liberal” economic agenda, the BJP in Government transpired to be as bad if not worse than their adversaries in fiscal and monetary profligacy, except they flattered and were flattered by the organised capital of the big business lobbies whereas their adversaries flatter and are flattered by the organised power of the big labour unions (covering a tiny privileged class among India’s massive workforce). Neither has had the slightest interest in the anonymous powerless individual Indian citizen or household. The BJP in Opposition, instead of seeking to train and educate a new modern principled conservative leadership, appear to wish to regress even further back towards their very own brand of coarse fascism. “Family Values” are why Indian school-children have become the envy of the world in their keen discipline and anxiety to learn – yet even there the BJP had nothing to say on Sonia Gandhi’s pet bill on women’s property rights, whose inevitable result will be further conflict between daughters and daughters-in-law of normal Indian families.

At the root of the malaise of our political parties may be the fact we have never had any kind of grassroots “orange” revolution. There has been also an underlying national anxiety of disintegration and disorder from which the idea of a “strong Centre” follows, which has effectively meant a Delhi bloated with power and swimming in self-delusion. The BJP and Left are prisoners of their geriatric leaderships and rather unpleasant ideologies and interest-groups, while the Congress has failed to invent or adopt any ideology besides sycophancy. Let it be remembered Sonia Gandhi had been genuinely disdainful of the idea of leading that party at Rajiv’s death; today she has allowed herself to become its necessary glue. The most salubrious thing she could do for the party (and hence for India) is to do a Michael Howard: namely, preside over a genuine leadership contest between a half-dozen ambitious people, and then withdraw with her family permanently from India’s politics, focusing instead on the legacy of her late husband. Without that happening, the Congress cannot be made a healthy political entity, and hence the other parties have no role-model to imitate. Meanwhile, a liberal political party, which necessarily would be non-geriatric and non-sycophantic, is still missing in India.

Posted in Academic freedom, Academic research, BJP, BR Shenoy, Britain, C Rajagopalachari, Communists, Congress Party, Economic Policy, Ethics, Family Values, Fascists, Freedom, Government accounting, Government Budget Constraint, Government of India, India's Banking, India's Budget, India's bureaucracy, India's Caste/Ethnic Problems, India's communists, India's Constitution, India's constitutional politics, India's corruption, India's Democracy, India's Economy, India's Families, India's inflation, India's Judiciary, India's Jurisprudence, India's Lok Sabha, India's Macroeconomics, India's Monetary & Fiscal Policy, India's Nationalism, India's nomenclatura, India's Parliament, India's Personality Cults, India's Philosophy, India's political lobbyists, India's political parties, India's Politics, India's Polity, India's pork-barrel politics, India's Public Finance, India's Rule of Law, India's State Finances, Iraq war, Jammu & Kashmir, Liberalism/Libertarianism, Manmohan Singh, Minoo Masani, Pakistan, Balochistan, Afghanistan, Iran, Political Economy, Sonia Gandhi, USA, United States. Leave a Comment »

Justice & Afzal

October 14, 2006 — drsubrotoroy

Justice & Afzal

first published in The Sunday Statesman Editorial Page

October 14, 2006

There is a difference between law and equity (or natural justice). The power of pardon is an equitable power. Commuting a death-sentence is a partial pardon
By SUBROTO ROY

“Fiat justitia pereat mundus” ~let justice be done even if the world shall perish ~ is a maxim only Immanuel Kant among the great philosophers may have wished to maintain. Yet it serves to remind us that there exist wrong reasons for carrying out as well as wrong reasons for not carrying out the death-sentence on Afzal Guru. Wrong reasons for carrying out the death-sentence include saying that only by his death will families of the victims of the Parliament attack receive satisfaction (justice is hardly the same thing as revenge) or that only thereby can the Indian Republic show itself to be standing up to terrorism. Wrong reasons for not carrying out the death-sentence include saying Afzal’s death would be seen as unjust by many people in J&K and result in further civil or political turmoil there or elsewhere, or that more terrorism will result.

Justice should be done and be seen to be done to Afzal by the Indian Republic ~ here as elsewhere, justice is a matter between an individual and the State. The question remains open whether such justice involves his death or his imprisonment for life or even his being paroled in due course. Unlike Praveen Mahajan for example, Afzal has not committed premeditated first-degree murder or parricide. He is from an Indian State where there has existed some separatist sentiment for decades, and evidently he has been an accomplice to an act of war against India involving attempted kidnapping or mass murder. If he is an Indian national, he may have been treasonous and seditious; if he is a Pakistani national or wishes to be treated as such, he may have been some kind of spy, agent provocateur or saboteur, or an accomplice of such people. The moral question before India today has to do with what precisely is the nature and quality of justice to be dispensed in this particular case, in these particular factual circumstances as far as presently known, given all the principles, precedents, rules and laws available.

Someone may fairly wonder how or why it is possible the President of India has any discretion at all left to commute a sentence of death once the judiciary up until the Supreme Court of India has spoken. The answer has to do with the subtle distinction that is still made in common law countries like Britain, the USA and India between law and equity or “natural justice”. Britain ever since the 13th Century has had an institution known as “Lord Chancellor” in whose person came to be combined the highest judicial and executive roles (Tony Blair’s New Labour Government is due to abolish it). “Chancery” or courts of equity traditionally were parallel to courts of law, recognising that normal legal processes may cause justice to sometimes fail (especially in corrupt times) and hence require direct executive intervention. In the United States today, equity is embodied in Rule 60(b) of the Federal Rules, and federal courts are empowered to oversee all other courts including themselves for violations of natural justice.

By way of example having nothing necessarily to do with capital punishment, “solicitation of counsel, clerks or judges” is embracery curialis, recognized as extrinsic fraud and subversion of justice since Jepps 72 E R 924 (1611), “firmly established in English practice long before the foundation” of the USA, Hazel Atlas, 322 US 238 (1943). “Embracery is an offense striking at the very foundation of civil society” says Corpus Juris 20, 496. A court of equity has inherent power to investigate if a judgement has been obtained by fraud, and that is a power to unearth it effectively, since no fraud is more odious than one to subvert justice. Cases include when “by reason of something done by the successful party… there was in fact no adversary trial or decision of the issue in the case. Where the unsuccessful party has been prevented from exhibiting fully his case, by fraud or deception practised on him by his opponent, as … where an attorney fraudulently or without authority assumes to represent a party and connives at his defeat; or where the attorney regularly employed corruptly sells out his client’s interest to the other side ~ these, and similar cases which show that there has never been a real contest in the trial or hearing of the case, are reasons for which a new suit may be sustained to set aside and annul the former judgment or decree, and open the case for a new and a fair hearing….” Hazel Atlas. Fraud on the court includes that “perpetrated by officers of the court so that the judicial machinery cannot perform in the usual manner its impartial task of adjudging cases that are presented for adjudication” Moore’s Federal Practice 60-360.

Equitable action under Rule 60(b) can vacate judgment whenever such action is appropriate to accomplish justice. (In contemporary American federal judicial processes at least in the present author’s experience over two decades, this rather subtle branch of jurisprudence may have become known, however, more in its breach than fulfilment).

The power of pardon is one such supra-legal equitable power of the executive authority. For a state’s chief executive to pardon a crime is to release someone of guilt or to remit punishment. In Britain, the power is with the Government’s Home Office and in the old Commonwealth it was delegated to the Governor-General. In the USA it is a power of the President or State Governors to pardon crimes, and the most famous case was that of President Gerald Ford pardoning his predecessor Richard M. Nixon. Pervez Musharraf recently pardoned A Q Khan. Both highlight the fact the power of granting a full pardon is to be exercised rarely, and may be justifiable only on grounds of “Reasons of State” where someone has done something unlawful which the State is willing to condone for sake of some greater good in the national interest. But a pardon also can be partial, requiring the offender fulfil a condition such as serving a lesser substituted punishment. Commuting a death sentence by requiring the offender to serve life in prison is this sort of conditional pardon.

In India today, the President under Article 72 of the Constitution is empowered “to grant pardons, reprieves, respites or remissions of punishment or to suspend, remit or commute” a sentence of death and also intervene in other cases. Article 161 gives a lesser power to State Governors. These are singular examples of the acknowledged presence of equity in modern Indian jurisprudence, though our customary laws remain a vast untapped source of natural justice, (viz. Tagore Law Lectures 1905-1906 by SN Roy). Just last week, a Supreme Court bench of Justice Arijit Pasayat and Justice SH Kapadia ruled the power of reprieve, pardon or remission of sentence may not be exercised for “political considerations or on the basis of religion, caste or other extraneous factors”. There must be bona fide valid reasons. The bench set aside an Andhra Pradesh order passed by a Governor from the Congress Party remitting the sentence of imprisonment awarded to a Congress leader in a murder case involving a Telegu Desam Party victim. In an egregious violation of his discretion, the Governor had said the sentence already undergone was sufficient and directed release, but the Supreme Court in November 2005 admitted a petition challenging the order and stayed it. The Court has now held that exercise of the power is subject to judicial review and it may not be exercised for extraneous, political or mala fide reasons. The Court has thereby enlarged its role in equity (or natural justice) similar to that which American federal courts have had under Rule 60(b). There is also an argument for abolishing Article 161.

In cases of equitable treatment of capital punishment in India today like that of Afzal (or Dhananjay before him), the fact the Executive has notoriously starved our Judiciary of adequate resources ever since Independence (The Statesman, 26 February 2006) also may not be something irrelevant to evaluating the likelihood of a mistake having been made. All things considered, if justice is to be done and seen to be done in Afzal’s case, the Indian Republic should be in no hurry whatsoever in deciding to either execute him or to even release him.

From Facebook 31 March 2014

Why was Afzal hanged in such a hurry and almost in secret? Why did the BJP bay for his death so loudly every day, getting the Congress scared they would lose an election if they did not? Competitive foolishness just as over Telengana. Afzal had not pulled any trigger. That it was an avoidable injustice is made apparent by the Supreme Court commuting the death sentences of other political murderers, including Rajiv Gandhi’s killers and now Bhullar…


From Facebook 24 November 2012

I did not think Kasab should have been hanged principally as it was on the basis of his evidence that India cracked the case and he deserved some jurisprudential credit for that. He was the star witness for the prosecution against the terrorist masterminds who had sent him. Separately, I also do not believe, all things considered, that Afzal should be hanged, though there may be nothing defective in law against his conviction and sentence and he has had some legal bad luck. The law of pardon or commutation is of an equitable nature, beyond the normal law itself…His cooperation with the police would be the reason for his life to be spared — besides the fact that he pulled no trigger to kill anyone himself nor caused anyone else to do so.

From Facebook August 12 2011:

Subroto Roy has now for the first time been able to read the Supreme Court judgement affirming Afzal Guru’s death sentence, commuting Shaukat’s, and affirming the acquittal of Gillani. It does not seem defective in law. Afzal Guru was perhaps misrepresented by lawyers or misled himself into confessing his crimes very early on. But hand-in-glove with the murderous terrorists he certainly appears to have been. The fact he helped the police with his confession may be the only equitable reason for the President to commute the sentence.

 

Posted in Britain, Capital punishment, Common Law and Equity, Embracery, Espionage, Ethics, Federal Rule 60(b), Fiat justitia pereat mundus, Fraud on the Court, Good and Evil, Hazel Atlas 322 US 238, Immanuel Kant, India's Constitution, India's Judiciary, India's Jurisprudence, India's Parliament, India's Polity, India-Pakistan peace process, Jammu & Kashmir, Jurisprudence, Liberalism/Libertarianism, Natural Justice, Pakistan, Balochistan, Afghanistan, Iran, Surendranath Roy, US Federal Law & Jurisprudence, US Supreme Court, USA, United States. Leave a Comment »

Law, Justice and J&K (2006)

July 3, 2006 — drsubrotoroy

LAW, JUSTICE AND J&K

by SUBROTO ROY

First published in two parts inThe Sunday Statesman, July 2 2006 and The Statesman July 3 2006 Editorial Page Special Article

 

I.

For a solution to J&K to be universally acceptable it must be seen by all as being lawful and just. Political opinion in Pakistan and India as well as all people and parties in J&K ~ those loyal to India, those loyal to Pakistan, and any others ~ will have to agree that, all things considered, such is the right course of action for everyone today in the 21st Century, which means too that the solution must be consistent with the facts of history as well as account reasonably for all moral considerations.

On August 14, 1947, the legal entity known as “British India”, as one of its final acts, and based on a sovereign British decision made only two months earlier, created out of some of its territory a new State defined in international law as the “Dominion of Pakistan”. British India extinguished itself the very next day, and the newly independent “Dominion of India” succeeded to all its rights and obligations in international law. As the legal successor of the “India” which had signed the Treaty of Versailles in 1919 and the San Francisco Declaration of 1945, the Dominion of India was already a member of the new UN as well as a signatory to many international treaties. By contrast, the Dominion of Pakistan had to apply afresh to sign treaties and become a member of international organisations. The theory put forward by Argentina that two new States, India and Pakistan, had been created ab initio, came to be rejected and was withdrawn by Argentina. Instead, Pakistan with the wholehearted backing of India was made a member of the UN, with all except Afghanistan voting in favour. (Afghanistan’s exceptional vote signalled presence of conflict over the Durand Line and idea of a Pashtunistan; Dr Khan Sahib and Abdul Ghaffar Khan were imprisoned by the Muslim League regime of NWFP which later supported the tribesmen who attacked J&K starting October 22, 1947; that conflict remains unresolved to this day, even after the American attack on the Taliban, the restart of a constitutional process in Afghanistan, and the purported mediation of US Secretary of State Condoleeza Rice.)

Zafrullah Khan, Pakistan’s distinguished first ambassador to the UN, claimed in September 1947: “Pakistan is not a new member of UNO but a successor to a member State which was one of the founders of the Organisation.” He noted that he himself had led India to the final session of the League of Nations in Geneva in 1939, and he wished to say that Pakistan had been present “as part of India… under the latter name” as a signatory to the Treaty of Versailles. This was, however, logically impossible. The Treaty of Versailles long predated (1) Mohammad Iqbal’s Allahabad Address which conceptualised for the first time in the 20th Century a Muslim State in Northwest India; (2) Rahmat Ali’s invention of the word “PAKSTAN” on the top floor of a London omnibus; (3) M. A. Jinnah and Fazlul Haq’s Lahore Resolution; and (4) the final British decision of June 3, 1947 to create by Partition out of “British India” a Dominion named Pakistan. Pakistan could not have acted in international law prior to having come into being or been created or even conceived itself. Zafrullah Khan would have been more accurate to say that the history of Pakistanis until August 14, 1947 had been one in common with that of their Indian cousins ~ or indeed their Indian brothers, since innumerable North Indian Muslim families came to be literally partitioned, with some brothers remaining Indians while other brothers became Pakistanis.

Pakistan was created at the behest of Jinnah’s Muslim League though with eventual agreement of the Indian National Congress (a distant ancestor of the political party going by the same name today). Pakistan arose not because Jinnah said Hindus and Muslims were “two nations” but because he and his League wished for a State where Muslims would find themselves ruled by fellow-Muslims and feel themselves part of a pan-Islamic culture. Yet Pakistan was intended to be a secular polity with Muslim-majority governance, not an Islamic theocracy. That Pakistan failed to become secular was exemplified most poignantly in the persecution Zafrullah himself later faced in his personal life as an Ahmadiya, even while he was Pakistan’s Foreign Minister. (The same happened later to Pakistan’s Nobel-winning physicist Abdus Salaam.) Pakistan was supposed to allow the genius of Indo-Muslim culture to flourish, transplanted from places like Lucknow and Aligarh which would never be part of it. In fact, the areas that are Pakistan today had in the 1937 provincial elections shown scant popular Muslim support for Jinnah’s League. The NWFP had a Congress Government in the 1946 elections, and its supporters boycotted the pro-Pakistan referendum in 1947. The imposition of Urdu culture as Pakistan’s dominant ethos might have come to be accepted later in West Punjab, Sindh and NWFP but it was not acceptable in East Bengal, and led inevitably to the Pakistani civil war and creation of Bangladesh by Sheikh Mujib in 1971.

In August 1947, the new Dominions of India and Pakistan were each supposed to protect their respective minority populations as their first political duty. Yet both palpably failed in this, and were reduced to making joint declarations pleading for peace and an end to communal killings and the abduction of women. The Karachi Government, lacking the wherewithal and administrative machinery of being a nation-state at all, and with only Liaquat and an ailing Jinnah as noted leaders, may have failed more conspicuously, and West Punjab, the Frontier and Sindh were soon emptied of almost all their many Sikhs and Hindus. Instead, the first act of the new Pakistan Government in the weeks after August 14, 1947 was to arrange for the speedy and safe transfer of the North Indian Muslim elite by air from Delhi using chartered British aeroplanes. The ordinary Muslim masses of UP, Delhi and East Punjab were left in danger from or were subjected to Sikh and Hindu mob attacks, especially as news and rumours spread of similar outrages against Pakistan’s departing minorities.

In this spiral of revenge attacks and counter-attacks, bloodshed inevitably spilled over from West and East Punjab into the northern Punjabi plains of Jammu, though Kashmir Valley remained conspicuously peaceful. Zafrullah and Liaquat would later claim it was this communal civil war which had caused thousands of newly decommissioned Mirpuri soldiers of the British Army, and thousands of Afridi and other Frontier tribesmen, to spontaneously act to “liberate” J&K’s Muslims from alleged tyranny under the Hindu Ruler or an allegedly illegal Indian occupation.

But the main attack on J&K State that began from Pakistan along the Manshera-Muzaffarabad road on October 22, 1947 was admittedly far too well-organised, well-armed, well-planned and well-executed to have been merely a spontaneous uprising of tribesmen and former soldiers. In all but name, it was an act of undeclared war of the new Dominion of Pakistan first upon the State of J&K and then upon the Indian Dominion. This became obvious to Field Marshall Auchinlek, who, as Supreme Commander of the armed forces of both India and Pakistan, promptly resigned and abolished the Supreme Command in face of the fact that two parts of his own forces were now at war with one another.

II.

The invaders failed to take Srinagar solely because they lost their military purpose while indulging in the Rape of Baramula. Thousands of Kashmiri women of all communities ~ Muslim, Sikh and Hindu ~ were violated and transported back to be sold in markets in Peshawar and elsewhere. Such was standard practice in Central Asian tribal wars from long before the advent of Islam, and the invading tribesmen shared that culture. India’s Army and Air Force along with the militias of the secular democratic movement led by Sheikh Abdullah and those remaining loyal units of J&K forces, fought off the invasion, and liberated Baramula, Naushera, Uri, Poonch etc. Gilgit had a British-led coup détat against it bringing it under Pakistan’s control. Kargil was initially taken by the Pakistanis and then lost by them. Leh could have been but was not taken by Pakistani forces. But in seeking to protect Leh and to retake Kargil, the Indian Army lost the siege of Skardu ~ which ended reputedly with the infamous communication from the Pakistani commander to his HQ: “All Sikhs killed; all women raped.”

Legal theory

Now, in this grave mortal conflict, the legal theory to which both the Indian and Pakistani Governments have been wedded for sixty years is one that had been endorsed by the British Cabinet Mission in 1946 and originated with the Butler Commission of 1929. Namely, that “Lapse of Paramountcy” over the “Indian India” of the “Native States” could and did occur with the extinction of British India on August 15, 1947. By this theory, Hyderabad, J&K, Junagadh and the several other States which had not acceded to either Dominion were no longer subject to the Crown’s suzerainty as of that date. Both Dominions drew up “Instruments of Accession” for Rulers to sign upon the supposed “Lapse” of Paramountcy that was to occur with the end of British India.

Ever since, the Pakistan Government has argued that Junagadh’s Ruler acceded to Pakistan and Hyderabad’s had wished to do so but both were forcibly prevented by India. Pakistan has also argued the accession to India by J&K’s Ruler was “fraudulent” and unacceptable, and Sheikh Abdullah was a “Quisling” of India and it was not his National Conference but the Muslim Conference of Ibrahim, Abbas and the Mirwaiz (precursor of the Hurriyat) which represented J&K’s Muslims.

India argued that Junagadh’s accession to Pakistan or Hyderabad’s independence were legal and practical impossibilities contradicting the wills of their peoples, and that their integration into the Indian Dominion was carried out in an entirely legitimate manner in the circumstances prevailing.

On J&K, India has argued that not only had the Ruler requested Indian forces to fight off the Pakistani attack, and he acceded formally before Indian forces were sent, but also that democratic principles were fully adhered to in the unequivocal endorsement of the accession by Sheikh Abdullah and the National Conference and further by a duly called and elected J&K Constituent Assembly, as well as generations of Kashmiris since. In the Indian view, it is Pakistan which has been in illegal occupation of Indian territory from Mirpur, Muzaffarabad and Gilgit to Skardu all the way to the Khunjerab Pass, Siachen Glacier and K2, some of which it illegally ceded to its Communist Chinese ally, and furthermore that it has denied the peoples of these areas any democratic voice.

Roman law

In June 1947, it was uniquely and brilliantly argued by BR Ambedkar in a statement to the Press that the British had made a catastrophic error in comprehending their own constitutional law, that no such thing as “Lapse” of Paramountcy existed, and that suzerainty over the “Native States” of “Indian India” would be automatically transferred in international law to the successor State of British India. It was a legal illusion to think any Native State could be sovereign even for a single logical moment. On this theory, if the Dominion of India was the sole successor State in international law while Pakistan was a new legal entity, then a Native State which acceded to Pakistan after August 15, 1947 would have had to do so with the consent of the suzerain power, namely, India, as may be said to have happened implicitly in case of Chitral and a few others. Equally, India’s behaviour in integrating (or annexing) Junagadh and Hyderabad, would become fully explicable ~ as would the statements of Mountbatten, Nehru and Patel before October 1947 that they would accept J&K going to Pakistan if that was what the Ruler and his people desired. Pakistan unilaterally and by surprise went to war against J&K on October 22, declared the accession to India “fraudulent”, and to this day has claimed the territory of the original State of J&K is “disputed”. Certainly, even if the Ambedkar doctrine is applied that no “Lapse” was possible under British law, Pakistan did not recognise India’s jurisdiction there as the suzerain power as of August 15, 1947. Altogether, Pakistan’s sovereign actions from October 22 onwards amounted to acting to annex J&K to itself by military force ~ acts which came to be militarily resisted (with partial success) by India allied with Sheikh Abdullah’s National Conference and the remaining forces of J&K. By these military actions, Pakistan revealed that it considered J&K territory to have descended into a legal state of anarchy as of October 22, 1947, and hence open to resolution by “Military Decision” ~ as is indeed the just outcome under Roman Law, the root of all municipal and international law today, when there is a contest between claimants over an ownerless entity.

Choice of nationality

Hence, the present author concluded (“Solving Kashmir”, The Statesman December 1-3, 2005) that the dismemberment of the original J&K State and annexation of its territories by India and Pakistan that has occurred since 1947, as represented first by the 1949 Ceasefire Line and then by the 1972 Line of Control, is indeed the just and lawful outcome prevailing in respect of the question of territorial sovereignty and jurisdiction. The remaining “democratic” question described has to do with free individual choice of nationality by the inhabitants, under conditions of full information and privacy, citizen-by-citizen, with the grant of permanent residency rights by the Indian Republic to persons under its jurisdiction in J&K who may choose not to remain Indian nationals but become Afghan, Iranian or Pakistani nationals instead. Pakistan has said frequently its sole concern has been the freedom of the Muslims of J&K under Indian rule, and any such genuine concern shall have been thereby fully met by India. Indeed, if Pakistan agreed to act similarly, this entire complex mortal problem of decades shall have begun to be peacefully resolved. Both countries are wracked by corruption, poverty and bad governance, and would be able to mutually draw down military forces pit against one another everywhere, so as to begin to repair the grave damage to their fiscal health caused by the deleterious draining away of vast public resources .

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Lessons for India from Nepal’s Revolution

April 26, 2006 — drsubrotoroy

Lessons for India from Nepal’s Revolution

Subroto Roy

 

The Statesman, frontpage, April 26 2006

 

 

King Gyanendra of Nepal has lost legitimacy in the eyes of almost all his people. His days as a monarch are numbered. It is as inevitable as night follows day that his dynasty is over, and Nepal will sooner or later become a secular Republic. The practical questions that follow include what is to be done with him and his family, that is, which country should they seek exile in and at what pension, to whom exactly should sovereignty in Nepal pass immediately and in the long term, how may needless bloodshed, civil chaos and mayhem come to be avoided, and how soon can a viable democratic republic and a healthy economy and society emerge.

 

 

Salus populi suprema lex: the good of the people is the supreme law. And the good of the people in Nepal today requires Gyanendra to depart (that is, for exile in Britain), after abdicating in favour of his son ~ or better still his infant grandson, placing a Regent acceptable to the Seven-Party Alliance in charge of calling a Constituent Assembly as everyone and especially the Maoists have demanded.

 

 

The Government and people of India seem strangely ignorant or indifferent about what is happening right next door to us, even when that door is open. While the people of Nepal almost stormed their Bastille, we witnessed instead the bizarre televised parade of politicians and Bollywood personalities to visit another celebrity in hospital (we should be thankful they have not been allowed anywhere near him).

 

 

Our Prime Minister/foreign minister, with his “national security advisor” sitting next to him, flew off to a brief spring holiday in Europe to discuss importation of uranium and BMWs and other such posh things. The Congress Party has said the Prime Minister may have expressed “his own views” on the subject of supporting King Gyanendra’s Friday offer but that the Government of India always supported “multiparty democracy” and the Congress Party supported the government! Have people become even more detached from reality here? If it is the case the Prime Minister has become so utterly consumed by personal hubris that he is making impromptu remarks contrary to his own government’s policies, then it may be time for him to realise he has filled his quota of foreign trips and put in his papers. At the very least, MK Narayanan has been derelict in his duties by joining the Prime Minister in the European spring rather than remaining in India watching Nepal. The Prime Minister has been so negligent as his own foreign minister (for example, handing over his America policy to personal diplomacy by his favoured aide, Mr Montek Singh Ahluwalia) that he is making the country almost miss the foreign minister who had to be fired, an unfortunate thought!

 

 

In the last six months, Nepal’s non-Maoist opposition coalesced and the Maoists declared a unilateral cease-fire. India remained preoccupied with the vanities of its own petty dynasties. Why we Indians, despite our pretensions as the world’s largest democracy (in reality, the world’s largest voting public), may have been so dull and ignorant with respect to Nepal’s “trinamul” democratic movement is that we have never had any kind of revolution ourselves.

 

 

Revolution is anathema to the pompous bureaucrats of New Delhi, just as it is to the pompous generals of Islamabad. Partition was the one all-consuming trauma experienced by the Indian and Pakistani ruling classes, and they are simply unable to understand populist rebellions of the kind now being seen in Nepal or seen under Sheikh Mujib in East Pakistan almost 40 years ago. The Indira Gandhi brand of populism practised by India’s “democratic leaders” has to do with renting crowds and giving speeches while waving to the TV cameras, always making sure to fly back to air-conditioned comfort in Lutyens Delhi by the end of the day if at all possible. Lutyens Delhi is Royal India, and Royal India secretly sympathises with all Royalty and pseudo-Royalty. Ours has become a democracy upside down where it is not a question of how the interests of the people of India should be represented in New Delhi but how New Delhi’s interests can come to be projected upon the people of India.

 

 

In Nepal on the other hand, the questions now precisely have to do with the most difficult issues of sovereignty, political legitimacy and representation. The forced exile of the Shah of Iran was followed by the return of Ayatollah Khomeini from Qom and the brutality and bloodshed of the Islamic Revolution. The exile of Sihanouk of Cambodia was followed by the horrors of the Khmer Rouge. Can mass bloodshed and class war be averted if the exile of King Gyanendra is followed by a Maoist takeover in Nepal? The Maoists are indisputably led by Pushpa Kamal Dahal (Prachanda) who does not appear to be a murderous Pol Pot and has been projected as principled and statesmanlike. But will he be able to control his own creation or could he himself be swept aside? “Revolution is not a tea party” said Mao Zedong. There are at least two other proximate models that are more benign. One was the forced exile of Ferdinand Marcos and his odious family to the USA in 1986, leading to Mrs Benito Aquino becoming President of the Philippines. She and Fidel Ramos had led ordinary people to the most peaceful bloodless revolution ever seen until then, and coined the term “People Power”. Democracy has had its problems here but has survived intact ever since. Another relevant model has to do with the forced departure for Bombay of Hari Singh of Jammu and Kashmir (who pretended to “abdicate” in favour of his young son though in fact no such alternative existed in international law). Sheikh Abdullah knew his constitutional politics well enough and then led J&K to a reasonable Constituent Assembly. Our Pakistani cousins, cut from the same political cloth as ourselves, embarked haplessly saying “That the sovereignty in Pakistan belongs to God Almighty alone and that the Government of Pakistan shall administer the country as His agent”. In the words of Rashid Rida and Maulana Maududi, Islam becomes “the very antithesis of secular Western democracy. The philosophical foundation of Western democracy is the sovereignty of the people. Lawmaking is their prerogative and legislation must correspond to the mood and temper of their opinion… Islam… altogether repudiates the philosophy of popular sovereignty and rears its polity on the foundations of the sovereignty of God and the viceregency (Khilafat) of man.” Sheikh Abdullah by contrast told the J&K Constituent Assembly: “You are the sovereign authority in this State of Jammu & Kashmir; what you decide has the irrevocable force of law. The basic democratic principle of sovereignty of the nation, embodied ably in the American and French Constitutions, is once again given shape in our midst. I shall quote the famous words of Article 3 of the French Constitution of 1791: `The source of all sovereignty resides fundamentally in the nation. Sovereignty is one and indivisible, inalienable and imprescriptable. It belongs to the nation.’ We should be clear about the responsibilities that this power invests us with. In front of us li e decisions of the highest national importance which we shall be called upon to take. Upon the correctness of our decisions depends not only the happiness of our land and people now, but the fate as well of generations to come.”

 

 

The fact the young son of Hari Singh then caused or contributed to a putsch against Abdullah is among the most regrettable events contributing to the misfortunes of J&K’s recent history. Nepal is going through its own French Revolution in which Gyanendra is no longer able to claim the “Divine Right of Kings” simply because his people have permanently withdrawn their acceptance of his legitimacy.

 

In the circumstances, Nepalese of all political colours would do very well to remember that the greatest of them in the history of mankind was a Hindu prince who became the founder of Buddhism. As the Himalayan home of Hindus and Buddhists and many others, the Nepalese Revolution could be among the most exemplary in being peaceful without bloodshed. The aim of Indians and all other friends of Nepal must be to seek to ensure that.

Posted in Buddhism, Communists, Congress Party, France, Hinduism, India's Foreign Policy, India's Jurisprudence, India's Polity, Islam, Jammu & Kashmir, Liberalism/Libertarianism, Manmohan Singh, Natural Justice, Nepal, Pakistan, Balochistan, Afghanistan, Iran, Sheikh Abdullah, World History. Leave a Comment »

Logic of Democracy (2006)

March 30, 2006 — drsubrotoroy

LOGIC OF DEMOCRACY

 

by

 

SUBROTO ROY

 

 

First published in The Statesman,

Editorial Page Special Article, March 30 2006

 

 

Parliament may unanimously vote for a bill on the “Office of Profit” issue but this will have to be consistent with the spirit and letter of the Constitution and with natural law if it is not to be struck down by the Supreme Court. It is thus important to get the logic right.

India is a representative and not a direct democracy. We the people constitute the Electorate who send our representatives periodically to legislative institutions at national, state and local levels. These representatives, namely, Lok Sabha and Legislative Assembly Members and municipal councilors, have a paid job to do on behalf of all their constituents, not merely those who voted for them. They are supposed to represent everyone including those who voted against them or did not vote at all.

In view of this, if the question is asked: “Was India’s interest served by Sonia Gandhi peremptorily resigning as the Lok Sabha Member from Rae Bareli and then immediately declaring she will fight a fresh election from there?”, the answer must be of course that it was not. Mrs Gandhi had been elected after an expensive process of voting and she had a duty to continue to represent all of Rae Bareli’s people (not just her party-supporters) for the duration of the 14th Lok Sabha. Instead she has given the impression that Rae Bareili is her personal fiefdom from where she must prove again how popular she is as its Maharani.

What needed to be done instead was to abolish the so-called “National Advisory Council” which, like the “Planning Commission” is yet another expensive extra-constitutional body populated by delusional self-styled New Delhi worthies. The NAC has been functioning as Mrs Gandhi’s personal Planning Commission, and she lacked the courage to scrap it altogether — just as Manmohan Singh lacks the courage to tell Montek Ahluwalia to close down the Planning Commission (and make it a minor R&D wing of the Ministry of Finance).

 

Lok Sabha’s duties

 

What are Lok Sabha Members and State MLAs legitimately required to be doing in caring for their constituents? First of all, as a body as a whole, they need to elect the Government, i.e. the Executive Branch, and to hold it accountable in Parliament or Assembly. For example, the Comptroller and Auditor General submits his reports directly to the House, and it is the duty of individual legislators to put these to good use in controlling the Government’s waste, fraud or abuse of public resources.

Secondly, MPs and MLAs are obviously supposed to literally represent their individual constituencies in the House, i.e. to bring the Government and the House’s attention to specific problems or contingencies affecting their constituents as a whole, and call for the help, funds and sympathy of the whole community on their behalf.

Thirdly, MPs and MLAs are supposed to respond to pleas and petitions of individual constituents, who may need the influence associated with the dignity of their office to get things rightly done. For example, an impoverished orphan lad once needed surgery to remove a brain tumour; a family helping him was promised the free services of a top brain surgeon if a hospital bed and operating theatre could be arranged. It was only by turning to the local MLA that the family were able to get such arrangements made, and the lad had his tumour taken out at a public hospital. MPs and MLAs are supposed to vote for and create public goods and services, and to use their moral suasion to see that existing public services actually do get to reach the public.

 

Rajya Sabha different species

Rajya Sabha Members are a different species altogether. Most if not all State Legislative Councils have been abolished, and sadly the present nature of the Rajya Sabha causes similar doubts to arise about its utility. The very idea of a Rajya Sabha was first mooted in embryo form in an 1888 book A History of the Native States of India, Vol I. Gwalior, whose author also advocated popular constitutions for the “Indian India” of the “Native States” since “where there are no popular constitutions, the personal character of the ruler becomes a most important factor in the government… evils are inherent in every government where autocracy is not tempered by a free constitution”.

 

When Victoria was declared India’s “Empress” in 1877, a “Council of the Empire” was mooted but had remained a non-starter even until the 1887 Jubilee. An “Imperial Council” was now designed of the so-called “Native Princes”, which came to evolve into the “Chamber of Princes” which became the “Council of the States” and the Rajya Sabha.

 

It was patterned mostly on the British and not the American upper house except in being not liable to dissolution, and compelling periodic retirement of a third of members. The American upper house is an equal if not the senior partner of the lower house. Our Rajya Sabha follows the British upper house in being a chamber which is duty-bound to oversee any exuberance in the Lok Sabha but which must ultimately yield to it if there is any dispute.

 

Parliament in India’s democracy effectively means the Lok Sabha — where every member has contested and won a direct vote in his/her constituency. The British upper house used to have an aristocratic hereditary component which Tony Blair’s New Labour Government has now removed, so it has now been becoming more like what the Rajya Sabha was supposed to have been like.

 

The corruption of our body-politic originated with the politicisation of the bureaucracy thirty five years ago by Indira Gandhi and PN Haksar. The Rajya Sabha came to be ruined with the “courtier culture” and “durbar politics” that resulted. This bad model which the Congress Party created and followed was imitated by the Congress’s political opponents too. Our Rajya Sabha has now tended to become a place for party worthies who have lost normal elections, superannuated cinematic personalities, perpetual bureaucrats still seeking office, and similar others. The healthiest course of action for Indian democracy may be to close it down completely for a few years, then recreate it ab initio based on its original purposes and intent (but this may not be constitutionally possible to do).

 

 

Holding Executive accountable

It is a forgotten platitude that in a representative democracy what elected legislators are supposed to be doing is represent the interests of the Electorate. Along with the Judiciary, the Legislative Branch is supposed to control the Executive Government, which is the natural oppressor of the Electorate. That is why the Legislature must be independent of the Executive — which is the precise intent behind Article 102 (a) of the Constitution of India: “A person shall be disqualified for being chosen as, and for being, a member of either House of Parliament… if he holds any office of profit under the Government of India or the Government of any State…”

 

In other words, if you are a Lok Sabha MP or State MLA who is supposed to be a part of the august House which has elected the Executive Government and by whom that Government is supposed to be held accountable, then it is a clear conflict of interest if you are yourself in the pay of that Government. As a legislator, you are either in the Executive or you are not. If you are in the Executive, you are liable to be held accountable by the House. If you are not in the Executive, you are duty-bound as an ordinary Member of the House to hold the Executive accountable. The logic is ultimately as clear and simple as that.

 

It is inevitable that the delineation of the appropriate boundaries between Legislature and Executive will have to be pronounced upon by the Judiciary. The “Office of Profit” issue has opened an opportunity for a Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court to speak on the rights and duties of the Legislative and Executive Branches of Government. And no Constitution Bench has ever spoken unwisely.

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Separation of Powers: India, the USA, Pakistan

February 13, 2006 — drsubrotoroy

SEPARATION OF POWERS (2006)

Montesquieu’s Spirit of the Laws outlined a doctrine that applies to India, the USA and all constitutional democracies: there is no monopoly of political wisdom.

By SUBROTO ROY
First published in The Sunday Statesman, The Statesman Editorial Page,

Special Article Feb 12-13 2006

The Speaker’s noble office is that of the single member of the House, traditionally chosen by unanimity, whose task it is to self-effacingly maintain order in Parliamentary debate and proceedings, so that the House’s work gets done. C’est tout. Once chosen Speaker, he ipso facto retires from partisan politics for life. The Speaker neither contributes to the substance of Parliamentary debate (except in the rare case of a tie) nor has to feel personally responsible for Parliament’s conduct.

Our Parliament has tended to become so dysfunctional since Indira Gandhi and her sycophants destroyed its traditions 30 years ago, that supervising its normal work is an onerous enough task for even the finest of Speakers to handle.

The Lok Sabha’s incumbent Speaker has tended to see himself as the champion of Parliament.  He need not.  He does not command a majority in the Lok Sabha; the Government Party does. We have had the oddest peculiarity unfolding in India at present where the person who does command the Lok Sabha’s majority, and therefore who would be normally defined as Prime Minister of India, has chosen to nominate someone who is not a member of the Lok Sabha to act as Prime Minister, i.e. to command the Lok Sabha’s majority. (The Rajya Sabha was and remains irrelevant to most things important to Indian democracy, regardless of its narcissism and vanity). Someone with access to 10 Janpath should have told Sonia Gandhi in May 2004 that if she did not wish to be PM and wanted to gift the job to someone else, she should do so to someone who, like herself, had been elected to the Lok Sabha, like Pranab Mukherjee (elected for the first time) or Kamal Nath or Priya Ranjan (both veterans).

Manmohan Singh, a former Lok Sabha candidate, may as Finance Minister have been able to progress much further with economic reforms. But sycophancy has ruled the roost in the Congress’s higher echelons, and nobody had the guts to tell her that. Indeed as early as December 2001, Congress leaders knew that in the unlikely event they won the polls, Manmohan Singh would likely be PM by Sonia Gandhi’s choice (though he was not expected to last long at the top), and yet he did not contest the Lok Sabha polls in 2004.

The Government of the day, not the Speaker, is Parliament’s champion in any discussion with the Supreme Court over constitutional rights and Separation of Powers. And the Government has in fact quietly and sensibly requested the Supreme Court to set up a Constitutional Bench for this purpose. Such a Constitutional Bench shall have cause to ask itself how far Kesavananda Bharati needs to be tweaked if at all to accommodate the contention that Parliament has a right to judge its own members. The Court may well likely say that of course Parliament has a right to judge its own members but even that right is not an absolute right, (nothing is). Even Parliament’s right to judge its own members must be in accordance with natural law, with principles of justice, with due and clearly defined processes. E.g. the established Privileges Committee and not the ad hoc Bansal Committee had to do the needful.

Imagine a hypothetical case of fantastic fiction where half a dozen independent MPs are elected to a future Lok Sabha, and then take it upon themselves to expose corruption and shenanigans of all major political parties. Our fantastic super-heroes become whistleblowers within Parliament itself while remaining totally incorruptible as individuals — like Eliot Ness’s team who jailed Al Capone and other gangsters, and came to be depicted in Hollywood’s The Untouchables. These Untouchables would come to be feared and despised by everyone from Communists on one side of the political spectrum to Fascists on the other. They would upset everybody precisely because they were so clean and were not purchasable. The Government and Opposition of the day might wellgang up to expel such troublemakers and even fabricate charges to do so. (Now there’s a script for a Bollywood movie!)

What our Supreme Court’s Constitutional Bench decides now in the matter at hand will determine the fate of our super-heroes in such a future fantasia. The present case is a polar opposite — where MPs have been caught on camera with their sordid fingers in the cookie-jar, and then made to walk the plank immediately by their peers. Yet natural law applies here as it will to our fantastic future fighters, and this is what the Bench would have to speak on.

Why the present situation continues to be disconcerting is because the whole country heard all the holier-than-thou protestations, yet everyone continues to take a very dim view of what they see of politicians’ behaviour. There remain strong suspicions that only a few very tiny tips of very large icebergs were or can be caught on camera. Large-scale deals and contracts involve payments into invisible bank accounts, not petty cash into pockets or even suitcases filled with cash sloshing around Delhi.

What we have desperately needed in the situation is modern prime ministerial leadership which could intelligently and boldly guide national debate in the right direction on the whole matter of probity in public life. Why a distinguished parliamentarian like the Speaker has found himself in the limelight is because neither the de jure nor de facto Prime Ministers of India are anywhere to be seen thinking on their feet on these central issues of constitutional procedure and practice. They tend to use prepared scripts and may be temperamentally disinclined to do what has been called for by these unscripted circumstances. (Indeed the much-maligned H. D. Deve Gowda could be alone among the bevy of recent PMs who has been able to think on his feet at all.)

Collapse Before Executive Power

In the meantime, the United States is going through its own Separation of Powers’ crisis. As explained in these columns previously, the American system is distinctly different from the British, and our own system is midway between them. Yet similar principles may be discerned to apply or fail to be applied in all.

Winston Churchill once perspicaciously observed:

“The rigid Constitution of the United States, the gigantic scale and strength of its party machinery, the fixed terms for which public officers and representatives are chosen, invest the President with a greater measure of autocratic power than was possessed before (the First World War) by the Head of any great State. The vast size of the country, the diverse types, interests and environments of its enormous population, the safety-valve function of the legislatures of fifty Sovereign States, make the focussing of national public opinion difficult, and confer upon the Federal Government exceptional independence of it except at fixed election times. Few modern Governments need to concern themselves so little with the opinion of the party they have beaten at the polls; none secures to its supreme executive officer, at once the Sovereign and the Party Leader, such direct personal authority.”

America’s Legislative Branch has, on paper, strong powers of advice and consent to control errors, excesses or abuse of power by the Executive President. But (with rare and courageous exceptions like Sen. Robert C. Byrd of West Virginia) the Legislature cravenly collapsed before the father-son Bush presidencies in regard to the Middle East wars of recent years. America’s once-revered federal judiciary has also tended to lose its independence of mind with overt politicisation of judicial appointments in recent decades.

Bush the First went to war against Saddam Hussein (a former American ally against Islamic Iran) at least partly with an eye to winning re-election in 1992 (which he would have done as a result but for a random shock known as Ross Perot; Bill Clinton became the beneficiary). Bush the Second obsessively wished to follow up on the same, to the point of misjudging the real threat to America from Bin Laden and fabricating a false threat from an emasculated Saddam.

America’s Legislature palpably failed to control her Presidents. Now, late in the day, after all the horses have bolted, the Senate Judiciary Committee began tepid hearings on February 5 2006 into whether the President authorized laws to be broken with impunity in regard to wire-tapping some 5,000 citizens (doubtless mostly non-white and Muslim) without judicial warrants. Republican Senator Arlen Specter, the Committee’s Chairman, has said he believes the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act has been “flatly” violated, and “strained and unrealistic” justifications are now being offered. Bush’s men, from his Vice President and Attorney General to political intelligence operatives, have brazenly placed in the dustbin the traditional principle fiat justitia pereat mundus — let justice be done even if the world perishes — saying that the Sovereign can do just as he pleases to save the realm from external enemies as he might perceive and define them to be.

What this kind of collapse in current American practice reveals is a new aspect unknown at the time of Montesquieu’s Spirit of the Laws. In the modern world, Separation of Powers involves not merely constitutional institutions like Executive, Legislature and Judiciary but also the normal civil institutions of a free and open society, especially academic institutions and the press. In America, it has been not merely the Legislature and Judiciary which have tended to collapse before Executive Power in regard to the recent Middle East wars, but the media and academia as well.

“Embedded reporters” and Fox TV set the tone for America’s official thought processes about Iraq and the Muslim world — until it has become too late for America’s mainstream media or academics to recover their own credibility on the subject. On the other hand, unofficial public opinion has, in America’s best traditions, demonstrated using vast numbers of Internet websites and weblogs, a spirited Yankee Doodle individuality against the jingoism and war-mongering of the official polity.

Neither the press nor academia had collapsed the same way during America’s last major foreign wars in Vietnam and Cambodia forty years ago, and it may be fairly said that America’s self-knowledge was rather better then than it is now, except of course there were no Internet websites and weblogs.

Our Pakistani Cousins
Across the border from us, our Pakistani cousins are, from a political and constitutional point of view, cut from the same cloth as ourselves, namely the 1935 Government of India Act, and the Montague-Chelmsford and Morley-Minto reforms earlier. However, ever since Jinnah’s death, they have refused to admit this and instead embarked haplessly on what can only be called an injudicious path of trying to write a Constitution for a new Caliphate. The primary demand of the main scholars influencing this process was “That the sovereignty in Pakistan belongs to God Almighty alone and that the Government of Pakistan shall administer the country as His agent”. By such a view, in the words of Rashid Rida and Maulana Maududi, Islam becomes “the very antithesis of secular Western democracy. The philosophical foundation of Western democracy is the sovereignty of the people. Lawmaking is their prerogative and legislation must correspond to the mood and temper of their opinion… Islam… altogether repudiates the philosophy of popular sovereignty and rears its polity on the foundations of the sovereignty of God and the viceregency (Khilafat) of man.” (Rosenthal, Islam & the Modern National State, Cambridge 1965.) Pakistan’s few modern constitutionalists have been ever since battling impossibly to overcome the ontological error made here of assuming that any mundane government can be in communication with God Almighty. In the meantime, all normal branches of Pakistan’s polity, like the electorate, press, political parties, Legislature and Judiciary, have remained at best in ill-formed inchoate states of being — while the Pakistan Armed Forces stepped in with their own large economic and political interests and agendas to effectively take over the country and the society as a whole, on pretext of protecting Pakistan from India or of gaining J&K for it. Pakistan’s political problems have the ontological error at their root. Pakistan’s political parties, academics and press, have with rare exceptions remained timid in face of the militaristic State — directing their anger and frustration at an easier target instead, namely ourselves in India. The Pakistan Government’s way of silencing its few political, academic or press dissidents has been to send them into comfortable exile abroad.

Sheikh Abdullah Contrasted
Pakistan’s perpetual constitutional confusion deserves to be contrasted with the clarity of Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah’s thinking, e.g. his 5 November 1951 speech to the Constituent Assembly of J&K: “You are the sovereign authority in this State of Jammu & Kashmir; what you decide has the irrevocable force of law. The basic democratic principle of sovereignty of the nation, embodied ably in the American and French Constitutions, is once again given shape in our midst. I shall quote the famous words of Article 3 of the French Constitution of 1791:- ‘The source of all sovereignty resides fundamentally in the nation. Sovereignty is one and indivisible, inalienable and imprescriptable. It belongs to the nation.’ We should be clear about the responsibilities that this power invests us with. In front of us lie decisions of the highest national importance which we shall be called upon to take. Upon the correctness of our decisions depends not only the happiness of our land and people now, but the fate as well of generations to come.”

Contrasting the Pakistani views of constitution-making with those of Sheikh Abdullah may help to explain a great deal about where we are today on the delicate and profound subject of J&K. (See “Solving Kashmir”, The Statesman, December 1—3, 2005)

India’s current debate about Separation of Powers needs to keep at a distance the clear negative examples of our American friends, who have brought upon themselves in recent times a craven collapse of Legislature, Judiciary, press and academia to the Executive President (as Churchill had seemed to predict), as well as of our Pakistani cousins who have continued with general political and civil collapse for half a century. Because our universities are all owned by the State, India’s academics, from Communist to Fascist, have tended to be servile towards it. In respect of the press, the power of independent newspapers has been dwindling, while the new TV anchors have created their own models of obsequiousness and chummery towards New Delhi’s ruling cliques of the day. It thus becomes India’s Supreme Court which remains the ultimate guardian of our Constitution and the safest haven of our very fragile freedoms — besides of course our own minds and hearts.

The Sunday Statesman 12 February 2006
The Statesman 13 February 2006

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Communists and Constitutions

January 22, 2006 — drsubrotoroy

COMMUNISTS & CONSTITUTIONS

By SUBROTO ROY
first published in The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Special Article,

January 22, 2006

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Constitutions and communists do not go together. The most glaring example comes from Russia — the Motherland not only of modern communism but also of great brave individual souls like Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn and Andrei Sakharov, and the many other men and women who struggled to defeat communism there over seven decades. Before Russia managed to liberate herself from communism — i.e. before the Communist Party of the Soviet Union began under Mikhail Gorbachev and Boris Yeltsin to liberate itself from itself in the late 1980s — the only genuine elections that ever occurred in the country were to the Constituent Assembly of November 1917.

That Constituent Assembly was a multiparty legislative body and it happened to have a large anti-Bolshevik majority. It met only once in January 1918 and was destroyed under Lenin immediately because it quite naturally refused to adopt Bolshevik proposals. Under the Czar, the “Constitutional Democratic Party” (the “Cadets”), formed in 1905, “constituted the most dangerous ranks of revolution”. Under the government of the proletariat, the very same Cadet Party represented “the most dangerous ranks of reaction” (Solzhenitsyn). Constitutionalists inevitably end up battling both the Fascists of the Right and the Communists of the Left. As Hannah Arendt made clear, the organisation of totalitarian governments whether of Hitler’s Germany or Stalin’s USSR or Mao’s China were remarkably similar in nature. Upon seizing power in November 1917, Russia’s Bolsheviks attacked the constitutionalists first, outlawing the Cadet Party and arresting its members, and doing the same to students, workers and soldiers associated with the “Alliance for the Constituent Assembly”.

This is not a coincidence. Communists and fascists are powered by instincts of grabbing State political power for themselves any which way they can, in order to impose by brute force on everyone else the rather shoddy obsolete ideologies they subscribe to themselves. Karl Marx himself most famously said the words “I am not a Marxist”. Communists and fascists cannot stand the idea of the anonymous individual citizen standing up on his or her own; their instinct is one which cannot attribute credit to the individual person for any good that may be done, instead purloining it into a fake “collective” effort. Similarly, errors cannot be simply acknowledged, and instead responsibility is diffused all around until nobody remembers who said or did what or when, and all history becomes a jumble.

Every great scientific and artistic achievement has been an expression of individual genius, often against the reactionary collective will. And constitutions from Magna Carta onwards have been built on the idea of protecting the anonymous, powerless individual citizen against the violent arbitrary power of the established State and its comprador organisations. Britain and America may have contributed their share of evil to world history but they have made up for at least some of it by pioneering Anglo-Saxon constitutional jurisprudence. It may be no coincidence Britain and America have been home to the greatest outpourings of human creativity and invention in modern times, from the steam engine to the Internet.

In fact it has been a singularly American contribution to pioneer the very idea that parliamentary majorities themselves need to be restrained from their own baser proclivities. In 1767, before America had herself become free from British rule, the British Parliament once issued a declaration that a parliamentary majority could pass any law it saw fit. It was greeted with an outcry of horror in Britain’s American colonies. Patrick Henry of Virginia — later famous for his cry “Give me Liberty or give me Death” — led the battle for the anonymous free individual citizen against the arbitrary power that comes to be represented by the herd or mob instincts even of elected parliamentary majorities. Constitutions are written to protect parliaments and peoples from themselves.

The philosopher John Wisdom, who translated the subtle work of Wittgenstein and Freud into normal idioms, once said: “Sometimes a society acts as if all power lay in the hands of the most babyish and animal members, and sometimes as if all power lay in the hands of strict old men, and sometimes it acts more as a whole — mostly when there’s a war on. Sometimes a man is not himself and acts as if a babyish or cunning animal had gained control — that’s the id — sometimes as if an exacting parent, a sarcastic schoolmaster, or an implacable deity possessed him — that’s the super-ego. Sometimes a man is more himself and acts more as a whole, a new whole which is not a combination but a synthesis of the id and the super-ego. Some are constantly at the mercy of the id, some are slaves to the super-ego, and in some first one and then the other gains an unhappy victory in a continual struggle, and in some conflict and control have vanished into cooperation…”

Similarly, we may say that political processes in any country appear to often give play to the most “babyish” and “cunning animal” instincts of the society, while at other times the “strict old men” or “exacting parent” take over. The constant struggle of political reasonableness is to find the rational, normal national self that rests in between.

India at present has been set upon an unproductive and pointless course of inevitable Constitutional collision between Parliament and the Supreme Court. That course has been singly set by the present Speaker even though every attempt is being made now to diffuse his responsibility for the situation that has arisen, so that soon nobody will be able to remember exactly what happened or why. The incumbent Speaker, instead of being wholly self-effacing as called for by the job-requirements of the high and grave office he holds, has remained too much of a normal parliamentary advocate. Before grave irreparable damage comes to be done to India’s Parliamentary and Constitutional traditions, he needs to return at once to the Front Benches of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) as a distinguished senior Member of the House, and from there make whatever arguments he wishes about Parliament’s rights under the Constitution. The high self-effacing office of the Speaker is not from where such arguments as he has been making should be made — unless India’s Parliament and Constitution are soon to be thrown into the dustbin for ever (as has similarly happened for half a century across the border with our Pakistani cousins).

The incumbent Speaker is right that the Supreme Court does not oversee Parliament. The Supreme Court oversees something greater than Parliament, namely, India’s Constitution. Parliament, its Speaker, its Prime Minister, the President of India, and the Supreme Court itself are all creatures of the Constitution. However, the Constitution of India that was adopted on 26 January 1950 is not sui generis a creature of itself. It is the outcome of a clear and well-known constitutional history which has among its modern milestones the Government of India Act of 1935, and thence all the ancient milestones of Anglo-American constitutional jurisprudence going back to Magna Carta. And India’s Supreme Court — sitting not in any of its normal division benches but as a Constitutional Bench — does indeed have jurisdiction, indeed it has sole jurisdiction, over whether India’s Constitution is being made to suffer crimes or misdemeanours at the hands of India’s Government or Parliament of the day. For the Speaker to decline to receive a notice from the High Court is an irrelevancy; many people who are served notices ignore them; it does not reduce jurisdiction by an iota. An “All-Party” meeting of MPs can rail all it wants against the Supreme Court — even the whole of the present Parliament can pass as many unanimous resolutions as they want against the Supreme Court. They will only make themselves look silly and petulant in the eyes of history. As for the BJP Opposition in particular, the present situation may make it perfectly clear that there is not among them a single, principled, liberal constitutionalist hidden in their proto-fascistic ranks.

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Unaccountable Delhi: India’s Separation of Powers’ Doctrine

January 13, 2006 — drsubrotoroy

UNACCOUNTABLE DELHI

India’s Separation Of Powers’ Doctrine

First published in The Statesman Jan 13 2006 Editorial Page Special Article,

By Subroto Roy

The Speaker does not like the fact the High Court has issued notices questioning the procedure he followed in expelling MPs from Parliament. Sonia Gandhi’s self-styled “National Advisory Council” has demanded control over disbursement of 100,000,000,000 rupees of public money. The Manmohan Singh Government plans to quietly ignore the Supreme Court’s finding that it had breached India’s Constitution in imposing President’s Rule in Bihar.  All three issues have to do with application of India’s Separation of Powers Doctrine, i.e. the appropriate delimitation of Constitutional powers between our Legislature, Executive and Judiciary.

A constitutional crime was attempted in India during the Indira-Sanjay Gandhi political “Emergency” declared on 26 June 1975. On 10 November 1975 (a time of press censorship) a 13-judge Bench of the Supreme Court met to hear the Government plead for overrule of Kesavananda Bharati (A.I.R. 1973 S.C. 1461), a landmark Nani Palkhivala once called “the greatest contribution of the Republic of India to constitutional jurisprudence”. Within two days, the Government had failed in the Court, and Kesavananda held. What was upheld? That while India’s Parliament was sovereign and could amend the Constitution, the amending power may not be used to alter or destroy “the basic structure or framework of the Constitution”. And the Supreme Court decides for itself whether Parliament has exceeded its legitimate power to amend.

Basic structure
Palkhivala’s description of what constitutes the “basic structure or framework” of India’s Constitution is excellent enough: “the rule of law, the right to personal liberty and freedom from arbitrary arrest and imprisonment, the right to dissent which implies the freedom of speech and expression and a free press are… a part of the basic structure of a free democracy, and it is these priceless human freedoms which cannot be destroyed by Parliament in exercise of its amending power. Thus Kesavananda’s case ensures that tyranny and despotism shall not masquerade as constitutionalism.”

Palkhivala argued that, if anything, the aspects of Kesavananda that needed to be set aside were those that had over-ruled Golaknath (A.I.R. 1967 S.C. 1643) which said Parliament should not be held to have the power to abridge any fundamental right, indeed any amended article which abrogates any fundamental right is invalid.

Dicey said “In the principle of the distribution of powers which determines its form, the constitution of the United States is the exact opposite of the English constitution.” Kesavananda Bharati showed the midway point between the two in constitutional jurisprudence anywhere in the world. We are like the Americans and unlike the British first in being a Republic, and secondly in having an explicit written Constitution. We are like the British and unlike the Americans in being a parliamentary democracy where the Executive Branch of Government, namely the Prime Minister and his/her Cabinet is elected from within the Legislative Branch of Government, namely, Parliament, and must at all times retain the confidence of the latter, specifically the Lok Sabha, the House of the People.

The American Executive Branch has a directly-elected President who chooses his administration, and it is commonplace for him to not have the confidence of the Upper or Lower House of the Legislature, to the point that one recent president had to undergo impeachment proceedings and barely survived. There is no constitutional crisis in America if the Legislature loathes the President and wishes him out. The American President and his Executive Branch stay in office until the last minute of his fixed term.

PM answers to Parliament
In our system, the Prime Minister answers at all times to Parliament. Parliament in India’s democracy has normally meant the House of the People — where every member has contested and won a direct vote in his/her constituency. India’s current Lok Sabha has set a constitutional precedent not seen in more than a hundred years anywhere in electing an Executive led by someone not a member. The British Upper House used to have an aristocratic hereditary component which Mr Blair’s New Labour Government has removed, making it more like what the Rajya Sabha was supposed to be — except that by now our Rajya Sabha has tended to become a place for party worthies who have lost normal elections, superannuated cinematic personalities, perpetual bureaucrats still seeking office, and others who really should be at home helping to raise the grandchildren.  Parliament may not have fully recovered its health ever since that constitutional crime committed against the Republic known as the Indira-Sanjay “Emergency” (and at least one member of Sanjay’s coterie wields much power today).

Crimes and misdemeanours
The Supreme Court’s finding that the Government breached the Constitution by imposing President’s Rule in Bihar is a finding not of a constitutional crime but of a constitutional misdemeanour. (For reasons given already in these columns on 20 October 2005, it has nothing to do with the President, who merely embodies the sovereignty of our Republic.)  For an Executive Order or Legislative Act to be found by a competent Court as being unconstitutional means merely that it does not have to be obeyed by citizens. In the Bihar case, the Supreme Court found this consequence irrelevant because new elections were already in process, the result of which would come from the most authentic democratic voice possible, namely, the same people who elect the House of the People in the first place. India’s Executive has been found to have committed a constitutional misdemeanour, for which it needed to apologise to the Court and Parliament (who are its constitutional co-equals) and then ask the latter to renew its confidence — in which event, life goes on. If confidence was not renewed, the Government would fall and a new Government would have to be formed. But we do not have yet the idea of a backbench revolt —mainly because all the front benches themselves have tended to be in such confusion and disarray with regard to parliamentary traditions, processes and functions.

The Supreme Court as the ultimate protector of the Constitution would be well within its prerogative to oversee whether a Parliamentary Speaker has acted appropriately. Consider a hypothetical case. Once elected, a Speaker is supposed to have no party-affiliation ever more for the rest of his/her life. Suppose, hypothetically, a controlled experiment found a Speaker systematically biased in favour of his/her own former party-members and against their opponents. Where but the Courts could such arbitrariness be effectively remonstrated against? Even if the incumbent Speaker impossibly imagines himself the personal embodiment of the Legislative Branch, he is not beyond the Constitution and therefore not beyond India’s Separation of Powers’ Doctrine.

The Opposition had alleged that the Speaker failed to follow procedure which required the culprits in the expulsion case be referred to the Privileges Committee. But beyond that the Opposition was too confused and guilt-ridden to pursue the matter during the dying moments of Parliament’s Winter Session. In the clear light of day, the issue has now ended up in the Courts. If the Supreme Court eventually rules the Speaker had in fact failed to follow Parliament’s own procedures (and hence breached Constitutional practices), the Speaker would need to apologise to the Courts and the House that elected him, and perhaps offer to fall on his sword.

Finally, for the “National Advisory Council”, a wholly unelected body, to demand a say for itself over spending Rs. 100 billion in State and Union Government budget-making, would be another constitutional misdemeanour — unless its members are merely on the personal staff of the Hon’ble Member representing Rae Bareili, who may of course introduce whatever legislation on money-bills that any other Lok Sabha Member may do.

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The Dream Team: A Critique (2006)

January 8, 2006 — drsubrotoroy

The Dream Team: A Critique

by Subroto Roy

First published in The Statesman and The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page Special Article, January 6,7,8, 2006

(Author’s Note: Within a few weeks of this article appearing, the Dream Team’s leaders appointed the so-called Tarapore 2 committee to look into convertibility — which ended up recommending what I have since called the “false convertibility” the RBI is presently engaged in. This article may be most profitably read along with other work republished here: “Rajiv Gandhi and the Origins of India’s 1991 Economic Reform”, “Three Memoranda to Rajiv Gandhi”, “”Indian Money & Banking”, “Indian Money & Credit” , “India’s Macroeconomics”, “Fiscal Instability”, “Fallacious Finance”, “India’s Trade and Payments”, “Our Policy Process”, “Against Quackery”, “Indian Inflation”, etc)

 

 

 1. New Delhi’s Consensus: Manmohantekidambaromics

Dr Manmohan Singh has spoken of how pleasantly surprised he was to be made Finance Minister in July 1991 by PV Narasimha Rao. Dr Singh was an academic before becoming a government economic official in the late 1960s, rising to the high office of Reserve Bank Governor in the 1980s. Mr Montek Singh Ahluwalia now refers to him as “my boss” and had been his Finance Secretary earlier. Mr Ahluwalia was a notable official in the MacNamara World Bank before being inducted a senior government official in 1984. Mr P Chidambaram was PVNR’s Commerce Minister, and later became Finance Minister in the Deve Gowda and Gujral Governments. Mr Chidamabaram is a Supreme Court advocate with an MBA from Harvard’s Business School. During 1998-2004, Dr Singh and Mr Chidambaram were in Opposition but Mr Ahluwalia was Member-Secretary of the Vajpayee Planning Commission. Since coming together again in Sonia Gandhi’s United Progressive Alliance, they have been flatteringly named the “Dream Team” by India’s pink business newspapers, a term originally referring to some top American basketball players.

Based on pronouncements, publications and positions held, other members or associates of the “Dream Team” include Reserve Bank Governor Dr YV Reddy; his predecessor Dr Bimal Jalan; former PMO official Mr NK Singh, IAS; Chief Economic Advisers Dr Shankar Acharya and Dr Ashok Lahiri; RBI Deputy Governor Dr Rakesh Mohan; and others like Dr Arvind Virmani, Dr Isher Ahluwalia, Dr Parthasarathi Shome, Dr Vijay Khelkar, Dr Ashok Desai, Dr Suman Bery, Dr Surjit Bhalla, Dr Amaresh Bagchi, Dr Govind Rao. Honorary members include Mr Jaswant Singh, Mr Yashwant Sinha, Mr KC Pant and Dr Arun Shourie, all economic ministers during the Vajpayee premiership. Institutional members include industry chambers like CII and FICCI representing “Big Business”, and unionised “Big Labour” represented by the CPI, CPI(M) and prominent academics of JNU. Mr Mani Shankar Aiyar joins the Dream Team with his opinion that a gas pipeline is “necessary for the eradication of poverty in India”. Mr Jairam Ramesh explicitly claimed authoring the 1991 reform with Mr Pranab Mukherjee and both must be members (indeed the latter as Finance Minister once had been Dr Singh’s boss). Dr Arjun Sengupta has claimed Indira Gandhi started the reforms, and he may be a member too. External members include Dr Jagdish Bhagwati, Dr. TN Srinivasan, Dr Meghnad Desai, Dr Vijay Joshi, Mr Ian Little, Dr Anne O. Krueger, Dr John Williamson, IMF Head Dr R Rato, and many foreign bank analysts who deal in Bombay’s markets. Harvard’s Dr Larry Summers joins with his statement while US Treasury Secretary in January 2000 that a 10% economic growth rate for India was feasible. His Harvard colleague Dr Amartya Sen — through disciples like Dr Jean Dreze (adviser to Sonia Gandhi on rural employment) — must be an ex officio member; as an old friend, the Prime Minister launched Dr Sen’s recent book while the latter has marked Dr Singh at 80% as PM. Media associates of the Dream Team include editors like Mr Aroon Purie, Mr Vinod Mehta, Dr Prannoy Roy, Mr TN Ninan, Mr Vir Sanghvi and Mr Shekhar Gupta, as well as the giddy young anchors of what passes for news and financial analysis on cable TV.

This illustrious set of politicians, government officials, economists, journalists and many others have come to define what may be called the “New Delhi Consensus” on contemporary India’s economic policy. While it is unnecessary everyone agree to the same extent on every aspect — indeed on economic policy the differences between the Sonia UPA and Vajpayee NDA have had to do with emphasis on different aspects, each side urging “consensus” upon the other — the main factual and evaluative claims and policy-prescriptions of the New Delhi Consensus may be summarised as follows:

A: “The Narasimha Rao Government in July 1991 found India facing a grave balance of payments crisis with foreign exchange reserves being very low.”

B: “A major cause was the 1990-1991 Gulf War, in its impact as an exogenous shock on Indian migrant workers and oil prices.”

C: “The Dream Team averted a macroeconomic crisis through “structural adjustment” carried out with help of the IMF and World Bank; hence too, India was unaffected by the 1997 ‘Asian crisis'”.

D: “The PVNR, Deve Gowda, Gujral and Vajpayee Governments removed the notorious license-quota-permit Raj.”

E: “India’s measurable real economic growth per capita has been raised from 3% or lower to 7% or more.”

F: “Foreign direct investment has been, relative to earlier times, flooding into India, attracted by lower wages and rents, especially in new industries using information technology.”

G: “Foreign financial investment has been flooding into India too, attracted by India’s increasingly liberalised capital markets, especially a liberalised current account of the balance of payments.”

H: “The apparent boom in Bombay’s stock market and relatively large foreign exchange reserves bear witness to the confidence foreign and domestic investors place in India’s prospects.”

I: “The critical constraint to India’s future prosperity is its “infrastructure” which is far below what foreign investors are used to in other countries elsewhere in Asia.”

J: “It follows that massive, indeed gargantuan, investments in highways, ports, airports, aircraft, city-flyovers, housing-estates, power-projects, energy exploration, gas pipelines, etc, out of government and private resources, domestic and foreign, is necessary to remove remaining “bottlenecks” to further prosperity for India’s masses, and these physical constructions will cause India’s economy to finally ‘take off’.”

K: “India’s savings rate (like China’s) is exceptionally high as is observable from vast expansion of bank-deposits, and these high (presumed) savings, along with foreign savings, will absorb the gargantuan investment in “infrastructure” without inflation.”

L: “Before the gargantuan macroeconomic investments bear the fruits of prosperity, equally large direct transfer payments also must be made from the Government to prevent mass hunger and/or raise nominal incomes across rural India, while existing input or other subsidies to producers, especially farmers, also must continue.”

M: “While private sector participants may increasingly compete via imports or as new entrants in industries where the public sector has been dominant, no bankruptcy or privatisation must be allowed to occur or be seen to occur which does not provide public sector workers and officials with golden parachutes.”

Overall, the New Delhi Consensus paints a picture of India’s economy on an immensely productive trajectory as led by Government partnered by Big Business and Big Labour, with the English-speaking intellectuals of the Dream Team in the vanguard as they fly between exotic conferences and international commercial deals. An endless flow of foreign businessmen and politicians streaming through Bangalore, Hyderabad, five-star hotels or photo-opportunities with the PM, followed by official visits abroad to sign big-ticket purchases like arms or aircraft, reinforce an impression that all is fine economically, and modern India is on the move. Previously rare foreign products have become commonplace in India’s markets, streets and television-channels, and a new materialist spirit, supposedly of capitalism, is captured by the smug slogan yeh dil mange more (this heart craves more) as well as the more plaintive cry pardesi jana nahin, mujhe chhorke (foreigner, please don’t leave me).

 

 

2. Money, Convertibility, Inflationary Deficit Financing

India’s Rupee became inconvertible in 1942 when the British imposed exchange controls over the Sterling-Area. After 1947 independent India and Pakistan, in name of “planned” economic development, greatly widened this war-time regime – despite the fact they were at war now only with one another over Jammu & Kashmir and, oddly enough, formed an economic union until 1951 with their currencies remaining freely convertible with each other.

On May 29 1984, the present author’s Pricing, Planning and Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India proposed in London that the Indian Rupee become a convertible hard currency again — the first time liberal economics had been suggested for India since BR Shenoy’s critique of the Second Five Year Plan (a fact attracting an editorial of The Times). The simple litmus test whether believers in the New Delhi Consensus have or have not the courage of their stated convictions – i.e., whether what they have been saying is, in its empirical fundamentals, more signal or noise, more reality or rhetorical propaganda – would be to carry through that proposal made 21 years ago. The Dream Team have had more than enough political power to undertake this, and it remains the one measure necessary for them to demonstrate to India’s people and the world that the exuberant confidence they have been promoting in their model of India’s economy and its prospects is not spurious.

What does convertibility entail?  For a decade now, India has had limited ease of availability of foreign exchange for traders, students and tourists. Indeed some senior Government monetary economists believe there is convertibility already except forex dealers are being allowed “one-way” and not “two-way” quotes! That is wrong. The Government since 1942 has requisitioned at the border all foreign exchange earned by exporters or received as loans or investment — allocating these first to pay interest and amortisation on the country’s foreign debt, then to make its own weapons and other purchases abroad, then to release by ration what remains to private traders, students, tourists et al. Current account liberalisation has meant the last of these categories has been relaxed, especially by removal of some import quotas. What a convertible Rupee would mean is far more profound. It would allow any citizen to hold and save an Indian money that was exchangeable freely (i.e. without Government hindrance) into moneys of other countries. Full convertibility would mean all the paper money, bank deposits and rupee-denominated nominal assets held by ordinary people in India becomes, overnight, exchangeable without hindrance into dollars, yens, pounds or euros held anywhere (although not of course at the “one-way” rates quoted today).

Now money is a most peculiar human institution. Paper money is intrinsically worthless but all of India’s 1,000 million people (from street children onwards) have need to hold it temporarily to expedite their individual transactions of buying and selling real goods and services. Money also acts as a repository of value over time and unit of account or measure of economic value. While demand to hold such intrinsically worthless paper is universal, its supply is a Government monopoly. Because Government accepts obligations owed to it in terms of the fiat money it has itself issued, the otherwise worthless paper comes to possess value in exchange. Because Government controls its supply, money also can be abused easily enough as a technique of invisible taxation via inflation.

With convertibility in India, the quantity of currency and other paper assets like public debt instruments representing fiscal decisions of India’s Union and State Governments, will have to start to compete with those produced by other governments. Just as India’s long-jumpers and tennis-players must compete with the world’s best if they are to establish and sustain their athletic reputations, so India’s fiscal and monetary decisions (i.e. about government spending and revenues, interest-rates and money supply growth) will have to start competing in the world’s financial markets with those of the EU, USA, Japan, Switzerland, ASEAN etc.

The average family in rural Madhya Pradesh who may wish, for whatever personal reason, to liquidate rupee-denominated assets and buy instead Canadian, Swiss or Japanese Government debt, or mutual fund shares in New York, Frankfurt or Singapore, would not be hindered by India’s Government from doing so. They would become as free as the swankiest NRI jet-setters have been for years (like many members of the New Delhi Consensus and their grown children abroad).  Scores of millions of ordinary Indians unconnected with Big Business or Big Labour, neither among the 18 million people in government nor the 12 million in the organised private sector, would become free to hold any portfolio of assets they chose in global markets (small as any given individual portfolio may be in value). Like all those glamorous NRIs, every Indian would be able to hold dollar or Swiss Franc deposit accounts at the local neighbourhood bank. Hawala operators worldwide would become redundant. Ordinary citizens could choose to hold foreign shares, real-estate or travellers’ cheques as assets just as they now choose jewellery before a wedding. The Indian Rupee, after more than 65 years, would once again become as good as all the proverbial gold in Fort Knox.

When added up, the new demand of India’s anonymous masses to hold foreign rather than Rupee-denominated assets will certainly make the Rupee decline in price in world markets. But — if the implicit model of India’s economy promoted by the Dream Team is based on correctly ascertained empirical facts — foreign and domestic investor confidence should suffice for countervailing tendencies to keep India’s financial and banking system stable under convertibility. Not only would India’s people be able to use and save a currency of integrity, the allocation of real resources would also improve in efficiency as distortions would be reduced in the signalling function of domestic relative prices compared to world relative prices. An honest Rupee freely priced in world markets at, say, 90 per dollar, would cause very different real microeconomic decisions of Government and private producers and consumers (e.g., with respect to weapons’ purchases or domestic transportation, given petroleum and jet fuel imports) than a semi-artificial Rupee at 45 per dollar which forcibly an inconvertible asset in global markets. A fully convertible Rupee will cause economic and political decisions in the country more consistent with word realities.

Why the Rupee is not going to be made convertible in the foreseeable future – or why, in India’s present fiscal circumstances if it was, it would be imprudent to do so – is because, contrary to the immense optimism promoted by the Dream Team about their own deeds since 1991, they have in fact been causing India’s monetary economy to skate on the thinnest of thin ice. Put another way, a house of cards has been constructed whose cornerstone constitutes that most unscientific anti-economic of assumptions, the “free lunch”: that something can be had for nothing, that real growth in average consumption levels of the masses of ordinary households of rural and urban India can meaningfully come about by nominal paper-money creation accompanied by verbal exhortation, hocus-pocus or abracadabra from policy-makers and their friends in Big Business, Big Labour and the media. (Lest half-remembered inanities about “orthodox economics” come to be mouthed, Maynard Keynes’s 1936 book was about specific circumstances in Western economies during the Depression and it is unwise to extend its presumptions to unintended situations.)

 

 

3. Rajiv Gandhi and Perestroika Project

On 25 May 2002, India’s newspapers reported “PV Narasimha Rao and Manmohan Singh lost their place in Congress history as architects of economic reforms as the Congress High Command sponsored an amendment to a resolution that had laid credit at the duo’s door. The motion was moved by…. Digvijay Singh asserting that the reforms were a brainchild of the late Rajiv Gandhi and that the Rao-Singh combine had simply nudged the process forward.”

Now Rajiv Gandhi was an airline-pilot and knew no economics. But the origins of the 1991 reform did come about because of an encounter he had, as Opposition Leader and Congress President from September 1990 onwards, with a “perestroika” project for India’s political economy occurring at an American university since 1986 (viz., The Statesman Editorial Page July 31-August 2 1991, now republished here; Freedom First October 2001). In being less than candid in acknowledging the origins of the reform, the Dream Team may have failed to describe accurately the main symptoms of illness that afflicted India before 1991, and have consequently failed to diagnose and prescribe for it correctly ever since.

The Government of India, like many others, has been sorely tempted to finance its extravagant expenditures by abusing its monopoly over paper-money creation. The British taught us how to do this, and in 1941-43 caused the highest inflation rates ever seen in India as a result. Fig. 1 shows this, and also that real growth in India follows as expected the trend-rate of technological progress (having little to do with government policy). Independent India has continually financed budget- deficits by money creation in a process similar to what the British and Americans did in wartime. This became most conspicuous after Indira Gandhi’s bank and insurance nationalisations of 1969-1970. Indeed, among current policy-makers, Pranab Mukherjee, Manmohan Singh, Arjun Sengupta, Montek Singh Ahluwalia, Bimal Jalan, NK Singh, Amaresh Bagchi and Shankar Acharya, were among those governing such macroeconomic processes before 1991 — albeit in absence of the equations that illustrate their nature. Why the Rupee cannot be made an honest, internationally convertible, stable money held with confidence by all Indians today, is because the Dream Team have continued with the same macroeconomics ever since. The personal and political ambitions of the tiniest super-elite that the New Delhi Consensus represent (both personal and political) have depended precisely on gargantuan unending deficit-financing backed by unlimited printing of paper-money, and hence the continuing destruction of the integrity of India’s banking system. A convertible Rupee would allow India’s ordinary people to choose to hold other stores of value available in the world today, like gold or monies issued by foreign governments, and thus force an end to such processes.

Two recent articles in The Statesman (Perspective Page 30 October 2005, Front Page 29 November 2005) outlined India’s financial repression and negative real interest rates (which suffice to explain the present stock market boom the way athletes perform better on steroids), and also how deficits get financed by money creation accompanied by wishful projections of economic growth in an upside down imitation of how macroeconomic policy gets done in the West.

“Narrow Money” consists mostly of hand-to-hand currency. “Broad Money” consists of Narrow Money plus bank-deposits. Modern banking is built on “fractional reserves”, i.e. a system of trust where your bank does not literally hold onto deposits you place there but lends these out again – which causes further deposit expansion because no individual banker can tell whether a new deposit received by it is being caused by the depositor having himself borrowed. As a general rule, bank lending causes further deposit expansion. Why India’s (and China’s) bank deposits have been expanding is not because Indians (or Chinese) are superhuman savers of financial assets in banks but because the Government of India (and China) has for decades compelled (the mostly nationalised) banks to hold vast sums of Government debt on the asset side of their balance-sheets. Thus there has been humongous lending by the banking system to pay for Government expenditures. The Dream Team’s macroeconomics relies entirely on this kind of unending recourse to deficit finance and money creation, causing dry rot to set into banks’ balance sheets (Figs. 2,3, 4).   If the Rupee became convertible, those vast holdings of Government debt by banks would become valued at world prices. The crucial question would be how heavily New York, London and Hong Kong financial markets discounted Indian sovereign debt. If upon convertibility, the asset sides of domestic Indian banks get discounted very heavily by world financial markets, their insolvency upon being valued at international prices could trigger catastrophic repercussions throughout India’s economy. Hence the Rupee cannot be made convertible — and all our present inefficiencies and inequities will continue for ever with New Delhi’s rhetorical propaganda alongside. The capital flight of 10 out of 1000 million Indians will continue, leaving everyone else with the internal and foreign public debts to pay.

 

 

4. A Different Strategy had Rajiv Not Been Assassinated

Had Rajiv Gandhi not been assassinated and the perestroika project allowed to take its course, a different strategy would have been chosen. Honest money first demands honest Government and political leadership. It would at the outset have been recognised by Government (and through Government by all India’s people) that the asset-liability, income-expenditure and cash-flow positions of every public entity in the country without exception — of the Union Government, every State and local Government, every public undertaking and project – is abysmal.  Due to entanglement with government financial loans, labour regulations, subsidies, price controls, protection and favouritism, the same holds for the financial positions of vast numbers of firms in the organised private sector. Superimpose on this dismal scene, the bleak situation of the Rule of Law in the country today – where Courts of Justice from highest to lowest suffer terrible abuse receiving pitiable amounts of public resources despite constituting a third and independent branch of India’s Government (while police forces, despite massive expenditure, remain incompetent, high-handed and brutal). What India has needed ever since 1991 is the Rule of Law, total transparency of public information, and the fiercest enforcement of rigorous accounting and audit standards in every government entity and public institution. It is only when budgets and financial positions become sound that ambitious goals can be achieved.

The Dream Team have instead made a fetish of physical construction of “infrastructure”, in some grandiose make-believe dreamworld which says the people of India wish the country to be a superpower. The Dream Team have failed to properly redefine for India’s masses the appropriate fiscal and monetary relationship between State and citizen – i.e. to demarcate public from private domains, and so enhance citizens’ sense of individual responsibility for their own futures, as well as explain and define what government and public institutions can and cannot do to help people’s lives. Grotesque corruption and inefficiency have thus continued to corrode practically all organs, institutions and undertakings of government. Corruption is the transmutation of publicly owned things into private property, while its mirror image, pollution, is the disposal of private wastes into the public domain. Both become vastly more prevalent where property rights between private and public domains remain ill demarcated. What belongs to the individual citizen and what to sovereign India –their rights and obligations to one another – remains fuzzy. Hence corruption and pollution run amuck. The irrational obsession with “infrastructure” is based on bad economics, and has led to profoundly wrong political and financial directions. The Rupee cannot be made an honest stable money because India’s fiscal and monetary situation remains not merely out of control but beyond New Delhi’s proper comprehension and grasp. If and when the Dream Team choose to wake up to India’s macroeconomic realities, a great deal of serious work will need to be done.

 

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Solving Kashmir: On an Application of Reason (2005)

December 3, 2005 — drsubrotoroy

SOLVING KASHMIR: ON AN APPLICATION OF REASON

by

Subroto Roy

First published in three parts in The Statesman

Editorial Page Special Article 1, 2, 3 December 2005

This article has its origins in a paper “Towards an Economic Solution for Kashmir” which circulated in Washington DC in 1992-1995, including at the Indian and Pakistani embassies and the Carnegie Endowment, and was given as an invited lecture at the Heritage Foundation on June 23 1998. It should be read along with other articles also republished here, especially “History of J&K”, “Law, Justice and J&K” , “Understanding Pakistan”, “Pakistan’s Allies” and “What to Tell Musharraf”.  See https://independentindian.com/2011/10/13/my-seventy-one-notes-at-facebook-etc-on-kashmir-pakistan-and-of-course-india-listed-thanks-to-jd/  The Washington paper and lecture itself originated from my ideas in the Introduction to Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy, edited by WE James and myself in the University of Hawaii project on Pakistan 1986-1992.

Postscript 30 Dec 2015:  I have made clear at Twitter that I find the K.M. Kasuri book, promoted and publicized in India by Mani Shankar Aiyar, Sudheendra Kulkarni, Barkha Dutt and others in Delhi and Mumbai, to be mendacious where it is not merely self-serving.  Its clear intent is to get India to accept the (entirely false) ISI/Hurriyat narratives about 1947, Kashmir, Bangladesh, terrorism etc.  Its purported ideas of demilitarisation and a borderless Kashmir are essentially lifted without the decency of normal acknowledgement from my earlier 1980s work in America cited above — which I myself have rejected as naive since the 1999 Pakistani aggression in Kargil…

NB: https://independentindian.com/2006/07/03/law-justice-and-jk/

https://independentindian.com/2006/10/30/history-of-jk/

 

I. Give Indian `Green Cards’ to the Hurriyat et al

India, being a liberal democracy in its constitutional law, cannot do in Jammu & Kashmir what Czechoslovakia did to the “Sudeten Germans” after World War II.

On June 18 1945 the new Czechoslovakia announced those Germans and Magyars within their borders who could not prove they had been actively anti-fascist before or during the War would be expelled — the burden of proof was placed on the individual, not the State. Czechoslovakia “transferring” this population was approved by the Heads of the USA, UK and USSR Governments at Potsdam on August 2 1945. By the end of 1946, upto two million Sudeten Germans were forced to flee their homes; thousands may have died by massacre or otherwise; 165,000 remained who were absorbed as Czechoslovak citizens. Among those expelled were doubtless many who had supported Germany and many others who had not — the latter to this day seek justice or even an apology in vain. Czechoslovakia punished none of its nationals for atrocities, saying it had been revenge for Hitler’s evil (“badla” in Bollywood terms) and the post Cold War Czech Government too has declined to render an apology. Revenge is a wild kind of justice (while justice may be a civilised kind of revenge).

India cannot follow this savage precedent in international law. Yet we must recognise there are several hundred and up to several hundred thousand persons on our side of the boundary in the State of Jammu & Kashmir who do not wish to be Indian nationals. These people are presently our nationals ius soli, having been born in territory of the Indian Republic, and/or ius sanguinis, having been born of parents who are Indian nationals; or they may be “stateless” whom we must treat in accordance with the 1954 Convention on Stateless Persons. The fact is they may not wish to carry Indian passports or be Indian nationals.

In this respect their juridical persons resemble the few million “elite” Indians who have in the last few decades freely placed their hands on their hearts and solemnly renounced their Indian nationality, declaring instead their individual fidelity to other nation-states — becoming American, Canadian or Australian citizens, or British subjects or nationals of other countries. Such people include tens of thousands of the adult children of India’s metropolitan “elite”, who are annually visited abroad in the hot summer months by their Indian parents and relatives. They are daughters and sons of New Delhi’s Government and Opposition, of retired generals, air marshals, admirals, ambassadors, cabinet secretaries, public sector bureaucrats, private sector businessmen, university professors, journalists, doctors and many others. India’s most popular film-actress exemplified this “elite” capital-flight when, after a tireless search, she chose a foreign husband and moved to California.

The difference in Jammu & Kashmir would be that those wishing to renounce Indian nationality do not wish to move to any other place but to stay as and where they are, which is in Kashmir Valley or Jammu. Furthermore, they may wish, for whatever reason, to adopt, if they are eligible to do so, the nationality of e.g. the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan or the Islamic Republic of Iran or the Islamic Republic of Pakistan.

They may believe themselves descended from Ahmad Shah Abdali whose Afghans ruled or misruled Kashmir Valley before being defeated by Ranjit Singh’s Sikhs in 1819. Or they may believe themselves of Iranian descent as, for example, are the Kashmiri cousins of the late Ayatollah Khomeini. Or they may simply have wished to be, or are descended from persons who had wished to be on October 26 1947, citizens of the then-new British Dominion of Pakistan — but who came to be prevented from properly expressing such a desire because of the war-like conditions that have prevailed ever since between India and Pakistan. There may be even a few persons in Ladakh who are today Indian nationals but who wish to be considered Tibetans instead; there is, however, no Tibetan Republic and it does not appear there is going to be one.

India, being a free and self-confident country, should allow, in a systematic lawful manner, all such persons to fulfil their desires, and furthermore, should ensure they are not penalised for having expressed such “anti-national” desires or for having acted upon them. Sir Mark Tully, the British journalist, is an example of someone who has been a foreign national who has chosen to reside permanently in the Republic of India — indeed he has been an exemplary permanent resident of our country. There are many others like him. There is no logical reason why all those persons in Jammu & Kashmir who do wish not to be Indians by nationality cannot receive the same legal status from the Indian Republic as has been granted to Sir Mark Tully. There are already thousands of Sri Lankan, Bangladeshi and Nepalese nationals who are lawful permanent residents in the Indian Republic, and who travel back and forth between India and their home countries. There is no logical reason why the same could not be extended to several hundred or numerous thousand people in Jammu & Kashmir who may wish to not accept or to renounce their Indian nationality (for whatever personal reason) and instead become nationals, if they are so eligible, of the Islamic Republics of Afghanistan, Iran or Pakistan, or, for that matter, to remain stateless. On the one hand, their renunciation of Indian nationality is logically equivalent to the renunciation of Indian nationality by the adult children of India’s “elite” settled in North America and Western Europe. On the other hand, their wish to adopt, if they are eligible, a foreign nationality, such as that of Afghanistan, Iran or Pakistan, and yet remain domiciled in Indian territory is logically equivalent to that of many foreign nationals domiciled in India already like Sir Mark Tully.

Now if you are a permanent resident of some country, you may legally have many, perhaps most, but certainly not all the rights and duties of nationals of that country. e.g., though you will have to pay all the same taxes, you may not be allowed to (or be required to) vote in national or provincial elections but you may in local municipal elections. At the same time, permanently residing foreign nationals are supposed to be equal under the law and have equal access to all processes of civil and criminal justice. (As may be expected though from human frailty, even the federal courts of the USA can be notorious in their injustice and racism towards “Green Card” holders relative to “full” American citizens.) Then again, as a permanently resident foreigner, while you will be free to work in any lawful trade or profession, you may not be allowed to work in some or perhaps any Government agencies, certainly not the armed forces or the police. Many Indians in the USA were engineering graduates, and because many engineering jobs or contracts in the USA are related to the US armed forces and require US citizens only, it is commonplace for Indian engineers to renounce their Indian nationality and become Americans because of this. Many Indian-American families have one member who is American, another Indian, a third maybe Canadian, a fourth Fijian or British etc.

The same can happen in the Indian State of Jammu & Kashmir if it evolves peacefully and correctly in the future. It is quite possible to imagine a productive family in a peaceful Kashmir Valley of the future where one brother is an officer in the Indian Armed Forces, another brother a civil servant and a sister a police officer of the J&K State Government, another sister being a Pakistani doctor, while cousins are Afghan or Iranian or “stateless” businessmen. Each family-member would have made his/her choice of nationality as an individual given the circumstances of his/her life, his/her personal comprehension of the facts of history, his/her personal political and/or religious persuasions, and similar deeply private considerations. All would have their children going to Indian schools and being Indian citizens ius soli and/or ius sanguinis. When the children grow up, they would be free to join, if they wished, the existing capital flight of other Indian adult children abroad and there renounce their Indian nationality as many have come to do.

II Revealing Choices Privately with Full Information

For India to implement such a proposal would be to provide an opportunity for all those domiciled in Kashmir Valley, Jammu and Laddakh to express freely and privately as individuals their deepest wishes about their own identities, in a confidential manner, citizen by citizen, case by case. This would thereby solve the fundamental democratic problem that has been faced ever since the Pakistani attack on the original State of Jammu & Kashmir commenced on October 22 1947, which came to be followed by the Rape of Baramulla — causing the formal accession of the State to the then-new Dominion of India on October 26 1947.

A period of, say, 30 months may be announced by the Government of India during which full information would be provided to all citizens affected by this change, i.e. all those presently governed by Article 370 of the Indian Constitution. The condition of full information may include, for example, easy access to Afghan, Iranian and Pakistani newspapers in addition to access to Indian media. Each such person wishing to either remain with Indian nationality (by explicitly requesting an Indian passport if he/she does not have one already — and such passports can be printed in Kashmiri and Urdu too), or to renounce Indian nationality and either remain stateless or adopt, if he/she is so eligible, the nationality of e.g. Afghanistan, Iran, or Pakistan, should be administratively assisted by the Government of India to make that choice.

In particular, he/she should be individually, confidentially, and without fear or favour assured and informed of his/her new rights and responsibilities. For example, a resident of Kashmir Valley who chooses to become a Pakistani citizen, such as Mr Geelani, would now enjoy the same rights and responsibilities in the Indian Republic that Mr Tully enjoys, and at the same time no longer require a visa to visit Pakistan just as Mr Tully needs no visa to enter Britain. In case individual participants in the Hurriyat choose to renounce Indian nationality and adopt some other, they would no longer be able to legally participate in Indian national elections or J&K’s State elections. That is something which they say they do not wish to do in any case. Those members of the Hurriyat who chose e.g. Pakistani nationality while still residing in Jammu & Kashmir, would be free to send postal ballots or cross the border and vote in Pakistan’s elections if and when these occur. There are many Canadians who live permanently in the USA who cross home to Canada in order to cast a ballot.

After the period of 30 months, every person presently under Article 370 of the Indian Constitution would have received a full and fair opportunity to privately and confidentially reveal his/her preference or choice under conditions of full information. “Partition”, “Plebiscite”, and “Military Decision” have been the three alternatives under discussion ever since the National Conference of Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah and his then-loyal Deputy, Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad, helped the Indian Army and Air Force in 1947-1948 fight off the savage attack against Jammu & Kashmir State that had commenced from Pakistan on October 22 1947. When, during the Pakistani attack, the Sheikh and Bakshi agreed to the Muslim Conference’s demand for a plebiscite among the people, the Pakistanis balked — the Sheikh and Bakshi then withdrew their offer and decisively and irrevocably chose to accede to the Indian Union. The people of Jammu & Kashmir, like any other, are now bound by the sovereign political commitments made by their forebears. Even so, given the painful mortal facts of the several decades since, the solution here proposed if properly implemented would be an incomparably more thorough democratic exercise than any conceivable plebiscite could ever have been.

Furthermore, regardless of the outcome, it would not entail any further “Partition” or population “transfer” which inevitably would degenerate into a savage balkanization, and has been ruled out as an unacceptable “deal-breaker” by the Indian Republic. Instead, every individual person would have been required, in a private and confidential decision-making process, to have chosen a nationality or to remain stateless — resulting in a multitude of cosmopolitan families in Jammu & Kashmir. But that is something commonplace in the modern world. Properly understood and properly implemented, we shall have resolved the great mortal problem we have faced for more than half a century, and Jammu & Kashmir can finally settle into a period of peace and prosperity. The boundary between India and Pakistan would have been settled by the third alternative mentioned at the time, namely, “Military Decision”.

 

III. Of Flags and Consulates in Srinagar and Gilgit

Pakistan has demanded its flag fly in Srinagar. This too can happen though not in the way Pakistan has been wishing to see it happen. A Pakistan flag might fly in the Valley just as might an Afghan and Iranian flag as well. Pakistan has wished its flag to fly as the sovereign over Jammu & Kashmir. That is not possible. The best and most just outcome is for the Pakistani flag to fly over a recognised Pakistani consular or visa office in Srinagar, Jammu and Leh. In diplomatic exchange, the Indian tricolour would have to fly over a recognised Indian consular or visa office in Muzaffarabad, Gilgit and Skardu.

Pakistan also may have to act equivalently with respect to the original inhabitants of the territory of Jammu & Kashmir that it has been controlling — allowing those people to become Indian nationals if they so chose to do in free private decisions under conditions of full information. In other words, the “Military Decision” that defines the present boundary between sovereign states must be recognised by Pakistan sincerely and permanently in a Treaty relationship with India — and all of Pakistan’s official and unofficial protégés like the Hurriyat and the “United Jehad Council” would have to do the same. Without such a sovereign commitment from the Government of Pakistan, as shown by decisive actions of lack of aggressive intent (e.g. as came to be implemented between the USA and USSR), the Government of India has no need to involve the Government of Pakistan in implementing the solution of enhancing free individual choice of nationality with regard to all persons on our side of the boundary.

The “Military Decision” regarding the sovereign boundary in Jammu & Kashmir will be so recognised by all only if it is the universally just outcome in international law. And that in fact is what it is.

The original Jammu & Kashmir State began its existence as an entity in international law long before the present Republics of India and Pakistan ever did. Pakistan commences as an entity on August 14 1947; India commences as an entity of international law with its signing of the Treaty of Versailles on June 28, 1919  20 1918. Jammu & Kashmir began as an entity on March 16 1846 — when the Treaty of Amritsar was signed between Gulab Singh Dogra and the British, one week after the Treaty of Lahore between the British and the defeated Sikh regency of the child Daleep Singh.

Liaquat Ali Khan and Zafrullah Khan both formally challenged on Pakistan’s behalf the legitimacy of Dogra rule in Jammu & Kashmir since the Treaty of Amritsar. The Pakistani Mission to the UN does so even today. The Pakistanis were following Sheikh Abdullah and Jawaharlal Nehru himself, who too had at one point challenged Dogra legitimacy in the past. But though the form of words of the Pakistan Government and the Nehru-Abdullah position were similar in their attacks on the Treaty of Amritsar, their underlying substantive reasons were as different as chalk from cheese. The Pakistanis attacked the Dogra dynasty for being Dogra — i.e. because they were Hindus and not Muslims governing a Muslim majority. Nehru and Abdullah denounced monarchic autocracy in favour of mass democracy, and so attacked the Dogra dynasty for being a dynasty. All were wrong to think the Treaty of Amritsar anything but a lawful treaty in international law.

Furthermore, in this sombre political game of great mortal consequence, there were also two other parties who were, or appeared to be, in favour of the dynasty: one because the dynasty was non-Muslim, the other, despite it being so. Non-Muslim minorities like many Hindus and Sikhs in the business and governmental classes, saw the Dogra dynasty as their protector against a feared communalist tyranny arising from the Sunni Muslim masses of Srinagar Valley, whom Abdullah’s rhetoric at Friday prayer-meetings had been inciting or at least awakening from slumber. At the same time, the communalists of the Muslim Conference who had broken away from Abdullah’s secular National Conference, sought political advantage over Abdullah by declaring themselves in favour of keeping the dynasty — even elevating it to become an international sovereign, thus flattering the already pretentious potentate that he would be called “His Majesty” instead of merely “His Highness”. The ancestry of today’s Hurriyat’s demands for an independent Jammu & Kashmir may be traced precisely to those May 21-22 1947 declarations of the Muslim Conference leader, Hamidullah Khan.

Into this game stumbled the British with all the mix of cunning, indifference, good will, impatience, arrogance and pomposity that marked their rule in India. At the behest of the so-called “Native Princes”, the 1929 Butler Commission had hinted that the relationship of “Indian India” to the British sovereign was conceptually different from that of “British India” to the British sovereign. This view was adopted in the Cabinet Mission’s 12 May 1946 Memorandum which in turn came to be applied by Attlee and Mountbatten in their unseemly rush to “Divide and Quit” India in the summer of 1947.

It created the pure legal illusion that there was such a thing as “Lapse of Paramountcy” at which Jammu & Kashmir or any other “Native State” of “Indian India” could conceivably, even for a moment, become a sovereign enjoying the comity of nations — contradicting Britain’s own position that only two Dominions, India and Pakistan, could ever be members of the British Commonwealth and hence members of the newly created UN. British pusillanimity towards Jammu & Kashmir’s Ruler had even extended to making him a nominal member of Churchill’s War Cabinet because he had sent troops to fight in Burma. But the legal illusion had come about because of a catastrophic misunderstanding on the part of the British of their own constitutional law.

The only legal scholar who saw this was B R Ambedkar in a lonely and brilliant technical analysis released to the press on June 17 1947. No “Lapse of Paramountcy” over the “Native Princes” of Indian India could occur in constitutional law. Paramountcy over Indian India would be automatically inherited by the successor state of British India at the Transfer of Power. That successor state was the new British Dominion of India as well as (when it came to be finalised by Partition from India) the new British Dominion of Pakistan (Postscript: the deleted words represent a mistake made in the original paper, corrected in “Law, Justice & J&K” in view of the fact the UN  in 1947 deemed  India alone the successor state of British India and Pakistan a new state in the world system). A former “Native Prince” could only choose to which Dominion he would go. No other alternative existed even for a single logical moment. Because the British had catastrophically failed to comprehend this aspect of their own constitutional law, they created a legal vacuum whereby between August 15 and October 22-26 1947, Jammu & Kashmir became a local and temporary sovereign recognised only by the Dominion of Pakistan (until October 22) and the Dominion of India (until October 26). But it was not a globally recognised sovereign and was never going to be such in international law. This was further proved by Attlee refusing to answer the J&K Prime Minister’s October 18 1947 telegram.

All ambiguity came to end with the Pakistani attack of October 22 1947, the Rape of Baramulla, the secession of an “Azad Kashmir”declared by Sardar Ibrahim, and the Pakistani coup détat in Gilgit on October 31 1947 followed by the massacre of Sikh soldiers of the J&K Army at Bunji. With those Pakistani actions, Gulab Singh’s Jammu & Kashmir State, founded on March 16 1846 by the Treaty of Amritsar, ceased to logically exist as an entity in international law and fell into a state of ownerless anarchy. The conflict between Ibrahim’s Muslim communalists backed by the new Dominion of Pakistan and Abdullah’s secularists backed by the new Dominion of India had become a civil war within a larger intra-Commonwealth war that itself was almost a civil war between forces of the same military.

Jammu & Kashmir territory had become ownerless. The Roman Law which is at the root of all municipal and international law in the world today would declare that in the ownership of such an ownerless entity, a “Military Decision” was indeed the just outcome. Sovereignty over the land, waters, forests and other actual and potential resources of the erstwhile State of Jammu & Kashmir has become divided by “Military Decision” between the modern Republics of India and Pakistan. By the proposal made herein, the people and their descendants shall have chosen their nationality and their domicile freely across the sovereign boundary that has come to result.

Posted in Asia and the West, BR Ambedkar, Britain, Democracy, Economic Theory, Freedom, Gilgit and Baltistan, Gulab Singh, India's Diplomacy, India's Foreign Policy, India's Jurisprudence, India's Land, India's Military Defence, India's Nationalism, India's Polity, India's Union-State relations, India-Pakistan peace process, International Law, Iran, Jammu & Kashmir, Jawaharlal Nehru, Laddakh, Liberalism/Libertarianism, Natural Justice, Non-Resident Indians, Pakistan's history, Pakistan, Balochistan, Afghanistan, Iran, Pashtuns, Pervez Musharraf, Political Economy, Public Choice/Public Finance, Roman Law, Secular governance, Sheikh Abdullah, Sikhs, Sudeten Germans, Tibet, UN/League of Nations, USA, United States, War, Winston Churchill, World History. Leave a Comment »

After the Verdict: Why the Executive Needed a Vote of Confidence

October 20, 2005 — drsubrotoroy

AFTER THE VERDICT

by

Subroto Roy

First published The Statesman, 20 October 2005, Editorial Page Special Article

The last and only time a Head of State of India “resigned” was when Edward VIII (uncle of the present Queen of England) abdicated in 1936 because he wished to marry Mrs Wallis Simpson, a twice-divorced American, and the British Government under Stanley Baldwin felt this was unacceptable to the public and told him so. To his eternal credit, Edward VIII chose true love over the vainglorious trappings of a constitutional monarchy, gave up the kingship, and went with his new wife into a quiet voluntary life-exile in France as the Duke and Duchess of Windsor. India’s Presidents cannot act in state except upon advice of the Cabinet. That means they cannot even resign from office except upon advice of the Cabinet. A President may tragically die in office in which case the Vice-President would become the acting Head of State but there is no provision or precedent in India for a President to be made to resign except for Edward VIII’s abdication.

Richard Nixon resigned the office of the President of the United States in 1974 and more recently William Jefferson Clinton was brought under a lot of pressure to do so by the legislative impeachment proceedings against him. Nixon resigned (which made Gerald Ford President) because it had become impossible for him to stay in office having been proved to have lied to the people, and Clinton managed to stay on by the skin of his teeth for similar misdeeds. But the American system is different because the Head of State and Head of Government are united in the person of the President.

In our system, the Head of State embodies the sovereignty of India and does nothing more. Mountbatten as the first Governor-General imagined himself much more than that and caused damage to the subcontinent’s polity which has still to be repaired. But the first four Indian Heads of State, C. Rajagopalachari, Dr Rajendra Prasad, Dr S. Radhakrishnan, and Dr Zakir Hussain, were exemplary role-models. Unfortunately since their time the office of the President has suffered some of the shocks too that have been suffered by almost all our institutions. For example, retired Presidents really should vanish most gracefully into quietude to write their memoirs and help raise their grandchildren, yet we have had a former President say that an award received after retirement as President has been his most prized. It is not logically possible for such a thing to happen, since to become President of India is the ultimate honour for any citizen of our country. We elect someone among us to be a constitutional monarch for a period of five years and call that person President. Even if a former Indian President should receive the Nobel Peace Prize afterwards it would not mean his/her having embodied the sovereignty of our Republic was not the ultimate honour.

In our constitutional law, our Head of State cannot choose to resign any more than the sovereignty of India can be made to momentarily come to an end. If, to construct a hypothetical case, a President of India while in office became, heavens forbid, physically or mentally incapable of carrying out the duties of the office, the Government of India as represented by the Union Cabinet may well look to the Vice-President to fulfil the role of the Head of State temporarily but there would be no provision for the President to be made to demit office. The only precedent is that of Edward VIII where his personal love for Mrs Simpson compelled his abdication upon the advice of the Prime Minister.

Bringing ourselves back to Bihar, the Honourable Supreme Court’s finding of unconstitutionality is of grave import. On the positive side, what it indicates yet again is that India’s political institutions, no matter how battered and bloody they become by our self-inflicted wounds, still do work.

Furthermore, for the Honourable Court to have allowed the elections to go forward indicates how fine is the quality of our justice, for the Court has allowed the people of Bihar to speak again, and of course Mr Nitish Kumar and friends have been free to use at the hustings the Court’s finding in their favour. Certainly heads should roll and be seen to roll for all this. The Governor should have gone immediately but has not only not done so, he has let it be known that he was acting under orders himself. If so, the least that should happen is that the party-functionary responsible for this should be sacked.

For some press-commentators to demand that Sonia Gandhi should replace Dr Manmohan Singh reveals an appalling ignorance of constitutional norms; this is not a matter of a “High Command” replacing one acolyte by another as chief minister somewhere – if a Prime Minister resigns, so does the entire Cabinet he has appointed, and a new Government has to be sought to be formed. At the same time it is less than candid for the Leader of the Opposition to demand via the television cameras that the Prime Minister should resign, since the Opposition knows fully well that there is an institution called Parliament which can express its lack of confidence in a Government. And of course it also remains open for the Prime Minister himself to go to Parliament and seek to renew its confidence in his Government when the public confidence has thus come to be shaken.

In fact, the right course of action for the President is to summon the Prime Minister and say something like: “It would appear the Judicial Branch of the Government of India has found the Executive Branch to have breached the Constitution. Reference must now be made to the Legislative Branch, namely, to Parliament, to see if it still has confidence in the Executive. Please ask for a Vote of Confidence in the Lok Sabha as soon as possible.” Of course, Dr Manmohan Singh has been the first Prime Minister in Commonwealth history since Salisbury who has not been himself a member of the Lower House. Curzon had wished to be British prime minister after returning from India but was passed over in 1922 in favour of Baldwin in a decisive demonstration that a prime minister must be a member of the Lower House. That is why Alec Douglas-Home stopped being a member of the House of Lords in order to become British PM in 1963-64. India in the last thirty years has seen parliamentary traditions at the Union and State levels being ruinously weakened (or not even allowed to develop) being replaced all too frequently either by street-fighting or by discretionary bureaucratic decision-making by committee. The present moment is an opportunity for the rot to be stemmed. It may be too optimistic though to believe that it will be taken.

 

Posted in Bihar, Britain, Britain's monarchy, C Rajagopalachari, Common Law and Equity, Conservative Party Britain, Constitutional law, Constitutional monarchy, Constitutional Politics, India's Constitution, India's Democracy, India's Judiciary, India's Jurisprudence, India's Lok Sabha, India's Parliament, India's Polity, India's Presidency, India's Rajya Sabha, India's Supreme Court, Manmohan Singh, Politics, Richard Nixon, Sonia Gandhi, US Constitution, USA, United States. Leave a Comment »

Towards a Highly Transparent Fiscal & Monetary Framework for India’s Union & State Governments (29 April 2000)

April 29, 2000 — drsubrotoroy

Towards a Highly Transparent Fiscal & Monetary Framework for India’s Union & State Governments

An address by Dr Subroto Roy to

the Conference of State Finance Secretaries, Reserve Bank of India,  Mumbai, 29 April 2000.

It is a great privilege to speak to this distinguished gathering of Finance Secretaries and economic policy-makers here at the Reserve Bank today. I should like to begin by thanking the Hon’ble Governor Dr Bimal Jalan and the Hon’ble Deputy Governor Dr YV Reddy for their kind invitation for me to do so. I should also like to record here my gratitude to their eminent predecessor, the Hon’ble Governor of Andhra Pradesh, Dr C Rangarajan, for his encouragement of my thinking on these subjects over several years.

My aim will be to share with you and seek your help with my continuing and very incomplete efforts at trying to comprehend as clearly as possible the major public financial flows taking place between the Union of India and each of its constituent States. I plan to show you by the end of this discussion how all the information presently contained in the budgets of the Union and State Governments of India, may be usefully transformed one-to-one into a fresh modern format consistent with the best international practices of government accounting and public budgeting.

I do not use the term “Central Government”, because it is a somewhat sinister anachronism left over from British times. When we were not a free nation, there was indeed a Central Government in New Delhi which took its orders from London and gave orders to its peripheral Provinces as well as to the British “Residents” parked beside the thrones of those who were called “Indian Princes”.

Free India has been a Union of States. There is a Government of the whole Union and there is a Government of each State. The Union is the sovereign and the sole international power, while the States, as political subdivisions of the Union, also possess certain sub-sovereign powers; as indeed do their own subdivisions like zilla parishads, municipalities and other local bodies in smaller measure.

Our 15 large States, which account for 97% of the population of the country, have an average of something like 61 million citizens each, which is vastly more than most countries of the world. In size of population at least, we are like 15 Frances or 15 Britains put together. The Indian Republic is unique or sui generis in that there has never been in history any attempt at federalism or democracy with such sheer large numbers of people involved.

In such a framework the citizen is supposed to feel a voter and a taxpayer at different levels, owing loyalty and taxes to both the national unit and the subdivisions in which he or she resides. In exchange, government at different levels is expected to provide citizens with public goods and services in appropriate measure. The problem of optimal fiscal decentralisation in India as elsewhere is one of allocating to each level of government the power to tax and responsibility to provide, public goods and services most appropriate to that level of government given the availability of information of resources and citizens’ preferences.

In parallel, a problem of optimal monetary decentralisation may be identified as that of allocating between an autonomous Central Bank and its regional or even State-level affiliates or subsidiaries, the power to finance through money-creation the deficits, if any, of the Union and State Governments respectively. It is not impossible to imagine a world in which individual State deficits did not flow into the Union deficit as a matter of course, but instead were intended to be financed more or less independently of the Union budget from a single-window source. There would be a clear conceptual independence between the Union and State levels of public action in the country. In such a world, the Union Government might approach a constitutionally autonomous national-level Central Bank to finance its deficit, while individual State Governments did something analogous with respect to autonomous regional or even State-level Central Banks which would be affiliates or subsidiaries of the national Central Bank.

This is similar to the intended model of the United States Federal Reserve System when it started 90 years ago, though it has not worked like that, in part because of the rapid rise to domination by the New York Federal Reserve relative to the other 11 regional Federal Reserve Banks.

A more radical monetary step would be to contemplate a “Reverse Euro” model by which a national currency issued by the national-level Central Bank acts in parallel with a number of regional or State-level currencies with full convertibility and floating exchange-rates guaranteed between all of them in a world of unhindered mobility of goods and factors.

However, these are very incomplete and theoretical thoughts which perhaps deserve to be shelved for the time being.[1] What necessitates this kind of discussion is after all not something theoretical but rather the practical ground realities of our country’s fiscal and monetary position, something of which this audience will be far better aware than am I.

Economic and political analysis suggests that managing a process of public financial decision-making requires a coincidence of the people who have the best information with the people who have the authority to act. In other words, decision-makers need to have relevant, reliable and timely information made available to them, and then they need to be considered accountable for the decisions made on that basis.

In a democracy like ours, the locus of economic policy decision-making must be Parliament and the State legislatures. Academics, civil servants, journalists, special interest groups, this or that business or industrial lobbyist or foreign management consultant can all have their say — but consensus on the direction and nature of economic policy, if it is to be genuine, has to ultimately emerge out of the legislative process on the basis of reasonable, well-informed discussion and debate, given full relevant timely information. The proper source of all economic policy decisions and initiatives is Parliament, the State legislatures and local government bodies — not this or that lobby or interest-group which may be vocal or powerful enough to be heard at a given time in New Delhi or some State capital-city.

Our 1950 Constitution was a marvellous document in its time and it has worked tolerably well. It defined the functions of government in India in accordance with the main parameters of normative public finance.

Economics ascribed a quite extensive traditional role to Government, the most important functions being collective and individual security, followed by all activities which in the words of Adam Smith,

 “though they may be in the highest degree advantageous to a great society, are, however, of such a nature that the profit could never repay the expence to any individual or small number of individuals, and which it, therefore, cannot be expected that any individual or small number of individuals should erect or maintain.” (Wealth of Nations, V.i.c., 1776)

Our 1950 Constitution defined the Union’s responsibilities to be

External Security;

Foreign Relations & Trade;

Supreme Court & Domestic Security;

Debt Service, Foreign & Domestic;

National Infrastructure;

Communications & Broadcasting;

Atomic Energy;

Public Sector Industries;

Banking; Currency & Finance;

Archives; Surveys & National Institutions;

National Universities;

National Civil Services & Administration.

Each State’s responsibilities were

High Courts & Lower Judiciary;

Police; Civil Order; Prisons;

Water; Sanitation; Health;

State Debt Service;

Intra-State Infrastructure & Communications;

Local Government;

Liquor & Other Public Sector Industries; Trade; Local Banking & Finance;

Land; Agriculture; Animal Husbandry;

Libraries, Museums, Monuments;

State Civil Service & Administration.

Some duties were supposed to be shared by the Union with each State, including

Criminal Law;

Civil & Family Law, Contracts & Torts;

Forests & Environmental Protection;

Unemployment & Refugee Relief;

Electricity;

Education.

But the authors of the 1950 Constitution could not have envisaged the nature of present problems, or foreseen in those early years what we would have become like today. Our fiscal system has become such that a few clauses may have led to an impossibly complex centralization of fiscal power and information. Not only did the 1950 Constitution identify agendas of the Union and State Governments, it also dictated the procedure of decision-making and it is this which may have become intractable over 50 years. Under Article 280, a Finance Commission is appointed every five years whose task is to try to efficiently and equitably allot tax revenues collected by the Union downwards to the States and laterally between the States. Members of Finance Commissions have been elder statesmen of high reputation and integrity, yet the practical impossibility of their task has made their actions seem to all observers to be clouded in mystery and perhaps muddle. As one recent member, Justice Qureshi, has candidly stated

 “it is humanly impossible for a person to understand the problems of the Centre and the 25 States and take a decision thereon within such a short time” (Ninth Finance Commission, Issues and Recommendations, p.350).

No matter how competent or well-meaning a Finance Commission’s members may be, their purpose may be stymied by the overload of information and overcentralisation of authority that has come to take place. As a result, it may have been inevitable that Government has ended up doing what it need not have done at the expense concomitantly of failing to do what only Government could or must have done.

The present situation is such that, despite the best efforts of the Reserve Bank and other Government agencies, there may be a gross lack of timely, relevant and reliable information reaching all decision-makers including the ordinary citizen, who as voter and taxpayer is the cornerstone of the fiscal system. My own inquiry started when Mr. Hubert Neiss, then Central Asia Director at the IMF, hired me as a consultant in December 1992. He told me the IMF was naturally concerned about India’s national budget deficit, but no one seemed to quite know how this related precisely to the budgets of the different States whose deficits seemed to be flowing into it. By its terms of reference, the IMF could not inquire into India’s States’ budgets and I did not do so in my work with them, but the import of his question remained in my thinking. Later I found similar questions being asked at the World Bank. I do not think it a great secret to state that there may be a great deal of simple puzzlement about the workings of our fiscal and monetary system on the part of observers and decision-makers who may be concerned about India’s fiscal position.

Among both public decision-makers and ordinary citizens right across the length and breadth of our country, a severe and widespread lack of information about and comprehension of India’s basic fiscal and monetary facts seems to exist. This in itself may be a cause of fiscal problems as citizens may not be adequately aware of the link between making their demands for public goods and services on the one hand, and the necessity of finding the resources to fund these goods and services on the other.

In any ultimate analysis, resources for public goods and services in an economy can be found only by diverting the real resources of individual citizens towards public uses. Other than printing fiat money, a national Government can only either tax those citizens who are present today in the population, or, borrow from the capital stock on behalf of unborn generations of future citizens.

West Europe and America are heirs to a long history of political development; yet even there, as Professor James Buchanan has often observed, the idea until has not been grasped until recently that benefits from use of public goods and services are supposed to accrue to citizens from whom resources have been raised. Until the 19th Century,

 “government outlay was frequently considered “unproductive”, and there was, by implicit assumption, no return of services to the citizens who were taxed. In a political regime that devotes the bulk of government outlay to the maintenance expenses of a single sovereign, or even of an elite, there is no demonstrable return flow of services to the taxpayers…. Tax principles were discussed as if, once collected, revenues were removed forever from the economy; taxpayers, both individually and in the aggregate, were held to suffer real income loss” (James M. Buchanan, The Demand and Supply of Public Goods, Rand 1968, p. 167).

According to Buchanan, such an undemocratic fiscal model was transformed in the work of the great Swedish economist Knut Wicksell and others by introducing the key assumption of fiscal democracy, namely, that

 “those who bear the costs of public services are also the beneficiaries in democratic structures”

Conversely, we may say those who demand public goods and services in a fiscal democracy should also expect to pay for them in real resources. If citizens are aware of taxes only as a burden and come to feel they receive little or nothing from Governments in return, there is a loss of incentive to pay taxes or to stand up and be counted as proud citizens of the country. There is an incentive instead to evade taxes or to flee the country or to cynically believe everything to be corrupt. On the other hand, if citizens demand public goods and services without expecting to contribute resources for their production, this amounts to being no more than a demand to be a free-rider on the general budget.

In our country, we may have been seeing both phenomena. On one hand, there is, rightly or wrongly, a tremendous public cynicism present almost everywhere with respect to expecting effective provision of public goods and services. On the other hand, the idea that the beneficiaries of public goods and services must also, sooner or later, come to bear the costs in terms of taxed resources is far from established so our politics come to often be unreasonable and irresponsible.

Reliable and comprehensible information about the system as a whole and about the contents of public budgets is thus vital for a fiscal democracy to function. In ancient Athens it was said:

 “Here each individual is interested not only in his own affairs but in the affairs of the State as well; even those who are mostly occupied with their own business are extremely well-informed on general politics — this is a peculiarity of ours: we do not say that a man who has no interest in politics is a man who minds his own business; we say that he has no business here at all.” Pericles (Funeral Oration, Thucydides, The Pelopennesian War)

That was the criterion that Pericles defined for ancient Athenian democracy, and I see no reason why in the 21st Century it cannot be met in modern India’s democracy.

This finally brings me to the positive contribution I have promised to make. The aim my attempt to redesign the Union and State’s budgets utilising precisely the same data as available has been to make the fiscal position of all public entities accessible to any interested citizen.

We do not have to say that every Indian citizen, or even every literate and numerate citizen of our country, has to be able to understand the intricacies of the public budgets of his or her State and the Union. But if information is available such that anyone who understands the finances of his own family or his own business enterprise is also reasonably able to understand the public budget then a standard of maximum feasible transparency would have been defined and met.

I have relied on the international normative model developed by our own countryman, Mr. A. Premchand, who retired from the IMF a few years ago, as described in his outstanding book Effective Government Accounting (IMF 1995), where he showed applications for e.g. the USA, New Zealand and Switzerland. What I have done – or rather did in 1997/1998, with the help of a research assistant and a student – is apply that to all of our States and the Union too.[2] What will be seen by way of differences with the present methodology is that there is essentially an Operating Statement, a Financial Statement and a Cash Flow Statement offered for each State and the Union. The financial position and gross fiscal deficit definition emerge rather neatly from this – while there the rather confusing “Development/Non-development” and “Planning/Non-Planning” distinctions have been done away with.

The exercise points to the foundations of a new and fresh federal framework for our Republic. A central new fact of modern India is that many, perhaps most, of our States have developed what is effectively a bipolar division in their legislatures. Voters have also increasingly started to judge Governments not by the personalities they contain but rather by their performance on the job, and, at election-time, have begun to frequently enough shown one side the door in the hope the other side may do better. In such circumstances, there seems no reason in principle why an entity as large as the average State of modern India today cannot be entrusted to legislate and administer a modern tax-system, based especially on the income-tax, and especially taxing income from all sources including agriculture. In a fresh and modern federalism, an elected State Government would have appropriate economic powers to run its own affairs, and be mainly accountable to the legislature whose confidence it requires, and ultimately to voters below.

From an efficiency standpoint, we should want a framework in which repercussions of political turmoil or bad financial management by a State Government to not spill into other States or flow into the Union Government’s own problems of deficit financing. With free mobility of goods and factors throughout the Union, citizens faced with a poorly performing State Government could seek to vote it out of office, or may of course “vote with their feet” by moving their capital or resources to another part of the country. In short, State Governments will be held responsible by their electorates for their expenditures on public goods and services, while having the main powers of domestic taxation in the economy, especially taxes on income from all sources including agriculture.

At the same time, diverse as India is, we are not 15 or 25 separate republics federated together but rather one country all of whose peoples are united by a common geography and a common experience of history. From an equity and indeed national standpoint, we may also want a system which also firmly established that the National Parliament would have to determine how much each citizen should be taxed for the Union to provide public goods and services for the country as a whole, as well as what transfers ought to be made between the States via the Union in the interests of equity given differences in initial resource-endowments between them.

Here again an American example may be useful. As is well-known, the 50 United States each have their own Constitutions governing most intra-State political matters, yet all being inferior in authority to the 1789 Constitution of the United States as duly amended. In India, an author as early as 1888 recommended popular Constitutions for India’s States on the grounds

“where there are no popular constitutions, the personal character of the ruler becomes a most important factor in the government… evils are inherent in every government where autocracy is not tempered by a free constitution.”[3]

We could ask if a better institutional arrangement may occur by each State of India electing its own Constitutional Convention subject naturally to the supervision of the National Parliament and the obvious provision that all State Constitutions be inferior in authority to the Constitution of the Union of India.[4] These documents would then furnish the major sets of rules to govern intra-State political and fiscal decision-making more efficiently. An additional modern reason can be given from the work of Professor James M. Buchanan, namely, that fiscal constitutionalism, and perhaps only fiscal constitutionalism, allows over-riding to take place of the interests of competing power-groups.[5]

State-level Constitutional Conventions in India would provide an opportunity for a realistic assessment to be made by State-level legislators and citizens of the fiscal positions of their own States. Greater recognition and understanding of the plain facts and the desired relationships between income and expenditures, public benefits and public costs, would likely improve the quality of public decision-making at State-levels, sending public resources from destinations which are socially worthless towards destinations which are socially worthwhile. It bears repeating the average size of a large State of India is 61 million people, and almost all existing political Constitutions around the globe furnish rules for far smaller populations than that.

Thank you for your patience. Jai Hind.

[1] Monetary Federalism at Work: F. A. Hayek more than anyone else taught us that relative prices are signals or guides to economic activity — summarizing in a single statistic information about the resources, constraints, expectations and ambitions of market participants. An exchange-rate between two currencies is also a relative price, conveying information about relative market opinions regarding the issuers of the two currencies. Suppose we had two States of India in the fresh kind of federal framework outlined above, which were identical in all respects except one had a larger deficit and so a larger nominal money supply growth. Would that mean the first currency must depreciate relative to the second? Not necessarily; it is not the size of indebtedness that matters but rather the quality of public investment decisions, to which borrowed money has been put. Thus we come to the crux: Suppose we have two States which are identical in all respects except one: State X is found to have an efficient Government, i.e. one which has made relatively good quality public investment decisions, and State Y is found to have one which has made relatively bad quality public investment decisions. In the present amalgamated model of Indian federal finance, no objective distinction can be made between the two, and efficient State Governments are surreptitiously compelled to end up subsidising inefficient ones. In a differentiated federal framework for India, as the different information about the two State Governments comes to be discovered, the X currency will tend to appreciate as resources move towards it while the Y will tend to depreciate as resources move away from it. In an amalgamated model, efficient State Governments lose incentives to remain efficient, while in a differentiated model, inefficient State Governments will gain an incentive not to be inefficient. The present amalgamated situation is such that inefficient States – and this may include not only the State Government but also the State Legislature and the State electorate itself – receive no fiscal incentive to improve themselves. In a differentiated framework, the same inefficient State would face a tangible, visible loss of reserves or depreciation of its currency relative to other States on account of its inefficiency, and thereby have some incentive to mend its ways. I call the proposal given here a “Reverse Euro” model because Europe appears to be moving from differentiated currencies and money supplies to an amalgamated currency and money supply, while the argument given here for India is in the opposite direction. Professor Milton Friedman of the Hoover Institution at Stanford, has had the kindness, at the age of 88, to send me a brilliant and forceful critique of my Reverse Euro idea for India when I requested his comment. Since he is the founder of the flexible exchange-rate system and he has found it too radical, I have shelved it for the time being.

[2] The assistance of Dola Dasgupta and K. Shanmugam is recorded with gratitude.

[3] Surendranath Roy, A History of the Native States of India, Vol I. Gwalior, Calcutta & London: Thacker 1888.

[4] Large amounts of legal and constitutional precedent have built up on issues of a regional or local nature: whether a State legislature should be unicameral or bicameral, what should be its procedures, what days should be State holidays but need not be national holidays, on tenancy, rent control, school standards, health standards and so on ad infinitum. All this body of explicit and implicit local rules and conventions may be duly collected and placed in State-level Constitutions.

[5] James M. Buchanan, Limits to Liberty, Texas, 1978.

A major expansion and reorganization of the judiciary would have to accompany the sort of basic constitutional reform outlined above. Union and State judiciaries would need to be more clearly demarcated, and rules established for review of State-level decisions by Union courts of law. It is common knowledge the judiciary in India is in a state of organizational overload at the point of collapse and dysfunction. An expansion and reorganization of the judiciary to match new Union-State constitutional relations will likely improve efficiency, and therefore welfare levels of citizens.

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Posted in Adam Smith, Democracy, Economic Policy, Economic Theory, Economics of Exchange Rates, Economics of Public Finance, FA Hayek, Government accounting, Government of India, India's Constitution, India's Democracy, India's Economy, India's Finance Commission, India's Government Expenditure, India's Judiciary, India's Jurisprudence, India's Monetary & Fiscal Policy, India's Parliament, India's Polity, India's Public Finance, India's Reserve Bank, India's State Finances, India's Union-State relations, James M Buchanan, Jurisprudence, Knut Wicksell, Macroeconomics, Milton Friedman, Pericles, Political Economy, Public Choice/Public Finance, Public property waste fraud, Surendranath Roy, Transparency, US Federal Reserve System. Leave a Comment »

Transparency and Economic Policy-Making

January 31, 1998 — drsubrotoroy

Transparency and Economic Policy-Making

An address by Professor Subroto Roy to the Asia-Pacific Public Relations Conference, (panel on Transparency chaired by C. R. Irani) January 30 1998.

This talk is dedicated to the memory of my sister Suchandra Bhattacharjee (14.02.1943-10.01.1998).
1. I would like to talk about transparency and economic policy-making in our country. For something to be transparent is, in plain language, for it to be able to be openly seen through, for it to not to be opaque, obscure or muddy, for it to be clear to the naked eye or to the reasonable mind. A clear glass of water is a transparent glass of water. Similarly, an open and easily comprehensible set of economic policies is a transparent set of economic policies.

The philosopher Karl Popper wrote a famous book after the Second World War titled The Open Society and its Enemies. It contained a passionate defence of liberal institutions and democratic freedoms and a bitter attack on totalitarian doctrines of all kinds. It generated a lot of controversy, especially over its likely misreading of the best known work of political philosophy since the 4th Century BC, namely, Plato’s Republic .[1] I shall borrow Popper’s terms ‘open society’ and ‘closed society’ and will first try to make this a useful distinction for modern times, and then apply it to the process of economic policy-making in India today.

2. An open society is one in which the ordinary citizen has reasonably easy access to any and all information relating to the public or social interest — whether the information is directly available to the citizen himself or herself, or is indirectly available to his or her elected representatives like MP’s and MLA’s. Different citizens will respond to the same factual information in different ways, and conflict and debate about the common good will result. But that would be part of the democratic process.

The assessment that any public makes about the government of the day depends on both good and bad news about the fate of the country at any given time. In an open society, both good news and bad news is out there in the pubic domain — open to be assessed, debated, rejoiced over, or wept about. If we win a cricket match or send a woman into space we rejoice. If we lose a child in a manhole or a busload of children in a river, we weep. If some tremendous fraud on the public exchequer comes to be exposed, we are appalled. And so on.

It is the hallmark of an open society that its citizens are mature enough to cope with both the good and the bad news about their country that comes to be daily placed before them. Or, perhaps more accurately, the experience of having to handle both good and bad news daily about their world causes the citizens in an open society to undergo a process of social maturation in formulating their understanding of the common good as well as their responses to problems or crises that the community may come to face. They might be thereby thought of as improving their civic capacities, as becoming better-informed and more discerning voters and decision-makers, and so becoming better citizens of the country in which they live.

The opposite of an open society is a closed society — one in which a ruling political party or a self-styled elite or nomenclatura keep publicly important information to themselves, and do not allow the ordinary citizen easy or reasonably free access to it. The reason may be merely that they are intent on accumulating assets for themselves as quickly as they can while in office, or that they are afraid of public anger and want to save their own skins from demands for accountability. Or it may be that they have the impression that the public is better off kept in the dark — that only the elite nomenclatura is in position to use the information to serve the national interest.

In a closed society it is inevitable that bad news comes to be censored or suppressed by the nomenclatura, and so the good news gets exaggerated in significance. News of economic disasters, military defeats or domestic uprisings gets suppressed. News of victories or achievements or heroics gets exaggerated. If there are no real victories, achievements or heroics, fake ones have to be invented by government hacks — although the suppressed bad news tends to silently whisper all the way through the public consciousness in any case.

Such is the way of government propaganda in almost every country, even those that pride themselves on being free and democratic societies. Dostoevsky’s cardinal advice in Brothers Karamasov was: “Above all, never lie to yourself”. Yet people in power tend to become so adept at propaganda that they start to deceive themselves and forget what is true and what is false, or worse still, cannot remember how to distinguish between true and false in the first place. In an essay thirty years ago titled Truth and Politics, the American scholar Hannah Arendt put it like this:

“Insofar as man carries within himself a partner from whom he can never win release, he will be better off not to live with a murderer or a liar; or: since thought is the silent dialogue carried out between me and myself, I must be careful to keep the integrity of this partner intact, for otherwise I shall surely lose the capacity for thought altogether.”[2]

3. Closed societies may have been the rule and open societies the exception for most of human history. The good news at the end of the 20th Century is surely that since November 7 1989, when the Berlin Wall fell, the closed society has officially ceased to be a respectable form of human social organization. The age of mass access to television and telecommunications at the end of the 20th Century may be spelling the permanent end of totalitarianism and closed societies in general. The Berlin Wall was perhaps doomed to fall the first day East Germans were able to watch West German television programs.

Other than our large and powerful neighbour China, plus perhaps North Korea, Myanmar, and some Islamic countries, declared closed societies are becoming hard to find, and China remains in two minds whether to be open or closed. No longer is Russia or Romania or Albania or South Africa closed in the way each once was for many years. There may be all sorts of problems and confusions in these countries but they are or trying to become open societies.

Under the glare of TV cameras in the 21st Century, horrors like the Holocaust or the Gulag or even an atrocity like Jalianwalla Bag or the Mai Lai massacre will simply not be able to take place anywhere in the world. Such things are not going to happen, or if they do happen, it will be random terrorism and not systematic, large scale genocide of the sort the 20th Century has experienced. The good news is that somehow, through the growth of human ingenuity that we call technical progress, we may have made some moral progress as a species as well.

4. My hypothesis, then, is that while every country finds its place on a spectrum of openness and closedness with respect to its political institutions and availability of information, a broad and permanent drift has been taking place as the 20th Century comes to an end in the direction of openness.

With this greater openness we should expect bad news not to come to be suppressed or good news not to come to be exaggerated in the old ways of propaganda. Instead we should expect more objectively accurate information to come about in the public domain — i.e., better quality and more reliable information, in other words, more truthful information. This in turn commensurately requires more candour and maturity on the part of citizens in discussions about the national or social interest. Closed society totalitarianism permitted the general masses to remain docile and unthinking while the nomenclatura make the decisions. Dostoevsky’s Grand Inquisitor said that is all that can be expected of the masses. Open society transparency and democracy defines the concept of an ordinary citizen and requires from that citizen individual rationality and individual responsibility. It is the requirement Pericles made of the Athenians:

“Here each individual is interested not only in his own affairs but in the affairs of the state as well; even those who are mostly occupied with their own business are extremely well-informed on general politics – this is a peculiarity of ours: we do not say that a man who takes no interest in politics is a man who minds his own business; we say that he has no business here at all.”[3]

5. All this being said, I am at last in a position to turn to economic policy in India today. I am sorry to have been so long-winded and pedantic but now I can state my main substantive point bluntly: in India today, there is almost zero transparency in the information needed for effective macroeconomic policy-making whether at the Union or State levels. To illustrate by some examples.

(A) Macroeconomic policy-making in any large country requires the presence of half a dozen or a dozen well-defined competing models produced by the government and private agencies, specifying plausible causal links between major economic variables, and made testable against time-series data of reasonably long duration. In India we seem to have almost none. The University Economics Departments are all owned by some government or other and can hardly speak out with any academic freedom. When the Ministry of Finance or RBI or Planning Commission, or the India teams of the World Bank or IMF, make their periodic statements they do not appear to be based on any such models or any such data-base. If any such models exist, these need to be published and placed in the public domain for thorough discussion as to their specification and their data. Otherwise, whatever is being predicted cannot be assessed as being very much more reliable than the predictions obtained from the Finance Minister’s astrologer or palmist. (NB: Horse-Manure is a polite word used in the American South for what elsewhere goes by the initials of B. S.). Furthermore, there is no follow-up or critical review to see whether what the Government said was going to happen a year ago has in fact happened, and if not, why not.

(B) The Constitution of India defines many States yet no one seems to be quite certain how many States really constitute the Union of India at any given time. We began with a dozen. Some 565 petty monarchs were successfully integrated into a unitary Republic of India, and for some years we had sixteen States. But today, do we really have 26 States? Is Delhi a State? UP with 150 million people would be the fifth or sixth largest country in the world on its own; is it really merely one State of India? Are 11 Small States de facto Union Territories in view of their heavy dependence on the Union? Suppose we agreed there are fifteen Major States of India based on sheer population size: namely, Andhra, Assam, Bihar, Gujarat, Haryana, Karnataka, Kerala, MP, Maharashtra, Orissa, Punjab, Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu, UP and West Bengal. These States account for 93% of the population of India. The average population of these 15 Major States is 58 million people each. That is the size of a major country like France or Britain. In other words, the 870 million people in India’s Major States are numerically 15 Frances or 15 Britains put together.

Yet no reliable, uniformly collected GDP figures exist for these 15 States. The RBI has the best data, and these are at least two years old, and the RBI will tell you without further explanation that the data across States are not comparable. If that is the case at State-level, I do not see how the national-level Gross Domestic Product can possibly be estimated with any meaningfulness at all.

(C) Then we hear about the Government Budget deficit as a percentage of GDP. Now any national government is able to pay for its activities only by taxation or borrowing or by using its monopoly over the domestic medium of exchange to print new money. In India today, universal money-illusion seems to prevail. It would not be widely recognised by citizens, journalists or policy-makers that, say, 100,000 Rupees nominally taxed at 10% under 20% inflation leaves less real disposable income than the same taxed at 20% with 5% inflation. This is in part because inflation figures are unknown or suspect. There is no reliable all-India or State-level consumer price index. The wholesale price index on the basis of which the Government of India makes its inflation statements, may not accurately reflect the actual decline in the purchasing power of money, as measured, say, by rises in prices of alternative stores of value like land. The index includes artificially low administered or subsidized prices for petroleum, cereals, and electricity. To the extent these prices may be expected to move towards international equilibrium prices, the index contains a strong element of deferred inflation. One urgent task for all macroeconomic research in India is construction of reliable price-data indices at both Union and State levels, or at a minimum, the testing for reliability by international standards of series currently produced by Government agencies.

Without reliable macroeconomic information being spread widely through a reasonably well-informed electorate, the Government of India has been able to wash away fiscal budget constraints by monetization and inflation without significant response from voters. The routine method of meeting deficits has become “the use of the printing press to manufacture legal tender paper money”, either directly by paying Government creditors “with new paper money specially printed for the purpose” or indirectly by paying creditors “out of loans to itself from the Central Bank”, issuing paper money to that amount. Every Budget of the Government of India, including the most recent ones of 1996 and 1997, comes to be attended by detailed Press discussion with regard to the minutae of changes in tax rates or tax-collection — yet the enormous phenomena of the automatic monetization of the Government’s deficit is ill-understood and effectively ignored. Historically, a policy of monetization started with the British Government in India during the Second World War, with a more than five-fold increase in money supply occurring between 1939 and 1945. Inflation rates never seen in India before or since were the result (Charts 0000), attended by the Great Famine of 1942/43. Though these were brought down after succession of C. D. Deshmukh as Governor of the Reserve Bank, the policy of automatic monetization did not cease and continues until the present day. Inflation “sooner or later destroys the confidence, not only of businessmen, but of the whole community, in the future value of the currency. Then comes the stage known as “the flight from the currency.” Had the Rupee been convertible during the Bretton Woods period, depreciation would have signalled and helped to adjust for disequilibrium. But exchange-controls imposed during the War were enlarged by the new Governments of India and Pakistan after the British departure to exclude convertible Sterling Area currencies as well. With the Rupee no longer convertible, internal monetization of deficits could continue without commensurate exchange-rate depreciation.

The Reserve Bank was originally supposed to be a monetary authority independent of the Government’s fiscal compulsions. It has been prevented from developing into anything more than a department of the Ministry of Finance, and as such, has become the captive creditor of the Government. The RBI in turn has utilized its supervisory role over banking to hold captive creditors, especially nationalized banks whose liabilities account for 90% of commercial bank deposits in the country. Also captive are nationalized insurance companies and pension funds. Government debt instruments show on the asset side of these balance-sheets. To the extent these may not have been held had banks been allowed to act in the interests of proper management of depositors’ liabilities and share-capital according to normal principles, these are pseudo-assets worth small fractions of their nominal values. Chart 0000 shows that in the last five years the average term structure of Government debt has been shortening rapidly, suggesting the Government is finding it increasingly difficult to find creditors, and portending higher interest rates.

General recognition of these business facts, as may be expected to come about with increasing transparency, would be a recipe for a crisis of confidence in the banking and financial system if appropriate policies were not in place beforehand.

(D) As two last examples, I offer two charts. The first shows the domestic interest burden of the Government of India growing at an alarming rate, even after it has been deflated to real terms. The second tries to show India’s foreign assets and liabilities together – we always come to know what is happening to the RBI’s reserve levels, what is less known or less understood is the structure of foreign liabilities being accumulated by the country. Very roughly speaking, in terms that everyone can understand, every man, woman and child in India today owes something like 100 US dollars to the outside world. The Ministry of Finance will tell you that this is not to be worried about because it is long-term debt and not short-term debt. Even if we take them at their word, interest payments still have to be paid on long-term debt, say at 3% per annum. That means for the stock of debt merely to be financed, every man, woman and child in India must be earning $3 every year in foreign exchange via the sale of real goods and services abroad. I.e., something like $3 billion must be newly earned every year in foreign exchange merely to finance the existing stock of debt. Quite clearly, that is not happening and it would stretch the imagination to see how it can be made to happen.

In sum, then, India, blessed with democratic political traditions which we had to take from the British against their will — remember Tilak, “Freedom is my birthright, and I shall have it” — may still be stuck with a closed society mentality when it comes to the all-important issue of economic policy. There is simply an absence in Indian public discourse of vigourous discussion of economic models and facts, whether at Union or State levels. A friendly foreign ambassador pointedly observed an absence in India of political philosophy. It may be more accurate to say that without adequate experience of a normal agenda of government being seen to be practised, widespread ignorance regarding fiscal and monetary causalities and inexperience of the technology of governance remains in the Indian electorate, as well as among public decision-makers at all levels. Our politicians seem to spend an inordinate amount of their time either garlanding one another with flowers or garlanding statues and photographs of the glorious dead. It is high time they stopped to think about the living and the future.

[1] Renford Bambrough (ed.) Plato, Popper and Politics: Some Contributions to a Modern Controversy, 1967.

[2] Philosophy, Politics and Society, 2nd Series, Peter Laslett & W. G. Runciman (eds.), 1967.

[3] Thucydides, History of the Pelopennesian War, II.40.

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Constitution for a Second Indian Republic (April 1991)

April 20, 1991 — drsubrotoroy

Constitution for a Second Indian Republic

Author’s Note April 2007: I wrote “A Second Constitution for India” on October 2 1990 while working in an advisory capacity for Rajiv Gandhi, then Leader of the Opposition. But he did not get to see it and I was not able to guide any coherent discussion towards this vital subject. I published it on April 20 1991 in The Statesman in its Saturday supplement. While I am not sure I agree with all of my 1991  “Constitution” today, it may be useful for discussion. One salient feature of this concise 60-article Constitution is having a directly elected PM and Deputy PM with a tough Senate somewhat on the US pattern (though the distinction between Head of Government and Head of State is  maintained as in the present system) with a modified British pattern of parliamentary democracy continuing in the States.

I do, however, fully endorse what I wrote on December 30 2002 in a personal letter to the late C. R. Irani, in his capacity as a member of the “Constitutional Review Commission” (to which he responded with very warm agreement). That letter is placed below the text of the proposal and outlines some of what I think is most urgent today in India’s constitional progress.

“Nai Duniya”, Constitution of a Second Republic

by Subroto Roy

First published in The Statesman, April 20 1991

Preamble

We the People of India, in order to establish a more perfect Union of PERPETUAL PEACE; in which the ancient virtues of COURAGE,TRUTHFULNESS and JUSTICE may be better practiced; in which the FREEDOM and WELFARE of all our People may be more easily secured, do adopt, enact and give to ourselves this Constitution, on this the 26th day of January 1995.

FOUNDATION
1. India, that is Bharat or Hindustan, shall be a Union of States and Territories, and a sovereign member of the community of nations.

2. The Union of India shall be a democratic republic, and the Union shall guarantee a democratic and republican form of governance in each of its States and Territories.

3. The Union of India shall protect every State and Territory against foreign aggression and armed rebellion, and shall ensure its governance to be in accordance with  provisions of the Union Constitution.

4. A State or Territory may elect to establish its own Constitution, but no provision of the Constitution of any State of Territory shall be valid if it violates any provision of the Union Constitution.

FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS OF CITIZENS
5. Every person born in the territory of India, or either of whose parents or any of whose grandparents was born in the territory of India, or who is a citizen of India at the commencement of this Constitution shall be a citizen of India by birth. Any person who has been domiciled in India for five years may become a citizen of India by naturalization according to law.

6. Every citizen of India who is not less than 21 years of age shall have the right to vote, and the right to vote shall not be denied or abridged on account of religion, race, sex, descent, caste or place of birth, or by reason of failure to pay any poll tax or any other tax.

7. The Union of India or any of its States or Territories shall not deny to any person within the territory of India equality before the laws or the equal protection of the laws.

8. No person within the territory of India shall be deprived of life, liberty or property save by authority of law, nor shall private property be taken for public use without just compensation.

9. The rights of citizens to be secure in their persons, homes, communications, papers and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures shall not be violated, and no warrants shall issue but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and describing the place to be searched, and the person or things to be seized.

10. No person accused of a criminal offence shall be compelled to be a witness against himself or herself, nor shall any person be arrested without being informed of the grounds of such arrest, nor shall any person in custody be deprived of the right to legal
counsel, nor shall the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus be suspended unless in the case of war or armed rebellion the public safety requires it.

11. No person shall be prosecuted or punished for the same offence more than once, nor shall excessive bail be required or excessive fines imposed, nor shall punishments be cruel or unusual.

12. The Union of India or any of its States or Territories shall not deny to any citizen the right to move freely throughout the territory of India or to reside or settle in any part of the territory of India.

13. The Union of India or any of its States or Territories shall not deny to any citizen the right to freedom of conscience, or the right to freely profess or practice religion, or establish, maintain and manage religious institutions in accordance with law and subject to public safety, order and health.

14. No citizen shall be subject on account of religion, race, caste, sex, descent or place of birth to any disability, liability or restriction with regard to public institutions, public places or places of worship, or use of public facilities, maintained wholly or partly out of public funds or otherwise dedicated to the use of the public.

15. The Union of India or any of its States or Territories shall not deny any citizen equality of opportunity or discriminate on account of religion, race, caste, sex, descent or place of birth.

16. The Union of India or any of its States or Territories shall not deny or abridge the freedom of speech, inquiry or expression of citizens, or the freedom of the press or broadcasting, subject to public safety, order, health, laws of defamation and standards of common morality.

17. The Union of India or any of its States or Territories shall not deny the right of citizens to form associations and unions, to assemble peaceably without arms, or to petition for redress of grievances, subject to public safety, order and health.

18. The Union of India or any of its States or Territories shall not deny to any citizen the right to practice any profession, trade or business, or carry on any occupation or means of livelihood, subject to public safety, order, health and standards of common morality.

19. Trade, commerce and enterprise throughout the territory of India shall be free, and the Union of India or any of its States or Territories shall not make any law to restrict them except in the interests of public safety, order, health, standards of common morality or economic efficiency.

20. No tax shall be levied or collected except by authority of law.

DUTIES OF CITIZENS
21. It shall be the duty of every person within the territory of India to abide by the Constitution of India and show no disrespect to its institutions; to participate in democratic processes and to vote in elections according to law; to make timely payments of taxes, fees and dues according to law; to keep clean and hygienic streets, roads, highways, neighbourhoods, waterways, railways, parks, public buildings and institutions; to protect public property; to protect the natural environment and to treat living creatures without cruelty; to abjure violence and promote harmony among all people; to value and preserve the languages and cultural history of the Indian subcontinent; to renounce practices derogatory to women or children.

EXECUTIVE, LEGISLATIVE AND JUDICIAL POWERS
22. There shall be a President of India in whom shall be vested the executive power of the Union, and who shall be the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces of the Union. The President shall be elected indirectly by the citizens of India in the manner prescribed in Article 40 of this Constitution.

23. There shall be a Vice-President of India, who shall exercise the duties and functions of the President in the event of the death, resignation, incapacitation, absence or impeachment of the President. The Vice-President shall be elected indirectly by the citizens of India in the manner prescribed in Article 41 of this Constitution.

24. The President of India shall appoint a Prime Minister upon the advice of the citizens of India in a direct election in the manner prescribed in Article 43 of this Constitution. The Prime Minister of India shall be the Chief Executive Officer of the Union, and the President shall, in exercising the executive power of the Union, act at all times upon the advice of the Prime Minister. The Prime Minister shall keep the President of India informed at all times, and shall reconsider advice rendered if the President so requests it.

25. There shall be a Union Parliament which shall consist of the President, the Vice-President, the Prime Minister and two elected Houses.

The Upper House, or Council of the Nation, shall consist of members elected directly by the citizens of India according to States in the manner prescribed in Article 37 of this Constitution. The Lower House, or House of the People, shall consist of members elected indirectly by the citizens of India according to States, in the manner prescribed in Article 35 of this Constitution. The legislative power of the Union of India shall be vested in the Union Parliament.

A Bill, except a Tax Bill, may originate in either House. A Tax Bill, that is to say any Bill for the raising of revenue, shall originate in the Lower House. After a Bill has been passed in one House, it shall be sent to the other House which shall pass, modify or reject it. A Bill passed by both Houses shall be sent to the Prime Minister, upon whose approval it shall be sent to the President for signature upon which it shall become law. A Bill passed by both Houses which does not receive the approval of the Prime Minister shall be returned to the House where it shall have originated. If, after reconsideration, both Houses pass the Bill, each House by two thirds of its members, then the Bill shall be sent to the Prime Minister who shall advise the President that it be signed and become law.

26. There shall be a Supreme Court of India, consisting of a Chief Justice and Associate Justices appointed by the President upon the nomination of the Prime Minister with the advice and consent of the Upper House of the Union Parliament. The judicial power of the Union of India shall be vested in the Supreme Court and such courts inferior to it that it may establish or authorize. The Supreme Court of India shall have its seat in the capital of the Union and also in every State of the Union.

27. Each State shall have a Governor appointed by the President of India upon the nomination of the Prime Minister with the advice and consent of the Upper House of the Union Parliament. The Governor shall be vested with the executive power of the State, and shall be the supreme commander of all police forces within the State.

28. Each State shall have a Parliament, which shall consist of the Governor of the State and one or two chambers, elected by the citizens of the State in accordance with the Constitution or laws of the State. All legislative power of the State shall be vested in the State Parliament or such duly elected bodies of local government which the State Parliament shall establish by law.

29. The Governor of a State shall appoint a Chief Minister who shall be a member of the State Parliament enjoying the confidence of that Parliament. The Governor shall act upon the advice of the Chief Minister in exercising the executive powers of the State except in conditions of Emergency as stated in Article 56 of this Constitution. In the event no member of the State Parliament shall have its confidence, or in conditions of Emergency as stated in Article 56, the Governor of the State shall exercise the executive powers of the State in consultation with the State Parliament, until such a time as either such confidence comes to obtain, or new elections to the State Parliament take place within a maximum time of one year, or conditions of Emergency come to an end.

30. Each State Parliament shall elect its representatives to the Lower House of the Union Parliament in accordance with the provisions of Articles 34 and 35 of this Constitution.

31. Each State shall have a Supreme Court consisting of a Chief Judge and Associate Judges appointed by the Governor as the Constitution or laws of the State may establish. The judicial power of the State shall be vested in the Supreme Court of the State and such courts inferior to it as the Constitution or laws of the State may establish.

ELECTIONS AND TERMS OF OFFICE
32. All elections in the Union of India and its States and Territories shall be held on the 2nd day of October in any year, and this day shall be known as Election Day or Gandhi Jayanti and shall be a bank holiday. There shall be no more than 14 other bank holidays in the year, and no more than  2  in any month of the year.

33. The power required for the conduct of all elections to the Union Parliament and all State Parliaments shall be vested in a Chief Election Commissioner, who shall be appointed by the President upon the nomination of the Chief Justice of India with the advice and consent of the Prime Minister and the Upper House of the Union Parliament. The Chief Election Commissioner shall be assisted by four Associate Commissioners, one each for Northern, Central, Southern and Eastern India, and State Election Commissioners, one for each State.

34. Election to any State Parliament shall be for a maximum term of 4 years. A State Parliament shall consist of no more than 1000 members, chosen by direct election from territorial constituencies of the State, each member representing no more than 100,000 citizens so far as is possible.

35. Elections to the Lower House of the Union Parliament shall be for a term of 2 years, and the House shall stand dissolved every 2 years. The Lower House shall be elected indirectly by the citizens of the States, the delegations from a State being elected by members of the State Parliament. Each member of the Lower House shall represent indirectly 1 million citizens of the State so far as is possible. The Lower House of the Union Parliament shall have no more than 1000 members, each member having one vote.

36. The Lower House shall choose its own Speaker; determine the rules of its own proceedings; punish its members including by expulsion with the approval of two thirds of its members; keep a record of its proceedings and publish the same regularly except such parts as may in the judgement of the House require secrecy in the national interest. During their attendance in Parliament or travel to and from Parliament, members shall be privileged from arrest except for treason, felony or breach of peace. Nor shall any speech made in the Lower House be questioned in any other place. No member of the Lower House shall hold any other office of profit or honour of the Union of India or any State or Territory of India.

37. The Upper House of the Union Parliament shall have no more than 100 members, of whom 90 shall be chosen by direct election from territorial constituencies of the Union and shall have one vote each. Elections to the Upper House shall be for a term of 6 years, with one third of the elected members retiring every 2 years. No person shall be elected to the Upper House for more than three terms successively. For purposes of elections to the Upper House, the Union of India shall be divided into territorial constituencies each of approximately 10 million citizens, so long as there are no more than 22 constituencies from the States of Southern India (presently consisting of Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and Goa); 22 constituencies from the States of Eastern India (presently consisting of Arunachal Pradesh, Tripura, Mizoram, Manipur, Meghalaya, Nagaland, Assam, Sikkim, West Bengal and Bihar); 22 constituencies from the States of Northern India (presently consisting of Uttar Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh, Jammu and Kashmir,Rajasthan, Punjab and Haryana); and 22 constituencies from the States of Central India (presently consisting of Gujarat, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh and Orissa). There shall be one constituency in the Union Territory of Delhi and one constituency in all other UnionTerritories together.

38. The President of India may appoint up to 10 members of the Upper House each of whom shall have no vote and shall hold one term of office of 2 years. The President shall make such appointments in view of considerations such as the representation of the arts, sciences, sports, literature or social work, as also the representation of any community, caste, religion or other group which, in the opinion of the President, deserves a voice in the Upper House in the national interest.

39. The Vice President of India shall chair the Upper House but shall have no vote unless they are equally divided. The Upper House shall choose its own Chairman pro tempore in the absence of the Vice President; determine the rules of its own proceedings; punish its members including by expulsion with the concurrence of two thirds of its members; keep a record of its proceedings and publish the same except as may in the judgement of the House require secrecy in the national interest. During their attendance in Parliament or their travel to and from Parliament, members shall be privileged from arrest except for treason, felony or breach of peace. Nor shall any speech made in the Upper House be questioned in any other place. No member of the Upper House shall hold any other office of profit or honour of the Union of India or any State or Territory of India.

40. The President of India shall be elected for a term of 5 years by the Union Parliament, and shall be a citizen of India not less than 35 years of age. If there are more than two nominations, there shall be a primary election in the Upper House by secret vote, and the names of those receiving the highest and second highest number of votes shall be sent to the Lower House which shall elect between them by secret ballot. The President of India shall not hold any other office of profit or honour.

41. The Vice-President of India shall be elected for a term of 5 years by the Union Parliament, and shall be a citizen of India not less than 35 years of age. If there are more than two nominations, there shall be a primary election in the Lower House by secret vote, and the names of those receiving the highest and second highest number of votes shall be sent to the Upper House which shall elect between them by secret ballot. The Vice-President of India shall not hold any other office of profit or honour.

42. The terms of the President and Vice-President shall not be concurrent.

43. The Prime Minister of India shall be appointed by the President upon the advice of the citizens of India in a direct election, and shall hold office for four years. The Prime Minister shall be a citizen of India not less than 35 years of age, and no person shall hold the office of Prime Minister for two terms successively. Candidates shall register 12 months prior to the date of the election with the Chief Election Commissioner. The Chief Election Commissioner shall report to the President the results of the election to the office of the Prime Minister, and the President shall appoint the candidate receiving the highest number of votes.

44. Upon the nomination of the Prime Minister, the President shall appoint a Deputy Prime Minister and a Council of Ministers, who shall hold office at the pleasure of the President and who shall assist the Prime Minister in the discharge of the duties of the office. The Deputy Prime Minister shall exercise the duties and functions of the Prime Minister in the event of the death, resignation, incapacitation, absence or impeachment of the Prime Minister.

45. The Prime Minister, the Deputy Prime Minister and the Council of Ministers shall from time to time answer the questions of members of the Union Parliament as requested by the latter, and the Prime Minister shall no less than once every year address the Union Parliament on the State of the Republic.

46. Neither the Prime Minister nor the Deputy Prime Minister nor any member of the Council of Ministers shall hold any other office of profit or honour.

DUTIES OF THE UNION AND THE STATES
47. The duties of the Union of India shall include

— defence of the Republic from foreign aggression, armed rebellion and crime
— foreign relations and foreign trade
— management of currency and exchange-rate
— management of the public debt of the Union
— inter-State highways, waterways and dams
— regulation of inter-State railways
— regulation of harbours and airports
— regulation of civil aviation
— regulation of communications and broadcasting
— protection of national monuments and archives
— development of space and atomic research, research
universities and institutes of national importance
— planning of metropolitan areas
— environmental protection, national forests, parks and wildlife
— regulation of banking other than rural banking
— regulation of stock exchanges and futures markets
— census, voter registration, and social security

48. The Union of India shall in addition
— promote and encourage State and local democracy
— reduce disparities of income and wealth consistent with economic efficiency
— reduce inequitable transfers of debt to future generations by ensuring balance in the Union Budget over a quincennial period
— promote harmony among the nations of the world, abjure violencein the settlement of international conflicts, foster respect for international law, and maintain just and honourable relations with other nations.

49. The original jurisdiction of the Supreme Court of India shall extend to substantive questions of law and constitutional interpretation; fundamental rights of citizens, and relations between the citizen and the Union and its States and Territories; international law; inter-State relations and commerce; relations between the Union and any State.

50. There shall be a Reserve Bank of India. Upon the nomination of the Prime Minister and with the advice and consent of the Upper House of the Union Parliament, the President of India shall appoint a Governor and Deputy Governors of the Reserve Bank of India. It shall be the duty of the Reserve Bank of India to maintain a sound currency, that is, a stable value of the Rupee for transactions within the Union and outside it. The Reserve Bank of India shall be further responsible for the charter and regulation of banks, and the efficient working of financial and credit markets.

51. Upon the nomination of the Prime Minister and with the advice and consent of the Upper House of the Union Parliament, the President of India shall appoint a Comptroller and Auditor General of India, who shall be responsible for the issue of public moneys and the audit of the accounts of the Union of India.

52. There shall be a Public Services Commission of India. Upon the nomination of the Prime Minister and with the advice and consent of the Upper House of the Union Parliament, the President of India shall appoint a Secretary-General of the Public Services Commission, who shall be responsible for all matters relating to the civil services of India.

53. The duties of each State of India shall include
— civil order and police forces in the State
— State highways, waterways and dams
— regulation of State railways
— land registration and tenurial reform
— agricultural pricing, stocks and extension
— animal husbandry
— colleges and non-research universities
— finance of schools and setting of school standards
— regulation of electricity
— regulation of insurance
— regulation of rural banking
— management of the public debt of the State
— vital statistics
— public health
— environmental protection
— State parks and forests

A State of India shall in addition
— extend processes of democracy by promoting ad encouraging constitutional local government
— reduce disparities of income and wealth consistent with requirements of economic efficiency
— reduce inequitable transfers of debt to future generations by ensuring balance in the State Budget over a quincennial period
— endeavour to secure a common civil code for citizens of the State
— promote harmony among the peoples of India.

The duties of local governments established in a State by law shall include provision of primary and secondary education or regulation thereof; provision of and maintenance of streets, roads and lighting or regulation thereof; provision of fresh water and sewage disposal or regulation thereof.

54. The original jurisdiction of the Supreme Court of a State shall extend to substantive questions of law and interpretation of the State Constitution; civil and criminal law within the State; marriage, divorce, custody and guardianship of minors; fundamental rights of citizens and relations between citizens and the State.

WAR AND EMERGENCY
55. The President of India, upon the advice of the Prime Minister and with the consent of a majority of each of the Union Parliament, shall have authority to declare and make war on behalf of the Union of India and its State and Territories, and to raise armed forces and resources for this purpose. A declaration of war may include the suspension of fundamental rights so long as that no such suspension shall continue for longer than 30 days without the consent of a majority of each House of the Union Parliament.

56. The President of India, upon the advice of the Prime Minister and with the consent of a two thirds majority of the Upper House of the Union Parliament, shall have authority to declare the whole of India or any part of its territory to face an imminent danger from foreign aggression, armed rebellion, disturbance or natural calamity, and proclaim an Emergency accordingly. Proclamation of Emergency may include declaration of Governor’s Rule in a State according to Article 29 and suspension of fundamental rights, so long as that no such suspension shall continue for longer than 30 days without the consent of a two thirds majority of the Upper House, and no elections to any State shall be delayed for longer than one year.

AMENDMENTS AND MISCELLANY
57. Within the groupings of States given in Article 37, new States may be formed or State boundaries altered by authority of the President of India, upon the advice of the Prime Minister and with the consent of two thirds of the members of each House of the Union Parliament and the consent of a majority of each State Parliament affected thereby.

58. The provisions of this Constitution may be amended by the authority of the President of India with the consent of a four fifths majority of each House of the Union Parliament.

59. Impeachment from office of the President, Vice-President, Prime Minister or Deputy Prime Minister of India shall be initiated by a four fifths majority of each House of the Union Parliament. The Speaker of the Lower House shall inform the Chief Justice of India of such a majority in each House, whereupon the Chief Justice shall constitute a Special Bench of the Supreme Court of India which shall act as the Court of Impeachment.

60. Written and printed communications between the Union of India and foreign nations; between the Union of India and the States of India, and between the States of India and the Union of India; and between the Union of India and citizens of India shall be in the Hindustani (Hindi) and English languages. Any language or dialect of India may be spoken in the Union Parliament or any State Parliament with the prior permission of the Chairman or Speaker of the chamber.”

December 30 2002 letter to Mr C. R. Irani, Constitutional Review Commission:

“Dear Mr. Irani, Other than yourself and Mr. Sorabji, most other members of the Constitutional Review panel seem to be retired judges or bureaucrats. How many are under 50 years of age? Or have demonstrable knowledge of e.g. modern economics or constitutional political theory? Such a panel may be worse than nothing, since after its fossilized reports are in, it will take another 50 years before genuine constitutional reform can be addressed. Here are some examples:1. There is no such thing as a “Central” Government of India. There used to be one taking orders from London, giving orders to “Provinces” on the periphery. Free India has been a Union of States. Each Indian is supposed to be and to feel as being a citizen both of the Union and of his/her State, owing loyalty and taxes at both levels. Yet the colonial anachronism continues in all our thought with devastating results, so, e.g. the States remain mendicants before an all-powerful “Centre” which remains a mendicant before the new “London”. Ergo, your panel should be talking about Union-State relations, and the proper nature of federalism in modern India. But is any member a recognised expert on fiscal finance? For a start, all our State and Union Government accounting would need to be sorted out properly before anyone can comprehend what is going on between them. 2. The Governor of the RBI must be made a Constitutional post, on par with e.g. the Auditor-General. Reason: Monetary policy needs to be made independent of the fiscal compulsions of the Government of the day, which was the intended function of the RBI at its inception in 1935. Instead it has become a large Department of the Finance Ministry. The RBI’s sole job should be to establish and maintain the soundness of the currency, both domestically and internationally. I wonder if such an idea will arise from the panel appointed to look into it. 3. Our 16 large States have an average population of 61 million people. Each needs to be allowed to have its own Constitution if it so wishes on the American model, where the Union Constitution presides over a large number of State Constitutions. Indeed the resolution of the J&K problem and indeed our problems with Pakistan may rest in a broad, controlled devolution of fiscal and monetary powers to all States, with the Union’s mandate becoming clearer and more focussed and feasible and realistic as a result. Will your panel talk about this? (Delhi does not forsake its own power, as even Old Man Tughlak found many years ago.) I could go on. Eleven years ago, I wrote in Foundations of India’s Political Economy “The 1950 Constitution was a marvellous document at the time. Since then it has become too bulky, too full of exceptions and qualifications, and far from comprehensible to the ordinary Indian. A neater, cleaner and shorter document may be sought which keeps the best of the 1950 Constitution and integrates it with the experience of forty years as well as the best of foreign constitutions, with the aim of promoting a system with less uncertainty and more stability.” The Statesman on April 20 1991 published my proposed Constitution for a Second Indian Republic, now … I enclose a copy for your interest. In Keshavananda Bharati the Supreme Court meant that liberal, republican, representative democracy in a free society with separation of powers must not be subverted by any sort of constitutional gimmickry. My proposals enhance such political values. I hope your panel may do the same.”

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Rajiv Gandhi and the Origins of India’s 1991 Economic Reform

September 18, 1990 — drsubrotoroy

Rajiv Gandhi and the Origins of India’s 1991 Economic Reform

Subroto Roy

Author’s Note May 2008: The family of Rajiv Gandhi received a copy of this when it was first written in July 2005. An earlier abbreviated version “Encounter with Rajiv Gandhi: On the Origins of India’s 1991 Economic Reform” was published in October 2001 in Freedom First, Bombay, a journal founded by the late Minoo Masani and now edited by S V Raju. A copy of that article was received by all Congress MPs of the 13th Lok Sabha. In May 2002, the Congress Party passed an official resolution stating Rajiv Gandhi and not Narasimha Rao or Manmohan Singh was to be credited with having originated the 1991 economic reforms. This article has now been published in print in The Statesman Festival Volume, October 2007.  It may be profitably followed by “The Dream Team: A Critique”, “Solving Kashmir”, “Law, Justice & J&K”, “What to tell Musharraf”, “India’s Macroeconomics”, “Fiscal Instability”, “India’s Trade and Payments”, “Fallacious Finance”, “Against Quackery”, etc. My original advisory memoranda to Rajiv in 1990-1991 were published in The Statesman’s Editorial Pages July 31-August 2 1991, and now have been republished elsewhere here as well. See too https://independentindian.com/thoughts-words-deeds-my-work-1973-2010/rajiv-gandhi-and-the-origins-of-indias-1991-economic-reform/did-jagdish-bhagwati-originate-pioneer-intellectually-father-indias-1991-economic-reform-did-manmohan-singh-or-did-i-through-my-e/  https://independentindian.com/2014/08/07/haksar-manmohan-and-sonia/

I met Rajiv Gandhi for the first time on 18th September 1990 thanks to an introduction by S. S. Ray (see “I’m on my way out”: Siddhartha Shankar Ray (1920-2010)… | Independent Indian: Work & Life of Professor Subroto Roy) We met a half dozen or so times until his assassination in May 1991. Yet our encounter was intense and consequential, and resulted directly in the change of the Congress Party’s economic thinking prior to the 1991 elections. I had with me results of an interdisciplinary “perestroika-for-India” project I had led at the University of Hawaii since 1986. This manuscript (later published by Sage as Foundations of India’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s edited by myself and W. E. James) was given by me to Rajiv, then Leader of the Opposition, and was instrumental in the change of thinking that took place. In interests of fairness, I tried to get the work to V. P. Singh too because he was Prime Minister, but a key aide of his showed no interest in receiving it.

The Hawaii project manuscript contained inter alia a memorandum by Milton Friedman done at the request of the Government of India in November 1955, which had been suppressed for 34 years until I published it in May 1989. Milton and Rose Friedman refer to this in their memoirs Two Lucky People (Chicago 1998). Peter Bauer had told me of the existence of Friedman’s document during my doctoral work at Cambridge under Frank Hahn in the late 1970s, as did N. Georgescu-Roegen in America. Those were years in which Brezhnev still ruled in the Kremlin, Gorbachev was yet to emerge, Indira Gandhi and her pro-Moscow advisers were ensconced in New Delhi, and not even the CIA had imagined the Berlin Wall would fall and the Cold War would be over within a decade. It was academic suicide at the time to argue in favour of classical liberal economics even in the West. As a 22-year-old Visiting Assistant Professor at the Delhi School of Economics in 1977, I was greeted with uproarious laughter of senior professors when I spoke of a possible free market in foreign exchange. Cambridge was a place where Indian economists went to study the exploitation of peasants in Indian agriculture before returning to their friends in the well-known bastions of such matters in Delhi and Calcutta. It was not a place where Indian (let alone Bengali) doctoral students in economics mentioned the unmentionable names of Hayek or Friedman or Buchanan, and insisted upon giving their works a hearing.

My original doctoral topic in 1976 “A monetary theory for India” had to be altered not only due to paucity of monetary data at the time but because the problems of India’s political economy and allocation of resources in the real economy were far more pressing. The thesis that emerged in 1982 “On liberty and economic growth: preface to a philosophy for India” was a full frontal assault from the point of view of microeconomic theory on the “development planning” to which everyone routinely declared their fidelity, from New Delhi’s bureaucrats and Oxford’s “development” school to McNamara’s World Bank with its Indian staffers.

Frank Hahn protected my inchoate liberal arguments for India; and when no internal examiner could be found, Cambridge showed its greatness by appointing two externals, Bliss at Oxford and Hutchison at Birmingham, both Cambridge men. “Economic Theory and Development Economics” was presented to the American Economic Association in December 1982 in company of Solow, Chenery and other eminences, and then Pricing, Planning and Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India published by London’s Institute of Economic Affairs, provoking the lead editorial of The Times on May 29 1984. The Indian High Commission sent the editorial to the Finance Ministry where it caused a stir as the first classical liberal attack on post-Mahalonobis Indian economic thought since B. R. Shenoy’s original criticism decades earlier. The “perestroika-for-India” project was to follow at Hawaii starting in 1986. New Delhi was represented at the project’s conference held between May 22-27 1989 by the accredited Ambassador of India to the USA, the accredited Consul General of India to San Francisco, and by the founder-director of ICRIER (see photo).

friedman-et-al-at-uh-india-conf-19891

All this I brought into that first meeting with Rajiv Gandhi on September 18 1990. That first day he came to the door to greet me. He was a handsome tall man with the most charming smile and manner, seemed pleased to see me and put me at ease at once. I gave him my books as well as the manuscript of the “perestroika for India” project. He gave me a celebratory volume that had just been published to mark his grandfather’s centenary. He began by talking about how important he felt panchayati raj was, and said he had been on the verge of passing major legislation on it but then lost the election. He asked me if I could spend some time thinking about it, and that he would get the papers sent to me. I said I would and remarked panchayati raj might be seen as decentralized provision of public goods, and gave the economist’s definition of public goods as those essential for the functioning of the market economy, like the Rule of Law, roads, fresh water, and sanitation, but which were unlikely to appear through competitive forces.

I distinguished between federal, state and local levels and said many of the most significant public goods were best provided locally. Rajiv had not heard the term “public goods” before, and he beamed a smile and his eyes lit up as he voiced the words slowly, seeming to like the concept immensely. It occurred to me he had been by choice a pilot of commercial aircraft. Now he seemed intrigued to find there could be systematic ways of thinking about navigating a country’s governance by common pursuit of reasonable judgement. I said the public sector’s wastefulness had drained scarce resources that should have gone instead to provide public goods. Since the public sector was owned by the public, it could be privatised by giving away its shares to the public, preferably to panchayats of the poorest villages. The shares would become tradable, drawing out black money, and inducing a historic redistribution of wealth while at the same time achieving greater efficiency by transferring the public sector to private hands. Rajiv seemed to like that idea too, and said he tried to follow a maxim of Indira Gandhi’s that every policy should be seen in terms of how it affected the common man. I wryly said the common man often spent away his money on alcohol, to which he said at once it might be better to think of the common woman instead. (This remark of Rajiv’s may have influenced the “aam admi” slogan of the 2004 election, as all Congress Lok Sabha MPs of the previous Parliament came to receive a previous version of the present narrative.)

Our project had identified the Congress’s lack of internal elections as a problem; when I raised it, Rajiv spoke of how he, as Congress President, had been trying to tackle the issue of bogus electoral rolls. I said the judiciary seemed to be in a mess due to the backlog of cases; many of which seemed related to land or rent control, and it may be risky to move towards a free economy without a properly functioning judicial system or at least a viable system of contractual enforcement. I said a lot of problems which should be handled by the law in the courts in India were instead getting politicised and decided on the streets. Rajiv had seen the problems of the judiciary and said he had good relations with the Chief Justice’s office, which could be put to use to improve the working of the judiciary.

The project had worked on Pakistan as well, and I went on to say we should solve the problem with Pakistan in a definitive manner. Rajiv spoke of how close his government had been in 1988 to a mutual withdrawal from Siachen. But Zia-ul-Haq was then killed and it became more difficult to implement the same thing with Benazir Bhutto, because, he said, as a democrat, she was playing to anti-Indian sentiments while he had found it somewhat easier to deal with the military. I pressed him on the long-term future relationship between the countries and he agreed a common market was the only real long-term solution. I wondered if he could find himself in a position to make a bold move like offering to go to Pakistan and addressing their Parliament to break the impasse. He did not say anything but seemed to think about the idea. Rajiv mentioned a recent Time magazine cover of Indian naval potential, which had caused an excessive stir in Delhi. He then talked about his visit to China, which seemed to him an important step towards normalization. He said he had not seen (or been shown) any absolute poverty in China of the sort we have in India. He talked about the Gulf situation, saying he did not disagree with the embargo of Iraq except he wished the ships enforcing the embargo had been under the U.N. flag. The meeting seemed to go on and on, and I was embarrassed at perhaps having taken too much time and that he was being too polite to get me to go. V. George had interrupted with news that Sheila Dixit (as I recall) had just been arrested by the U. P. Government, and there were evidently people waiting. Just before we finally stood up I expressed a hope that he was looking to the future of India with an eye to a modern political and economic agenda for the next election, rather than getting bogged down with domestic political events of the moment. That was the kind of hopefulness that had attracted many of my generation in 1985. I said I would happily work in any way to help define a long-term agenda. His eyes lit up and as we shook hands to say goodbye, he said he would be in touch with me again.

The next day I was called and asked to stay in Delhi for a few days, as Mr. Gandhi wanted me to meet some people. I was not told whom I was to meet but that there would be a meeting on Monday, 24th September. On Saturday, the Monday meeting was postponed to Tuesday because one of the persons had not been able to get a flight into Delhi. I pressed to know what was going on, and was told I was to meet former army chief K.V. Krishna Rao, former foreign secretary M. K. Rasgotra, V. Krishnamurty and Sam Pitroda.

The group met for the first time on September 25 in the afternoon. Rasgotra did not arrive. Krishna Rao, Pitroda, Krishnamurty and I gathered in the waiting room next to George’s office. The three of them knew each other but none knew me and I was happy enough to be ignored. It seemed mysterious while we were gathering, especially when the tall well-dressed General arrived, since none of us knew why we had been called by Rajiv, and the General remarked to the others he had responded at once to the call to his home but could not get a flight into Delhi for a day.

Rajiv’s residence as Leader of the Opposition had a vast splendid meeting room, lined with high bookshelves on one or two walls, a large handsome desk on one side, two spacious comfortable sofa sets arranged in squares, and a long conference table with leather chairs occupying most of the rest of the room. The entrance to it was via a small 10 ft by 10 ft air-conditioned anteroom, where George sat, with a fax machine, typewriters and a shredding machine, plus several telephones, and a used copy of parliamentary procedures on the shelf. Getting to George’s office was the final step before reaching Rajiv. There were several chairs facing George, and almost every prospective interviewee, no matter how senior or self-important, had to move from one chair to the next, while making small talk with George, as the appointment with Rajiv drew near. Opening into George’s office was a larger and shabbier waiting room, which is where we sat, which was not air-conditioned, and which opened to the outside of the building where a plainclothes policeman sometimes stood around with a walkie-talkie. There were large photographs of Mahatma Gandhi, Nehru and Indira Gandhi on the wall, and a modern print also hung incongruously. A dozen or more plastic chairs lined the walls. There were faded torn issues of a few old magazines on the plastic coffee-table, and on one occasion there was a television playing the new sporadic domestic cable news and weather information for the entertainment of the many visitors waiting. Via this waiting room went the vast majority of people who were to meet Rajiv in his office. To reach the waiting room, one had to walk a hundred yards along a path lined by splendid high hedges from the initial reception desk at the rear-gate, manned by Congress Seva Dal volunteers in khadi wearing Gandhi-caps. These persons were in touch with George’s office by telephone, and would check with George or his assistant Balasubramaniam before sending a visitor along. The visitor would then pass through a metal-detector manned by a couple of policemen. If someone’s face came to be known and had been cleared once, or if someone acted to the policemen like a sufficiently important political personage, such a person seemed to be waved through. Outside, the front-entrance of the premises were closed unless extremely important people were entering or exiting, while at the rear-entrance there were usually two or three jeeps and several plainclothes policemen, who might or might not challenge the prospective visitor with a kind of “Who goes there?” attitude before the visitor reached the Seva Dal reception desk. The whole arrangement struck me from the first as insecure and inefficient, open to penetration by professional assassins or a terrorist squad, let aside insiders in the way Indira Gandhi had been assassinated. I could not imagine counter-terrorist commandos would suddenly appear from the high hedges in the event of an emergency.

On that Tuesday when Rajiv finally called in our group, we entered hesitantly not knowing quite what the meeting was going to be about. Rajiv introduced me to the others and then spoke of why he had gathered us together. He wanted us to come up with proposals and recommendations for the direction the country should take on an assumption the Congress Party was returned to power in the near future. He said it would help him to have an outside view from specialists who were not party functionaries, though the others obviously had been closely involved with Congress governments before. Rajiv said we were being asked to write a draft of what may enter the manifesto for the next election, which we should assume to be forthcoming by April 1991. I asked what might have become of the “perestroika” manuscript I had given him at our previous meeting. He said he had gotten it copied and bound, and that along with my 1984 monograph, it had been circulated among a few of his party colleagues who included P. Chidambaram and Mani Shankar Aiyar.

The initial meeting left us breathless and excited. Yet within a few days, the others became extremely tied up for personal causes, and I found myself alone in getting on with doing what we had been explicitly asked to do. I felt I should get done what I could in the time I had while keeping the others informed. Rajiv had said to me at our first meeting that he felt the Congress was ready for elections. This did not seem to me to be really the case. He actually seemed very isolated in his office, with George seeming to be his conduit to the outside world. I decided to start by trying to write a definite set of general principles that could guide and inform thought about the direction of policy. I spent the evening of October 26 in the offices at Rajiv’s residence, preparing an economic policy memorandum on a portable Toshiba computer of his, the first laptop I ever used. After Rajiv’s assassination, this was part of what was published in The Statesmen’s center pages July 31-August 2, 1991.

Rajiv read the work and met me on October 30 or 31, even though he was down badly with a sore throat after his sadbhavana travels around the country; he looked odd clad in khadi with a muffler and gym shoes. He said he liked very much what I had written and had given it to be read by younger Congress leaders who would discuss it for the manifesto, for an election he again said, he expected early in 1991. I said I was grateful for his kind words and inquired whom he had shown the work to. This time he said Chidambaram and also mentioned another name that made me wince. In December 1990, I was back in Hawaii when I was called on the phone to ask whether I could come to Delhi. With the rise of Chandrashekhar as Prime Minister, Rajiv had called a meeting of the group. But I could not go.

In January 1991, the Gulf War brought an odd twist to my interaction with Rajiv. On January 15, the UN deadline for the withdrawal of Iraq from Kuwait passed without Iraqi compliance, and American-led forces started the heavy aerial bombardment of Iraq. The American media had built up the impending war as one of utter devastation and mass killing, especially when the American infantry became engaged. Estimated casualties on the American side alone were being wildly exaggerated by the number of “body-bags” being ordered by the Pentagon. An even larger conflagration was being imagined if Israel entered the fighting, while Saddam Hussein had vowed to set fire to Kuwait’s oil-fields before retreating. I like everyone else erroneously believed the media’s hyperbole about the impending regional catastrophe. On January 16, just after the bombing of Iraq had begun, I called an American family friend who had retired from a senior foreign policy role and who had known me from when I was an infant. In informal conversation, I mentioned to him that since other channels had by then become closed, an informal channel might be attempted via India, specifically via Rajiv who was still Leader of the Opposition but on whom the Chandrashekhar Government depended. The sole aim would be to compel an immediate Iraqi withdrawal without further loss of life. What transpired over the next few days was that a proposal to that effect was communicated at Rajiv’s decision to a high level of the Iraqis on the one hand, and evidently received their assent, while at the same time, it was mentioned to the authorities on the American side. But nothing came of it. Rajiv initiated a correspondence with Chandrashekhar beginning January 19, demanding a coherent formulation of Indian policy in the Gulf war, and faxed me copies of this. By February 8, the Times of India led by saying Rajiv’s stand “on the Gulf War demonstrates both his experience and perspicacity … in consonance with an enlightened vision of national interest”, and urged Rajiv to “give the nation some respite from [the] non-government” of Chandrashekhar. I taped my phone conversations with Rajiv during the Gulf War because notes could not be taken at the necessary speed; in late December 1991, I was to give his widow a copy of the tape for her personal record.

I returned to Delhi on Monday, March 18, 1991 as new elections had been announced. Rasgotra said I should be in touch with Krishna Rao, and the next day March 19 Krishna Rao met me for several hours. I told him what I thought were the roots and results of the Gulf war. He in turn generously told me what had happened while I had been away. He said the group had met Rajiv in December with the proposal that Rajiv better organize his time by having an “office manager” of larger political stature than George. The name of a UP Congressman of integrity had been put forward, but nothing had come of it. Rajiv had been advised to keep Chandrashekhar in power through the autumn of 1991, as Chandrashekhar was doing Rajiv’s work for him of sidelining V. P. Singh. The idea was to cooperate with Chandrashekhar until he could be pushed up to the Presidency when that fell vacant. Rajiv had been advised not to work in a Chandrashekhar cabinet, though in my opinion, had we been like the Scandinavians, it was not impossible for a former prime minister to enter another cabinet on the right terms in the national interest of providing stable government, which was imperative at the time. Things seem to have slipped out of control when Chandrashekhar resigned. At that point, Rajiv called the group together and instructed them to write a draft of the manifesto for the impending elections. I had advised readiness back in September but the lack of organization had prevented much tangible progress at the time. Our group was to now report to a political manifesto-committee of three senior party leaders who would report to Rajiv. They were Narasimha Rao, Pranab Mukherjee and Madhavsingh Solanki. Krishna Rao liased with Narasimha Rao, Krishnamurty with Mukherjee, Pitroda with Solanki. While Rajiv would obviously lead a new Congress Government, Mukherjee was the presumptive Finance Minister, while Narasimha Rao and Solanki would have major portfolios though Narasimha Rao was expected to retire before too long.

Krishna Rao said I should be in touch with Krishnamurty who was preparing the economic chapters of the draft of the manifesto. Krishnamurty told me he had brought in A. M. Khusro to the group, and there would be a 5 p.m. meeting at Khusro’s office at the Aga Khan Foundation. I arrived early and was delighted to meet Khusro, and he seemed pleased to meet me. Khusro seemed excited by my view that India and Pakistan were spending excessively on defence against each other, which resonated with his own ideas, and he remarked the fiscal disarray in India and Pakistan could start to be set right by mutually agreed cuts in military spending. (Khusro was eventually to accompany Prime Minister Vajpayee to Lahore in 1999).

Krishnamurty had prepared a draft dated March 18 of several pages of the economic aspects of the manifesto. After our discussions, Krishnamurty was hospitable enough to open the draft to improvement. That evening, the 19th, I worked through the night and the next morning to get by noon copies of a revised version with all the members of the group. At 4 p.m. on the 20th there was a meeting at Andhra Bhavan of the whole group except Pitroda, which went on until the night. The next day the 21st , Krishnamurty, Khusro and I met again at Andhra Bhavan for a few hours on the economic aspects of the draft. Then in mid-afternoon I went to Rasgotra’s home to work with him and Krishna Rao. They wanted me to produce the economic draft which they could then integrate as they wished into the material they were dictating to a typist. I offered instead to absorb their material directly on to my laptop computer where the economic draft was. Rasgotra was reluctant to let go control, and eventually I gave in and said I would get them a hard copy of the economic draft, which they then planned to re-draft via a stenographer on a typewriter. At this, Rasgotra gave in and agreed to my solution. So the work began and the three of us continued until late.

That night Krishna Rao dropped me at Tughlak Road where I used to stay with friends. In the car I told him, as he was a military man with heavy security cover for himself as a former Governor of J&K, that it seemed to me Rajiv’s security was being unprofessionally handled, that he was vulnerable to a professional assassin. Krishna Rao asked me if I had seen anything specific by way of vulnerability. With John Kennedy and De Gaulle in mind, I said I feared Rajiv was open to a long-distance sniper, especially when he was on his campaign trips around the country.

This was one of several attempts I made since October 1990 to convey my clear impression to whomever I thought might have an effect that Rajiv seemed to me extremely vulnerable. Rajiv had been on sadhbhavana journeys, back and forth into and out of Delhi. I had heard he was fed up with his security apparatus, and I was not surprised given it seemed at the time rather bureaucratized. It would not have been appropriate for me to tell him directly that he seemed to me to be vulnerable, since I was a newcomer and a complete amateur about security issues, and besides if he agreed he might seem to himself to be cowardly or have to get even closer to his security apparatus. Instead I pressed the subject relentlessly with whomever I could. I suggested specifically two things: (a) that the system in place at Rajiv’s residence and on his itineraries be tested, preferably by some internationally recognized specialists in counter-terrorism; (b) that Rajiv be encouraged to announce a shadow-cabinet. The first would increase the cost of terrorism, the second would reduce the potential political benefit expected by terrorists out to kill him. On the former, it was pleaded that security was a matter being run by the V. P. Singh and then Chandrashekhar Governments at the time. On the latter, it was said that appointing a shadow cabinet might give the appointees the wrong idea, and lead to a challenge to Rajiv’s leadership. This seemed to me wrong, as there was nothing to fear from healthy internal contests for power so long as they were conducted in a structured democratic framework. I pressed to know how public Rajiv’s itinerary was when he travelled. I was told it was known to everyone and that was the only way it could be since Rajiv wanted to be close to the people waiting to see him and had been criticized for being too aloof. This seemed to me totally wrong and I suggested that if Rajiv wanted to be seen as meeting the crowds waiting for him then that should be done by planning to make random stops on the road that his entourage would take. This would at least add some confusion to the planning of potential terrorists out to kill him. When I pressed relentlessly, it was said I should probably speak to “Madame”, i.e. to Mrs. Rajiv Gandhi. That seemed to me highly inappropriate, as I could not be said to be known to her and I should not want to unduly concern her in the event it was I who was completely wrong in my assessment of the danger. The response that it was not in Congress’s hands, that it was the responsibility of the V. P. Singh and later the Chandrashekhar Governments, seemed to me completely irrelevant since Congress in its own interests had a grave responsibility to protect Rajiv Gandhi irrespective of what the Government’s security people were doing or not doing. Rajiv was at the apex of the power structure of the party, and a key symbol of secularism and progress for the entire country. Losing him would be quite irreparable to the party and the country. It shocked me that the assumption was not being made that there were almost certainly professional killers actively out to kill Rajiv Gandhi — this loving family man and hapless pilot of India’s ship of state who did not seem to have wished to make enemies among India’s terrorists but whom the fates had conspired to make a target. The most bizarre and frustrating response I got from several respondents was that I should not mention the matter at all as otherwise the threat would become enlarged and the prospect made more likely! This I later realized was a primitive superstitious response of the same sort as wearing amulets and believing in Ptolemaic astrological charts that assume the Sun goes around the Earth — centuries after Kepler and Copernicus. Perhaps the entry of scientific causality and rationality is where we must begin in the reform of India’s governance and economy. What was especially repugnant after Rajiv’s assassination was to hear it said by his enemies that it marked an end to “dynastic” politics in India. This struck me as being devoid of all sense because the unanswerable reason for protecting Rajiv Gandhi was that we in India, if we are to have any pretensions at all to being a civilized and open democratic society, cannot tolerate terrorism and assassination as means of political change. Either we are constitutional democrats willing to fight for the privileges of a liberal social order, or ours is truly a primitive and savage anarchy concealed beneath a veneer of fake Westernization.

The next day, Friday March 22, I worked from dawn to get the penultimate draft to Krishna Rao before noon as planned the night before. Rasgotra arrived shortly, and the three of us worked until evening to finish the job. I left for an hour to print out copies for a meeting of the entire group, where the draft we were going to submit would come to be decided. When I got back I found Rasgotra had launched an extended and quite unexpected attack on what had been written on economic policy. Would someone like Manmohan Singh, Rasgotra wanted to know, agree with all this talk we were putting in about liberalization and industrial efficiency? I replied I did not know what Manmohan Singh’s response would be but I knew he had been in Africa heading something called the South-South Commission for Julius Nyrere of Tanzania. I said what was needed was a clear forceful statement designed to restore India’s credit-worthiness, and the confidence of international markets. I said that the sort of thing we should aim for was to make clear, e.g. to the IMF’s man in Delhi when that person read the manifesto, that the Congress Party at least knew its economics and was planning to make bold new steps in the direction of progress. I had argued the night before with Rasgotra that on foreign policy we should “go bilateral” with good strong ties with individual countries, and drop all the multilateral hogwash. But I did not wish to enter into a fight on foreign policy which he was writing, so long as the economic policy was left the way we said. Krishnamurty, Khusro and Pitroda came to my defence saying the draft we had done greatly improved on the March 18 draft. For a bare half hour or so with all of us present, the draft was agreed upon. Later that night at Andhra Bhavan, I gave Krishna Rao the final copy of the draft manifesto which he was going to give Narasimha Rao the next day, and sent a copy to Krishnamurty who was liaising with Pranab Mukherjee. Pitroda got a copy on a floppy disc the next day for Solanki.

In its constructive aspects, the March 22 1991 draft of the Congress manifesto went as follows with regard to economic policy: “CHAPTER V AGENDA FOR ECONOMIC ACTION 1. Control of Inflation …. The Congress believes the inflation and price-rise of essential commodities… is a grave macroeconomic problem facing the country today. It has hit worst the poorest and weakest sections of our people and those with fixed incomes like pensioners. The Congress will give highest priority to maintaining the prices of essential commodities, increasing their production and supply using all appropriate economic instruments. 2. Macroeconomic Policy Framework To control inflation of the general price-level, the Congress will provide a predictable long-term policy framework. The average Indian household and business will not have their lives and plans disrupted by sudden changes in economic policy. Coherent monetary policy measures will be defined as called for by the Report of Experts of the Reserve Bank of India in 1985. The Long-Term Fiscal Policy introduced by the Congress Government of 1984-1989 will be revived. Medium and long-term export-import policies will be defined. The basis for a strong India must be a strong economy. The Congress believes a high rate of real growth is essential for securing a strong national defence, social justice and equity, and a civilized standard of living for all. As the party of self-reliance, Congress believes resources for growth must be generated from within our own economy. This means all wasteful and unproductive Government spending has to be cut, and resources transferred from areas of low priority to areas of high national priority. Subsidies have to be rationalized and reduced, and productivity of investments already made has to be improved. The widening gap between revenue receipts and revenue expenditure must be corrected through fiscal discipline, and the growing national debt brought under control as a matter of high priority. These policies in a consistent framework will create the environment for the freeing of the rupee in due course, making it a hard currency of the world of which our nation can be proud. Public resources are not unlimited. These have to be allocated to high priority areas like essential public services, poverty-reduction, strategic sectors, and protection of the interests of the weaker sections of society. Government has to leave to the initiative and enterprise of the people what can be best done by themselves. Government can now progressively vacate some areas of activity to the private, cooperative and non-government sectors. Black money in the parallel economy has become the plague of our economic and political system. This endangers the social and moral fabric of our nation. Artificial price controls, excessive licensing, capacity restrictions, outmoded laws on rent control and urban ceiling, and many other outdated rules and regulations have contributed to pushing many honest citizens into dishonest practices. The Congress will tackle the problem of black money at its roots by attacking all outmoded and retrograde controls, and simplifying procedures in all economic spheres. At the same time, the tax-base of the economy must be increased via simplification and rationalization of tax-rates and coverage, user-fees for public goods, and reduction of taxes wherever possible to improve incentives and stimulate growth. 3. Panchayati Raj India’s farmers and khet mazdoors are the backbone of our economy. Economic development is meaningless until their villages provide them a wholesome rural life. The Congress will revitalize Panchayat Raj institutions to decentralize decision-making, so development can truly benefit local people most effectively. 4. Rural Development Basic economic infrastructure like roads, communications, fresh drinking water, and primary health and education for our children must reach all our villages. The Congress believes such a policy will also relieve pressures from migration on our towns and cities…… Through the Green Revolution which the Congress pioneered over 25 years, our farmers have prospered. Now our larger farmers must volunteer to contribute more to the national endeavour, and hence to greater equity and overall economic development. Equity demands land revenue should be mildly graduated so that small farmers holding less than one acre pay less land revenue per acre…. 9. Education and Health The long-run prosperity of our nation depends on the general state of education, health and well-being of our people. Small families give themselves more choice and control over their own lives. Improving female literacy, promoting the welfare of nursing mothers and reducing infant mortality will have a direct bearing on reducing the birth-rate and improving the health and quality of all our people. Primary and secondary education has high social returns and is the best way in the long-run for achievement of real equality. Efforts will be made to reduce the cost of education for the needy through concessional supply of books and other study materials, scholarships and assistance for transportation and residential facilities. The Congress Party pledges to dedicate itself to promoting education, especially in rural areas and especially for girls and the weaker sections of society. The next Congress Government will prepare and launch a 10-year programme for introduction of free and compulsory primary education for all children of school age. It will continue to emphasize vocational bias in education, integrating it closely with employment opportunities…. 11. Industrial Efficiency Our industrial base in the private and public sectors are the core of our economy. What we have achieved until today has been creditable, and we are self-reliant in many areas. Now the time has come for industry to provide more efficiency and better service and product-quality for the Indian consumer. The public sector has helped the Indian economy since Independence and many national goals have been achieved. Now it has become imperative that the management of public sector units is made effective, and their productivity increased. Major steps must be taken for greater accountability and market-orientation. Failure to do this will make our country lose more and more in the international economy. Budgetary support will be given only for public sector units in the core and infrastructure sectors. Emphasis will be on improving performance and productivity of existing investments, not on creating added organizations or over manning. Units not in the core sector will be privatised gradually. Even in core sectors like Telecommunications, Power, Steel and Coal, incremental needs can be taken care of by the private sector. The Government-Enterprise interface must be properly defined in a White Paper. The Congress believes privatisation must distribute the profits equitably among the people of India. In order to make our public enterprises truly public, it is essential that the shares of many such enterprises are widely held by the members of the general public and workers. Congress pledges to allot a proportion of such shares to the rural Panchayats and Nagarpalikas. This will enhance their asset-base and yield income for their development activities, as well as improve income-distribution. 12. Investment and Trade Indian industry, Government and professional managers are now experienced enough to deal with foreign companies on an equal footing, and channel direct foreign investment in desired directions. Foreign companies often bring access to advanced technological know-how, without which the nation cannot advance. The Congress Government will formulate a pragmatic policy channelling foreign investment into areas important to the national interest. Every effort must be made also to encourage Indians who are outside India to invest in the industry, trade and real estate of their homeland. Because of the protected and inflationary domestic market, Indian industry has become complacent and the incentive for industrial exports has been weakened. When all production is comfortably absorbed at home, Indian industry makes the effort to venture into exports only as a last resort. This must change. A Congress Government will liberalize and deregulate industry to make it competitive and export-oriented, keeping in mind always the interests of the Indian consumer in commercial policy. Export-oriented and predictable commercial policies will be encouraged. Existing procedural constraints and bottlenecks will be removed. Quotas and tariffs will be rationalized. Thrust areas for export-development will be identified and monitored. Efforts will be made to develop a South Asian Community. Trade and economic cooperation among South Asian countries must be increased and simplified.”

This March 22 1991 draft of the Congress’s intended economic policies got circulated and discussed, and from it rumours and opinions appeared that Congress was planning to launch a major economic reform in India. Economic Times said the manifesto “is especially notable for its economic agenda” and Business Standard said “if party manifestos decide election battles” Congress must be “considered home and dry”. A senior IMF official told me three years later the manifesto had indeed seemed a radical and bold move in the direction of progress, which had been exactly our intended effect. When I met Manmohan Singh at the residence of S. S. Ray in September 1993 in Washington, Ray told him and his senior aides the Congress manifesto had been written on my computer. Manmohan Singh smiled and said that when Arjun Singh and other senior members of the Congress had challenged him in the cabinet, he had pointed to the manifesto. Yet, oddly enough, while the March 22 draft got discussed and circulated, and the Indian economic reform since July 1991 corresponded in fundamental ways to its contents as reproduced above, the actual published Congress manifesto in April 1991 was as tepid and rhetorical as usual, as if some party hack had before publication put in the usual nonsense about e.g. bringing down inflation via price-controls. Certainly the published manifesto was wholly undistinguished in its economic aspects, and had nothing in it to correspond to the bold change of attitude towards economic policy that actually came to be signalled by the 1991 Government.

On March 23, our group was to meet Rajiv at noon. There was to be an event in the inner lawns of Rajiv’s residence in the morning, where he would launch Krishna Rao’s book on India’s security. Krishna Rao had expressly asked me to come but I had to wait outside the building patiently, not knowing if it was a mistake or if it was deliberate. This was politics after all, and I had ruffled feathers during my short time there. While I waited, Rajiv was speaking to a farmers’ rally being held at grounds adjoining his residence, and there appeared to be thousands of country folk who had gathered to hear him. When it was over, Rajiv, smiling nervously and looking extremely uncomfortable, was hoisted atop people’s shoulders and carried back to the residence by his audience. As I watched, my spine ran cold at the thought that any killer could have assassinated him with ease in that boisterous crowd, right there in the middle of Delhi outside his own residence. It was as if plans for his security had been drawn up without any strategic thinking underlying them.

Krishna Rao arrived and graciously took me inside for his book launch. The event was attended by the Congress’s top brass, including Narasimha Rao whom I met for the first time, as well as foreign military attaches and officers of the Indian armed forces. The attaché of one great power went about shaking hands and handing out his business card to everyone. I stood aside and watched. Delhi felt to me that day like a sieve, as if little could be done without knowledge of the embassies. One side wanted to sell arms, aircraft or ships, while the other wanted trips abroad or jobs or green cards or whatever for their children. And I thought Islamabad would be worse — could India and Pakistan make peace in this fetid ether?

Proceedings began when Rajiv arrived. This elite audience mobbed him just as the farmers had mobbed him earlier. He saw me and beamed a smile in recognition, and I smiled back but made no attempt to draw near him in the crush. He gave a short very apt speech on the role the United Nations might have in the new post-Gulf War world. Then he launched the book, and left for an investiture at Rashtrapati Bhavan. We waited for our meeting with him, which finally happened in the afternoon. Rajiv was plainly at the point of exhaustion and still hard-pressed for time. He seemed pleased to see me and apologized for not talking in the morning. Regarding the March 22 draft, he said he had not read it but that he would be doing so. He said he expected the central focus of the manifesto to be on economic reform, and an economic point of view in foreign policy, and in addition an emphasis on justice and the law courts. I remembered our September 18 conversation and had tried to put in justice and the courts into our draft but had been over-ruled by others. I now said the social returns of investment in the judiciary were high but was drowned out again. Rajiv was clearly agitated that day by the BJP and blurted out he did not really feel he understood what on earth they were on about. He said about his own family, “We’re not religious or anything like that, we don’t pray every day.” I felt again what I had felt before, that here was a tragic hero of India who had not really wished to be more than a happy family man until he reluctantly was made into a national leader against his will. We were with him for an hour or so. As we were leaving, he said quickly at the end of the meeting he wished to see me on my own and would be arranging a meeting. One of our group was staying back to ask him a favour. Just before we left, I managed to say to him what I felt was imperative: “The Iraq situation isn’t as it seems, it’s a lot deeper than it’s been made out to be.” He looked at me with a serious look and said “Yes I know, I know.” It was decided Pitroda would be in touch with each of us in the next 24 hours. During this time Narasimha Rao’s manifesto committee would read the draft and any questions they had would be sent to us. We were supposed to be on call for 24 hours. The call never came. Given the near total lack of system and organization I had seen over the months, I was not surprised. Krishna Rao and I waited another 48 hours, and then each of us left Delhi. Before going I dropped by to see Krishnamurty, and we talked at length. He talked especially about the lack of the idea of teamwork in India. Krishnamurty said he had read everything I had written for the group and learned a lot. I said that managing the economic reform would be a critical job and the difference between success and failure was thin.

I got the afternoon train to Calcutta and before long left for America to bring my son home for his summer holidays with me. In Singapore, the news suddenly said Rajiv Gandhi had been killed. All India wept. What killed him was not merely a singular act of criminal terrorism, but the system of humbug, incompetence and sycophancy that surrounds politics in India and elsewhere. I was numbed by rage and sorrow, and did not return to Delhi. Eleven years later, on 25 May 2002, press reports said “P. V. Narasimha Rao and Manmohan Singh lost their place in Congress history as architects of economic reforms as the Congress High command sponsored an amendment to a resolution that had laid credit at the duo’s door. The motion was moved by…. Digvijay Singh asserting that the reforms were a brainchild of the late Rajiv Gandhi and that the Rao-Singh combine had simply nudged the process forward.” Rajiv’s years in Government, like those of Indira Gandhi, were in fact marked by profligacy and the resource cost of poor macroeconomic policy since bank-nationalisation may be as high as Rs. 125 trillion measured in 1994 rupees. Certainly though it was Rajiv Gandhi as Leader of the Opposition in his last months who was the principal architect of the economic reform that came to begin after his passing.

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Pricing, Planning & Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India (1984)

May 29, 1984 — drsubrotoroy

Pricing, Planning & Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India Subroto Roy

First published on May 29 1984 as Occasional Paper No. 69 of the Institute of Economic Affairs, London

Preface March 2007

A quarter century has passed since my 1982 doctoral thesis at Cambridge University under Frank Hahn, examined by Christopher Bliss and Terence Hutchison, and titled “On liberty and economic growth: preface to a philosophy for India.” I wrote what follows shortly afterwards in Blacksburg, Virginia, and Ithaca, New York, and it was published on May 29 1984 in London by the Institute of Economic Affairs as Occasional Paper No. 69, ISBN: 0-255 36169-6. The day it was published it turned out to be the subject of the main editorial of The Times, then London’s leading newspaper. (I learnt later this had been due to Peter Bauer, and also that 700 copies sold in the first month, a record for the publisher.) The Times editorial though laudatory was misleading, and I had to clarify the contents of the monograph in a letter published on June 16 1984; both documents are available elsewhere at this site.

This work was the first explicit critique of post-Mahalanobis Indian economic thought from a classical liberal perspective since B. R. Shenoy’s initial criticism decades previously. I was 29 when it was published, I am 52 now. I do not agree with everything I wrote back then and find the tone a little puffed up as young men tend to be; it was five years before publication of my main “theoretical” work Philosophy of Economics: On the Scope of Reason in Economic Inquiry (Routledge: London & New York, 1989, also now republished here). My experience of life in the years since has also made me far less sanguine both about human nature and about America than I was then. But I am glad to find I am not embarrassed by what I said as a young man, indeed I am pleased I said what I did in favour of classical liberalism and against statism and totalitarianism well before it became popular to do so after the Berlin Wall fell. (In India as elsewhere, former communist apparatchiks and fellow-travellers became pseudo-liberals overnight.)

The famous November 1955 Milton Friedman memorandum is referred to herein for the first time as “unpublished” in note 1; I was to meet Milton and Rose Friedman at the Mont Pelerin Society meetings held at Cambridge later that year, where I gave them a copy of this monograph; when Milton returned to Stanford he sent to me in Blacksburg his original 1955-56 documents on Indian planning. I published the 1955 document for the first time in May 1989 during the University of Hawaii perestroika-for-India project that I was then leading, it appeared later in the 1992 volume Foundations of India’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s, edited by myself and WE James. The results of the Hawaii project reached Rajiv Gandhi through my hand in September 1990, as told elsewhere in “Rajiv Gandhi and the Origins of India’s 1991 Economic Reform”. The 1956 document was published in November 2006 on the front page of The Statesman, on the same day my obituary of Milton appeared in the inside pages (both are republished here too).

It is apparent from this monograph that I knew almost nothing then about Pakistan or Islam; that has changed as may be seen especially from the other book I created with WE James at the University of Hawaii, Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s, as well as my more recent work on Pakistan and Islam. It is of course impossible to understand India without understanding Pakistan and vice versa.

In general, this monograph had to do with India’s microeconomics and theory of value and resource allocation while my latest work – “India’s Macroeconomics”, “Fiscal Instability”, “India’s Trade and Payments”, “Our Policy Process”, “Fallacious Finance”, “The Dream Team: A Critique” . “Against Quackery”, “Growth & Government Delusion” etc – has to do with India’s macroeconomics and monetary and fiscal theory and policy. Part of the criticism of “distorted incentives” prevailing in Indira Gandhi’s India may still be relevant to India today, while the discussion of ethnic problems, agriculture, the “public choice” factors that stymie Indian progress, misgovernance etc will almost certainly be found so.

Pricing, Planning and Politics:

A Study of Economic Distortions in India

First published on May 29 1984 as Occasional Paper No. 69 of the Institute of Economic Affairs, London

“The economic laws which operate in India are the same as in other countries of the world; the causes which lead to wealth among other nations lead to prosperity in India; the causes which impoverish other nations impoverish the people of India. Therefore, the line of enquiry which the economist will pursue in respect of India is the same which he adopts in inquiring into the wealth or poverty of other nations.” Romesh Chunder Dutt, 1906, The Economic History of India

“Satyameva Jayathe” (“Let truth be victorious”), Motto of the Indian Republic

I. INTRODUCTION

IN THE last 15 years, considerable evidence has accumulated to suggest that the most important policies pursued by successive governments of independent India have not been conducive to economic development, and have indeed gone against some of the most basic lessons that political economy has to offer. Forewarnings of the present predicament of India had come from a few economists in the late 1950s and early 1960s, but their arguments were either ignored or maligned as dogmatic and motivated by`ideology’.[1] My thesis in this Occasional Paper will be that, if the basic and commonsensical lessons of political economy had been acknowledged early on in the history of the Indian Republic, we might have found today a much more prosperous economy and a much healthier body politic than is the case.

To argue this, it is first necessary to describe an economy where the pursuit of the individual good by rational agents is conducted within some set of orderly political institutions which is conducive to both civil peace and sustained mass prosperity. Accordingly, Part I of this short Paper begins by describing the broad and familiar features of what may be called a neo-classical or liberal model, and then proceeds briefly to contrast it with a model in which individual incentives and public institutions have been distorted from their efficient characterizations.

The practical question that arises is: Where in practice have independent India’s policies led most conspicuously to distorted incentives and institutions? This will be the subject of Part III. Part II places the discussion in context by briefly describing a few relevant aspects of the political history of the Indian Republic.

I have argued elsewhere that every normative proposal for action is, in principle, open to question and criticism on the logical and factual grounds upon which it is founded. Whenever two people disagree about what ought to be done, it will be found either that at least one of them has made a mistake of logic or that they are also in disagreement about the facts of the case.[2] In Part IV, a tentative manifesto for political and economic reform in India is proposed, and I hope these proposals too will be subjected to critical scrutiny on the positive grounds upon which I shall seek to establish them.

Part I: Theory

2. EFFICIENT INCENTIVES AND INSTITUTIONS

A `FACT’ may be understood as the opposite of that which could have been the case but is not. A basic fact of the study of men and society – one which was acknowledged first by Aristotle and then, very importantly, by Adam Smith, and which has been emphasized in modern times by Friedrich Hayek – is that, while we are able to study and speak of the nature of human decision and action in general terms, we do not and cannot have a knowledge of how particular actions are moved by particular causes and circumstances.[3]

We might certainly know, for instance, that every household in an economy views some horizons, wants to fulfill some aspirations, and faces some constraints. But if we were asked to specify what all these characteristics happened to be as a matter of fact at any one moment, we would certainly not be able to do so. Men are concerned almost wholly with (and are experts at) living their own lives as best they can – foraging for food, shelter and work, celebrating weddings and births, rearing children, and mourning deaths. For the most part, they are neither interested in, nor competent at judging, what others happen to be doing in their private lives. Neither benevolence nor envy extends much beyond a man’s immediate vicinity, and, certainly, neither can extend to people he does not know or come to know of in the course of a lifetime.

This fact is also acknowledged in modern microeconomics, when it is said that, for the individual agent to be able to make decisions and act upon them, it is sufficient for him to know (besides his own desires, abilities and constraints) only of the relative prices prevailing locally of the goods and skills he wishes to trade.`Efficient incentive’ defined We might then provisionally define an `efficient incentive’ as a set of relative prices and wages such that, when economic agents act upon them, three conditions are fulfilled:(i) the difference between the total demand for and the total supply of every good and skill is zero; (ii) every consumer succeeds in trading the amounts of different goods that he desires, and so obtains the highest utility he can within the constraint of his budget; (iii) every private enterprise maximizes the difference between its total revenues and total costs, that is, its profits. [4]

Rational action, however, occurs within a particular institutional context. Which action is rational and which is not will depend on what institutions there are and how well or poorly they function. As both classical liberals and Marxists argue, the neo-Walrasian tradition in modern economics – as exemplified by the Arrow-Debreu model – is practically devoid of any explicit institutional description, and so may best be regarded as a useful but grossly incomplete metaphor in the economist’s inquiry.

The institutions most relevant to economic activity are those of government. We might therefore add a fourth condition to characterize an efficient economy, namely, that government institutions work in such a way as to allocate tax revenues towards providing public goods in the amounts desired by citizens. This must be an institutional assumption implicit in the general equilibrium construction, without which it would be impossible to see the sense of that model.

The question that follows is how we are to ascertain the composition of the set of public goods to be provided. As is commonly known, this seems to confront the economist with numerous conceptual and practical problems. I propose here to circumvent all the typical difficulties of how to discover and combine individual preferences for public goods, or how to prevent free-riders, and to take a somewhat different route.

Functions of civil government: protection, public goods, education

To answer the question `What should be public goods first and foremost? I suggest we look for the kind of answer Adam Smith or Jeremy Bentham or J. S. Mill might have given to a related but different question : `What should be the functions of government in a large civil society, regardless of whether or not it is constituted democratically?’ This was the relevant question before the modern era of mass democracy. And it is still interesting because, first, it probably remains the appropriate question for the many countries today which either do not have democratic governments or do not have long histories of democracy, and, secondly, because the kinds of answer given by classical authors were very similar to those we might expect from individual citizens in modern democracies as well.

The most important practical functions of civil government include defence against external aggression, the dispensing of civil and criminal justice, the protection of life, property and trade – broadly, the Rule of Law – and the pursuit of a judicious foreign policy. All are different aspects of the same broad objective of ensuring the survival of the community and the security of individual life.

Yet no pretext has been more common than that an imminent danger to the security of the community requires the government to take despotic measures. The guarantee by a civil government of the freedom of inquiry, discourse, criticism, and historical research should take precedence, therefore, even over ensuring security and survival, for it is probably the only final check there can be on whether what a government says is or is not in fact the case. Where this freedom is forcibly denied, or where it exists but people are too apathetic, ignorant or busy with their daily lives to exercise it, public life soon becomes self deceptive and absurd, with propaganda taking the place of discourse, and pretensions and appearances diverging more and more from attainments and reality. Wherever the questions `What is true?’ or `What is the case?’ are not asked frequently enough, there will be fewer and fewer correct answers as to what the case happens to be.[5]
After collective and individual security, the functions of government include the building of dams, embankments, bridges and canals, the provision of roads and fresh water, and so on – activities which, as Adam Smith put it, “. . . though they may be in the highest degree advantageous to a great society, are, however, of such a nature that the profit could never repay the expence to any individual or small number of individuals, and which it, therefore, cannot be expected that any individual or small number of individuals should erect or maintain.” [6]

Each may be more or less a “pure” public good in the modern sense :“that each individual’s consumption of such a good leads to no subtraction from any other individual’s consumption of that good”.[7]

Such a list could be extended to include activities as diverse as: the prevention of soil erosion; the public finance of school education, and’ of measures of basic public health such as vaccinations against contagious diseases; the issuing of currency; sewage disposal; population censuses; the standardization of weights and measures; and so on. It is unnecessary to be more specific here since some people will find even this list controversial. Dogmatists will deny the need for free inquiry; pacifists will dispute that defence is a public good; communists will protest against the public protection of private property; `anarcho-capitalists’ will contest the public dispensation of justice; and so on. To these critics, I would offer merely the following short and incomplete reply.

First, a sound argument can be made that what functions civil government should have can be ascertained, without prejudice, by reasonable citizens, though which particular functions these are may well vary according to circumstances. Secondly, if we could spend time in thoughtful and leisured conversation with every citizen of a large community, it might be predicted – as a matter of cold, empirical fact – that practically everyone would agree with the suggestion that the first destinations of tax revenues should indeed be activities like defence, civil protection and the Rule of Law, the provision of roads, and so on. If such a prediction is correct, my thesis is plainly much more democratic than it might appear to modern economists, though I shall later claim that an objective defence of democratic institutions can be made on quite different grounds as well.

If there is a clear family resemblance between classical liberal authors – from Smith and Mill through to Hayek, Robbins, Friedman, Buchanan, Bauer and many others – it has to do, not so much with the denunciation of government activity in the market-place, as with the recognition of the existence of certain duties of government outside it, the fulfillment of which are indispensable to civil life, let alone the pursuit of economic prosperity. Their protest is at the high opportunity cost of the alternatives foregone.

This raises the question of how we might tell whether government is working well or badly in a particular country at a particular time, or, generally, how we might tell whether different public goods are provided in too small or large amounts. For present purposes it will again be sufficient to suggest a very rough and common sense way of proceeding: let us look first, and think second.

For example, the Iran-Iraq war has clearly been a perfect public bad as far as the ordinary citizenry in either country are concerned. Similarly, if there happen to be millions of cases queuing outside the courts waiting to be heard, or if crime is rampant and police protection ineffective, that may constitute prima facie evidence that too few public resources have been devoted to civil order and justice. Or, if heavy rainfall annually causes landslides in the hills and floods in the plains, devastating crops and leaving innumerable citizens destitute, that also might prompt us to ask whether sufficient public resources have gone towards precautions against such havoc. And so on.[8]

Which goods happen to be public goods depends on the circumstances and the level of government being discussed. For similar circumstances and levels, similar goods will most likely be public goods in different countries. The state ordinarily consists not only of the national government but also of several provincial governments and a myriad of local governments. In particular, a premise of the liberal state would be that public goods should in fact be provided by various levels of government, financed through taxes paid respectively at those levels. The citizen is a taxpayer at a variety of levels, and accordingly public goods are due to be provided at a variety of levels. Just as the national government may not usurp the power to tax for, or spend money on, a public good which is best provided by a provincial government to the citizens of a province, so a provincial government may not tax for, or spend on, a public good best provided by a local government to the citizens of a locality.

The broad principle involved has two aspects: first, a recognition that knowledge of particular circumstances – and hence the ability to act – is infinitesimally dispersed within a population; and, secondly, as direct and visible a matching as possible of the benefits a citizen receives from a particular public good with the taxes he pays towards it, thereby perhaps reducing his incentive to be a free rider on the contributions of others.8Uncertainty and ignoranceProvisionally, therefore, efficient incentives may be thought to consist of a set of market-clearing relative prices and wages, occurring within an institutional context in which the basic and indispensable functions of government have been adequately performed at a variety of appropriate levels.

Such a definition would still be seriously incomplete in one major respect. For we must now recognise: (i) that history is unique and irretrievable, that the present consists only of the fleeting moment, and that the future, by its very nature, cannot be fully known; (ii) that such a thing as human freedom exists; and (iii) that, as a consequence, uncertainty and ignorance are ubiquitous.

Some of the uncertainty derives from the unfolding of natural events (like the rains) over which man has little or no control. The rest derives from the fact that the individual is a free agent who is affected by the actions of others but who cannot predict those actions completely because they too are free agents like himself. Game theory would have had no appeal for the economist if the existence of human freedom had not been a fact. It is this which makes it impossible to read everything in another person’s mind and thus makes it impossible to predict everything he might do. The lasting contribution of Keynesian economics could be its emphasis that such uncertainty and ignorance are important to the economist’s inquiry.

Mathematical economists have been saying for several years that what is required if we are to be realistic are models which reflect the sequential character of actual decision-making and account for the past being immutable and the future uncertain.[9] However, they have proceeded to write even more complex mathematics than we already have – disregarding Aristotle’s advice not to seek more precision from the subject of an inquiry than it may be capable of yielding.[10] My question is the more mundane one of what becomes of the classical liberals’ concept of efficient incentives and institutions in a dynamic world. I shall answer it too in a pedestrian way.

The single overwhelming reason why uncertainty and ignorance are relevant to the economist’s descriptions is that they make real the possibility of mistakes by economic agents. To extend the previous discussion to a dynamic context, what we can do is to ask which institutions are most likely to reduce or mitigate the social consequences of mistaken decisions, whether made by private agents or by those in public office. And it is here that the classical liberals advocate two important institutional features: competition and the decentralisation of decision-making.

The major value of democratic institutions over authoritarian ones is that they encourage these two principles to be put into effect. Because, in a large economy, particular knowledge is infinitesimally dispersed, it may be better for adjustments to a multitude of variables to be made continuously in response to changing circumstances by a vast number of small economic agents, rather than for adjustments to a few variables to be made at political intervals by a small group of very powerful agents. The concentration of power to make major decisions among a few fallible men is a much more ominous prospect than the distribution of power in small amounts among a large number of fallible men. It is much more dangerous for a monopoly of ideas to be claimed about where the political good of a country lies than for there to be free and open competition among such ideas at the bar of reason.

D. H. Robertson put it well when he warned “that all the eggs should not be in the same basket – that in this highly uncertain world the fortunes of a whole trade, or a whole area, should not depend on the foresight and judgement of a single centre of decision”.[11] The presumption in favour of democratic institutions is that they reduce the potential damage from wrong political decisions damage which can be rationally expected in an uncertain world.[12] Elections, in the liberal understanding, are then not so much the means to promote the interests of one’s confederates as to remove from office without bloodshed rulers who fail to do what they are entrusted with, and to replace them by those from whom better is expected. Economic efficiency in an uncertain worldThe economic notion of efficient incentives is also modified by uncertainty and ignorance. In the theory, a set of prices is market clearing only relative to unchanging preferences, resources and technologies. In a dynamic world, however, demand and supply functions are themselves changing and the notion of efficient incentives must accordingly be adapted to one in which relative prices move in the direction of the excess demand: that is, if the parameters change so that the total demand for a good or skill comes to exceed the total supply, we should want to see its relative price rising (and, conversely, if total supply exceeds total demand, we should want to see its relative price falling). During such a process of adjustment, many people may suffer very considerable hardship – something which reasonable Keynesians do well to emphasise.

If changing preferences, resources or technologies cause the demand for a product to diminish, we should want to see the firms which manufacture it either entering different markets, or improving its quality by technological innovation, or lowering prices. Similarly, we should want to see workers in these firms whether blue- or white-collar – who have skills specific to a product whose price is falling either increasing their productivity or retraining themselves in different skills more specific to the manufacture of goods whose prices are rising. Numerous enterprises can go bankrupt, and numerous workers can find themselves unable to sell the skills they possess, if they fail to adapt quickly enough to changing market conditions. The more specialised the product and the more specific the skill, the more hardship there may be. There could well be orthodox Keynesian consequences whereby laid-off workers reduce their consumption expenditures and firms on the verge of bankruptcy reduce their investment expenditures, leading to lower incomes for others, and thus to lower expenditures by them too, and so on. An anti-Keynesian who denied the existence of such hardship would be closed to the facts. He might also not be doing his own theory justice: for it is not unreasonable to argue that, while adjustments are inevitable in an uncertain world, the classical response of prices moving in the direction of excess demand probably minimises the hardship in the transition from one equilibrium to the next.

In a dynamic world, therefore, in which supply and demand functions are shifting continually and unpredictably (though probably incrementally, and not drastically), efficient incentives are better thought of as relative prices which are not stagnant but which are moving – and moving quickly – in the direction of excess demand. It should, in general, be continually profitable at the margin for firms and workers to be innovating technologically and improving productivity. As everyone knows from experience, the principle goad to such activity is fair and free competition. If a job or contract is sought badly enough, and if better quality or lower price are known to be the only criteria of selection, the expected outcome is a differentiation and improvement by competitors of the individual quality or price of what is sold.

In broad summary, the liberal understanding of how material well-being can be improved rests on the assumption that the basic functions of civil government are performed satisfactorily. Government provides the backdrop of civil order and protection necessary for private citizens freely and fairly to conduct their own lives and their transactions with one another. It is a theory which acknowledges a fundamental fact in the study of society, namely, that the individual household : (a) most commonly defines its own horizons; (b) knows the particular opportunities available to it to produce, trade and consume; (c) recognises the particular constraints which prevent it from doing all that it may desire; and(d) perceives how these opportunities and constraints may be changing. Where, as in the liberal picture, there are large numbers of producers and consumers, sellers and buyers – each family acting more or less independently – the efforts of one family do not directly make for other than its own success, while at the same time the repercussions of its mistakes are felt by itself and do not reverberate throughout the whole community. Such has been, as I see it, the American secret to mass prosperity.

3. DISTORTED INCENTIVES AND INSTITUTIONS

DISTORTED INCENTIVES are the logical opposites of efficient ones. Relative prices and wages send distorted signals to individual economic agents when they do not move in the direction of excess demand, so that there is no general tendency for markets to clear. A long-run or endemic excess demand for a good reveals itself in rationing, queueing and black markets. The price at which trade nominally takes place is too low and shows no tendency to move upwards.

Conversely, in a product market, a long-run or endemic excess supply reveals itself in surpluses and spoilages. In a labour market, it reveals itself, on the one hand, in armies of tenured employees who have no incentive to improve productivity, and, on the other hand, in lines of involuntarily or disguised unemployed who cannot sell all the skill they possess and have to settle for selling their less-specialised ones. The price at which trade nominally takes place is too high and shows no tendency to move downwards. In practical terms, firms do not find it profitable to be continually entering new markets or improving quality or enhancing technology or reducing price in order to attract and retain customers. Farmers in particular may face output and input prices which make technological improvements unprofitable.

In politics, distorted incentives are ones which make it profitable for politicians and government officials to be corruptible and taxpayers to be evasive. Because corruption is not penalised and honesty not rewarded, the pursuit of private interest may make it rational to be corrupt and irrational to be honest.

Individualism and statism

A neo-classical economic model like the one outlined above presupposes among citizens a political attitude of individualism. This may be defined as a condition in which citizens have the idea (a) that it is the individual household itself which is principally responsible for improvements in its own well-being, and (b) that government merely “is, or ought to be, instituted for the common benefit, protection and security of the people …”, and that government officials are merely the citizens’ “trustees and servants, and at all times amenable to them.” [13]

Its logical opposite may be called an attitude of statism – defined as prevailing when various classes of citizens have the idea that it is government which is and should be principally responsible for improvements in individual and public well-being. A good sense in which `power’ can be defined in political and economic contexts is as “the capacity to restrict the choices open to other men”.[14] An attitude of statism entails a willingness, or at least an acquiescence, on the part of citizens to relinquish to those in government, with little or no questioning, the power to make decisions which may affect their lives intimately. At the same time, responsibility for relapses or lack of progress in individual well-being is also thought to be the consequence of governmental and not private decision-making. Whereas individualism is a self-assertive attitude, statism is a self abnegating one. For those in government to have a statist mentality is the same as saying they are paternalistic, that is, making the presumption that the citizen is often incapable of judging for himself what is for his own good.

The suggestion that government should have the principal responsibility for improvements in individual and collective economic well-being – in the sense that the collectivity can and should satisfy the material aspirations of every individual – appears straightaway to be self contradictory. An individual can have enough difficulty trying to articulate his own horizons, aspirations and constraints, let alone trying to do the same for others. For a politician (or economist) to claim (or imply) not only that he knows(or can know) the relevant characteristics of everyone at once, but also that he knows how to ameliorate the condition of humanity at a stroke, as if by magic, would have been considered ridiculous in more candid times than ours. If we understand `collective effort’ to mean the sum of individual labours engaged in a common pursuit or endeavour, then for the collectivity to try materially to satisfy every individual would amount to imposing a duty on everyone to try materially to satisfy everyone else – an absurd state of affairs, flying in the face of the fact that most people most of the time do not wish to, or cannot, cope with much else except their private lives.

Exhorting government directly to improve the material wellbeing of `the people’ cannot mean what it seems to because it cannot refer to literally all the people but only to some of them perhaps only a majority, or only the well-organised. That the state is endogenous to the polity implies that no government has resources of its own out of which to disburse the amounts a politician may promise or an economist recommend. To fulfil new promises, given an initial condition of budgetary equilibrium, a government is only able either to print more fiat money or to tax the resources of individual citizens more heavily. Leaving aside the first alternative, fulfillment of the exhortation amounts to using public institutions to transfer resources from some people in order to keep promises made to others.

When the attitude spreads that, in politics, one man’s gain is another man’s loss, and where political control is to be had by winning majorities in elections, the citizen comes to face a perverse incentive to try to coalesce with more and more others in the hope of capturing the public revenues in his favour – instead of thinking critically about the nature of the political good as the institutions of democracy require him to. Political power becomes less dispersed, and the size of the polity diminishes in the sense that it comes to have fewer and fewer constituent agents, each of which is a larger and larger coalition of like-minded confederates intent on acquiring control for its own benefit.

Perhaps the worst consequence of a general attitude of statism, however, is that the basic, commonsensical functions of government are obscured, ignored, and neglected. Instead of requiring politicians and government officials to fulfill these functions, a citizenry allows its public agents to become brokers and entrepreneurs – trading not only in the products of government controlled industries but also in an array of positions of power and privilege, all in the name of directing a common endeavour to help the poor. The state places itself at every profitable opportunity between private citizens who might otherwise have conducted their transactions themselves perfectly well. The result is that governments do, or try to do, what either does not need to be done or ought not to be done by government, while they neglect that which only governments can do and which therefore they ought to be doing.

Part II: History

4. INDIVIDUALISM AND STATISM IN INDIA

AN ATTITUDE of statism has probably been present in India since Mughal times at least. If anything, it spread during the British period since the raison d’être of British rule in India would have vanished without paternalism (as in the course of time it did) and the existence of British rule was the raison d’être of the nationalist movement. Paternalism towards India was espoused even by those Englishmen known for their liberal views at home. Thomas Macaulay, for instance, declared to the House of Commons in 1833: “It may be that the public mind of India may expand under our system till it has outgrown that system; that by good government we may educate our subjects into a capacity for better government; that having become instructed in European knowledge, they may, in some future stage, demand European institutions. Whether such a day will ever come I know not. But never will I attempt to avert or retard it. Whenever it comes, it will be the proudest day in English history.”[15]

Less than a hundred years later, in 1930-31, the Indian National Congress – to the considerable chagrin of the British Government – resolved to bring about an independent India in which every citizen would have the right to free speech, to profess and practise his faith freely, and to move and practise his profession anywhere in the country. There would be universal adult suffrage and no-one would be unjustly deprived of his liberty or have his property entered, sequestered or confiscated. In particular, all citizens in the future republic would be `equal before the law, irrespective of religion, caste, creed or sex’, and no disability would attach`to any citizen by reason of his or her religion, caste, creed or sex, in regard to public employment, office of power or honour, and in the exercise of any trade or calling’.[16]

These resolutions were made in the thick of the battle for independence, and underscored the fundamental argument of the nationalists that, in spite of the infinitely diverse characteristics of the inhabitants of the sub-continent, a free and secular India was possible in which all would be ruled by a common law. That argument had been in contradistinction to the frequent taunt from British Conservatives that an
India without Britain would disintegrate in internecine bloodshed, and also to the later `two nations’ theory of the Muslim League which led eventually to the creation of
Pakistan. With the departure of the British and the Pakistanis, in 1950 the Constitution of the first Indian Republic was finally able to bring into force the idea of secularity which had inspired the nationalist cause. Thus, among the Fundamental Rights established by the Constitution, Article 14 provided that the state `shall not deny to any person equality before the law or the equal protection of the laws within the territory of
India’. Articles 15.1, 15.2, 16.1, 16.2 and 29.2 went on to prohibit discrimination on the arbitrary grounds of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth in matters of public employment or access to publicly-funded education.

The century between Macaulay and the resolutions for independence was by far the most important to the country’s intellectual history since earliest antiquity. While it took its turbulent course, long severed since the time of the early Greeks – came to be re-established. The common interest and the common contribution became one of admiring and learning from Europe and from India’s own past what there was to be admired and learnt, whilst forsaking and resisting what was self contradictory or base. The maxim for a century might have been : learn the good and let the evil be buried in history. As Tagore wrote :`The lamp of Europe is still burning; we must rekindle our old and extinguished lamp at that flame and start again on the road of time. We must fulfill the purpose of our connection with the English. This is the task we face in the building up of a great India.’[17]

The ideal aspired to was swaraj, or `self rule’. It literally meant not only a government of India by Indians accountable to Indians, but also the governance of the individual by himself. Not only was the country to be sovereign vis-à-vis other states; its individual citizens were to be free vis-à-vis each other and equal before its laws. Swaraj meant, in other words, a condition of political autonomy where the citizen constrained his own free actions so as not to harm others, and where the Rule of Law would protect him when he acted autonomously and resist him when he did not. Given a backdrop of civil order, the infinite number of ways to individual happiness and prosperity in an infinitely diverse sub-continent could then be pursued. Statism all pervading

An attitude of statism, however, has pervaded all public discourse in independent India, and has been reinforced by the social and economic policies pursued by successive governments.

In the first place, a ghost from earlier controversies with the British was to remain in the 1950 Constitution. Immediately after the provisions establishing equality before the law and equality of opportunity in public employment and publicly funded education, the following caveats appeared. Article 15.3 said that the state could make “any special provision for women and children”; and then, of more significance, Article 15.4 allowed the state to make “any special provisions for the advancement of any socially and educationally backward classes of citizens or for the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes”.

Article 16.4 allowed it to make “any provision for the reservation of appointments or posts in favour of any backward class of citizens which, in the opinion of the State, is not adequately represented in the services under the State.” Lastly, Article 335 said that “the claims of the members of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes shall be taken into consideration, consistently with the maintenance of efficiency of administration, in the making of appointments to services and posts [under the State] . . .” Who was to decide who was `backward’ and who was not, or which group was to be `scheduled’ and which not? Article 341.1 said that `The President may . . . by public notification specify the castes, races or tribes which shall for the purposes of this Constitution be deemed to be Scheduled Castes’, and Article 341.2 added that `Parliament may by law include in or exclude from the list of Scheduled Castes specified under 341.1 any caste, race or tribe or part of or any group within any caste, race or tribe . . .’ Articles 342.1 and 342.2 said the same for the Scheduled Tribes.

Subsequently, two Presidential Orders named no fewer than 1,181 different groups in the country as `Scheduled Castes’ and more than 583 other groups as `Scheduled Tribes’. Roughly a sixth of the population thus came to be termed `backward’ by executive decree and were segregated by statute from the rest of the citizenry.

The direct precursor of these provisions was the `Communal Award’ by the British Government in 1932, who had taken it to be their duty “to safeguard what we believe to be the right of Depressed Classes to a fair proportion in Legislatures ”.[18] (`Depressed Classes’ was the official name for those misleadingly called `untouchables’ outside the Hindu fold.)

The complex customs of the Hindus call for endogamy and commensality among members of the same caste, thus making anyone outside a caste somewhat `untouchable’ for its members. In marriage and dining habits, many orthodox Hindus would hold foreigners, Muslims, and even Hindus of other castes at the same distance as those formally classified as `Depressed Classes’. Indeed, non-Hindus in India -including the British often maintained social protocols that were equally as strict.

No serious Indian historian would doubt that members of the `Depressed Classes’ had been oppressed and had suffered countless indignities throughout Indian history at the hands of so-called`caste Hindus’. At various times, persecution had led to mass conversions to the more secular faiths. But the ancient wrongs of the Hindu practices had to do not so much with the lack of physical contact in personal life which the word `untouchability’ connotes for Indian society has always consisted of a myriad of voluntarily segregated groups – but rather with open and obvious inequities such as the denial of equal access to temples, public wells, baths and schools.

Gandhi, who by his personal example probably did more for the cause of the `Depressed Classes’ than anyone else, protested against the Communal Award with one of his most famous fasts. Privately, he suspected that `…the communal question [was] being brought deliberately to the forefront and magnified by the government because they did not intend to part with power’.[19] Publicly, he argued that the pernicious consequence would be a further exacerbation of the apartheid under which the `Depressed Classes’ had suffered for so long, when the important thing was for their right to be within the Hindu fold to be acknowledged by `caste’ Hindus.[20]

The Fundamental Rights in the 1950 Constitution establishing the equality of all citizens before the law evidently had the 1930-31 resolutions as their precursors; while Article17 – which specifically declared `untouchability’ to be `abolished’ and its practice `forbidden’ – was part of Gandhi’s legacy, placing those who had for centuries been denigrated and persecuted on exactly the same footing in the eyes of the laws of the Republic as their denigrators and persecutors. The subsequent clauses authorizing the state to discriminate in favour of `Scheduled Castes’, and allowing it to define by executive decree who was to be so called, were evidently the remnants of the Communal Award of 1932. Discrimination by the state was initially to last for a period of 10 years only. It has, however, been extended three times -for another 10 years on each occasion – and so continues to the present day. We shall examine a few of the consequences in Part III.‘A socialistic pattern of society’As for economic policy, while the original 1950 Constitution had ambiguously stated certain ends – such as that government was `to strive to promote the welfare of the people’ – it made no mention at all of any specific economic institutions, statist or liberal, which the new Republic was to nurture as means towards those ends. In spite of this omission, successive governments have explicitly avowed their espousal of` socialism’ as the means to the good and prosperous society.

For instance, a “socialistic pattern of society where the principal means of production are under social ownership or control” was declared to be a national objective at the ruling Congress Party’s convention in 1955; and, in 1976, the notorious 42nd Amendment purported to change the very description of the country in the preamble to the original Constitution from the sober `Sovereign, Democratic Republic’ to the awkward `Sovereign, Secular, Socialist Democratic Republic’. It is an open and important issue of constitutional practice whether a temporary majoritarian government can change the legal description of a republic so fundamentally that it necessarily begs every question now and in the future about the efficacy of socialism as the route to mass prosperity.[21]

Even so, `socialism’ is a vague and equivocal word, meaning different things to different people. Briefly, what happened in the Indian context seems to have been that the Nationalist Government explicitly took upon itself the responsibility of becoming the prime mover of the economic growth of the country. This was in addition to its other fundamental and urgent political responsibilities at the time, namely, to establish peace and civil order in the aftermath of a bloody partition, re-settle several million destitute refugees, integrate into the Republic the numerous principalities and fiefdoms run by the princes and potentates, re-draw provincial boundaries on a sensible linguistic criterion, and generally educate people about their rights and responsibilities as individual citizens in a new and democratic republic.

In a poor country which had just ended a long period of alien rule, it was understandable, if in advisable, that a nationalist government led by cultured, educated men among unlettered masses should take upon itself the responsibility for economic growth. Part of the nationalists’ critique of British rule had been precisely that it had worked to the considerable detriment of the Indian economy. And, certainly, whatever the exact calculation of the benefits and costs of the British presence in India, while there had been obvious benefits, there had also been obvious costs such as iniquitous taxes and overt racial discrimination in employment. [22]Thus, when the nationalists practically swore themselves to provide better government for the economy, it was certainly a very praiseworthy aim; 1947 would indeed be the year of India’s `tryst with destiny’.

Better government not necessarily more government
What the Nehru Government came to believe, however, was that better government for the economy necessarily meant more government activity in the economy. A similar nationalist government led by cultured, educated men among an unlettered public had chosen differently in 1776 at Philadelphia, but the times and circumstances were very different. The Indian nationalists, and most especially Prime Minister Nehru, had just witnessed what they took to be, on the one hand, the collapse of the market economy in the Great Depression and, on the other, the rapid growth to greatness of Bolshevik Russia. In his presidential address to the Congress in 1936, for instance, Nehru spoke of the immediate past in these terms: `Everywhere conflicts grew, and a great depression overwhelmed the world and there was a progressive deterioration, everywhere except in the wide flung Soviet territories of the USSR, where, in marked contrast with the rest of the world, astonishing progress was made in every direction . . .’ Thus, it seemed to him, there was`. . . no way of ending the poverty, the vast unemployment, the degradation, and the subjection of the Indian people except through Socialism”. Socialism meant, inter alia, ` the ending of private property, except in a restricted sense, and ttte repla emenr of the ,private profit system by a higher ideal of co-operative service. It means ultimately a change in our instincts and habits and desires. In short, it means a new civilisation, radically different from the present capitalist order. Some glimpse we can have of this new civilisation in the territories of the USSR. Much has happened there which has pained me greatly and with which I disagree, but I look upon that great and fascinating unfolding of anew order and a new civilisation as the most promising feature of our dismal age. If the future is full of hope it is largely because of Soviet Russia and what it has done, and I am convinced that, if some world catastrophe does not intervene, this new civilisation will spread to other lands and put an end to the wars and conflicts on which capitalism feeds’.[23]
Equally as certain and deep as his admiration for the liberal values of the West was Nehru’s evident misunderstanding of the causes and consequences of Stalin’s Russia. The political and economic history of India in the past 30 years cannot be understood without regard to her most powerful leader’s ambivalence about the nature of the political and economic good.
By the mid-1950s, many of India’s other prominent statesmen had died or retired from public life, and there was hardly a public figure of’ stature left (with the exception of Rajagopalachari) to challenge Nehru’s socialist vision of the country’s future. Moreover, men who were ostensibly `expert economists’, but whose writings revealed no knowledge of prices or markets or the concept of feasibility, were encouraged to endorse and embellish this vision, which they did without hesitation in the secure knowledge that they were shielded from critics by the intellectual patronage of a charismatic and elected leader.[24]
The choice between alternative models of mass economic prosperity must have seemed quite clear at the time. The cold fact did not, however, vanish that one of the oldest objective lessons of political economy has been that more government is not necessarily better government. It is to the consequences of ignoring this lesson that we now turn.

Part III: Practice
ECONOMIC POLICIES IN INDEPENDENT INDIA

INDIA TODAY is a bizarre maze of distorted incentives, which I (and no doubt others) have found very difficult to untangle and understand. I shall, however, list and discuss the most significant of them as methodically as I can.

(i) Industry
The Indian Government has declared a large `public sector’ in commerce and industry to be a national objective. Towards this end, it has therefore progressively acquired numerous enterprises, large and small, so that it now has either a full monopoly in an industry or is one of a few oligopolists. These industries range from banking, insurance, railways, airlines, cement, steel, chemicals, fertilisers and ship-building to making beer, soft drinks, telephones and wrist-watches. There are no explicit penalties for indefinite loss-making; indeed, bankrupt private enterprises have often been nationalised to serve politicians’ ends. And, certainly, there has been no general rule of marginal-cost pricing. In public utilities, like electricity generation and distribution or city buses and trams, prices appear to be well below marginal cost, leading to severe rationing and queueing. Sudden stoppages of electricity for hours at a time and monumental congestion on buses and trams have become endemic facts of life for millions of urban Indians.
At the same time, private industry in India has been made to face labyrinthine controls. The government has continually exhorted private firms to work in the `national interest’ – which means accepting the constraints of centralised planning. It has left no doubt that, while there is a `role’ for the min the growth of the economy, they exist at the sufferance of government and had better realise it, otherwise the dark forces of revolution which have so far been kept at bay will inevitably sweep them away altogether, as happened in Russia and China.
The constraints imposed on the operation of a private business are legion, and would make a businessman from the West or Far East reach for a psychiatrist or a pistol. An entrepreneur may not enter numerous industries without government approval of the `technical’ viability of his project; once it is approved, he cannot find credit except from a government bank; and he cannot buy raw materials and machinery of the highest quality at the lowest price since, if they are produced in India, he will be denied a licence to import better and/or cheaper foreign substitutes. The onus is on him to satisfy the government that no production occurs within India of the input he requires; only then will an import licence conceivably be granted, subject to periodic review by the government. He may be compelled to export a specified proportion of his output as a condition for the renewal of his import licence, which therefore places him at a disadvantage with foreign buyers who, of course, are aware of this restraint. He may be unable to compete internationally because the rupee is priced above its likely equilibrium and some of the inputs he uses are high-cost, low-quality domestic substitutes. As a result, he may be compelled practically to dump his output abroad at whatever price it will fetch.

The entrepreneur’s factory may be subject to random cuts in electricity for hours at a time. He may require government approval before he can increase his fixed capacity, modernise his plant, change a product-line, or even change the number of labour shifts. He may face minimum-wage and stringent unfair dismissal laws on the one hand, and price controls on the other. If he fails to meet credit obligations to the nationalised banks, he may be penalised by the appointment of one or more government directors to his board – a form of `creeping’ nationalisation. Further, he may be subjected to a constant threat of full nationalisation as and when the government decides that his industry should be in the public sector in the interests of national planning.[25]

The consequence of all these controls has been a monumental distortion of incentives away from encouraging private firms to try to attract customers by improving technology and quality or reducing prices towards encouraging them to concentrate on `rent-seeking’, in the term made familiar by Professors Gordon Tullock and James Buchanan.[26]

As Anne Krueger says in her excellent study of the automobile ancillary industry, the very notion of entrepreneurial efficiency changes in such circumstances: `Under conditions in India, the most important problem confronting entrepreneurs is that of assuring that production will continue. The combined effects of import licensing and investment licensing give virtually every firm a monopoly or quasi-monopoly position. The entrepreneur who is most successful in getting licences of greater value and/or in getting licences more quickly than his fellow producers will have higher profits. `The producer who does not compete successfully for licences cannot produce at all, no matter how skilled he is in achieving engineering efficiency, unless he enters the “open market” and pays a premium to the successful licence applicant for some materials . . . Successful entrepreneurs are therefore those who are best at obtaining the greatest number of licences most expeditiously . . .’ [27]

Moreover, firms which are low-cost and efficient (in the free market sense) and which are successful at rent-seeking as high-cost, inefficient firms may still not be able to compete the latter out of business because government will not usually allow a particular firm to expand – regardless of its efficiency – if there is excess capacity in the industry of which it is a part. High-cost firms can thereby rationally count on staying in business simply by maintaining significant excess capacity.

(ii) Foreign trade
The Government of India has always claimed that foreign exchange is a `scarce’ resource which must be rationed by fiat in the national interest. The total foreign-exchange revenue (at an exchange rate which was fixed until 1971 and has since been on a managed `peg’) has been allocated in the following order of priorities: first, to meet foreign debt repayments and government expenditures in the conduct of foreign policy, such as the maintenance of embassies (G1); secondly, to pay for imports of defence equipment, food, fertilisers and petroleum (G2); thirdly, to meet ear-marked payments for the imported inputs of public sector industries so that they may achieve projected production targets (G3); fourthly, to pay for the imported inputs of private sector firms which are
successful in obtaining import licences (P1); and, lastly, to satisfy the demands of the public at large for purposes such as travel abroad (P2).
Foreign exchange is `scarce’ in India, or elsewhere, in precisely the same sense that rice or petrol or cloth is scarce. Just as there exists some positive price for rice, petrol or cloth which, at any moment, will match total supplies with total demands, so there exists some positive price for rupees relative to dollars which, at any moment, will match the transaction and asset demands of Indians for dollars with the transaction and asset demands of foreigners for rupees. Underlying that market-clearing price would be (a) the demands of Indians for foreign goods whose f.o.b. prices were lower than those of domestic substitutes, and, similarly, the demands of foreigners for goods in which India has had a comparative advantage; and (b) the expectations of Indians and foreigners about the future purchasing power of the rupee relative to the dollar, using as a proxy, say, the difference between interest rates in India and abroad.

A free market in foreign exchange would first have encouraged India’s traditional exports, like jute manufactures and textiles, and then (if the positive theory of international trade is broadly correct)progressively encouraged the export of other non traditional goods which used India’s relatively inexpensive labour relatively intensively and thereby enabled Indian entrepreneurs to compete successfully in foreign markets. At the same time, capital flows into and out of India would have given the monetary authorities an incentive to keep domestic interest rates in line with the real opportunity cost of forgoing consumption in favour of savings.

Thus, the case against a free market in foreign exchange has always been, to say the least, far from obvious.[28] But even if, for the sake of argument, we accept the presumed superiority of rationing, the elementary theory of optimisation which underlies the so-called theory of `planning’ dictates that the government should allocate dollars between alternative uses such that the marginal dollar yields the same increase in social utility in any use. The Indian Government, however, appears to have allocated foreign exchange simply on the basis of giving a higher priority to its own foreign expenditures (categories Gl, G2 and G3) than to private foreign expenditures (categories Pl and P2). That is to say, regardless of how much social utility might have been derived from a particular increase in private-sector imports, it would not be considered until after the government had met all its own expenditures abroad.[29]
Jagdish Bhagwati and T. N. Srinivasan put it as follows : `The allocation of foreign exchange among alternative claimants and users in a direct control system . . .would presumably be with reference to a well-defined set of principles and criteria based on a system of priorities. In point of fact, however, there seem to have been few such criteria, if any, followed in practice.’[30]
With respect to imported inputs for private- and public-sector industries, a rule of `essentiality’ (that is, the input must be technically `essential’ to the production process) and a rule of `indigenous availability’(that is, there must be absolutely no domestically-produced physical substitutes, regardless of cost and quality)seem to have been followed. But, as Bhagwati and Srinivasan report, `. . . the sheer weight of numbers made any meaningful listing of priorities extremely difficult. The problem was Orwellian: all industries had priority and how was each sponsoring authority to argue that some industries had more priority than others? It is not surprising, therefore, that the agencies involved in determining allocations by industry fell back on vague notions of “fairness”, implying pro rata allocations with reference to capacity installed or employment, or shares defined by past import allocations or similar rules of thumb’. [31]

Clearly, in abjuring the free market and claiming a monopoly over foreign-exchange transactions, government planners have accepted certain premises as unquestionable: (a) that government sponsored industrialisation is the best means to mass prosperity; (b) that a policy of indefinite import-substitution is the best means to industrialisation; and (c) that such a policy requires all foreign expenditures by government to take precedence over all private foreign expenditures. The trade and foreign-exchange policies pursued cannot be understood except by reference to domestic economic policies and, in particular, to the view held about the proper functions of government in and out of the market-place.

In addition to a plethora of controls, tariffs and outright bans on imports, there have been erratic policies, subsidising the export of `new’, non-traditional manufactures like engineering goods, and taxing- and even banning – the export of goods in which India has traditionally enjoyed a comparative advantage.[32]

Moreover, the rupee has been continuously over-valued. From 1949 to 1959, the official exchange rate of Rs. 4.76 to the US dollar was, on average, 12..3 percent above the black-market rate, a figure which rose to 61 per cent between 1960 and 1965. From 1966 to 1970, the devalued official rate of Rs. 7.50 to the dollar was above the black-market rate by an average of 47.6 per cent, while from 1971 onwards the managed-peg rate has been above the black-market rate by an average of 24.3 per cent.[33]

Simple economics suggests that a free-market equilibrium rate would be somewhere between the black-market and official rates. An official exchange rate for the rupee fixed above that warranted by underlying relative demands for Indian and foreign goods, as well as by relative degrees of confidence in the rupee and the dollar, subsidises imports at the expense of exports. By discriminating in favour of its own foreign expenditures and against those of the private sector, the government has been the principal beneficiary of an over-valued rupee. If capital-intensive goods are the main imports and labour-intensive ones the main exports, an over-valued rupee further distorts incentives so as to favour the use of capital-intensive production processes over labour intensive ones – in a country with a demonstrable abundance of relatively inexpensive labour!
With an eye to India, Krueger has argued the general issue in these terms:`Subsidies can make any industry an export industry, even one that would not produce at all in an efficient allocation. Similarly, taxes can be levied on an industry that has comparative advantage which will penalize it enough to render domestic production entirely unprofitable. When taxes and subsidies are used, therefore, it is possible not only to distort the structure of production, but to distort it so much that the “wrong” commodities are exported.”[34]

The Indian Government’s planners have had the idea of forcibly effecting a reversal in the comparative advantage of the country, as if by magic overnight. The hope might have been that a forced pace of industrialisation would somehow allow economies of scale to be reaped and thus soon make Indian industrial goods competitive enough in international markets to be the country’s principal source of foreign exchange, displacing traditional manufactures like jute and textiles. In practice, however, as the evidence given by Bela Balassa
and other economists demonstrates, such a policy has not succeeded to date and is most unlikely ever to do so.
India’s import bill has risen continuously, most drastically after the 1973-74 quadrupling of petroleum prices; non-traditional manufactures have hardly been able to compete successfully in foreign markets; and the traditional exports of jute and textiles have suffered very severe setbacks. Balassa contrasts the consequences of the freer, outward-looking trade policies of South Korea, Singapore and Taiwan with those of the inward-looking, controlled regime of India as part of a study of 11 countries(including Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, Mexico, Chile, Israel and Yugoslavia) which, along with Hong Kong, account for most of the manufactured exports of developing countries. India’s share of the total manufactured exports of these countries has fallen steadily from 65.4 per cent in 1953 to 50.7 per cent in1960, to 31.2 per
cent in 1966 and to a mere 10.3 per cent in 1973. The proportion exported of India’s total manufactured output fell from 9.7 per cent in 1960 to 9.4 per cent in 1966 and to 8.6 per cent in1973. In contrast, during the same two periods, the proportion of manufactured output exported rose from1 to 14 to 41 per cent in South Korea, from 11 to 20 to 43 per cent in Singapore, and from 9 to 19 to 50 per cent in Taiwan.[35]
Balassa cogently argues that the adverse effects of a sudden change in external factors, such as the quadrupling of petroleum prices in 1973-74 or the 1974-75 Western recession, were absorbed much more easily by developing countries with large foreign-trade sectors than by those like India with relatively small ones: `Outward orientation is associated with high export and import shares that permit reduction in non-essential imports without serious adverse effects on the functioning of the economy. By contrast, continued inward orientation involves limiting imports to an unavoidable minimum, so that any further reduction will impose a considerable cost in terms of growth. Furthermore, the greater flexibility of the national economies of countries pursuing an outward-oriented strategy, under which firms learn to live with foreign competition, makes it possible to change the product composition of exports in response to changes in world market conditions, whereas inward orientation entails establishing a more rigid economic structure.’[36]
In other words, if imports are both high in total value and diverse in composition, a rise in the relative price of a particular import for which home demand is relatively inelastic (like petroleum and its products) can be accommodated by a substitution of expenditure towards it and away from inessential imports for which demand is relatively elastic. A similar argument had typically been advanced by advocates of import-substitution when they maintained that the exports of a small country should be diverse and not concentrated on only a few goods since a decline in world prices would otherwise lead to serious falls in export revenues. This suggests that both critics and advocates of import substitution might agree that, for a country which is a price-taker in world markets, the encouragement of a large foreign-trade sector is a way of diversifying the risk of adverse effects from changes in world prices. The question remains as to whether the positive theory of trade is correct in saying that the encouragement of comparative advantage is superior to import-substitution as a means of achieving a large foreign sector. From the contrasting experiences of, say, South Korea on the one hand and India on the other, the answer seems overwhelmingly to be that it is.

(iii) Agriculture
The Indian Government has instituted a multiple-pricing system for the major food-grains, especially rice and wheat. Farmers are compelled to sell a specified fraction of their output to the government, at a price fixed by the government which is significantly lower than that warranted by underlying supply and demand conditions. Farmers may sell the remainder of their output freely. The quantities the government acquires in this way, plus any it imports (imports being subsidised by the over-valuation of the exchange rate), are sold by ration at lower than free-market prices in the so-called `fair-price’ shops – which happen to be mainly in urban areas. Urban consumers may purchase part of their requirements from such shops and the remainder on the open market at higher prices. Astute middle-class urban housewives know that rationed grain is often of poorer quality than that sold on the open market. Accordingly, the former often constitutes part of the wages of the domestic servants of the urban household, while the family consumes the latter. Insofar as this is true, it suggests that farmers distinguish quality much better than do government officials, and that they use this advantage somewhat to partition their output into low- and high-quality, selling the first under compulsion to the government and the second on the open market.
While such is the general food policy of India, the compulsory procurement of grains and their distribution to the ration-shops is implemented by individual State governments and not by the Union Government. There have usually been numerous restrictions on inter-State movements of grain, so the States do not form a full customs union; instead, the Union Government tries to be a central clearing-house, matching the desired imports of one State with the desired exports of another.[37]

Economic effects of ban on futures contracts
Furthermore, futures contracts in grains have been banned by law, in the belief that futures trading is conducive to speculation and that speculation is undesirable. A futures contract in grain consists simply of a promise by a seller to deliver an amount of grain to a buyer at some specified date in the future in return for payment at a price agreed today. The seller’s incentive to enter into the contract is the guarantee of a certain sale, and the availability of funds now; the buyer’s incentive is the guarantee of a certain price for future deliveries. The contract may be entered into because buyer and seller have different expectations about what the spot price will be in the future. The buyer minimises his expected costs and the seller maximises his expected revenues; both are able to balance their budgets inter-temporally. Even if they have the same expectations about future spot prices, buyer and seller may still find it mutually profitable to enter into a futures contract as a way of insuring against risk. Forbidding such contracts by decree thus forces more risk onto both buyer and seller than they would normally be prepared to carry, and also induces them to balance their accounts in each period rather than it inter-temporally. Alternative kinds of credit markets become it relatively more lucrative, with the potential seller and buyer of futures wheat respectively borrowing and lending more than they would otherwise have done.[38]
The government has also expressed its determination to keep prices in ration-shops low. It has accordingly stockpiled large inventories of grain, apparently regardless of the costs of storage and spoilage or the alternative of holding larger foreign-exchange reserves to permit increased imports when necessary.

The ostensible, declared objective of all such policies has been to ensure that the poor do not suffer severe adverse income effects from sudden rises in the price of food resulting (it has been thought) from the contingencies of rainfall and the actions of speculative traders. It is, however, an open secret that the policies have really been a means of (a) taxing farmers, who pay a smaller percentage of their income in direct and indirect taxes than do urban dwellers, and (b) subsidising urban consumers, who broadly comprise the industrial working class and the middle in classes.
At the same time, however, the government and its advisers — after the considerable hesitation recorded by David Hopper [39]- have also accepted that the best long-run prospects for increasing agricultural productivity lie in modernising traditional farming techniques. Given the outstanding results of the Green Revolution in wheat, they could hardly have arrived at any other conclusion. The problem from the government’s point of view has been, as a sympathetic economist puts it “…how to procure a sufficient quantity of food grains at reasonable prices without jeopardising the farmers’ incentives to produce more”.[40]

Thus, while taxing farmers de facto on their output, on the one hand, the government has tried, on the other, to promote the use of modern inputs by subsidizing them both directly and through low-interest loans from the banks for such investment.
Distortions of incentives in agriculture
The distortions of efficient incentives caused by such policies are not difficult to see. First, the low output prices of wheat and rice have, in effect, been discriminatory taxes on wheat. As Edward Schuh remarks, these discourage the production of `. . . the very crops that policy-makers believe the vulnerable groups should have greater access to . . .’[41]

Vasant Sukhatme and Theodore Schultz have argued that, even between wheat and rice, there has been severe discrimination in favour of the former. At the official over-valued exchange rate, the price of domestic wheat has been significantly higher than imported, while at open-market rates for the rupee, the domestic price approximated the import price. For rice, however, the domestic price has been consistently below the import price. Sukhatme estimated that the dead weight loss in welfare from the under pricing of rice amounted to 8.5 per cent of total agricultural income in 1967-68 and to 2.2 per cent in 1970-71. He also calculated effective rates of protection, which were strongly negative for rice whether at official or open-market exchange rates and positive for wheat at the official exchange rate. Both he and Schultz conclude that the discrimination against rice has been a major factor in explaining the absence of a Green Revolution in rice on the scale of that in wheat.[42]
Secondly, the main beneficiaries of government subsidies for modern inputs have evidently been not the many small farmers but the fewer relatively large ones. As Gilbert Brown reports :`Large-scale farmers buy most subsidised inputs. Poorer farmers usually lack the money to buy adequate amounts of fertiliser and pesticides, and are commonly unable to get credit except at near-prohibitive rates of often 60% to 100% per year. Even in countries with subsidised bank credit for agriculture, rich farmers get most of the credit because of legal or administrative restrictions and/ or through open or disguised bribery. Credit and subsidy programmes for tractors, tube wells and other fixed investments also go mostly to the largest and richest farmers . . .Water is also a subsidised input . . . The farmers who receive this subsidised water generally have substantially higher incomes (because of the water) than farmers without access to public irrigation. Thus, claims that water should be subsidised to help small farmers misses the point that most farmers with irrigation have higher incomes than those who do not.’[43]
Brown argues that subsidies for inputs have been made necessary only to offset the forced depression of output prices. Moreover, the social benefit from subsidising inputs is limited to when the input is first introduced: ‘Once the benefits and technique of using the input are widely known, however, the continuation of such subsidies serves largely to increase the benefit-cost ratio of using the input . . .’.
Whether it is better to continue with artificially low input and output prices or to adjust towards a free market in both must take into account that the subsidies have encouraged more capital-intensity in production, and also that the `. . . low prices of certain inputs, particularly water, are often associated with widespread waste and inefficient use of the resource’.[44]
Thirdly, the farmer who is too small to find investment in storage facilities profitable may also consider it not worth his while to hold any of his output for sale on the open market. He will then sell it all to the government – at a below-market price.
A general conclusion would seem to be that, if the combined effect of input subsidies and forced grain sales to government has been a net subsidy to agriculture, then it has been a progressive subsidy; whereas if the combined effect has been a net tax on agriculture, then it has been a regressive tax. The Marxists may be quite right to protest that what gains there have been in agriculture have accrued to the relatively larger farmers, while smaller peasants and farmers are becoming landless labourers in growing numbers as a result of bankruptcy (that is, there has been increasing `rural proletarianisation’, to use the Marxists’ picturesque phrase). But if this is true, the cause can be traced unambiguously to the Indian Government’s belief – vociferously shared by the Marxists – that the way towards the declared objective of helping the poor is by extensive interference in the price system. Besides, the industrial working class demonstrably benefits from low food prices, so the honest Marxist must face up to being torn by divided loyalties between the rural and the urban proletariats.

Srinivasan put it as follows in a 1974 survey article :`The public distribution system with respect to foodgrains . . . operated to the benefit of all those living in metropolitan cities and other large urban concentrations while all others, including rich and poor in relatively small urban and almost all rural areas, did not benefit at all. When one recalls that the rural population includes the most abject among the poor, namely landless workers, the inequity of the system becomes glaring. And in urban areas, the existence of the system and the fact that the ration is often inadequate provides incentives for a household to falsify the data on its size and age composition given to the rationing authorities, as well as to create bogus or ghost ration-cards, not to speak of the corruption of the personnel manning the rationing administration.’[45]

The history of the extensive control of agriculture – which has included a partial government monopsony, forcibly-depressed output prices, inter-State restrictions on grain movements, and urban ration-shops – can be traced to the last years of British rule, as an attempt to bolster the popularity of the imperial regime. [46] The continuation and reinforcement of statism in agriculture in independent India has evidently rested on certain premises, namely, that the private market would be grossly inefficient and would be dominated by a few traders continually reaping large speculative profits, with both the small farmer and the ordinary consumer suffering in consequence.

Uma Lele’s fine study of the private grain trade, however, shows the real picture to be quite different. She found that the trade was highly competitive, that individual traders were rational agents (given the constraints of technology and government policy), that location price differences closely reflected transport costs, and that temporal price differences closely reflected storage costs. She argued that, while there was considerable scope for government activity, it should be in the form, not of interfering in the competitive market, but rather of encouraging the market to work – by, for example, disseminating relevant information such as crop forecasts, standardising weights and measures, constructing or improving roads and encouraging efficiency in the market for the transport of grain, etc.[47]

The evident neglect of such findings as these, and the continued application of policies inimical to competition and the free market, suggest that successive governments of independent India have been hardly more concerned for the rural poor – whether as farmer or consumer – and hardly less concerned with bolstering their popularity in the urban areas than were the British.

(iv) Employment
An obvious consequence of the economic policies described above has been the distortion of the individual citizen’s calculation of the expected benefits and costs of living and working in urban areas compared with the rural countryside. The forced depression of output prices in agriculture and the plethora of foreign-trade policies which discriminate against agriculture certainly seem to have artificially depressed the expected incomes of farmers. At the same time, a large `public sector’ in industry, plus the array of foreign-trade policies which have protected private industry, plus the indirect subsidisation of food sold in urban ration-shops certainly seem to have artificially raised expected urban incomes. Predictably, the reaction has been a vast and continuing net migration from the villages to the towns and cities, even after adjusting for the seasonal nature of agriculture. This drift has been the subject of much inquiry and discussion by development economists.[48] I propose to set it aside and examine instead a different aspect of employment policy which has not received nearly as much attention, namely, the consequences of putting into effect the clauses in the 1950 Indian Constitution mentioned above which authorised discrimination in employment and public education in favour of the `Scheduled’ castes and tribes, as well as other policies which discriminate on grounds of ethnic origin.

The consequences have been similar in several respects to those in America of `affirmative action’ towards so-called `racial minorities’, and it will be useful to draw out the analogy a little. As Thomas Sowell has cogently argued in recent years, the racial composition of contemporary American society is a complex mosaic, and no-one can say with certainty how it has come to be what it is today. In such circumstances, for the government to try to isolate a single contingent characteristic like `race’, partition society on the basis of census data according to this characteristic, and then construct public policies accordingly, is to introduce an enormous arbitrariness into economic life. By merely defining a group by reference to a single contingent characteristic, which all its members seem to possess, the intrinsic complexity of the individual person is lost or overlooked. Two members of the same race may be very different from each other in every relevant characteristic (income, education, political preference, and so on), and indeed resemble members of other races more closely in them. A policy which introduces a citizen’s race as a relevant factor in the assignment of jobs or college places partitions the citizenry into vague groups : members of groups who are very different from members of other groups in characteristics other than race rarely competing with each other anyway, while the burden and beneficence of the state’s policies fall on members of groups who are not very different from members of other groups in characteristics other than race: `. . . costs are borne disproportionately by those members of the general population who meet those standards with the least margin and are therefore most likely to be the ones displaced to make room for minority applicants. Those who meet the standards by the widest margin are not directly affected – that is, pay no costs. They are hired, admitted or promoted as if blacks did not exist. People from families with the most general ability to pay also have the most ability to pay for the kind of education and training that makes such performance possible. The costs of special standards are paid by those who do not. Among the black population, those most likely to benefit from the lower standards are those closest to meeting the normal standards. It is essentially an implicit transfer of wealth among people least different in non-racial characteristics. For the white population it is a regressively graduated tax in kind, imposed on those who are rising but not on those already on top.’[49]
At the same time, there is, in effect, a progressively graduated subsidy for members of the `minority’ group in favour of those who are already closest to meeting the general standards. Those in the mainstream of each group are largely unaffected; it is at the margins of competition that the bitterness caused by such policies will be felt and will manifest itself. It would seem that the situation in India – where the racial mosaic is if anything more complex than in America – is somewhat analogous. In recent years there has been civil tension and violence in the streets as poor Muslims, `caste’ Hindus, Sikhs and others have protested at being edged out of jobs and promotions by equally poor, or wealthier, members of the `Scheduled Castes’. In March-April 1981, for instance, there was widespread civil tension and violence in Gujarat over the reservation of places in the State’s medical colleges. A quarter of these places were statutorily reserved for members of the `Scheduled Castes’, with any not taken up by qualified candidates from these groups accruing to them in the future, thereby rapidly excluding from general competition as many as half the total number of places.[50]

The cruel paradox is that, while the position of many members (perhaps the vast majority) of the `Scheduled Castes’ vis-à-vis `caste’ Hindus remains one of degradation and persecution – quite regardless of the constitutional guarantees of equality in the eyes of the law – the relatively few who have succeeded in taking advantage of the discriminatory statutes have aroused the indignation of those who have not -causing even more animosity towards the `Scheduled Castes’ in general. One commentator observes the emergence of a `new elite’ among the `Scheduled Castes’ which `ceases to identify with its caste brethren’; while, at the same time, the law on equality `is so widely flouted precisely because the Scheduled Castes have not the means or courage to seek its protection . . .’ He concludes :`Contrived gestures such as are now popular will either not benefit [the Scheduled Castes] . . . or will do so only by further lowering already deplorable academic and administrative standards’. [51]
Moreover, when all government posts are advertised with a caveat that 10 or 15 per cent of themare reserved for members of the `Scheduled Castes’ and `Scheduled Tribes’, there is a considerable incentive for people to persuade Parliament to declare them as being such. And that also has happened. Discrimination in employment on the ground of caste has not been the only kind of discrimination practised by the Indian state. In what may be the most thorough study currently available on the origins, consequences and legal history of official discrimination in India, Weiner, Katzenstein and Rao have described the plethora of policies pursued by the central and state governments which have used not caste but ethnic origin as a criterion for public employment (with the private sector also often being `encouraged’ to follow suit) :`Preferences are given to those who belong to the “local” community, with “local” understood as referring to the numerically dominant linguistic group in the locality.’ [52] The authors conclude that what is emerging in India is`. . . a government-regulated labour market in which various ethnic groups are given a reserved share of that market. Competition for employment is thus not among all Indians, but within specified linguistic, caste, and tribal groups.`. . . various ethnic groups, therefore, fight politically for a share of that labour market. The major political struggles are often over who should get reservations, how the boundaries of the ethnic groups should be defined, and how large their share should be. There are also political struggles over whether there should be reservations in both education and employment, in private as well as in public employment, and in promotions as well as hiring. The preferential policies themselves have thus stimulated various ethnic groups to assert their “rights” to reservations.’[53]

It is not difficult to understand the general economic argument against discrimination on grounds such as caste or ethnic origin. If a private employer indulges a personal preference to hire only people of an kind A when there are more able or better qualified candidates of other ethnic kinds B, C, D, . . . ,available, and if the product of his firm is subject to competition in the market from other enterprises which do not discriminate on criteria which are irrelevant to economic efficiency, we may confidently expect the discriminating employer’s product to become uncompetitive and his profits to fall. The best and most obvious example of this would be in the professional sports industry in the USA : a `whites-only’ basketball or football team would be immediately vanquished on the games-field into bankruptcy. If government pursues employment policies which discriminate according to economically irrational criteria such as caste or ethnic origin, or if it forces all private firms to do likewise, there will certainly be inefficiency resulting in a loss of real aggregate output in the economy. In the terms of modern economics, a vector of total outputs which would be feasible given the parameters of the economy, and which would leave everyone either better off or at least no worse off, would not be achieved. In sum, the consequence of direct and widespread government interference in the labour market in India appears to have been, not only a disregard for the principle of equality before the law for every citizen (in a nascent republic of immensely diverse peoples), but also a loss of real output and an enormous `politicisation’ of economic life whereby individual success becomes increasingly tied to political power and increasingly removed from personal merit, enterprise and effort. In addition, the composition of occupations in the economy has been indirectly distorted by the set of industrial, agricultural and foreign-trade policies pursued by successive governments.

6. THE MALFUNCTIONING OF GOVERNMENT

IT MIGHT be thought that a large and flabby `public sector’ in industry and commerce, labyrinthine controls on private industry, a government monopoly of foreign-exchange dealings, the overvaluation of the currency, indefinite import-substitution, forcibly depressed output and input prices in agriculture, enormous politicization of the labour market, disregard for equality before the law, and distortion of the composition of occupations would constitute a sufficient catalogue of symptoms of grave illness in the political economy of a nation. Sadly, however, there are in modern India other symptoms too which I can mention only briefly here.
An opinion frequently encountered among urban Indians (as well as among the majority of Western development economists) is that government control over the size of the population is a necessary condition for economic development, and indeed that it is the failure of government to do this that has dissipated the economic growth that would otherwise have resulted from the economic policies pursued. The urban Indian witnesses the hovels and shanty-towns inhabited by migrant families from the countryside attracted by the policies discussed previously, and he experiences the resulting congestion. So does the Western development economist when he ventures out of his hotel into the city streets. Very often, that is his only personal experience of the legendary `poor masses’ of India. It is understandable that such princely discomfiture should lead him to the opinion that the poor are mindless in their breeding habits and that they must be persuaded, bullied or compelled to change. If this opinion were true, it would seem to point to a neat and simple solution to many of the woes of poor countries, and India in particular. But if the opinion is false and yet widely believed, it would cause governments to be, as it were, barking up the wrong tree.
It is, however, far from established, and certainly not at all obvious, that demographic control is either necessary or desirable in India or elsewhere. In the first place, when the rate of infant mortality is known and experienced by rural people to be high, there will be mare births than there would have been otherwise. Secondly, it is perfectly clear that children are an investment good in traditional societies such as those of rural India. Even young children are a source of family income, either directly by working outside the home or indirectly by working at domestic chores and thereby releasing adult members of the family for outside work. For a child to be absent from primary school or to drop out within a few years is not necessarily truancy; it may be the outcome of a rational economic calculation about where his time may be better spent towards increasing the household’s income. Furthermore, in traditional societies adult children are the principal source of support for elderly and retired parents.
To know of the existence of artificial measures of contraception certainly enlarges the alternatives open to a couple. Assuming that such knowledge is not in itself a cause of unhappiness (as it can be if there are conflicting religious commitments), a couple may certainly be better off with that knowledge because of their ability to control the number and timing of their children. The couple might also have fewer children – though there is no necessary or causal connection between a knowledge of contraception and the number of children born to a couple. Rational calculation may produce the same number of children as the caprice of nature, the implication being that in general there is no causal connection between the availability of contraceptives and the rate of growth of the population. The value of a public policy which encourages the use of artificial contraception is not so much that it reduces the number of births as that it may allow couples more control over their own lives. Whether or not artificial contraception should be publicly subsidised is quite another question.
The Indian Government has expended considerable resources in propagating and subsidizing artificial birth control. The results appear to have been, at best, indifferent (coupled as birth control has been with indirect incentives for large families and, at worst, cruel – as when frenetic zeal spilled over into demands for, and the implementation of, compulsory sterilisation. For this author, however, the important consideration would seem to be not so much the exact costs and benefits of the demographic policies pursued as the critical acknowledgement that they have little or nothing to do with the fundamental causes of mass economic development.[54]
It remains a stark paradox that, with a general literacy rate of perhaps 30 per cent [NB: In 2007, this has grown to 73% for males and 48% for females] India still produces the third largest absolute number of science and engineering graduates in the world. This reflects the lopsidedness of the educational system, continued from British times, in which higher education is enormously subsidised relative to primary education. In addition, entry into the civil services requires a college or university education, which in turn requires a good private secondary school education, which in turn requires a good preparatory school education. Strenuously competing to enter prep. school, with the help of outside tutoring, is the unhappy fate of many a five- or six-year-old in the towns and cities, followed by strenuous competition in secondary school, college and university, and finally at the doorstep of government (or a foreign university).
A job in government – any job in government – has carried prestige since Mughal times. In addition to the prestige and the obvious benefits of tenure where ether `decent’ jobs are scarce, there has been in recent times the inner satisfaction from a belief that a person can truly do his best for his country only by being in government. Tens of thousands of youths spend significant personal resources (such as whole years in cramming schools) to compete for a few annual openings in government. It is only to be expected that the competent, ambitious, patriotic youth who succeeds will mature into a respected mandarin with an unshakeable conviction in the good his government has done for the masses, and in the further good yet in prospect.
Failure to anticipate monsoon damage and disarray of the judicial system
The most serious examples of the malfunctioning of civil government in India are probably the failure to take feasible public precautions against the monsoons and the disarray of the judicial system. Official estimates, for instance, of the damage caused by flooding to homes, crops and public utilities in a few weeks of July-August 1981 alone amounted to over Rs 1 billion, with 10.8 million people `affected’, 35,000 head of cattle lost, and 195,000 homes damaged. The full magnitude of the devastation which annually visits vast areas can be understood perhaps only by those in rural India, although the towns and cities also regularly suffer considerable chaos. [55] [NB 2007: Monsoon prediction appears far better today than it was when these words were written.]
As for the disarray of the judicial system, The Statesman lamented in July 1980:`The simplest matter takes an inordinate amount of time, remedies seldom being available to those without means or influence. Of the more than 16,000 cases pending in the Supreme Court, about 5,000 were introduced more than five years ago; while nearly 16,000 of the backlog of more than 600,000 cases in our high courts have been hanging fire for over a decade. Allahabad is the worst offender but there are about 75,000 uncleared cases in the Calcutta High Court in addition to well over a million in West Bengal’s lower courts.”[56] Such a state of affairs has been caused not only by lazy and corrupt policemen, court clerks and lawyers, but also by the paucity of judges and magistrates. In addition, however,`. . . a vast volume of laws provokes endless litigation as much because of poor drafting which leads to disputes over interpretation as because they appear to violate particular rights and privileges. Land legislation offers an example of radical zeal running away with legal good sense, giving rise to thousands of suits against the Government . . .’ [57] When governments determinedly do what they need not or should not do, it may be expected that they will fail to do what civil government positively should be doing. In a sentence, that has been the tragedy of modern India.

Part IV : Reform
A LIBERAL AGENDA

IT WILL by now have become evident to the reader from the descriptions and arguments given above that, in the judgement of the present author, only a set of radical changes in policy can put the Indian economy on a path to higher mass prosperity within a free and healthy body politic. I shall therefore put forward a tentative manifesto for reform, adding some predictions about which classes of citizens would be most likely to support or oppose a particular proposal. The scope and intention of such a manifesto should be made clear at the outset. As Aristotle taught, a set of actions which are the means towards certain ends may themselves be the ends towards which other prior means have to be taken.[58]
The ultimate ends of economic advice in India are to seek to bring about mass prosperity under conditions of individual freedom. The proposals I which follow are to be construed as means towards those ultimate ends. But they also constitute a set of intermediate ends, and their implementation would require further judgement about the best means towards achieving them. In economic policy, for instance, a firm but gradual phasing-in over a period of three or four years may be the best way to minimise the hardships entailed by the adjustment. For reasons which will become clear, however, I shall not here try to answer the question as to how the proposals might best be implemented.

(a) Effects of foreign policy on the domestic economy
It will be useful to begin with a short and very incomplete consideration of foreign policy insofar as it may bear upon domestic economic policies. It is a settled fact of international politics that, while there is no obvious connection between a nation’s economic and political institutions and the choice of strategic allies it faces, people’s subjective perceptions and opinions of the social arrangements in a foreign country can be deeply influenced by whether that country is seen as a potential ally or adversary. A related and equally settled fact is that war, or the fear of war, can make for the most incongruous of bed-fellows. In contemporary India, it is quite evident that the antipathy and pessimism towards market institutions found among the urban public, and the sympathy and optimism to be found for collectivist or statist ones, has been caused to a very significant extent by the perception that the United States is relatively hostile towards India while the Soviet Union is relatively friendly. This was not always so. The official affection between the United States and India in the early years of the Republic was grounded in sincerity and goodwill. The roots of its demise are probably to be found in the split between the Soviet Union and China in the late 1950s which, in a short period of time, made the latter a valuable strategically for the United States against the former. By the early 1970s, the spectre of a joint military threat to India from a totalitarian China and a militarist Pakistan – and especially a threat which it was perceived democratic America would do little or nothing to thwart – made it prudent for democratic India to become the virtual ally of totalitarian Russia.
Such a configuration on the international chess-board need not have been detrimental to India’s economic development. It is possible to imagine a liberal state allied to a totalitarian one for strategic reasons, yet maintaining liberal economic policies domestically and internationally. In practice[58], however, the extent of `economic collaboration’, bilateral trading arrangements, `joint ventures’, barter agreements, `cultural exchanges’, and the like into which the Indian Government has entered with the Soviet bloc, appears significantly to exceed what it has achieved with the Western powers. In particular, Soviet arms have in recent years been purchased more often and then manufactured under licence. This too need not have been economically detrimental if the Soviet products had in practice been competitive on international markets in terms of price and quality. As is common knowledge, however, this is often not so. It therefore appears that part of the price India has had to pay for the strategic support of the Soviet Union has been the foisting on her of low-quality, high-priced Soviet goods, whether arms or steel mills or technical know-how. At the same time, for reasons which are partly historical and partly related to these considerations, direct foreign investment by private Western firms has been treated with, at best, coolness and, at worst, open hostility.

A change in India’s foreign policy
If the economic liberalisation that will be proposed here for India is to be effective, a truly independent yet prudent foreign policy may be required to accompany it. A change in the present strategic configuration – in which the United States is perceived in India to be virtually the ally of both China and Pakistan, while India is perceived in the United States to be virtually the ally of the Soviet Union – is unlikely until and unless the United States finds it in her best interests in the region to distance herself from China and Pakistan, which is unlikely to happen without a rapprochement between the Soviet Union and China. A drastic alternative way for India to reduce her dependence upon the Soviet Union would be the kind of divorce Egypt effected some years ago, followed by an alliance with the Western powers. This might, however, undermine once more the independence of foreign policy and be perceived in India as a move from the devil to the deep sea. The prudent remaining alternative would appear to be an earnest and vigorous pursuit of serious no-war pacts with Pakistan and China, combined with an appropriately small independent nuclear deterrent. It seems to the author that the reasons which commend this course are closely analogous to those offered by the present American and British governments for pursuing serious no-war negotiations with the Soviet bloc whilst simultaneously improving the Western nuclear deterrent.
(b) Liberalisation of foreign trade
Not only would the truly independent foreign policy proposed in the preceding paragraph allow India to distance herself from the Soviet Union; it would probably also prompt the Western powers to end the intergovernmental transfers which go by the name of `foreign aid’. For reasons that Peter Bauer has emphasised over many years, an end to such transfers might be a boon in disguise for India.[59] In particular, it would require the government to seek to balance the foreign-exchange accounts without becoming obligated to the Western powers, and this in turn would require a major economic transformation from a closed and protectionist economy to an open one which harnessed India’s comparative advantages.
An initial liberalisation of foreign trade, involving a transition from quotas to tariffs, would probably be supported by private industry as a whole. It would, however, be opposed by incumbent politicians and government officials since it would dissipate the rents they receive under the closed regime. A subsequent reduction in tariffs, a withdrawal of export subsidies, and the free floating of the rupee would be opposed by those private firms (and their labour unions) which would be uncompetitive internationally – probably those in `non-traditional’ industries. The measures would, however, be supported by ordinary consumers, by private firms in traditional industries like jute manufactures and textiles, and particularly by farmers.
Once private industry became subject to the strict discipline of international competition again, there would be no reason whatsoever for government-imposed internal controls which were not conducive to free and fair competition among firms for the consumer’s rupee. The repeal of the plethora of licensing policies would dissipate the large rents attached to the controls under the present regime. Since these rents are paid by private industry and received, directly or indirectly, by incumbent politicians and government officials, the former could be expected to welcome repeal and the latter to oppose it vigorously.

(c) Privatisation of `public-sector’ industries
At the same time, for the so-called `public-sector’ industries to face international competition, when they are currently monopolists or oligopolists, would demand such an improvement in economic discipline as probably to require the shares of most of them to be sold on the open market, with marginal-cost pricing imposed on the remainder. There is no economic reason why the Government of India shouldbe engaged in commercial or merchant banking and insurance, or in industries from steel, machine-tools, ship-building and fertilisers to wrist-watches, hotels and beer. Nor is there any cogent reason why it should be a major producer, let alone a monopolist, in the road, rail, air and sea transport industries. Large-scale privatisation would be supported by private citizens in general, and would also draw out the reputedly vast private funds which circulate in the untaxable underground economy. But such measures would probably be opposed vigorously by the government officials who currently manage these industries, aswell as by the public-sector labour unions.

(d) Free-market pricing in agriculture
With the repudiation of the mistaken premise that government sponsored industrialisation is the best means to mass economic development, the free-market pricing of agricultural outputs and the removal of all controls that are not conducive to free competition among farmers should follow. This would be welcomed by all farmers and perhaps by the rural population in general. It could also be expected to provide much encouragement to the technological transformation of traditional agriculture. The abolition of ration-shops in urban areas would be opposed by the industrial working class, by the urban middle classes in general, and by government officials and employees engaged in the present regime of public distribution. Further, farmers, especially relatively large ones, might be expected to oppose the concomitant free-market pricing of agricultural inputs, including credit and fertilisers, as would those government employees presently charged with distributing these inputs.
The ending of the distortions in agricultural output and input prices would establish a conclusive case for uniform systems of taxation in the economy, and especially for income from agriculture to be treated on a par with income from other occupations. These systems could locally include direct subsidies to those (whether in rural or urban areas) who are unable to provide any income for themselves, such as the insane and the severely disabled – all of whom are currently cared for, if at all, by private charity, and none of whom, strangely enough, appears to enter the moral calculations of socialist and Marxist economists.

(e) Tax revenues for public goods
The first and most important destination of tax revenues, whether raised centrally, provincially or locally, must be the provision of public goods – central, provincial and local. In an earlier section, we have seen what kinds of goods these should be. Among the most urgent in India are more effective precautions against the monsoons and improvements in the efficiency of the systems of civil and criminal justice. The former might include measures to prevent soil erosion and the building of better dams, embankments, canals and roads. Such programmes would be likely to command practically unanimous support in the localities in which they were implemented.
Reforms of the judicial system might include raising the salaries of judges and policemen, as well as the penalties for their misconduct; improving the training and morale of the police, with the object of increasing public confidence in them (especially in the villages); and expanding the number of courts, at least temporarily until the monumental backlog of cases has been reduced and brought under control. A general reduction in the political and administrative direction of economic life would lead to fewer lawsuits being brought against the government itself, and thus provide further relief for the judiciary. Widespread prison reform may also be required if the reports are true that a large proportion of those held prisoner for a number of years have yet to be brought to trial, and that potential prosecution witnesses, if they are poor and uneducated, are themselves sometimes kept in jail until a case comes to court. Such reforms would command the support of everyone except criminals, capricious litigants and corrupt or incompetent members of the police and judiciary, none of which groups, it must be supposed, comprises apolitical constituency.

Together with improvements in the system of justice, the principle of equality before the law would have to be taken seriously. This would require the dispensation of justice by the state to be, as it were, a process blind to the infinitely diverse caste and ethnic characteristics of the citizenry, which in turn would imply the repeal of all laws – whether central, provincial or local – permitting governmental authorities to discriminate in favour of a particular politically-specified caste or ethnic group. Merely to have written `equality before the law’ into the Constitution without really believing it either possible or desirable is to allow the mutual caste and ethnic bigotry of private citizens to be exploited for political ends. That innumerable members of a caste, or religious or ethnic community have suffered at the hands of another, and that members of the `Scheduled Castes’ in particular have been victims of enormous cruelty, should not prevent acknowledgement of the sober fact that the past is irretrievable, or that it is similar cruelty in the present and future against any citizen at the hands of any other, or the state, that the declaration of Fundamental Rights was intended to prevent.

(f) Other reforms
Other proposals could also be suggested : the introduction of vouchers for primary and secondary education; a serious assessment of the benefits from and costs of subsidies to higher education; an end to the government monopoly of radio and television; a revision of government pay-scales to make them competitive with the private sector, together with equivalent reductions in non pecuniary benefits; a decentralisation of public spending decisions from New Delhi to the State capitals and from there to the districts; and so on. However, it is hardly necessary to go further, since even a limited liberal agenda would appear doomed to be still-born.
Incumbent politicians, government officials, and the public sector unions in general would vigorously oppose any reduction in government intervention in the economy for fear of losing the rents and sinecures of the status quo. Indeed, professional politicians in general could be expected to be averse to any lessening of the politicisation of economic life.
In other countries, a political party proposing such a reduction in government intervention would usually enjoy the backing of private industry. In India, however, private industry in general would probably see it in its own interest to support only the reduction of internal controls, whilst vigorously opposing reductions in the neo-mercantilist external controls. In July 1981, for example, I asked a prominent industrialist to imagine first a free-market regime at home : `That would be very welcome indeed’, he replied enthusiastically. I then asked him to imagine a policy of free trade : `That would wipe us out’, he replied gravely. His answers indicate very well what is perhaps the single most important feature of the equilibrium that has emerged in India: by accepting without significant protest the constraints and costs imposed upon it by the government and its `planners’, the private corporate sector has traded the freedom of enterprise for mercantilist monopoly profits in the home market.
When Indian Marxists rail about collusion between the `national bourgeoisie’ (that is, the governmental class) and the `comprador bourgeoisie’ (that is, the private sector), they make a cogent point as old as Adam Smith’s critique of mercantilism.[60] But, again, they fail to see that the fortunes of the industrial working-class have also risen with those of the private and public industries that have gained from the present regime. Moreover, a large proportion of industrial workers and blue-collar government employees are migrants with families left behind in rural areas; these rural families might also oppose reductions in the transfers currently received by their migrant relatives. Finally, while joining other farmers in welcoming a free market in grain, the politically influential larger farmers could be expected to oppose the direct taxation of agricultural incomes and the elimination of subsidies for inputs.

Who is left who would gain from the kinds of reforms proposed here? Only the ordinary citizen qua consumer, the rural poor and the residuum of severely disabled citizens unable to create any income for themselves. None of these has been or is likely to become an effective political force.

India’s `unhappy equilibrium’
The economy of the first Indian Republic has tended towards a broad and increasingly unhappy equilibrium. Distortions of efficient relative prices and wages lead to both substitution and income effects. Those who lose from one distortion rationally seek another from which they may gain; those who lose from the second seek a third; and so on ad infinitum until a maze of distorted incentives are in place and a60Adam Smith, host of income transfers are in progress – sometimes offsetting losses, sometimes not. Tullock has emphasised that the problem is not only that there are dead-weight losses in welfare, but also that people are led `. . . to employ resources in attempting to obtain or prevent such transfers.’[61] In modern India, the waste of productive resources put to the pursuit of such transfers has been incalculable. The reforms pro-posed here would cut through the maze of distorted incentives and institutions all at once – for which very reason it seems unlikely they can come to be implemented.

The economic significance of a political attitude of individualism is that it clearly recognises the relationship between individual effort and reward, and the relationship between cause and consequence generally. An attitude of statism obscures or obliterates this relationship. In republican India, statism has pervaded all public discourse and prompted most public policy. Successive groups of politicians and government officials seem never to have recognised the fundamental nature of those functions of government which are the indispensable prerequisites of civil peace and mass prosperity. Nor have they understood that it is no part of government’s agenda to be the driving force to mass prosperity, and that this can come (if it will) only from innumerable individual efforts in the pursuit of private rewards. This is not at all to say that those in government have been ill-intentioned. On the contrary, they may have sincerely sought the public good whilst introducing a Leviathan government into the market-place and neglecting the proper duties of government outside it. As Bauer has remarked in a related context :`Their financial benefits may appear to be fortuitous, as if Adam Smith’s invisible hand were to work in reverse, so that those who sought the public good achieve what was no part of their intention, namely personal prosperity.’[62] It is indeed possible that the basic fact of human nature that individual households every where ordinarily know most about, and are only concerned with, their own well-being has never been acknowledged in modern India. The simple secret of a stable and prosperous polity is to create institutions which harness the universal pursuit of individual self interest, and not ones which pretend that men are selfless saints. A polity where this fact is acknowledged would not have to depend for the viability of its institutions on mere exhortation, as the institutions of the Indian Republic seem perpetually fated to do, even while the competitive pursuit of self interest is everywhere manifest.

The logic of economic reasoning and the adducement of economic evidence have in the past had little effect in India because the distribution of gains and losses from the policies pursued has been closely matched by the distribution of effective political power. This distribution seems most likely to continue, and so the prospects of significant and sustained endogenous reform seem, to this author at least, very small. Changes in external constraints seem to be the only likely source of a major disturbance to the equilibrium, and there can be no guarantee that the results will be for the better. This is a sad and troubling conclusion to come to, for a citizen of India or anyone else who has loved the country. It places this author in the paradoxical position of believing his arguments to be broadly correct – while hoping they are not.

ENDNOTES (The original monograph in 1984 had footnotes, which have had to be transformed since pages, in this new HTML age, no longer have to be linear as in a book nor have to be turned in order to be read).

[1] The early studies notably include: B. R. Shenoy, `A note of dissent’, Papers relating to the formulation of the Second Five-Year Plan, Government of India Planning Commission, Delhi, 1955; Indian Planning and Economic Development, Asia Publishing, Bombay, 1963, especially pp. 17-53; P. T. Bauer, Indian Economic Policy and Development, George Allen & Unwin, London, 1961; M. Friedman, unpublished memorandum to the Government of India, November 1955 (referred to in Bauer, op. cit., p. 59 ff.); and, some years later, Sudha Shenoy, India : Progress or Poverty?, Research Monograph 27, Institute of Economic Affairs, London, 1971. Some of the most relevant contemporary studies are: B. Balassa, `Reforming the system of incentives in World Development, 3 (1975), pp. 365-82; `Export incentives and export performance in developing countries: a comparative analysis’, Weltwirtschaftliches Archiv, 114 (1978), pp. 24-61; The process of industrial development and alternative development strategies, Essays in International Finance No. 141, Princeton University, 1980; J. N. Bhagwati & P. Desai, India: Planning for Industrialisation, OECD, Paris : Oxford University Press, 1970; `Socialism and Indian Economic Policy’, World Development, 3 (1975), pp. 213-21; J. N. Bhagwati & T. N. Srinivasan, Foreign-trade Regimes and Economic Development: India, National Bureau of Economic Research, New York, 1975; Anne O. Krueger, `Indian planning experience’, in T. Morgan et al. (eds.), Readings in Economic Development, Wadsworth, California, 1963, pp. 403-20; `The political economy of the rent-American Economic Review, 64 (June 1974); The Benefits and Costs of Import-Substitution in India : a Microeconomic Study, University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, 1975; Growth, distortions and patterns of trade among many countries, Studies in International Finance, Princeton University, 1977; Uma Lele, Food grain marketing in India : private performance and public policy, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, 1971; T. W. Schultz (ed.), Distortions in agricultural incentives, Indiana University Press, Bloomington, 1978; V. Sukhatme, “The utilization of high-yielding rice and wheat varieties in India: an economic assessment”, University of Chicago PhD thesis, 1977.

[2] S. Roy, “On liberty and economic growth: preface to a philosophy for India”, University of Cambridge PhD thesis, 1982a, Chapters I and II; “Knowledge and freedom in economic theory: Parts I and II”, Centre for Study of Public Choice, Virginia Tech, working papers, 1982b. My epistemological arguments have closely followed those of Renford Bambrough, Moral Scepticism and Moral Knowledge, Routledge and Kegan Paul, London, 1979.

[3] Aristotle, Ethica Nicomachea, in Richard McKeon (ed.), The Basic Works of Aristotle, Random House, New York, 1941. We read: `. . . the whole account of matters of conduct must be given in outline and not precisely, as we said at the very beginning that the accounts we demand must be in accordance with the subject matter; matters concerned with conduct and questions of what is good for us have no fixity, any more than matters of health. The general account being of this nature, this account of particular cases is yet more lacking in exactness; for they do not fall under any art or precept but the agents themselves must in each case consider what is appropriate to the occasion, as happens also in the art of medicine or of navigation.’ (1,104a2-a9.)`. . . we do not deliberate even about all human affairs; for instance, no Spartan deliberates about the best constitution for the Scythians. For none of these things can be brought about by our own efforts. We deliberate about things that are in our power and can be done.’ (1,112a28-30.) Adam Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations(1776), eds. R. H. Campbell et al., Liberty Classics, Indianapolis, 1981. We read: `What is the species of domestick industry which his capital can employ, and of which the produce is likely to be of the greatest value, every individual, it is evident, can, in hislocal situation, judge much better than any statesman or lawgiver can do for him.’ (Book IV. ii. 10, p. 456.) In modern times, Friedrich Hayek has always kept this fact in the foreground of his thinking. In his Individualism and Economic Order, Routledge and Kegan Paul, London, 1949, we read, for example, of `. . . the constitutional limitation of man’s knowledge and interests, the fact the he cannot know more than a tiny part of the whole of society and that therefore all that can enter into his motives are the immediate effects which his actions will have in the sphere he knows . . .’ (p. 14.) The individual agent has a `special knowledge of circumstances of the; thus `. . . practically every individual has some advantage over all others because he possesses unique information of which beneficial use might be made, but of which use can be made only if the decisions depending on it are left to him or are made with his active co-operation.’ (p. 80.)

[4] The mathematical economist will recognise these three conditions as the characteristics which define a multi-market general equilibrium in the Arrow-Debreu model: Gerard Debreu, Theory of Value, Yale University Press, New Haven, 1959; K. J. Arrow and F. H. Hahn, General Competitive Analysis, Oliver and Boyd, Edinburgh, 1971.

[5] This argument is discussed further in Roy (1982a), pp. 96-107, pp. 133-43.

[6] Adam Smith, op. cit., Book V. i. c., p. 723.

[7] P. A. Samuelson, `A pure theory of public expenditures’, Review of Economics & Statistics, 36, 1954,reprinted in K. J. Arrow & T. Scitovsky (eds.), Readings in Welfare Economics, R. D. Irwin, Homewood, Ill., 1969.

[8] The idea I have in the background is of some implicit public goods function endorsed more or less unanimously by citizens – but not necessarily by those with political power – with commonsense dictating the elements it should contain. Thus Let U = U (π1, π2 , …, πn) be such a function with δU/δπi > 0, δ2U/δπi2 < 0 i=1,2,…,n, where πi = 1,2,…n, is a lateral index of a public good or service like defence, civil protection, roads, dams, or the finance of basic education. Each of these is “produced” by an expenditure of public resources: πi = πi (τi ), δπi/δτi > 0, δ2πi /δτi2 < 0 i=1,2,…,k, Σ i=1,2,…,n τi = τ* where τ* is the total level of public resources available (whether by taxation or borrowing). An efficient condition, i.e., one in which given public resources are efficiently allocated among alternative public goods or services, would be δU/δπi/ δπi/δτi = δU/δπj / δπj/δτj for every i,j = 1,2,. .,n. So, if the marginal tax-rupee was put towards the production of any public good, the increase in social utility should be the same; otherwise we would find an excess supply of some public goods (e.g. bureaucrats) and an excess demand for others (e.g. courts, dams, police protection, etc.).

[9] Two examples are F. H. Hahn, On the notion of equilibrium in economics : an inaugural lecture, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1973, and J. M. Grandmont, “Temporary general equilibrium theory : a survey”, Econometrica, vol. 46, 1977.

[10] Aristotle, op. cit., 1,094b12-1,094b27

[11] D. H. Robertson, `The Economic Outlook’, in his Utility and All That, Allen & Unwin, London, 1952, pp.51-52.

[12] Karl Popper made a similar point in The Open Society and its Enemies, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1950, when he suggested that Plato’s question `who should rule?’ should be discarded for the question:`How can we so organise political institutions that bad or incompetent rulers can be prevented from doing too muchdamage?’ (p. 120). There is relevant discussion by Renford Bambrough in `Plato’s modern friends and enemies’, Philosophy, 37, 1962, reprinted in R.Bambrough (ed.), Plato, Popper and Politics : some contributions to a modern controversy, Barnes and Noble, New York, 1967. I have discussed the relationship of expertise to democracy in Roy (1982a), pp 80-95.

[13] Virginia Bill of Rights, 1776, in The Constitution of the United States, ed. E. C. Smith, Barnes & Noble, New York, 1979, p. 21.

[14] P. T. Bauer, Dissent on Development, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass., 1971, p. 72, n. 2. The term `statism’ suggested itself to the author after he read M. R. Masani, “Post-Sanjay outlook: where salvation does not lie” The Statesman, 9 July 1980.

[15]G. M. Young (ed.), Macaulay: Prose and Poetry, London: Macmillan, 1952, p. 718. Some 20 years later, in Considerations on Representative Government, ed. H. B. Acton (London: J. M. Dent), J. S. Mill claimed that rule by`a superior people . . . is often of the greatest advantage to a people, carrying them rapidly through several stages of progress’ (Ch. IV, p. 224). Ironically, a few years ago a distinguished retired member of the Indian civil service (who happens to be a recipient of the Lenin Peace Prize) used very similar words in a newspaper article – in defence of the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan!

[16] Resolution of the Indian National Congress, August 1931, reprinted in B. N. Pandey (ed.), The IndianNationalist Movement : 1885-1947, Macmillan, London, 1979, p. 67.

[17] S. Radhakrishnan, The philosophy of Rabindranath Tagore, Macmillan, London, 1918, p. 232. For an excellent account of the intercourse between ancient India and ancient Greece, H. G. Rawlinson, `Early contacts between India and Europe’, in A. L. Basham (ed.), A Cultural History of India, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1975. For excellent accounts of the growth of liberalism in India in the l9th and carly 20th centuries : Anil Seal, The Emergence of Indian Nationalism : Competition and Collaboration in the later l9th Century, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1971, Chs. 1, 3-6; J. R. McLane, Indian Nationalism and the Early Congress, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1977; Gordon Johnson, Provincial Politicsand Indian Nationalism,Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1973, Ch. 1.

[18] Ramsay Macdonald’s letter to M. K. Gandhi, 8 September 1932, reprinted in Pandey (ed.), op. cit., p. 74.

[19] Devdas Gandhi’s letter to Jawaharlal Nehru, 2 October 1931, reprinted in Pandey (ed.), op. cit., p. 71

[20] Gandhi’s protest succeeded to the extent that the Award itself was superseded; and in unusual, euphoric displays of fraternity, `caste’ Hindus threw open temples to members of the `Depressed Classes’ and embraced them with
garlands. The compromise Pact which replaced the Communal Award removed separate electorates but still guaranteed special political representation for some years following the agreement. For an account of Gandhi’ s position on the Communal Award, Judith M. Brown, Gandhi and Civil Disobedience, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1977, pp. 313-21.

[21] For an eminent lawyer’s commentary, N. A. Palkhivala, The Light of the Constitution, Forum of Free Enterprise, Bombay, 1976.

[22] There is reason to think the Mughals before the British had done no better and had probably done much worse. T. Raychaudhuri, `The State and the Economy: the Mughal Empire’, in T. Raychaudhuri & I. Habib (eds.), The Cambridge Economic History of India, vol. I, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1982.

[23] V. B. Singh (ed.), Nehru on Socialism, Government of India, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Publications Division, Delhi, 1977, pp. 56-57, 67.

[24] `Draft recommendations for the formulation of the Second Five Year Mahalanobis;`The Second Five-Year Plan – A tentative framework’, drafted by the economic ministries; and a `Memorandum’ written by a panel of prominent Indian economists – all contained in Papers relating to the formulation of the SecondFive Year Plan, Government of India: Planning Commission, 1955 – were the principal influences on the actual Second Plan. No significant understanding of markets, prices or the concept of feasibility is evident on the part of any of the authors. Shenoy’s lonely dissent has already been noted (note 1).

[25] The best descriptions of Indian industrial policy are still to be found in Bhagwati and Desai (1970), op. cit. Also C. Wadhwa, `New Industrial Licensing Policy: An Appraisal’, in C. Wadhwa (ed.), Some problems of India’seconomic policy, Tata-McGraw Hill, Delhi, 1977, pp. 290-324.

[26] Gordon Tullock is generally credited with introducing the notion of rent-seeking in `The welfare costs of tariffs, monopolies and theft’, Western Economic, Journal, 5 (June 1967), while Krueger (1974), op. cit., introduced the term itself. The collection edited by J. M. Buchanan et al., Toward a theory of the rent-seeking society, Texas A&M Press, College Station, 1980, contains reprints of both papers as well as other studies.

[27] Krueger (1975), op. cit., p. 108 ff.

[28] The classic argument for a free market is in M. Friedman, `The case for flexible exchange rates’, in his Essays in Positive Economics, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1953, pp. 157-203. Also V. S. Vartikar,Commercial policy and economic development in India, Praeger, New York, 1969, based on his PhD at Wayne State University; and D. Lal, A liberal international economic order : the international monetary system and economic development, Essays in International Finance No. 139, Princeton University, October 1980.

[29] An additive sub-utility function might be defined within each set of categories UG= ∑ ai vi (Gi) a1 ≥ a2 ≥ a3, ∑ ai= 1UP= ∑ bj wj (Pj) b1 ≥ b2 ∑ bj= 1where the vi (.) and the wj (.) are further sub-utility functions defined on each category, etc. None of these has ever been spelt out by the Indian Government and certainly no amount of UP has seemed substitutable for an iota of UG.

[30] Bhagwati and Srinivasan, op. cit., p. 38.

[31] Ibid.,p. 38

[32] In 1980, for example, exports of pig-iron and of sheep- and goat-meat were banned; an export duty on jute manufactures was imposed on 18 February and lifted on 8 September. (Annual Report on Exchange Controls, International Monetary Fund, 1981, pp. 205-13.) The Import and Export Policy (April 1982, March 1983)announced by the Commerce Ministry reported the banning of exports of cane, paraffin wax, mustard and rape-seedoil, and `certain
wild-life items’, including lizards and robins. An embargo on the export of CTC (cut, tear and curl) tea was announced by the Ministry of Commerce on 24December 1983. CTC is high-quality tea which accounts for about three-quarters of India’s tea exports. The ban followed a doubling of domestic prices over the previous year, compulsory registration of tea dealers holding more than 1,000 kg. to prevent hoarding, and agreement by manufacturers to reduce their profit margins and cut prices ofpackaged tea by about 20 per cent (Financial Times, 14 December 1983). The Indian Government apparently feared that the supply of tea for the domestic market was going to run out (The Times, 5 January 1984). The effect of thesemeasures is artificially to depress prices in the domestic market whilst raising them overseas (The Economist, 14 January 1984).

[33] Pick’s Currency Year-book, various editions

[34] Krueger (1977), op. cit., pp. 27-28.

[35] Balassa (1978), op. cit., p. 39; Balassa (1980), op. cit., p. 16.

[36] Ibid.,p. 22.

[37] Short surveys of the relevant practices can be found in Lele, op. cit.,Appendix 1, pp. 225-37, and Sukhatme, op. cit., pp. 29-37. Also Gilbert Brown, `Agricultural pricing policies in developing countries’, and G. E.Schuh, `Approaches to “basic needs” and to “equity” that distort incentives in agriculture’, in Schultz (ed.), op. cit.,pp. 84-113 and pp. 307-27 respectively.

[38] Theoretical economists have long recognised that a fundamental flaw in, for example, the Arrow-Debreu model is its assumption that all conceivable futures contracts are practicable. The longest futures price actually quoted at
the Chicago Board of Trade, however, would be for silver, at about two years; for grains, the longest would be only about three months. Since the natural market outcome is a far-cry from the theory, the Indian Government’s fears about the effects of speculation appear to be much exaggerated. To see the risk-dispersing character of a futures contract, let us suppose that both buyer and seller place a probability of one-half on prices being either in 8 or 2; if they are risk-averse, they may prefer to trade at a certain futures price of 5 now, rather than wait for the future to unfold.

[39] David Hopper, `Distortions of agricultural development resulting from Government prohibitions,’ Schultz (ed.), op. cit., p. 69 ff.

[40] K. Prasad, `Foodgrains policy 1966-1976′, in Wadhwa (ed.), op. cit., p.479.

[41] Schultz (ed.), op. cit., p. 309.

[42] Sukhatme, op. cit., pp. 74-86; T. W. Schultz, `On the economics and politics of agriculture’, in Schultz(ed.), op. cit., p. 15 ff.

[43] Schultz (ed.), op. cit., pp. 92-93.

[44] Ibid.,p. 95.

[45] T. N. Srinivasan, `Income Distribution: A survey of policy-aspects’, in Wadhwa (ed.), op. cit., p. 265. That the small farmer may not find it profitable to invest in storage, and that (if it has been taxed) agriculture has been taxed regressively, are also remarked upon by Srinivasan.

[46] Lele, op. cit., p. 2, where reference is made to Sir Henry Knight, Food Administration in India, Stanford University Press, Stanford, 1954.

[47] Lele, op. cit., pp. 214-24

[48] For example, M. Todaro, `A model of labor migration and urban unemployment in less developed countries’, American Economic Review, March 1969, 59, pp. 138-48; J. P. Harris & M. Todaro, `Migration,unemployment and development: a two-sector analysis’, American Economic Review, March 1970 60, pp. 126-42.The best paper known to the author is by Jerome Rothenberg, `On the economics of internal migration’, Working Paper No. 189, Dept. of Economics, MIT, July 1976.

[49] Thomas Sowell, Knowledge and Decisions, Basic Books, New York, 1980, pp. 268-69.

[50] `The logic of protection’, The Statesman, Editorial, 19 March 1981; also the Editorial, `Danger of caste ethnic

[51] S. K. Datta Ray, `Backlash to protection: fancy gifts ignore real reform’, The Statesman Weekly, 21 March 1981.

[52]M. Weiner, M. F. Katzenstein, K.V.N. Rao, India’s preferential policies : migrants, the middle classes and ethnic equality, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1981, pp. 16-17.

[53] Ibid. p. 5

[54] P. T. Bauer, `Population explosion: myths and realities’, in Equality, the Third World and Economic Delusion, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass., 1981, pp. 42-65, contains some of the clearest arguments known to the author about this question; also M. Weiner, India at the Polls : the Parliamentary Election of 1977, American Enterprise Institute, Washington DC, 1978, pp. 35-39.

[55] 10 8 million people affected by floods’, The Statesman Weekly, 22 August 1981; also `Down the drain’, Editorial in The Statesman, 8 July 1981.

[56] Justice with speed’, Editorial in The Statesman, Calcutta and New Delhi, 21 July, 1980

[57] Aristotle, op. cit., 1,094a1-1, 094b11.

[58] There are few thorough studies known to the author that are relevant. One such is Asha L. Dattar, India’s Economic Relations with the USSR and Eastern Europe 1953-1969, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1972.

[59] Bauer (1981) op. cit. Chapters 5 & 6.

[60]. Adam Smith op cit Book IV; also B. Baysinger et al.,`Mercantilism as a rent-seeking society’, in Buchanan et al (eds) op. cit. pp. 235-68.

[61] G. Tullock in Buchanan et al. (eds.), op. cit., p. 48.

[62] Bauer (1981), op. cit., p. 144.

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