Last year I wrote but happened not to publish this brief article which may be relevant today.
Climate Change Alarmism: The real battle is against corruption, pollution, deforestation, energy waste etc
Subroto Roy
May 28 2008
Like the AIDS epidemic that never was, “climate change” is on its way to becoming the new myth sold by paternalist governments and their bureaucrat/scientist busybodies to ordinary people coping with their normal lives. E.g., someone says, without any trace of irony: “Everyone in the world should have the same emissions quota. Since Trotsky’s permanent revolution is unfortunately on hold at the moment, and the world still happens to be partitioned into nations, once the per capita quotas are determined they would have to be grouped on a nationwide basis”.
Trotskyism will have to be made of sterner stuff. Canada’s Lorne Gunter (*National Post* 20 May 2008) reports that Noel Keenlyside, the principal scientist who suggested that man-made global warming exists, has now led a team from the Leibniz Institute of Marine Science and Max Planck Institute of Meteorology which “for the first time entered verifiable data on ocean circulation cycles into one of the UN’s climate supercomputers, and the machine spit out a projection that there will be no more warming for the foreseeable future.…” Oops! So much for impending catastrophe. Rajendra Pachauri himself has in January “reluctantly admitted to Reuters… that there has been no warming so far in the 21st Century”.
Mr Pachauri had earlier gone on Indian television comparing himself to CV Raman and Mother Theresa as an Indian Nobel Prize winner — in fact, Al Gore and the 2500 member “UN Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change” chaired by Mr Pachauri shared the Nobel Peace Prize last year. Now the prediction from that UN “Panel” of “a 0.3 deg C rise in temperature in the coming decade” has been contradicted by Noel Keenlyside’s own scientific results. Gunter reports further that 2007 “saw a drop in the global average temperature of nearly 0.7 deg C (the largest single-year movement up or down since global temperature averages have been calculated). Despite advanced predictions that 2007 would be the warmest year on record, made by such UN associates as Britain’s Hadley Centre, a government climate research agency, 2007 was the coolest year since at least 1993. According to the U. S. National Climatic Data Centre, the average temperature of the global land surface in January 2008 was below the 20th-Century mean for the first time since 1982. Also in January, Southern Hemisphere sea ice coverage was at its greatest summer level (January is summer in the Southern Hemisphere) in the past 30 years. Neither the 3,000 temperature buoys that float throughout the world’s oceans nor the eight NASA satellites that float above our atmosphere have recorded appreciable warming in the past six to eight years. Climate alarmists the world over were quick to add that they had known all along there would be periods when the Earth’s climate would cool even as the overall trend was toward dangerous climate change.”
Honest government doctors know that the myth that HIV/AIDS can spread at Western rates in a society as conservative and sexless as India’s has diverted vast public resources away from India’s numerous real killer diseases: filariasis, dysentery, leprosy, influenza, malaria, gastroenteritis, TB, whooping cough, enteric fever, infectious hepatitis, gonococcal infection, syphilis, measles, tetanus, chicken-pox, cholera, rabies, diptheria, meningococcal infection, poliomelitis, dengue and haemmorrhagic fever and encephalitis. Candid environmentalists similarly know that obsessing about climate change distracts from what is significant and within our power to do, namely, the prevention or at least regulation of the pollution of our air and water and prevention of the waste of energy using policies appropriate for a myriad of local communities and neighbourhoods.
The pollution of India’s atmosphere, rivers, lakes, roads and public property is an unending disgrace. Pollution and corruption are mirror images of each other: corruption is to steal something valuable that belongs to the public; pollution is to dispose private waste into the public domain. Both occur conspicuously where property rights between public and private domains are vague or fuzzy, where pricing of public and private goods and services is distorted, and where judicial and legal processes enforcing contracts are for whatever reason weak or inoperable.
Walk into any government office in India and lights, fans, ACs may be found working at top speed whether or not any living being can be seen. A few rare individual bureaucrats may be concerned but India’s Government as a whole cares not a hoot if public electricity or for that matter any public funds and resources are being wasted, stolen or abused.
At the same time, private motorists face little disincentive from pouring untaxed “black money” into imported gas-guzzling heavy automobiles regardless of India’s narrow roads and congestion. There are no incentives whatsoever for anyone who does not have to do so to want to bicycle or walk to work. The “nuclear deal” involves importing “six to eight lightwater reactors” on a turnkey basis; like the Enron-Dabhol deal a decade ago, it makes no financial sense at all and will make even less if the rupee depreciates anytime in future. Our government policy is in general invented and carried out regardless of technical or financial feasibility; the waste of energy and pollution of the environment are merely examples of the waste of resources and abuse of public property in general.
Someone says “The North”, mainly the USA, “is primarily responsible for climate change”. He may mean Western countries have contributed relatively more pollutants and effluents into the world’s waters and air which is probably a good guess since the West has also contributed more to the world’s scientific, industrial and agricultural progress in general over the centuries.
But to think human beings today understand the complexities of climate and its changes adequately enough to be able to control it is a fatal conceit. Philip Stott, emeritus professor of biogeography at the University of London, is among many scientists who have challenged “the key contradiction at the heart of the Kyoto Protocol, the global climate agreement – that climate is one of the most complex systems known, yet that we can manage it by trying to control a small set of factors, namely greenhouse gas emissions. Scientifically, this is not mere uncertainty: it is a lie…The problem with a chaotic coupled non-linear system as complex as climate is that you can no more predict successfully the outcome of doing something as of not doing something. Kyoto will not halt climate change. Full stop.” (BBC 25 February 2002). For Indian foreign or economic policy to waffle on about climate change is as ineffectual and irrelevant as for the Indian Finance Minister to waffle on about AIDS.
Subroto Roy thinks the core of the *Bhagavad Gita* is captured in Grigori Perelman’s statement declining the Fields Medal after proving Poincaré’s conjecture: “[The prize] was completely irrelevant for me. Everybody understood that if the proof is correct then no other recognition is needed.”
Subroto Roy thinks the flare-up of the Telangana issue has one and only one positive consequence: it brings home to New Delhi’s ruling elite that there are real political questions in India, and not everything can be left to spin-doctors and lobbyists to handle.
“On the blissful innocence of the RBI” (2009) From Facebook:
Subroto Roy can only sigh at the fact that while he has had to struggle for 35 years trying to grasp and then apply serious monetary economics to India’s circumstances, the RBI Governor & his four Deputy Governors appear blissfully innocent of all Hicks, Tobin, Friedman, Cagan et al yet exude confidence enough to “Waffle Away!”
A Small Challenge to the RBI’s Governor Subbarao April 21, 2010
The Hon’ble Gov of the Reserve Bank of India Shri D Subbarao
Dear Governor Subbarao,
You said yesterday, April 20 2010, that the Reserve Bank of India has a macroeconomic model which it uses but which you had personally not seen.
I have given two lectures at your august offices, one by invitation of Governor Jalan and Deputy Governor Reddy on April 29, 2000 to address the Conference of State Finance Secretaries, the other on May 5, 2005 to address the Chief Economist’s Monetary Economics Seminar. On both occasions, I had inquired of the RBI’s own models by which I could contrast my own but came to understand there were none.
If since then the RBI has now constructed a macroeconomic model of India’s economy, it is splendid news.
May I request the model be released publicly on the Internet at once, so its specifications of endogenous and exogenous variables, assumed coefficients, and sources of time-series data all may be seen by everyone in the country and abroad? Scientific scrutiny and replication of results would thus come to be permitted.
I would be especially interested to know the demand for money function that you have used. I well remember my meeting with the late great Sukhamoy Chakravarty on July 14 1987 at his Planning Commission offices, when he signed and gifted me his last personal copy of the famous Reserve Bank report by the committee he had chaired and of which he told me personally Dr Rangarajan had been the key author – that report may have contained the first official discussion of the demand for money function in India.
Subroto Roy found this an extraordinarily thoughtful and profound speech, which, apart from its reference to “climate change”, is likely to go down as historic — not least for its restoration of “just war” theory & the canons of international law in general. (His critics who questioned his religion might note the very Christian …thesis: “at the heart of every major religion is that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. Adhering to this law of love has always been the core struggle of human nature. We are fallible. We make mistakes, and fall victim to the temptations of pride, and power, and sometimes evil…”)… I hope his Republican critics will give the man a break….
Subroto Roy says to Mr Tripathi: “An oath is an oath. For myself, my love for America, where I lived some 16 years, age 25-41, was enough for me to wish to become an American — if I did not have to abandon the land of my fathers which needed me perhaps more.”
Subroto Roy notes that since Dr Manmohan Singh is the first Indian Prime Minister ever to have chosen with deliberation not to be a member of the Lok Sabha, he has been free to hold important summits at the White House, Kremlin, Copenhagen etc while the Lok Sabha debates mundane matters like the Liberhan Commission report, inflation etc.
What *is* clear though is that Indian public finance at Union and State level is a mess and paper money has been growing at more than 20% per annum…. (And if you happen to believe the Government of India’s apologists and propagandists about Indian inflation being in single digits, might I interest you in a marble structure in Agra, or a steel bridge over the Hooghly perhaps? Very nice, just like Brooklyn Bridge itself….)
“The U.S. has an awkward problem with Pakistan in that substantial parts of its government actually favor the Afghan Taliban achieving political primacy in Afghanistan *as a buffer against incursions by India*” (italics added):
the US makes a mistake by accepting at face-value the psychotic delusion of the Pakistan military that it has faced or faces now a threat from India.
As I have said before, the last place on earth that New Delhi’s nomenclatura would like to extend its misgovernance would be Pakistan.
And the historical record is clear that India has never initiated hostilities against Pakistan, not once.
In Oct 1947, the new Pakistan started with an armed attack against the old “princely” State of Jammu & Kashmir with whom it had signed a “Standstill Agreement”. That State came into existence in international law in 1846.
In Sep 1965, Ayub Khan’s Pakistan, armed with Patton tanks and F-104s and F-86s, started an inflitration and then a war hoping to drive tanks all the way to Delhi but did not succeed.
In 1971, East Pakistan seceded from West Pakistan, and though India made it militarily possible it was not something that India conspired to bring about but was something caused by West Pakistanis lording it over their own compatriots. The Richard Sisson-Leo Rose book “War and Secession” is quite a definitive history. 90,000 Pakistanis surrendered as POWs whom India protected from Bangladeshi revenge.
In 1999, Musharraf had his Kargil misadventure. Other than the ghastly mutilation and murder of Lieutenant Saurabh Kalia and his platoon as POWs by the Pakistan Army and its Taliban friends, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Saurabh_Kalia
Musharraf achieved nothing. He then sought to stay on in power unlawfully for almost a decade despite his civillian boss trying to sack him.
And then there was the 2008 attack on Mumbai by ten youthful terrorists from Pakistan who were trained by elements of the Pakistan military.
Where has there ever been an Indian “incursion”?
To the contrary, India had proposed the name of Pakistan as a new member of the UNO back in 1947 — and Zahir Shah’s Afghanistan was the only country to oppose it, for precisely the same unresolved problem as continues today, namely, the destiny of the Pashtuns.
Subroto Roy believes the great optimism about the Indian Republic that he had felt as a 7-year old boy upon meeting Jawaharlal Nehru at Colombo Airport on Oct 13 1962 (the first days of the surprise Communist Chinese attack on India), has now dissipated, and apart from Nehru’s immediate successor (Lal Bahadur Shastri) all Indian Prime Ministers since then have been gravely, perhaps catastrophically, disappointing.
Subroto Roy thinks President Obama’s informed lawyerly academic approach to the Afghanistan decision, whether or not it has its intended good consequences, has a positive demonstration effect for other capital cities, e.g. New Delhi, where public policy decisions are too often made to appease special interest groups inside a cloud of meaningless rhetoric.
Subroto Roy says of India and China in summary discussion at Edward Hugh’s Wall: “Well, both have massive and energetic populations, each with relatively little capital per head; raising the capital per head with new production and exchange processes leads to growth. (But the nominal economies are weak, public finances are absymal and paper money is out of control.)”
Subroto Roy recalls again Pericles of Athens: “Here each individual is interested not only in his own affairs but in the affairs of the state as well; even those who are mostly occupied with their own business are extremely well-informed on general politics- this is a peculiarity of ours:we do not say that a man who takes no inter…est in politics is a man who minds his own business;we say that he has no business here at all.”
Subroto Roy must ask Dr Manmohan Singh’s Government how it sees India’s “aam admi” coming to benefit by the United States Polo Team welcoming India in 2010 in the world championship polo matches on the DC National Mall, as has been very kindly reported by Mr and Mrs Tareq Salahi following the “Sensational Night honoring India”.
This is from about 1953 in Bombay, two years before I arrived in the family, with Tunu (Sucheta) holding the teddy-bear and Buju (Suchandra) looking sober and responsible on my mother’s left. There seems to be a radio in the background as well as a small bust of the poet Rabindranath Tagore.
Tunu lived August 12 1947 until January 26 1990. This is how I recall her last, c. 1988, after she had lost one breast to cancer and suffered other tragedies.
She, seven years older than me, was really my first teacher, telling my infant mind about the world it found itself in even before I ended up at Lady Evelyn’s kindergarten in Ottawa. There will be more of her here in due course — building a snowman together in the Canadian snows and other escapades. I wept much, far away in Honolulu, when she died in Calcutta aged 42. She would have been a happy grandmother today, enjoying her three grandchildren:
Buju lived February 14 1943 until January 10 1998. She was 12 years older than me and loved me dearly and I wept much at her tragic passing — she had no children and I cremated her with the full honours that she might have received had she left a son.
I shall write more of her in time. Meanwhile, I remain grateful for Nana Mouskouri’s rendition of Amazing Grace as there is an uncanny resemblance.
December twenty years ago is when I last saw Tunu, having returned from Honolulu to say what we knew was our last goodbye; December twelve years ago was when I last saw Buju. “The wise grieve not for those who live or for those who die, for life and death shall pass away, and I and thou and those kings of men, shall live for ever and ever” advises the Bhagavad Gita as I recall; but perhaps the advice is wrong since the wise like the unwise do grieve and should.
Subroto Roy finds from Gopa’s data that wage inflation among unskilled agricultural workers in rural India has been at about 6.35% per annum over the last 7 years or so.
Subroto Roy finds it odd in diplomatic law and protocol that two American Presidents in succession have said respectively to the same Indian Prime Minister “You’re a good man” and a person of “honesty and integrity”.
Subroto Roy thinks Asia (from Israel-Palestine to Japan & Indonesia) needs its own Metternich and Congress of Vienna, but won’t get it and hence may remain many many decades behind Europe in political development.(And why Asia won’t get what Europe did may be because Europe did what it did.)
Subroto Roy agrees with Professor Juan Cole’s summary position: “India and Russia want an Obama ‘surge’ in Afghanistan because they are afraid that if Muslim extremists take over the country, that development could threaten their own security. China is more or less bankrolling the Afghanistan War…In contrast, Pakistan does not seem… eager for the further foreign troops, in part because it wants to project power and influence into Afghanistan itself”. But he would add Russia, China, India and Iran too are free-riders from the military standpoint (though India has built power-stations, roads etc for civilian economic development), while Pakistan remains schizophrenic as to whether it wishes to define itself by the lights of Iqbal and Jinnah or by the lunacy of Rahmat Ali.
From Facebook various dates between Nov 26 2008 and Nov 26 2009:
Subroto Roy
thinks any developing terrorist situation suffers from Clausewitz’s “fog of war”, viz., “The great uncertainty of all data in war is a peculiar difficulty, because all action must, to a certain extent, be planned in a mere twilight, which in addition not infrequently — like the effect of a fog or moonshine — gives to things exaggerated dimensions and unnatural appearance.”
thinks in terrorist-hostage situations, the commander of the first-responding units should be the prima facie decision-maker whose directions need to be followed even by (more high-powered) reinforcements because of the Hayekian reason that person may be presumed to have the best/deepest/longest knowledge of the particular circumstances.
is led to think DCP Patil, the first responder at the Taj, had correctly identified where the terrorists were and begged for reinforcements which came far too late because the Army captain given orders to surround the hotel refused to move inside without further orders, and the Navy commandos did not turn up. Mumbai police were as brave as they could be — the military (including the NSG) have a lot to answer for.
is coming to the view that the Army general who sent the contingent to the Taj without orders to assist the police fully was a key person yet to be held accountable.
says: Of course one has to go location by location. But the Taj was in a sense the most signficant and the one where victory was closest and possible the earliest. DCP Patil was the first responder who was in position and had pinpointed the room the terrorists were in for long. This was *before* the handlers ordered the fire. Patil repeatedly pleaded for an armed force to attack, which he would have joined. The Army turned up and then the Captain in charge said he could not join this attack without further Army orders. Had that attack occurred, say by 40 men against 2 or 4, the Taj would have been secured, perhaps prisoners captured. Secondly, the capture of Kasab was entirely done by the police, no military involved. The commando operations at Nariman House looked rather ham-handed, even inept. The single most critical failure appears to have been that Army Captain saying he did not have orders to join an attack inside the Taj. (And it was less the Captain’s failure than the General’s who had sent him.) The remainder was part of the “fog of war”.
says: My assessment is that the police did what they could and knew how to given a surprise attack of unknown dimensions and given poor resources. I do not blame a policeman armed with a lathi or a .303 if he takes cover or flees from an assault-rifle. They told the Chief Secretary to ask for Army help who did so. The Army, Navy and NSG were where tangible failures of leadership may have occurred, though of course there were individual NSG men and officers who were exceptional. The initial attack that DCP Patil had recommended would not only have worked (because there was no fire/smoke at the time) but would have swung the battle decisively. As it turned out, it took 60+hours to kill 9 men, plus a lot of casualties and damage.
Subroto Roy repeats what he said in Jan 2009 that Mumbai policemen showed exemplary bravery and no cowardice; the problem was civil-military conflict, e.g. the refusal of the Army contingent sent to the Taj hotel to go inside without Army orders though the police demanded it and DCP Patil had long identified where the terrorists were and had been pleading for reinforcements.
Subroto Roy thinks the zenith of US-India relations (besides FDR pressing Churchill on Indian independence) was the landing of US military transports in Ladakh during the Communist Chinese aggression of 1962 thanks to JK Galbraith & JFK. (The nadir was the Nixon-Kissinger support for Pakistani tyranny against Bangladesh in 1971.)
Subroto Roy is afraid he does not think the interests of the common man and woman of India come to be served in the slightest by a fancy dinner-party whether given by the Queen of England at Buckingham Palace for the President of India or by the President of the United States at the White House for the Prime Minister of India….(…though some businessmen and bureaucrats become happy…)
I wonder if the Obama Doctrine for US Foreign Policy is going to be as simple as this:
the United States has no permanent intrinsic (ideological) enemies or competitors — not in the Muslim world, not Communist Party China, not Russia, not in Latin America;
the United States has no specific best buddies among the nations of the world — not Britain, not Israel (well, Canada, yes, the exception to the rule);
the United States will be a cooperative partner in peace and progress with any country that seeks this;
the United States will define enemies by their adversarial behaviour, so, e.g. Somali pirates risk getting shot, and violent jihadists like Hasan, KSM get what’s due.
Postscript: I am not saying this is something I would have or have not approved if I had been an American voter, merely that this appears to be the doctrine that seems to be revealed from President Obama’s actions thus far.
Independent India’s Finance Ministers have never in 62 years referred to economic theory or the history of economic thought until Mr Mukherjee delivered the 4th Kadirgamar Memorial Lecture in Colombo yesterday, making the following academic claim:
“As students of economics would understand, economic theory is an evolutionary process and undergoes change with every major crisis. The classical theory gave way to Keynesian economics after the Great Depression of 1930s. Thereafter, there were post-Keynesian and monetarist approaches to economic problems during 1960s to 90s. The present crisis, which has also been called Great Recession, would be another watershed in the evolution of economics and is expected to bring about radical retooling of the theory. The crisis has, in the first place, conclusively established that the pursuit of individual goals do not necessarily lead to public good. Adam Smith’s ‘invisible hand’ cannot guarantee allocation of resources efficiently.”
I might rather count this as intellectual progress to the extent that it at least allows the Government of India’s economists the possibility of moving away from politically-induced dissimulation and instead begin to connect with where I was 25 years ago in my May 1984 monograph published by London’s Institute of Economic Affairs (leave aside my 1976-82 doctoral thesis under Professor Frank Hahn at Cambridge “On liberty and economic growth: preface to a philosophy for India”). As for the Finance Minister saying “The Indian economy has shown remarkable resilience to the crisis because the financial system had no exposure to the toxic assets”, I am afraid he has left unsaid that this is because (a) the rupee is not a hard currency; and (b) India’s banks hold plenty of domestic assets that are “toxic”.
“I said the public sector’s wastefulness had drained scarce resources that should have gone instead to provide public goods. Since the public sector was owned by the public, it could be privatised by giving away its shares to the public, preferably to panchayats of the poorest villages. The shares would become tradable, drawing out black money, and inducing a historic redistribution of wealth while at the same time achieving greater efficiency by transferring the public sector to private hands. Rajiv seemed to like that idea too, and said he tried to follow a maxim of Indira Gandhi’s that every policy should be seen in terms of how it affected the common man. I wryly said the common man often spent away his money on alcohol, to which he said at once it might be better to think of the common woman instead. (This remark of Rajiv’s may have influenced the “aam admi” slogan of the 2004 election, as all Congress Lok Sabha MPs of the previous Parliament came to receive a previous version of the present narrative.)”
I am afraid I do not think Dr Singh was whom Rajiv or Indira had in mind in speaking of the common man.
Subroto Roy wonders if India’s most eminent academic economist and India’s most eminent government economist have either of them ever said anything that any member of any audience could ever have found at all disagreeable….
(let aside falsifiable in the sense of Karl Popper)
(… except that I have of course disagreed with both…)
Subroto Roy is amazed that business-cycle theory and history — always a most difficult, subtle and confusing part of economics — has now become child’s play for everyone except himself, and even the most dimwitted commentator claims to know that China and India were down last month but now seem up and similar profound truths….
Subroto Roy recalls that long before Gorbachev and Walesa, there was in the Prague Spring a man named Dubček…. this is a photograph published in his “Hope Dies Last”
Subroto Roy recalls how, twenty years ago in Honolulu, he called his three-year old to the television to watch the fall of the Berlin Wall with him as a historic event — even while he had to battle as an individual against the most vicious tyranny unleashed against him by the Government of one of the fifty States (a battle that has continued).
“For myself, I have come to a belief that the Universe was never created and will never be destroyed (though of course changes all the time). But true-false, right-wrong, good-evil, good-bad etc exist, and exist objectively in the sense that they would apply to mankind’s deeds even after the extinction of homo sapiens…”
Hune’s question: “Did God say “thou shall not kill” because it is evil, or it is evil because God said “thou shall not kill”? Are ethical values in your view independent entities existing in nature much in the sense of physical objects?”
My answer: “Not really, nothing so complicated. I am much more simple-minded I am afraid. I only mean this: imagine a world in which homo sapiens is extinct (not hard to do really given the extinction of other species). Would it still be true in that world that 2+1=3 in normal arithmetic or that Adolf Hitler caused evil things? My answer is yes.”
What I mean by saying the Universe was never created and will never be destroyed is merely that matter (the elements of the Periodic Table, Hydrogen etc) has always existed and will never not exist.
It is not impossible to imagine an integral defined between negative infinity and infinity of
x (matter)
and
dx (change in matter)
and if someone wished to define that integral
-∞∫∞x dx
as Brahma, YHWH, God, Allah,
the Riddle may have come to be resolved.
[I do not use f(x) because I do not really wish to be mathematical but if you do please set f(x) = x].
Kaufmann is right to say there is existence but is wishful in assuming benevolence; Freud is right to deny the benevolence but cuts too thickly and denies existence.
I call my position “Non-Theistic” to contrast it with both the Theist and the Atheist — repeating once more that true-false, right-wrong, good-evil, good-bad etc exist, and exist objectively in the sense that they do not require the presence of homo sapiens.
Subroto Roy
November 7 2009, my father’s 94th Birthday.
Subroto Roy is amused to read in today’s business press in India that the most prominent declared lobbyist in the country wishes to be credited with having promoted economic liberalisation. The mendacity & self-delusion that capital cities are capable of seem boundless.
Subroto Roy believes — partly from personal experience — that there is only one really sustainable way to fight government corruption whether in Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, the UK, the USA, Russia, China or Mars: tough and clean government accounting and audit processes allied with an uncorrupted press/media. And without clean government accounting, incidentally, all public finance and hence almost all monetary policy becomes meaningless.
I had phoned him from Bombay when I arrived from the USA in June 1996 and he immediately sent out three names and contacts of senior business figures he wanted me to meet. But I became a Professor instead. When we met again at his Grindlays office in Delhi later that year, he was just as keen to push me forward saying “You should be in the PMO”. But there was uncertainty in Delhi at the time with the new Deve Gowda Government.
We last met about October 2003 when he treated me to lunch at the IIC Delhi and we then flew together to Calcutta; he told me then the Finance Ministry had become a complete and total *mess* — it was remembering that today that I decided to write this. I had said to him I could not point to any serious macro economists in Delhi who really comprehended the gravity of the problem; he laid great store by one (unobvious) name but came to be disappointed there too.
An example each of dogmatism and scepticism in theology
“The only God worth keeping is a God that cannot be kept. The only God worth talking about is a God that cannot be talked about. God is no object of discourse, knowledge, or even experience. He cannot be spoken of, but he can be spoken to; he cannot be seen, but he can be listened to. The only possible relationship with God is to address him and to be addressed by him, here and now… HE IS PRESENT… He is here.”
— Walter Kaufmann, “I and You”, prologue to Martin Buber’s “I and Thou”.
“It seems not to be true that there is a power in the universe, which watches over the well-being of every individual with parental care and brings all his concerns to a happy ending. On the contrary the destinies of men are incompatible with a universal principle of benevolence or with — what is to some degree contradictory — a universal principle of justice. Earthquakes, floods and fires do not differentiate between the good and devout man, and the sinner and unbeliever. And, even if we leave inanimate nature out of account and consider the destinies of individual men in so far as they depend on their relations with others of their own kind, it is by no means the rule that virtue is rewarded and wickedness punished, but it happens often enough that the violent, the crafty and the unprincipled seize the desirable goods of the earth, while the pious go empty away. Dark, unfeeling and unloving powers determine human destiny; the system of rewards and punishments, which, according to religion, governs the world, seems to have no existence. This is another occasion for abandoning a portion of the animism which has found refuge in religion.”
— Sigmund Freud, “A Philosophy of Life”, in “New Introductory Lectures on Psychoanalysis”, 1933.
I think the simplest argument against gold (or any precious metal) as a unique monetary standard has been that there is not enough of it to suffice for the vast volume of world trade and payments…. (and that has been the case for at least a half century)….
Someone says in response to my suggestion there has not been enough gold, “just put the price of gold high enough”.
My response: “Who will? Central Banks as per the old gold exchange standard? There are well-known problems with all fixed exchange rate systems.”
The working of the gold, or at least the gold exchange, standard does not depend on actual holdings of course but one reason given for its abandonment had been that the vast expansion of the volume of trade and payments gave gold-producing countries a windfall bonanza and a potentially destabilising/disruptive advantage. Use of a fiduciary standard in world trade was as expected a development as its use in domestic trade and for the same kind of reasons. Of course gold retained some kind of “anchoring” role before Aug 15 1971 during the Bretton Woods era.
Yes, I agree “The development of new payment instruments that economized on gold kept pace with increased trade” — there is an economics of institutional change to be written there. Re., the “windfall bonanza” argument, I think it is merely that gold-producing countries have a kind of seignorage advantage under a pure gold standard — as the US may have had under Bretton Woods.
I am reminded of my brief time on Wall Street in the 1990s when I learnt it is not actually gold producers who earn the seignorage advantage but a cartel of a half dozen or so central banks (led by the Fed & Bank of England) who work together and between them possess vast inventories that can effectively control the supply-side completely.
“For myself, I have come to a belief that the Universe was never created and will never be destroyed (though of course changes all the time). But true-false, right-wrong, good-evil, good-bad etc exist, and exist objectively in the sense that they would apply to mankind’s deeds even after the extinction of homo sapiens…”
Hune’s question: “Did God say “thou shall not kill” because it is evil, or it is evil because God said “thou shall not kill”? Are ethical values in your view independent entities existing in nature much in the sense of physical objects?”
My answer: “Not really, nothing so complicated. I am much more simple-minded I am afraid. I only mean this: imagine a world in which homo sapiens is extinct (not hard to do really given the extinction of other species). Would it still be true in that world that 2+1=3 in normal arithmetic or that Adolf Hitler caused evil things? My answer is yes.”
From Facebook: Subroto Roy thinks the run-off election between Mr Karzai and Mr Abdullah, while important for democratic legitimacy, is impractical and should be postponed until the spring, with a “National Unity” caretaker government created instead. In the meanwhile, everyone from Mullah Umar’s Taliban to international military forces should study the Senlis idea of making the country a major manufacturer of morphine using its poppy. Besides everyone preparing for the harsh Afghan winter… to see there are enough food-stocks for a start.
From Facebook: Subroto Roy thinks the way to Afghan hearts is through their stomachs — it is imp. there be plentiful wheat during the harsh winter months, that no hint of food-shortages arise, that Kabul’s expats & elite & foreign militaries not distract themselves with wining, dining, frolicking while poor men are gath’ring winter fuel. The winter needs to be comfortable & economic plans to make morphine from poppy studied in all villages.
with the caption: “Guess who came to dinner? A thoughtful portrait of perhaps the most influential graduate student of the late 20th Century….”
Then today I made this more explicit posting the photograph a second time and saying
“Subroto Roy notes that when a 23 year old Barack Obama Sr came to the USA and met Ann Dunham to become the most influential graduate student of the late 20th Century, it was more than a half dozen years before the great Sidney Poitier acted in “Guess who’s coming to dinner?” — and those half dozen years were crucial in the Civil Rights Movement…”
And on the same lines I posted yet again, saying
“Subroto Roy wonders if the meeting of Barack Obama Senior with Mr and Mrs Dunham was a bit like this portrayal in a famous film more than a half dozen years later”
attached to a photo of the Sidney Poitier character meeting with the Spencer Tracy-Katherine Hepburn characters
and finally I have posted a fourth time a short while ago saying
“Subroto Roy notes, in reference to his analogy of the 1960 meeting between Barack Obama Sr and Ann Dunham and the characters in the 1967 movie “Guess who’s coming to dinner”, that in both cases the meeting occurred in Hawaii, and the parents of the girl were on the West Coast…. Hmmm…. coincidence? Or did the writer of the movie adapt from a real tit-bit of news?”
Perhaps I have discovered something here, perhaps not. Either way, American popular culture and American politics have had a felicitous confluence.
Subroto Roy
Postscript 1:
I forget the details of the movie but seem to recall the Sidney Poitier character had to rush off to serve a good cause in….. Africa….
In recent years I have estimated the stock of India’s public debt has grown to perhaps Rs 30 trillion; after the lobbyist-induced corporate pork aka the “fiscal stimulus” since 2008, it has perhaps risen to Rs 35 trillion, along with States’ debts, Rs 70 trillion!
[From Facebook July 31 2010
Subroto Roy reads in today’s pink business newspaper the GoI’s debt level at Rs 38 trillion & that of each of three large states (WB, MH, UP) is at Rs 6 trillion, add another 18 for all other large states together, another 5 for all small states & 3 for errors and omissions, making my One Minute Estimate of India’s Public Debt Stock Rs 70 trillion (70 lakh crores). Interest payments at, say, 9%, keep the banking system afloat, extracting oxygen from the public finances like a cyanide capsule.]
Now when I advised Rajiv it was still early days in the IT-revolution and in fact I wrote the words quoted above on the first laptop I had ever used which was Rajiv’s own (enormous) Toshiba laptop in an office of his staff.
It was eight years before Google was launched — and now there is even something called Google Sketch which I am downloading as I write.
Today on Facebook, I have reposted this wonderful link sent by a friend of a Google Sketch of what one trillion dollars (or one lakh crore dollars) looks like:
Ten thousand dollars:
1million dollars (i.e. ten lakh dollars):
100 million dollars (i.e. ten crore dollars):
One billion dollars (i.e. one hundred crore dollars):
One trillion dollars (i.e. one lakh crore dollars):
So much for dollars.
May I ask someone to use this link and this one to re-sketch India’s public debt, of perhaps Rs 35 70 trillion, and annual interest-payments, at perhaps 9% per annum on average? (Before the next “Budget” please…)
Subroto Roy
Postscript: Of course, most of this exists intangibly as deposits or accounting-entries, not as tangible cash, but it is fun anyway — and an illustrative way to explain things to politicians and citizens.
A US Government map from the 1980s now in the public domain showing the Afghanistan-Pakistan frontier (Durand Line area) and seeming to indicate Pashtun areas.
P Chidambaram may recall our brief interaction at the residence of the late Shri Rajiv Gandhi in September-October 1990, and also my visit in July 1995 when he was a member of Narasimha Rao’s Government.
This came to be followed by “Law, Justice and J&K”, “History of Jammu & Kashmir”, “Pakistan’s Allies”, “What to tell Musharraf” and a few others. The purpose of this open letter is to describe that solution which provides, I believe, the only just and lawful path available to the resolution of what has been known universally as the Kashmir problem.
Very briefly, it involves recognizing that the question of lawful territorial sovereignty in J&K is logically distinct from the question of the choice of nationality by individual inhabitants. The solution requires
(a) acknowledging that the original legal entity in the world system of nations known as Jammu & Kashmir arose on March 16 1846 and ceased to exist on or about October 22 1947; that the military contest that commenced on the latter date has in fact resulted, given all particular circumstances of history, in the lawful and just outcome in international law;
(b) offering all who may be Indian nationals or stateless and who presently live under Article 370, a formal choice of nationality between the Republics of India, Iran, Afghanistan and Pakistan: citizen-by-citizen, without fear or favour, under conditions of full information, individual privacy and security; any persons who voluntarily choose to renounce Indian nationality in such private individual decisions would be nevertheless granted lawful permanent residence in the Indian Republic and J&K in particular.
In other words, the dismemberment of the original J&K State and annexation of its territories by the entities known today as the Republic of Pakistan and Republic of India that occurred since October 22 1947, as represented first by the 1949 Ceasefire Line and then by the 1972 Line of Control, is indeed the just and lawful outcome prevailing in respect of the question of territorial sovereignty and jurisdiction. The remaining democratic question has to do with free individual choice of nationality by inhabitants, under conditions of full information and privacy, citizen-by-citizen, with the grant of permanent residency rights by the Indian Republic to persons under its jurisdiction in J&K who might wish to choose, for deeply personal individual reasons, not to remain Indian nationals but become Afghan, Iranian or Pakistani nationals instead (or remain stateless). Pakistan has said frequently its sole concern has been the freedom of Muslims of J&K under Indian rule, and any such genuine concern shall have been thereby fully met by India. Indeed if Pakistan agreed to act similarly this entire complex mortal problem of decades shall have begun to be resolved most appropriately. Pakistan and India are both wracked by corruption, poverty and bad governance, and would be able to mutually draw down military forces pit against one another everywhere, so as to begin to repair the grave damage to their fiscal health caused over decades by the deleterious draining away of vast public resources.
The full reasoning underlying this, which I believe to be the only lawful, just, efficient and stable solution that exists, is thoroughly explained in the following six articles. The first five, “Solving Kashmir”, “Law, Justice & J&K”, “History of J&K”, and “Pakistan’s Allies”, “What to Tell Musharraf” were published in The Statesman in 2005-2006 and are marked ONE, TWO, THREE, FOUR and FIVE below, and are also available elsewhere here. The sixth “An Indian Reply to President Zardari”, marked SIX, was published for the first time here following the Mumbai massacres.
I believe careful reflection upon this entire body of reasoning may lead all reasonable men and women to a practically unanimous consensus about this as the appropriate course of action; if such a consensus happened to arise, the implementation of the solution shall only be a matter of (relatively) uncomplicated procedural detail.
(This article has its origins in a paper “Towards an Economic Solution for Kashmir” which circulated in Washington DC in 1992-1995, including at the Indian and Pakistani embassies and the Carnegie Endowment, and was given as an invited lecture at the Heritage Foundation on June 23 1998. It should be read along with other articles also republished here, especially “History of J&K”, “Law, Justice and J&K” , “Understanding Pakistan”, “Pakistan’s Allies” and “What to Tell Musharraf”. The Washington paper and lecture itself originated from my ideas in the Introduction to Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy, edited by WE James and myself in the University of Hawaii project on Pakistan 1986-1992.)
I. Give Indian `Green Cards’ to the Hurriyat et al
India, being a liberal democracy in its constitutional law, cannot do in Jammu & Kashmir what Czechoslovakia did to the “Sudeten Germans” after World War II. On June 18 1945 the new Czechoslovakia announced those Germans and Magyars within their borders who could not prove they had been actively anti-fascist before or during the War would be expelled — the burden of proof was placed on the individual, not the State. Czechoslovakia “transferring” this population was approved by the Heads of the USA, UK and USSR Governments at Potsdam on August 2 1945. By the end of 1946, upto two million Sudeten Germans were forced to flee their homes; thousands may have died by massacre or otherwise; 165,000 remained who were absorbed as Czechoslovak citizens. Among those expelled were doubtless many who had supported Germany and many others who had not — the latter to this day seek justice or even an apology in vain. Czechoslovakia punished none of its nationals for atrocities, saying it had been revenge for Hitler’s evil (”badla” in Bollywood terms) and the post Cold War Czech Government too has declined to render an apology. Revenge is a wild kind of justice (while justice may be a civilised kind of revenge).
India cannot follow this savage precedent in international law. Yet we must recognise there are several hundred and up to several hundred thousand persons on our side of the boundary in the State of Jammu & Kashmir who do not wish to be Indian nationals. These people are presently our nationals ius soli, having been born in territory of the Indian Republic, and/or ius sanguinis, having been born of parents who are Indian nationals; or they may be “stateless” whom we must treat in accordance with the 1954 Convention on Stateless Persons. The fact is they may not wish to carry Indian passports or be Indian nationals.
In this respect their juridical persons resemble the few million “elite” Indians who have in the last few decades freely placed their hands on their hearts and solemnly renounced their Indian nationality, declaring instead their individual fidelity to other nation-states — becoming American, Canadian or Australian citizens, or British subjects or nationals of other countries. Such people include tens of thousands of the adult children of India’s metropolitan “elite”, who are annually visited abroad in the hot summer months by their Indian parents and relatives. They are daughters and sons of New Delhi’s Government and Opposition, of retired generals, air marshals, admirals, ambassadors, cabinet secretaries, public sector bureaucrats, private sector businessmen, university professors, journalists, doctors and many others. India’s most popular film-actress exemplified this “elite” capital-flight when, after a tireless search, she chose a foreign husband and moved to California.
The difference in Jammu & Kashmir would be that those wishing to renounce Indian nationality do not wish to move to any other place but to stay as and where they are, which is in Kashmir Valley or Jammu. Furthermore, they may wish, for whatever reason, to adopt, if they are eligible to do so, the nationality of e.g. the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan or the Islamic Republic of Iran or the Islamic Republic of Pakistan.
They may believe themselves descended from Ahmad Shah Abdali whose Afghans ruled or mis-ruled Kashmir Valley before being defeated by Ranjit Singh’s Sikhs in 1819. Or they may believe themselves of Iranian descent as, for example, are the Kashmiri cousins of the late Ayatollah Khomeini. Or they may simply have wished to be, or are descended from persons who had wished to be on October 26 1947, citizens of the then-new British Dominion of Pakistan — but who came to be prevented from properly expressing such a desire because of the war-like conditions that have prevailed ever since between India and Pakistan. There may be even a few persons in Laddakh who are today Indian nationals but who wish to be considered Tibetans instead; there is, however, no Tibetan Republic and it does not appear there is going to be one.
India, being a free and self-confident country, should allow, in a systematic lawful manner, all such persons to fulfil their desires, and furthermore, should ensure they are not penalised for having expressed such “anti-national” desires or for having acted upon them. Sir Mark Tully, the British journalist, is an example of someone who has been a foreign national who has chosen to reside permanently in the Republic of India — indeed he has been an exemplary permanent resident of our country. There are many others like him. There is no logical reason why all those persons in Jammu & Kashmir who do wish not to be Indians by nationality cannot receive the same legal status from the Indian Republic as has been granted to Sir Mark Tully. There are already thousands of Sri Lankan, Bangladeshi and Nepalese nationals who are lawful permanent residents in the Indian Republic, and who travel back and forth between India and their home countries. There is no logical reason why the same could not be extended to several hundred or numerous thousand people in Jammu & Kashmir who may wish to not accept or to renounce their Indian nationality (for whatever personal reason) and instead become nationals, if they are so eligible, of the Islamic Republics of Afghanistan, Iran or Pakistan, or, for that matter, to remain stateless. On the one hand, their renunciation of Indian nationality is logically equivalent to the renunciation of Indian nationality by the adult children of India’s “elite” settled in North America and Western Europe. On the other hand, their wish to adopt, if they are eligible, a foreign nationality, such as that of Afghanistan, Iran or Pakistan, and yet remain domiciled in Indian territory is logically equivalent to that of many foreign nationals domiciled in India already like Sir Mark Tully.
Now if you are a permanent resident of some country, you may legally have many, perhaps most, but certainly not all the rights and duties of nationals of that country. e.g., though you will have to pay all the same taxes, you may not be allowed to (or be required to) vote in national or provincial elections but you may in local municipal elections. At the same time, permanently residing foreign nationals are supposed to be equal under the law and have equal access to all processes of civil and criminal justice. (As may be expected though from human frailty, even the federal courts of the USA can be notorious in their injustice and racism towards “Green Card” holders relative to “full” American citizens.) Then again, as a permanently resident foreigner, while you will be free to work in any lawful trade or profession, you may not be allowed to work in some or perhaps any Government agencies, certainly not the armed forces or the police. Many Indians in the USA were engineering graduates, and because many engineering jobs or contracts in the USA are related to the US armed forces and require US citizens only, it is commonplace for Indian engineers to renounce their Indian nationality and become Americans because of this. Many Indian-American families have one member who is American, another Indian, a third maybe Canadian, a fourth Fijian or British etc.
The same can happen in the Indian State of Jammu & Kashmir if it evolves peacefully and correctly in the future. It is quite possible to imagine a productive family in a peaceful Kashmir Valley of the future where one brother is an officer in the Indian Armed Forces, another brother a civil servant and a sister a police officer of the J&K State Government, another sister being a Pakistani doctor, while cousins are Afghan or Iranian or “stateless” businessmen. Each family-member would have made his/her choice of nationality as an individual given the circumstances of his/her life, his/her personal comprehension of the facts of history, his/her personal political and/or religious persuasions, and similar deeply private considerations. All would have their children going to Indian schools and being Indian citizens ius soli and/or ius sanguinis. When the children grow up, they would be free to join, if they wished, the existing capital flight of other Indian adult children abroad and there renounce their Indian nationality as many have come to do.
II Revealing Choices Privately with Full Information
For India to implement such a proposal would be to provide an opportunity for all those domiciled in Kashmir Valley, Jammu and Laddakh to express freely and privately as individuals their deepest wishes about their own identities, in a confidential manner, citizen by citizen, case by case. This would thereby solve the fundamental democratic problem that has been faced ever since the Pakistani attack on the original State of Jammu & Kashmir commenced on October 22 1947, which came to be followed by the Rape of Baramulla — causing the formal accession of the State to the then-new Dominion of India on October 26 1947.
A period of, say, 30 months may be announced by the Government of India during which full information would be provided to all citizens affected by this change, i.e. all those presently governed by Article 370 of the Indian Constitution. The condition of full information may include, for example, easy access to Afghan, Iranian and Pakistani newspapers in addition to access to Indian media. Each such person wishing to either remain with Indian nationality (by explicitly requesting an Indian passport if he/she does not have one already — and such passports can be printed in Kashmiri and Urdu too), or to renounce Indian nationality and either remain stateless or adopt, if he/she is so eligible, the nationality of e.g. Afghanistan, Iran, or Pakistan, should be administratively assisted by the Government of India to make that choice.
In particular, he/she should be individually, confidentially, and without fear or favour assured and informed of his/her new rights and responsibilities. For example, a resident of Kashmir Valley who chooses to become a Pakistani citizen, such as Mr Geelani, would now enjoy the same rights and responsibilities in the Indian Republic that Mr Tully enjoys, and at the same time no longer require a visa to visit Pakistan just as Mr Tully needs no visa to enter Britain. In case individual participants in the Hurriyat choose to renounce Indian nationality and adopt some other, they would no longer be able to legally participate in Indian national elections or J&K’s State elections. That is something which they say they do not wish to do in any case. Those members of the Hurriyat who chose e.g. Pakistani nationality while still residing in Jammu & Kashmir, would be free to send postal ballots or cross the border and vote in Pakistan’s elections if and when these occur. There are many Canadians who live permanently in the USA who cross home to Canada in order to cast a ballot.
After the period of 30 months, every person presently under Article 370 of the Indian Constitution would have received a full and fair opportunity to privately and confidentially reveal his/her preference or choice under conditions of full information. “Partition”, “Plebiscite”, and “Military Decision” have been the three alternatives under discussion ever since the National Conference of Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah and his then-loyal Deputy, Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad, helped the Indian Army and Air Force in 1947-1948 fight off the savage attack against Jammu & Kashmir State that had commenced from Pakistan on October 22 1947. When, during the Pakistani attack, the Sheikh and Bakshi agreed to the Muslim Conference’s demand for a plebiscite among the people, the Pakistanis balked — the Sheikh and Bakshi then withdrew their offer and decisively and irrevocably chose to accede to the Indian Union. The people of Jammu & Kashmir, like any other, are now bound by the sovereign political commitments made by their forebears. Even so, given the painful mortal facts of the several decades since, the solution here proposed if properly implemented would be an incomparably more thorough democratic exercise than any conceivable plebiscite could ever have been.
Furthermore, regardless of the outcome, it would not entail any further “Partition” or population “transfer” which inevitably would degenerate into a savage balkanization, and has been ruled out as an unacceptable “deal-breaker” by the Indian Republic. Instead, every individual person would have been required, in a private and confidential decision-making process, to have chosen a nationality or to remain stateless — resulting in a multitude of cosmopolitan families in Jammu & Kashmir. But that is something commonplace in the modern world. Properly understood and properly implemented, we shall have resolved the great mortal problem we have faced for more than half a century, and Jammu & Kashmir can finally settle into a period of peace and prosperity. The boundary between India and Pakistan would have been settled by the third alternative mentioned at the time, namely, “Military Decision”.
III. Of Flags and Consulates in Srinagar and Gilgit
Pakistan has demanded its flag fly in Srinagar. This too can happen though not in the way Pakistan has been wishing to see it happen. A Pakistan flag might fly in the Valley just as might an Afghan and Iranian flag as well. Pakistan has wished its flag to fly as the sovereign over Jammu & Kashmir. That is not possible. The best and most just outcome is for the Pakistani flag to fly over a recognised Pakistani consular or visa office in Srinagar, Jammu and Leh. In diplomatic exchange, the Indian tricolour would have to fly over a recognised Indian consular or visa office in Muzaffarabad, Gilgit and Skardu.
Pakistan also may have to act equivalently with respect to the original inhabitants of the territory of Jammu & Kashmir that it has been controlling — allowing those people to become Indian nationals if they so chose to do in free private decisions under conditions of full information. In other words, the “Military Decision” that defines the present boundary between sovereign states must be recognised by Pakistan sincerely and permanently in a Treaty relationship with India — and all of Pakistan’s official and unofficial protégés like the Hurriyat and the “United Jehad Council” would have to do the same. Without such a sovereign commitment from the Government of Pakistan, as shown by decisive actions of lack of aggressive intent (e.g. as came to be implemented between the USA and USSR), the Government of India has no need to involve the Government of Pakistan in implementing the solution of enhancing free individual choice of nationality with regard to all persons on our side of the boundary.
The “Military Decision” regarding the sovereign boundary in Jammu & Kashmir will be so recognised by all only if it is the universally just outcome in international law. And that in fact is what it is.
The original Jammu & Kashmir State began its existence as an entity in international law long before the present Republics of India and Pakistan ever did. Pakistan commences as an entity on August 14 1947; India commences as an entity of international law with its signing of the Treaty of Versailles on June 20 1918. Jammu & Kashmir began as an entity on March 16 1846 — when the Treaty of Amritsar was signed between Gulab Singh Dogra and the British, one week after the Treaty of Lahore between the British and the defeated Sikh regency of the child Daleep Singh.
Liaquat Ali Khan and Zafrullah Khan both formally challenged on Pakistan’s behalf the legitimacy of Dogra rule in Jammu & Kashmir since the Treaty of Amritsar. The Pakistani Mission to the UN does so even today. The Pakistanis were following Sheikh Abdullah and Jawaharlal Nehru himself, who too had at one point challenged Dogra legitimacy in the past. But though the form of words of the Pakistan Government and the Nehru-Abdullah position were similar in their attacks on the Treaty of Amritsar, their underlying substantive reasons were as different as chalk from cheese. The Pakistanis attacked the Dogra dynasty for being Dogra — i.e. because they were Hindus and not Muslims governing a Muslim majority. Nehru and Abdullah denounced monarchic autocracy in favour of mass democracy, and so attacked the Dogra dynasty for being a dynasty. All were wrong to think the Treaty of Amritsar anything but a lawful treaty in international law.
Furthermore, in this sombre political game of great mortal consequence, there were also two other parties who were, or appeared to be, in favour of the dynasty: one because the dynasty was non-Muslim, the other, despite it being so. Non-Muslim minorities like many Hindus and Sikhs in the business and governmental classes, saw the Dogra dynasty as their protector against a feared communalist tyranny arising from the Sunni Muslim masses of Srinagar Valley, whom Abdullah’s rhetoric at Friday prayer-meetings had been inciting or at least awakening from slumber. At the same time, the communalists of the Muslim Conference who had broken away from Abdullah’s secular National Conference, sought political advantage over Abdullah by declaring themselves in favour of keeping the dynasty — even elevating it to become an international sovereign, thus flattering the already pretentious potentate that he would be called “His Majesty” instead of merely “His Highness”. The ancestry of today’s Hurriyat’s demands for an independent Jammu & Kashmir may be traced precisely to those May 21-22 1947 declarations of the Muslim Conference leader, Hamidullah Khan.
Into this game stumbled the British with all the mix of cunning, indifference, good will, impatience, arrogance and pomposity that marked their rule in India. At the behest of the so-called “Native Princes”, the 1929 Butler Commission had hinted that the relationship of “Indian India” to the British sovereign was conceptually different from that of “British India” to the British sovereign. This view was adopted in the Cabinet Mission’s 12 May 1946 Memorandum which in turn came to be applied by Attlee and Mountbatten in their unseemly rush to “Divide and Quit” India in the summer of 1947.
It created the pure legal illusion that there was such a thing as “Lapse of Paramountcy” at which Jammu & Kashmir or any other “Native State” of “Indian India” could conceivably, even for a moment, become a sovereign enjoying the comity of nations — contradicting Britain’s own position that only two Dominions, India and Pakistan, could ever be members of the British Commonwealth and hence members of the newly created UN. British pusillanimity towards Jammu & Kashmir’s Ruler had even extended to making him a nominal member of Churchill’s War Cabinet because he had sent troops to fight in Burma. But the legal illusion had come about because of a catastrophic misunderstanding on the part of the British of their own constitutional law.
The only legal scholar who saw this was B R Ambedkar in a lonely and brilliant technical analysis released to the press on June 17 1947. No “Lapse of Paramountcy” over the “Native Princes” of Indian India could occur in constitutional law. Paramountcy over Indian India would be automatically inherited by the successor state of British India at the Transfer of Power. That successor state was the new British Dominion of India as well as (when it came to be finalised by Partition from India) the new British Dominion of Pakistan (Postscript: the deleted words represent a mistake made in the original paper, corrected in “Law, Justice & J&K” in view of the fact the UN in 1947 deemed India alone the successor state of British India and Pakistan a new state in the world system). A former “Native Prince” could only choose to which Dominion he would go. No other alternative existed even for a single logical moment. Because the British had catastrophically failed to comprehend this aspect of their own constitutional law, they created a legal vacuum whereby between August 15 and October 22-26 1947, Jammu & Kashmir became a local and temporary sovereign recognised only by the Dominion of Pakistan (until October 22) and the Dominion of India (until October 26). But it was not a globally recognised sovereign and was never going to be such in international law. This was further proved by Attlee refusing to answer the J&K Prime Minister’s October 18 1947 telegram.
All ambiguity came to end with the Pakistani attack of October 22 1947, the Rape of Baramulla, the secession of an “Azad Kashmir”declared by Sardar Ibrahim, and the Pakistani coup détat in Gilgit on October 31 1947 followed by the massacre of Sikh soldiers of the J&K Army at Bunji. With those Pakistani actions, Gulab Singh’s Jammu & Kashmir State, founded on March 16 1846 by the Treaty of Amritsar, ceased to logically exist as an entity in international law and fell into a state of ownerless anarchy. The conflict between Ibrahim’s Muslim communalists backed by the new Dominion of Pakistan and Abdullah’s secularists backed by the new Dominion of India had become a civil war within a larger intra-Commonwealth war that itself was almost a civil war between forces of the same military.
Jammu & Kashmir territory had become ownerless. The Roman Law which is at the root of all municipal and international law in the world today would declare that in the ownership of such an ownerless entity, a “Military Decision” was indeed the just outcome. Sovereignty over the land, waters, forests and other actual and potential resources of the erstwhile State of Jammu & Kashmir has become divided by “Military Decision” between the modern Republics of India and Pakistan. By the proposal made herein, the people and their descendants shall have chosen their nationality and their domicile freely across the sovereign boundary that has come to result.
TWO LAW, JUSTICE AND J&K by Subroto Roy First published in two parts in The Sunday Statesman, July 2 2006 and The Statesman July 3 2006 http://www.thestatesman.net Editorial Page Special Article
I.
For a solution to J&K to be universally acceptable it must be seen by all as being lawful and just. Political opinion in Pakistan and India as well as all people and parties in J&K ~ those loyal to India, those loyal to Pakistan, and any others ~ will have to agree that, all things considered, such is the right course of action for everyone today in the 21st Century, which means too that the solution must be consistent with the facts of history as well as account reasonably for all moral considerations.
On August 14, 1947, the legal entity known as “British India”, as one of its final acts, and based on a sovereign British decision made only two months earlier, created out of some of its territory a new State defined in international law as the “Dominion of Pakistan”. British India extinguished itself the very next day, and the newly independent “Dominion of India” succeeded to all its rights and obligations in international law. As the legal successor of the “India” which had signed the Treaty of Versailles in 1919 and the San Francisco Declaration of 1945, the Dominion of India was already a member of the new UN as well as a signatory to many international treaties. By contrast, the Dominion of Pakistan had to apply afresh to sign treaties and become a member of international organisations. The theory put forward by Argentina that two new States, India and Pakistan, had been created ab initio, came to be rejected and was withdrawn by Argentina. Instead, Pakistan with the wholehearted backing of India was made a member of the UN, with all except Afghanistan voting in favour. (Afghanistan’s exceptional vote signalled presence of conflict over the Durand Line and idea of a Pashtunistan; Dr Khan Sahib and Abdul Ghaffar Khan were imprisoned by the Muslim League regime of NWFP which later supported the tribesmen who attacked J&K starting October 22, 1947; that conflict remains unresolved to this day, even after the American attack on the Taliban, the restart of a constitutional process in Afghanistan, and the purported mediation of US Secretary of State Condoleeza Rice.)
Zafrullah Khan, Pakistan’s distinguished first ambassador to the UN, claimed in September 1947: “Pakistan is not a new member of UNO but a successor to a member State which was one of the founders of the Organisation.” He noted that he himself had led India to the final session of the League of Nations in Geneva in 1939, and he wished to say that Pakistan had been present “as part of India… under the latter name” as a signatory to the Treaty of Versailles. This was, however, logically impossible. The Treaty of Versailles long predated (1) Mohammad Iqbal’s Allahabad Address which conceptualised for the first time in the 20th Century a Muslim State in Northwest India; (2) Rahmat Ali’s invention of the word “PAKSTAN” on the top floor of a London omnibus; (3) M. A. Jinnah and Fazlul Haq’s Lahore Resolution; and (4) the final British decision of June 3, 1947 to create by Partition out of “British India” a Dominion named Pakistan. Pakistan could not have acted in international law prior to having come into being or been created or even conceived itself. Zafrullah Khan would have been more accurate to say that the history of Pakistanis until August 14, 1947 had been one in common with that of their Indian cousins ~ or indeed their Indian brothers, since innumerable North Indian Muslim families came to be literally partitioned, with some brothers remaining Indians while other brothers became Pakistanis.
Pakistan was created at the behest of Jinnah’s Muslim League though with eventual agreement of the Indian National Congress (a distant ancestor of the political party going by the same name today). Pakistan arose not because Jinnah said Hindus and Muslims were “two nations” but because he and his League wished for a State where Muslims would find themselves ruled by fellow-Muslims and feel themselves part of a pan-Islamic culture. Yet Pakistan was intended to be a secular polity with Muslim-majority governance, not an Islamic theocracy. That Pakistan failed to become secular was exemplified most poignantly in the persecution Zafrullah himself later faced in his personal life as an Ahmadiya, even while he was Pakistan’s Foreign Minister. (The same happened later to Pakistan’s Nobel-winning physicist Abdus Salaam.) Pakistan was supposed to allow the genius of Indo-Muslim culture to flourish, transplanted from places like Lucknow and Aligarh which would never be part of it. In fact, the areas that are Pakistan today had in the 1937 provincial elections shown scant popular Muslim support for Jinnah’s League. The NWFP had a Congress Government in the 1946 elections, and its supporters boycotted the pro-Pakistan referendum in 1947. The imposition of Urdu culture as Pakistan’s dominant ethos might have come to be accepted later in West Punjab, Sindh and NWFP but it was not acceptable in East Bengal, and led inevitably to the Pakistani civil war and creation of Bangladesh by Sheikh Mujib in 1971.
In August 1947, the new Dominions of India and Pakistan were each supposed to protect their respective minority populations as their first political duty. Yet both palpably failed in this, and were reduced to making joint declarations pleading for peace and an end to communal killings and the abduction of women. The Karachi Government, lacking the wherewithal and administrative machinery of being a nation-state at all, and with only Liaquat and an ailing Jinnah as noted leaders, may have failed more conspicuously, and West Punjab, the Frontier and Sindh were soon emptied of almost all their many Sikhs and Hindus. Instead, the first act of the new Pakistan Government in the weeks after August 14, 1947 was to arrange for the speedy and safe transfer of the North Indian Muslim elite by air from Delhi using chartered British aeroplanes. The ordinary Muslim masses of UP, Delhi and East Punjab were left in danger from or were subjected to Sikh and Hindu mob attacks, especially as news and rumours spread of similar outrages against Pakistan’s departing minorities.
In this spiral of revenge attacks and counter-attacks, bloodshed inevitably spilled over from West and East Punjab into the northern Punjabi plains of Jammu, though Kashmir Valley remained conspicuously peaceful. Zafrullah and Liaquat would later claim it was this communal civil war which had caused thousands of newly decommissioned Mirpuri soldiers of the British Army, and thousands of Afridi and other Frontier tribesmen, to spontaneously act to “liberate” J&K’s Muslims from alleged tyranny under the Hindu Ruler or an allegedly illegal Indian occupation.
But the main attack on J&K State that began from Pakistan along the Manshera-Muzaffarabad road on October 22, 1947 was admittedly far too well-organised, well-armed, well-planned and well-executed to have been merely a spontaneous uprising of tribesmen and former soldiers. In all but name, it was an act of undeclared war of the new Dominion of Pakistan first upon the State of J&K and then upon the Indian Dominion. This became obvious to Field Marshall Auchinlek, who, as Supreme Commander of the armed forces of both India and Pakistan, promptly resigned and abolished the Supreme Command in face of the fact that two parts of his own forces were now at war with one another.
The invaders failed to take Srinagar solely because they lost their military purpose while indulging in the Rape of Baramula. Thousands of Kashmiri women of all communities ~ Muslim, Sikh and Hindu ~ were violated and transported back to be sold in markets in Peshawar and elsewhere. Such was standard practice in Central Asian tribal wars from long before the advent of Islam, and the invading tribesmen shared that culture. India’s Army and Air Force along with the militias of the secular democratic movement led by Sheikh Abdullah and those remaining loyal units of J&K forces, fought off the invasion, and liberated Baramula, Naushera, Uri, Poonch etc. Gilgit had a British-led coup détat against it bringing it under Pakistan’s control. Kargil was initially taken by the Pakistanis and then lost by them. Leh could have been but was not taken by Pakistani forces. But in seeking to protect Leh and to retake Kargil, the Indian Army lost the siege of Skardu ~ which ended reputedly with the infamous communication from the Pakistani commander to his HQ: “All Sikhs killed; all women raped.”
Legal theory
Now, in this grave mortal conflict, the legal theory to which both the Indian and Pakistani Governments have been wedded for sixty years is one that had been endorsed by the British Cabinet Mission in 1946 and originated with the Butler Commission of 1929. Namely, that “Lapse of Paramountcy” over the “Indian India” of the “Native States” could and did occur with the extinction of British India on August 15, 1947. By this theory, Hyderabad, J&K, Junagadh and the several other States which had not acceded to either Dominion were no longer subject to the Crown’s suzerainty as of that date. Both Dominions drew up “Instruments of Accession” for Rulers to sign upon the supposed “Lapse” of Paramountcy that was to occur with the end of British India.
Ever since, the Pakistan Government has argued that Junagadh’s Ruler acceded to Pakistan and Hyderabad’s had wished to do so but both were forcibly prevented by India. Pakistan has also argued the accession to India by J&K’s Ruler was “fraudulent” and unacceptable, and Sheikh Abdullah was a “Quisling” of India and it was not his National Conference but the Muslim Conference of Ibrahim, Abbas and the Mirwaiz (precursor of the Hurriyat) which represented J&K’s Muslims.
India argued that Junagadh’s accession to Pakistan or Hyderabad’s independence were legal and practical impossibilities contradicting the wills of their peoples, and that their integration into the Indian Dominion was carried out in an entirely legitimate manner in the circumstances prevailing.
On J&K, India has argued that not only had the Ruler requested Indian forces to fight off the Pakistani attack, and he acceded formally before Indian forces were sent, but also that democratic principles were fully adhered to in the unequivocal endorsement of the accession by Sheikh Abdullah and the National Conference and further by a duly called and elected J&K Constituent Assembly, as well as generations of Kashmiris since. In the Indian view, it is Pakistan which has been in illegal occupation of Indian territory from Mirpur, Muzaffarabad and Gilgit to Skardu all the way to the Khunjerab Pass, Siachen Glacier and K2, some of which it illegally ceded to its Communist Chinese ally, and furthermore that it has denied the peoples of these areas any democratic voice.
Roman law
In June 1947, it was uniquely and brilliantly argued by BR Ambedkar in a statement to the Press that the British had made a catastrophic error in comprehending their own constitutional law, that no such thing as “Lapse” of Paramountcy existed, and that suzerainty over the “Native States” of “Indian India” would be automatically transferred in international law to the successor State of British India. It was a legal illusion to think any Native State could be sovereign even for a single logical moment. On this theory, if the Dominion of India was the sole successor State in international law while Pakistan was a new legal entity, then a Native State which acceded to Pakistan after August 15, 1947 would have had to do so with the consent of the suzerain power, namely, India, as may be said to have happened implicitly in case of Chitral and a few others. Equally, India’s behaviour in integrating (or annexing) Junagadh and Hyderabad, would become fully explicable ~ as would the statements of Mountbatten, Nehru and Patel before October 1947 that they would accept J&K going to Pakistan if that was what the Ruler and his people desired. Pakistan unilaterally and by surprise went to war against J&K on October 22, declared the accession to India “fraudulent”, and to this day has claimed the territory of the original State of J&K is “disputed”. Certainly, even if the Ambedkar doctrine is applied that no “Lapse” was possible under British law, Pakistan did not recognise India’s jurisdiction there as the suzerain power as of August 15, 1947. Altogether, Pakistan’s sovereign actions from October 22 onwards amounted to acting to annex J&K to itself by military force ~ acts which came to be militarily resisted (with partial success) by India allied with Sheikh Abdullah’s National Conference and the remaining forces of J&K. By these military actions, Pakistan revealed that it considered J&K territory to have descended into a legal state of anarchy as of October 22, 1947, and hence open to resolution by “Military Decision” ~ as is indeed the just outcome under Roman Law, the root of all municipal and international law today, when there is a contest between claimants over an ownerless entity.
Choice of nationality
Hence, the present author concluded (“Solving Kashmir”, The Statesman December 1-3, 2005) that the dismemberment of the original J&K State and annexation of its territories by India and Pakistan that has occurred since 1947, as represented first by the 1949 Ceasefire Line and then by the 1972 Line of Control, is indeed the just and lawful outcome prevailing in respect of the question of territorial sovereignty and jurisdiction. The remaining “democratic” question described has to do with free individual choice of nationality by the inhabitants, under conditions of full information and privacy, citizen-by-citizen, with the grant of permanent residency rights by the Indian Republic to persons under its jurisdiction in J&K who may choose not to remain Indian nationals but become Afghan, Iranian or Pakistani nationals instead. Pakistan has said frequently its sole concern has been the freedom of the Muslims of J&K under Indian rule, and any such genuine concern shall have been thereby fully met by India. Indeed, if Pakistan agreed to act similarly, this entire complex mortal problem of decades shall have begun to be peacefully resolved. Both countries are wracked by corruption, poverty and bad governance, and would be able to mutually draw down military forces pit against one another everywhere, so as to begin to repair the grave damage to their fiscal health caused by the deleterious draining away of vast public resources.
At the advent of Islam in distant Arabia, India and Kashmir in particular were being visited by Chinese Buddhist pilgrims during Harsha’s reign. The great “Master of Law” Hiuen Tsiang visited between 629-645 and spent 631-633 in Kashmir (”Kia-chi-mi-lo”), describing it to include Punjab, Kabul and Kandahar. Over the next dozen centuries, Buddhist, Hindu, Muslim, Sikh and again Hindu monarchs came to rule the 85 mile long 40 mile wide territory on the River Jhelum’s upper course known as Srinagar Valley, as well as its adjoining Jammu in the upper plains of the Punjab and “Little Tibet” consisting of Laddakh, Baltistan and Gilgit.
In 1344, a Persian adventurer from Swat or Khorasan by name of Amir or Mirza, who had “found his way into the Valley and in time gained great influence at the Raja’s court”, proclaimed himself Sultan Shamsuddin after the death of the last Hindu monarchs of medieval Kashmir. Twelve of his descendants formed the Shamiri dynasty including the notorious Sikander and the just and tolerant Zainulabidin. Sikander who ruled 1386-1410 “submitted himself” to the Uzbek Taimur the Lame when he approached Kashmir in 1398 “and thus saved the country from invasion”. Otherwise, “Sikander was a gloomy ferocious bigot, and his zeal in destroying temples and idols was so intense that he is remembered as the Idol-Breaker. He freely used the sword to propagate Islam and succeeded in forcing the bulk of the population to conform outwardly to the Muslim religion. Most of the Brahmins refused to apostatise, and many of them paid with their lives the penalty for their steadfastness. Many others were exiled, and only a few conformed.”
Zainulabidin who ruled 1417-1467 “was a man of very different type”. “He adopted the policy of universal toleration, recalled the exiled Brahmins, repealed the jizya or poll-tax on Hindus, and even permitted new temples to be built. He abstained from eating flesh, prohibited the slaughter of kine, and was justly venerated as a saint. He encouraged literature, painting and music, and caused many translations to be made of works composed in Sanskrit, Arabic and other languages.” During his “long and prosperous reign”, he “constructed canals and built many mosques; he was just and tolerant”.
The Shamiri dynasty ended in 1541 when “some fugitive chiefs of the two local factions of the Makri and the Chakk invited Mirza Haidar Dughlat, a relation of Babar, to invade Kashmir. The country was conquered and the Mirza held it (nominally in name of Humayan) till 1551, when he was killed in a skirmish. The line… was restored for a few years, until in 1559 a Chakk leader, Ghazi Shah, usurped the throne; and in the possession of his descendants it remained for nearly thirty years.” This dynasty marks the origins of Shia Islam in Srinagar though Shia influence in Gilgit, Baltistan and Laddakh was of longer standing. Constant dissensions weakened the Chakks, and in 1586, Akbar, then at Attock on the Indus, sent an army under Raja Bhagwan Das into Srinagar Valley and easily made it part of his Empire.
Shivaism and Islam both flourished, and Hindu ascetics and Sufi saints were revered by all. Far from Muslims and Hindus forming distinct nations, here they were genetically related kinsmen living in proximity in a small isolated area for centuries. Indeed Zainulabidin may have had a vast unspoken influence on the history of all India insofar as Akbar sought to attempt in his empire what Zainulabidin achieved in the Valley. Like Zainulabidin, Akbar’s governance of India had as its “constant aim” “to conciliate the Hindus and to repress Muslim bigotry” which in modern political parlance may be seen as the principle of secular governance ~ of conciliating the powerless (whether majority or minority) and repressing the bigotry of the powerful (whether minority or majority). Akbar had made the Valley the summer residence of the Mughals, and it was Jahangir, seeing the Valley for the first time, who apparently said the words agar behest baushad, hamee in hast, hamee in hast, hamee in hast: “if Heaven exists, it is here, it is here, it is here”. Yet like other isolated paradises (such as the idyllic islands of the Pacific Ocean) an accursed mental ether can accompany the magnificent beauty of people’s surroundings. As the historian put it: “The Kashmiris remained secure in their inaccessible Valley; but they were given up to internal weakness and discord, their political importance was gone…”
After the Mughals collapsed, Iran’s Turkish ruler Nadir Shah sacked Delhi in 1739 but the Iranian court fell in disarray upon his death. In 1747 a jirga of Pashtun tribes at Kandahar “broke normal tradition” and asked an old Punjabi holy man and shrine-keeper to choose between two leaders; this man placed young wheat in the hand of the 25 year old Ahmed Shah Saddozai of the Abdali tribe, and titled him “Durrani”. Five years later, Durrani took Kashmir and for the next 67 years the Valley was under Pashtun rule, a time of “unmitigated brutality and widespread distress”. Durrani himself “was wise, prudent and simple”, never declared himself king and wore no crown, instead keeping a stick of young wheat in his turban. Leaving India, he famously recited: “The Delhi throne is beautiful indeed, but does it compare with the mountains of Kandahar?”
Kashmir’s modern history begins with Ranjit Singh of the Sikhs who became a soldier at 12, and in 1799 at age 19 was made Lahore’s Governor by Kabul’s Zaman Shah. Three years later “he made himself master of Amritsar”, and in 1806 crossed the River Sutlej and took Ludhiana. He created a fine Sikh infantry and cavalry under former officers of Napoleon, and with 80,000 trained men and 500 guns took Multan and Peshawar, defeated the Pashtuns and overran Kashmir in 1819. The “cruel rule” of the Pashtuns ended “to the great relief of Kashmir’s inhabitants”.
The British Governor-General Minto (ancestor of the later Viceroy), seeing advantage in the Sikhs staying north of the Sutlej, sent Charles Metcalfe, “a clever young civilian”, to persuade the Khalsa; in 1809, Ranjit Singh and the British in the first Treaty of Amritsar agreed to establish “perpetual amity”: the British would “have no concern” north of the Sutlej and Ranjit Singh would keep only minor personnel south of it. In 1834 and 1838 Ranjit Singh was struck by paralysis and died in 1839, leaving no competent heir. The Sikh polity collapsed, “their power exploded, disappearing in fierce but fast flames”. It was “a period of storm and anarchy in which assassination was the rule” and the legitimate line of his son and grandson, Kharak Singh and Nao Nihal Singh was quickly extinguished. In 1845 the Queen Regent, mother of the five-year old Dalip Singh, agreed to the Khalsa ending the 1809 Treaty. After bitter battles that might have gone either way, the Khalsa lost at Sobraon on 10 February 1846, and accepted terms of surrender in the 9 March 1846 Treaty of Lahore. The kingdom had not long survived its founder: “created by the military and administrative genius of one man, it crumbled into powder when the spirit which gave it life was withdrawn; and the inheritance of the Khalsa passed into the hands of the English.”
Ranjit Singh’s influence on modern J&K was even greater through his having mentored the Rajput Gulab Singh Dogra (1792-1857) and his brothers Dhyan Singh and Suchet Singh. Jammu had been ruled by Ranjit Deo until 1780 when the Sikhs made it tributary to the Lahore Court. Gulab Singh, a great grand nephew of Ranjit Deo, had left home at age 17 in search of a soldierly fortune, and ended up in 1809 in Ranjit Singh’s army, just when Ranjit Singh had acquired for himself a free hand to expand his domains north of the River Sutlej.
Gulab Singh, an intrepid soldier, by 1820 had Jammu conferred upon him by Ranjit Singh with the title of Raja, while Bhimber, Chibal, Poonch and Ramnagar went to his brothers. Gulab Singh, “often unscrupulous and cruel, was a man of considerable ability and efficiency”; he “found his small kingdom a troublesome charge but after ten years of constant struggles he and his two brothers became masters of most of the country between Kashmir and the Punjab”, though Srinagar Valley itself remained under a separate Governor appointed by the Lahore Court. Gulab Singh extended Jammu’s rule from Rawalpindi, Bhimber, Rajouri, Bhadarwah and Kishtwar, across Laddakh and into Tibet. His General Zorawar Singh led six expeditions into Laddakh between 1834 and 1841 through Kishtwar, Padar and Zanskar. In May 1841, Zorawar left Leh with an army of 5000 Dogras and Laddakhis and advanced on Tibet. Defeating the Tibetans at Rudok and Tashigong, he reached Minsar near Lake Mansarovar from where he advanced to Taklakot (Purang), 15 miles from the borders of Nepal and Kumaon, and built a fort stopping for the winter. Lhasa sent large re-inforcements to meet him. Zorawar, deciding to take the offensive, was killed in the Battle of Toyu, on 11-12 December 1841 at 16,000 feet.
A Laddakhi rebellion resulted against Jammu, aided now by the advancing Tibetans. A new army was sent under Hari Chand suppressing the rebellion and throwing back the Tibetans, leading to a peace treaty between Lhasa and Jammu signed on 17 September 1842: “We have agreed that we have no ill-feelings because of the past war. The two kings will henceforth remain friends forever. The relationship between Maharajah Gulab Singh of Kashmir and the Lama Guru of Lhasa (Dalai Lama) is now established. The Maharajah Sahib, with God (Kunchok) as his witness, promises to recognise ancient boundaries, which should be looked after by each side without resorting to warfare. When the descendants of the early kings, who fled from Laddakh to Tibet, now return they will not be stopped by Shri Maharajah. Trade between Laddakh and Tibet will continue as usual. Tibetan government traders coming into Laddakh will receive free transport and accommodations as before, and the Laddakhi envoy will, in turn, receive the same facilities in Lhasa. The Laddakhis take an oath before God (Kunchok) that they will not intrigue or create new troubles in Tibetan territory. We have agreed, with God as witness, that Shri Maharajah Sahib and the Lama Guru of Lhasa will live together as members of the same household.” The traditional boundary between Laddakh and Tibet “as recognised by both sides since olden times” was accepted by the envoys of Gulab Singh and the Dalai Lama.
An earlier 1684 treaty between Laddakh and Lhasa had said that while Laddakh would send tribute to Lhasa every three years, “the king of Laddakh reserves to himself the village of Minsar in Ngarees-khor-sum, that he may be independent there; and he sets aside its revenue for the purpose of meeting the expense involved in keeping up the sacrificial lights at Kangree (Kailas), and the Holy Lakes of Mansarovar and Rakas Tal”. The area around Minsar village near Lake Mansarovar, held by the rulers of Laddakh since 1583, was retained by Jammu in the 1842 peace-treaty, and its revenue was received by J&K State until 1948.
After Ranjit Singh’s death in 1839, Gulab Singh was alienated from the Lahore Court where the rise of his brothers and a nephew aroused enough Khalsa jealousy to see them assassinated in palace intrigues. While the Sikhs imploded, Gulab Singh had expanded his own dominion from Rawalpindi to Minsar ~ everywhere except Srinagar Valley itself. He had apparently advised the Sikhs not to attack the British in breach of the 1809 Treaty, and when they did so he had not joined them, though had he done so British power in North India might have been broken. The British were grateful for his neutrality and also his help in their first misbegotten adventure in Afghanistan. It was Gulab Singh who was now encouraged by both the British and the Sikhs to mediate between them, indeed “to take a leading part in arranging conditions of peace”, and he formally represented the Sikh regency in the negotiations. The 9 March 1846 Treaty of Lahore “set forth that the British Government having demanded in addition to a certain assignment of territory, a payment of a crore and a half of rupees, and the Sikh Government being unable to pay the whole”, Dalip Singh “should cede as equivalent to one crore the hill country belonging to the Punjab between the Beas and the Indus including Kashmir and the Hazara”.
For the British to occupy the whole of this mountainous territory was judged unwise on economic and military grounds; it was not feasible to occupy from a military standpoint and the area “with the exception of the small Valley of Kashmir” was “for the most part unproductive”. “On the other hand, the ceded tracts comprised the whole of the hereditary possessions of Gulab Singh, who, being eager to obtain an indefeasible title to them, came forward and offered to pay the war indemnity on condition that he was made the independent ruler of Jammu & Kashmir.
A separate treaty embodying this arrangement was thus concluded between the British and Gulab Singh at Amritsar on 16 March 1846.” Gulab Singh acknowledged the British Government’s supremacy, and in token of it agreed to present annually to the British Government “one horse, twelve shawl goats of approved breed and three pairs of Kashmir shawls. This arrangement was later altered; the annual presentation made by the Kashmir State was confined to two Kashmir shawls and three romals (handkerchiefs).” The Treaty of Amritsar “put Gulab Singh, as Maharaja, in possession of all the hill country between the Indus and the Ravi, including Kashmir, Jammu, Laddakh and Gilgit; but excluding Lahoul, Kulu and some areas including Chamba which for strategic purposes, it was considered advisable (by the British) to retain and for which a remission of Rs 25 lakhs was made from the crore demanded, leaving Rs 75 lakhs as the final amount to be paid by Gulab Singh.” The British retained Hazara which in 1918 was included into NWFP. Through an intrigue emanating from Prime Minister Lal Singh in Lahore, Imamuddin, the last Sikh-appointed Governor of Kashmir, sought to prevent Gulab Singh taking possession of the Valley in accordance with the Treaty’s terms. By December 1846 Gulab Singh had done so, though only with help of a British force which included 17,000 Sikh troops “who had been fighting in the campaign just concluded”. (Contemporary British opinion even predicted Sikhism like Buddhism “would become extinct in a short time if it were not kept alive by the esprit de corps of the Sikh regiments”.)
The British in 1846 may have been glad enough to allow Gulab Singh take independent charge of the new entity that came to be now known as the “State of Jammu & Kashmir”. Later, however. they and their American allies would grow keen to control or influence the region vis-à-vis their new interests against the Russian and Soviet Empires.
From the 1846 Treaty of Amritsar creating the State of Jammu & Kashmir until the collapse of the USSR in 1991, Britain and later the USA became increasingly interested in the subcontinent’s Northwest. The British came to India by sea to trade. Barren, splendid, landlocked Afghanistan held no interest except as a home of fierce tribes; but it was the source of invasions into the Indian plains and prompted a British misadventure to install Shah Shuja in place of Dost Mohammad Khan leading to ignominious defeat. Later, Afghanistan was seen as the underbelly of the Russian and Soviet empires, and hence a location of interest to British and American strategic causes.
In November 1954, US President Dwight Eisenhower authorized 30 U-2 spy aircraft to be produced for deployment against America’s perceived enemies, especially to investigate Soviet nuclear missiles which could reach the USA. Reconnaissance balloons had been unsuccessful, and numerous Western pilots had been shot down taking photographs from ordinary military aircraft. By June 1956, U-2 were making clandestine flights over the USSR and China. But on May 1 1960, one was shot or forced down over Sverdlovsk, 1,000 miles within Soviet territory. The Americans prevaricated that it had taken off from Turkey on a weather-mission, and been lost due to oxygen problems. Nikita Kruschev then produced the pilot, Francis Gary Powers, who was convicted of spying, though was exchanged later for a Soviet spy. Powers had been headed towards Norway, his task to photograph Soviet missiles from 70,000 ft, his point of origin had been an American base 20 miles from Peshawar.
America needed clandestine “forward bases” from which to fly U-2 aircraft, and Pakistan’s ingratiating military and diplomatic establishment was more than willing to offer such cooperation, fervently wishing to be seen as a “frontline state” against the USSR. “We will help you defeat the USSR and we are hopeful you will help us defeat India” became their constant refrain. By 1986, the Americans had been permitted to build air-bases in Balochistan and also use Mauripur air-base near Karachi.
Jammu & Kashmir and especially Gilgit-Baltistan adjoins the Pashtun regions whose capital has been Peshawar. In August-November 1947, a British coup d’etat against J&K State secured Gilgit-Baltistan for the new British Dominion of Pakistan.
The Treaty of Amritsar had nowhere required Gulab Singh’s dynasty to accept British political control in J&K as came to be exercised by British “Residents” in all other Indian “Native States”. Despite this, Delhi throughout the late 19th Century relentlessly pressed Gulab Singh’s successors Ranbir Singh and Partab Singh to accept political control. The Dogras acquiesced eventually. Delhi’s desire for control had less to do with the welfare of J&K’s people than with protection of increasing British interests in the area, like European migration to Srinagar Valley and guarding against Russian or German moves in Afghanistan. “Sargin” or “Sargin Gilit”, later corrupted by the Sikhs and Dogras into “Gilgit”, had an ancient people who spoke an archaic Dardic language “intermediate between the Iranian and the Sanskritic”. “The Dards were located by Ptolemy with surprising accuracy on the West of the Upper Indus, beyond the headwaters of the Swat River (Greek: Soastus) and north of the Gandarae (i.e. Kandahar), who occupied Peshawar and the country north of it. This region was traversed by two Chinese pilgrims, Fa-Hsien, coming from the north about AD 400 and Hsuan Tsiang, ascending from Swat in AD 629, and both left records of their journeys.”
Gilgit had been historically ruled by a Hindu dynasty called Trakane; when they became extinct, Gilgit Valley “was desolated by successive invasions of neighbouring rulers, and in the 20 or 30 years ending with 1842 there had been five dynastic revolutions. The Sikhs entered Gilgit about 1842 and kept a garrison there.” When J&K came under Gulab Singh, “the Gilgit claims were transferred with it, and a boundary commission was sent” by the British. In 1852 the Dogras were driven out with 2,000 dead. In 1860 under Ranbir Singh, the Dogras “returned to Gilgit and took Yasin twice, but did not hold it. They also in 1866 invaded Darel, one of the most secluded Dard states, to the south of the Gilgit basin but withdrew again.”
The British appointed a Political Agent in Gilgit in 1877 but he was withdrawn in 1881. “In 1889, in order to guard against the advance of Russia, the British Government, acting as the suzerain power of Kashmir, established the Gilgit Agency”. The Agency was re-established under control of the British Resident in Jammu & Kashmir. “It comprised the Gilgit Wazarat; the State of Hunza and Nagar; the Punial Jagir; the Governorships of Yasin, Kuh-Ghizr and Ishkoman, and Chilas”. In 1935, the British demanded J&K lease to them for 60 years Gilgit town plus most of the Gilgit Agency and the hill-states Hunza, Nagar, Yasin and Ishkuman. Hari Singh had no choice but to acquiesce. The leased region was then treated as part of British India, administered by a Political Agent at Gilgit responsible to Delhi, first through the Resident in J& K and later a British Agent in Peshawar. J& K State no longer kept troops in Gilgit and a mercenary force, the Gilgit Scouts, was recruited with British officers and paid for by Delhi. In April 1947, Delhi decided to formally retrocede the leased areas to Hari Singh’s J& K State as of 15 August 1947. The transfer was to formally take place on 1 August.
On 31 July, Hari Singh’s Governor arrived to find “all the officers of the British Government had opted for service in Pakistan”. The Gilgit Scouts’ commander, a Major William Brown aged 25, and his adjutant, a Captain Mathieson, planned openly to engineer a coup détat against Hari Singh’s Government. Between August and October, Gilgit was in uneasy calm. At midnight on 31 October 1947, the Governor was surrounded by the Scouts and the next day he was “arrested” and a provisional government declared.
Hari Singh’s nearest forces were at Bunji, 34 miles from Gilgit, a few miles downstream from where the Indus is joined by Gilgit River. The 6th J& K Infantry Battalion there was a mixed Sikh-Muslim unit, typical of the State’s Army, commanded by a Lt Col. Majid Khan. Bunji controlled the road to Srinagar. Further upstream was Skardu, capital of Baltistan, part of Laddakh District where there was a small garrison. Following Brown’s coup in Gilgit, Muslim soldiers of the 6th Infantry massacred their Sikh brothers-at-arms at Bunji. The few Sikhs who survived escaped to the hills and from there found their way to the garrison at Skardu.
On 4 November 1947, Brown raised the new Pakistani flag in the Scouts’ lines, and by the third week of November a Political Agent from Pakistan had established himself at Gilgit. Brown had engineered Gilgit and its adjoining states to first secede from J&K, and, after some talk of being independent, had promptly acceded to Pakistan. His commander in Peshawar, a Col. Bacon, as well as Col. Iskander Mirza, Defence Secretary in the new Pakistan and later to lead the first military coup détat and become President of Pakistan, were pleased enough. In July 1948, Brown was awarded an MBE (Military) and the British Governor of the NWFP got him a civilian job with ICI~ which however sent him to Calcutta, where he came to be attacked and left for dead on the streets by Sikhs avenging the Bunji massacre. Brown survived, returned to England, started a riding school, and died in 1984. In March 1994, Pakistan awarded his widow the Sitara-I-Pakistan in recognition of his coup détat.
Gilgit’s ordinary people had not participated in Brown’s coup which carried their fortunes into the new Pakistan, and to this day appear to remain without legislative representation. It was merely assumed that since they were mostly Muslim in number they would wish to be part of Pakistan ~ which also became Liaquat Ali Khan’s assumption about J&K State as a whole in his 1950 statements in North America. What the Gilgit case demonstrates is that J&K State’s descent into a legal condition of ownerless anarchy open to “Military Decision” had begun even before the Pakistani invasion of 22 October 1947 (viz. “Solving Kashmir”, The Statesman, 1-3 December 2005). Also, whatever else the British said or did with respect to J & K, they were closely allied to the new Pakistan on the matter of Gilgit.
The peak of Pakistan’s Anglo-American alliance came with the enormous support in the 1980s to guerrilla forces created and headquartered in Peshawar, to battle the USSR and Afghan communists directly across the Durand Line. It was this guerrilla war which became a proximate cause of the collapse of the USSR as a political entity in 1991. President Ronald Reagan’s CIA chief William J. Casey sent vast sums in 1985-1988 to supply and train these guerrillas. The Washington Post and New Yorker reported the CIA training guerrillas “in the use of mortars, rocket grenades, ground-to-air missiles”. 200 hand-held Stinger missiles were supplied for the first time in 1986 and the New Yorker reported Gulbudin Hikmatyar’s “Hizbe Islami” guerrillas being trained to bring down Soviet aircraft. “Mujahideen had been promised two Stingers for every Soviet aircraft brought down. Operators who failed to aim correctly were given additional training… By 1986, the United States was so deeply involved in the Afghan war that Soviet aircraft were being brought down under the supervision of American experts”. (Raja Anwar, The Tragedy of Afghanistan, 1988, p. 234).
The budding US-China détente brokered by Pakistan came into full bloom here. NBC News on 7 January 1980 said “for the first time in history (a senior State Department official) publicly admitted the possibility of concluding a military alliance between the United States and China”. London’s Daily Telegraph reported on 5 January 1980 “China is flying large supplies of arms and ammunition to the insurgents in Afghanistan. According to diplomatic reports, supplies have arrived in Pakistan from China via the Karakoram Highway…. A major build-up of Chinese involvement is underway ~ in the past few days. Scores of Chinese instructors have arrived at the Shola-e-Javed camps.”
Afghan reports in 1983-1985 said “there were eight training camps near the Afghan border operated by the Chinese in Sinkiang province” and that China had supplied the guerrillas “with a variety of weapons including 40,000 RPG-7 and 20,000 RPG-II anti tank rocket launchers.” Like Pakistan, “China did not publicly admit its involvement in the Afghan conflict: in 1985 the Chinese Mission at the UN distributed a letter denying that China was extending any kind of help to the Afghan rebels” (Anwar, ibid. p. 234). Support extended deep and wide across the Arab world. “The Saudi and Gulf rulers … became the financial patrons of the Afghan rebels from the very start of the conflict”. Anwar Sadat, having won the Nobel Peace Prize, was “keen to claim credit for his role in Afghanistan…. by joining the Afghanistan jihad, Sadat could re-establish his Islamic credentials, or so he believed. He could thus not only please the Muslim nations but also place the USA and Israel in his debt.” Sadat’s Defence Minister said in January 1980: “Army camps have been opened for the training of Afghan rebels; they are being supplied with weapons from Egypt” and Sadat told NBC News on 22 September 1981 “that for the last twenty-one months, the USA had been buying arms from Egypt for the Afghan rebels. He said he had been approached by the USA in December 1979 and he had decided to `open my stores’. He further disclosed that these arms were being flown to Pakistan from Egypt by American aircraft. Egypt had vast supplies of SAM-7 and RPG-7 anti-aircraft and anti-tank weapons which Sadat agreed to supply to Afghanistan in exchange for new American arms. The Soviet weapons, being light, were ideally suited to guerrilla warfare. … the Mujahideen could easily claim to have captured them from Soviet and Afghan troops in battle.… Khomeini’s Iran got embroiled in war (against Iraq) otherwise Kabul would also have had to contend with the full might of the Islamic revolutionaries.” (Anwar ibid. p. 235).
Afghanistan had been occupied on 26-27 December 1979 by Soviet forces sent by the decrepit Leonid Brezhnev and Yuri Andropov to carry out a putsch replacing one communist, Hafizullah Amin, with a rival communist and Soviet protégé, Babrak Karmal. By 1985 Brezhnev and Andropov were dead and Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev had begun his attempts to reform the Soviet system, usher in openness, end the Cold War and in particular withdraw from Afghanistan, which by 1986 he had termed “a bleeding wound”. Gorbachev replaced Karmal with a new protégé Najibullah Khan, who was assigned the impossible task of bringing about national reconciliation with the Pakistan-based guerrillas and form a national government. Soviet forces withdrew from Afghanistan in February 1989 having lost 14,500 dead, while more than a million Afghans had been killed since the invasion a decade earlier.
Not long after Russia’s Bolshevik Revolution, Gregory Zinoviev had said that international communism “turns today to the peoples of the East and says to them, `Brothers, we summon you to a Holy War first of all against British imperialism!’ At this there were cries of Jehad! Jehad! And much brandishing of picturesque Oriental weapons.” (Treadgold, Twentieth Century Russia, 1990, p. 213). Now instead, the Afghan misadventure had contributed to the collapse of the Soviet Empire itself, the USSR ceasing to be a political entity by 1991, and even Gorbachev being displaced by Boris Yeltsin and later Vladimir Putin in a new Russia.
What resulted for the people of the USA and Britain and the West in general was that they no longer had to live under threat of hostile Soviet tanks and missiles, while the people of Russia, Ukraine and the other erstwhile Soviet republics as well as Eastern Europe were able to throw off the yoke of communism that had oppressed them since the Bolshevik Revolution and instead to breathe the air of freedom.
What happened to the people of Afghanistan, however, was that they were plunged into further ghastly civil war for more than ten years. And what happened to the people of Pakistan was that their country was left resembling a gigantic Islamist military camp, awash with airfields, arms, ammunition and trained guerrillas, as well as a military establishment enlivened as always by perpetual hope that these supplies, provisions and personnel of war might find alternative use in attacks against India over J& K. “We helped you when you wished to see the Soviet Union defeated and withdrawing in Afghanistan”, Pakistan’s generals and diplomats pleaded with the Americans and British, “now you must help us in our wish to see India defeated and withdrawing in Kashmir”. Pakistan’s leaders even believed that just as the Soviet Union had disintegrated afterwards, the Indian Union perhaps might be made to do the same. Not only were the two cases as different as chalk from cheese, Palmerstone’s dictum there are no permanent allies in the politics of nations could not have found more apt use than in what actually came to take place next.
Pakistan’s generals and diplomats felt betrayed by the loss of Anglo-American paternalism towards them after 1989.
Modern Pakistanis had never felt they subscribed to the Indian nationalist movement culminating in independence in August 1947. The Pakistani state now finally declared its independence in the world by exploding bombs in a nuclear arsenal secretly created with help purchased from China and North Korea. Pakistan’s leaders thus came to feel in some control of Pakistan’s destiny as a nation-state for the first time, more than fifty years after Pakistan’s formal creation in 1947. If nothing else, at least they had the Bomb.
Secondly, America and its allies would not be safe for long since the civil war they had left behind in Afghanistan while trying to defeat the USSR now became a brew from which arose a new threat of violent Islamism. Osama bin Laden and the Taliban, whom Pakistan’s military and the USA had promoted, now encouraged unprecedented attacks on the American mainland on September 11 2001 ~ causing physical and psychological damage which no Soviet, Chinese or Cuban missiles ever had been allowed to do. In response, America attacked and removed the Taliban regime in Afghanistan, once again receiving the cooperative use of Pakistani manpower and real estate ~ except now there was no longer any truck with the Pakistani establishment’s wish for a quid pro quo of Anglo-American support against India on J&K. Pakistan’s generals and diplomats soon realised their Anglo-American alliance of more than a half-century ended on September 11 2001. Their new cooperation was in killing or arresting and handing over fellow-Muslims and necessarily lacked their earlier feelings of subservience and ingratiation towards the Americans and British, and came to be done instead under at least some duress. No benefit could be reaped any more in the fight against India over Jammu & Kashmir. An era had ended in the subcontinent.
WHAT TO TELL MUSHARRAF: PEACE IS IMPOSSIBLE WITHOUT NON-AGGRESSIVE PAKISTANI INTENTIONS by Subroto Roy, First published in The Statesman December 15 2006 Editorial Page Special Article, www.thestatesman.net
In June 1989 a project at an American university involving Pakistani and other scholars, including one Indian, led to the book Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s published in Karachi, New Delhi and elsewhere. The book reached Nawaz Sharif and the Islamabad elite, and General Musharraf’s current proposal on J&K, endorsed warmly by the US State Department last week, derives from the last paragraph of its editorial introduction: “Kashmir… must be demilitarised and unified by both countries sooner or later, and it must be done without force. There has been enough needless bloodshed on the subcontinent… Modern Pakistanis and Indians are free peoples who can voluntarily agree in their own interests to alter the terms set hurriedly by Attlee or Mountbatten in the Indian Independence Act 1947. Nobody but we ourselves keeps us prisoners of superficial definitions of who we are or might be. The subcontinent could evolve its political identity over a period of time on the pattern of Western Europe, with open borders and (common) tariffs to the outside world, with the free movement of people, capital, ideas and culture. Large armed forces could be reduced and transformed in a manner that would enhance the security of each nation. The real and peaceful economic revolution of the masses of the subcontinent would then be able to begin.”
The editors as economists decried the waste of resources involved in the Pakistan-India confrontation, saying it had “greatly impoverished the general budgets of both Pakistan and India. If it has benefited important sections of the political and military elites of both countries, it has done so only at the expense of the general welfare of the masses.”
International law
Such words may have been bold in the early 1990s but today, a decade and a half later, they seem incomplete and rather naïve even to their author, who was myself, the only Indian in that project. Most significantly, the position in international law in the context of historical facts had been wholly neglected. So had been the manifest nature of the contemporary Pakistani state.
Jammu & Kashmir became an entity in international law when the Treaty of Amritsar was signed between Gulab Singh and the British on March 16 1846. British India itself became an entity in international law much later, possibly as late as June 1919 when it signed the Treaty of Versailles. As for Pakistan, it had no existence in world history or international law until August 14 1947, when the British created it as a new entity out of certain demarcated areas of British India and gave it the status of a Dominion. British India dissolved itself on August 15 1947 and the Dominion of India became its successor-state in international law on that date. As BR Ambedkar pointed out at the time, the new India automatically inherited British India’s suzerainty over any and all remaining “princely” states of so-called “Indian India”. In case of J&K in particular, there never was any question of it being recognised as an independent entity in global international law.
The new Pakistan, by entering a Standstill Agreement with J&K as of August 15 1947, did locally recognise J&K’s sovereignty over its decision whether to join Pakistan or India. But this Pakistani recognition lasted only until the attack on J&K that commenced from Pakistani territory as of October 22 1947, an attack in which Pakistani forces were complicit (something which, in different and mutating senses, has continued ever since). The Dominion of India had indicated it might have consented if J&K’s Ruler had decided to accede to Pakistan in the weeks following the dissolution of British India. But no such thing happened: what did happen was the descent of J&K into a condition of legal anarchy.
Beginning with the Pakistani attack on J&K as of October 22 upto and including the Rape of Baramulla and the British-led Pakistani coup détat in Gilgit on one side, and the arrival of Indian forces as well as mobilization by Sheikh Abdullah and Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad of J&K’s civilians to repel the Pakistani invaders on the other side, the State of Jammu & Kashmir became an ownerless entity in international law. In Roman Law, from which all modern international and municipal law ultimately derives, the ownership of an ownerless entity is open to be determined by “military decision”. The January 1949 Ceasefire Line that came to be renamed the Line of Control after the 1971 Bangladesh War, demarcates the respective territories that the then-Dominions and later Republics of India and Pakistan acquired by “military decision” of the erstwhile State of J&K which had come to cease to exist.
What the Republic of India means by saying today that boundaries cannot be redrawn nor any populations forcibly transferred is quite simply that the division of erstwhile J&K territory is permanent, and that sovereignty over it is indivisible. It is only sheer ignorance on the part of General Musharraf’s Indian interviewer the other day which caused it to be said that Pakistan was willing to “give up” its claim on erstwhile J&K State territory which India has held: Pakistan has never had nor even made such a claim in international law. What Pakistan has claimed is that India has been an occupier and that there are many people inhabiting the Indian area who may not wish to be Indian nationals and who are being compelled against their will to remain so ~ forgetting to add that precisely the same could be said likewise of the Pakistani-held area.
Accordingly, the lawful solution proposed in these pages a year ago to resolve that matter, serious as it is, has been that the Republic of India invite every person covered under Article 370, citizen-by- citizen, under a condition of full information, to privately and without fear decide, if he/she has not done so already, between possible Indian, Iranian, Afghan or Pakistani nationalities ~ granting rights and obligations of permanent residents to any of those persons who may choose for whatever private reason not to remain Indian nationals. If Pakistan acted likewise, the problem of J&K would indeed come to be resolved. The Americans, as self- appointed mediators, have said they wish “the people of the region to have a voice” in a solution: there can be no better expression of such voice than allowing individuals to privately choose their own nationalities and their rights and responsibilities accordingly. The issue of territorial sovereignty is logically distinct from that of the choice of nationality by individual inhabitants.
Military de-escalation
Equally significant though in assessing whether General Musharraf’s proposal is an anachronism, is Pakistan’s history since 1947: through Ayub’s 1965 attack, the civil war and secession of Bangladesh, the Afghan war and growth of the ISI, the Kargil incursion, the 1999 coup détat, and, once or twice removed, the 9/11 attacks against America. It is not a history that allows any confidence to arise in Indians that we are not dealing with a country misgoverned by a tiny arrogant exploitative military elite who remain hell-bent on aggression against us. Like the USA and USSR twenty years ago, what we need to negotiate about, and negotiate hard about, is an overall mutual military drawdown and de-escalation appropriate to lack of aggressive intent on both sides. Is General Musharraf willing to discuss that? It would involve reciprocal verifiable assessment of one another’s reasonable military requirements on the assumption that each was not a threatening enemy of the other. That was how the USA-USSR drawdown and de-escalation occurred successfully. If General Musharraf is unwilling to enter such a discussion, there is hardly anything to talk about with him. We should wait for democracy to return.
Pakistan President Asif Ali Zardari’s recent argument in the New York Times resembles closely the well-known publications of his ambassador to the United States, Mr Husain Haqqani. Unfortunately, this Zardari-Haqqani thesis about Pakistan’s current predicament in the world and the world’s predicament with Pakistan is shot through with clear factual and logical errors. These need to be aired because true or useful conclusions cannot be reached from mistaken premises or faulty reasoning.
1. Origins of Pakistan, India, J&K, and their mutual problems
Mr Zardari makes the following seemingly innocuous statement:
“…. the two great nations of Pakistan and India, born together from the same revolution and mandate in 1947, must continue to move forward with the peace process.”
Now as a matter of simple historical fact, the current entities in the world system known as India and Pakistan were not “born together from the same revolution and mandate in 1947”. It is palpably false to suppose they were and Pakistanis indulge in wishful thinking and self-deception about their own political history if they suppose this.
India’s Republic arose out of the British Dominion known as “India” which was the legal successor of the entity known previously in international law as “British India”. British India had had secular governance and so has had the Indian Republic.
By contrast, the Islamic Republic of Pakistan arose out of a newly created state in international law known as the British Dominion of Pakistan, consisting of designated territory carved out of British India by a British decision and coming into existence one day before British India extinguished itself. (Another new state, Bangladesh, later seceded from Pakistan.)
The British decision to create territory designated “Pakistan” had nothing to do with any anti-British “revolution” or “mandate” supported by any Pakistani nationalism because there was none. (Rahmat Ali’s anti-Hindu pamphleteering in London could be hardly considered Pakistani nationalism against British rule. Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan’s Pashtun patriots saw themselves as Indian, not Pakistani.)
To the contrary, the British decision had to do with a small number of elite Pakistanis — MA Jinnah foremost among them — demanding not to be part of the general Indian nationalist movement that had been demanding a British departure from power in the subcontinent. Jinnah’s separatist party, the Muslim League, was trounced in the 1937 provincial elections in all the Muslim-majority areas of British India that would eventually become Pakistan. Despite this, in September 1939, Britain, at war with Nazi Germany, chose to elevate the political power of Jinnah and his League to parity with the general Indian nationalist movement led by MK Gandhi. (See, Francis Robinson, in William James and Subroto Roy (eds), Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s.) Britain needed India’s mostly Muslim infantry-divisions — the progenitors of the present-day Pakistan Army — and if that meant tilting towards a risky political idea of “Pakistan” in due course, so it would be. The thesis that Pakistan arose from any kind of “revolution” or “mandate” in 1947 is fantasy — the Muslim super-elite that invented and endorsed the Pakistan idea flew from Delhi to Karachi in chartered BOAC Dakotas, caring not a hoot about the vulnerability of ordinary Muslim masses to Sikh and Hindu majority wrath and retaliation on the ground.
Modern India succeeded to the rights and obligations of British India in international law, and has had a recognized existence as a state since at least the signing of the Armistice and Treaty of Versailles in 1918-1919. India was a founding member of the United Nations, being a signatory of the 1945 San Francisco Declaration, and an original member of the Bretton Woods institutions. An idea put forward by Argentina that as of 1947 India and Pakistan were both successor states of British India was rejected by the UN (Argentina withdrew its own suggestion), and it was universally acknowledged India was already a member of the UN while Pakistan would have to (and did) apply afresh for membership as a newly created state in the UN. Pakistan’s entry into the UN had the enthusiastic backing of India and was opposed by only one existing UN member, Afghanistan, due to a conflict that continues to this day over the legitimacy of the Durand Line that bifurcated the Pashtun areas.
Such a review of elementary historical facts and the position in law of Pakistan and India is far from being of merely pedantic interest today. Rather, it goes directly to the logical roots of the conflict over the erstwhile State of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) — a state that itself originated as an entity in the world system a full century before Pakistan was to do so and more than half a century before British India did, but which would collapse into anarchy and civil war in 1947-1949.
Britain (or England) had been a major nation-state in the world system recognized since Grotius first outlined modern international law. On March 16 1846, Britain entered into a treaty, the Treaty of Amritsar, with one Gulab Singh, and the “State of Jammu & Kashmir” came to arise as a recognizable entity in international law for the first time. (See my “History of Jammu and Kashmir” published in The Statesman, Oct 29-30 2006, available elsewhere here.)
Jammu & Kashmir continued in orderly existence as a state until it crashed into legal and political anarchy and civil war a century later. The new Pakistan had entered into a “Standstill Agreement” with the State of Jammu & Kashmir as of August 15 1947. On or about October 22 1947, Pakistan unilaterally ended that Standstill Agreement and instead caused military forces from its territory to attack the State of Jammu & Kashmir along the Mansehra Road towards Baramula and Srinagar, coinciding too with an Anglo-Pakistani coup d’etat in Gilgit and Baltistan (see my “Solving Kashmir”; “Law, Justice & J&K”; “Pakistan’s Allies”, all published in The Statesman in 2005-2006 and available elsewhere here).
The new Pakistan had chosen, in all deliberation, to forswear law, politics and diplomacy and to resort to force of arms instead in trying to acquire J&K for itself via a military decision. It succeeded only partially. Its forces took and then lost both Baramula and Kargil; they may have threatened Leh but did not attempt to take it; they did take and retain Muzaffarabad and Skardu; they were never near taking the summer capital, Srinagar, though might have threatened the winter capital, Jammu.
All in all, a Ceasefire Line came to be demarcated on the military positions as of February 1 1949. After a war in 1971 that accompanied the secession of Bangladesh from Pakistan, that Ceasefire Line came to be renamed the “Line of Control” between Pakistan and India. An ownerless entity may be acquired by force of arms — the erstwhile State of Jammu & Kashmir in 1947-1949 had become an ownerless entity that had been dismembered and divided according to military decision following an armed conflict between Pakistan and India. The entity in the world system known as the “State of Jammu & Kashmir” created on March 16 1846 by Gulab Singh’s treaty with the British ceased to exist as of October 22 1947. Pakistan had started the fight over J&K but there is a general rule of conflicts that he who starts a fight does not get to finish it.
Such is the simplest and most practical statement of the history of the current problem. The British, through their own compulsions and imperial pretensions, raised all the talk about a “Lapse of Paramountcy” of the British Crown over the “Native Princes” of “Indian India”, and of how, the “Native Princes” were required to “accede” to either India or Pakistan. This ignored Britain’s own constitutional law. BR Ambedkar pointed out with unsurpassed clarity that no “Lapse of Paramountcy” was possible even for a single logical moment since “Paramountcy” over any “Native Princes” who had not joined India or Pakistan as of August 15 1947, automatically passed from British India to its legal successor, namely, the Dominion of India. It followed that India’s acquiescence was required for any subsequent accession to Pakistan – an acquiescence granted in case of Chitral and denied in case of Junagadh.
What the Republic of India means by saying today that boundaries cannot be redrawn nor any populations forcibly transferred is quite simply that the division of erstwhile J&K territory is permanent, and that sovereignty over it is indivisible. What Pakistan has claimed is that India has been an occupier and that there are many people inhabiting the Indian area who may not wish to be Indian nationals and who are being compelled against their will to remain so ~ forgetting to add that precisely the same could be said likewise of the Pakistani-held area. The lawful solution I proposed in “Solving Kashmir, “Law, Justice and J&K” and other works has been that the Republic of India invite every person covered under its Article 370, citizen-by-citizen, under a condition of full information, to privately and without fear decide, if he/she has not done so already, between possible Indian, Iranian, Afghan or Pakistani nationalities ~ granting rights and obligations of permanent residents to any of those persons who may choose for whatever private reason not to remain Indian nationals. If Pakistan acted likewise, the problem of J&K would indeed come to be resolved. The Americans, as self-appointed mediators, have said they wish “the people of the region to have a voice” in a solution: there can be no better expression of such voice than allowing individuals to privately choose their own nationalities and their rights and responsibilities accordingly. The issue of territorial sovereignty is logically distinct from that of the choice of nationality by individual inhabitants.
2. Benazir’s assassination falsely compared to the Mumbai massacres
Secondly, President Zardari draws a mistaken comparison between the assassination last year of his wife, Benazir Bhutto, and the Mumbai massacres a few weeks ago. Ms Bhutto’s assassination may resemble more closely the assassinations in India of Indira Gandhi in 1984 and Rajiv Gandhi in 1991.
Indira Gandhi died in “blowback” from the unrest she and her younger son and others in their party had opportunistically fomented among Sikh fundamentalists and sectarians since the late 1970s. Rajiv Gandhi died in “blowback” from an erroneous imperialistic foreign policy that he, as Prime Minister, had been induced to make by jingoistic Indian diplomats, a move that got India’s military needlessly involved in the then-nascent Sri Lankan civil war. Benazir Bhutto similarly may be seen to have died in “blowback” from her own political activity as prime minister and opposition leader since the late 1980s, including her own encouragement of Muslim fundamentalist forces. Certainly in all three cases, as in all assassinations, there were lapses of security too and imprudent political judgments made that contributed to the tragic outcomes.
Ms Bhutto’s assassination has next to nothing to do with the Mumbai massacres, besides the fact the perpetrators in both cases were Pakistani terrorists. President Zardari saying he himself has lost his wife to terrorism is true but not relevant to the proper diagnosis of the Mumbai massacres or to Pakistan-India relations in general. Rather, it serves to deflect criticism and condemnation of the Pakistani state’s pampered handing of Pakistan’s terrorist masterminds, as well as the gross irresponsibility of Pakistan’s military scientists (not AQ Khan) who have been recently advocating a nuclear first strike against India in the event of war.
3. Can any religious nation-state be viable in the modern world?
President Zardari’s article says:
“The world worked to exploit religion against the Soviet Union in Afghanistan by empowering the most fanatic extremists as an instrument of destruction of a superpower. The strategy worked, but its legacy was the creation of an extremist militia with its own dynamic.”
This may be overly simplistic. As pointed out in my article “Pakistan’s Allies”, Gregory Zinoviev himself after the Bolshevik Revolution had declared that international communism “turns today to the peoples of the East and says to them, ‘Brothers, we summon you to a Holy War first of all against British imperialism!’ At this there were cries of Jehad! Jehad! And much brandishing of picturesque Oriental weapons.” (Treadgold, Twentieth Century Russia, 1990, p. 213). For more than half of the 20th century, orthodox Muslims had been used by Soviet communists against British imperialism, then by the British and Americans (through Pakistan) against Soviet communism. Touché! Blowback and counter-blowback! The real question that arises from this today may be why orthodox Muslims have allowed themselves to be used either way by outside forces and have failed in developing a modern nation-state and political culture of their own. Europe and America only settled down politically after their religious wars were over. Perhaps no religious nation-state is viable in the modern world.
4. Pakistan’s behaviour leads to schizophrenia in international relations
President Zardari pleads for, or perhaps demands, resources from the world:
“the best response to the Mumbai carnage is to coordinate in counteracting the scourge of terrorism. The world must act to strengthen Pakistan’s economy and democracy, help us build civil society and provide us with the law enforcement and counterterrorism capacities that will enable us to fight the terrorists effectively.”
Six million pounds from Mr Gordon Brown, so much from here or there etc – President Zardari has apparently demanded 100 billion dollars from America and that is the price being talked about for Pakistan to dismantle its nuclear weapons and be brought under an American “nuclear umbrella” instead.
I have pointed out elsewhere that what Pakistan seems to have been doing in international relations for decades is send out “mixed messages” – i.e. contradictory signals, whether in thought, word or deed. Clinical psychologists following the work of Gregory Bateson would say this leads to confusion among Pakistan’s interlocutors (a “double bind”) and the symptoms arise of what may be found in schizophrenic relationships. (See my article “Do President-elect Obama’s Pakistan specialists believe…”; on the “double bind” theory, an article I chanced to publish in the Journal of Genetic Psychology, 1986, may be of interest).
Here are a typical set of “mixed messages” emanating from Pakistan’s government and opinion-makers:
“We have nuclear weapons
“We keep our nuclear weapons safe from any misuse or unauthorized use
“We are willing to use nuclear weapons in a first strike against India
“We do not comprehend the lessons of Hiroshima-Nagasaki
“We do not comprehend the destruction India will visit upon us if we strike them
“We are dangerous so we must not be threatened in any way
“We are peace-loving and want to live in peace with India and Afghanistan
“We love to play cricket with India and watch Bollywood movies
“We love our Pakistan Army as it is one public institution that works
“We know the Pakistan Army has backed armed militias against India in the past
“We know these militias have caused terrorist attacks
“We are not responsible for any terrorist attacks
“We do not harbour any terrorists
“We believe the world should pay us to not use or sell our nuclear weapons
“We believe the world should pay us to not encourage the terrorists in our country
“We believe the world should pay us to prevent terrorists from using our nuclear weapons
“We hate India and do not want to become like India
“We love India and want to become like India
“We are India and we are not India…”
Etc.
A mature rational responsible and self-confident Pakistan would have said instead:
“We apologise to India and other countries for the outrageous murders our nationals have committed in Mumbai and elsewhere
“We ask the world to watch how our professional army is deployed to disarm civilian and all “non-state” actors of unauthorized firearms and explosives
“We do not need and will not demand or accept a dollar in any sort of foreign aid, military or civilian, to solve our problems
“We realize our economic and political institutions are a mess and we must clean them up
“We will strive to build a society imbued with what Iqbal described as the spirit of modern times..”
As someone who created at great personal cost at an American university twenty years ago the book Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s, I have a special interest in hoping that Pakistan shall find the path of wisdom.”
Mr Clemons has made interesting and astute observations on Pakistan’s military following the Rawalpindi attack of the last few days.
But some political history is important. Pakistan’s military between 1947 and 1971 had built up an illusion that it could, with help from Patton tanks and Sabre jets and Starfighters, defeat India (one Pakistani is equivalent to 9 Indians etc etc).
In Dec 1971, despite the machinations of Nixon and Kissinger with the Pakistani strongman Yahya Khan, a free Bangladesh came to be born from the old colonized East Pakistan. 90,000 Pakistani POWS languished in Indian camps for more than a year (after being protected by India from Bangladeshi revenge).
The debacle led to some candid soul-searching and the official Pakistani inquiry commission squarely blamed debauchery and corruption in the Army from Yahya Khan downwards for bad generalship. Bangladesh seceded from West Pakistan essentially because of internal political contradictions, e.g. the imposition of Urdu on Bengali-speakers etc. Certainly Indian military help proved vital at the end but India did not cause the secession. (I was personally helping at a refugee camp as a schoolboy volunteer, when Ted Kennedy flew in to visit etc… stories for another time).
The Pakistan military has maintained a self-delusion that India caused the break-up of the original Pakistan and that India harbours similar designs to this day. India neither does nor has the capacity or motivation to do so.
The second factor was that Zia, who succeeded Yahya as military strongman and US ally, brought in Islamisation of the officer-corps as a counterweight to the trends of debauchery and corruption. These might be two crucial subjects for discussion if US discussants decide to go on a reflective retreat with Pakistan’s top military brass.
Subroto Roy announces that if he was awarding the 2009 “Economics Nobel” it would go to Frank Horace Hahn and Anna Jacobson Schwartz: each for a lifetime of contributions to economic theory and monetary economics specifically relevant to the macroeconomic crises of recent years….Hahn’s Non-Walrasian theory provides a logic to what has happened; Schwartz predicted it and has diagnosed it better than anyone else.
Certainly the appalling state of academic economics is manifest in the self-written self-serving Wikipedia entries of the many Elmer & Mrs Fudd Professors of Gobbledygook at Ivy U…. all in the hope of getting noticed by the bookies in England quoting odds… and thereby considering themselves Nobel hopefuls…. (“has been mentioned as a possible winner…”)…
Einstein’s young collaborator Satyendra Nath Bose (1894-1974) should have been a winner, and has the Boson particle and Bose-Einstein statistics named after him.
Much before him, Sir Jagadish Chandra Bose (1858-1937) deserved to win in two fields: physics and medicine. Marconi and Braun shared the 1909 Physics Prize “for development of wireless telegraphy” – but this was an achievement in which Bose shared more than equally though he was deprived of due honour and recognition, his work coming to light only in the last decade. In Physiology/Medicine, Bose’s work was so far ahead of his time it seemed controversial to lesser men. He introduced new delicate instruments, one of which, the crescograph magnified small movements in plant growth 10 million times. Among his numerous other contributions were demonstration of a parallelism between plant and animal tissues. I should declare an interest as JC Bose was a friend of my great grandfather’s, and his visits to our home are still remembered by my father, now in his 90s. I said in 2007 about him “had Bose been less of a great scientific soul and even slightly more of a businessman than he was by temperament and character, he should have been a winner too”.
When I first returned from America to live in India and saw a bull lazily sitting on the road every day, I thought it rather a waste of food. After a few years in India I realised the bulls and cows, the stray dogs, the snakes, the birds, each had its own social and economic equilibrium. Most fun were stray dog families, the macho dad playing with his pups, watched by the gentle mom. People have their own equilibria too.
Mr Tim Cavanaugh’s clear-headed criticism of a principal government economist’s waffle seems to me apt and exactly on target. E.g. he says: “The real purpose here is Panglossian: to convince you that whatever Power does is the right thing to do, and to discredit the idea that government should ever again reduce its presence in the private sector.”
In an article dated Sep 18 2008 titled “October 1929? Not!”, I argued “that the American economy and the world economy are both incomparably larger today in the value of their capital stock, and there has also been enormous technological progress over eight decades. Accordingly, it would take a much vaster event than the present turbulence — say, something like an exchange of multiple nuclear warheads with Russia causing Manhattan and the City of London to be destroyed — before there was a return to something comparable to the 1929 Crash and the Great Depression that followed.” A few weeks later in “America’s divided economists” I said
“Beyond the short run, the US may play the demographic card by inviting in a few million new immigrants (if nativist feelings hostile to the outsider or newcomer can be controlled, especially in employment). Bad mortgages and foreclosures would vanish as people from around the world who long to live in America buy up all those empty houses and apartments, even in the most desolate or dismal locations. If the US’s housing supply curve has moved so far to the right that the equilibrium price has gone to near zero, the surest way to raise the equilibrium price would be by causing a new wave of immigration leading to a new demand curve arising at a higher level. Such proposals seek to address the problem at its source. They might have been expected from the Fed’s economists. Instead, ESSA speaks of massive government purchase and control of bad assets “downriver”, without any attempt to face the problem at its source. This makes it merely wishful to think such assets can be sold for a profit at a later date so taxpayers will eventually gain. It is as likely as not the bad assets remain bad assets.”
Restoring a worldwide idea of an American dream fuelled by mass immigration may be the surest way for the American economy to restore itself. America was at its best when it was open to mass immigration, and America is at its worst when it treats immigrants with racism and worse.
Bruce Bartlett: This is the best picture of the diminution of the formerly major media that I have seen.
Subroto Roy: The long run problem though is how does new media actually become profitable enough to supplant the old, not just supplement it as it does now.
BB: I think it’s a given that that will happen eventually. The problem is how to maintain quality control and accountability in the new media when editorial oversight has effectively disappeared.
SR: Editorial oversight is substituted for by mutual peer review and reputation protection (as well as a return perhaps to a pre-codification state of customary law). But still, small subscription or user charges for many millions of users may be the only long run way to sustain it, not old media advertising.
BB: I have doubts about peer review being a viable replacement for editorial control. It’s too easy to delete comments, links get broken, search engines only scan the surface etc. The virtue of traditional media is that they have systems in place that ensure a degree of responsibility at least in the hard news coverage. That simply diesn’t exist in the new media and probably won’t be created because such systems are costly and time-consuming.
SR: In that case new and old will coexist, with new continually lifting material for free from the old without recompense. (Arianna H. had a nice comparison/contrast some months ago.) The equilibrium outcome may be one of vertically integrated companies…. Come to think of it, where is Rupert Murdoch in the new media world?
BB: I am sympathetic to the idea of modifying the antitrust laws to allow newspapers to collude to create some sort of payment system that all papers could participate in. Congress created such an exemption for baseball and I think newspapers are at least as important.
SR: Well vertical would involve the Murdochs of the world buying up the Googles and the Facebooks (or perhaps being bought up by them instead).
BB: Murdoch tried that by buying MySpace, which hasn’t worked out so well.
SR: Vertical integration is not easy managerially but it may provide the only business model in the long run for new media to coexist parasitically with old media — old media does the basic research and earns the revenue, new media spreads the technology and earns the goodwill while living off the old.
BB: I don’t agree. I think some sort of horizonal integration among news providers may be viable. The new media are essentially parasitic, living off the reportage and infrastructure created by the old media. We all know that the old media need to charge for content. But they can’t without creating some sort of arrangement that would basically involve price fixing. This is where modification of the antitrust laws would help. The alternative, I fear, is government subsidies of some kind to preserve the basic news gathering function.
SR: Well there is agreement then that the parasite metaphor may be useful. Old media is the host where new media is the parasite. Good parasites tend to be in a symbiotic relationship with their host, feeding off it but also doing good to it. It would be a foolish parasite that kills off its host altogether. In case of media, someone (Publisher) pays someone else (Reporter) to witness/record Event A. That is Stage One. Then Publisher pays someone else again (Editor) to evaluate whether the report about A deserves or not to be published via the airwaves (radio, TV), cables (Internet) or dead trees (newsprint). That is Stage Two. Our new media parasite can do Stage Two well but relies on old media entirely for Stage One, and without Stage One there is no Stage Two. Vertical integration here would merely mean the host-parasite relationship becomes contractually acknowledged. I do think the dead-tree aspect will become reduced even further but radio and TV will survive.
BB: The biggest problem with my idea is the problem of leakage. One blogger like Drudge can subscribe to all the hard news web sites and just recycle their reportage for free. I don’t know what to do about that and it argues for your idea of vertical integration. But you have the same problem in that there is no way of controlling new entrants. It may be that the problem cannot be solved and we will have to muddle through somehow. In a column a while back I suggested that reporting will never pay for itself and will have to be subsidized through foundations, universities and the like.
SR: A point of yours on which I agree is this: consumers of the Internet are gaining a free good, namely the outcome of the parasitic process we discussed, and hence there is a prima facie argument for them to be taxed (by a license fee for example) and, say, newsprint or journalism schools subsidised with the earmarked proceeds.
BB: Insofar as news gathering is a public good there is a case for some sort of tax to subsize it. The problem is that I don’t see any practical way of taxing Internet access, which would be the logical tax base. Second, I don’t see any practical way of subsiding news gathering without the danger of government control. There are also first amendment problems. Perhaps there is some way that the major search engines like Google could finance a C-SPAN-type basic news gathering service.
SR: We simply do what the BBC did when it started 70+ years ago, namely, license fees for radio and then TV. So each Internet connection gets taxed or pays a one-time or annual license fee. It is the logical tax base for sure. Re. subsiding news gathering, that is why I said subsidise newsprint (expensive raw material common to all newspapers), and perhaps subsidise young journalists in training (left, right or centre). That’s about it. Yes the C-Span model is good too but will depend on largesse of very rich people.
I have had slight experience with the so-called multilateral financial institutions — attending a conference and helping to produce a book on Asia & Latin America with the ADB back in Hawaii in the 1980s, and being a consultant for some months at the World Bank and the IMF in Washington DC in the 1990s. The institutions seemed to me gluttonous and incompetent though I did meet a dozen good economic bureaucrats and two or three who were excellent in Washington. The “Asian Development Bank” (under Japan’s sway as the Word Bank is under American sway and the IMF under European sway) was reputedly worst of the three, though the Big Daddy of wasteful intellectually corrupt international bureaucracies must be the UN itself, especially certain notorious UN-affiliates around the world.
Now there are newspapers reports the ADB has apparently voted, under Communist Chinese pressure, to prevent itself from
This should be enough for any self-respecting Government of India to want to give notice to the ADB’s President that the Republic of India is moving out of its membership. Ongoing projects and any in the pipeline need not be affected as we would meet our debt obligations. There is no reason after all why a treaty-defined entity may not conclude deals with non-members or former members and vice versa.
I have had a close interest in China ever since the “Peking Spring” more than thirty years ago (if not from when I gave all my saved pocket money to Nehru in 1962 to fight the Chinese aggression) but I had not published anything relating to China until 2007-2008 when I published the ten articles listed below:
With new tensions on the Tibet-India border apparently being caused by the Chinese military, these may be helpful for India to determine a Plan B, or even a Plan A, in its dealings with Communist China.
I don’t think registering everyone in the country is such a bad idea. It may be difficult. But the post office reaches letters to anyone in the country, even the homeless. I don’t think it is doing anything wrong.
I replied:
The post office reaches letters to those with an address.
Friendly Critic replied:
You are mistaken. It reaches letters to beggars, addressed to the nearest pan shop. To repeat, I do not think it is wrong to register all residents; there are some good uses for it. If it is all right to enumerate residents once every ten years, there is nothing wrong in maintaining a continuous inventory. Only the British have an aversion to doing so, on grounds of piracy. But even their electoral registers are based on enumeration. And to attack Nilekani simply because he has taken on a job offered seems excessive to me.
I replied:
Thanks for this correspondence. We may be slightly at cross-purposes and there may be some miscomprehension. Of course if a beggar has a pan-shop as an address, that is an address. But we are not talking about the efficiency or lack thereof of our postal services.
We are talking about the viability and utility of trying to attach a number, as an identification tag, to every Indian — for the declared purposes of (a) battling absolute poverty (of the worst kind); and(b) battling terrorism and crime.
Many Indians have passports, driving licenses, Voter cards, PAN numbers, mobile numbers etc. I am sure giving them a Nandan Nilekani Number will be easy. It will be, incidentally, lucrative for the IT industry.
It will also be pointless to the extent that these people, who may number into the hundreds of millions, are already adequately identifiable by one or two other forms of photo id-cards. (By way of analogy incidentally, Americans used to cash cheques at supermarkets using one or two photo ids — but the Social Security Card or number was not allowed to be one of them as it had no photo.)
Neither of the two declared objectives will have been explicitly served by giving Nandan Nilekani Numbers to those already adequately identifiable.
My point about incentive-compatibility is that the intended beneficiaries in any program of this kind (namely the anonymous absolute poor) need to have clear natural incentives to participate in order to make it work. Here there are none. Taking the very poorest people off the streets or out of their hamlets to be interrogated, photographed, fingerprinted and enumerated against their will, when they may have many more valuable things to be doing with their time in order to survive, is a violation of their freedom, privacy and dignity. Even if they submit to all this voluntarily, there are no obvious tangible benefits accruing to them as individuals as a result of this number (that many will not be able to read).
If those already adequately identifiable easily get an NNN (at low cost and without violation of indvidual freedom or dignity), while those who are the intended beneficiaries do not do so (except at high cost and with violations of individual freedom and dignity), that would enhance inequality.
Because such obvious points have failed to be accounted ab initio in this Big Business scheme paid for by public money, I have had to call it nonsensical.
I have been a rather harsh critic of Indian English-language media but I was pleased to see Mr Karan Thapar with good research systematically expose the other day the nonsense being purveyed by Mr Nandan Nilekani about the idea of branding each of a billion Indians with a government number. This is not Auschwitz. Nor can India create an American-style Social Security Administration. Mr Nilekani seems not to have the faintest idea about India’s poor and destitute, else he would not have made a statement like “We need one single, non-duplicate way of identifying a person and we need a mechanism by which we can authenticate that online anywhere because that can have huge benefits and impact on public services and also on making the poor more inclusive in what is happening in India today.” (italics added)
What does he plan to do? Haul away the hundreds of thousands of homeless from the streets and flyovers of our major cities and start interrogating, measuring, photographing and fingerprinting them against their will? On what ploy? That without the number he will give them they will not be able to continue to live and do what they have been doing for half a generation? Or that they will get a delicious hot meal from the Taj or Oberoi if they cooperate? And what about rural India? Does he plan to make an aerial survey of India’s rural landscapes by helicopter to find whom he can catch to interrogate and fingerprint? It will be grotesquely amusing to see his cohorts try to identify and then haul away India’s poor from their normal activities — he and his friends will likely come to grief trying to do so! Guaranteed. And the people will cheer because they know fakery when they see it.
Mr Nilekani needs to ask his economist-friends to teach him about asymmetric information, incentive-compatiblity theory etc. There have been several Bank of Sweden prizes given to economists for this material, beginning with FA Hayek in 1974 or even earlier.
(As for the wholly different stated agenda of preventing crime and terrorism using Mr Nilekani’s numbering, might we recall that Kasab’s dead companions have remained unclaimed in a Mumbai morgue for almost ten months now?)
The whole exercise that Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has with such fanfare set Mr Nilekani is ill-conceived and close to complete nonsense — designed only to keep in business the pampered industry that Mr Nilekani has been part of as well as its bureaucratic friends. The Prime Minister has made another error and should put a stop to it before it gets worse. The poor have their privacy and their dignity. They are going to refuse to waste their valuable time at the margins of survival volunteering for such gimmickry.
A Discussion Regarding Mr Nilekani’s Public Project
I don’t think registering everyone in the country is such a bad idea. It may be difficult. But the post office reaches letters to anyone in the country, even the homeless. I don’t think it is doing anything wrong.
I replied:
The post office reaches letters to those with an address.
Friendly Critic replied:
You are mistaken. It reaches letters to beggars, addressed to the nearest pan shop. To repeat, I do not think it is wrong to register all residents; there are some good uses for it. If it is all right to enumerate residents once every ten years, there is nothing wrong in maintaining a continuous inventory. Only the British have an aversion to doing so, on grounds of piracy. But even their electoral registers are based on enumeration. And to attack Nilekani simply because he has taken on a job offered seems excessive to me.
I replied:
Thanks for this correspondence. We may be slightly at cross-purposes and there may be some miscomprehension. Of course if a beggar has a pan-shop as an address, that is an address. But we are not talking about the efficiency or lack thereof of our postal services.
We are talking about the viability and utility of trying to attach a number, as an identification tag, to every Indian — for the declared purposes of (a) battling absolute poverty (of the worst kind); and(b) battling terrorism and crime.
Many Indians have passports, driving licenses, Voter cards, PAN numbers, mobile numbers etc. I am sure giving them a Nandan Nilekani Number will be easy. It will be, incidentally, lucrative for the IT industry.
It will also be pointless to the extent that these people, who may number into the hundreds of millions, are already adequately identifiable by one or two other forms of photo id-cards. (By way of analogy incidentally, Americans used to cash cheques at supermarkets using one or two photo ids — but the Social Security Card or number was not allowed to be one of them as it had no photo.)
Neither of the two declared objectives will have been explicitly served by giving Nandan Nilekani Numbers to those already adequately identifiable.
My point about incentive-compatibility is that the intended beneficiaries in any program of this kind (namely the anonymous absolute poor) need to have clear natural incentives to participate in order to make it work. Here there are none. Taking the very poorest people off the streets or out of their hamlets to be interrogated, photographed, fingerprinted and enumerated against their will, when they may have many more valuable things to be doing with their time in order to survive, is a violation of their freedom, privacy and dignity. Even if they submit to all this voluntarily, there are no obvious tangible benefits accruing to them as individuals as a result of this number (that many will not be able to read).
If those already adequately identifiable easily get an NNN (at low cost and without violation of indvidual freedom or dignity), while those who are the intended beneficiaries do not do so (except at high cost and with violations of individual freedom and dignity), that would enhance inequality.
Because such obvious points have failed to be accounted ab initio in this Big Business scheme paid for by public money, I have had to call it nonsensical.
Some follow-up 11 January 2013
From Facebook 11 January 2013
A biometrically generated large number is given to a very poor barely literate person and he/she is instructed that that is the key, the *sole* key, to riches and benefits from the state. The person lives on the margins of survival, eking out a daily income for himself/herself plus dependents under trying conditions. It is that absolute anonymous poor — who are *not* already identifiable easily through mobile numbers, voter id cards, drivers’ licenses etc — who are the intended beneficiaries. Suppose that person loses the card or has it stolen. Has the key to the riches and benefits from the state vanished? Those who are already easily identifiable need only produce alternative sources of identification and so for them to get the number as a means of identification is redundant, yet it is they who will likely have better access to the supposed benefits rather than the absolute poor. What New Delhi’s governing class fails to see is that the masses of India’s poor are not themselves a mass waiting for New Delhi’s handouts: they are *individuals*, free, rational, thinking individuals who know their own lives and resources and capacities and opportunities, and how to go about living their lives best. What they need is security, absence of state or other tyranny, roads, fresh water, electricity, functioning schools for their children, market opportunities for work, etc, not handouts from a monarch or aristocrats or businessmen….
(Preface: This is a Note of mine at Facebook, based on my comment there on Avner Cohen’s link to a recent LA Times article.)
“I wonder if Iran’s modern cinema has reached American and Israeli audiences easily. I am introduced to it quite recently myself on India’s cable TV — e.g. “White Balloon”, “The Circle”, “Song of Sparrows” etc… It seems to me to be compulsory viewing for anyone wishing to make war on Iran…It is surely among the best cinema there is. Nothing like it coming out of Hollywood, Bollywood etc.
The films reflect the society. “Offside”, about the six female soccer fans not allowed to enter the stadium, is especially brilliant in its candour. Nothing like it anywhere in the world at the moment. If society is so candid about itself, the politics cannot be all bad. I fear there is a massive cultural miscommunication between Iran and the rest of the world, caused of course by rather thick diplomacy on all sides. Is there not a master diplomat in the world who can get Iran and Israel to the point of diplomatic recognition? Zubin Mehta (an Indian of Iranian origin beloved in Israel) might be my choice as the initial/symbolic leader of such a diplomatic team!”
“Oh, Renford? He’s a genius!” That is what the late Dharma Kumar (1928-2001) said to me in the summer of 1998 at her Delhi home in what would be our last meeting.
I was taken aback. She and I had met after a long decade. Discussing what I had been up to, I had mentioned my application of the work of Renford Bambrough to economic theory in my 1989 book Philosophy of Economics.
“Oh, Renford? He’s a genius!” — Dharma repeated blandly, seeming surprised that I did not get it.
“Oh, Renford? He’s a genius!” — she said a third time more slowly, and then, seeing my uncomprehending stare, explained to me that that was the common saying at Cambridge about the young Renford Bambrough back in the post-War years when she had herself arrived there as an undergraduate.
Now, finally, I got it. “Oh, Renford? He’s a genius!”
In “Conflict and the Scope of Reason”, Renford Bambrough recounted that he had, around 1948, crossed the great Bertrand Russell himself at a meeting of the Labour Club. Russell had made a proposal (which he apparently denied later ever having made) of preventive atomic war against the USSR. Sooner or later there would be conflict between the USSR and the West, the argument went, on balance it would be worse to live under pax Sovietica than pax Americana; therefore, Russell had argued, the West’s existing power should be used to ensure the Soviets never acquired the same. At question-time, young Renford, aged 22, asked Russell why, from a purely philosophical point of view, it mattered “if the human race did destroy itself rather than die of natural causes later”. There was laughter among the audience, and then Russell said he had enormously liked the question, and wished he could “achieve the degree of detachment here displayed by one so young. But I confess that I, for my part, have never been able to overcome my feelings of concern for the welfare of the species of which I am a member”. Russell had misunderstood the question or deftly avoided it, but even so he had noticed in his young interlocutor the calm detachment that would mark all his later thought.
“1.24. Bambrough publicly asked Russell in 1948 if it made a difference if humans as a species perished before their time. If we are destined to be extinct in x years does it matter if we perish by y<x ? Russell dodged the question. I’ve said yes it does matter because we don’t produce the Da Vinci etc work we may have done… My answer is yes it does matter if humankind perishes at y< x as the good (or net good) we would have produced between y and x never gets created. A future intelligence would find less about us…” Physics and Reasoning
Seventy Years Today Since the British Government Politically Empowered MA Jinnah
by
Subroto Roy
The bloated armies of Indian and Pakistani historians and pseudo-historians have failed to recognize the significance of the precise start of the Second World War upon the fortunes of the subcontinent. Yet, twenty years ago, in the book I and WE James created at an American university, Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s (now in pdf), one of our authors, Professor Francis Robinson of the University of London, had set out the principal facts most clearly as to what flowed from the September 4 1939 empowerment of MA Jinnah by the British Government.
Germany invaded Poland on September 1 1939 and Britain declared war on Germany on September 3. The next day, Linlithgow, the British Viceroy in India, started to treat MA Jinnah’s Muslim League on par with the Congress’s nationalist movement led by MK Gandhi. Until September 4 1939, the British “had had little time for Jinnah and his League. The Government’s declaration of war on Germany on 3 September, however, transformed the situation. A large part of the army was Muslim, much of the war effort was likely to rest on the two Muslim majority provinces of Punjab and Bengal. The following day, the Viceroy invited Jinnah for talks on an equal footing with Gandhi” (Robinson, in James & Roy (eds) Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy 1989, 1992).
Jinnah himself was amazed by the new British attitude towards him: “suddenly there was a change in the attitude towards me. I was treated on the same basis as Mr Gandhi. I was wonderstruck why all of a sudden I was promoted and given a place side by side with Mr Gandhi.”
Jinnah’s political weakness had been made obvious by the electoral defeats the Muslim League had suffered in the 1937 elections in the very provinces which more or less came to constitute West Pakistan and today constitute modern Pakistan. Britain, at war with Germany and soon Japan, was faced with the intransigence of the Congress leadership. It was unsurprising this would contribute to the British tilt empowering Congress’s declared adversary, Jinnah and the Muslim League, and hence make credible the possibility of the Pakistan that they had demanded:
“As the Congress began to demand immediate independence, the Viceroy took to reassuring Jinnah that Muslim interests would be safeguarded in any constitutional change. Within a few months, he was urging the League to declare a constructive policy for the future, which was of course presented in the Lahore Resolution. In their August 1940 offer, the British confirmed for the benefit of Muslims that power would not be transferred against the will of any significant element in Indian life. And much the same confirmation was given in the Cripps offer nearly two years later…. Throughout the years 1940 to 1945, the British made no attempt to tease out the contradictions between the League’s two-nation theory, which asserted that Hindus and Muslims came from two different civilisations and therefore were two different nations, and the Lahore Resolution, which demanded that ‘Independent States’ should be constituted from the Muslim majority provinces of the NE and NW, thereby suggesting that Indian Muslims formed not just one nation but two. When in 1944 the governors of Punjab and Bengal urged such a move on the Viceroy, Wavell ignored them, pressing ahead instead with his own plan for an all-India conference at Simla. The result was to confirm, as never before in the eyes of leading Muslims in the majority provinces, the standing of Jinnah and the League. Thus, because the British found it convenient to take the League seriously, everyone had to as well—Congressmen, Unionists, Bengalis, and so on….”(Robinson in James & Roy (eds) Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy, pp. 43-44).
Even British socialists who were sympathetic to Indian aspirations, would grow cold when the Congress seemed to abjectly fail to appreciate Britain’s predicament during war with Germany and Japan (Gandhi, for example, dismissing the 1942 Cripps offer as a “post-dated cheque on a failing bank”).
By the 1946 elections, Muslim mass opinion had changed drastically to seem to be strongly in favour of the creation of a Pakistan. The intervening years were the ones when urban mobs all over India could be found shouting the League’s slogans: “Larke lenge Pakistan; Marke lenge Pakistan, Khun se lenge Pakistan; Dena hoga Pakistan; Leke rahenge Pakistan” (We will spill blood to take Pakistan, you will have to yield a Pakistan.)
Events remote from India’s history and geography, namely, the rise of Hitler and the Second World War, had contributed between 1937 and 1947 to the change of fortunes of the Muslim League and hence of all the people of the subcontinent.
The British had long discovered that the mutual antipathy between Muslims and Hindus could be utilised in fashioning their rule; specifically that the organisation and mobilisation of Muslim communal opinion in the subcontinent was a useful counterweight to any pan-Indian nationalism which might emerge to compete with British authority. As early as 1874, well before Allan Octavian Hume, ICS, had conceived the Indian National Congress, John Strachey, ICS, was to observe “The existence side by side of these (Hindu and Muslim) hostile creeds is one of the strong points in our political position in India. The better classes of Mohammedans are a source of strength to us and not of weakness. They constitute a comparatively small but an energetic minority of the population whose political interests are identical with ours.” By 1906, when a deputation of Muslims headed by the Aga Khan first approached the British pleading for communal representation, Minto the Viceroy replied: “I am as firmly convinced as I believe you to be that any electoral representation in India would be doomed to mischievous failure which aimed at granting a personal enfranchisement, regardless of the beliefs and traditions of the communities composing the population of this Continent.” Minto’s wife wrote in her diary that the effect was “nothing less than the pulling back of sixty two millions of (Muslims) from joining the ranks of the seditious opposition.” (The true significance of MAK Azad may have been that he, precisely at the same time, did indeed feel within himself the nationalist’s desire for freedom strongly enough to want to join the ranks of that seditious opposition.)
If a pattern emerges as to the nature of the behaviour of the British political state with respect to the peoples of this or similar regions, it is precisely the economic one of rewarding those loyal to them who had protected or advanced their interests, and penalising those perceived to be acting against their will. It is wishful to think of members of the British political state as benevolent paternalists, who met with matching deeds their often philanthropic words about promoting the general welfare of their colonial wards or subordinate allies. The slogan “If you are not with us you are against us” that has come to be used by many from the Shining Path Maoists of Peru to President George W. Bush, had been widely applied already by the British in India, especially in the form “If you dare not to be with us, we will be certainly with your adversaries”. It came to be used with greatest impact on the subcontinent’s fortunes in 1939 when Britain found itself reluctantly at war with Hitler’s Germany.
British loyalties lay with those who had been loyal to them.
Hence in the “Indian India” of the puppet princes, Hari Singh and other “Native Princes” who had sent troops to fight as part of the British armies would be treated with a pusillanimity and grandeur so as to flatter their vanities, Sheikh Abdullah’s rebellion representing the Muslim masses of the Kashmir Valley would be ignored. And in British India, Jinnah the conservative Anglophile and his elitist Muslim League would be backed, while the radicalised masses of the Gandhi-Bose-Nehru Congress would have to be suppressed as a nuisance.
(Similarly, much later, Pakistan’s bemedalled army generals would be backed by the United States against Mujibur Rehman’s impoverished student-rebels, and India’s support frowned upon regardless of how just the Bangladeshi cause.)
Altruism is a limited quality in all human affairs, never more scarce than in relations between nations. In “Pakistan’s Allies”, I showed how the strategic interests of Britain, and later Britain’s American ally, came to evolve in the Northwest of the subcontinent ever since the 1846 Treaty of Amritsar as long as a Russian and later a Soviet empire had existed. A similar evolution of British domestic interests in India is distinctly observable in British support for the Pakistan Movement itself, leading on August 14 1947 to the creation of the new Dominion of Pakistan.
Sheikh Abdullah’s democratic urges or Nehru’s Indian nationalism or the general welfare of the subcontinent’s people had no appeal as such to the small and brittle administrative machinery in charge of Britain’s Indian Empire — even though individual Britons had come to love, understand and explain India for the permanent benefit of her people. This may help to explain how Britain’s own long democratic traditions at home could often be found so wonderful by Indians yet the actions of the British state abroad so incongruent with them.
“…America and its allies would not be safe for long since the civil war they had left behind in Afghanistan while trying to defeat the USSR now became a brew from which arose a new threat of violent Islamism. Osama bin Laden and the Taliban, whom Pakistan’s military and the USA had promoted, now encouraged unprecedented attacks on the American mainland on September 11 2001 ~ causing physical and psychological damage which no Soviet, Chinese or Cuban missiles ever had been allowed to do….”
“There have been three or four enormous failures of American espionage (i.e. intelligence and counter-intelligence) in the last 20 years. The collapse of the Berlin Wall and the end of Soviet communism were salubrious events but they had not been foreseen by the United States which was caught unawares by the speed and nature of the developments that took place. Other failures have been catastrophic.
First, there was the failure to prevent the attack that took place on the American mainland on September 11 2001. It killed several thousand civilians and caused vast, perhaps irreparable, psychological and physical destruction to the United States. The attack was without precedent. The December 7 1941 Japanese attack on Pearl Harbour in Hawaii, though a surprise, was carried out by one military against another military and did not affect very many civilians (except that thousands of American civilians of Japanese ancestry came to be persecuted and placed in concentration camps for years by the US Government). And the last time the American mainland had been attacked before 2001 was in 1814 when British troops marched south from Canada and burnt down the Capitol and the US President’s house in Washington.
Secondly, there has been a failure to discover any reasonable justification for the American-led attack on Iraq and its invasion and occupation. Without any doubt, America has lost, at the very least, an incalculable amount of international goodwill as a result of this, let aside suffering two thousand young soldiers killed, fifteen thousand wounded, and an unending cost in terms of prestige and resources in return for the thinnest of tangible gains. India at great cost liberated East Pakistan from the brutal military tyranny of Yahya Khan and Tikka Khan in December 1971 but the average Bangladeshi today could hardly care less. Regardless of what form of government emerges in Iraq now, there is no doubt the mass of the Iraqi people will cheer the departure of the bulk of foreign troops and tanks from their country (even if a permanent set of a dozen hermetically sealed American bases remain there for ever, as appears to have been planned).
When things go wrong in any democracy, it is natural and healthy to set up a committee to investigate, and America has done that several times now. For such committees to have any use at all they must be as candid as possible and perhaps the most candid of the American committees has been the US Government’s 9/11 Commission. But it too has appeared no closer to finding out who was the mastermind of the 9/11 attacks or who financed it and who, precisely, executed it. Osama Bin Laden may have been the ideological head of a movement allied to the perpetrators, and Bin Laden undoubtedly expressed his glee afterwards, but it beggars the imagination that Bin Laden could have been executive president in charge of this operation while crawling around Sudan, Pakistan and Afghanistan. If not him, then whom? Mossad the Israeli spy agency was supposed to have pointed to a super-secret invisible Lebanese terrorist but nobody really knows. The biggest modern mass murder remains unsolved.
As for solutions, the American 9/11 Commission went into the same politically correct formulae that came to be followed in 2005 by British PM Tony Blair’s New Labour Cabinet, namely, that “moderate” peace-loving Muslims must be encouraged and bribed not to turn to terrorism (indeed to expose those among them who do), while “extremist” Muslims must be stamped out with brute force. This rests on a mistaken premise that an economic carrot-and-stick policy can work in creating a set of external incentives and disincentives for Muslims, when in fact believing Muslims, like many other religious believers, are people who feel the power of their religion deep within themselves and so are unlikely to be significantly affected by external incentives or disincentives offered by non-believers. Another committee has been the United States Senate’s Select Committee on Intelligence which reported in July 2004, and from whose findings have stemmed as an offshoot the current matter about whether high government officials broke the law that is being investigated by Special Prosecutor Patrick J. Fitzgerald.
Bertrand Russell said in his obituary of Ludwig Wittgenstein that he had once gone about looking under all the tables and chairs to prove to Wittgenstein that there was not a hippopotamus present in the room. In the present case, however, there is in fact a very large hippopotamus present in the room yet the entire American foreign policy establishment has seemed to refuse to wish to see it. Saddam Hussain and OBL are undoubtedly certifiable members of the international gallery of rogues – but the central fact remains they were rogues who were in alliance with America’s defined strategic interests in the 1980s. Saddam Hussain’s Iraq invaded Iran in 1980 and gassed the Kurds in 1986; an Iraqi Mirage on May 17 1987 fired two Exocet missiles at the USS Stark killing 37 American sailors and injuring 21. The Americans did nothing. The reason was that Saddam was still in favour at the time and had not yet become a demon in the political mythology of the American state, and it was expedient for nothing to be done. Indeed Saddam’s Iraq was explicitly removed in 1982 from the US Government’s list of states sponsoring terrorism because, according to the State Department’s Patterns of Global Terrorism, it had “moved closer to the policies of its moderate Arab neighbours”.
The very large hippopotamus that is present in the room at the moment is April Glaspie, the highly regarded professional career diplomat and American Ambassador to Iraq at the time of the 1990 Gulf War. Saddam Hussein as President had a famous meeting with her on July 25 1990, eight days before he invaded Kuwait. The place was the Presidential Palace in Baghdad and the Iraqis videotaped the meeting:
U.S. Ambassador Glaspie – “I have direct instructions from President (George Herbert Walker) Bush to improve our relations with Iraq. We have considerable sympathy for your quest for higher oil prices, the immediate cause of your confrontation with Kuwait. (pause) As you know, I lived here for years and admire your extraordinary efforts to rebuild your country. We know you need funds. We understand that, and our opinion is that you should have the opportunity to rebuild your country. (pause) We can see that you have deployed massive numbers of troops in the south. Normally that would be none of our business, but when this happens in the context of your threats against Kuwait, then it would be reasonable for us to be concerned. For this reason, I have received an instruction to ask you, in the spirit of friendship – not confrontation – regarding your intentions: Why are your troops massed so very close to Kuwait’s borders?
Saddam Hussein – As you know, for years now I have made every effort to reach a settlement on our dispute with Kuwait. There is to be a meeting in two days; I am prepared to give negotiations only this one more brief chance. (pause) When we (the Iraqis) meet (with the Kuwaitis) and we see there is hope, then nothing will happen. But if we are unable to find a solution, then it will be natural that Iraq will not accept death.
U. S. Ambassador Glaspie – What solutions would be acceptable?
Saddam Hussein – If we could keep the whole of the Shatt al Arab – our strategic goal in our war with Iran – we will make concessions (to the Kuwaitis). But, if we are forced to choose between keeping half of the Shatt and the whole of Iraq (i.e., in Saddam’ s view, including Kuwait ) then we will give up all of the Shatt to defend our claims on Kuwait to keep the whole of Iraq in the shape we wish it to be. (pause) What is the United States’ opinion on this?
U.S. Ambassador Glaspie – We have no opinion on your Arab – Arab conflicts, such as your dispute with Kuwait. Secretary (of State James) Baker has directed me to emphasize the instruction, first given to Iraq in the 1960’s, that the Kuwait issue is not associated with America. (Saddam smiles)
Saddam had seen himself fighting Islamic Iran on behalf of the Kuwaitis, Saudis and other Arabs, and Islamic Iran was of course the sworn adversary of the USA at least since Khomeini had deposed America’s ally, the Shah. Therefore Saddam could not be all bad in the eyes of the State Department. On August 2 1990, the Iraqi troops seen by American satellites amassed on the border, invaded and occupied Kuwait. On September 2 1990, the Iraqis released the videotape and transcript of the July 29 Saddam-Glaspie meeting and Glaspie was confronted by British journalists as she left the Embassy:
Journalist 1 – Are the transcripts (holding them up) correct, Madam Ambassador? (No answer from Glaspie)
Journalist 2 – You knew Saddam was going to invade (Kuwait ) but you didn’t warn him not to. You didn’t tell him America would defend Kuwait. You told him the opposite – that America was not associated with Kuwait.
Journalist 1 – You encouraged this aggression – his invasion. What were you thinking?
U.S. Ambassador Glaspie – Obviously, I didn’t think, and nobody else did, that the Iraqis were going to take all of Kuwait.
Journalist 1 – You thought he was just going to take some of it? But, how could you? Saddam told you that, if negotiations failed , he would give up his Iran(Shatt al Arab waterway) goal for the whole of Iraq, in the shape we wish it to be. You know that includes Kuwait, which the Iraqis have always viewed as a historic part of their country!
Journalist 1 – America green-lighted the invasion. At a minimum, you admit signalling Saddam that some aggression was okay – that the U.S. would not oppose a grab of the al-Rumeilah oil field, the disputed border strip and the Gulf Islands (including Bubiyan) – the territories claimed by Iraq?
Glaspie said nothing, the car door closed behind her, the car drove off. Nothing has been apparently heard from Glaspie ever since, and we may have to wait for her memoirs in 25 years when they are declassified to come to know what happened. It is astonishing, however, that the 521 page report of the US Senate’s Select Committee on espionage about Iraq before the 2003 war finds no cause whatsoever to mention Glaspie at all (at least in its public censored version). It is almost as if Glaspie has never existed and her conversation with Saddam never happened. Glaspie has disappeared down an Orwellian memory-hole. Yet her conversation with Saddam was the last official, recorded conversation between the Americans and Saddam while they were still on friendly terms.
There may be many causes explaining how such serious failures have come to occur in a country where billions of dollars have been annually spent on espionage. Among them must be that while America’s great strengths have included creation of the finest advanced scientific and technological base on earth, America’s great intellectual weaknesses in recent decades have included an impatience with historical and philosophical reflection of all sorts, and that includes reflection about her own as well as other cultures. This is exemplified too in the third palpable failure of intelligence of the last 20 years, which has been to have not foreseen or prevented atomic weapons from being developed by America and Britain’s Islamist ally and client-state, Pakistan, and thence to have failed to prevent the proliferation of such weapons in general. The consequences of that may yet turn out to be the most grave.”
“Yes, Virginia, India’s H-bomb fizzled. K Santhanam (who was director of test site preparations for India’s 1998 nuclear tests… has admitted what everyone else has known for a long time — that India’s 1998 test of a thermonuclear device was unsuccessful.…”
Followed by Mark Hibbs:
“Is this cool or what? I remember what happened when I wrote that article in the fall of 1998 saying in the headline that the US had concluded that the Indian “H-Bomb failed.” Almost overnight after the article was published I got a huge bundle of papers from BARC and DAE sent to me by diplomatic pouch from Mumbai informing me with all kinds of numbers that I was wrong. I gave the papers to laboratory geoscientists at several European countries and the US. One main CTBTO monitoring scientist told me explicitly: “Nope. The stuff in these papers is shitty science. They haven’t shown that you are wrong.” That having been said, please note however that, as PK Iyengar had made the case to me back a decade ago, once again this “news” is surfacing in India because their bomb makers want to keep testing. Some things in India are changing fast. Other things aren’t.”
Followed by Charles Mead:
“I got into a huge pissing match with the Indians on this issue as I was the principal author of Barker et. al. 1998 which had the yield estimates far below the Indian press releases. A number of Indian scientists tried to submit a comment to Science rebutting our analysis. We asked them to provide the in-country seismic data on which they based their analysis, but they refused. Luckily, in the end, their comment was rejected and never published. On a related note, I saw the other day that wikipedia has a glowing description of the Indian 1998 tests, citing the inflated yields and saying the tests were a huge technical accomplishment. See http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pokhran-II In the next day or so, I plan to submit a corrected analysis.”
Mark Hibbs:
“Charles, I recall one of your co-authors back then explained to me in nitty-gritty detail your frustration on this with these guys. Please do correct the record for posterity.”
Charles Meade:
“Their arguments at the time were quite remarkable. They said that our seismic data didn’t reflect the true yield because of a complex interference pattern caused by the simultaneous tests. Under these circumstances, they said that one could only obtain the correct yield from near field data. We said, “fine, show it to us”. They refused and that was the end of their paper.”
Yale Simkin:
“The Indian argument: ‘For us to have a nuclear deterrent we must weaponise. For this, we must have fusion weapons, because these are smaller, lighter, and more efficient than fission weapons.’ is a lot of hooey. They claim to be building a deterrent force, not a war-fighting arsenal with a counter-force capability. For the size and mass of their likely early-generation fusion designs, they can instead use basic fission bombs yielding in the multi-dekakiloton range – multiples of the hell weapons that incinerated Hiroshima and Nagasaki. That should be sufficient to deter any rational adversary. And if they aren’t rational, then you have no deterrent.”
Hmmm. The choice of terminology even within such a brief discussion might reveal a little of the mind-set: “shitty science”, “pissing match”, “a lot of hooey”…
Rather uncool, really.
Specifically:
“A number of Indian scientists tried to submit a comment to Science rebutting our analysis. We asked them to provide the in-country seismic data on which they based their analysis, but they refused. Luckily, in the end, their comment was rejected and never published…. Their arguments at the time were quite remarkable. They said that our seismic data didn’t reflect the true yield because of a complex interference pattern caused by the simultaneous tests. Under these circumstances, they said that one could only obtain the correct yield from near field data. We said, “fine, show it to us”. They refused and that was the end of their paper.
Hmmm — once more. The words that I have placed in bold above might be prima facie evidence of incorrect and hence unfair editorial procedures having been followed at Science (distinguished as its general reputation may be as a journal). Why were these here-unnamed “Indian scientists” not allowed to speak for themselves, rather than have their now-unknown statements be bowdlerised out of their critics’ memories a decade later (when these critics themselves had been the subject of the rebuttal)? Perhaps the rebuttal should not have been refused publication even if it came with an editorial caveat that all the data deemed necessary had not been provided (which may have been the case, for example, due to a Government gag-order). Readers today would have been able to judge for themselves.
I am happy to claim zero expertise in the field known rather sweetly as “Crater Morphology”; but post 9/11, post-Iraq war, it does seem to me a rather quaint form of prejudice to be using such words as those quoted above in discussing the precise tonnage of the Indian explosions and how, really, India’s scientists were not up to it. Perhaps, when matters of public policy or international diplomacy become involved, science everywhere is too important to be left to the scientists.
Are all the available data out there in the public domain on which to judge whether the Indian explosions in 1998 were or were not what was precisely claimed at the time? Apparently not.
Does it matter to anything today? Hardly. Not even to the credibility of the Government of India (something on which I have had a lot to say over decades).
Do Governments lie? Yes Virginia, they do.
Governments the world over, whether Indian, American, Russian, Chinese, British, French, Israeli, Arab, Pakistani or whatever, let aside inter-Governmental bodies constituted by these Governments, are prone to exaggeration, propaganda, self-delusion, self-deception as well as deliberate mendacity, perhaps routinely on a daily basis.
(For myself as an individual, I have had to battle the demonstrated and deliberate mendacity of the government of one of the fifty States in the US federal courts for two decades now, as told of elsewhere…)
An Age of Government Mendacity has seemed to descend upon the world — which makes the smugness expressed so quickly today by the critics of India’s 1998 explosions seem, as I have said, quaint.
Is the current Indian debate indicating something about keeping open the possibility of more tests and isn’t this related to the Indo-US civil nuclear deal? It may well be, I do not know. My position for what it is worth has been clear and described in several articles in The Statesman in recent years e.g.
“Atoms for Peace” was Dwight D. Eisenhower’s 1953 speech to the UN (presided over by Jawaharlal Nehru’s sister) from which arose the IAEA. Eisenhower was the warrior par excellence, having led the Allies to victory over Hitler a few years earlier.
Yet he was the first to see “no sane member of the human race” can discover victory in the “desolation, degradation and destruction” of nuclear war. “Occasional pages of history do record the faces of the ‘great destroyers’, but the whole book of history reveals mankind’s never-ending quest for peace and mankind’s God-given capacity to build.” Speaking of the atomic capacity of America’s communist adversary at the time, he said: “We never have, and never will, propose or suggest that the Soviet Union surrender what rightly belongs to it. We will never say that the peoples of the USSR are an enemy with whom we have no desire ever to deal or mingle in friendly and fruitful relationship.” Rather, “if the fearful trend of atomic military build-up can be reversed, this greatest of destructive forces can be developed into a great boon, for the benefit of all mankind…. if the entire body of the world’s scientists and engineers had adequate amounts of fissionable material… this capability would rapidly be transformed into universal, efficient and economic usage”. Eisenhower’s IAEA would receive contributions from national “stockpiles of normal uranium and fissionable materials”, and also impound, store and protect these and devise “methods whereby this fissionable material would be allocated to serve the peaceful pursuits of mankind.…to provide abundant electrical energy in the power-starved areas of the world… to serve the needs rather than the fears of mankind.” When Eisenhower visited India he was greeted as the “Prince of Peace” and a vast multitude threw rose petals as he drove by in an open limousine.
Now, half a century later, Dr Manmohan Singh read a speech in Parliament on February 27 relating to our nuclear discussions with America. But it seems unclear even his speech-writers or technical advisers knew how far it was rhetoric and how far grounded in factual realities. There is also tremendous naivete among India’s media anchors and political leaders as to what exactly has been agreed by the Americans on March 2.
Churchill once asked what might have happened if Lloyd George and Clemenceau told Woodrow Wilson: “Is it not true that nothing but your fixed and expiring tenure of office prevents you from being thrown out of power?” The same holds for George W. Bush today. Wilson made many promises to the world that came to be hit for a six by US legislators. In December 2005, Edward Markey (Democrat) and Fred Upton (Republican) promised to scuttle Bush’s agreements with India, and once the pleasant memories of his India visit fade, Bush may quite easily forget most things about us. All the Americans have actually agreed to do is to keep talking.
It needs to be understood that submarine-launched ballistic missiles are the only ultimate military deterrent. Land and air forces are all vulnerable to a massive first-strike. Only submarines lurking silently for long periods in waters near their target, to launch nuclear warheads upon learning their homeland had been hit by the enemy, act as a deterrent preventing that same enemy from making his attack at all. Indeed, the problem becomes how a submarine commander will receive such information and his instructions during such a war. (For India to acquire an ICBM capability beyond the MRBM Agni rockets is to possess an expensive backward technology — as retrograde as the idea India should spend scarce resources sending manned moon missions half a century after it has already been done. The secret is to do something new and beneficial for mankind, not repeat what others did long ago merely to show we can now do it too.) A nuclear-armed submarine needs to be submerged for long periods and also voyage long distances at sea, and hence needs to be nuclear-powered with a miniature version of a civilian nuclear reactor aboard in which, e.g. rods of enriched uranium are bombarded to release enough energy to run hydroelectric turbines to generate power. Patently, no complete separation of the use of atomic power for peace and war may be practically possible. If India creates e.g. its own thorium reactors for civilian power (and we have vast thorium reserves, the nuclear fuel of the future), and then miniaturised these somehow to manufacture reactors for submarines, the use would be both civilian and military. In 1988 the old USSR leased India a nuclear-powered submarine for “training” purposes, and the Americans did not like it at all. In January 2002, Russia’s Naval Chief announced India was paying to build and then lease from 2004 until 2009 two nuclear-powered Akula-class attack submarines, and Jaswant Singh reportedly said we were paying $1 thousand crore ($10 bn) for such a defence package. Whether the transaction has happened is not known. Once we have nuclear submarines permanently, that would be more than enough of the minimum deterrent sought.
Indeed, India’s public has been barely informed of civilian nuclear energy policy as well, and an opportunity now exists for a mature national debate to take place — both on what and why the military planning has been and what it costs (and whether any bribes have been paid), and also on the cost, efficiency and safety of the plans for greater civilian use of nuclear energy. Government behaviour after the Bhopal gas tragedy does not inspire confidence about Indian responses to a Three Mile Island/Chernobyl kind of catastrophic meltdown.
That being said, the central question remains why India or anyone else needs to be nuclear-armed at all. With Britain, France or Russia, there is no war though all three are always keen to sell India weapons. Indeed it has been a perennial question why France and Britain need their own deterrents. They have not fought one another for more than 100 years and play rugby instead. If Russia was an enemy, could they not count on America? Or could America itself conceivably become an enemy of Britain and France? America owes her origins to both, and though the Americans did fight the British until the early 1800s, they have never fought the French and love the City of Paris too much ever to do so.
Between China and India, regardless of what happened half a century ago, nuclear or any war other than border skirmishes in sparse barren lands is unlikely. Ever since Sun Yat-sen, China has been going through a complex process of self-discovery and self-definition. An ancient nation where Maoism despoiled the traditional culture and destroyed Tibet, China causes others to fear it because of its inscrutability. But it has not been aggressive in recent decades except with Taiwan. It has threatened nuclear war on America if the Americans stand up for Taiwan, but that is not a quarrel in which India has a cogent role. China (for seemingly commercial reasons) did join hands with Pakistan against India, but there is every indication the Chinese are quite bored with what Pakistan has become. With Pakistan, our situation is well-known, and there has been an implicit equilibrium since Pokhran II finally flushed out their capacity. Had India ever any ambition of using conventional war to knock out and occupy Pakistan as a country? Of course not. We are barely able to govern ourselves, let aside try to rule an ideologically hostile Muslim colony in the NorthWest. Pakistan’s purported reasons for acquiring nuclear bombs are spurious, and cruelly so in view of the abject failures of Pakistan’s domestic political economy. Could Pakistan’s Government use its bombs against India arising from its own self-delusions over J&K? Gohar Ayub Khan in 1998-1999 threatened to do so when he said the next war would be over in two hours with an Indian surrender. He thereby became the exception to Eisenhower’s rule requiring sanity. An India-Pakistan nuclear exchange is, unfortunately, not impossible, leaving J&K as Hell where Jahangir had once described it as Heaven on Earth.
America needs to end her recent jingoism and instead rediscover the legacy of Eisenhower. America can lead everyone in the world today including Russia, China, Israel, Iran and North Korea. But she can do so only by example. America can decommission many of her own nuclear weapons and then lead everyone else to the conference table to do at least some of the same. Like the UN, the IAEA (and its NPT) needs urgent reform itself. It is the right time for serious and new world parleys towards the safe use of atoms for peace and their abolition in war. But are there any Eisenhowers or Churchills to lead them?
Americans are shrewd and practical people in commercial matters, and expect the same of people they do business with. Caveat emptor, “let the buyer beware”, is the motto they expect those on the other side of the table to be using. Let us not think they are doing us favours in the nuclear deal ~ they are grown-ups looking after their interests and naturally expect we shall look after our own and not expect charity while doing business. Equally, let us not blame the Americans if we find in later years (long after Manmohan Singh and Montek Ahluwalia have exited from India’s stage) that the deal has been implemented in a bad way for our masses of ordinary people.
That said, there is a remarkable disjoint between India’s national energy interests (nuclear interests in particular), and the manner in which the nuclear deal is being perceived and taken to implementation by the two sides. There may be a fundamental gap between the genuine positive benefits the Government of India says the deal contains, and the motivations American businessmen and through them Indian businessmen have had for lobbying American and Indian politicians to support it. An atmosphere of being at cross-purposes has been created, where for example Manmohan Singh is giving answers to questions different from the questions we may want to be asking Montek Ahluwalia. The fundamental gap between what is being said by our Government and what may be intended by the businessmen is something anyone can grasp, though first we shall need some elementary facts.
In 2004, the International Energy Agency estimated the new energy capacity required by rising economic growth in 2020 will derive 1400 GW from burning coal (half of it in China and India), 470 GW from burning oil, 430GW from hydro, and 400 GW from renewable sources like solar or wind power. Because gas prices are expected to remain low worldwide, construction of new nuclear reactors for electricity will be unprofitable. By 2030, new energy expected to be required worldwide is 4700GW, of which only 150GW is expected from new nuclear plants, which will be in any case replacing existing plants due to be retired. Rational choice between different energy sources depends on costs determined by history and geography. Out of some 441 civilian reactors worldwide, France has 59 and these generate 78 per cent of its electricity, the rest coming from hydro. Japan has 54 reactors, generating 34% of its electricity from them. The USA has 104 reactors but generates only 20 per cent of its electricity from them, given its vast alternative sources of power like hydro. In India as of 2003, installed power generating capacity was 107,533.3MW, of which 71 per cent came from burning fuels. Among India’s energy sources, the largest growth-potential is hydroelectric, which does not involve burning fuels ~ gravity moves water from the mountains to the oceans, and this force is harnessed for generation. Our hydro potential, mostly in the North and North-East, is some 150,000MW but our total installed hydro capacity with utilities was only 26,910MW (about 18 per cent of potential). Our 14 civilian nuclear reactors produced merely 4 per cent or less of the electricity being consumed in the country. Those 14 plants will come under “international safeguards” by 2014 under the nuclear deal.
It is extremely likely the international restrictions our existing nuclear plants have been under since the 1970s have hindered if not crippled their functioning and efficiency. At the same time, the restrictions may have caused us to be innovative too. Nuclear power arises from fission of radioactive uranium, plutonium or thorium. India has some 8 million tonnes of monazite deposits along the seacoast of which half may be mined, to yield 225,000 tonnes of thorium metal; we have one innovatively designed thorium reactor under construction. Almost all nuclear energy worldwide today arises from uranium of which there are practically unlimited reserves. Fission of a uranium atom produces 10 million times the energy produced by combustion of an atom of carbon from coal. Gas and fossil fuels may be cheap and in plentiful supply worldwide for generations to come but potential for cheap nuclear energy seems practically infinite. The uranium in seawater can satisfy mankind’s total electricity needs for 7 million years. There is more energy in the uranium impurity present in coal than can arise from actually burning the coal. There is plenty of uranium in granite. None of these become profitable for centuries because there is so much cheap uranium extractable from conventional ores. Design improvements in reactors will also improve productivity; e.g. “fast breeder” reactors “breed” more fissile material than they use, and may get 100 times as much energy from a kilogram of uranium as existing reactors do. India has about 95,000 tonnes of uranium metal that may be mined to yield about 61,000 tonnes net for power generation. Natural uranium is 99.3 per cent of the U-238 isotope and 0.7 per cent of the radioactive U-235 isotope. Nuclear power generation requires “enriched uranium” or “yellow cake” to be created in which U-235 has been increased from 0.7 per cent to 4 to 5 percent. (Nuclear bombs require highly enriched uranium with more than 90 per cent of U-235.) Yellow cake is broken into small pieces, put in metal rods placed in bundles, which are then bombarded by neutrons causing fission. In a reactor, the energy released turns water into steam, which moves turbines generating electricity. While there is no carbon dioxide “waste” as in burning fossil fuels, the “spent” rods of nuclear fuel and other products constitute grave radioactive waste, almost impossible to dispose of.
The plausible part of the Government of India’s official line on the Indo-US nuclear deal is that removing the international restrictions will ~ through importation of new technologies, inputs, fuel etc ~ improve functioning of our 14 existing civilian plants. That is a good thing. Essentially, the price being paid for that improvement is our willingness to commit that those 14 plants will not be used for military purposes. Fair enough: even if we might become less innovative as a result, the overall efficiency gains as a result of the deal will add something to India’s productivity. However, those purchasing decisions involved in enhancing India’s efficiency gains must be made by the Government’s nuclear scientists on technical grounds of improving the working of our existing nuclear infrastructure.
It is a different animal altogether to be purchasing new nuclear reactors on a turn-key basis from American or any other foreign businessmen in a purported attempt to improve India’s “energy security”. (Lalu Yadav has requested a new reactor for Bihar, plus of course Delhi will want one, etc.) The central question over such massive foreign purchases would no longer be the technical one of using the Indo-US deal to improve efficiency or productivity of our existing nuclear infrastructure. Instead it would become a question of calculating social costs and benefits of our investing in nuclear power relative to other sources like hydroelectric power. Even if all other sources of electricity remained constant, and our civilian nuclear capacity alone was made to grow by 100 per cent under the Manmohan-Montek deal-making, that would mean less than 8% of total Indian electricity produced.
This is where the oddities arise and a disjoint becomes apparent between what the Government of India is saying and what American and Indian businessmen have been doing. A “US-India Business Council” has existed for thirty years in Washington as “the premier business advocacy organization promoting US commercial interests in India.… the voice of the American private sector investing in India”. Before the nuclear or any other deals could be contemplated with American business, the USIBC insisted we pay up for Dabhol contracted by a previous Congress Government. The Maharashtra State Electricity Board ~ or rather, its sovereign guarantor the Government of India ~ duly paid out at least $140-$160 million each to General Electric and Bechtel Corporations in “an amicable settlement” of the Dabhol affair. Afterwards, General Electric’s CEO for India was kind enough to say “India is an important country to GE’s global growth. We look forward to working with our partners, customers, and State and Central Governments in helping India continue to develop into a leading world economy”.
Also, a new “US-India CEO Forum” then came about. For two Governments to sponsor private business via such a Forum was “unprecedented”, as noted by Washington’s press during Manmohan Singh’s visit in July 2005. America’s foreign ministry announced it saying: “Both our governments have agreed that we should create a high-level private sector forum to exchange business community views on key economic priorities…” The American side includes heads of AES Corporation, Cargill Inc., Citigroup, JP Morgan Chase, Honeywell, McGraw-Hill, Parsons Brinckerhoff Ltd, PepsiCo, Visa International and Xerox Corporation. The Indian side includes heads of Tata Group, Apollo Hospitals Group, Bharat Forge Ltd, Biocon India Group, HDFC, ICICI One Source, Infosys, ITC Ltd, Max India Group and Reliance Industries. Presiding over the Indian side has been Montek Ahluwalia, Manmohan’s trusted aide ~ and let it be remembered too that the Ahluwalias were Manmohan’s strongest backers in his failed South Delhi Lok Sabha bid. (Indeed it is not clear if the Ahluwalias have been US or Indian residents in recent years, and if it is the former, the onus is on them to clear any perception of conflict of interest arising in regard to roles regarding the nuclear deal or any other official Indo-US business.)
Also, before the Manmohan visit, the Confederation of Indian Industry registered as an official lobbyist in Washington, and went about spending half a million dollars lobbying American politicians for the nuclear deal. After the Manmohan visit, the US Foreign Commercial Service reportedly said American engineering firms, equipment suppliers and contractors faced a $1,000 billion (1 bn =100 crore) opportunity in India. Before President Bush’s visit to India in March 2006, Manmohan Singh signed vast purchases of commercial aircraft from Boeing and Airbus, as well as large weapons’ deals with France and Russia. After the Bush visit, the US Chamber of Commerce said the nuclear deal can cause $100 billion worth of new American business in India’s energy-sector alone. What is going on?
Finally, the main aspect of Manmohan Singh’s address to America’s legislature had to do with agreeing with President Bush “to enhance Indo-US cooperation in the field of civilian nuclear technology”. What precisely does this mean? If it means the Indo-US nuclear deal will help India improve or maintain its existing nuclear infrastructure, well and good. There may be legitimate business for American and other foreign companies in that cause, which also helps India make the efficiency and productivity gains mentioned. Or has the real motivation for the American businessmen driving the deal (with the help of the “CEO Forum” etc) been to sell India nuclear reactors on a turn-key basis (in collaboration with private Indian businessmen) at a time when building new nuclear reactors is unprofitable elsewhere in the world because of low gas prices? India’s citizens may demand to know from the Government whether the Manmohan-Montek deal-making is going to cause importation of new nuclear reactors, and if so, why such an expensive alternative is being considered (relative to e.g. India’s abundant hydroelectric potential) when it will have scant effect in satisfying the country’s energy needs and lead merely to a worsening of our macroeconomic problems. Both Manmohan Singh and Montek Ahluwalia have been already among those to preside over the growth of India’s macroeconomic problems through the 1980s and 1990s.
Lastly, an irrelevant distraction should be gotten out of the way. Are we a “nuclear weapons” state? Of course we are, but does it matter to anything but our vanity? Ronald Reagan and Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev had control over vastly more nuclear weapons and they declared together twenty years ago: “A nuclear war cannot be won and must not be fought”, which is how the Cold War started to come to an end. We need to remind ourselves that India and Pakistan are large, populous countries with hundreds of millions of materially poor, ill-informed citizens, weak tax-bases, humongous internal and external public debts (i.e. debt owed by the Government to domestic and foreign creditors), non-investment grade credit- ratings in world financial markets, massive annual fiscal deficits, inconvertible currencies, nationalized banks, and runaway printing of paper-money. Discussing nuclear or other weapon-systems to attack one other with is mostly a pastime of our cowardly, irresponsible and yes, corrupt, elites.
Confusion prevails over the Indo-US Nuclear Deal. Businessmen, bureaucrats, politicians, diplomats, scientists and now the public at large have all joined in the cacophony in the last two years. On Wednesday August 15, America’s foreign ministry made the clearest most unequivocal statement possible as to the official American Government interpretation of the Indo-US nuclear deal: “The proposed 123 agreement has provisions in it that in an event of a nuclear test by India, then all nuclear co-operation is terminated, as well as there is provision for return of all materials, including reprocessed material covered by the agreement” (Sean McCormack). Yet our Prime Minister had told Parliament two days earlier: “The agreement does not in any way affect India’s right to undertake future nuclear tests, if it is necessary”. What is going on? Our politics are in uproar, and it has been suggested in these pages that the country go to a General Election to allow the people to speak on the matter. Clearly, we need some clarity.
Let us start at the beginning. How did it all originate? The private US nuclear industry prevailed upon India’s government bureaucrats and businessmen over several years that nuclear power is the way forward to solving India’s “infrastructure” problems. They would sell us, in words of the Manmohan-Montek Planning Commission’s energy adviser, “six to eight lightwater reactors” (especially as they may not be able to sell these anywhere else). Our usual prominent self-seeking retired bureaucrats started their waffling about the importance of “infrastructure”.
Then Manmohan Singh felt his foreign travels as PM could be hardly complete without a fife-and-drum visit to the White House. But before he could do so, Dabhol would have to be cleared up since American business in India was on a self-moratorium until GE and Bechtel were paid settlements of some $140-160 million each by the Governments of India and Maharashtra. GE’s CEO for India kindly said afterwards “India is an important country to GE’s global growth. We look forward to working with our partners, customers, and State and Central Governments in helping India continue to develop into a leading world economy”.
Also, before Manmohan’s USA trip, the Confederation of Indian Industry registered as an official Washington lobbyist and spent half a million dollars lobbying American politicians for the deal. (”Why?” would be a good question.)
So Dr Singh was able to make his White House visit, accompanied by US business lobbies saying the nuclear deal can generate $100 billion worth of new American business in India’s energy-sector alone. It is only when business has lubricated politics in America that so much agreement about the India-deal could arise. The “bottom-line” is that six to eight reactors must be sold to India, whatever politics and diplomacy it takes.
Now Dr Singh is not a PM who is a Member of the Lower House of Parliament commanding its confidence. He says his Government constitutes the Executive and can sign treaties on India’s behalf. This is unwise. If he signs a treaty and then the Congress Party loses the next General Election, a new Executive Government can use his same words to rescind the same treaty. What is sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander. One reason we are so confused is that India has not signed very many bilateral treaties, and there is barely a noted specialist in international law anywhere in the country. Dr Singh’s original mentor, PN Haksar, had gone about getting a treaty signed with the USSR back in 1971 which tided us over a war, though the USSR itself collapsed before that treaty ended.
Signing a treaty is much more than signing an international MOU. It requires a national consensus or a least a wide and deep understanding on the part of the public and the political class as to what necessitates the treaty. That plainly does not exist at present. Most people in India do not even know how nuclear power is generated, nor how small and insignificant nuclear power has been in India.
Natural uranium is 99.3 per cent of the U-238 isotope and 0.7 per cent the radioactive U-235 isotope. Nuclear power generation requires “enriched uranium” or “yellow cake” to be created in which U-235 has been increased from 0.7 per cent to 4 to 5 percent. (Nuclear bombs require “highly enriched” uranium with more than 90 per cent of U-235.) Yellow cake is broken into small pieces, put in metal rods placed in bundles, which are then bombarded by neutrons causing fission. In a reactor, the energy released turns water into steam, which moves turbines generating electricity. While there is no carbon dioxide “waste” as in burning fossil fuels, the “spent” rods of nuclear fuel and other products constitute grave radioactive waste, almost impossible to dispose of.
India’s 14 “civilian” nuclear reactors presently produce less than 4% of our total power. 70% of our power arises from burning fossil fuels, mainly coal. Much of the rest arises from hydro. We have vast hydroelectric potential in the North and Northeast but it would take a lot of serious political, administrative and civil engineering effort to organise all that, and there would not be any nice visits to Washington or Paris involved for politicians and bureaucrats.
Simple arithmetic says that even if all our principal energy sources stayed constant and only our tiny nuclear power sector grew by 100%, that would still hardly increase by very much our energy output overall. Placing a couple of expensive modern lightwater reactors around Delhi, a couple around Mumbai and a few other metros will, however, butter already buttered bread quite nicely and keep all those lifts and ACs running.
The agreed text of the “treaty” looks, from a legal standpoint, quite sloppily and hurriedly written ~ almost as if each side has cut and paste its own preferred terms in different places with a nod to the other side. For example, there is mention of “WMD” initially which is repeated as “weapons of mass destruction” just a little later. There is solemn mention of the “Government of India” and “Government of the United States of America” as the “Parties”, but this suddenly becomes merely “United States” and “India” in the middle and then reverts again to the formal usage.
Through the sloppiness comes scope for different interpretations. The Americans have said: try not to test, you don’t need to, we don’t test any more, and you have to know that if you do test, this deal is over, in fact it gets reversed. We have said, okay, we won’t test, and if we do test we know it is over with you but that does not mean it is over with others. Given such sloppy diplomacy and treaty-making, the scope for mutual misunderstanding, even war, remains immense long after all the public Indian moneys have found their way into private pockets worldwide. Will a future President Jeb Bush or Chelsea Clinton send F-22 bombers to bomb India’s nuclear facilities because India has carried out a test yet declined to return American equipment? Riding a tiger is not something generally to be recommended.
The answer to our present conundrum must be patience and the fullest transparency. What is the rush? If it is good or bad for us to buy six or eight new American reactors now, it will remain good or bad to do so a year or two from now after everyone has had a thorough think about everything that is involved. What the Manmohan-Montek Planning Commission needed to do first of all was a thorough cost-benefit analysis of India’s energy requirements but such elementary professionalism has been sorely lacking among our economists for decades.”
“Manmohan and Sonia have violated Rajiv Gandhi’s intended reforms”.
I said inter alia
“WASTE, fraud and abuse are inevitable in the use and allocation of public property and resources in India as elsewhere, but Government is supposed to fight and resist such tendencies. The Sonia-Manmohan Government have done the opposite, aiding and abetting a wasteful anti-economics ~ i.e., an economic quackery. Vajpayee-Advani and other Governments, including Narasimha-Manmohan in 1991-1996, were just as complicit in the perverse policy-making. So have been State Governments of all regional parties like the CPI-M in West Bengal, DMK/ AIADMK in Tamil Nadu, Congress/NCP/ BJP/Sena in Maharashtra, TDP /Congress in Andhra Pradesh, SP/BJP/BSP in Uttar Pradesh etc. Our dismal politics merely has the pot calling the kettle black while national self-delusion and superstition reign in the absence of reason. The general pattern is one of well-informed, moneyed, mostly city-based special interest groups (especially including organised capital and organised labour) dominating government agendas at the cost of ill-informed, diffused anonymous individual citizens ~ peasants, small businessmen, non-unionized workers, old people, housewives, medical students etc….Rajiv Gandhi had a sense of noblesse oblige out of remembrance of his father and maternal grandfather. After his assassination, the comprador business press credited Narasimha Rao and Manmohan Singh with having originated the 1991 economic reform. In May 2002, however, the Congress Party itself passed a resolution proposed by Digvijay Singh explicitly stating Rajiv and not either of them was to be so credited. The resolution was intended to flatter Sonia Gandhi but there was truth in it too. Rajiv, a pilot who knew no political economy, was a quick learner with intelligence to know a good idea when he saw one and enough grace to acknowledge it. …Rajiv was entirely convinced when the suggestion was made to him in September 1990 that an enormous infusion of public resources was needed into the judicial system for promotion and improvement of the Rule of Law in the country, a pre-requisite almost for a new market orientation. Capitalism without the Rule of Law can quickly degenerate into an illiberal hell of cronyism and anarchy which is what has tended to happen since 1991. The resources put since Independence to the proper working of our judiciary from the Supreme Court and High Courts downwards have been abysmal, while the state of prisons, borstals, mental asylums and other institutions of involuntary detention is nothing short of pathetic. Only police forces, like the military, paramilitary and bureaucracies, have bloated in size….Neither Sonia-Manmohan nor the BJP or Communists have thought promotion of the Rule of Law in India to be worth much serious thought ~ certainly less important than attending bogus international conclaves and summits to sign expensive deals for arms, aircraft, reactors etc. Yet Rajiv Gandhi, at a 10 Janpath meeting on 23 March 1991 when he received the liberalisation proposals he had authorized, explicitly avowed the importance of greater resources towards the Judiciary. Dr Singh and his acolytes were not in that loop, indeed they precisely represented the bureaucratic ancien regime intended to be changed, and hence have seemed quite uncomprehending of the roots of the intended reforms ever since 1991.”
Days after the article appeared there were press reports Dr Singh was murmuring about quitting, and then came a fierce speech in Hindi from the Congress President saying “enemies” would receive their dues or whatever – only to be retracted a few days later saying that no more had been meant than a local critique of the BJP in Haryana politics! (Phew! I said to myself in relief…)
All this is constructive and positive, late as it is since Sonia Gandhi and Manmohan Singh both became heavy-duty Congress Party politicians for the first time a dozen years ago.
“….….The most serious examples of the malfunctioning of civil government in India are probably the failure to take feasible public precautions against the monsoons and the disarray of the judicial system. …The Statesman lamented in July 1980:`The simplest matter takes an inordinate amount of time, remedies seldom being available to those without means or influence. Of the more than 16,000 cases pending in the Supreme Court, about 5,000 were introduced more than five years ago; while nearly 16,000 of the backlog of more than 600,000 cases in our high courts have been hanging fire for over a decade. Allahabad is the worst offender but there are about 75,000 uncleared cases in the Calcutta High Court in addition to well over a million in West Bengal’s lower courts.” Such a state of affairs has been caused not only by lazy and corrupt policemen, court clerks and lawyers, but also by the paucity of judges and magistrates. . . . a vast volume of laws provokes endless litigation as much because of poor drafting which leads to disputes over interpretation as because they appear to violate particular rights and privileges…. When governments determinedly do what they need not or should not do, it may be expected that they will fail to do what civil government positively should be doing.”A few months ago was the 25th anniversary of this statement… ! 🙂
“Similarly, Rajiv comprehended when it was said to him that the primary fiscal problem faced by India is the vast and uncontrolled public debt, interest payments on which suck dry all public budgets leaving no room for provision of public goods. Government accounts: Government has been routinely “rolling over” its domestic debt in the asset-portfolios of the nationalised banks while displaying and highlighting only its new additional borrowing in a year as the “Fiscal Deficit”. More than two dozen States have been doing the same and their liabilities ultimately accrue to the Union too. The stock of public debt in India is Rs 30 trillion (Rs 30 lakh crore) at least, and portends a hyperinflation in the future. There has been no serious recognition of this since it is political and bureaucratic actions that have been causing the problem. Proper recognition would entail systematically cleaning up the budgets and accounts of every single governmental entity in the country: the Union, every State, every district and municipality, every publicly funded entity or organisation, and at the same time improving public decision-making capacity so that once budgets and accounts recover from grave sickness over decades, functioning institutions exist for their proper future management. All this would also stop corruption in its tracks, and release resources for valuable public goods and services like the Judiciary, School Education and Basic Health. Institutions for improved political and administrative decision-making are needed throughout the country if public preferences with respect to raising and allocating common resources are to be elicited and then translated into actual delivery of public goods and services. Our dysfunctional legislatures will have to do at least a little of what they are supposed to. When public budgets and accounts are healthy and we have functioning public goods and services, macroeconomic conditions would have been created for the paper-rupee to once more become a money as good as gold ~ a convertible world currency for all of India’s people, not merely the metropolitan special interest groups that have been controlling our governments and their agendas.”
For a half dozen or so years from about 1996 onwards, I taught graduate engineers a course on microeconomic theory as part of an MBA syllabus. The level would have been that of Varian’s undergraduate text as well as, where possible, Henderson & Quandt’s intermediate text (Postscript: and, I now recall, a little of Arrow & Hahn Chapter 2 if there was time). It was quite successful as most students were very serious and had a more than adequate mathematical background.
Exchange, utility analysis and theory of demand
Rational decisions as constrained optimization
Theory of the firm, technology, profit-maximization, cost-minimization, cost curves
Market equilibrium under competitive conditions
Pricing under Monopoly, Oligopoly
Theory of games
Inter-temporal decision-making
Asset markets : arbitrage and present value
Decision-making under uncertainty
Mean-variance analysis : equilibrium in a market for risky assets
Why are the government and media spreading panic in India about swine-flu? There is almost none of it.
The population of India as of August 2009 is near 1,163,698,689.
Something between 19,782,878 and 115,206,170 people among this population may be suffering some kind of ailment or other at any given time (don’t forget headaches, runny noses, upset tummies, sore backs etc). The lesser figure comes by taking the minimum rate of morbidity across regions, 17/1000, the greater figure comes by taking a supposed national average morbidity rate of 99/1000. I shall be happy to yield to more accurate figures from any source.
Of these millions, some 1,200 (twelve hundred) are said to have been isolated due to and are being treated for swine-flu as of today. That is, statistically speaking, zero.
As for deaths, India experiences something between 20,405 and 26,398 deaths per day from all causes, depending on whether you use 6.40/1000 or 8.28/1000 as the mortality rate.
The number of deaths in India attributed to swine-flu since August 3 is twenty — or about 2 per day on average. That again is, statistically speaking, zero.
Of course governments at Union and State levels and the public health authorities and medical authorities need to follow their protocols and procedures – for swine-flu and every other disease that afflicts us. But, please, closing down cities and towns or holding so many ministerial meetings due to a purported swine-flu epidemic in the country is quite simply a nonsensical waste of resources. Time for a little rationality please.
Subroto Roy suggests one reason China has far outpaced India in exports is because it was willing to focus on manufacturing common man mass consumption items like toys, umbrellas, winter clothing etc for a start, where India’s conceited nomenclatura businessmen/ bureaucrats either maintained traditional imperial exports like textiles, raw materials & tea or chose a high-end middle-class item like software….
A: They are all external or exogenous factors that the Government of India’s leaders, spokesmen and other apologists adduce to explain away endogenous economic outcomes arising from bad fiscal and monetary policies, pork-barrel politics, lobbying by organised Big Business and Big Labour, political and bureaucratic corruption etc. (And the Parliamentary Opposition is hardly any better, probably worse…)
I got to Washington in the summer of 1992, just before the Clintons arrived, and lived there through all of 1993 and a bit of 1994. It is fair to say I have been continually critical — right until Mrs Clinton’s brilliant speech at the Democratic convention last year. Now I may have become a bit of a fan. Could the successful North Korea visit be Bill Clinton’s most dignified and single most poignant political deed? And Hillary appears to have finally found her calling as Secretary of State. She was an excellent diplomatist on her recent India-visit — and certainly put our rather dull political class into the shade. President Obama gets some credit here for good managerial decisions behind the scenes.
This is an incomplete bibliography of my writings, public lectures etc 1973-2020 including citations, reviews, comments. I have been mostly an academic economist who by choice or circumstance over 47 years has had to venture also into science, philosophy, public policy, law, jurisprudence, practical politics, history, international relations, military strategy, financial theory, accounting, management, journalism, literary criticism, psychology, psychoanalysis, theology, aesthetics, biography, children’s fables, etc. If anything unites the seemingly diverse work recorded below it is that I have tried to acquire a grasp of the nature of human reason and then apply this comprehension in practical contexts as simply and clearly as possible. Hence I have ended up following the path of Aristotle, as described in modern times (via Wittgenstein and John Wisdom) by Renford Bambrough. The 2004 public lecture in England, “Science, Religion, Art & the Necessity of Freedom”, also my 2017 “Is ‘Cambridge Philosophy’ dead, in Cambridge? Can it be resurrected, there? Case Study: Renford Bambrough (& Subroto Roy) preceded by decades Cheryl Misak’s thesis on Wittgenstein being linked with Peirce via Ramsey…”
may explain and illustrate all this best. A friend has been kind enough to call me an Academician, which I probably am, though one who really needs his own Academy because the incompetence, greed and mendacity encountered too often in the modern professoriat is dispiriting.
Besides writings and publications printed on paper, there are writings or items not printed on paper — as new media break space, cost and other constraints of traditional publishing. A little repetition and overlap has occurred too. Also in a few cases, e.g., Aldous Huxley’s essay on DH Lawrence, nothing has been done except discover and republish. Several databases have been created and released in the public interest, as have been some rare maps. There is also some biographical and autobiographical material. Several inconsequential errors remain in the text, which shall take time to be rectified as documents come to be rediscovered and collated.
1973
1. “Behavioural study of mus musculus”, Haileybury College, Supervised by J de C Ford-Robertson MA (Oxon). (Due to be published here 2010).
2. “Chemistry at Advanced & Special Level: Student Notes 1972-73” (Due to be published here 2010).
3. “Biology at Advanced & Special Level: Student Notes 1972-73”, (Due to be published here 2010).
4. “Physics at Advanced Level: Student Notes 1972-73”, (Due to be published here 2010).
5. “Revolution: theoria and praxis”, London, mimeo (Due to be published here 2010).
6. “Gandhi vs Marx”, London, mimeo (Due to be published here 2010).
1974
7. “Relevance of downward money-wage rigidity to the problem of maintaining full-employment in the classical and Keynesian models of income determination”, London School of Economics, mimeo (Due to be published here 2010).
8. “Testing aircraft fuels at Shell Finland”.
1975
9. “Oxford Street experiences: down and out in London town”.
10. “SE Region Bulk Distribution Survey”, Unilever, Basingstoke.
11. “Four London poems”, in JCM Paton (ed) New Writing (London, Great Portland Street: International Students House). (Due to be republished here 2010)
12. “On economic growth models and modellers”, London School of Economics, mimeo. (Due to be published here 2010).
1976
13. “World money: system or anarchy?”, lecture to Professor ACL Day’s seminar, London School of Economics, Economics Department, April. (Due to be published here 2010).
14. “A beginner’s guide to some recent developments in monetary theory”, lecture to Professor FH Hahn’s seminar, Cambridge University Economics Department, November 17 (Due to be published here 2010). See also “Announcement of My “Hahn Seminar”, published here June 14 2008.
1977
15. “Inflation and unemployment: a survey”, mimeo, Fitzwilliam College, Cambridge. (Due to be published here 2010).
16. “On short run theories of dual economies”, Cambridge University Economics Department “substantial piece of work” required of first year Research Students. Examiner: DMG Newbery, FBA. (Due to be published here 2010).
1978
17. “Pure theory of developing economies 1 and 2”, Delhi School of Economics mimeo (Due to be published here 2010).
18. “Introduction to some market outcomes under uncertainty”, Delhi School of Economics mimeo (Due to be published here 2010).
19. “On money and development”, Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, mimeo, September. (Due to be published here 2010)
20. “Notes on the Newbery-Stiglitz model of sharecropping”, Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, mimeo November. (Due to be published here 2010).
1979
21. “A theory of rights and economic justice”, Corpus Christi College Cambridge mimeo. (Due to be published here 2010).
22. “Monetary theory and economic development”, Corpus Christi College Cambridge, mimeo (Due to be published here 2010).
23. “Foundations of the case against ‘development planning’”, Corpus Christi College Cambridge, mimeo, November. (Due to be published here 2010).
1979-1989
24. Correspondence with Renford Bambrough (1926-1999), philosopher of St John’s College, Cambridge (Due to be published here 2010).
1980
25. “Models before the monetarist storm”, New Statesman letters
26. “Disciplining rulers and experts”, Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, mimeo. (Due to be published here 2010).
1981
27. “On liberty & economic growth: preface to a philosophy for India”, Cambridge University doctoral thesis, supervisor FH Hahn, FBA; examiners CJ Bliss, FBA; TW Hutchison, FBA (Due to be published here 2010). 27a Response of FA Hayek on a partial draft February 18 1981. 27b Response of Peter Bauer, 1982. 27c Response of Theodore W Schultz, 1983. 27d. Response of Frank Hahn 1985.
1982
28. “Knowledge and freedom in economic theory Parts 1 and 2”, Centre for Study of Public Choice, Virginia Polytechnic Institute & State University, Working Papers.
29. “Economic Theory and Development Economics”. Lecture to American Economic Association, New York, Dec 1982. Panel: RM Solow, HB Chenery, T Weisskopf, P Streeten, G Rosen, S Roy. Published in 29a.
1983
29a “Economic Theory and Development Economics: A Comment”. World Development, 1983. [Citation: Stavros Thefanides “Metamorphosis of Development Economics”, World Development 1988.]
30. “The Political Economy of Trade Policy (Comment on J. Michael Finger)”, Washington DC: Cato Journal, Winter 1983/84. See also000 “Risk-aversion explains resistance to freer trade”, 2008.
1984
31. “Considerations on Utility, Benevolence and Taxation”, History of Political Economy, 1984. 31a Response of Professor Sir John Hicks May 1 1984.
[Citations: P. Hennipman, “A Tale of Two Schools”, De Economist 1987, “A New Look at the Ordinalist Revolution”, J. Econ. Lit. Mar 1988; P. Rappoport, “Reply to Professor Hennipman”, J. Econ. Lit. Mar 1988; Eugene Smolensky et al “An Application of A Dynamic Cost-of-Living Index to the Evaluation of Changes in Social Welfare”, J. Post-Keynesian Econ.IX.3. 1987.]
32. Pricing, Planning and Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India, London: Institute of Economic Affairs, London 1984.
[Citations: Lead editorial of The Times of London May 29 1984, “India’s economy”, Times letters June 16 1984. John Toye “Political Economy & Analysis of Indian Development”, Modern Asian Studies, 22, 1, 1988; John Toye, Dilemmas of Development; D. Wilson, “Privatization of Asia”, The Banker Sep. 1984 etc]. See also 370 “Silver Jubilee of ‘Pricing, Planning and Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India’” 2009.
33. Review of Utilitarianism and Beyond, Amartya Sen & Bernard Williams (eds) Public Choice.
34. Review of Limits of Utilitarianism, HB Miller & WH Williams (eds.), Public Choice.
35. Deendayal Upadhyaya lecture “On Government and the Individual in India” (one of four invited lecturers), Washington DC, October 1984.
1987
36. (with one other) “Does the Theory of Logical Types Inform the Theory of Communication?”, Journal of Genetic Psychology., 148 (4), Dec. 1987 [Citation:
37. “Irrelevance of Foreign Aid”, India International Centre Quarterly, Winter 1987.
38. Review of Development Planning by Sukhamoy Chakravarty for Economic Affairs, London 1987.
1988
39. (with Seiji Naya and Pearl Imada) “Introduction” to Lessons in Development: A Comparative Study of Asia and Latin America. San Francisco: Inst. of Economic Growth.
40. “A note on the welfare economics of regional cooperation”, lecture to Asia-Latin America conference, East West Center Honolulu, published 2009.
1989
41.Philosophy of Economics: On the Scope of Reason in Economic Inquiry, London & New York: Routledge (International Library of Philosophy) 1989, paperback 1991. Internet edition 2007. [Reviews & Citations: Research in Economics, 1992; De Economist 1991 & 1992; Manch.Sch. Econ.Studs. 59, 1991; Ethics 101.88 Jul. 1991; Kyklos 43.4 1990; Soc. Science Q. 71.880. Dec.1990; Can. Phil. Rev. 1990; J. Econ. Hist. Sep. 1990; Econ. & Phil. Fall 1990; Econ. Affairs June-July 1990; TLS May 1990; Choice March 1990; J. App.Phil. 1994, M. Blaug: Methodology of Economics, 2nd ed., Cambridge, 1992; Hist. Methods. 27.3, 1994; J. of Inst. & Theoretical Econ.,1994; Jahrbucker fur Nationaleconomie 1994, 573:574. Mark A Lutz in Economics for the Common Good, London: Routledge, 1999, et al]. See also 339 “Apropos Philosophy of Economics”, Comments of Sidney Hook, KJ Arrow, Milton Friedman, TW Schultz, SS Alexander, Max Black, Renford Bambrough, John Gray et al.
42. Foreword to Essays on the Political Economy by James M. Buchanan, Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press 1989.
43. “Modern Political Economy of India”, edited by Subroto Roy & William E James, Hawaii mimeo May 21 1989. This published for the first time a November 1955 memorandum to the Government of India by Milton Friedman. See also 43a, 53.
43a. Preface to “Milton Friedman’s extempore comments at the 1989 Hawaii conference: on India, Israel, Palestine, the USA, Debt and its uses, Erhardt abolishing exchange controls, Etc”, May 22 1989, published here for the first time October 31 2008.
44. Milton Friedman’s defence of my work in 1989.
45. Theodore W. Schultz’s defence of Philosophy of Economics
1990
46. “Letter to Judge Evelyn Lance: On A Case Study in Private International Law” (Due to be published here in 2010).
47-49. Selections from advisory work on economic policy etc for Rajiv Gandhi, Leader of the Opposition in the Parliament of India, published in 47a-49a.
1991
41b Philosophy of Economics: On the Scope of Reason in Economic Inquiry, Paperback edition.
50. “Conversations and correspondence with Rajiv Gandhi during the Gulf war, January 1991” (Due to be published here 2010).
47a. A Memo to Rajiv I: Stronger Secular Middle”, The Statesman, Jul 31 1991.
48a “A Memo to Rajiv II: Saving India’s Prestige”, The Statesman, Aug 1 1991.
49a “A Memo to Rajiv III: Salvation in Penny Capitalism”, The Statesman, Aug 2 1991 47b-49b “Three Memoranda to Rajiv Gandhi 1990-91”, 2007 republication here.
51. “Constitution for a Second Indian Republic”, The Saturday Statesman, April 20 1991. Republished here 2009.
52. “On the Art of Government: Experts, Party, Cabinet and Bureaucracy”, New Delhi mimeo March 25 1991, published here July 00 2009.
1992
53.Foundations of India’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s Edited and with an Introduction by Subroto Roy & William E. James New Delhi, London, Newbury Park: Sage: 1992. Citation: Milton and Rose Friedman Two Lucky People (Chicago 1998), pp. 268-269.
54.Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s Edited and with an Introduction by William E. James & Subroto Roy, Hawaii MS 1989, Sage: 1992, Karachi: Oxford 1993.
Reviews of 53 &54 include: Bus. Today, Mar-Apr 1992; Political Studies March 1995; Econ Times 21 March 1993; Pakistan Development Review 1992. Hindustan Times 11 July 1992. Pacific Affairs 1993; Hindu 21 March 1993, 15 June 1993; Pakistan News International 12 June 1993. Book Reviews March 1993; Deccan Herald 2 May 1993; Pol.Econ.J. Ind. 1992. Fin Express 13 September 1992; Statesman 16 Jan. 1993. J. Royal Soc Asian Aff. 1994, J. Contemporary Asia, 1994 etc.
55. “Fundamental Problems of the Economies of India and Pakistan”, World Bank, Washington, mimeo (Due to be published here 2010).
56.“The Road to Stagflation: The Coming Dirigisme in America, or, America, beware thy economists!, or Zen and Clintonomics,” Washington DC, Broad Branch Terrace, mimeo, November 17.
1993
57. “Exchange-rates and manufactured exports of South Asia”, IMF Washington DC mimeo. Published in part in 2007-2008 as 58-62:
58. “Path of the Indian Rupee 1947-1993”, 2008.
59. “Path of the Pakistan Rupee 1947-1993”, 2008.
60. “Path of the Sri Lankan Rupee 1948-1993”, 2008.
61. “Path of the Bangladesh Taka 1972-1993”, 2008.
62. “India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh Manufactured Exports, IMF Washington DC mimeo”, published 2007.
63. “Economic Assessment of US-India Merchandise Trade”, Arlington, Virginia, mimeo, published in slight part in Indo-US Trade & Economic Cooperation, ICRIER New Delhi, 1995, and in whole 2007.
64. “Towards an Economic Solution for Kashmir”, mimeo, Arlington, Virginia, circulated in Washington DC 1993-1995, cf82, 111infra. Comment of Selig Harrison.
1994
65. “Comment on Indonesia”, in The Political Economy of Policy Reform edited by John Williamson, Washington, DC: Institute for International Economics.
66a “Gold reserves & the gold price in anticipation of Central Bank behaviour”, Greenwich, Connecticut, mimeo. 67b. “Portfolio optimization and foreign currency exposure hedging” Greenwich, Connecticut mimeo.
1995
68. “On the logic and commonsense of debt and payments crises: How to avoid another Mexico in India and Pakistan”, Scarsdale, NY, mimeo, May 1.
69. “Policies for Young India”, Scarsdale, NY, pp. 350, manuscript.
1996
70. US Supreme Court documents, published in part in 2008 as “Become a US Supreme Court Justice!” 70a, 70b (Due to be published in full here in 2010 as Roy vs University of Hawaii, 1989- including the expert testimonies of Milton Friedman and Theodore W Schultz.).
71. “Key problems of macroeconomic management facing the new Indian Government”, May 17. Scarsdale, New York, mimeo. (Due to be published here 2010).
72. “Preventing a collapse of the rupee”, IIT Kharagpur lecture July 16 1996.
73. “The Economist’s Representation of Technological Knowledge”, Vishvesvaraya lecture to the Institution of Engineers, September 15 1996, IIT Kharagpur.
1997
74. “Union and State Budgets in India”, lecture at the World Bank, Washington DC, May 00.
75. “State Budgets in India”, IIT Kharagpur mimeo, June 6.
1998
76. “Transparency and Economic Policy-Making: An address to the Asia-Pacific Public Relations Conference” (panel on Transparency chaired by CR Irani) Jan 30 1998, published here 2008.
77. Theodore W. Schultz 1902-1998, Feb 25.
78. “The Economic View of Human Resources”, address to a regional conference on human resources, IIT Kharagpur.
79. “Management accounting”, lecture at Lal Bahadur Shastri Academy, Mussourie,
80a “The Original Reformer”, Outlook letters, Jan 23 1998
81. “Recent Developments in Modern Finance”, IIM Bangalore Review, 10, 1 & 2, Jan.-Jun 1998. Reprinted as “From the Management Guru’s Classroom”: 81a “An introduction to derivatives”, Business Standard/Financial Times, Bombay 18 Apr 1999; 81b “Options in the future, Apr 25 1999; 81c “What is hedging?”, May 2 1999; 81d “Teaching computers to think”, May 9 1999.
82. “Towards an Economic Solution for Kashmir”, Jun 22 1998, lecture at Heritage Foundation, Washington DC. Cf 111 Dec 2005.
83. “Sixteen Currencies for India: A Reverse Euro Model for Monetary & Fiscal Efficacy”, Lecture at the Institute of Economic Affairs, London, June 29 1998. Due to be published here 2010.
84. “Fable of the Fox, the Farmer, and the Would-Be Tailors”, October (Published here July 27 2009).
85. “A Common Man’s Guide to Pricing Financial Derivatives”, Lecture to “National Seminar on Derivatives”, Xavier Labour Research Institute, Jamshedpur, Dec. 16 1998. See 98.
1999
86. “An Analysis of Pakistan’s War-Winning Strategy: Are We Ready for This?”, IIT Kharagpur mimeo, published in part as 86a.“Was a Pakistani Grand Strategy Discerned in Time by India?” New Delhi: Security & Political Risk Analysis Bulletin, July 1999, Kargil issue. See also 000
80b. “The Original Reformer”, Outlook letters, Sep 13 1999.
2000
87. “On Freedom & the Scientific Point of View”, SN Bose National Centre for Basic Sciences, Feb 17 2000. Cf 100 below.
88. “Liberalism and Indian economic policy”, lecture at IIM Calcutta, Indian Liberal Group Meetings Devlali, Hyderabad; also Keynote address to UGC Seminar Guntur, March 30 2002. (Due to be published here 2010).
89. “Towards a Highly Transparent Fiscal & Monetary Framework for India’s Union & State Governments”, Invited address to Conference of State Finance Secretaries, Reserve Bank of India, Bombay, April 29, 2000. Published 2008.
90. “On the Economics of Information Technology”, two lectures at the Indian Institute of Information Technology, Bangalore, Nov 10-11, 2000.
91. Review of A New World by Amit Chaudhuri in Literary Criterion, Mysore.
2001
92. Review of AD Shroff: Titan of Finance and Free Enterprise by Sucheta Dalal, Freedom First., January.
93. “Encounter with Rajiv Gandhi: On the Origins of the 1991 Economic Reform”, Freedom First, October. See also93a in 2005 and 93b in 2007.
94. “A General Theory of Globalization & Modern Terrorism with Special Reference to September 11”, a keynote address to the Council for Asian Liberals & Democrats, Manila, Philippines, 16 Nov. 2001. Published as 91a.
95. “The Case for and against The Satanic Verses: Diatribe and Dialectic as Art”, Dec 22 republished in print 95aThe Statesman Festival Volume, 2006.
2002
94a “A General Theory of Globalization & Modern Terrorism with Special Reference to September 11”, in September 11 & Political Freedom in Asia, eds. Johannen, Smith & Gomez, Singapore 2002.
2002-2010
96. “Recording vivid dreams: Freud’s advice in exploring the Unconscious Mind” (Due to be published here in 2010).
2003
97. “Key principles of government accounting and audit”, IIT Kharagpur mimeo.
98. “Derivative pricing & other topics in financial theory: a student’s complete lecture notes” (Due to be published here in 2010).
2004
99. TV Interview by BBC, Oxford, after May 2004 General Election in India.
100. “Collapse of the Global Conversation”, International Institute for Asian Studies, Leiden, Netherlands, Jul 2004.
101. “Science, Religion, Art & the Necessity of Freedom”, a public lecture, University of Buckingham, UK, August 24 2004. Published here 2007.
2005
93a Rajiv Gandhi and the Origins of India’s 1991 Economic Reform (this was the full story; it appeared in print for the first time in The Statesman Festival Volume 2007).
102. “Can India become an economic superpower (or will there be a monetary meltdown)?” Cardiff University Institute of Applied Macroeconomics Monetary Economics Seminar, April 13, Institute of Economic Affairs, London, April 27, Reserve Bank of India, Bombay, Chief Economist’s Seminar on Monetary Economics, May 5.
103. Margaret Thatcher’s Revolution: How it Happened and What it Meant, Edited and with an Introduction by Subroto Roy & John Clarke, London & New York: Continuum, 2005; paperback 2006; French translation by Florian Bay, 2007.
104. “Iqbal & Jinnah vs Rahmat Ali in Pakistan’s Creation”, Dawn, Karachi, Sep 3.
105. “The Mitrokhin Archives II from an Indian Perspective: A Review Article”, The Statesman, Perspective Page, Oct 11 .
106. “After the Verdict”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Oct 20.
107. “US Espionage Failures”, The Statesman, Perspective Page, Oct 26
108. “Waffle But No Models of Monetary Policy”, The Statesman, Perspective Page, Oct 30.
109. “On Hindus and Muslims”, The Statesman, Perspective Page, Nov 6.
110. “Assessing Vajpayee: Hindutva True and False”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Nov 13-14″.
111. “Fiction from the India Economic Summit”, The Statesman, Front Page, Nov 29.
112. “Solving Kashmir: On an Application of Reason”, The Statesman Editorial Page
I. “Give the Hurriyat et al Indian Green Cards”, Dec 1
II. “Choice of Nationality under Full Information”, Dec 2
III. “Of Flags and Consulates in Gilgit etc”, Dec 3.
2006
113. “The Dream Team: A Critique”, The Statesman Editorial Page
I : New Delhi’s Consensus (Manmohantekidambaromics), Jan 6
II: Money, Convertibility, Inflationary Deficit Financing, Jan 7
III: Rule of Law, Transparency, Government Accounting, Jan 8.
114. “Unaccountable Delhi: India’s Separation of Powers’ Doctrine”, The Statesman, Jan 13.
115. “Communists and Constitutions”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Jan 22.
116. “Diplomatic Wisdom”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Jan 31.
117. “Mendacity & the Government Budget Constraint”, The Statesman, Front Page Feb 3.
118. “Of Graven Images”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Feb5.
119. “Separation of Powers, Parts 1-2”, The Statesman, Editorial Pages Feb 12-13.
120. “Public Debt, Government Fantasy”, The Statesman, Front Page Editorial Comment, Feb 22.
121. “War or Peace Parts 1-2”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Feb 23-24.
122. “Can You Handle This Brief, Mr Chidambaram?” The Statesman, Front Page Feb 26.
123. “A Downpayment On the Taj Mahal Anyone?”, The Statesman, Front Page Comment on the Budget 2006-2007, Mar 1.
124. “Atoms for Peace (or War)”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page Mar 5.
125. “Imperialism Redux: Business, Energy, Weapons & Foreign Policy”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Mar 14.
126. “Logic of Democracy”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Mar 30.
127. “Towards an Energy Policy”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Apr 2.
128. “Iran’s Nationalism”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Apr 6.
129. “A Modern Military”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Apr 16.
131. “Lessons for India from Nepal’s Revolution”, The Statesman, Front Page Apr 26.
132. “Revisionist Flattery (Inder Malhotra’s Indira Gandhi: A Review Article)”, The Sunday Statesman, May 7.
133. “Modern World History”, The Sunday Statesman Editorial Page, May 7.
134. “Argumentative Indians: A Conversation with Professor Amartya Sen on Philosophy, Identity and Islam,” The Sunday Statesman, May 14 2006. “A Philosophical Conversation between Professor Sen and Dr Roy”, 2008. Translated into Bengali by AA and published in 00.
135. “The Politics of Dr Singh”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, May 21.
136. “Corporate Governance & the Principal-Agent Problem”, lecture at a conference on corporate governance, Kolkata May 31. Published here 2008.
137. “Pakistan’s Allies Parts 1-2”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Jun 4-5.
138. “Law, Justice and J&K Parts 1-2”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Jul 2, The Statesman Editorial Page Jul 3.
139. “The Greatest Pashtun (Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan)”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Jul 16.
140. “Understanding Pakistan Parts 1-2”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Jul 30, The Statesman Editorial Page Jul 31.
141. “Indian Money and Credit”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Aug 6.
142. “India’s Moon Mission”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Aug 13.
143. “Jaswant’s Journeyings: A Review Article”, The Sunday Statesman Magazine, Aug 27.
144. “Our Energy Interests, Parts 1-2”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Aug 27, The Statesman Editorial Page Aug 28.
146. “Racism New and Old”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Sep 8 2006
147. “Political Economy of India’s Energy Policy”, address to KAF-TERI conference, Goa Oct 7, published in 147a.
148. “New Foreign Policy? Seven phases of Indian foreign policy may be identifiable since Nehru”, Parts 1-2, The Sunday Statesman, Oct 8, The Statesman Oct 9.
149. “Justice & Afzal: There is a difference between law and equity (or natural justice). The power of pardon is an equitable power. Commuting a death-sentence is a partial pardon”, The Sunday Statesman Editorial Page Oct 14
150. “Non-existent liberals (On a Liberal Party for India)”, The Sunday Statesman Editorial Page Oct 22.
151. “History of Jammu & Kashmir Parts 1-2”, The Sunday Statesman, Oct 29, The Statesman Oct 30, Editorial Page.
152. “American Democracy: Does America need a Prime Minister and a longer-lived Legislature?”, The Sunday Statesman Nov 5.
153. “Milton Friedman A Man of Reason 1912-2006”, The Statesman Perspective Page, Nov 22.
154. “Postscript to Milton Friedman Mahalanobis’s Plan (The Mahalanobis-Nehru “Second Plan”) The Statesman Front Page Nov 22.
155. “Mob Violence and Psychology”, Dec 10, The Statesman, Editorial Page.
156. “What To Tell Musharraf: Peace Is Impossible Without Non-Aggressive Pakistani Intentions”, The Statesman Editorial Page Dec 15.
157. “Land, Liberty and Value: Government must act in good faith treating all citizens equally – not favouring organised business lobbies and organised labour over an unorganised peasantry”, The Sunday Statesman Editorial Page Dec 31.
2007
158. “Hypocrisy of the CPI-M: Political Collapse In Bengal: A Mid-Term Election/Referendum Is Necessary”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Jan 9.
159. “On Land-Grabbing: Dr Singh’s India, Buddhadeb’s Bengal, Modi’s Gujarat have notorious US, Soviet and Chinese examples to follow ~ distracting from the country’s real economic problems,” The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page Jan 14.
160. “India’s Macroeconomics: Real growth has steadily occurred because India has shared the world’s technological progress. But bad fiscal, monetary policies over decades have led to monetary weakness and capital flight” The Statesman Editorial Page Jan 20.
161. “Fiscal Instability: Interest payments quickly suck dry every year’s Budget. And rolling over old public debt means that Government Borrowing in fact much exceeds the Fiscal Deficit”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Feb 4.
162. “Our trade and payments Parts 1-2” (“India in World Trade and Payments”),The Sunday Statesman, Feb 11 2007, The Statesman, Feb 12 2007.
163. “Our Policy Process: Self-Styled “Planners” Have Controlled India’s Paper Money For Decades,” The Statesman, Editorial Page, Feb 20.
164. “Bengal’s Finances”, The Sunday Statesman Editorial Page, Feb 25.
165. “Fallacious Finance: Congress, BJP, CPI-M may be leading India to Hyperinflation” The Statesman Editorial Page Mar 5.
166. “Uttar Pradesh Polity and Finance: A Responsible New Govt May Want To Declare A Financial Emergency” The Statesman Editorial Page, Mar 24
167. “A scam in the making” in The Sunday Statesman Front Page Apr 1 2007, published here in full as “Swindling India”.
168. “Maharashtra’s Money: Those Who Are Part Of The Problem Are Unlikely To Be A Part Of Its Solution”, The Statesman Editorial Page Apr 24.
147a. “Political Economy of Energy Policy” in India and Energy Security edited by Anant Sudarshan and Ligia Noronha, Konrad Adenauer Stiftung, New Delhi 2007.
169. “Presidential Qualities: Simplicity, Genuine Achievement Are Desirable; Political Ambition Is Not”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, May 8.
170. “We & Our Neighbours: Pakistanis And Bangladeshis Would Do Well To Learn From Sheikh Abdullah”, The Statesman, Editorial Page May 15.
171. “On Indian Nationhood: From Tamils To Kashmiris And Assamese And Mizos To Sikhs And Goans”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, May 25.
172. A Current Example of the Working of the Unconscious Mind, May 26.
173. Where I would have gone if I was Osama Bin Laden, May 31.
174. “US election ’08:America’s Presidential Campaign Seems Destined To Be Focussed On Iraq”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, June 1.
175. “Home Team Advantage: On US-Iran talks and Sunni-Shia subtleties: Tehran must transcend its revolution and endorse the principle that the House of Islam has many mansions”, The Sunday Statesman Editorial Page, June 3
176. “Unhealthy Delhi: When will normal political philosophy replace personality cults?”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, June 11.
177. “American Turmoil: A Vice-Presidential Coup – And Now a Grassroots Counterrevolution?”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, June 18
178. “Political Paralysis: India has yet to develop normal conservative, liberal and socialist parties. The Nice-Housing-Effect and a little game-theory may explain the current stagnation”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, June 24.
179. “Has America Lost? War Doctrines Of Kutusov vs Clausewitz May Help Explain Iraq War”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, July 3.
180. “Lal Masjid ≠ Golden Temple: Wide differences are revealed between contemporary Pakistan and India by these two superficially similar military assaults on armed religious civilians”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page July 15
181. “Political Stonewalling: Only Transparency Can Improve Institutions”, The Statesman, Editorial Page July 20.
182. “Gold standard etc: Fixed versus flexible exchange rates”, July 21.
183. “US Pakistan-India Policy: Delhi & Islamabad Still Look West In Defining Their Relationship”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, July 27.
184. “Works of DH Lawrence” July 30
185. “An Open Letter to Professor Amartya Sen about Singur etc”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, July 31.
186. “Martin Buber on Palestine and Israel (with Postscript)”, Aug 4.
187. “Auguste Rodin on Nature, Art, Beauty, Women and Love”, Aug 7.
188. “Saving Pakistan: A Physicist/Political Philosopher May Represent Iqbal’s “Spirit of Modern Times”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Aug 13.
189. Letter to Forbes.com 16 Aug.
190. “Need for Clarity: A poorly drafted treaty driven by business motives is a recipe for international misunderstanding”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Aug 19.
191. “No Marxist MBAs? An amicus curiae brief for the Hon’ble High Court”, The Statesman, FrontPage, Aug 29.
192. On Lawrence, Sep 4.
193. Dalai Lama’s Return: In the tradition of Gandhi, King, Mandela, Sep 11.
194. Of JC Bose, Patrick Geddes & the Leaf-World, Sep 12.
195. “Against Quackery: Manmohan and Sonia have violated Rajiv Gandhi’s intended reforms; the Communists have been appeased or bought; the BJP is incompetent Parts 1-2”, in The Sunday Statesman and The Statesman, Editorial Pages of Sep 23-24.
196. Karl Georg Zinn’s 1994 Review of Philosophy of Economics, Sep 26.
197. DH Lawrence’s Phoenix, Oct 3.
93b. “Rajiv Gandhi and the Origins of India’s 1991 Economic Reform”, Statesman Festival Volume.
198. “Iran, America, Iraq: Bush’s post-Saddam Saddamism — one flip-flop too many?”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Oct 16.
199. “Understanding China: The World Needs to Ask China to Find Her True Higher Self”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Oct 22.
200. “India-USA interests: Elements of a serious Indian foreign policy”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Oct 30.
201. “China’s India Aggression : German Historians Discover Logic Behind Communist Military Strategy”, The Statesman, Editorial Page Special Article, Nov 5.
202. Sonia’s Lying Courtier (with Postscript), Nov 25. See also 2014
203. “Surrender or Fight? War is not a cricket match or Bollywood movie. Can India fight China if it must?” The Statesman, Dec 4, Editorial Page.
204. Hutton and Desai: United in Error Dec 14
205. “China’s Commonwealth: Freedom is the Road to Resolving Taiwan, Tibet, Sinkiang”, The Statesman, Dec 17.
2008
206. “Nixon & Mao vs India: How American foreign policy did a U-turn about Communist China’s India aggression. The Government of India should publish its official history of the 1962 war.” The Sunday Statesman, Jan 6, The Statesman Jan 7 Editorial Page.
207. “Lessons from the 1962 War: Beginnings of a solution to the long-standing border problem: there are distinct Tibetan, Chinese and Indian points of view that need to be mutually comprehended”, The Sunday Statesman, January 13 2008.
208. “Our Dismal Politics: Will Independent India Survive Until 2047?”, The Statesman Editorial Page, Feb 1.
209. Median Voter Model of India’s Electorate Feb 7.
210. “Anarchy in Bengal: Intra-Left bandh marks the final unravelling of “Brand Buddha””, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Feb 10.
211. Fifty years since my third birthday: on life and death.
212. “Pakistan’s Kashmir obsession: Sheikh Abdullah Relied In Politics On The French Constitution, Not Islam”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Feb 16.
213. A Note on the Indian Policy Process Feb 21.
214. “Growth & Government Delusion: Progress Comes From Learning, Enterprise, Exchange, Not The Parasitic State”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Feb 22.
215. “How to Budget: Thrift, Not Theft, Needs to Guide Our Public Finances”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Feb 26.
216. “India’s Budget Process (in Theory)”, The Statesman, Front Page Feb 29.
217. “Irresponsible Governance: Congress, BJP, Communists, BSP, Sena Etc Reveal Equally Bad Traits”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, March 4.
218. “American Politics: Contest Between Obama And Clinton Affects The World”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, March 11.
219. “China’s India Example: Tibet, Xinjiang May Not Be Assimilated Like Inner Mongolia And Manchuria”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, March 25.
220. “Taxation of India’s Professional Cricket: A Proposal”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, April 1.
221. “Two cheers for Pakistan!”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, April 7.
222. “Indian Inflation: Upside Down Economics From The New Delhi Establishment Parts 1-2”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, April 15-16.
223. “Assessing Manmohan: The Doctor of Deficit Finance should realise the currency is at stake”, The Statesman, Editorial Page Apr 25.
224. John Wisdom, Renford Bambrough: Main Philosophical Works, May 8.
225. “All India wept”: On the death of Rajiv Gandhi, May 21.
226. “China’s force and diplomacy: The need for realism in India” The Statesman, Editorial Page May 31.
227. Serendipity and the China-Tibet-India border problem June 6
228. “Leadership vacuum: Time & Tide Wait For No One In Politics: India Trails Pakistan & Nepal!”, The Statesman Editorial Page June 7.
229. My meeting Jawaharlal Nehru Oct13 1962
230. Manindranath Roy 1891-1958
231. Surendranath Roy 1860-1929
232. The Roys of Behala 1928.
233. Sarat Chandra visits Surendranath Roy 1927
234. Nuksaan-Faida Analysis = Cost-Benefit Analysis in Hindi/Urdu Jun 30
235. One of many reasons John R Hicks was a great economist July 3
236. My father, Indian diplomat, in the Shah’s Tehran 1954-57 July 8
237 Distribution of Govt of India Expenditure (Net of Operational Income) 1995 July 27
238. Growth of Real Income, Money & Prices in India 1869-2008, July 28.
239. Communism from Social Democracy? But not in India or China! July 29
240. Death of Solzhenitsyn, Aug. 3
240a. Tolstoy on Science and Art, Aug 4.
241. “Reddy’s reckoning: Where should India’s real interest rate be relative to the world?” Business Standard Aug 10
242. “Rangarajan Effect”, Business Standard Aug 24
243. My grandfather’s death in Ottawa 50 years ago today Sep 3
244. My books in the Library of Congress and British Library Sep 12
245. On Jimmy Carter & the “India-US Nuclear Deal”, Sep 12
246. My father after presenting his credentials to President Kekkonen of Finland Sep 14 1973.
247. “October 1929? Not!”, Business Standard, Sep 18.
248. “MK Gandhi, SN Roy, MA Jinnah in March 1919: Primary education legislation in a time of protest”
249. 122 sensible American economists Sept 26
250. Govt of India: Please call in the BBC and ask them a question Sep 27
251. “Monetary Integrity and the Rupee: Three British Raj relics have dominated our macroeconomic policy-making” Business Standard Sep 28.
252a. Rabindranath’s daughter writes to her friend my grandmother Oct 5
252b. A Literary Find: Modern Poetry in Bengal, Oct 6.
253. Sarat writes to Manindranath 1931, Oct 12
254. Origins of India’s Constitutional Politics 1913
255. Indira Gandhi in Paris, 1971
256. How the Liabilities/Assets Ratio of Indian Banks Changed from 84% in 1970 to 108% in 1998, October 20
257a. My Subjective Probabilities on India’s Moon Mission Oct 21
258. Complete History of Mankind’s Moon Missions: An Indian Citizen’s Letter to ISRO’s Chairman, Oct 22.
259. Would not a few million new immigrants solve America’s mortgage crisis? Oct 26
260. “America’s divided economists”, Business Standard Oct 26
261. One tiny prediction about the Obama Administration, Nov 5
262. Rai Bahadur Umbika Churn Rai, 1827-1902, Nov 7 2008
263. Jawaharlal Nehru invites my father to the Mountbatten Farewell Nov 7 2008
70a. “Become a US Supreme Court Justice! (Explorations in the Rule of Law in America) Preface” Nov 9
70b. “Become a US Supreme Court Justice! (Explorations in the Rule of Law in America)” Nov 9.
257b. Neglecting technological progress was the basis of my pessimism about Chandrayaan, Nov 9.
264. Of a new New Delhi myth and the success of the University of Hawaii 1986-1992 Pakistan project Nov 15
265. Pre-Partition Indian Secularism Case-Study: Fuzlul Huq and Manindranath Roy Nov 16
266. Do President-elect Obama’s Pakistan specialists suppose Maulana Azad, Dr Zakir Hussain, Sheikh Abdullah were Pakistanis (or that Sheikh Mujib wanted to remain one)? Nov 18
267. Jews have never been killed in India for being Jews until this sad day, Nov 28.
268. In international law, Pakistan has been the perpetrator, India the victim of aggression in Mumbai, Nov 30.
269. The Indian Revolution, Dec 1.
270. Habeas Corpus: a captured terrorist mass-murderer tells a magistrate he has not been mistreated by Mumbai’s police Dec 3
271. India’s Muslim Voices (Or, Let us be clear the Pakistan-India or Kashmir conflicts have not been Muslim-Hindu conflicts so much as intra-Muslim conflicts about Muslim identity and self-knowledge on the Indian subcontinent), Dec 4
272. “Anger Management” needed? An Oxford DPhil recommends Pakistan launch a nuclear first strike against India within minutes of war, Dec 5.
273. A Quick Comparison Between the September 11 2001 NYC-Washington attacks and the November 26-28 2008 Mumbai Massacres (An Application of the Case-by-Case Philosophical Technique of Wittgenstein, Wisdom and Bambrough), Dec 6
274. Dr Rice finally gets it right (and maybe Mrs Clinton will too) Dec 7
275. Will the Government of India’s new macroeconomic policy dampen or worsen the business-cycle (if such a cycle exists at all)? No one knows! “Where ignorance is bliss, ‘Tis folly to be wise.” Dec 7
276. Pump-priming for car-dealers: Keynes groans in his grave (If evidence was needed of the intellectual dishonesty of New Delhi’s new macroeconomic policy, here it is) Dec 9.
277. Congratulations to Mumbai’s Police: capturing a terrorist, affording him his Habeas Corpus rights, getting him to confess within the Rule of Law, sets a new world standard Dec 10
278. Two cheers — wait, let’s make that one cheer — for America’s Justice Department, Dec 10
279. Will Pakistan accept the bodies of nine dead terrorists who came from Pakistan to Mumbai? If so, let there be a hand-over at the Wagah border, Dec 11.
280. Kasab was a stupid, ignorant, misguided youth, manufactured by Pakistan’s terrorist masterminds into becoming a mass-murdering robot: Mahatma Gandhi’s India should punish him, get him to repent if he wishes, then perhaps rehabilitate him as a potent weapon against Pakistani terrorism Dec 12.
281. Pakistan’s New Delhi Embassy should ask for “Consular Access” to nine dead terrorists in a Mumbai morgue before asking to meet Kasab, Dec 13
282. An Indian Reply to President Zardari: Rewarding Pakistan for bad behaviour leads to schizophrenic relationships Dec 19
283. Is my prediction about Caroline Kennedy becoming US Ambassador to Britain going to be correct? Dec 27
284. Chandrayaan adds a little good cheer! Well done, ISRO!, Dec 28
285. How sad that “Slumdog millionaire” is SO disappointing! Dec 31
289. (with Claude Arpi) “Transparency & history: India’s archives must be opened to world standards” Business Standard New Delhi Dec 31, 2008, published here Jan 1 .
2009
290. A basis of India-Pakistan cooperation on the Mumbai massacres: the ten Pakistani terrorists started off as pirates and the Al-Huseini is a pirate ship Jan 1.
291. India’s “pork-barrel politics” needs a nice (vegetarian) Hindi name! “Teli/oily politics” perhaps? (And are we next going to see a Bill of Rights for Lobbyists?) Jan 3
292. My (armchair) experience of the 1999 Kargil war (Or, “Actionable Intelligence” in the Internet age: How the Kargil effort got a little help from a desktop) Jan 5
293. How Jammu & Kashmir’s Chief Minister Omar Abdullah can become a worthy winner of the Nobel Peace Prize: An Open Letter, Jan 7
294. Could the Satyam/PwC fraud be the visible part of an iceberg? Where are India’s “Generally Accepted Accounting Principles”? Isn’t governance rather poor all over corporate India? Bad public finance may be a root cause Jan 8
295. Satyam does not exist: it is bankrupt, broke, kaput. Which part of this does the new “management team” not get? The assets belong to Satyam’s creditors. Jan 8
296. Jews are massacred in Mumbai and now Jews commit a massacre in Gaza! Jan 9
297. And now for the Great Satyam Whitewash/Cover-Up/Public Subsidy! The wrong Minister appoints the wrong new Board who, probably, will choose the wrong policy Jan 12
298. Letter to Wei Jingsheng Jan 14
299. Memo to the Hon’ble Attorneys General of Pakistan & India: How to jointly prosecute the Mumbai massacre perpetrators most expeditiously Jan 16
300. Satyam and IT-firms in general may be good candidates to become “Labour-Managed” firms Jan 18
301. “Yes we might be able to do that. Perhaps we ought to. But again, perhaps we ought not to, let me think about it…. Most important is Cromwell’s advice: Think it possible we may be mistaken!” Jan 20.
302. RAND’s study of the Mumbai attacks Jan 25
303. Didn’t Dr Obama (the new American President’s late father) once publish an article in Harvard’s Quarterly Journal of Economics? (Or did he?) Jan 25.
304. “A Dialogue in Macroeconomics” 1989 etc: sundry thoughts on US economic policy discourse Jan 30
305. American Voices: A Brief Popular History of the United States in 20 You-Tube Music Videos Feb 5
306. Jaladhar Sen writes to Manindranath at Surendranath’s death, Feb 23
307. Pakistani expansionism: India and the world need to beware of “Non-Resident Pakistanis” ruled by Rahmat Ali’s ghost, Feb 9
308. My American years Part One 1980-90: battles for academic integrity & freedom Feb 11.
309. Thanks and well done Minister Rehman Malik and the Govt of Pakistan Feb 12
310. Can President Obama resist the financial zombies (let alone slay them)? His economists need to consult Dr Anna J Schwartz Feb 14
311. A Brief History of Gilgit, Feb 18
312. Memo to UCLA Geographers: Commonsense suggests Mr Bin Laden is far away from the subcontinent Feb 20
313. The BBC gets its history and geography deliberately wrong again Feb 21
314. Bengal Legislative Council 1921, Feb 28
315. Carmichael visits Surendranath, 1916, Mar 1
316. Memo to GoI CLB: India discovered the Zero, and 51% of Zero is still Zero Mar 10
317. An Academic Database of Doctoral & Other Postgraduate Research Done at UK Universities on India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and Other Asian Countries Over 100 Years, Mar 13
318. Pakistan’s progress, Mar 18
319. Risk-aversion explains resistance to free trade, Mar 19
320. India’s incredibly volatile inflation rate! Mar 20
321. Is “Vicky, Cristina, Barcelona” referring to an emasculation of (elite) American society?, Mar 21
322. Just how much intellectual fraud can Delhi produce? Mar 26
323. India is not a monarchy! We urgently need to universalize the French concept of “citoyen”! Mar 28
324. Could this be the real state of some of our higher education institutions? Mar 29
325. Progress! The BBC retracts its prevarication! Mar 30
326. Aldous Huxley’s Essay “DH Lawrence” Mar 31
327. Waffle not institutional reform is what (I predict) the “G-20 summit” will produce, April 1
328. Did a full cricket team of Indian bureaucrats follow our PM into 10 Downing Street? Count for yourself! April 3
329. Will someone please teach the BJP’s gerontocracy some Economics 101 on an emergency basis? April 5
330. The BBC needs to determine exactly where it thinks Pakistan is!, April 5
331. Alfred Lyall on Christians, Muslims, India, China, Etc, 1908, April 6
332. An eminent economist of India passes away April 9
333. Democracy Database for the Largest Electorate Ever Seen in World History, April 12
334. Memo to the Election Commission of India April 14 2009, 9 AM, April 14
335.Caveat emptor! Satyam is taken over, April 14
336. India’s 2009 General Elections: Candidates, Parties, Symbols for Polls on 16-30 April Phases 1,2,3, April 15
337. On the general theory of expertise in democracy: reflections on what emerges from the American “torture memos” today, April 18
338. India’s 2009 General Elections: 467 constituencies (out of 543) for which candidates have been announced as of 1700hrs April 21, April 21
339. Apropos Philosophy of Economics, Comments of Sidney Hook, KJ Arrow, Milton Friedman, TW Schultz, SS Alexander, Max Black, Renford Bambrough, John Gray et al., April 22.
340. India’s 2009 General Elections: Names of all 543 Constituencies of the 15th Lok Sabha, April 22.
341. India’s 2009 General Elections: How 4125 State Assembly Constituencies comprise the 543 new Lok Sabha Constituencies, April 23.
342. Why has America’s “torture debate” yet to mention the obvious? Viz., sadism and racism, April 24
343. India’s 2009 General Elections: the advice of the late “George Eliot” (Mary Ann Evans, 1819-1880) to India’s voting public, April 24.
344. India’s 2009 General Elections: Delimitation and the Different Lists of 543 Lok Sabha Constituencies in 2009 and 2004, April 25
345. Is “Slumdog Millionaire” the single worst Best Picture ever?
346. India’s 2009 General Elections: Result of Delimitation — Old (2004) and New (2009) Lok Sabha and Assembly Constituencies, April 26
347. India’s 2009 General Elections: 7019 Candidates in 485 (out of 543) Constituencies announced as of April 26 noon April 26
348. What is Christine Fair referring to? Would the MEA kindly seek to address what she has claimed asap? April 27
349. Politics can be so entertaining Manmohan versus Sonia on the poor old CPI(M)!, April 28
350. A Dozen Grown-Up Questions for Sonia Gandhi, Manmohan Singh, LK Advani, Sharad Pawar, Km Mayawati and Anyone Else Dreaming of Becoming/Deciding India’s PM After the 2009 General Elections, April 28
351. India’s 2009 General Elections: How drastically will the vote-share of political parties change from 2004? May 2
352. India’s 2009 General Elections: And now finally, all 8,070 Candidates across all 543 Lok Sabha Constituencies, May 5
353. India’s 2009 General Elections: The Mapping of Votes into Assembly Segments Won into Parliamentary Seats Won in the 2004 Election, May 7
354. Will Messrs Advani, Rajnath Singh & Modi ride into the sunset if the BJP comes to be trounced? (Corrected), May 10
355. India’s 2009 General Elections: 543 Matrices to Help Ordinary Citizens Audit the Election Commission’s Vote-Tallies May 12
356. Well done Sonia-Rahul! Two hours before polls close today, I am willing to predict a big victory for you (but, please, try to get your economics right, and also, you must get Dr Singh a Lok Sabha seat if he is to be PM) May 13
357. Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee must dissolve the West Bengal Assembly if he is an honest democrat: Please try to follow Gerard Schröder’s example even slightly! May 16
358. India’s 2009 General Elections: Provisional Results from the EC as of 1400 hours Indian Standard Time May 16
359. Memo to the Hon’ble President of India: It is Sonia Gandhi, not Manmohan Singh, who should be invited to our equivalent of the “Kissing Hands” Ceremony May 16
360. Time for heads to roll in the BJP/RSS and CPI(M)!, May 17.
361. Inviting a new Prime Minister of India to form a Government: Procedure Right and Wrong May 18
362. Starting with Procedural Error: Why has the “Cabinet” of the 14th Lok Sabha been meeting today AFTER the results of the Elections to the 15th Lok Sabha have been declared?! May 18
363. Why has the Sonia Congress done something that the Congress under Nehru-Indira-Rajiv would not have done, namely, exaggerate the power of the Rajya Sabha and diminish the power of the Lok Sabha? May 21
364. Shouldn’t Dr Singh’s Cabinet begin with a small apology to the President of India for discourtesy? May we have reviews and reforms of protocols and practices to be followed at Rashtrapati Bhavan and elsewhere? May 23
365. Parliament’s sovereignty has been diminished by the Executive: A record for future generations to know May 25
366. How tightly will organised Big Business be able to control economic policies this time? May 26
367. Why does India not have a Parliament ten days after the 15th Lok Sabha was elected? Nehru and Rajiv would both have been appalled May 27
368. Eleven days and counting after the 15th Lok Sabha was elected and still no Parliament of India! (But we do have 79 Ministers — might that be a world record?) May 28
369. Note to Posterity: 79 Ministers in office but no 15th Lok Sabha until June 1 2009! May 29
370. Silver Jubilee of Pricing, Planning & Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India May 29
371. How to Design a Better Cabinet for the Government of India May 29
372. Parliament is supposed to control the Government, not be bullied or intimidated by it: Will Rahul Gandhi be able to lead the Backbenches in the 15th Lok Sabha? June 1
373. Mistaken Macroeconomics: An Open Letter to Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh, June 12
374. Why did Manmohan Singh and LK Advani apologise to one another? Is Indian politics essentially collusive, not competitive, aiming only to preserve and promote the post-1947 Dilli Raj at the expense of the whole of India? We seem to have no Churchillian repartee (except perhaps from Bihar occasionally) June 18
375. Are Iran’s Revolutionaries now Reactionaries? George Orwell would have understood. A fresh poll may be the only answer Are Iran’s Revolutionaries now Reactionaries? George Orwell would have understood. A fresh poll may be the only answer June 22
376. My March 25 1991 memo to Rajiv (which never reached him) is something the present Government seems to have followed: all for the best of course! July 12
377. Disquietude about France’s behaviour towards India on July 14 2009 July 14
378. Does the Govt. of India assume “foreign investors and analysts” are a key constituency for Indian economic policy-making? If so, why so? Have Govt. economists “learnt nothing, forgotten everything”? Some Bastille Day thoughts July 14
379. Letter to the GoI’s seniormost technical economist, May 21.July 19
380. Excuse me but young Kasab in fact confessed many months ago, immediately after he was captured – he deserves 20 or 30 years in an Indian prison, and a chance to become a model prisoner who will stand against the very terrorists who sent him on his vile mission July 20
381. Finally, three months late, the GoI responds to American and Pakistani allegations about Balochistan July 24
382. Thoughts, words, deeds: My work 1973-2010
2012
383. Life of my father 1915-2012
384. India’s Money” in the Cayman Financial Review, July 2012
386. 5 December 2012 interview by Mr Paranjoy Guha Thakurta, on Lok Sabha TV, the channel of India’s Lower House of Parliament, broadcast for the first time on 9 December 2012 on Lok Sabha TV, ishere and here in two parts.
387. Interview by GDI Impuls banking quarterly of Zürich published on 6 Dec 2012 is here.
388. My interview by Ragini Bhuyan of Delhi’s Sunday Guardian published on 16 Dec 2012 is here.
391. Critical assessment dated 19 August 2013 of Raghuram Rajan is here (Live Mint 19 Aug) and here
392. “Did Jagdish Bhagwati “originate”, “pioneer”, “intellectually father” India’s 1991 economic reform? Did Manmohan Singh? Or did I, through my encounter with Rajiv Gandhi, just as Siddhartha Shankar Ray told Manmohan & his aides in Sep 1993 in Washington? Judge the evidence for yourself. And why has Amartya Sen misdescribed his work? India’s right path forward today remains what I said in my 3 Dec 2012 Delhi lecture! 23 August 2013 here
393. My Recent Works, Interviews etc on India’s Money, Public Finance, Banking, Trade, BoP, Land, etc (an incomplete list) Nov 23, 2013
2014
394. 1) My 13 Sep 2019 Advice to PM Modi’s Adviser: Let PM address each State Legislature, get all India Govt Accounting & Public Decision Making to have integrity (2) 16 May 2014 Advice from Rajiv Gandhi’s Adviser to Narendra Modi: Do not populate the “Planning Commission” with worthies, scrap it, integrate its assets with the Treasury. And get the nationalised banks & RBI out of the Treasury. Tell them to read my 3 Dec 2012 Delhi lecture with care. Clean Government Accounting & Audit is the Key to Clean Public Finances & a Proper Indian Currency for the First Time Ever May 16, 2014.
396. Much as I might love Russia, England, France, America, I despise their spies & local agents affecting poor India’s policies: Memo to PM Modi, Mr Jaitley, Mr Doval & the new Govt. of India: Beware of Delhi’s sleeper agents, lobbyists & other dalals
397. “Haksar, Manmohan and Sonia” August 7, 2014 New Indian Express http://t.co/bRnQI1hrwy
399. Delhi can never be improved — until the rest of India improves! February 13, 2015
400. Pakistan’s & India’s Illusions of Power (Psychosis vs Vanity) March 3, 2015
401. How the India-Bangladesh Enclaves Problem Was Jump-Started in 2007 Towards its 2015 Solution: A Case Study of Academic Impact on Policy June 8, 2015
402. On being reunited with Arrow Hahn after a dozen years July 3, 2015
403. Fixing Washington: On Improving Institutional Design in the United States November 24, 2016
404. Modi & Monetary Theory: Economic Consequences of the Prime Minister of India December 9, 2016.
405. Physics & Reasoning (An Ongoing Tract) by Subroto Roy DRAFT 01.12.2017 September 26, 2017
406. Is “Cambridge Philosophy” dead, in Cambridge? Can it be resurrected, there? Case Study: Renford Bambrough (& Subroto Roy) preceded by decades Cheryl Misak’s thesis on Wittgenstein being linked with Peirce via Ramsey… October 27, 2017
407. S N Roy hears from Lytton: A 1922 case of British imperial racism in Indian governance (with lessons for today) [Draft text 12 August 2018] February 8, 2018
408. Solving a Problem of State Tyranny: Director General Siddhanta Das: Have Forest Service Officers been threatening ordinary citizens, seizing their property, then threatening them with arrest if they complain? If so, how many cases of wrongful seizure and wrongful imprisonment have WCCB caused among India’s villagers and forest dwellers since 1994? There is immediate need for an Ombudsman to independently review all cases in each of your Five Zones! May 4,
409. Critique of Monetary Ideas of Manmohan & Modi: the Roy Model explaining to Bimal Jalan, Nirmala Sitharaman, RBI etc what it is they are doing (Drafts 4 August, 7 August 2019; 27 August, 28 August, 30 August, 31 August, 1 September 2019) August 4, 2019
410. 1 May 2020 Statement of Dr. Subroto Roy, Economist & Citizen, Proposing PM Narendra Modi & Home Minister Amit Shah Apologize to India’s People, Create Remedy, and Resign to Do Prayaschit/Atonement; 9 May: A New Cabinet for President Kovind May 1, 2020
M4. China’s Secretly Built 1957 Road Through India’s Aksai Chin
M5. Map of Kashmir to Sinkiang 1944
M6. Map of India-Tibet-China-Mongolia 1959
M7. Map of India, Afghanistan, Russia, China, 1897
M8. Map of Xinjiang/Sinkiang/E Turkestan
M9. Map of Bombay/Mumbai 1909
M10-M13. Himalayan Expedition, West Sikkim 1970 – 1,2,3,4
Thoughts, words, deeds
My work 1973-2014
Subroto Roy
This is an incomplete bibliography of my writings, public lectures etc 1973-2014 including citations, reviews, comments. I have been mostly an academic economist who by choice or circumstance over 41 years has had to venture also into science, philosophy, public policy, law, jurisprudence, practical politics, history, international relations, military strategy, financial theory, accounting, management, journalism, literary criticism, psychology, psychoanalysis, theology, aesthetics, biography, children’s fables, etc. If anything unites the seemingly diverse work recorded below it is that I have tried to acquire a grasp of the nature of human reason and then apply this comprehension in practical contexts as simply and clearly as possible. Hence I have ended up following the path of Aristotle, as described in modern times (via Wittgenstein and John Wisdom) by Renford Bambrough. The 2004 public lecture in England, “Science, Religion, Art & the Necessity of Freedom”, may explain and illustrate all this best. A friend has been kind enough to call me an Academician, which I probably am, though one who really needs his own Academy because the incompetence, greed and mendacity encountered too often in the modern professoriat is dispiriting.
Besides writings and publications printed on paper, there are writings or items not printed on paper — as new media break space, cost and other constraints of traditional publishing. A little repetition and overlap has occurred too. Also in a few cases, e.g., Aldous Huxley’s essay on DH Lawrence, nothing has been done except discover and republish. Several databases have been created and released in the public interest, as have been some rare maps. There is also some biographical and autobiographical material. Several inconsequential errors remain in the text, which shall take time to be rectified as documents come to be rediscovered and collated. 1973
1. “Behavioural study of mus musculus”, Haileybury College, Supervised by J de C Ford-Robertson MA (Oxon). (Due to be published here 2010).
2. “Chemistry at Advanced & Special Level: Student Notes 1972-73” (Due to be published here 2010).
3. “Biology at Advanced & Special Level: Student Notes 1972-73”, (Due to be published here 2010).
4. “Physics at Advanced Level: Student Notes 1972-73”, (Due to be published here 2010).
5. “Revolution: theoria and praxis”, London, mimeo (Due to be published here 2010).
6. “Gandhi vs Marx”, London, mimeo (Due to be published here 2010). 1974
7. “Relevance of downward money-wage rigidity to the problem of maintaining full-employment in the classical and Keynesian models of income determination”, London School of Economics, mimeo (Due to be published here 2010).
8. “Testing aircraft fuels at Shell Finland”. 1975
9. “Oxford Street experiences: down and out in London town”.
10. “SE Region Bulk Distribution Survey”, Unilever, Basingstoke.
11. “Four London poems”, in JCM Paton (ed) New Writing (London, Great Portland Street: International Students House). (Due to be republished here 2010)
12. “On economic growth models and modellers”, London School of Economics, mimeo. (Due to be published here 2010). 1976
13. “World money: system or anarchy?”, lecture to Professor ACL Day’s seminar, London School of Economics, Economics Department, April. (Due to be published here 2010).
14. “A beginner’s guide to some recent developments in monetary theory”, lecture to Professor FH Hahn’s seminar, Cambridge University Economics Department, November 17 (Due to be published here 2010). See also “Announcement of My “Hahn Seminar”, published here June 14 2008. 1977
15. “Inflation and unemployment: a survey”, mimeo, Fitzwilliam College, Cambridge. (Due to be published here 2010).
16. “On short run theories of dual economies”, Cambridge University Economics Department “substantial piece of work” required of first year Research Students. Examiner: DMG Newbery, FBA. (Due to be published here 2010). 1978
17. “Pure theory of developing economies 1 and 2”, Delhi School of Economics mimeo (Due to be published here 2010).
18. “Introduction to some market outcomes under uncertainty”, Delhi School of Economics mimeo (Due to be published here 2010).
19. “On money and development”, Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, mimeo, September. (Due to be published here 2010)
20. “Notes on the Newbery-Stiglitz model of sharecropping”, Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, mimeo November. (Due to be published here 2010). 1979
21. “A theory of rights and economic justice”, Corpus Christi College Cambridge mimeo. (Due to be published here 2010).
22. “Monetary theory and economic development”, Corpus Christi College Cambridge, mimeo (Due to be published here 2010).
23. “Foundations of the case against ‘development planning’”, Corpus Christi College Cambridge, mimeo, November. (Due to be published here 2010). 1979-1989
24. Correspondence with Renford Bambrough (1926-1999), philosopher of St John’s College, Cambridge (Due to be published here 2010). 1980
25. “Models before the monetarist storm”, New Statesman letters
26. “Disciplining rulers and experts”, Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, mimeo. (Due to be published here 2010). 1981
27. “On liberty & economic growth: preface to a philosophy for India”, Cambridge University doctoral thesis, supervisor FH Hahn, FBA; examiners CJ Bliss, FBA; TW Hutchison, FBA (Due to be published here 2010). 27a Response of FA Hayek on a partial draft February 18 1981. 27b Response of Peter Bauer, 1982. 27c Response of Theodore W Schultz, 1983. 27d. Response of Frank Hahn 1985. 1982
28. “Knowledge and freedom in economic theory Parts 1 and 2”, Centre for Study of Public Choice, Virginia Polytechnic Institute & State University, Working Papers.
29. “Economic Theory and Development Economics”. Lecture to American Economic Association, New York, Dec 1982. Panel: RM Solow, HB Chenery, T Weisskopf, P Streeten, G Rosen, S Roy. Published in 29a. 1983
29a “Economic Theory and Development Economics: A Comment”. World Development, 1983. [Citation: Stavros Thefanides “Metamorphosis of Development Economics”, World Development 1988.]
30. “The Political Economy of Trade Policy (Comment on J. Michael Finger)”, Washington DC: Cato Journal, Winter 1983/84. See also “Did Donald Trump & Bernie Sanders get their Trade Policy from my 1983 Cato talk?” 2009/2017. 1984
31. “Considerations on Utility, Benevolence and Taxation”, History of Political Economy, 1984. 31a Response of Professor Sir John Hicks May 1 1984.
[Citations: P. Hennipman, “A Tale of Two Schools”, De Economist 1987, “A New Look at the Ordinalist Revolution”, J. Econ. Lit. Mar 1988; P. Rappoport, “Reply to Professor Hennipman”, J. Econ. Lit. Mar 1988; Eugene Smolensky et al “An Application of A Dynamic Cost-of-Living Index to the Evaluation of Changes in Social Welfare”, J. Post-Keynesian Econ.IX.3. 1987.]
32. Pricing, Planning and Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India, London: Institute of Economic Affairs, London 1984.
[Citations: Lead editorial of The Times of London May 29 1984, “India’s economy”, Times letters June 16 1984. John Toye “Political Economy & Analysis of Indian Development”, Modern Asian Studies, 22, 1, 1988; John Toye, Dilemmas of Development; D. Wilson, “Privatization of Asia”, The Banker Sep. 1984 etc]. See also 370 “Silver Jubilee of ‘Pricing, Planning and Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India’” 2009.
33. Review of Utilitarianism and Beyond, Amartya Sen & Bernard Williams (eds) Public Choice.
34. Review of Limits of Utilitarianism, HB Miller & WH Williams (eds.), Public Choice.
35. Deendayal lecture (one of four invited lecturers), Washington DC, May October “On Government and the Individual in India”
1987
36. (with one other) “Does the Theory of Logical Types Inform the Theory of Communication?”, Journal of Genetic Psychology., 148 (4), Dec. 1987 [Citation:
37. “Irrelevance of Foreign Aid”, India International Centre Quarterly, Winter 1987.
38. Review of Development Planning by Sukhamoy Chakravarty for Economic Affairs, London 1987.
1988
39. (with Seiji Naya and Pearl Imada) “Introduction” to Lessons in Development: A Comparative Study of Asia and Latin America. San Francisco: Inst. of Economic Growth.
40. “A note on the welfare economics of regional cooperation”, lecture to Asia-Latin America conference, East West Center Honolulu, published 2009. 1989
41. Philosophy of Economics: On the Scope of Reason in Economic Inquiry, London & New York: Routledge (International Library of Philosophy) 1989, paperback 1991. Internet edition 2007. [Reviews & Citations: Research in Economics, 1992; De Economist 1991 & 1992; Manch.Sch. Econ.Studs. 59, 1991; Ethics 101.88 Jul. 1991; Kyklos 43.4 1990; Soc. Science Q. 71.880. Dec.1990; Can. Phil. Rev. 1990; J. Econ. Hist. Sep. 1990; Econ. & Phil. Fall 1990; Econ. Affairs June-July 1990; TLS May 1990; Choice March 1990; J. App.Phil. 1994, M. Blaug: Methodology of Economics, 2nd ed., Cambridge, 1992; Hist. Methods. 27.3, 1994; J. of Inst. & Theoretical Econ.,1994; Jahrbucker fur Nationaleconomie 1994, 573:574. Mark A Lutz in Economics for the Common Good, London: Routledge, 1999, et al]. See also 339 “Apropos Philosophy of Economics”, Comments of Sidney Hook, KJ Arrow, Milton Friedman, TW Schultz, SS Alexander, Max Black, Renford Bambrough, John Gray et al.
42. Foreword to Essays on the Political Economy by James M. Buchanan, Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press 1989.
43. “Modern Political Economy of India”, edited by Subroto Roy & William E James, Hawaii mimeo May 21 1989. This published for the first time a November 1955 memorandum to the Government of India by Milton Friedman. See also 43a, 53.
43a. Preface to “Milton Friedman’s extempore comments at the 1989 Hawaii conference: on India, Israel, Palestine, the USA, Debt and its uses, Erhardt abolishing exchange controls, Etc”, May 22 1989, published here for the first time October 31 2008.
44. Milton Friedman’s defence of my work in 1989.
45. Theodore W. Schultz’s defence of Philosophy of Economics 1990
46. “Letter to Judge Evelyn Lance: On A Case Study in Private International Law” (Due to be published here in 2010).
47-49. Selections from advisory work on economic policy etc for Rajiv Gandhi, Leader of the Opposition in the Parliament of India, published in 47a-49a. 1991
41b Philosophy of Economics: On the Scope of Reason in Economic Inquiry, Paperback edition.
50. “Conversations and correspondence with Rajiv Gandhi during the Gulf war, January 1991” (Due to be published here 2010).
47a. A Memo to Rajiv I: Stronger Secular Middle”, The Statesman, Jul 31 1991.
48a “A Memo to Rajiv II: Saving India’s Prestige”, The Statesman, Aug 1 1991.
49a “A Memo to Rajiv III: Salvation in Penny Capitalism”, The Statesman, Aug 2 1991 47b-49b “Three Memoranda to Rajiv Gandhi 1990-91”, 2007 republication here.
51. “Constitution for a Second Indian Republic”, The Saturday Statesman, April 20 1991. Republished here 2009.
52. “On the Art of Government: Experts, Party, Cabinet and Bureaucracy”, New Delhi mimeo March 25 1991, published here July 00 2009. 1992
53. Foundations of India’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s Edited and with an Introduction by Subroto Roy & William E. James New Delhi, London, Newbury Park: Sage: 1992. Citation: Milton and Rose Friedman Two Lucky People (Chicago 1998), pp. 268-269.
54. Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s Edited and with an Introduction by William E. James & Subroto Roy, Hawaii MS 1989, Sage: 1992, Karachi: Oxford 1993.
Reviews of 53 & 54 include: Bus. Today, Mar-Apr 1992; Political Studies March 1995; Econ Times 21 March 1993; Pakistan Development Review 1992. Hindustan Times 11 July 1992. Pacific Affairs 1993; Hindu 21 March 1993, 15 June 1993; Pakistan News International 12 June 1993. Book Reviews March 1993; Deccan Herald 2 May 1993; Pol.Econ.J. Ind. 1992. Fin Express 13 September 1992; Statesman 16 Jan. 1993. J. Royal Soc Asian Aff. 1994, J. Contemporary Asia, 1994 etc.
55. “Fundamental Problems of the Economies of India and Pakistan”, World Bank, Washington, mimeo (Due to be published here 2010).
56.“The Road to Stagflation: The Coming Dirigisme in America, or, America, beware thy economists!, or Zen and Clintonomics,” Washington DC, Broad Branch Terrace, mimeo, November 17. 1993
57. “Exchange-rates and manufactured exports of South Asia”, IMF Washington DC mimeo. Published in part in 2007-2008 as 58-62:
58. “Path of the Indian Rupee 1947-1993”, 2008.
59. “Path of the Pakistan Rupee 1947-1993”, 2008.
60. “Path of the Sri Lankan Rupee 1948-1993”, 2008.
61. “Path of the Bangladesh Taka 1972-1993”, 2008.
62. “India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh Manufactured Exports, IMF Washington DC mimeo”, published 2007.
63. “Economic Assessment of US-India Merchandise Trade”, Arlington, Virginia, mimeo, published in slight part in Indo-US Trade & Economic Cooperation, ICRIER New Delhi, 1995, and in whole 2007.
64. “Towards an Economic Solution for Kashmir”, mimeo, Arlington, Virginia, circulated in Washington DC 1993-1995, cf 82, 111 infra. Comment of Selig Harrison. 1994
65. “Comment on Indonesia”, in The Political Economy of Policy Reform edited by John Williamson, Washington, DC: Institute for International Economics.
66a “Gold reserves & the gold price in anticipation of Central Bank behaviour”, Greenwich, Connecticut, mimeo. 67b. “Portfolio optimization and foreign currency exposure hedging” Greenwich, Connecticut mimeo. 1995
68. “On the logic and commonsense of debt and payments crises: How to avoid another Mexico in India and Pakistan”, Scarsdale, NY, mimeo, May 1.
69. “Policies for Young India”, Scarsdale, NY, pp. 350, manuscript. 1996
70. US Supreme Court documents, published in part in 2008 as “Become a US Supreme Court Justice!” 70a, 70b (Due to be published in full here in 2010 as Roy vs University of Hawaii, 1989- including the expert testimonies of Milton Friedman and Theodore W Schultz.).
71. “Key problems of macroeconomic management facing the new Indian Government”, May 17. Scarsdale, New York, mimeo. (Due to be published here 2010).
72. “Preventing a collapse of the rupee”, IIT Kharagpur lecture July 16 1996.
73. “The Economist’s Representation of Technological Knowledge”, Vishvesvaraya lecture to the Institution of Engineers, September 15 1996, IIT Kharagpur. 1997
74. “Union and State Budgets in India”, lecture at the World Bank, Washington DC, May 00.
75. “State Budgets in India”, IIT Kharagpur mimeo, June 6. 1998
76. “Transparency and Economic Policy-Making: An address to the Asia-Pacific Public Relations Conference” (panel on Transparency chaired by CR Irani) Jan 30 1998, published here 2008.
77. Theodore W. Schultz 1902-1998, Feb 25.
78. “The Economic View of Human Resources”, address to a regional conference on human resources, IIT Kharagpur.
79. “Management accounting”, lecture at Lal Bahadur Shastri Academy, Mussourie,
80a “The Original Reformer”, Outlook letters, Jan 23 1998
81. “Recent Developments in Modern Finance”, IIM Bangalore Review, 10, 1 & 2, Jan.-Jun 1998. Reprinted as “From the Management Guru’s Classroom”: 81a “An introduction to derivatives”, Business Standard/Financial Times, Bombay 18 Apr 1999; 81b “Options in the future, Apr 25 1999; 81c “What is hedging?”, May 2 1999; 81d “Teaching computers to think”, May 9 1999.
82. “Towards an Economic Solution for Kashmir”, Jun 22 1998, lecture at Heritage Foundation, Washington DC. Cf 111 Dec 2005.
83. “Sixteen Currencies for India: A Reverse Euro Model for Monetary & Fiscal Efficacy”, Lecture at the Institute of Economic Affairs, London, June 29 1998. Due to be published here 2010.
84. “Fable of the Fox, the Farmer, and the Would-Be Tailors”, October (Published here July 27 2009).
85. “A Common Man’s Guide to Pricing Financial Derivatives”, Lecture to “National Seminar on Derivatives”, Xavier Labour Research Institute, Jamshedpur, Dec. 16 1998. See 98.
1999
86. “An Analysis of Pakistan’s War-Winning Strategy: Are We Ready for This?”, IIT Kharagpur mimeo, published in part as 86a.“Was a Pakistani Grand Strategy Discerned in Time by India?” New Delhi: Security & Political Risk Analysis Bulletin, July 1999, Kargil issue. See also 000
80b. “The Original Reformer”, Outlook letters, Sep 13 1999. 2000
87. “On Freedom & the Scientific Point of View”, SN Bose National Centre for Basic Sciences, Feb 17 2000. Cf 100 below.
88. “Liberalism and Indian economic policy”, lecture at IIM Calcutta, Indian Liberal Group Meetings Devlali, Hyderabad; also Keynote address to UGC Seminar Guntur, March 30 2002. (Due to be published here 2010).
89. “Towards a Highly Transparent Fiscal & Monetary Framework for India’s Union & State Governments”, Invited address to Conference of State Finance Secretaries, Reserve Bank of India, Bombay, April 29, 2000. Published 2008.
90. “On the Economics of Information Technology”, two lectures at the Indian Institute of Information Technology, Bangalore, Nov 10-11, 2000.
91. Review of A New World by Amit Chaudhuri in Literary Criterion, Mysore. 2001
92. Review of AD Shroff: Titan of Finance and Free Enterprise by Sucheta Dalal, Freedom First., January.
93. “Encounter with Rajiv Gandhi: On the Origins of the 1991 Economic Reform”, Freedom First, October. See also 93a in 2005 and 93b in 2007.
94. “A General Theory of Globalization & Modern Terrorism with Special Reference to September 11”, a keynote address to the Council for Asian Liberals & Democrats, Manila, Philippines, 16 Nov. 2001. Published as 91a.
95. “The Case for and against The Satanic Verses: Diatribe and Dialectic as Art”, Dec 22 republished in print 95a The Statesman Festival Volume, 2006. 2002
94a “A General Theory of Globalization & Modern Terrorism with Special Reference to September 11”, in September 11 & Political Freedom in Asia, eds. Johannen, Smith & Gomez, Singapore 2002. 2002-2010
96. “Recording vivid dreams: Freud’s advice in exploring the Unconscious Mind” (Due to be published here in 2010). 2003
97. “Key principles of government accounting and audit”, IIT Kharagpur mimeo.
98. “Derivative pricing & other topics in financial theory: a student’s complete lecture notes” (Due to be published here in 2010). 2004
99. TV Interview by BBC, Oxford, after May 2004 General Election in India.
100. “Collapse of the Global Conversation”, International Institute for Asian Studies, Leiden, Netherlands, Jul 2004.
101. “Science, Religion, Art & the Necessity of Freedom”, a public lecture, University of Buckingham, UK, August 24 2004. Published here 2007. 2005
93a Rajiv Gandhi and the Origins of India’s 1991 Economic Reform (this was the full story; it appeared in print for the first time in The Statesman Festival Volume 2007).
102. “Can India become an economic superpower (or will there be a monetary meltdown)?” Cardiff University Institute of Applied Macroeconomics Monetary Economics Seminar, April 13, Institute of Economic Affairs, London, April 27, Reserve Bank of India, Bombay, Chief Economist’s Seminar on Monetary Economics, May 5.
103. Margaret Thatcher’s Revolution: How it Happened and What it Meant, Edited and with an Introduction by Subroto Roy & John Clarke, London & New York: Continuum, 2005; paperback 2006; French translation by Florian Bay, 2007.
104. “Iqbal & Jinnah vs Rahmat Ali in Pakistan’s Creation”, Dawn, Karachi, Sep 3.
105. “The Mitrokhin Archives II from an Indian Perspective: A Review Article”, The Statesman, Perspective Page, Oct 11 .
106. “After the Verdict”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Oct 20.
107. “US Espionage Failures”, The Statesman, Perspective Page, Oct 26
108. “Waffle But No Models of Monetary Policy”, The Statesman, Perspective Page, Oct 30.
109. “On Hindus and Muslims”, The Statesman, Perspective Page, Nov 6.
110. “Assessing Vajpayee: Hindutva True and False”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Nov 13-14″.
111. “Fiction from the India Economic Summit”, The Statesman, Front Page, Nov 29.
112. “Solving Kashmir: On an Application of Reason”, The Statesman Editorial Page
I. “Give the Hurriyat et al Indian Green Cards”, Dec 1
II. “Choice of Nationality under Full Information”, Dec 2
III. “Of Flags and Consulates in Gilgit etc”, Dec 3. 2006
113. “The Dream Team: A Critique”, The Statesman Editorial Page
I : New Delhi’s Consensus (Manmohantekidambaromics), Jan 6
II: Money, Convertibility, Inflationary Deficit Financing, Jan 7
III: Rule of Law, Transparency, Government Accounting, Jan 8.
114. “Unaccountable Delhi: India’s Separation of Powers’ Doctrine”, The Statesman, Jan 13.
115. “Communists and Constitutions”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Jan 22.
116. “Diplomatic Wisdom”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Jan 31.
117. “Mendacity & the Government Budget Constraint”, The Statesman, Front Page Feb 3.
118. “Of Graven Images”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Feb5.
119. “Separation of Powers, Parts 1-2”, The Statesman, Editorial Pages Feb 12-13.
120. “Public Debt, Government Fantasy”, The Statesman, Front Page Editorial Comment, Feb 22.
121. “War or Peace Parts 1-2”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Feb 23-24.
122. “Can You Handle This Brief, Mr Chidambaram?” The Statesman, Front Page Feb 26.
123. “A Downpayment On the Taj Mahal Anyone?”, The Statesman, Front Page Comment on the Budget 2006-2007, Mar 1.
124. “Atoms for Peace (or War)”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page Mar 5.
125. “Imperialism Redux: Business, Energy, Weapons & Foreign Policy”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Mar 14.
126. “Logic of Democracy”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Mar 30.
127. “Towards an Energy Policy”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Apr 2.
128. “Iran’s Nationalism”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Apr 6.
129. “A Modern Military”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Apr 16.
130. “On Money & Banking”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Apr 23.
131. “Lessons for India from Nepal’s Revolution”, The Statesman, Front Page Apr 26.
132. “Revisionist Flattery (Inder Malhotra’s Indira Gandhi: A Review Article)”, The Sunday Statesman, May 7.
133. “Modern World History”, The Sunday Statesman Editorial Page, May 7.
134. “Argumentative Indians: A Conversation with Professor Amartya Sen on Philosophy, Identity and Islam,” The Sunday Statesman, May 14 2006. “A Philosophical Conversation between Professor Sen and Dr Roy”, 2008. Translated into Bengali by AA and published in 00.
135. “The Politics of Dr Singh”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, May 21.
136. “Corporate Governance & the Principal-Agent Problem”, lecture at a conference on corporate governance, Kolkata May 31. Published here 2008.
137. “Pakistan’s Allies Parts 1-2”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Jun 4-5.
138. “Law, Justice and J&K Parts 1-2”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Jul 2, The Statesman Editorial Page Jul 3.
139. “The Greatest Pashtun (Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan)”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Jul 16.
140. “Understanding Pakistan Parts 1-2”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Jul 30, The Statesman Editorial Page Jul 31.
141. “Indian Money and Credit”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Aug 6.
142. “India’s Moon Mission”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Aug 13.
143. “Jaswant’s Journeyings: A Review Article”, The Sunday Statesman Magazine, Aug 27.
144. “Our Energy Interests, Parts 1-2”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Aug 27, The Statesman Editorial Page Aug 28.
145. “Is Balochistan Doomed?”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Sep 3 2006.
146. “Racism New and Old”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Sep 8 2006
147. “Political Economy of India’s Energy Policy”, address to KAF-TERI conference, Goa Oct 7, published in 147a.
148. “New Foreign Policy? Seven phases of Indian foreign policy may be identifiable since Nehru”, Parts 1-2, The Sunday Statesman, Oct 8, The Statesman Oct 9.
149. “Justice & Afzal: There is a difference between law and equity (or natural justice). The power of pardon is an equitable power. Commuting a death-sentence is a partial pardon”, The Sunday Statesman Editorial Page Oct 14
150. “Non-existent liberals (On a Liberal Party for India)”, The Sunday Statesman Editorial Page Oct 22.
151. “History of Jammu & Kashmir Parts 1-2”, The Sunday Statesman, Oct 29, The Statesman Oct 30, Editorial Page.
152. “American Democracy: Does America need a Prime Minister and a longer-lived Legislature?”, The Sunday Statesman Nov 5.
153. “Milton Friedman A Man of Reason 1912-2006”, The Statesman Perspective Page, Nov 22.
154. “Postscript to Milton Friedman Mahalanobis’s Plan (The Mahalanobis-Nehru “Second Plan”) The Statesman Front Page Nov 22.
155. “Mob Violence and Psychology”, Dec 10, The Statesman, Editorial Page.
156. “What To Tell Musharraf: Peace Is Impossible Without Non-Aggressive Pakistani Intentions”, The Statesman Editorial Page Dec 15.
157. “Land, Liberty and Value: Government must act in good faith treating all citizens equally – not favouring organised business lobbies and organised labour over an unorganised peasantry”, The Sunday Statesman Editorial Page Dec 31. 2007
158. “Hypocrisy of the CPI-M: Political Collapse In Bengal: A Mid-Term Election/Referendum Is Necessary”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Jan 9.
159. “On Land-Grabbing: Dr Singh’s India, Buddhadeb’s Bengal, Modi’s Gujarat have notorious US, Soviet and Chinese examples to follow ~ distracting from the country’s real economic problems,” The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page Jan 14.
160. “India’s Macroeconomics: Real growth has steadily occurred because India has shared the world’s technological progress. But bad fiscal, monetary policies over decades have led to monetary weakness and capital flight” The Statesman Editorial Page Jan 20.
161. “Fiscal Instability: Interest payments quickly suck dry every year’s Budget. And rolling over old public debt means that Government Borrowing in fact much exceeds the Fiscal Deficit”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Feb 4.
162. “Our trade and payments Parts 1-2” (“India in World Trade and Payments”),The Sunday Statesman, Feb 11 2007, The Statesman, Feb 12 2007.
163. “Our Policy Process: Self-Styled “Planners” Have Controlled India’s Paper Money For Decades,” The Statesman, Editorial Page, Feb 20.
164. “Bengal’s Finances”, The Sunday Statesman Editorial Page, Feb 25.
165. “Fallacious Finance: Congress, BJP, CPI-M may be leading India to Hyperinflation” The Statesman Editorial Page Mar 5.
166. “Uttar Pradesh Polity and Finance: A Responsible New Govt May Want To Declare A Financial Emergency” The Statesman Editorial Page, Mar 24
167. “A scam in the making” in The Sunday Statesman Front Page Apr 1 2007, published here in full as “Swindling India”.
168. “Maharashtra’s Money: Those Who Are Part Of The Problem Are Unlikely To Be A Part Of Its Solution”, The Statesman Editorial Page Apr 24.
147a. “Political Economy of Energy Policy” in India and Energy Security edited by Anant Sudarshan and Ligia Noronha, Konrad Adenauer Stiftung, New Delhi 2007.
169. “Presidential Qualities: Simplicity, Genuine Achievement Are Desirable; Political Ambition Is Not”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, May 8.
170. “We & Our Neighbours: Pakistanis And Bangladeshis Would Do Well To Learn From Sheikh Abdullah”, The Statesman, Editorial Page May 15.
171. “On Indian Nationhood: From Tamils To Kashmiris And Assamese And Mizos To Sikhs And Goans”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, May 25.
172. A Current Example of the Working of the Unconscious Mind, May 26.
173. Where I would have gone if I was Osama Bin Laden, May 31.
174. “US election ’08:America’s Presidential Campaign Seems Destined To Be Focussed On Iraq”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, June 1.
175. “Home Team Advantage: On US-Iran talks and Sunni-Shia subtleties: Tehran must transcend its revolution and endorse the principle that the House of Islam has many mansions”, The Sunday Statesman Editorial Page, June 3
176. “Unhealthy Delhi: When will normal political philosophy replace personality cults?”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, June 11.
177. “American Turmoil: A Vice-Presidential Coup – And Now a Grassroots Counterrevolution?”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, June 18
178. “Political Paralysis: India has yet to develop normal conservative, liberal and socialist parties. The Nice-Housing-Effect and a little game-theory may explain the current stagnation”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, June 24.
179. “Has America Lost? War Doctrines Of Kutusov vs Clausewitz May Help Explain Iraq War”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, July 3.
180. “Lal Masjid ≠ Golden Temple: Wide differences are revealed between contemporary Pakistan and India by these two superficially similar military assaults on armed religious civilians”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page July 15
181. “Political Stonewalling: Only Transparency Can Improve Institutions”, The Statesman, Editorial Page July 20.
182. “Gold standard etc: Fixed versus flexible exchange rates”, July 21.
183. “US Pakistan-India Policy: Delhi & Islamabad Still Look West In Defining Their Relationship”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, July 27.
184. “Works of DH Lawrence” July 30
185. “An Open Letter to Professor Amartya Sen about Singur etc”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, July 31.
186. “Martin Buber on Palestine and Israel (with Postscript)”, Aug 4.
187. “Auguste Rodin on Nature, Art, Beauty, Women and Love”, Aug 7.
188. “Saving Pakistan: A Physicist/Political Philosopher May Represent Iqbal’s “Spirit of Modern Times”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Aug 13.
189. Letter to Forbes.com 16 Aug.
190. “Need for Clarity: A poorly drafted treaty driven by business motives is a recipe for international misunderstanding”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Aug 19.
191. “No Marxist MBAs? An amicus curiae brief for the Hon’ble High Court”, The Statesman, FrontPage, Aug 29.
192. On Lawrence, Sep 4.
193. Dalai Lama’s Return: In the tradition of Gandhi, King, Mandela, Sep 11.
194. Of JC Bose, Patrick Geddes & the Leaf-World, Sep 12.
195. “Against Quackery: Manmohan and Sonia have violated Rajiv Gandhi’s intended reforms; the Communists have been appeased or bought; the BJP is incompetent Parts 1-2”, in The Sunday Statesman and The Statesman, Editorial Pages of Sep 23-24.
196. Karl Georg Zinn’s 1994 Review of Philosophy of Economics, Sep 26.
197. DH Lawrence’s Phoenix, Oct 3.
93b. “Rajiv Gandhi and the Origins of India’s 1991 Economic Reform”, Statesman Festival Volume.
198. “Iran, America, Iraq: Bush’s post-Saddam Saddamism — one flip-flop too many?”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Oct 16.
199. “Understanding China: The World Needs to Ask China to Find Her True Higher Self”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Oct 22.
200. “India-USA interests: Elements of a serious Indian foreign policy”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Oct 30.
201. “China’s India Aggression : German Historians Discover Logic Behind Communist Military Strategy”, The Statesman, Editorial Page Special Article, Nov 5.
202. Sonia’s Lying Courtier (with Postscript), Nov 25. See also 2014
203. “Surrender or Fight? War is not a cricket match or Bollywood movie. Can India fight China if it must?” The Statesman, Dec 4, Editorial Page.
204. Hutton and Desai: United in Error Dec 14
205. “China’s Commonwealth: Freedom is the Road to Resolving Taiwan, Tibet, Sinkiang”, The Statesman, Dec 17. 2008
206. “Nixon & Mao vs India: How American foreign policy did a U-turn about Communist China’s India aggression. The Government of India should publish its official history of the 1962 war.” The Sunday Statesman, Jan 6, The Statesman Jan 7 Editorial Page.
207. “Lessons from the 1962 War: Beginnings of a solution to the long-standing border problem: there are distinct Tibetan, Chinese and Indian points of view that need to be mutually comprehended”, The Sunday Statesman, January 13 2008.
208. “Our Dismal Politics: Will Independent India Survive Until 2047?”, The Statesman Editorial Page, Feb 1.
209. Median Voter Model of India’s Electorate Feb 7.
210. “Anarchy in Bengal: Intra-Left bandh marks the final unravelling of “Brand Buddha””, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Feb 10.
211. Fifty years since my third birthday: on life and death.
212. “Pakistan’s Kashmir obsession: Sheikh Abdullah Relied In Politics On The French Constitution, Not Islam”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Feb 16.
213. A Note on the Indian Policy Process Feb 21.
214. “Growth & Government Delusion: Progress Comes From Learning, Enterprise, Exchange, Not The Parasitic State”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Feb 22.
215. “How to Budget: Thrift, Not Theft, Needs to Guide Our Public Finances”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Feb 26.
216. “India’s Budget Process (in Theory)”, The Statesman, Front Page Feb 29.
217. “Irresponsible Governance: Congress, BJP, Communists, BSP, Sena Etc Reveal Equally Bad Traits”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, March 4.
218. “American Politics: Contest Between Obama And Clinton Affects The World”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, March 11.
219. “China’s India Example: Tibet, Xinjiang May Not Be Assimilated Like Inner Mongolia And Manchuria”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, March 25.
220. “Taxation of India’s Professional Cricket: A Proposal”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, April 1.
221. “Two cheers for Pakistan!”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, April 7.
222. “Indian Inflation: Upside Down Economics From The New Delhi Establishment Parts 1-2”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, April 15-16.
223. “Assessing Manmohan: The Doctor of Deficit Finance should realise the currency is at stake”, The Statesman, Editorial Page Apr 25.
224. John Wisdom, Renford Bambrough: Main Philosophical Works, May 8.
225. “All India wept”: On the death of Rajiv Gandhi, May 21.
226. “China’s force and diplomacy: The need for realism in India” The Statesman, Editorial Page May 31.
227. Serendipity and the China-Tibet-India border problem June 6
228. “Leadership vacuum: Time & Tide Wait For No One In Politics: India Trails Pakistan & Nepal!”, The Statesman Editorial Page June 7.
229. My meeting Jawaharlal Nehru Oct13 1962
230. Manindranath Roy 1891-1958
231. Surendranath Roy 1860-1929
232. The Roys of Behala 1928.
233. Sarat Chandra visits Surendranath Roy 1927
234. Nuksaan-Faida Analysis = Cost-Benefit Analysis in Hindi/Urdu Jun 30
235. One of many reasons John R Hicks was a great economist July 3
236. My father, Indian diplomat, in the Shah’s Tehran 1954-57 July 8
237 Distribution of Govt of India Expenditure (Net of Operational Income) 1995 July 27
238. Growth of Real Income, Money & Prices in India 1869-2008, July 28.
239. Communism from Social Democracy? But not in India or China! July 29
240. Death of Solzhenitsyn, Aug. 3
240a. Tolstoy on Science and Art, Aug 4.
241. “Reddy’s reckoning: Where should India’s real interest rate be relative to the world?” Business Standard Aug 10
242. “Rangarajan Effect”, Business Standard Aug 24
243. My grandfather’s death in Ottawa 50 years ago today Sep 3
244. My books in the Library of Congress and British Library Sep 12
245. On Jimmy Carter & the “India-US Nuclear Deal”, Sep 12
246. My father after presenting his credentials to President Kekkonen of Finland Sep 14 1973.
247. “October 1929? Not!”, Business Standard, Sep 18.
248. “MK Gandhi, SN Roy, MA Jinnah in March 1919: Primary education legislation in a time of protest”
249. 122 sensible American economists Sept 26
250. Govt of India: Please call in the BBC and ask them a question Sep 27
251. “Monetary Integrity and the Rupee: Three British Raj relics have dominated our macroeconomic policy-making” Business Standard Sep 28.
252a. Rabindranath’s daughter writes to her friend my grandmother Oct 5
252b. A Literary Find: Modern Poetry in Bengal, Oct 6.
253. Sarat writes to Manindranath 1931, Oct 12
254. Origins of India’s Constitutional Politics 1913
255. Indira Gandhi in Paris, 1971
256. How the Liabilities/Assets Ratio of Indian Banks Changed from 84% in 1970 to 108% in 1998, October 20
257a. My Subjective Probabilities on India’s Moon Mission Oct 21
258. Complete History of Mankind’s Moon Missions: An Indian Citizen’s Letter to ISRO’s Chairman, Oct 22.
259. Would not a few million new immigrants solve America’s mortgage crisis? Oct 26
260. “America’s divided economists”, Business Standard Oct 26
261. One tiny prediction about the Obama Administration, Nov 5
262. Rai Bahadur Umbika Churn Rai, 1827-1902, Nov 7 2008
263. Jawaharlal Nehru invites my father to the Mountbatten Farewell Nov 7 2008
70a. “Become a US Supreme Court Justice! (Explorations in the Rule of Law in America) Preface” Nov 9
70b. “Become a US Supreme Court Justice! (Explorations in the Rule of Law in America)” Nov 9.
257b. Neglecting technological progress was the basis of my pessimism about Chandrayaan, Nov 9.
264. Of a new New Delhi myth and the success of the University of Hawaii 1986-1992 Pakistan project Nov 15
265. Pre-Partition Indian Secularism Case-Study: Fuzlul Huq and Manindranath Roy Nov 16
266. Do President-elect Obama’s Pakistan specialists suppose Maulana Azad, Dr Zakir Hussain, Sheikh Abdullah were Pakistanis (or that Sheikh Mujib wanted to remain one)? Nov 18
267. Jews have never been killed in India for being Jews until this sad day, Nov 28.
268. In international law, Pakistan has been the perpetrator, India the victim of aggression in Mumbai, Nov 30.
269. The Indian Revolution, Dec 1.
270. Habeas Corpus: a captured terrorist mass-murderer tells a magistrate he has not been mistreated by Mumbai’s police Dec 3
271. India’s Muslim Voices (Or, Let us be clear the Pakistan-India or Kashmir conflicts have not been Muslim-Hindu conflicts so much as intra-Muslim conflicts about Muslim identity and self-knowledge on the Indian subcontinent), Dec 4
272. “Anger Management” needed? An Oxford DPhil recommends Pakistan launch a nuclear first strike against India within minutes of war, Dec 5.
273. A Quick Comparison Between the September 11 2001 NYC-Washington attacks and the November 26-28 2008 Mumbai Massacres (An Application of the Case-by-Case Philosophical Technique of Wittgenstein, Wisdom and Bambrough), Dec 6
274. Dr Rice finally gets it right (and maybe Mrs Clinton will too) Dec 7
275. Will the Government of India’s new macroeconomic policy dampen or worsen the business-cycle (if such a cycle exists at all)? No one knows! “Where ignorance is bliss, ‘Tis folly to be wise.” Dec 7
276. Pump-priming for car-dealers: Keynes groans in his grave (If evidence was needed of the intellectual dishonesty of New Delhi’s new macroeconomic policy, here it is) Dec 9.
277. Congratulations to Mumbai’s Police: capturing a terrorist, affording him his Habeas Corpus rights, getting him to confess within the Rule of Law, sets a new world standard Dec 10
278. Two cheers — wait, let’s make that one cheer — for America’s Justice Department, Dec 10
279. Will Pakistan accept the bodies of nine dead terrorists who came from Pakistan to Mumbai? If so, let there be a hand-over at the Wagah border, Dec 11.
280. Kasab was a stupid, ignorant, misguided youth, manufactured by Pakistan’s terrorist masterminds into becoming a mass-murdering robot: Mahatma Gandhi’s India should punish him, get him to repent if he wishes, then perhaps rehabilitate him as a potent weapon against Pakistani terrorism Dec 12.
281. Pakistan’s New Delhi Embassy should ask for “Consular Access” to nine dead terrorists in a Mumbai morgue before asking to meet Kasab, Dec 13
282. An Indian Reply to President Zardari: Rewarding Pakistan for bad behaviour leads to schizophrenic relationships Dec 19
283. Is my prediction about Caroline Kennedy becoming US Ambassador to Britain going to be correct? Dec 27
284. Chandrayaan adds a little good cheer! Well done, ISRO!, Dec 28
285. How sad that “Slumdog millionaire” is SO disappointing! Dec 31
289. (with Claude Arpi) “Transparency & history: India’s archives must be opened to world standards” Business Standard New Delhi Dec 31, 2008, published here Jan 1 . 2009
290. A basis of India-Pakistan cooperation on the Mumbai massacres: the ten Pakistani terrorists started off as pirates and the Al-Huseini is a pirate ship Jan 1.
291. India’s “pork-barrel politics” needs a nice (vegetarian) Hindi name! “Teli/oily politics” perhaps? (And are we next going to see a Bill of Rights for Lobbyists?) Jan 3
292. My (armchair) experience of the 1999 Kargil war (Or, “Actionable Intelligence” in the Internet age: How the Kargil effort got a little help from a desktop) Jan 5
293. How Jammu & Kashmir’s Chief Minister Omar Abdullah can become a worthy winner of the Nobel Peace Prize: An Open Letter, Jan 7
294. Could the Satyam/PwC fraud be the visible part of an iceberg? Where are India’s “Generally Accepted Accounting Principles”? Isn’t governance rather poor all over corporate India? Bad public finance may be a root cause Jan 8
295. Satyam does not exist: it is bankrupt, broke, kaput. Which part of this does the new “management team” not get? The assets belong to Satyam’s creditors. Jan 8
296. Jews are massacred in Mumbai and now Jews commit a massacre in Gaza! Jan 9
297. And now for the Great Satyam Whitewash/Cover-Up/Public Subsidy! The wrong Minister appoints the wrong new Board who, probably, will choose the wrong policy Jan 12
298. Letter to Wei Jingsheng Jan 14
299. Memo to the Hon’ble Attorneys General of Pakistan & India: How to jointly prosecute the Mumbai massacre perpetrators most expeditiously Jan 16
300. Satyam and IT-firms in general may be good candidates to become “Labour-Managed” firms Jan 18
301. “Yes we might be able to do that. Perhaps we ought to. But again, perhaps we ought not to, let me think about it…. Most important is Cromwell’s advice: Think it possible we may be mistaken!” Jan 20.
302. RAND’s study of the Mumbai attacks Jan 25
303. Didn’t Dr Obama (the new American President’s late father) once publish an article in Harvard’s Quarterly Journal of Economics? (Or did he?) Jan 25.
304. “A Dialogue in Macroeconomics” 1989 etc: sundry thoughts on US economic policy discourse Jan 30
305. American Voices: A Brief Popular History of the United States in 20 You-Tube Music Videos Feb 5
306. Jaladhar Sen writes to Manindranath at Surendranath’s death, Feb 23
307. Pakistani expansionism: India and the world need to beware of “Non-Resident Pakistanis” ruled by Rahmat Ali’s ghost, Feb 9
308. My American years Part One 1980-90: battles for academic integrity & freedom Feb 11.
309. Thanks and well done Minister Rehman Malik and the Govt of Pakistan Feb 12
310. Can President Obama resist the financial zombies (let alone slay them)? His economists need to consult Dr Anna J Schwartz Feb 14
311. A Brief History of Gilgit, Feb 18
312. Memo to UCLA Geographers: Commonsense suggests Mr Bin Laden is far away from the subcontinent Feb 20
313. The BBC gets its history and geography deliberately wrong again Feb 21
314. Bengal Legislative Council 1921, Feb 28
315. Carmichael visits Surendranath, 1916, Mar 1
316. Memo to GoI CLB: India discovered the Zero, and 51% of Zero is still Zero Mar 10
317. An Academic Database of Doctoral & Other Postgraduate Research Done at UK Universities on India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and Other Asian Countries Over 100 Years, Mar 13
318. Pakistan’s progress, Mar 18
319. Risk-aversion explains resistance to free trade, Mar 19
320. India’s incredibly volatile inflation rate! Mar 20
321. Is “Vicky, Cristina, Barcelona” referring to an emasculation of (elite) American society?, Mar 21
322. Just how much intellectual fraud can Delhi produce? Mar 26
323. India is not a monarchy! We urgently need to universalize the French concept of “citoyen”! Mar 28
324. Could this be the real state of some of our higher education institutions? Mar 29
325. Progress! The BBC retracts its prevarication! Mar 30
326. Aldous Huxley’s Essay “DH Lawrence” Mar 31
327. Waffle not institutional reform is what (I predict) the “G-20 summit” will produce, April 1
328. Did a full cricket team of Indian bureaucrats follow our PM into 10 Downing Street? Count for yourself! April 3
329. Will someone please teach the BJP’s gerontocracy some Economics 101 on an emergency basis? April 5
330. The BBC needs to determine exactly where it thinks Pakistan is!, April 5
331. Alfred Lyall on Christians, Muslims, India, China, Etc, 1908, April 6
332. An eminent economist of India passes away April 9
333. Democracy Database for the Largest Electorate Ever Seen in World History, April 12
334. Memo to the Election Commission of India April 14 2009, 9 AM, April 14
335. Caveat emptor! Satyam is taken over, April 14
336. India’s 2009 General Elections: Candidates, Parties, Symbols for Polls on 16-30 April Phases 1,2,3, April 15
337. On the general theory of expertise in democracy: reflections on what emerges from the American “torture memos” today, April 18
338. India’s 2009 General Elections: 467 constituencies (out of 543) for which candidates have been announced as of 1700hrs April 21, April 21
339. Apropos Philosophy of Economics, Comments of Sidney Hook, KJ Arrow, Milton Friedman, TW Schultz, SS Alexander, Max Black, Renford Bambrough, John Gray et al., April 22.
340. India’s 2009 General Elections: Names of all 543 Constituencies of the 15th Lok Sabha, April 22.
341. India’s 2009 General Elections: How 4125 State Assembly Constituencies comprise the 543 new Lok Sabha Constituencies, April 23.
342. Why has America’s “torture debate” yet to mention the obvious? Viz., sadism and racism, April 24
343. India’s 2009 General Elections: the advice of the late “George Eliot” (Mary Ann Evans, 1819-1880) to India’s voting public, April 24.
344. India’s 2009 General Elections: Delimitation and the Different Lists of 543 Lok Sabha Constituencies in 2009 and 2004, April 25
345. Is “Slumdog Millionaire” the single worst Best Picture ever?
346. India’s 2009 General Elections: Result of Delimitation — Old (2004) and New (2009) Lok Sabha and Assembly Constituencies, April 26
347. India’s 2009 General Elections: 7019 Candidates in 485 (out of 543) Constituencies announced as of April 26 noon April 26
348. What is Christine Fair referring to? Would the MEA kindly seek to address what she has claimed asap? April 27
349. Politics can be so entertaining 🙂 Manmohan versus Sonia on the poor old CPI(M)!, April 28
350. A Dozen Grown-Up Questions for Sonia Gandhi, Manmohan Singh, LK Advani, Sharad Pawar, Km Mayawati and Anyone Else Dreaming of Becoming/Deciding India’s PM After the 2009 General Elections, April 28
351. India’s 2009 General Elections: How drastically will the vote-share of political parties change from 2004? May 2
352. India’s 2009 General Elections: And now finally, all 8,070 Candidates across all 543 Lok Sabha Constituencies, May 5
353. India’s 2009 General Elections: The Mapping of Votes into Assembly Segments Won into Parliamentary Seats Won in the 2004 Election, May 7
354. Will Messrs Advani, Rajnath Singh & Modi ride into the sunset if the BJP comes to be trounced? (Corrected), May 10
355. India’s 2009 General Elections: 543 Matrices to Help Ordinary Citizens Audit the Election Commission’s Vote-Tallies May 12
356. Well done Sonia-Rahul! Two hours before polls close today, I am willing to predict a big victory for you (but, please, try to get your economics right, and also, you must get Dr Singh a Lok Sabha seat if he is to be PM) May 13
357. Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee must dissolve the West Bengal Assembly if he is an honest democrat: Please try to follow Gerard Schröder’s example even slightly! May 16
358. India’s 2009 General Elections: Provisional Results from the EC as of 1400 hours Indian Standard Time May 16
359. Memo to the Hon’ble President of India: It is Sonia Gandhi, not Manmohan Singh, who should be invited to our equivalent of the “Kissing Hands” Ceremony May 16
360. Time for heads to roll in the BJP/RSS and CPI(M)!, May 17.
361. Inviting a new Prime Minister of India to form a Government: Procedure Right and Wrong May 18
362. Starting with Procedural Error: Why has the “Cabinet” of the 14th Lok Sabha been meeting today AFTER the results of the Elections to the 15th Lok Sabha have been declared?! May 18
363. Why has the Sonia Congress done something that the Congress under Nehru-Indira-Rajiv would not have done, namely, exaggerate the power of the Rajya Sabha and diminish the power of the Lok Sabha? May 21
364. Shouldn’t Dr Singh’s Cabinet begin with a small apology to the President of India for discourtesy? May we have reviews and reforms of protocols and practices to be followed at Rashtrapati Bhavan and elsewhere? May 23
365. Parliament’s sovereignty has been diminished by the Executive: A record for future generations to know May 25
366. How tightly will organised Big Business be able to control economic policies this time? May 26
367. Why does India not have a Parliament ten days after the 15th Lok Sabha was elected? Nehru and Rajiv would both have been appalled May 27
368. Eleven days and counting after the 15th Lok Sabha was elected and still no Parliament of India! (But we do have 79 Ministers — might that be a world record?) May 28
369. Note to Posterity: 79 Ministers in office but no 15th Lok Sabha until June 1 2009! May 29
370. Silver Jubilee of Pricing, Planning & Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India May 29
371. How to Design a Better Cabinet for the Government of India May 29
372. Parliament is supposed to control the Government, not be bullied or intimidated by it: Will Rahul Gandhi be able to lead the Backbenches in the 15th Lok Sabha? June 1
373. Mistaken Macroeconomics: An Open Letter to Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh, June 12
374. Why did Manmohan Singh and LK Advani apologise to one another? Is Indian politics essentially collusive, not competitive, aiming only to preserve and promote the post-1947 Dilli Raj at the expense of the whole of India? We seem to have no Churchillian repartee (except perhaps from Bihar occasionally) June 18
375. Are Iran’s Revolutionaries now Reactionaries? George Orwell would have understood. A fresh poll may be the only answer Are Iran’s Revolutionaries now Reactionaries? George Orwell would have understood. A fresh poll may be the only answer June 22
376. My March 25 1991 memo to Rajiv (which never reached him) is something the present Government seems to have followed: all for the best of course! July 12
377. Disquietude about France’s behaviour towards India on July 14 2009 July 14
378. Does the Govt. of India assume “foreign investors and analysts” are a key constituency for Indian economic policy-making? If so, why so? Have Govt. economists “learnt nothing, forgotten everything”? Some Bastille Day thoughts July 14
379. Letter to the GoI’s seniormost technical economist, May 21.July 19
380. Excuse me but young Kasab in fact confessed many months ago, immediately after he was captured – he deserves 20 or 30 years in an Indian prison, and a chance to become a model prisoner who will stand against the very terrorists who sent him on his vile mission July 20
381. Finally, three months late, the GoI responds to American and Pakistani allegations about Balochistan July 24
382. Thoughts, words, deeds: My work 1973-2010 2012
383. Life of my father 1915-2012
384. India’s Money” in the Cayman Financial Review, July 2012
385. Towards Making the Indian Rupee a Hard Currency of the World Economy: An analysis from British times until the present day, lecture at India International Centre, Delhi, 3 Dec 2012
386. 5 December 2012 interview by Mr Paranjoy Guha Thakurta, on Lok Sabha TV, the channel of India’s Lower House of Parliament, broadcast for the first time on 9 December 2012 on Lok Sabha TV, is here and here in two parts.
387. Interview by GDI Impuls banking quarterly of Zürich published on 6 Dec 2012 is here.
388. My interview by Ragini Bhuyan of Delhi’s Sunday Guardian published on 16 Dec 2012 is here. 2013
389. “I have a student called Suby Roy…”: Reflections on Frank Hahn (1925-2013), my master in economic theory
390. Cambridge Economics & the Disputation in India’s Economic Policy, Revised 15 July 2013
391. Critical assessment dated 19 August 2013 of Raghuram Rajan is here (Live Mint 19 Aug) and here
392. 23 August 2013 of Professors Jagdish Bhagwati & Amartya Sen and Dr Manmohan Singh is here… 2014
393. “Mrs Irani’s New Job”/”Task Cut Out For Smriti Irani” June 16, 2014http://www.newindianexpress.com/opinion/Task-Cut-Out-for-Smriti-Irani/2014/06/16/article2282316.ece
394. Much as I might love Russia, England, France, America, I despise their spies & local agents affecting poor India’s policies: Memo to PM Modi, Mr Jaitley, Mr Doval & the new Govt. of India: Beware of Delhi’s sleeper agents, lobbyists & other dalals
395. “Haksar, Manmohan and Sonia” August 7, 2014 New Indian Express http://t.co/bRnQI1hrwy
396. Free India’s Foreign Policy & Economy in One Chart: Weapons Imports 1950-2013 by Country of Origin
See also:
My Recent Works, Interviews etc on India’s Money, Public Finance, Banking, Trade, BoP, etc (an incomplete list)
My Seventy-One Articles, Notes Etc on Kashmir, Pakistan, & of course, India (plus my undelivered Lahore lectures)
My Ten Articles on China, Tibet, Xinjiang, Taiwan in relation to India
M1. Map of Asia c. 1900
M2. Map of Chinese Empire c. 1900
M3. Map of Sinkiang, Tibet and Neighbours 1944
M4. China’s Secretly Built 1957 Road Through India’s Aksai Chin
M5. Map of Kashmir to Sinkiang 1944
M6. Map of India-Tibet-China-Mongolia 1959
M7. Map of India, Afghanistan, Russia, China, 1897
M8. Map of Xinjiang/Sinkiang/E Turkestan
M9. Map of Bombay/Mumbai 1909
M10-M13. Himalayan Expedition, West Sikkim 1970 – 1,2,3,4
2010 version:
This an incomplete bibliography of my writings, public lectures etc 1973-2010 including citations, reviews, comments. I have been mostly an academic economist who by choice or circumstance over 36 years has had to venture also into science, philosophy, public policy, law, jurisprudence, practical politics, history, international relations, military strategy, financial theory, accounting, management, journalism, literary criticism, psychology, psychoanalysis, theology, aesthetics, biography, children’s fables, etc. If anything unites the seemingly diverse work recorded below it is that I have tried to acquire a grasp of the nature of human reason and then apply this comprehension in practical contexts as simply and clearly as possible. Hence I have ended up following the path of Aristotle, as described in modern times (via Wittgenstein and John Wisdom) by Renford Bambrough. The 2004 public lecture in England, “Science, Religion, Art & the Necessity of Freedom”, may explain and illustrate all this best. A friend has been kind enough to call me an Academician, which I probably am, though one who really needs his own Academy because the incompetence, greed and mendacity encountered too often in the modern professoriat is dispiriting.
1-289 refer mostly to writings and publications printed on paper; 290-382 refer to writings or items not printed on paper — as new media break space, cost and other constraints of traditional publishing, a little repetition and overlap has occurred too. Also in a few cases, e.g., Aldous Huxley’s essay on DH Lawrence, nothing has been done except discover and republish. Several databases have been created and released in the public interest, as have been some rare maps. There is also some biographical and autobiographical material. Several inconsequential errors remain in the text, which shall take time to be rectified as documents come to be rediscovered and collated.
1973
1. “Behavioural study of mus musculus”, Haileybury College, Supervised by J de C Ford-Robertson MA (Oxon). (Due to be published here 2010).
2. “Chemistry at Advanced & Special Level: Student Notes 1972-73” (Due to be published here 2010).
3. “Biology at Advanced & Special Level: Student Notes 1972-73”, (Due to be published here 2010).
4. “Physics at Advanced Level: Student Notes 1972-73”, (Due to be published here 2010).
5. “Revolution: theoria and praxis”, London, mimeo (Due to be published here 2010).
6. “Gandhi vs Marx”, London, mimeo (Due to be published here 2010).
1974
7. “Relevance of downward money-wage rigidity to the problem of maintaining full-employment in the classical and Keynesian models of income determination”, London School of Economics, mimeo (Due to be published here 2010).
8. “Testing aircraft fuels at Shell Finland”.
1975
9. “Oxford Street experiences: down and out in London town”.
10. “SE Region Bulk Distribution Survey”, Unilever, Basingstoke.
11. “Four London poems”, in JCM Paton (ed) New Writing (London, Great Portland Street: International Students House). (Due to be republished here 2010)
12. “On economic growth models and modellers”, London School of Economics, mimeo. (Due to be published here 2010).
1976
13. “World money: system or anarchy?”, lecture to Professor ACL Day’s seminar, London School of Economics, Economics Department, April. (Due to be published here 2010).
14. “A beginner’s guide to some recent developments in monetary theory”, lecture to Professor FH Hahn’s seminar, Cambridge University Economics Department, November 17 (Due to be published here 2010). See also “Announcement of My “Hahn Seminar”, published here June 14 2008.
1977
15. “Inflation and unemployment: a survey”, mimeo, Fitzwilliam College, Cambridge. (Due to be published here 2010).
16. “On short run theories of dual economies”, Cambridge University Economics Department “substantial piece of work” required of first year Research Students. Examiner: DMG Newbery, FBA. (Due to be published here 2010).
1978
17. “Pure theory of developing economies 1 and 2”, Delhi School of Economics mimeo (Due to be published here 2010).
18. “Introduction to some market outcomes under uncertainty”, Delhi School of Economics mimeo (Due to be published here 2010).
19. “On money and development”, Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, mimeo, September. (Due to be published here 2010)
20. “Notes on the Newbery-Stiglitz model of sharecropping”, Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, mimeo November. (Due to be published here 2010).
1979
21. “A theory of rights and economic justice”, Corpus Christi College Cambridge mimeo. (Due to be published here 2010).
22. “Monetary theory and economic development”, Corpus Christi College Cambridge, mimeo (Due to be published here 2010).
23. “Foundations of the case against ‘development planning’”, Corpus Christi College Cambridge, mimeo, November. (Due to be published here 2010).
1979-1989
24. Correspondence with Renford Bambrough (1926-1999), philosopher of St John’s College, Cambridge (Due to be published here 2010).
1980
25. “Models before the monetarist storm”, New Statesman letters
26. “Disciplining rulers and experts”, Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, mimeo. (Due to be published here 2010).
1981
27. “On liberty & economic growth: preface to a philosophy for India”, Cambridge University doctoral thesis, supervisor FH Hahn, FBA; examiners CJ Bliss, FBA; TW Hutchison, FBA (Due to be published here 2010). 27a Response of FA Hayek on a partial draft February 18 1981. 27b Response of Peter Bauer, 1982. 27c Response of Theodore W Schultz, 1983. 27d. Response of Frank Hahn 1985.
1982
28. “Knowledge and freedom in economic theory Parts 1 and 2”, Centre for Study of Public Choice, Virginia Polytechnic Institute & State University, Working Papers.
29. “Economic Theory and Development Economics”. Lecture to American Economic Association, New York, Dec 1982. Panel: RM Solow, HB Chenery, T Weisskopf, P Streeten, G Rosen, S Roy. Published in 29a.
1983
29a “Economic Theory and Development Economics: A Comment”. World Development, 1983. [Citation: Stavros Thefanides “Metamorphosis of Development Economics”, World Development 1988.]
30. “The Political Economy of Trade Policy (Comment on J. Michael Finger)”, Washington DC: Cato Journal, Winter 1983/84. See also000 “Risk-aversion explains resistance to freer trade”, 2008.
1984
31. “Considerations on Utility, Benevolence and Taxation”, History of Political Economy, 1984. 31a Response of Professor Sir John Hicks May 1 1984.
[Citations: P. Hennipman, “A Tale of Two Schools”, De Economist 1987, “A New Look at the Ordinalist Revolution”, J. Econ. Lit. Mar 1988; P. Rappoport, “Reply to Professor Hennipman”, J. Econ. Lit. Mar 1988; Eugene Smolensky et al “An Application of A Dynamic Cost-of-Living Index to the Evaluation of Changes in Social Welfare”, J. Post-Keynesian Econ.IX.3. 1987.]
32. Pricing, Planning and Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India, London: Institute of Economic Affairs, London 1984.
[Citations: Lead editorial of The Times of London May 29 1984, “India’s economy”, Times letters June 16 1984. John Toye “Political Economy & Analysis of Indian Development”, Modern Asian Studies, 22, 1, 1988; John Toye, Dilemmas of Development; D. Wilson, “Privatization of Asia”, The Banker Sep. 1984 etc]. See also 370 “Silver Jubilee of ‘Pricing, Planning and Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India’” 2009.
33. Review of Utilitarianism and Beyond, Amartya Sen & Bernard Williams (eds) Public Choice.
34. Review of Limits of Utilitarianism, HB Miller & WH Williams (eds.), Public Choice.
35. Deendayal lecture (one of four invited lecturers), Washington DC, May.
1987
36. (with one other) “Does the Theory of Logical Types Inform the Theory of Communication?”, Journal of Genetic Psychology., 148 (4), Dec. 1987 [Citation:
37. “Irrelevance of Foreign Aid”, India International Centre Quarterly, Winter 1987.
38. Review of Development Planning by Sukhamoy Chakravarty for Economic Affairs, London 1987.
1988
39. (with two others) “Introduction” to Lessons in Development: A Comparative Study of Asia and Latin America. San Francisco: Inst. of Economic Growth.
40. “A note on the welfare economics of regional cooperation”, lecture to Asia-Latin America conference, East West Center Honolulu, published 2009.
1989
41.Philosophy of Economics: On the Scope of Reason in Economic Inquiry, London & New York: Routledge (International Library of Philosophy) 1989, paperback 1991. Internet edition 2007. [Reviews & Citations: Research in Economics, 1992; De Economist 1991 & 1992; Manch.Sch. Econ.Studs. 59, 1991; Ethics 101.88 Jul. 1991; Kyklos 43.4 1990; Soc. Science Q. 71.880. Dec.1990; Can. Phil. Rev. 1990; J. Econ. Hist. Sep. 1990; Econ. & Phil. Fall 1990; Econ. Affairs June-July 1990; TLS May 1990; Choice March 1990; J. App.Phil. 1994, M. Blaug: Methodology of Economics, 2nd ed., Cambridge, 1992; Hist. Methods. 27.3, 1994; J. of Inst. & Theoretical Econ.,1994; Jahrbucker fur Nationaleconomie 1994, 573:574. Mark A Lutz in Economics for the Common Good, London: Routledge, 1999, et al]. See also 339 “Apropos Philosophy of Economics”, Comments of Sidney Hook, KJ Arrow, Milton Friedman, TW Schultz, SS Alexander, Max Black, Renford Bambrough, John Gray et al.
42. Foreword to Essays on the Political Economy by James M. Buchanan, Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press 1989.
43. “Modern Political Economy of India”, edited by Subroto Roy & William E James, Hawaii mimeo May 21 1989. This published for the first time a November 1955 memorandum to the Government of India by Milton Friedman. See also 43a, 53.
43a. Preface to “Milton Friedman’s extempore comments at the 1989 Hawaii conference: on India, Israel, Palestine, the USA, Debt and its uses, Erhardt abolishing exchange controls, Etc”, May 22 1989, published here for the first time October 31 2008.
44. Milton Friedman’s defence of my work in 1989.
45. Theodore W. Schultz’s defence of Philosophy of Economics
1990
46. “Letter to Judge Evelyn Lance: On A Case Study in Private International Law” (Due to be published here in 2010).
47-49. Selections from advisory work on economic policy etc for Rajiv Gandhi, Leader of the Opposition in the Parliament of India, published in 47a-49a.
1991
41b Philosophy of Economics: On the Scope of Reason in Economic Inquiry, Paperback edition.
50. “Conversations and correspondence with Rajiv Gandhi during the Gulf war, January 1991” (Due to be published here 2010).
47a. A Memo to Rajiv I: Stronger Secular Middle”, The Statesman, Jul 31 1991.
48a “A Memo to Rajiv II: Saving India’s Prestige”, The Statesman, Aug 1 1991.
49a “A Memo to Rajiv III: Salvation in Penny Capitalism”, The Statesman, Aug 2 1991 47b-49b “Three Memoranda to Rajiv Gandhi 1990-91”, 2007 republication here.
51. “Constitution for a Second Indian Republic”, The Saturday Statesman, April 20 1991. Republished here 2009.
52. “On the Art of Government: Experts, Party, Cabinet and Bureaucracy”, New Delhi mimeo March 25 1991, published here July 00 2009.
1992
53.Foundations of India’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s Edited and with an Introduction by Subroto Roy & William E. James New Delhi, London, Newbury Park: Sage: 1992. Citation: Milton and Rose Friedman Two Lucky People (Chicago 1998), pp. 268-269.
54.Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s Edited and with an Introduction by William E. James & Subroto Roy, Hawaii MS 1989, Sage: 1992, Karachi: Oxford 1993.
Reviews of 53 &54 include: Bus. Today, Mar-Apr 1992; Political Studies March 1995; Econ Times 21 March 1993; Pakistan Development Review 1992. Hindustan Times 11 July 1992. Pacific Affairs 1993; Hindu 21 March 1993, 15 June 1993; Pakistan News International 12 June 1993. Book Reviews March 1993; Deccan Herald 2 May 1993; Pol.Econ.J. Ind. 1992. Fin Express 13 September 1992; Statesman 16 Jan. 1993. J. Royal Soc Asian Aff. 1994, J. Contemporary Asia, 1994 etc.
55. “Fundamental Problems of the Economies of India and Pakistan”, World Bank, Washington, mimeo (Due to be published here 2010).
56.“The Road to Stagflation: The Coming Dirigisme in America, or, America, beware thy economists!, or Zen and Clintonomics,” Washington DC, Broad Branch Terrace, mimeo, November 17.
1993
57. “Exchange-rates and manufactured exports of South Asia”, IMF Washington DC mimeo. Published in part in 2007-2008 as 58-62:
58. “Path of the Indian Rupee 1947-1993”, 2008.
59. “Path of the Pakistan Rupee 1947-1993”, 2008.
60. “Path of the Sri Lankan Rupee 1948-1993”, 2008.
61. “Path of the Bangladesh Taka 1972-1993”, 2008.
62. “India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh Manufactured Exports, IMF Washington DC mimeo”, published 2007.
63. “Economic Assessment of US-India Merchandise Trade”, Arlington, Virginia, mimeo, published in slight part in Indo-US Trade & Economic Cooperation, ICRIER New Delhi, 1995, and in whole 2007.
64. “Towards an Economic Solution for Kashmir”, mimeo, Arlington, Virginia, circulated in Washington DC 1993-1995, cf82, 111infra. Comment of Selig Harrison.
1994
65. “Comment on Indonesia”, in The Political Economy of Policy Reform edited by John Williamson, Washington, DC: Institute for International Economics.
66a “Gold reserves & the gold price in anticipation of Central Bank behaviour”, Greenwich, Connecticut, mimeo. 67b. “Portfolio optimization and foreign currency exposure hedging” Greenwich, Connecticut mimeo.
1995
68. “On the logic and commonsense of debt and payments crises: How to avoid another Mexico in India and Pakistan”, Scarsdale, NY, mimeo, May 1.
69. “Policies for Young India”, Scarsdale, NY, pp. 350, manuscript.
1996
70. US Supreme Court documents, published in part in 2008 as “Become a US Supreme Court Justice!” 70a, 70b (Due to be published in full here in 2010 as Roy vs University of Hawaii, 1989- including the expert testimonies of Milton Friedman and Theodore W Schultz.).
71. “Key problems of macroeconomic management facing the new Indian Government”, May 17. Scarsdale, New York, mimeo. (Due to be published here 2010).
72. “Preventing a collapse of the rupee”, IIT Kharagpur lecture July 16 1996.
73. “The Economist’s Representation of Technological Knowledge”, Vishleshlaya lecture to the Institution of Engineers, September 15 1996, IIT Kharagpur.
1997
74. “Union and State Budgets in India”, lecture at the World Bank, Washington DC, May 00.
75. “State Budgets in India”, IIT Kharagpur mimeo, June 6.
1998
76. “Transparency and Economic Policy-Making: An address to the Asia-Pacific Public Relations Conference” (panel on Transparency chaired by CR Irani) Jan 30 1998, published here 2008.
77. Theodore W. Schultz 1902-1998, Feb 25.
78. “The Economic View of Human Resources”, address to a regional conference on human resources, IIT Kharagpur.
79. “Management accounting”, lecture at Lal Bahadur Shastri Academy, Mussourie,
80a “The Original Reformer”, Outlook letters, Jan 23 1998
81. “Recent Developments in Modern Finance”, IIM Bangalore Review, 10, 1 & 2, Jan.-Jun 1998. Reprinted as “From the Management Guru’s Classroom”: 81a “An introduction to derivatives”, Business Standard/Financial Times, Bombay 18 Apr 1999; 81b “Options in the future, Apr 25 1999; 81c “What is hedging?”, May 2 1999; 81d “Teaching computers to think”, May 9 1999.
82. “Towards an Economic Solution for Kashmir”, Jun 22 1998, lecture at Heritage Foundation, Washington DC. Cf 111 Dec 2005.
83. “Sixteen Currencies for India: A Reverse Euro Model for Monetary & Fiscal Efficacy”, Lecture at the Institute of Economic Affairs, London, June 29 1998. Due to be published here 2010.
84. “Fable of the Fox, the Farmer, and the Would-Be Tailors”, October (Published here July 27 2009).
85. “A Common Man’s Guide to Pricing Financial Derivatives”, Lecture to “National Seminar on Derivatives”, Xavier Labour Research Institute, Jamshedpur, Dec. 16 1998. See 98.
1999
86. “An Analysis of Pakistan’s War-Winning Strategy: Are We Ready for This?”, IIT Kharagpur mimeo, published in part as 86a.“Was a Pakistani Grand Strategy Discerned in Time by India?” New Delhi: Security & Political Risk Analysis Bulletin, July 1999, Kargil issue. See also 000
80b. “The Original Reformer”, Outlook letters, Sep 13 1999.
2000
87. “On Freedom & the Scientific Point of View”, SN Bose National Centre for Basic Sciences, Feb 17 2000. Cf 100 below.
88. “Liberalism and Indian economic policy”, lecture at IIM Calcutta, Indian Liberal Group Meetings Devlali, Hyderabad; also Keynote address to UGC Seminar Guntur, March 30 2002. (Due to be published here 2010).
89. “Towards a Highly Transparent Fiscal & Monetary Framework for India’s Union & State Governments”, Invited address to Conference of State Finance Secretaries, Reserve Bank of India, Bombay, April 29, 2000. Published 2008.
90. “On the Economics of Information Technology”, two lectures at the Indian Institute of Information Technology, Bangalore, Nov 10-11, 2000.
91. Review of A New World by Amit Chaudhuri in Literary Criterion, Mysore.
2001
92. Review of AD Shroff: Titan of Finance and Free Enterprise by Sucheta Dalal, Freedom First., January.
93. “Encounter with Rajiv Gandhi: On the Origins of the 1991 Economic Reform”, Freedom First, October. See also93a in 2005 and 93b in 2007.
94. “A General Theory of Globalization & Modern Terrorism with Special Reference to September 11”, a keynote address to the Council for Asian Liberals & Democrats, Manila, Philippines, 16 Nov. 2001. Published as 91a.
95. “The Case for and against The Satanic Verses: Diatribe and Dialectic as Art”, Dec 22 republished in print 95aThe Statesman Festival Volume, 2006.
2002
94a “A General Theory of Globalization & Modern Terrorism with Special Reference to September 11”, in September 11 & Political Freedom in Asia, eds. Johannen, Smith & Gomez, Singapore 2002.
2002-2010
96. “Recording vivid dreams: Freud’s advice in exploring the Unconscious Mind” (Due to be published here in 2010).
2003
97. “Key principles of government accounting and audit”, IIT Kharagpur mimeo.
98. “Derivative pricing & other topics in financial theory: a student’s complete lecture notes” (Due to be published here in 2010).
2004
99. “Collapse of the Global Conversation”, International Institute for Asian Studies, Leiden, Netherlands, Jul 2004.
100. “Science, Religion, Art & the Necessity of Freedom”, a public lecture, University of Buckingham, UK, August 24 2004. Published here 2007.
2005
93a Rajiv Gandhi and the Origins of India’s 1991 Economic Reform (this was the full story; it appeared in print for the first time in The Statesman Festival Volume 2007).
101. “Can India become an economic superpower (or will there be a monetary meltdown)?” Cardiff University Institute of Applied Macroeconomics Monetary Economics Seminar, April 13, Institute of Economic Affairs, London, April 27, Reserve Bank of India, Bombay, Chief Economist’s Seminar on Monetary Economics, May 5.
102. Margaret Thatcher’s Revolution: How it Happened and What it Meant, Edited and with an Introduction by Subroto Roy & John Clarke, London & New York: Continuum, 2005; paperback 2006; French translation by Florian Bay, 2007.
103. “Iqbal & Jinnah vs Rahmat Ali in Pakistan’s Creation”, Dawn, Karachi, Sep 3.
104. “The Mitrokhin Archives II from an Indian Perspective: A Review Article”, The Statesman, Perspective Page, Oct 11 .
105. “After the Verdict”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Oct 20.
106. “US Espionage Failures”, The Statesman, Perspective Page, Oct 26
107. “Waffle But No Models of Monetary Policy”, The Statesman, Perspective Page, Oct 30.
108. “On Hindus and Muslims”, The Statesman, Perspective Page, Nov 6.
109. “Assessing Vajpayee: Hindutva True and False”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Nov 13-14″.
110. “Fiction from the India Economic Summit”, The Statesman, Front Page, Nov 29.
111. “Solving Kashmir: On an Application of Reason”, The Statesman Editorial Page
I. “Give the Hurriyat et al Indian Green Cards”, Dec 1
II. “Choice of Nationality under Full Information”, Dec 2
III. “Of Flags and Consulates in Gilgit etc”, Dec 3.
2006
112. “The Dream Team: A Critique”, The Statesman Editorial Page
I : New Delhi’s Consensus (Manmohantekidambaromics), Jan 6
II: Money, Convertibility, Inflationary Deficit Financing, Jan 7
III: Rule of Law, Transparency, Government Accounting, Jan 8.
113. “Unaccountable Delhi: India’s Separation of Powers’ Doctrine”, The Statesman, Jan 13.
114. “Communists and Constitutions”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Jan 22.
115. “Diplomatic Wisdom”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Jan 31.
116. “Mendacity & the Government Budget Constraint”, The Statesman, Front Page Feb 3.
117. “Of Graven Images”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Feb5.
118. “Separation of Powers, Parts 1-2”, The Statesman, Editorial Pages Feb 12-13.
119. “Public Debt, Government Fantasy”, The Statesman, Front Page Editorial Comment, Feb 22.
120. “War or Peace Parts 1-2”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Feb 23-24.
121. “Can You Handle This Brief, Mr Chidambaram?” The Statesman, Front Page Feb 26.
122. “A Downpayment On the Taj Mahal Anyone?”, The Statesman, Front Page Comment on the Budget 2006-2007, Mar 1.
123. “Atoms for Peace (or War)”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page Mar 5.
124. “Imperialism Redux: Business, Energy, Weapons & Foreign Policy”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Mar 14.
125. “Logic of Democracy”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Mar 30.
126. “Towards an Energy Policy”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Apr 2.
127. “Iran’s Nationalism”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Apr 6.
128. “A Modern Military”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Apr 16.
130. “Lessons for India from Nepal’s Revolution”, The Statesman, Front Page Apr 26.
131. “Revisionist Flattery (Inder Malhotra’s Indira Gandhi: A Review Article)”, The Sunday Statesman, May 7.
132. “Modern World History”, The Sunday Statesman Editorial Page, May 7.
133. “Argumentative Indians: A Conversation with Professor Amartya Sen on Philosophy, Identity and Islam,” The Sunday Statesman, May 14 2006. “A Philosophical Conversation between Professor Sen and Dr Roy”, 2008. Translated into Bengali by AA and published in 00.
134. “The Politics of Dr Singh”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, May 21.
135. “Corporate Governance & the Principal-Agent Problem”, lecture at a conference on corporate governance, Kolkata May 31. Published here 2008.
136. “Pakistan’s Allies Parts 1-2”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Jun 4-5.
137. “Law, Justice and J&K Parts 1-2”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Jul 2, The Statesman Editorial Page Jul 3.
138. “The Greatest Pashtun (Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan)”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Jul 16.
139. “Understanding Pakistan Parts 1-2”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Jul 30, The Statesman Editorial Page Jul 31.
140. “Indian Money and Credit”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Aug 6.
141. “India’s Moon Mission”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Aug 13.
142. “Jaswant’s Journeyings: A Review Article”, The Sunday Statesman Magazine, Aug 27.
143. “Our Energy Interests, Parts 1-2”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Aug 27, The Statesman Editorial Page Aug 28.
145. “Racism New and Old”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Sep 8 2006
146. “Political Economy of India’s Energy Policy”, address to KAF-TERI conference, Goa Oct 7, published in 146a.
147. “New Foreign Policy? Seven phases of Indian foreign policy may be identifiable since Nehru”, Parts 1-2, The Sunday Statesman, Oct 8, The Statesman Oct 9.
148. “Justice & Afzal: There is a difference between law and equity (or natural justice). The power of pardon is an equitable power. Commuting a death-sentence is a partial pardon”, The Sunday Statesman Editorial Page Oct 14
149. “Non-existent liberals (On a Liberal Party for India)”, The Sunday Statesman Editorial Page Oct 22.
150. “History of Jammu & Kashmir Parts 1-2”, The Sunday Statesman, Oct 29, The Statesman Oct 30, Editorial Page.
151. “American Democracy: Does America need a Prime Minister and a longer-lived Legislature?”, The Sunday Statesman Nov 5.
152. “Milton Friedman A Man of Reason 1912-2006”, The Statesman Perspective Page, Nov 22.
153. “Postscript to Milton Friedman Mahalanobis’s Plan (The Mahalanobis-Nehru “Second Plan”) The Statesman Front Page Nov 22.
154. “Mob Violence and Psychology”, Dec 10, The Statesman, Editorial Page.
155. “What To Tell Musharraf: Peace Is Impossible Without Non-Aggressive Pakistani Intentions”, The Statesman Editorial Page Dec 15.
156. “Land, Liberty and Value: Government must act in good faith treating all citizens equally – not favouring organised business lobbies and organised labour over an unorganised peasantry”, The Sunday Statesman Editorial Page Dec 31.
2007
157. “Hypocrisy of the CPI-M: Political Collapse In Bengal: A Mid-Term Election/Referendum Is Necessary”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Jan 9.
158. “On Land-Grabbing: Dr Singh’s India, Buddhadeb’s Bengal, Modi’s Gujarat have notorious US, Soviet and Chinese examples to follow ~ distracting from the country’s real economic problems,” The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page Jan 14.
159. “India’s Macroeconomics: Real growth has steadily occurred because India has shared the world’s technological progress. But bad fiscal, monetary policies over decades have led to monetary weakness and capital flight” The Statesman Editorial Page Jan 20.
160. “Fiscal Instability: Interest payments quickly suck dry every year’s Budget. And rolling over old public debt means that Government Borrowing in fact much exceeds the Fiscal Deficit”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Feb 4.
161. “Our trade and payments Parts 1-2” (“India in World Trade and Payments”),The Sunday Statesman, Feb 11 2007, The Statesman, Feb 12 2007.
162. “Our Policy Process: Self-Styled “Planners” Have Controlled India’s Paper Money For Decades,” The Statesman, Editorial Page, Feb 20.
163. “Bengal’s Finances”, The Sunday Statesman Editorial Page, Feb 25.
164. “Fallacious Finance: Congress, BJP, CPI-M may be leading India to Hyperinflation” The Statesman Editorial Page Mar 5.
165. “Uttar Pradesh Polity and Finance: A Responsible New Govt May Want To Declare A Financial Emergency” The Statesman Editorial Page, Mar 24
166. “A scam in the making” in The Sunday Statesman Front Page Apr 1 2007, published here in full as “Swindling India”.
167. “Maharashtra’s Money: Those Who Are Part Of The Problem Are Unlikely To Be A Part Of Its Solution”, The Statesman Editorial Page Apr 24.
146a. “Political Economy of Energy Policy” in India and Energy Security edited by Anant Sudarshan and Ligia Noronha, Konrad Adenauer Stiftung, New Delhi 2007.
168. “Presidential Qualities: Simplicity, Genuine Achievement Are Desirable; Political Ambition Is Not”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, May 8.
169. “We & Our Neighbours: Pakistanis And Bangladeshis Would Do Well To Learn From Sheikh Abdullah”, The Statesman, Editorial Page May 15.
170. “On Indian Nationhood: From Tamils To Kashmiris And Assamese And Mizos To Sikhs And Goans”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, May 25.
171. A Current Example of the Working of the Unconscious Mind, May 26.
172. Where I would have gone if I was Osama Bin Laden, May 31.
173. “US election ’08:America’s Presidential Campaign Seems Destined To Be Focussed On Iraq”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, June 1.
174. “Home Team Advantage: On US-Iran talks and Sunni-Shia subtleties: Tehran must transcend its revolution and endorse the principle that the House of Islam has many mansions”, The Sunday Statesman Editorial Page, June 3
175. “Unhealthy Delhi: When will normal political philosophy replace personality cults?”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, June 11.
176. “American Turmoil: A Vice-Presidential Coup – And Now a Grassroots Counterrevolution?”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, June 18
177. “Political Paralysis: India has yet to develop normal conservative, liberal and socialist parties. The Nice-Housing-Effect and a little game-theory may explain the current stagnation”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, June 24.
177. “Has America Lost? War Doctrines Of Kutusov vs Clausewitz May Help Explain Iraq War”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, July 3.
178. “Lal Masjid ≠ Golden Temple: Wide differences are revealed between contemporary Pakistan and India by these two superficially similar military assaults on armed religious civilians”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page July 15
179 “Political Stonewalling: Only Transparency Can Improve Institutions”, The Statesman, Editorial Page July 20.
180. “Gold standard etc: Fixed versus flexible exchange rates”, July 21.
181. “US Pakistan-India Policy: Delhi & Islamabad Still Look West In Defining Their Relationship”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, July 27.
182. “Works of DH Lawrence” July 30
183. “An Open Letter to Professor Amartya Sen about Singur etc”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, July 31.
184. “Martin Buber on Palestine and Israel (with Postscript)”, Aug 4.
185. “Auguste Rodin on Nature, Art, Beauty, Women and Love”, Aug 7.
186. “Saving Pakistan: A Physicist/Political Philosopher May Represent Iqbal’s “Spirit of Modern Times”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Aug 13.
187. Letter to Forbes.com 16 Aug.
188. “Need for Clarity: A poorly drafted treaty driven by business motives is a recipe for international misunderstanding”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Aug 19.
189. “No Marxist MBAs? An amicus curiae brief for the Hon’ble High Court”, The Statesman, FrontPage, Aug 29.
190. On Lawrence, Sep 4.
191. Dalai Lama’s Return: In the tradition of Gandhi, King, Mandela, Sep 11.
192. Of JC Bose, Patrick Geddes & the Leaf-World, Sep 12.
193. “Against Quackery: Manmohan and Sonia have violated Rajiv Gandhi’s intended reforms; the Communists have been appeased or bought; the BJP is incompetent Parts 1-2”, in The Sunday Statesman and The Statesman, Editorial Pages of Sep 23-24.
194. Karl Georg Zinn’s 1994 Review of Philosophy of Economics, Sep 26.
195. DH Lawrence’s Phoenix, Oct 3.
93b. “Rajiv Gandhi and the Origins of India’s 1991 Economic Reform”, Statesman Festival Volume.
196. “Iran, America, Iraq: Bush’s post-Saddam Saddamism — one flip-flop too many?”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Oct 16.
197. “Understanding China: The World Needs to Ask China to Find Her True Higher Self”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Oct 22.
198. “India-USA interests: Elements of a serious Indian foreign policy”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Oct 30.
199. “China’s India Aggression : German Historians Discover Logic Behind Communist Military Strategy”, The Statesman, Editorial Page Special Article, Nov 5.
200. Sonia’s Lying Courtier (with Postscript), Nov 25.
201. “Surrender or Fight? War is not a cricket match or Bollywood movie. Can India fight China if it must?” The Statesman, Dec 4, Editorial Page.
202. Hutton and Desai: United in Error Dec 14
203. “China’s Commonwealth: Freedom is the Road to Resolving Taiwan, Tibet, Sinkiang”, The Statesman, Dec 17.
2008
204. “Nixon & Mao vs India: How American foreign policy did a U-turn about Communist China’s India aggression. The Government of India should publish its official history of the 1962 war.” The Sunday Statesman, Jan 6, The Statesman Jan 7 Editorial Page.
205. “Lessons from the 1962 War: Beginnings of a solution to the long-standing border problem: there are distinct Tibetan, Chinese and Indian points of view that need to be mutually comprehended”, The Sunday Statesman, January 13 2008.
206. “Our Dismal Politics: Will Independent India Survive Until 2047?”, The Statesman Editorial Page, Feb 1.
207. Median Voter Model of India’s Electorate Feb 7.
208. “Anarchy in Bengal: Intra-Left bandh marks the final unravelling of “Brand Buddha””, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Feb 10.
209. Fifty years since my third birthday: on life and death.
210. “Pakistan’s Kashmir obsession: Sheikh Abdullah Relied In Politics On The French Constitution, Not Islam”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Feb 16.
211. A Note on the Indian Policy Process Feb 21.
212. “Growth & Government Delusion: Progress Comes From Learning, Enterprise, Exchange, Not The Parasitic State”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Feb 22.
213. “How to Budget: Thrift, Not Theft, Needs to Guide Our Public Finances”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Feb 26.
214. “India’s Budget Process (in Theory)”, The Statesman, Front Page Feb 29.
215. “Irresponsible Governance: Congress, BJP, Communists, BSP, Sena Etc Reveal Equally Bad Traits”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, March 4.
216. “American Politics: Contest Between Obama And Clinton Affects The World”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, March 11.
217. “China’s India Example: Tibet, Xinjiang May Not Be Assimilated Like Inner Mongolia And Manchuria”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, March 25.
218. “Taxation of India’s Professional Cricket: A Proposal”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, April 1.
219. “Two cheers for Pakistan!”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, April 7.
220. “Indian Inflation: Upside Down Economics From The New Delhi Establishment Parts 1-2”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, April 15-16.
221. “Assessing Manmohan: The Doctor of Deficit Finance should realise the currency is at stake”, The Statesman, Editorial Page Apr 25.
222. John Wisdom, Renford Bambrough: Main Philosophical Works, May 8.
223. “All India wept”: On the death of Rajiv Gandhi, May 21.
224. “China’s force and diplomacy: The need for realism in India” The Statesman, Editorial Page May 31.
226. Serendipity and the China-Tibet-India border problem June 6
227. “Leadership vacuum: Time & Tide Wait For No One In Politics: India Trails Pakistan & Nepal!”, The Statesman Editorial Page June 7.
228. My meeting Jawaharlal Nehru Oct13 1962
229. Manindranath Roy 1891-1958
230. Surendranath Roy 1860-1929
231. The Roys of Behala 1928.
232. Sarat Chandra visits Surendranath Roy 1927
233. Nuksaan-Faida Analysis = Cost-Benefit Analysis in Hindi/Urdu Jun 30
234. One of many reasons John R Hicks was a great economist July 3
236. My father, Indian diplomat, in the Shah’s Tehran 1954-57 July 8
237 Distribution of Govt of India Expenditure (Net of Operational Income) 1995 July 27
238. Growth of Real Income, Money & Prices in India 1869-2008, July 28.
239. Communism from Social Democracy? But not in India or China! July 29
240. Death of Solzhenitsyn, Aug. 3
240a. Tolstoy on Science and Art, Aug 4.
241. “Reddy`s reckoning: Where should India’s real interest rate be relative to the world?” Business Standard Aug 10
242. “Rangarajan Effect”, Business Standard Aug 24
243. My grandfather’s death in Ottawa 50 years ago today Sep 3
244. My books in the Library of Congress and British Library Sep 12
245. On Jimmy Carter & the “India-US Nuclear Deal”, Sep 12
246. My father after presenting his credentials to President Kekkonen of Finland Sep 14 1973.
247. “October 1929? Not!”, Business Standard, Sep 18.
248. “MK Gandhi, SN Roy, MA Jinnah in March 1919: Primary education legislation in a time of protest”
249. 122 sensible American economists Sept 26
250. Govt of India: Please call in the BBC and ask them a question Sep 27
251. “Monetary Integrity and the Rupee: Three British Raj relics have dominated our macroeconomic policy-making” Business Standard Sep 28.
252a. Rabindranath’s daughter writes to her friend my grandmother Oct 5
252b. A Literary Find: Modern Poetry in Bengal, Oct 6.
253. Sarat writes to Manindranath 1931, Oct 12
254. Origins of India’s Constitutional Politics 1913
255. Indira Gandhi in Paris, 1971
256. How the Liabilities/Assets Ratio of Indian Banks Changed from 84% in 1970 to 108% in 1998, October 20
257a. My Subjective Probabilities on India’s Moon Mission Oct 21
258. Complete History of Mankind’s Moon Missions: An Indian Citizen’s Letter to ISRO’s Chairman, Oct 22.
259. Would not a few million new immigrants solve America’s mortgage crisis? Oct 26
260. “America’s divided economists”, Business Standard Oct 26
261. One tiny prediction about the Obama Administration, Nov 5
262. Rai Bahadur Umbika Churn Rai, 1827-1902, Nov 7 2008
263. Jawaharlal Nehru invites my father to the Mountbatten Farewell Nov 7 2008
70a. “Become a US Supreme Court Justice! (Explorations in the Rule of Law in America) Preface” Nov 9
70b. “Become a US Supreme Court Justice! (Explorations in the Rule of Law in America) Password protected.” Nov 9.
257b. Neglecting technological progress was the basis of my pessimism about Chandrayaan, Nov 9.
264. Of a new New Delhi myth and the success of the University of Hawaii 1986-1992 Pakistan project Nov 15
265. Pre-Partition Indian Secularism Case-Study: Fuzlul Huq and Manindranath Roy Nov 16
266. Do President-elect Obama’s Pakistan specialists suppose Maulana Azad, Dr Zakir Hussain, Sheikh Abdullah were Pakistanis (or that Sheikh Mujib wanted to remain one)? Nov 18
267. Jews have never been killed in India for being Jews until this sad day, Nov 28.
268. In international law, Pakistan has been the perpetrator, India the victim of aggression in Mumbai, Nov 30.
269. The Indian Revolution, Dec 1.
270. Habeas Corpus: a captured terrorist mass-murderer tells a magistrate he has not been mistreated by Mumbai’s police Dec 3
271. India’s Muslim Voices (Or, Let us be clear the Pakistan-India or Kashmir conflicts have not been Muslim-Hindu conflicts so much as intra-Muslim conflicts about Muslim identity and self-knowledge on the Indian subcontinent), Dec 4
272. “Anger Management” needed? An Oxford DPhil recommends Pakistan launch a nuclear first strike against India within minutes of war, Dec 5.
273. A Quick Comparison Between the September 11 2001 NYC-Washington attacks and the November 26-28 2008 Mumbai Massacres (An Application of the Case-by-Case Philosophical Technique of Wittgenstein, Wisdom and Bambrough), Dec 6
274. Dr Rice finally gets it right (and maybe Mrs Clinton will too) Dec 7
275. Will the Government of India’s new macroeconomic policy dampen or worsen the business-cycle (if such a cycle exists at all)? No one knows! “Where ignorance is bliss, ‘Tis folly to be wise.” Dec 7
276. Pump-priming for car-dealers: Keynes groans in his grave (If evidence was needed of the intellectual dishonesty of New Delhi’s new macroeconomic policy, here it is) Dec 9.
277. Congratulations to Mumbai’s Police: capturing a terrorist, affording him his Habeas Corpus rights, getting him to confess within the Rule of Law, sets a new world standard Dec 10
278. Two cheers — wait, let’s make that one cheer — for America’s Justice Department, Dec 10
279. Will Pakistan accept the bodies of nine dead terrorists who came from Pakistan to Mumbai? If so, let there be a hand-over at the Wagah border, Dec 11.
280. Kasab was a stupid, ignorant, misguided youth, manufactured by Pakistan’s terrorist masterminds into becoming a mass-murdering robot: Mahatma Gandhi’s India should punish him, get him to repent if he wishes, then perhaps rehabilitate him as a potent weapon against Pakistani terrorism Dec 12.
281. Pakistan’s New Delhi Embassy should ask for “Consular Access” to nine dead terrorists in a Mumbai morgue before asking to meet Kasab, Dec 13
282. An Indian Reply to President Zardari: Rewarding Pakistan for bad behaviour leads to schizophrenic relationships Dec 19
283. Is my prediction about Caroline Kennedy becoming US Ambassador to Britain going to be correct? Dec 27
284. Chandrayaan adds a little good cheer! Well done, ISRO!, Dec 28
285. How sad that “Slumdog millionaire” is SO disappointing! Dec 31
289. (with Claude Arpi) “Transparency & history: India’s archives must be opened to world standards” Business Standard New Delhi Dec 31, 2008, published here Jan 1 .
2009
290. A basis of India-Pakistan cooperation on the Mumbai massacres: the ten Pakistani terrorists started off as pirates and the Al-Huseini is a pirate ship Jan 1.
291. India’s “pork-barrel politics” needs a nice (vegetarian) Hindi name! “Teli/oily politics” perhaps? (And are we next going to see a Bill of Rights for Lobbyists?) Jan 3
292. My (armchair) experience of the 1999 Kargil war (Or, “Actionable Intelligence” in the Internet age: How the Kargil effort got a little help from a desktop) Jan 5
293. How Jammu & Kashmir’s Chief Minister Omar Abdullah can become a worthy winner of the Nobel Peace Prize: An Open Letter, Jan 7
294. Could the Satyam/PwC fraud be the visible part of an iceberg? Where are India’s “Generally Accepted Accounting Principles”? Isn’t governance rather poor all over corporate India? Bad public finance may be a root cause Jan 8
295. Satyam does not exist: it is bankrupt, broke, kaput. Which part of this does the new “management team” not get? The assets belong to Satyam’s creditors. Jan 8
296. Jews are massacred in Mumbai and now Jews commit a massacre in Gaza! Jan 9
297. And now for the Great Satyam Whitewash/Cover-Up/Public Subsidy! The wrong Minister appoints the wrong new Board who, probably, will choose the wrong policy Jan 12
298. Letter to Wei Jingsheng Jan 14
299. Memo to the Hon’ble Attorneys General of Pakistan & India: How to jointly prosecute the Mumbai massacre perpetrators most expeditiously Jan 16
300. Satyam and IT-firms in general may be good candidates to become “Labour-Managed” firms Jan 18
301. “Yes we might be able to do that. Perhaps we ought to. But again, perhaps we ought not to, let me think about it…. Most important is Cromwell’s advice: Think it possible we may be mistaken!” Jan 20.
302. RAND’s study of the Mumbai attacks Jan 25
303. Didn’t Dr Obama (the new American President’s late father) once publish an article in Harvard’s Quarterly Journal of Economics? (Or did he?) Jan 25.
304. “A Dialogue in Macroeconomics” 1989 etc: sundry thoughts on US economic policy discourse Jan 30
305. American Voices: A Brief Popular History of the United States in 20 You-Tube Music Videos Feb 5
306. Jaladhar Sen writes to Manindranath at Surendranath’s death, Feb 23
307. Pakistani expansionism: India and the world need to beware of “Non-Resident Pakistanis” ruled by Rahmat Ali’s ghost, Feb 9
308. My American years Part One 1980-90: battles for academic integrity & freedom Feb 11.
309. Thanks and well done Minister Rehman Malik and the Govt of Pakistan Feb 12
310. Can President Obama resist the financial zombies (let alone slay them)? His economists need to consult Dr Anna J Schwartz Feb 14
311. A Brief History of Gilgit, Feb 18
312. Memo to UCLA Geographers: Commonsense suggests Mr Bin Laden is far away from the subcontinent Feb 20
313. The BBC gets its history and geography deliberately wrong again Feb 21
314. Bengal Legislative Council 1921, Feb 28
315. Carmichael visits Surendranath, 1916, Mar 1
316. Memo to GoI CLB: India discovered the Zero, and 51% of Zero is still Zero Mar 10
317. An Academic Database of Doctoral & Other Postgraduate Research Done at UK Universities on India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and Other Asian Countries Over 100 Years, Mar 13
318. Pakistan’s progress, Mar 18
319. Risk-aversion explains resistance to free trade, Mar 19
320. India’s incredibly volatile inflation rate! Mar 20
321. Is “Vicky, Cristina, Barcelona” referring to an emasculation of (elite) American society?, Mar 21
322. Just how much intellectual fraud can Delhi produce? Mar 26
323. India is not a monarchy! We urgently need to universalize the French concept of “citoyen”! Mar 28
324. Could this be the real state of some of our higher education institutions? Mar 29
325. Progress! The BBC retracts its prevarication! Mar 30
326. Aldous Huxley’s Essay “DH Lawrence” Mar 31
327. Waffle not institutional reform is what (I predict) the “G-20 summit” will produce, April 1
328. Did a full cricket team of Indian bureaucrats follow our PM into 10 Downing Street? Count for yourself! April 3
329. Will someone please teach the BJP’s gerontocracy some Economics 101 on an emergency basis? April 5
330. The BBC needs to determine exactly where it thinks Pakistan is!, April 5
331. Alfred Lyall on Christians, Muslims, India, China, Etc, 1908, April 6
332. An eminent economist of India passes away April 9
333. Democracy Database for the Largest Electorate Ever Seen in World History, April 12
334. Memo to the Election Commission of India April 14 2009, 9 AM, April 14
335.Caveat emptor! Satyam is taken over, April 14
336. India’s 2009 General Elections: Candidates, Parties, Symbols for Polls on 16-30 April Phases 1,2,3, April 15
337. On the general theory of expertise in democracy: reflections on what emerges from the American “torture memos” today, April 18
338. India’s 2009 General Elections: 467 constituencies (out of 543) for which candidates have been announced as of 1700hrs April 21, April 21
339. Apropos Philosophy of Economics, Comments of Sidney Hook, KJ Arrow, Milton Friedman, TW Schultz, SS Alexander, Max Black, Renford Bambrough, John Gray et al., April 22.
340. India’s 2009 General Elections: Names of all 543 Constituencies of the 15th Lok Sabha, April 22.
341. India’s 2009 General Elections: How 4125 State Assembly Constituencies comprise the 543 new Lok Sabha Constituencies, April 23.
342. Why has America’s “torture debate” yet to mention the obvious? Viz., sadism and racism, April 24
343. India’s 2009 General Elections: the advice of the late “George Eliot” (Mary Ann Evans, 1819-1880) to India’s voting public, April 24.
344. India’s 2009 General Elections: Delimitation and the Different Lists of 543 Lok Sabha Constituencies in 2009 and 2004, April 25
345. Is “Slumdog Millionaire” the single worst Best Picture ever?
346. India’s 2009 General Elections: Result of Delimitation — Old (2004) and New (2009) Lok Sabha and Assembly Constituencies, April 26
347. India’s 2009 General Elections: 7019 Candidates in 485 (out of 543) Constituencies announced as of April 26 noon April 26
348. What is Christine Fair referring to? Would the MEA kindly seek to address what she has claimed asap? April 27
349. Politics can be so entertaining 🙂 Manmohan versus Sonia on the poor old CPI(M)!, April 28
350. A Dozen Grown-Up Questions for Sonia Gandhi, Manmohan Singh, LK Advani, Sharad Pawar, Km Mayawati and Anyone Else Dreaming of Becoming/Deciding India’s PM After the 2009 General Elections, April 28
351. India’s 2009 General Elections: How drastically will the vote-share of political parties change from 2004? May 2
352. India’s 2009 General Elections: And now finally, all 8,070 Candidates across all 543 Lok Sabha Constituencies, May 5
353. India’s 2009 General Elections: The Mapping of Votes into Assembly Segments Won into Parliamentary Seats Won in the 2004 Election, May 7
354. Will Messrs Advani, Rajnath Singh & Modi ride into the sunset if the BJP comes to be trounced? (Corrected), May 10
355. India’s 2009 General Elections: 543 Matrices to Help Ordinary Citizens Audit the Election Commission’s Vote-Tallies May 12
356. Well done Sonia-Rahul! Two hours before polls close today, I am willing to predict a big victory for you (but, please, try to get your economics right, and also, you must get Dr Singh a Lok Sabha seat if he is to be PM) May 13
357. Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee must dissolve the West Bengal Assembly if he is an honest democrat: Please try to follow Gerard Schröder’s example even slightly! May 16
358. India’s 2009 General Elections: Provisional Results from the EC as of 1400 hours Indian Standard Time May 16
359. Memo to the Hon’ble President of India: It is Sonia Gandhi, not Manmohan Singh, who should be invited to our equivalent of the “Kissing Hands” Ceremony May 16
360. Time for heads to roll in the BJP/RSS and CPI(M)!, May 17.
361. Inviting a new Prime Minister of India to form a Government: Procedure Right and Wrong May 18
362. Starting with Procedural Error: Why has the “Cabinet” of the 14th Lok Sabha been meeting today AFTER the results of the Elections to the 15th Lok Sabha have been declared?! May 18
363. Why has the Sonia Congress done something that the Congress under Nehru-Indira-Rajiv would not have done, namely, exaggerate the power of the Rajya Sabha and diminish the power of the Lok Sabha? May 21
364. Shouldn’t Dr Singh’s Cabinet begin with a small apology to the President of India for discourtesy? May we have reviews and reforms of protocols and practices to be followed at Rashtrapati Bhavan and elsewhere? May 23
365. Parliament’s sovereignty has been diminished by the Executive: A record for future generations to know May 25
366. How tightly will organised Big Business be able to control economic policies this time? May 26
367. Why does India not have a Parliament ten days after the 15th Lok Sabha was elected? Nehru and Rajiv would both have been appalled May 27
368. Eleven days and counting after the 15th Lok Sabha was elected and still no Parliament of India! (But we do have 79 Ministers — might that be a world record?) May 28
369. Note to Posterity: 79 Ministers in office but no 15th Lok Sabha until June 1 2009! May 29
370. Silver Jubilee of Pricing, Planning & Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India May 29
371. How to Design a Better Cabinet for the Government of India May 29
372. Parliament is supposed to control the Government, not be bullied or intimidated by it: Will Rahul Gandhi be able to lead the Backbenches in the 15th Lok Sabha? June 1
373. Mistaken Macroeconomics: An Open Letter to Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh, June 12
374. Why did Manmohan Singh and LK Advani apologise to one another? Is Indian politics essentially collusive, not competitive, aiming only to preserve and promote the post-1947 Dilli Raj at the expense of the whole of India? We seem to have no Churchillian repartee (except perhaps from Bihar occasionally) June 18
375. Are Iran’s Revolutionaries now Reactionaries? George Orwell would have understood. A fresh poll may be the only answer Are Iran’s Revolutionaries now Reactionaries? George Orwell would have understood. A fresh poll may be the only answer June 22
376. My March 25 1991 memo to Rajiv (which never reached him) is something the present Government seems to have followed: all for the best of course! July 12
377. Disquietude about France’s behaviour towards India on July 14 2009 July 14
378. Does the Govt. of India assume “foreign investors and analysts” are a key constituency for Indian economic policy-making? If so, why so? Have Govt. economists “learnt nothing, forgotten everything”? Some Bastille Day thoughts July 14
379. Letter to the GoI’s seniormost technical economist, May 21.July 19
380. Excuse me but young Kasab in fact confessed many months ago, immediately after he was captured – he deserves 20 or 30 years in an Indian prison, and a chance to become a model prisoner who will stand against the very terrorists who sent him on his vile mission July 20
381. Finally, three months late, the GoI responds to American and Pakistani allegations about Balochistan July 24
382. Thoughts, words, deeds: My work 1973-2010
M1. Map of Asia c. 1900
M2. Map of Chinese Empire c. 1900
M3. Map of Sinkiang, Tibet and Neighbours 1944
M4. China’s Secretly Built 1957 Road Through India’s Aksai Chin
M5. Map of Kashmir to Sinkiang 1944
M6. Map of India-Tibet-China-Mongolia 1959
M7. Map of India, Afghanistan, Russia, China, 1897
M8. Map of Xinjiang/Sinkiang/E Turkestan
M9. Map of Bombay/Mumbai 1909
M10-M13. Himalayan Expedition, West Sikkim 1970 – 1,2,3,4
Subroto Roy has told Hindi movie producers and a director too that he has for many years wished to see (indeed to write a screenplay for) an Indian version of *Anna Karenina*: Tabu as Anna, Amol Palekar as Karenin, Manoj Bajpai as Vronsky.
From Facebook: 15 April 2013 Tabu was whom I had said I would have put in the lead role of *Anna Karenina* in Hindi… But now I would have to say Shivani Tanksale.
I have almost stopped being amazed by the near-imbecility that our English-language TV and print media seem so often to be capable of. Oui mes enfants, Kasab did confess to mass-murder and other crimes in open court today but please do not feign such surprise for commercial reasons — if you had done your homework diligently you would have known that Kasab had confessed quite as fully as he did today many months ago, in fact as soon as he was physically able to do so after being treated in hospital following his capture by Mumbai police. (The BBC proved again it has no institutional memory left by failing to remember these facts too and instead relying on the Indian TV media today. Or, alternatively, the BBC’s dual national Pakistani staffers were quick to get the BBC to veer towards the official GoP line — and the GoP certainly has not wanted to remember the fact Kasab was being truthful from day one of his capture.)
Why was Kasab’s court-appointed lawyer silent and bewildered today? Because Kasab (with his Class 4 schooling) had somehow thought things through on his own during this existential experience and effectively sacked the lawyer peremptorily as was his right to do. It was the lawyer who had chalked out the faulty legal strategy of starting off by pleading not-guilty instead of plea-bargaining on the basis of Kasab’s initial confessions being the primary source of evidence for the Government of India to be able to indict Pakistan in the Mumbai massacres.
(To the lawyer’s credit though, at least he had taken the case when no one else would and furthermore, he had clearly acted in good faith.)
Had Kasab been killed along with his 9 compatriot fellow-terrorists (and he was the youngest and least experienced which is probably why he was teamed with Ishmael who was the team leader), India would have had almost no hard evidence in creating the dossier that we were able to confront Pakistan with.
Kasab’s correct legal strategy was to accept his guilt and plead for mercy on the basis of having turned State’s evidence, indeed the Government of India’s star witness for the prosecution. There is absolutely no jurisprudential benefit in seeing a tiny pawn like him– the very tiniest of all pawns –hang for his evil deeds. That is why I said back in November-December that if I was the judge sentencing him, I would send him to jail for 20-30 years, for his 20 or 30 victims at CST station, and get him to become a model prisoner who could become a prime spokesman against the terrorists who had sent him.
The right way for India and Pakistan to cooperate against the perpetrators of the Mumbai massacres was via a prompt application of common maritime law and the Law of the Sea Treaty’s provisions against piracy, murder etc on the high seas, followed by some well-publicised hangings at sea, on a Pakistan Navy vessel, of the masterminds. Here is a complete list of what I said here between November 28 2008 and March 18 2009 on all this:
1. November 28, 2008 Jews have never been killed in India for being Jews until this sad day
Jews have never been killed in India for being Jews until today. For two thousand years, in fact perhaps as long as there have ever been Jews in the world, there had been Jews living peacefully in India. I used to say that proudly to my Jewish friends, adding that the Indian Army had even had a Jewish general. Today, November 28 2008, or perhaps yesterday November 27 2008, that changed. Five Hasidic Jews who had been peaceful residents of Nariman House in Mumbai, came to be murdered by terrorists, merely for being Jews, or died in explosions or in the cross-fire between the terrorists and Indian security forces. The Israeli Government had offered India their well-known technical expertise in trying to save their fellow-nationals. I believe the Government of India made a tragic mistake by not accepting it. Yes certainly our national prestige would have taken the slightest of blows if Israeli commandos had helped to release Israeli hostages in India. But our national prestige has taken a much vaster and more permanent blow instead, now that we can no longer say that Jews have never in history been killed for being Jews in India. I am especially sad on this already very sad day to see that proud record destroyed.
2. November 30, 2008 In international law, Pakistan has been the perpetrator, India the victim of aggression in Mumbai
In international law, the attacks on Mumbai would probably reveal Pakistan to have been the aggressor state, India the victim of aggression. It is standard law that a “master” is responsible for the misdeeds of his “servant”. E.g., “Where the relation of master and servant clearly exists, the employer is responsible for injury occasioned by the negligent conduct of the servant in carrying out his orders. And this rule is so extensive as to make the master liable for the careless, reckless and wanton conduct of his servant, provided it be within the scope of his employment”. President Zardari and Prime Minister Gillani may declare truthfully they had no prior knowledge of the attacks on Mumbai, that these were not in any way authorized by them or their Government. But it seems likely on the basis of current evidence that the young terrorists who attacked Mumbai were still in a “master-servant” relationship with elements of the Pakistani state and had been financed, trained, motivated and supplied by resources arising, directly or indirectly, from the Pakistani exchequer. Public moneys in Pakistan came to be used or misused to pay for aggression against India – in a quite similar pattern to the October 1947 attack on Kashmir, Ayub Khan’s 1965 “Operation Grand Slam”, and Pervez Musharraf’s 1999 attack on Kargil. And to think that these youth who were made into becoming terroristic mass murderers were toddlers when the USSR withdrew from Afghanistan, in primary school when the 1993 WTC bombing happened and adolescents at the time of the 9/11 attacks.
3. December 3, 2008 Habeas Corpus: a captured terrorist mass-murderer tells a magistrate he is not being mistreated by Indian police
A youth who had been a petty thief in Multan, was induced by Pakistan’s terrorist masterminds to train to become a mass murderer with an assault rifle and grenades in the Mumbai massacres last week. He was shot and arrested by India’s police and is now in custody. He has already been produced before a magistrate who asked him if he was being mistreated, to which he said he was not. This redounds to India’s credit in view of the vast (and yes, probably racist) mistreatment over years of those held e.g. at Guantanamo Bay. (The argument that the US Constitution and the laws associated with habeas corpus did not apply to the US Government because Guantanamo Bay was not American territory, was always specious.)
4. December 4, 2008 India’s Muslim Voices (Or, Let us be clear the Pakistan-India or Kashmir conflicts have not been Muslim-Hindu conflicts so much as intra-Muslim conflicts about Muslim identity and self-knowledge on the Indian subcontinent) bySubroto Roy
Ill-informed Western observers, especially at purported “think tanks” and news-portals, frequently proclaim the Pakistan-India confrontation and Jammu & Kashmir conflict to represent some kind of savage irreconcilable division between Islamic and Hindu cultures. For example, the BBC, among its many prevarications on the matter (like lopping off J&K entirely from its recently broadcasted maps of India, perhaps under influence of its Pakistani staffers), frequently speaks of “Hindu-majority India” and “Indian-administered Kashmir” being confronted by Muslim Pakistan. And two days ago from California’s Bay Area arose into the Internet Cloud the following profundity: “What we’re dealing with now, in the Pakistani-Indian rivalry, is a true war of civilizations, pitting Muslims against Hindus…. the unfathomable depths of the Muslim-Hindu divide….”. Even President-elect Obama’s top Pakistan-specialists have fallen for the line of Washington’s extremely strong Pakistan lobby: “Pakistan… sees itself as the political home for the subcontinent’s Muslim population and believes India’s continued control over the Muslim-majority Kashmir valley and denial of a plebiscite for its inhabitants represent a lingering desire on India’s part to undo the legacy of partition, which divided the British Indian Empire into India and Pakistan.”
The truth on record is completely different and really rather simple: for more than a century and a half, Muslims qua Muslims on the Indian subcontinent have struggled with the question of their most appropriate cultural and political identity. The starkest contrast may be found in their trying to come to terms with their partly Arabic and partly Hindu or Indian parentage (the words Hindu, Sindhu, Indus, Indian, Sindhi, Hindi etc all clearly have the same Hellenistic root). For example, there was Wali Allah (1703-1762) declaring “We are an Arab people whose fathers have fallen in exile in the country of Hindustan, and Arabic genealogy and Arabic language are our pride”. But here has been Mohammad Iqbal (1877-1938), in his 1930 Allahabad speech to the Muslim League, conceiving today’s Pakistan as a wish to become free of precisely that Arab influence: “I would like to see the Punjab, NWFP, Sind and Baluchistan amalgamated into a single state… The life of Islam as a cultural force in this living country very largely depends on its centralisation in a specified territory… For India it means security and peace resulting from an internal balance of power, for Islam an opportunity to rid itself of the stamp that Arabian Imperialism was forced to give it, to mobilise its law, its education, its culture, and to bring them into closer contact with its own original spirit and the spirit of modern times.” In an article “Saving Pakistan” published last year in The Statesman and available elsewhere here, it was suggested Iqbal’s “spirit of modern times” may be represented most prominently today by the physicist/political philosopher Pervez Hoodbhoy: in a December 2006 speech Hoodbhoy suggested a new alternative to MA Jinnah’s “Faith, Unity, Discipline” slogan: “First, I wish for minds that can deal with the complex nature of truth…. My second wish is for many more Pakistanis who accept diversity as a virtue… My third, and last, wish is that Pakistanis learn to value and nurture creativity.” He has spoken too of bringing “economic justice to Pakistan”, of the “fight to give Pakistan’s women the freedom which is their birthright”, and of people to “wake up” and engage politically. But Pakistan’s Iqbalian liberals like Hoodbhoy still have to square off with those of their compatriots who sent the youthful squad into Mumbai last week with assault rifles, grenades and heroic Arabic code-names, as well as orders to attack civilians with the ferocity of the original Muslims attacking caravans and settlements in ancient Arabia.
What the extremely strong Pakistan lobbies within the British and American political systems have suppressed in order to paint a picture of eternal Muslim-Hindu conflict is the voice of India’s nationalist Muslims, who historically have had no wish to have any truck with any idea of a “Pakistan” at all. Most eminent among them was undoubtedly Jinnah’s fiercest critic: Maulana Abul Kalam Azad whose classic 1946 statement on Pakistan is available in his India Wins Freedom, the final version published only in 1988……
5. December 6, 2008 A Quick Comparison Between the September 11 2001 NYC-Washington attacks and the November 26-28 2008 Mumbai Massacres (An Application of the Case-by-Case Philosophical Technique of Wittgenstein, Wisdom and Bambrough) bySubroto Roy
In my book Philosophy of Economics (Routledge, 1989) and in my August 24 2004 public lecture in England “Science, Religion, Art and the Necessity of Freedom”, both available elsewhere here, I described the “case-by-case” philosophical technique recommended by Ludwig Wittgenstein, John Wisdom and Renford Bambrough. (Bambrough had also shown a common root in the work of the American philosopher Charles Sanders Peirce.) Herewith an application of the technique to a contemporary problem that shows the “family resemblance” between two modern terrorist attacks, the September 11 2001 attack on New York and Washington and the Mumbai massacres last week.
Similarity: In both, a gang of motivated youthful terrorists acted as a team against multiple targets; their willingness to accept suicide while indulging in mass-murder may have, bizarrely enough, brought a sense of adventure and meaning to otherwise empty lives.
Difference: In the 9/11 attacks, Mohammad Atta seemed to have been a single predominant leader while each of the others also had complex active roles requiring decisions, like piloting and navigating hijacked jumbo-jets. In the Mumbai massacres, the training and leadership apparently came from outside the team before and even during the operation – almost as if the team were acting like brainwashed robots under long-distance control.
Similarity: Both attacks required a long prior period of training and planning.
Difference: The 9/11 attacks did not require commando-training imparted by military-style trainers; the Mumbai massacres did.
Difference: In the 9/11 attacks, the actual weapons used initially were primitive, like box-cutters; in the Mumbai massacres, assault rifles and grenades were used along with sophisticated telecommunications equipment.
Difference: In 9/11, the initial targets, the hijacked aircraft, were themselves made into weapons against the ultimate targets, namely the buildings, in a way not seen before. In the Mumbai massacres, mass-shooting of terrorized civilians was hardly something original; besides theatres of war, the Baader-Meinhof gang and the Japanese Red Army used these in the 1970s as terrorist techniques (e.g. at Rome Airport Lod Airport; Postscript January 26 2009: I make this correction after reading and commenting on the RAND study which unfortunately did not have the courtesy of acknowledging my December 6 2008 analysis) plus there were, more recently, the Columbine and Virginia Tech massacres.
Similarity: In both cases, Hollywood and other movie scripts could have inspired the initial ideas of techniques to be used.
Similarity: In both cases, the weapons used were appropriate to the anticipated state of defence: nothing more than box-cutters could be expected to get by normal airport security; assault rifles etc could come in by the unguarded sea and attack soft targets in Mumbai. (Incidentally, even this elementary example of strategic thinking in a practical situation may be beyond the analytical capacity contained in the tons of waste paper produced at American and other modern university Economics departments under the rubric of “game theory”.)
Similarity: In both cases, a high-level of widespread fear was induced for several days or more within a targeted nation-state by a small number of people.
Similarity: No ransom-like demands were made by the terrorists in either case.
Similarity: Had the single terrorist not been captured alive in the Mumbai massacres, there would have been little trace left by the attackers.
Difference: The 9/11 attackers knew definitely they were on suicide-missions; the Mumbai attackers may not have done and may have imagined an escape route.
6. December 10, 2008 Congratulations to Mumbai’s Police: capturing a terrorist, affording him his Habeas Corpus rights, getting him to confess within the Rule of Law, sets a new world standard
The full statement to police of the single captured terrorist perpetrator of the Mumbai massacres is now available. It tells a grim story. But Mumbai’s Police, from ordinary beat constables and junior officers to the anti-terrorism top brass, come off very well both with their heroism and their commitment to the Rule of Law. In comparison to the disastrous failures of the Rule of Law in the United States and Britain since 9/11 in fighting terrorism, Mumbai’s Police may have set a new world standard.
The prisoner was several days ago afforded Habeas Corpus rights and produced before a magistrate who asked him if he was being mistreated to which he replied he was not – though there might not be any Indian equivalent of America’s “Miranda” law.
7. December 12, 2008 Kasab was a stupid, ignorant, misguided youth, manufactured by Pakistan’s terrorist masterminds into becoming a mass-murdering robot: Mahatma Gandhi’s India should punish him, get him to repent if he wishes, then perhaps rehabilitate him as a potent weapon against Pakistani terrorism
The crime of murder is that of deliberate homicide, that of mass-murder is the murder of a mass of people. There is no doubt the lone captured Mumbai terrorist, “Kasab”, has committed mass-murder, being personally responsible for the murder of probably 20 or 30 wholly innocent people he had never met. He killed them by machine-gun fire and grenades at CST/VT railway station on November 26 2008 before being shot and captured by police. He is also a co-conspirator in the mass-murders carried out by his associate at the railway station and those elsewhere in Mumbai. There is no doubt he should serve rigorous imprisonment for life in an Indian prison for his crimes.
And yet…. And yet…
If the Government of India is sensible, it needs to describe and comprehend the moral subtleties of the circumstances surrounding Kasab’s life, especially during the last year. Here was a stupid, ignorant, rather primitive youth misguided by others first into becoming a petty robber, later into becoming a terrorist-trainee in hope of advancing his career in thievery!
Bakri-Id 2008 has just occurred – it is on Bakri-Id a year ago in 2007 that Kasab reportedly first ventured into volunteering for terrorist training as a way of learning how to use firearms! It is almost certain he had never met a Hindu or an Indian in his life before then, that he knew absolutely nothing about the subcontinent’s history or politics, that he would be ignorant about who, say, Iqbal or Jinnah or Maulana Azad or Sheikh Abdullah or Mahatma Gandhi ever were. Within less than a year, that same youth had been brainwashed and trained adequately enough by Pakistan’s terrorist masterminds to become a robotic mass-murderer in Mumbai’s railway station. Now having been caught and treated humanely by his captors, he has confessed everything and even expressed a wish to write a letter to his father in Pakistan expressing remorse for his deeds.
If I was the judge trying him, I would sentence him to a minimum of twenty or thirty years rigorous imprisonment in an Indian prison. But I would add that he should be visited in jail by a few of India’s Muslim leaders, and indeed he should be very occasionally allowed out of the prison (under police supervision) in a structured program to offer Namaz with India’s Muslims in our grandest mosques. He should learn firsthand a little of the lives of India’s Muslims and of India’s people as a whole. Perhaps he will become a model prisoner, perhaps he may even want to become in due course a potent weapon against the terrorist masterminds who ruined his life by sending him to murder people in India.
It bears to be remembered that in an incredible act of Christian forgiveness, the widow of the Australian missionary Graham Staines forgave the cold-blooded murderers who burnt alive her husband and her young sons as they slept in a jeep in Orissa. The family of Rajiv Gandhi may have done the same of those who assassinated or conspired to assassinate Rajiv Gandhi. This is the land of Mahatma Gandhi, who had woven a remarkable moral and political theory out of the Jain-Buddhist-Hindu doctrine of ahimsa as well as Christian notions from Tolstoy and Thoreau of forgiving the sinner.
Of course there cannot be forgiveness where there is no remorse. Kasab’s behaviour thus far suggests he will be remorseful and repentant; there are many other thieves and murderers in the world who are not.
Subroto Roy
Reported statement of Mohammad Ajmal Amir ‘Kasab’, 21, to police after arrest: “I have resided in Faridkot, Dinalpur tehsil, Ukada district, Suba Punjab state, Pakistan since my birth. I studied up to class IV in a government school. After leaving school in 2000, I went to stay with my brother in Tohit Abad mohalla, near Yadgar Minar in Lahore. I worked as a labourer at various places till 2005, visiting my native once in a while. In 2005, I had a quarrel with my father. I left home and went to Ali Hajveri Darbar in Lahore, where boys who run away from home are given shelter. The boys are sent to different places for employment. One day a person named Shafiq came there and took me with him. He was from Zhelam and had a catering business. I started working for him for Rs120 per day. Later, my salary was increased to Rs200 per day. I worked with him till 2007. While working with Shafiq, I came in contact with one Muzzafar Lal Khan, 22. He was from Romaiya village in Alak district in Sarhad, Pakistan. Since we were not getting enough money, we decided to carry out robbery/dacoity to make big money. So we left the job.
We went to Rawalpindi, where we rented a flat. Afzal had located a house for us to loot… We required some firearms for our mission… While we were in search of firearms, we saw some LeT stalls at Raja Bazaar in Rawalpindi on the day of Bakri-id. We then realised that even if we procured firearms, we would not be able to operate them. Therefore, we decided to join LeT for weapons training. We reached the LeT office and told a person that we wanted to join LeT. He noted down our names and address and told us to come the next day. The next day, there was another person with him. He gave us Rs200 and some receipts. Then he gave us the address of a place called Marqas Taiyyaba, Muridke, and told us to go to there. It was an LeT training camp. We went to the place by bus. We showed the receipts at the gate of the camp. We were allowed inside… Then we were taken to the actual camp area. Initially, we were selected for a 21 days’ training regimen called Daura Sufa. From the next day, our training started.
The daily programme was as follows: 4.15 am — Wake-up call and thereafter Namaz; 8 am — Breakfast; 8.30 am to 10 am — Lecture on Hadis and Quran by Mufti Sayyed; 10 am to noon – Rest; Noon to 1 pm – Lunch break; 1 pm to 4 pm – Rest; 4 pm to 6 pm – PT; instructor: Fadulla; 6 pm to 8 pm – Namaz and other work; 8 pm to 9 pm – Dinner
After Daura Sufa, we were selected for another training programme called Daura Ama. This was also for 21 days. We were taken to Mansera in Buttal village, where we were trained in handling weapons. The daily programme was as follows: 4.15 am to 5 am – Wake-up call and thereafter Namaz; 5 am to 6 am – PT; instructor: Abu Anas; 8 am – Breakfast; 8.30 am to 11.30 am – Weapons training; trainer: Abdul Rehman; weapons: AK-47, Green-O, SKS, Uzi gun, pistol, revolver; 11.30 am to Noon – rest; Noon to 1 pm – Lunch break; 1 pm to 2 pm – Namaz; 2 pm to 4 pm – Rest; 4 pm to 6 pm – PT; 6 pm to 8 pm – Namaz and other work; 8 pm to 9 pm – Dinner.
After the training, we were told that we will begin the next stage involving advanced training. But for that, we were told, we had to do some khidmat for two months (khidmat is a sort of service in the camp as per trainees’ liking). We agreed. After two months, I was allowed to go to meet my parents. I stayed with my parents for a month. Then I went to an LeT camp in Shaiwainala, Muzaffarabad, for advanced training… We were taken to Chelabandi pahadi area for a training programme, called Daura Khas, of three months. It involved handling weapons, using hand grenade, rocket launchers and mortars.
The daily programme was as follows: 4.15 am to 5 am – Wake-up call and thereafter Namaz; 5 am to 6 am – PT; instructor: Abu Mawiya; 8 am – Breakfast; 8.30 am to 11.30 am – Weapons training, handling of all weapons and firing practices with the weapons, training on handling hand grenade, rocket-launchers and mortars, Green-O, SKS, Uzi gun, pistol, revolver; trainer: Abu Mawiya; 11.30 am to 12 noon – rest; Noon to 1 pm – Lunch break; 1 pm to 2 pm – Namaz; 2 pm to 4 pm – Weapons training and firing practice; lecture on Indian security agencies; 4 pm to 6 pm – PT; 6 pm to 8 pm – Namaz and other work; 8 pm to 9 pm – Dinner
There were 32 trainees in the camp. Sixteen were selected for a confidential operation by one Zaki-ur-Rehman, alias Chacha, but three of them ran away from the camp. Chacha sent the remaining 13 with a person called Kafa to the Muridke camp again. At Muridke, we were taught swimming and made familiar with the life of fishermen at sea… We were given lectures on the working of Indian security agencies. We were shown clippings highlighting atrocities on Muslims in India. After the training, we were allowed to go to our native places. I stayed with my family for seven days. I then went to the LeT camp at Muzaffarabad. The 13 of us were present for training. Then, on Zaki-ur-Rehman’s instructions, Kafa took us to the Muridke camp. The training continued for a month. We were given lectures on India and its security agencies, including RAW. We were also trained to evade security personnel. We were instructed not to make phone calls to Pakistan after reaching India.
The names of the persons present for the training are: n Mohd Azmal, alias Abu Muzahid n Ismail, alias Abu Umar n Abu Ali n Abu Aksha n Abu Umer n Abu Shoeb n Abdul Rehman (Bada) n Abdul Rehman (Chhota) n Afadulla n Abu Umar. After the training, Chacha selected 10 of us and formed five teams of two people each on September 15. I and Ismail formed a team; its codename was VTS. We were shown Azad Maidan in Mumbai on Google Earth’s site on the internet… We were shown a film on VT railway station. The film showed commuters during rush hours. We were instructed to carry out firing during rush hours — between 7 am and 11 am and between 7 pm and 11 pm. Then we were to take some people hostage, take them to the roof of some nearby building and contact Chacha, who would have given us numbers to contact media people and make demands. This was the strategy decided upon by our trainers. The date fixed for the operation was September 27. However, the operation was cancelled for some reason. We stayed in Karachi till November 23. The other teams were: 2nd team: a) Abu Aksha; b) Abu Umar; 3rd team: a) Abdul Rehman (Bada); b) Abu Ali; 4th team: a) Abdul Rehman (Chotta); b) Afadulla; 5th team: a) Abu Shoeb; b) Abu Umer.
On November 23, the teams left from Azizabad in Karachi, along with Zaki-ur-Rehman and Kafa. We were taken to the nearby seashore… We boarded a launch. After travelling for 22 to 25 nautical miles we boarded a bigger launch. Again, after a journey of an hour, we boarded a ship, Al-Huseini, in the deep sea. While boarding the ship, each of us was given a sack containing eight grenades, an AK-47 rifle, 200 cartridges, two magazines and a cellphone. Then we started towards the Indian coast. When we reached Indian waters, the crew members of Al-Huseini hijacked an Indian launch. The crew of the launch was shifted to Al-Huseini. We then boarded the launch. An Indian seaman was made to accompany us at gunpoint; he was made to bring us to the Indian coast. After a journey of three days, we reached near Mumbai’s shore. While we were still some distance away from the shore, Ismail and Afadulla killed the Indian seaman (Tandel) in the basement of the launch. Then we boarded an inflatable dinghy and reached Badhwar Park jetty. I then went along with Ismail to VT station by taxi. After reaching the hall of the station, we went to the toilet, took out the weapons from our sacks, loaded them, came out of the toilet and started firing indiscriminately at passengers. Suddenly, a police officer opened fire at us. We threw hand grenades towards him and also opened fire at him. Then we went inside the railway station threatening the commuters and randomly firing at them. We then came out of the railway station searching for a building with a roof. But we did not find one. Therefore, we entered a lane. We entered a building and went upstairs. On the third and fourth floors we searched for hostages but we found that the building was a hospital and not a residential building. We started to come down. That is when policemen started firing at us. We threw grenades at them.
While coming out of the hospital premises, we saw a police vehicle passing. We took shelter behind a bush. Another vehicle passed us and stopped some distance away. A police officer got off from the vehicle and started firing at us. A bullet hit my hand and my AK-47 fell out of my hand. When I bent to pick it up another bullet hit me on the same hand. Ismail opened fire at the officers in the vehicle. They got injured and firing from their side stopped. We waited for a while and went towards the vehicle. There were three bodies in the vehicle. Ismail removed the bodies and drove the vehicle. I sat next to him. Some policemen tried to stop us. Ismail opened fire at them. The vehicle had a flat tyre near a big ground by the side of road. Ismail got down from the vehicle, stopped a car at gunpoint and removed the three lady passengers from the car. Since I was injured, Ismail carried me to the car. He then drove the car. We were stopped by policemen on the road near the seashore. Ismail fired at them, injuring some policemen. The police also opened fire at us. Ismail was injured in the firing. The police removed us from the vehicle and took us to the same hospital. In the hospital, I came to know that Ismail had succumbed to injuries. My statement has been read to me and explained in Hindi, and it has been correctly recorded.”
8. December 13, 2008 Pakistan’s New Delhi Embassy should ask for “Consular Access” to nine dead terrorists in a Mumbai morgue before asking to meet Kasab
After two weeks of pointblank denials that Pakistan had anything to do with the Mumbai massacres (”the Mumbai incident”, “the Bombay event” as Pakistan’s social butterflies put it), Pakistan’s diplomats are now asking for Consular Access to Kasab, the lone captured terrorist! The cheek of it! Would they please request Consular Access instead to the nine dead terrorists who were Kasab’s companions, and who are presumably in a Mumbai morgue at present because India’s Muslims have denied them a burial? It is certain the Government of India would be relieved and delighted to hand over full custody of the mortal remains of these nine Pakistanis to representatives of His Excellency the High Commissioner of Pakistan to New Delhi for transfer back home to Pakistan.
As for Consular Access to Kasab, the Government of India will doubtless inform His Excellency that His Excellency may appreciate that in present circumstances in which the individual Kasab, not to put too fine a point on it, is singing like a canary, the Government of India deems the security of India could be jeopardised by any possibility of such a song becoming jeopardised. The Government of India will however doubtless assure His Excellency that Kasab is being well cared for in custody and has reported as such to the magistrate.
9. December 19, 2008 An Indian Reply to President Zardari: Rewarding Pakistan for bad behaviour leads to schizophrenic relationshipsbySubroto Roy
Pakistan President Asif Ali Zardari’s recent argument in the New York Times resembles closely the well-known publications of his ambassador to the United States, Mr Husain Haqqani. Unfortunately, this Zardari-Haqqani thesis about Pakistan’s current predicament in the world and the world’s predicament with Pakistan is shot through with clear factual and logical errors. These need to be aired because true or useful conclusions cannot be reached from mistaken premises or faulty reasoning.
i. Origins of Pakistan, India, J&K, and their mutual problems
Mr Zardari makes the following seemingly innocuous statement:
“…. the two great nations of Pakistan and India, born together from the same revolution and mandate in 1947, must continue to move forward with the peace process.”
Now as a matter of simple historical fact, the current entities in the world system known as India and Pakistan were not “born together from the same revolution and mandate in 1947”. It is palpably false to suppose they were and Pakistanis indulge in wishful thinking and self-deception about their own political history if they suppose this.
India’s Republic arose out of the British Dominion known as “India” which was the legal successor of the entity known previously in international law as “British India”. British India had had secular governance and so has had the Indian Republic.
By contrast, the Islamic Republic of Pakistan arose out of a newly created state in international law known as the British Dominion of Pakistan, consisting of designated territory carved out of British India by a British decision and coming into existence one day before British India extinguished itself. (Another new state, Bangladesh, later seceded from Pakistan.)
The British decision to create territory designated “Pakistan” had nothing to do with any anti-British “revolution” or “mandate” supported by any Pakistani nationalism because there was none. (Rahmat Ali’s anti-Hindu pamphleteering in London could be hardly considered Pakistani nationalism against British rule. Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan’s Pashtun patriots saw themselves as Indian, not Pakistani.)
To the contrary, the British decision had to do with a small number of elite Pakistanis — MA Jinnah foremost among them — demanding not to be part of the general Indian nationalist movement that had been demanding a British departure from power in the subcontinent. Jinnah’s separatist party, the Muslim League, was trounced in the 1937 provincial elections in all the Muslim-majority areas of British India that would eventually become Pakistan. Despite this, in September 1939, Britain, at war with Nazi Germany, chose to elevate the political power of Jinnah and his League to parity with the general Indian nationalist movement led by MK Gandhi. (See, Francis Robinson, in William James and Subroto Roy (eds), Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s.) Britain needed India’s mostly Muslim infantry-divisions — the progenitors of the present-day Pakistan Army — and if that meant tilting towards a risky political idea of “Pakistan” in due course, so it would be. The thesis that Pakistan arose from any kind of “revolution” or “mandate” in 1947 is fantasy — the Muslim super-elite that invented and endorsed the Pakistan idea flew from Delhi to Karachi in chartered BOAC Dakotas, caring not a hoot about the vulnerability of ordinary Muslim masses to Sikh and Hindu majority wrath and retaliation on the ground.
Modern India succeeded to the rights and obligations of British India in international law, and has had a recognized existence as a state since at least the signing of the Armistice and Treaty of Versailles in 1918-1919. India was a founding member of the United Nations, being a signatory of the 1945 San Francisco Declaration, and an original member of the Bretton Woods institutions. An idea put forward by Argentina that as of 1947 India and Pakistan were both successor states of British India was rejected by the UN (Argentina withdrew its own suggestion), and it was universally acknowledged India was already a member of the UN while Pakistan would have to (and did) apply afresh for membership as a newly created state in the UN. Pakistan’s entry into the UN had the enthusiastic backing of India and was opposed by only one existing UN member, Afghanistan, due to a conflict that continues to this day over the legitimacy of the Durand Line that bifurcated the Pashtun areas.
Such a review of elementary historical facts and the position in law of Pakistan and India is far from being of merely pedantic interest today. Rather, it goes directly to the logical roots of the conflict over the erstwhile State of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) — a state that itself originated as an entity in the world system a full century before Pakistan was to do so and more than half a century before British India did, but which would collapse into anarchy and civil war in 1947-1949.
Britain (or England) had been a major nation-state in the world system recognized since Grotius first outlined modern international law. On March 16 1846, Britain entered into a treaty, the Treaty of Amritsar, with one Gulab Singh, and the “State of Jammu & Kashmir” came to arise as a recognizable entity in international law for the first time. (See my “History of Jammu and Kashmir” published in The Statesman, Oct 29-30 2006, available elsewhere here.)
Jammu & Kashmir continued in orderly existence as a state until it crashed into legal and political anarchy and civil war a century later. The new Pakistan had entered into a “Standstill Agreement” with the State of Jammu & Kashmir as of August 15 1947. On or about October 22 1947, Pakistan unilaterally ended that Standstill Agreement and instead caused military forces from its territory to attack the State of Jammu & Kashmir along the Mansehra Road towards Baramula and Srinagar, coinciding too with an Anglo-Pakistani coup d’etat in Gilgit and Baltistan (see my “Solving Kashmir”; “Law, Justice & J&K”; “Pakistan’s Allies”, all published in The Statesman in 2005-2006 and available elsewhere here).
The new Pakistan had chosen, in all deliberation, to forswear law, politics and diplomacy and to resort to force of arms instead in trying to acquire J&K for itself via a military decision. It succeeded only partially. Its forces took and then lost both Baramula and Kargil; they may have threatened Leh but did not attempt to take it; they did take and retain Muzaffarabad and Skardu; they were never near taking the summer capital, Srinagar, though might have threatened the winter capital, Jammu.
All in all, a Ceasefire Line came to be demarcated on the military positions as of February 1 1949. After a war in 1971 that accompanied the secession of Bangladesh from Pakistan, that Ceasefire Line came to be renamed the “Line of Control” between Pakistan and India. An ownerless entity may be acquired by force of arms — the erstwhile State of Jammu & Kashmir in 1947-1949 had become an ownerless entity that had been dismembered and divided according to military decision following an armed conflict between Pakistan and India. The entity in the world system known as the “State of Jammu & Kashmir” created on March 16 1846 by Gulab Singh’s treaty with the British ceased to exist as of October 22 1947. Pakistan had started the fight over J&K but there is a general rule of conflicts that he who starts a fight does not get to finish it.
Such is the simplest and most practical statement of the history of the current problem. The British, through their own compulsions and imperial pretensions, raised all the talk about a “Lapse of Paramountcy” of the British Crown over the “Native Princes” of “Indian India”, and of how, the “Native Princes” were required to “accede” to either India or Pakistan. This ignored Britain’s own constitutional law. BR Ambedkar pointed out with unsurpassed clarity that no “Lapse of Paramountcy” was possible even for a single logical moment since “Paramountcy” over any “Native Princes” who had not joined India or Pakistan as of August 15 1947, automatically passed from British India to its legal successor, namely, the Dominion of India. It followed that India’s acquiescence was required for any subsequent accession to Pakistan – an acquiescence granted in case of Chitral and denied in case of Junagadh.
What the Republic of India means by saying today that boundaries cannot be redrawn nor any populations forcibly transferred is quite simply that the division of erstwhile J&K territory is permanent, and that sovereignty over it is indivisible. What Pakistan has claimed is that India has been an occupier and that there are many people inhabiting the Indian area who may not wish to be Indian nationals and who are being compelled against their will to remain so ~ forgetting to add that precisely the same could be said likewise of the Pakistani-held area. The lawful solution I proposed in “Solving Kashmir, “Law, Justice and J&K” and other works has been that the Republic of India invite every person covered under its Article 370, citizen-by-citizen, under a condition of full information, to privately and without fear decide, if he/she has not done so already, between possible Indian, Iranian, Afghan or Pakistani nationalities ~ granting rights and obligations of permanent residents to any of those persons who may choose for whatever private reason not to remain Indian nationals. If Pakistan acted likewise, the problem of J&K would indeed come to be resolved. The Americans, as self-appointed mediators, have said they wish “the people of the region to have a voice” in a solution: there can be no better expression of such voice than allowing individuals to privately choose their own nationalities and their rights and responsibilities accordingly. The issue of territorial sovereignty is logically distinct from that of the choice of nationality by individual inhabitants.
ii. Benazir’s assassination falsely compared to the Mumbai massacres
Secondly, President Zardari draws a mistaken comparison between the assassination last year of his wife, Benazir Bhutto, and the Mumbai massacres a few weeks ago. Ms Bhutto’s assassination may resemble more closely the assassinations in India of Indira Gandhi in 1984 and Rajiv Gandhi in 1991.
Indira Gandhi died in “blowback” from the unrest she and her younger son and others in their party had opportunistically fomented among Sikh fundamentalists and sectarians since the late 1970s. Rajiv Gandhi died in “blowback” from an erroneous imperialistic foreign policy that he, as Prime Minister, had been induced to make by jingoistic Indian diplomats, a move that got India’s military needlessly involved in the then-nascent Sri Lankan civil war. Benazir Bhutto similarly may be seen to have died in “blowback” from her own political activity as prime minister and opposition leader since the late 1980s, including her own encouragement of Muslim fundamentalist forces. Certainly in all three cases, as in all assassinations, there were lapses of security too and imprudent political judgments made that contributed to the tragic outcomes.
Ms Bhutto’s assassination has next to nothing to do with the Mumbai massacres, besides the fact the perpetrators in both cases were Pakistani terrorists. President Zardari saying he himself has lost his wife to terrorism is true but not relevant to the proper diagnosis of the Mumbai massacres or to Pakistan-India relations in general. Rather, it serves to deflect criticism and condemnation of the Pakistani state’s pampered handing of Pakistan’s terrorist masterminds, as well as the gross irresponsibility of Pakistan’s military scientists (not AQ Khan) who have been recently advocating a nuclear first strike against India in the event of war.
iii. Can any religious nation-state be viable in the modern world?
President Zardari’s article says:
“The world worked to exploit religion against the Soviet Union in Afghanistan by empowering the most fanatic extremists as an instrument of destruction of a superpower. The strategy worked, but its legacy was the creation of an extremist militia with its own dynamic.”
This may be overly simplistic. As pointed out in my article “Pakistan’s Allies”, Gregory Zinoviev himself after the Bolshevik Revolution had declared that international communism “turns today to the peoples of the East and says to them, ‘Brothers, we summon you to a Holy War first of all against British imperialism!’ At this there were cries of Jehad! Jehad! And much brandishing of picturesque Oriental weapons.” (Treadgold, Twentieth Century Russia, 1990, p. 213). For more than half of the 20th century, orthodox Muslims had been used by Soviet communists against British imperialism, then by the British and Americans (through Pakistan) against Soviet communism. Touché! Blowback and counter-blowback! The real question that arises from this today may be why orthodox Muslims have allowed themselves to be used either way by outside forces and have failed in developing a modern nation-state and political culture of their own. Europe and America only settled down politically after their religious wars were over. Perhaps no religious nation-state is viable in the modern world.
iv. Pakistan’s behaviour leads to schizophrenia in international relations
President Zardari pleads for, or perhaps demands, resources from the world:
“the best response to the Mumbai carnage is to coordinate in counteracting the scourge of terrorism. The world must act to strengthen Pakistan’s economy and democracy, help us build civil society and provide us with the law enforcement and counterterrorism capacities that will enable us to fight the terrorists effectively.”
Six million pounds from Mr Gordon Brown, so much from here or there etc – President Zardari has apparently demanded 100 billion dollars from America and that is the price being talked about for Pakistan to dismantle its nuclear weapons and be brought under an American “nuclear umbrella” instead.
I have pointed out elsewhere that what Pakistan seems to have been doing in international relations for decades is send out “mixed messages” – i.e. contradictory signals, whether in thought, word or deed. Clinical psychologists following the work of Gregory Bateson would say this leads to confusion among Pakistan’s interlocutors (a “double bind”) and the symptoms arise of what may be found in schizophrenic relationships. (See my article “Do President-elect Obama’s Pakistan specialists believe…”; on the “double bind” theory, an article I chanced to publish in the Journal of Genetic Psychology, 1986, may be of interest).
Here are a typical set of “mixed messages” emanating from Pakistan’s government and opinion-makers:
“We have nuclear weapons
“We keep our nuclear weapons safe from any misuse or unauthorized use
“We are willing to use nuclear weapons in a first strike against India
“We do not comprehend the lessons of Hiroshima-Nagasaki
“We do not comprehend the destruction India will visit upon us if we strike them
“We are dangerous so we must not be threatened in any way
“We are peace-loving and want to live in peace with India and Afghanistan
“We love to play cricket with India and watch Bollywood movies
“We love our Pakistan Army as it is one public institution that works
“We know the Pakistan Army has backed armed militias against India in the past
“We know these militias have caused terrorist attacks
“We are not responsible for any terrorist attacks
“We do not harbour any terrorists
“We believe the world should pay us to not use or sell our nuclear weapons
“We believe the world should pay us to not encourage the terrorists in our country
“We believe the world should pay us to prevent terrorists from using our nuclear weapons
“We hate India and do not want to become like India
“We love India and want to become like India
“We are India and we are not India…”
Etc.
A mature rational responsible and self-confident Pakistan would have said instead:
“We apologise to India and other countries for the outrageous murders our nationals have committed in Mumbai and elsewhere
“We ask the world to watch how our professional army is deployed to disarm civilian and all “non-state” actors of unauthorized firearms and explosives
“We do not need and will not demand or accept a dollar in any sort of foreign aid, military or civilian, to solve our problems
“We realize our economic and political institutions are a mess and we must clean them up
“We will strive to build a society imbued with what Iqbal described as the spirit of modern times..”
As someone who created at great personal cost at an American university twenty years ago the book Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s, I have a special interest in hoping that Pakistan shall find the path of wisdom.
10. January 1, 2009 A basis of India-Pakistan cooperation on the Mumbai massacres: the ten Pakistani terrorists started off as pirates and the Al-Huseini is a pirate ship
One of my finest teachers at the London School of Economics many years ago had been Professor DHN Johnson, a pioneer of the Law of the Sea Treaty; reflecting upon the aftermath of the Mumbai massacres, it occurs to me that the Law of the Sea Treaty may provide the most expedient and lawful recourse in present circumstances, as well as a proper and clear basis for cooperation between the Government of India and the Government of Pakistan in the matter.
Both India and Pakistan have signed and ratified the Law of the Sea Treaty which reads at Article 101
“Definition of piracy
Piracy consists of any of the following acts:
(a) any illegal acts of violence or detention, or any act of depredation, committed for private ends by the crew or the passengers of a private ship or a private aircraft, and directed:
(i) on the high seas, against another ship or aircraft, or against persons or property on board such ship or aircraft;
(ii) against a ship, aircraft, persons or property in a place outside the jurisdiction of any State;
(b) any act of voluntary participation in the operation of a ship or of an aircraft with knowledge of facts making it a pirate ship or aircraft;
(c) any act of inciting or of intentionally facilitating an act described in subparagraph (a) or (b).”
From the captured Kasab’s confession, it is clear he and his companions began their criminal activities within Pakistan (by training as terrorists and engaging in a conspiracy to commit mass-murder) and this continued outside Pakistan at sea:
“On November 23, the teams left from Azizabad in Karachi, along with Zaki-ur-Rehman and Kafa. We were taken to the nearby seashore… We boarded a launch. After travelling for 22 to 25 nautical miles we boarded a bigger launch. Again, after a journey of an hour, we boarded a ship, Al-Huseini, in the deep sea. While boarding the ship, each of us was given a sack containing eight grenades, an AK-47 rifle, 200 cartridges, two magazines and a cellphone. Then we started towards the Indian coast. When we reached Indian waters, the crew members of Al-Huseini hijacked an Indian launch. The crew of the launch was shifted to Al-Huseini. We then boarded the launch. An Indian seaman was made to accompany us at gunpoint; he was made to bring us to the Indian coast. After a journey of three days, we reached near Mumbai’s shore. While we were still some distance away from the shore, Ismail and Afadulla killed the Indian seaman (Tandel) in the basement of the launch.”
Pirates in law are Hostis humani generis or “enemies of mankind”. As signatories to the Law of the Sea Treaty, India and Pakistan may act jointly against the Al-Huseini and others associated with the acts of piracy including the maritime murders of the Indian fishermen that preceded the Mumbai massacres, thus solving the question of jurisdiction before it arises. The remains of the nine dead Pakistani terrorists presently in a Mumbai morgue can be buried at sea in international waters by whatever funeral procedure is due to dishonourable sailors and pirates. (The fish will not refuse them.) Kasab can be tried as a pirate too — though he really needs an American defence attorney to plea-bargain for him as he turns State’s evidence against the real masterminds of the plot, some of whom may be presently in the custody of the Pakistan Government.
Subroto Roy
11. January 2 2009 How to solve the jurisdiction problem in prosecuting perpetrators of the Mumbai massacres: let the Pakistan and Indian Navies try them (and hang them) at sea as pirates
Should Pakistan hand over the terrorist masterminds now in its custody to India for trial for mass murder? Should India hand over the captured Mumbai terrorist Kasab to Pakistan for trial as a mass murderer? Such questions can lead to endless legal wrangling, no action, and no justice for all the many victims of the Mumbai massacres. It is far more expeditious for both countries to instead hand over all these characters in their custody to their respective navies for trial and punishment as pirates who have violated the Law of the Sea. The Pakistan Navy Chief and the Indian Navy Chief can agree to have their admirals meet with their respective prisoners for a rendezvous at sea in international waters. A joint trial under maritime law can be conducted on board, say, a Pakistan naval vessel in international waters. Pakistan’s terrorist masterminds can be hanged at sea on a scaffold aboard a Pakistan Navy vessel in international waters for crimes of piracy, murder and conspiracy. Kasab, if he turns State’s evidence, can plea-bargain for a lesser sentence; if he does not turn State’s evidence, he can join his handlers on the scaffold (assuming he is of adult age and sane). Pakistan’s terrorist training institutes, incidentally, will see a rapid decline in their admissions and recruitment figures once there are some well-televised hangings at sea.
Subroto Roy
12. January 16, 2009 Memo to the Hon’ble Attorneys General of Pakistan & India: How to jointly prosecute the Mumbai massacre perpetrators most expeditiously
A criminal conspiracy was hatched within the Pakistan Republic by persons known and unknown affiliated with an unlawful organization. The plot was to commit kidnapping, murder, robbery and piracy on the high seas, to be followed by illegal entry, criminal trespass, mass-murder, kidnapping, grievous bodily harm, arson, robbery, dacoity and multiple similarly heinous crimes in the Indian Republic, amounting to waging war against the Indian Republic and the Indian people. The conspirators commissioned services of at least 10 identified persons to be trained and indoctrinated as willing instruments in these multiple crimes, inducing them with money and other incentives.
Nine of these 10 persons came to be killed by Indian law enforcement authorities during the execution of their crimes; their mortal remains have remained in a Mumbai morgue now for more than one month and a half.
The tenth person, one Kasab, was captured alive and is in custody. He has been a willing witness for the prosecution of these multiple crimes and it is principally due to his testimony that the precise sequence of events in the commission of these crimes has been able to be reconstructed by law enforcement authorities (as contained e.g. in the “dossier” submitted by the Indian Republic to the Pakistan Republic.)
Both the Pakistan Republic and the Indian Republic have jurisdiction to prosecute these crimes. The jurisdiction of the Indian Republic is obvious.
Pakistan’s jurisdiction arises from the Pakistan Penal Code which states
2. Punishment of offences committed within Pakistan: Every person shall be liable to punishment under this Code and not otherwise for every act or omission contrary to the provisions thereof, of which he shall be guilty within Pakistan.3. Punishment of offences committed beyond, but which by law may be tried within Pakistan: Any person liable, by any Pakistani Law, to be tried for an offence committed beyond Pakistan shall be dealt with according to the provision of this Code for any act committed beyond Pakistan in the same manner as if such act had been committed within Pakistan. 4. Extension of Code for extra-territorial offences: The provisions of this Code apply also to any offence committed by “[(1) any citizen of Pakistan or any person in the service of Pakistan in any place without and beyond Pakistan];…. (4) any person on any ship or aircraft registered in Pakistan wherever it may be. Explanation: In this section the word “offence” includes every act committed outside Pakistan which, if committed in Pakistan, would be punishable under this Code…”.
Furthermore, both the Pakistan Republic and the Indian Republic have jurisdiction from the Law of the Sea Treaty which both have signed and ratified and which states at Article 101
“Definition of piracy(b) any act of voluntary participation in the operation of a ship or of an aircraft with knowledge of facts making it a pirate ship or aircraft;
Piracy consists of any of the following acts: (a) any illegal acts of violence or detention, or any act of depredation, committed for private ends by the crew or the passengers of a private ship or a private aircraft, and directed:
(i) on the high seas, against another ship or aircraft, or against persons or property on board such ship or aircraft;
(ii) against a ship, aircraft, persons or property in a place outside the jurisdiction of any State;
(c) any act of inciting or of intentionally facilitating an act described in subparagraph (a) or (b).”
From Kasab’s testimony, it is clear he and his companions began their criminal activities within Pakistan (by training as terrorists and engaging in the conspiracy to commit mass-murder in India) and this continued outside Pakistan at sea:
“On November 23, the teams left from Azizabad in Karachi, along with Zaki-ur-Rehman and Kafa. We were taken to the nearby seashore… We boarded a launch. After travelling for 22 to 25 nautical miles we boarded a bigger launch. Again, after a journey of an hour, we boarded a ship, Al-Huseini, in the deep sea. While boarding the ship, each of us was given a sack containing eight grenades, an AK-47 rifle, 200 cartridges, two magazines and a cellphone. Then we started towards the Indian coast. When we reached Indian waters, the crew members of Al-Huseini hijacked an Indian launch. The crew of the launch was shifted to Al-Huseini. We then boarded the launch. An Indian seaman was made to accompany us at gunpoint; he was made to bring us to the Indian coast. After a journey of three days, we reached near Mumbai’s shore. While we were still some distance away from the shore, Ismail and Afadulla killed the Indian seaman … in the basement of the launch.”
Traditionally, pirates are Hostis humani generis or “enemies of mankind” in law (as are international terrorists).
In view of the competing jurisdictions to try and punish all these crimes, as well as in view of the regrettable historical circumstances of grave conflict and deep misunderstanding and mistrust between the Pakistan Republic and the Indian Republic, it may be most expeditious for there to be a joint investigation and prosecution under maritime law by the Pakistan Navy and Indian Navy of this entire set of crimes, assisted by civilian legal authorities in both countries. As signatories to the Law of the Sea Treaty, the Pakistan Republic and the Indian Republic may act jointly against the vessel Al-Huseini and all the others associated with the whole conspiracy including the acts of piracy and maritime murder of the Indian fishermen and the trawler-skipper Solanki preceding the massacres in Mumbai.
Both countries would hand over all the accused in their custody to their respective navies for trial and punishment as pirates who have or have conspired to violate the Law of the Sea. The Pakistan Navy Chief and the Indian Navy Chief can agree to have their admirals meet with their respective prisoners for a rendezvous at sea in international waters. A joint trial under maritime law can be conducted on board, say, a Pakistan naval vessel in international waters. The masterminds who conceived and plotted these crimes and who are presently in the custody of the Pakistan Republic can be hanged at sea on a scaffold aboard a Pakistan Navy vessel in international waters for piracy, murder and conspiracy. Kasab, if he turns State’s evidence, can plea-bargain for a lesser sentence; if he does not turn State’s evidence, he can join his handlers on the scaffold. The remains of the nine dead criminals presently in a Mumbai morgue can be buried at sea in international waters by whatever funeral procedure is due to dishonourable sailors and pirates.
Incidental consequences may be that future admissions and recruitment figures of terrorist training institutes would decline, and of course Pakistan-India tensions would be reduced once clear justice is seen to have been done expeditiously in this complex case.
Subroto Roy
13. January 25, 2009 RAND’s study of the Mumbai attacks by Subroto Roy Kolkata
The conspicuously good thing that can be said about the RAND Corporation’s study of the Mumbai massacres (”The Lessons of Mumbai”, RAND January 2009) is that there is no sign of it having been affected by the powerful Pakistan lobby. Far too many purported studies emerging from American or British “thinktanks” cannot say the same.
If anything, the ten American authors of the 25-pages of the RAND text have among them two prominent advocates of better US-India relations. This is helpful to truthfulness because of the simple fact India has been in this case a victim of aggression that originated in Pakistan. Whether elements of the Pakistan Government were involved is almost the wrong question – if some retired underemployed former soldier drawing a Pakistan Army pension helped the Lashkar-e-Taiba’s commando training of the Mumbai terrorists, the existence of Pakistani state involvement is proved. Commando training requires technical skills of a sort that can only originate with a military.
In Pakistan as in any other large populous country including India, the state tends to be a hydra-headed monster and it may be foolish to imagine instead a rational, unified, well-informed or even a benevolent political entity. State involvement in Pakistan, India, China or elsewhere is something hard to isolate when there is so much mixing of private and public property or misuse of resources arising from the public exchequer.
What Pakistan’s PR campaign has done after Mumbai is not so much raise the Kashmir dispute as to obfuscate things by shedding crocodile tears and pretending to share victimhood saying, oh we sympathise with you but please sympathise with us too as we have been victims of even bigger terrorist attacks by the same kind of people, we have lost Benazir, we have lost many more people than you have, therefore cooperate with us and we will try to do what we can to help you in this matter. English-speaking liberals educated at places like Karachi Grammar School have then appeared on Indian TV stations (owned by Delhi people from places like Doon School) purporting to represent Pakistan on “the Mumbai incident”; none of them can have much credibility because the real India-haters in Pakistan might cheerfully make them murder victims too given half a chance.
The RAND study deserves credit for avoiding all misleading Pakistani rhetoric about the Mumbai massacres and at least intending to try to get to the bottom of things in a systematic manner. Beyond that, unfortunately, it has made logical and factual and methodological errors which cause it to fail to do so.
The key logical error made by the RAND authors arises from combining a central front-page statement
“Evidence suggests Lashkar-e-Taiba, a terrorist group based in Pakistan, was responsible for the attack”
with assertive suggestions about Mumbai’s police being backward, incompetent, cowardly etc (”passive”). Yet how precisely did evidence about LeT culpability come to light? Only because Mumbai’s police and the Railway police engaged, injured and then captured Kasab using their antiquated equipment the best they could. There is no evidence of police cowardice at CST Station; to the contrary, it took courage to aim .303’s at adversaries firing back with assault rifles. Kasab received his first hand injury there. ATS Chief Karkare and his fellow-officers may seem foolhardy in hindsight to have been driving in the same vehicle but they did engage their unknown enemy immediately they could and died doing so, crippling Kasab badly enough that he could be captured in due course at Chowpatty. [Correction: it appears that though Kasab was fired upon by the police at CST Station he received both his hand injuries from the firing by the ATS squad.] And the Chowpatty police action showed obvious bravery in absorbing injury and death in order to kill Ishmail and capture Kasab. (Kasab, among the youngest, had been paired with Ishmail, the apparent leader of the group.)
Furthermore, Kasab upon capture was treated humanely and lawfully. His injuries were treated, he was produced before a magistrate within a week who asked him if he was being mistreated to which he said no. Slumdog millionaire may get undeserved Oscars portraying torture of a British actor by Mumbai police but it is ridiculous fiction – Kasab the captured Pakistani terrorist mass murderer was not tortured by Mumbai’s police.
Contrast such Indian police behaviour with the “enhanced interrogation techniques” the Bush Administration used with negative results in Guantanamo and Abu Ghraib – which President Obama has now started to end. Kasab, an ignorant misguided youth, was grateful enough for the humane and civilized treatment to start singing like the proverbial canary. The result of that has been precisely all the evidence the Government of India has now presented to the world and Pakistan about the LeT’s culpability.
As for the anti-terrorist actions of the Indian Army, Navy and NSG, the RAND study is right to point to multitudinous errors and it is useful to have these listed in orderly fashion. But many of these errors were obvious to millions of lay Indian citizens who watched events on TV. The central fault was the scarcity of trained NSG officers and men, and the failure to apply standard emergency management protocols.
The RAND study, by relying overly on government sources, has failed to point to what ordinary Indian citizens already know – the NSG is being utterly wasted protecting our politicians. India has no proper equivalent of the US “Secret Service”, and even if we did, we would probably waste that by spreading it too thinly among politicians. As it happens if almost any politician in India today did happen to be unfortunately assassinated, the main mourners would be family-members and not the general Indian public. Despite politicians constituting rather “low-value targets” for terrorists, India’s scarce anti-terrorist and police resources have been misallocated to protecting them.
Finally, the RAND study makes the lazy-man’s methodological error of supposing outfits like the LeT think and behave in a manner explicable by American political science textbooks, or ought to do so. What Western analysts may need to do instead is learn from the old Arabist and Orientalist traditions of how to think and see the world from Eastern points of view. But that may require greater self-knowledge than the modern world tends to permit.
Postscript:
My December 6 2008 analysis here titled “A Quick Comparison Between the September 11 2001 NYC-Washington attacks and the November 26-28 2008 Mumbai Massacres (An Application of the Case-by-Case Philosophical Technique of Wittgenstein, Wisdom and Bambrough)” is republished below. I have corrected “Rome Airport” with “Lod Airport” on the basis of reading the RAND report, though may not have received the courtesy of acknowledgment for the reminder of the Japanese Red Army attack….
14. February 9 2009, Pakistani expansionism: India and the world need to beware of “Non-Resident Pakistanis” ruled by Rahmat Ali’s ghost
The Government of Pakistan is said to be due to release its initial report on the involvement of Pakistanis in the Mumbai massacres. It is reportedly expected that the G o P will partly if not mainly or wholly attribute responsibility for the planning of the massacres to expatriate Pakistanis in other countries, perhaps in Europe and Britain. If so, a fact the Government of India might find prudent to recall is that the Government of Pakistan in bygone decades did deny citizenship to Rahmat Ali himself (who invented the acronym “P, A, K, I, S, T, A, N” ) and even deported him back to Britain from where he had carried out his vituperative and bigoted campaign against Hindus.
Rahmat Ali’s British grave has become a site of pilgrimage for expatriate Pakistani extremists and his ignorant hate-filled ideology from the 1930s has been inspiring their modern manifestos. I said this in an article published in Karachi’s Dawn newspaper in 2005, which also pointed to Iqbal and Jinnah’s disdain for Rahmat Ali’s views (see “Iqbal and Jinnah vs Rahmat Ali” republished here). American nationals and British subjects of Pakistani origin inspired by Rahmat Ali’s ghost are spreading theories of Pakistani territorial expansionism at the cost of the destruction of the Indian Republic and many other countries.
The fact that at one such website recently I myself, presumably because of my Hindu name and Indian nationality, have been referred to as a “monkey- or donkey-worshipper” may speak to the somewhat rabid nature of such ideologies. (Drat! And there I was expecting some elementary Pakistani courtesy and acknowledgment let alone gratitude for having created, at great personal cost at an American university twenty years ago, the volume with WE James titled Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s with its mundane chapters on agriculture, macroeconomics, education etc!)
Incidentally, British newspapers are reporting today that America’s CIA has been deeply concerned about British subjects of Pakistani origin being a source of international terrorism. It may be pertinent to recall that terrorism in India’s Punjab had much support among numerous Sikh expatriates and immigrants in North America and Britain, and the same kind of thing may be true of Tamil expatriates from Sri Lanka. Being isolated and alienated as immigrants in a foreign country may lead to psychological conditions that contribute to such phenomena, whereby political and other events in the faraway country-of-origin take on exaggerated proportions in an individual’s mental make-up. Certainly Rahmat Ali himself was a rather tragic lonely figure who wasted his own potential to properly contribute to Pakistan’s political history through his own self-blinding hatred of Hindus.
SR
15. February 11, 2009 Kasab, the young misguided Pakistani mass-murdering terrorist, needs to be given political asylum in India! (Matt Damon, Will Smith: here’s a real-life case!)
Life imitates art or rather Hollywood again as young Kasab, the misguided primary-school dropout Pakistani mass-murdering terrorist caught by Indian police after the Mumbai massacres, becomes a kind of Jason-Bourne/Enemy-of-the-State character who is said to be being targeted now by Pakistan’s terrorist masterminds for not being dead already! There have been all kinds of weird assassinations by and of government agents using poisoned umbrellas and radioactive pills etc in real life, and who is to say that young Kasab is not going to be given a small cyanide capsule along with a letter of farewell from his parents when His Excellency the High Commissioner’s consular agents receive access to him?
Shortly after Kasab’s remorseful confessions (which flowed from his natural gratitude at having survived and having been treated humanely by Mumbai’s police), I said here that if I was the judge trying him, I would send him to an Indian prison for 20 or 30 years (given his 20 or 30 murder victims), but I would add that he should be occasionally, say once a year, permitted to offer namaz at India’s grandest mosques. He could become a model prisoner, possibly a potent weapon against Pakistan’s terrorist masterminds who have ruined his life and now wish him dead.
(Message to Matt Damon, Will Smith and assorted Hollywood cinematic personalities: there is a confessed, remorseful mass-murdering 20-year old Pakistani terrorist in an Indian prison who is being targeted by the very people who sent him on his vile mission.)
In present circumstances, young Kasab needs to seek political asylum in the Indian Republic as his life in his own Pakistan Republic is as good as over for political reasons. He would become the first person ever in history to receive political asylum in a country that he attacked despite being a confessed terrorist mass-murderer. But Mahatma Gandhi would have approved and smiled at the irony of it all! Ahimsa paramo dharmaha in practice.
SR
16. February 12 2009, Thanks and well done Minister Rehman Malik and the Government of Pakistan
The Hon’ble Rehman Malik and the Government of Pakistan have done very well, all things considered, in taking forward the criminal investigation into the Mumbai massacres, based on the evidence provided by Indian authorities that arose from the cooperation and testimony of young Kasab, the captured Pakistani terrorist. I am hopeful the Government of India will provide a serious well-considered response too, though our private TV channels continue frequently to be rather juvenile, sensationalist and inflammatory caused by their overall lack of editorial competence.
As foreseen here over the last two months, a very serious problem of international law still arises due to the competing jurisdictions in the prosecution of this complex case, since both the Indian Republic and the Pakistan Republic have jurisdiction. I continue to believe that a joint prosecution by the Pakistan Navy and the Indian Navy under the Law of the Sea in international waters (conducted on board, say, a Pakistan Navy vessel) may be the most expeditious way to bring this whole tragic and awful matter to proper closure.
In the meantime, the Government of Pakistan has done well and deserves Indian thanks. Recall, by way of contrast, that investigations of many of Pakistan’s major political assassinations, from Liaquat Ali Khan and Dr Khan Sahib to Zia ul Haq and Nawab Bugti and Benazir Bhutto herself, still remain in the dark. We in India tend to solve our political assassinations better but in recent times our police have failed woefully to solve several ghastly and notorious personal murders.
Subroto Roy, Kolkata
17. March 18 2009. Pakistan’s progress
Nine months ago, on June 9 2008, I wrote but did not publish the op-ed article below “Pakistan’s progress” intended for an Indian newspaper. When the Mumbai massacres took place, I was rather glad I had not come to do so because its cheer and optimism contrasted too starkly with the vileness and viciousness of the massacres. Instead I turned to the legal, moral and political implications of the massacres, and several articles are to be found here on Kasab, competing jurisdictions in international law in prosecuting the crimes, and application of the Law of the Sea Treaty (which both countries have ratified) to jointly try and hang the masterminds at sea in international waters. Pakistan’s initial criminal investigation into the massacres received praise here, and I can only trust that both the Government of India and the Government of Pakistan will remain forensically focussed on that case of mass-murder and other heinous crimes until its appropriate conclusion.
Meanwhile, recent political events in Pakistan have made the article below relevant again; when it was written Pervez Musharraf had still not departed from office but the more abstract constitutional question raised in the article had to do with the relative powers of the Head of State and Head of Government in the new Pakistan. With the peaceful restoration of the Chief Justice to his high office, I am glad to say that the question I raised but did not publish nine months ago, namely, “A rare constitutional consensus might be developing – can it last long enough?”, seems to be headed at present to being answered in the affirmative.
Subroto Roy, Kolkata, India
“Pakistan’s progress: A rare constitutional consensus might be developing – can it last long enough? Subroto Roy, dated June 9 2008
The dynamic evolution of politics in Pakistan should be judged not against Indian politics (rotten or exemplary as our politics can be at different times) but against its own initial conditions. It is an unimaginable luxury that Pakistanis in recent months have been discussing such sweet constitutional questions as how to restore judges unseated by soldiers having entered the Supreme Court, what to do with judges who took an oath despite such an abomination, how to maintain diplomatic relations between the PPP and PML(N), and most important of all, whether the military with its nuclear assets should report to the PM or President – in other words, is the Head of Government or Head of State the Chief Executive? It is a luxury too that Pervez Musharraf has become almost a distraction in Pakistani politics, that he himself indicates he may be running out of dramatic lines and may be getting ready to exit his country’s political stage, that the Pakistan Army is shocked by its realisation of its loss of prestige in society, that the Ex-Servicemen’s Society thinks Musharraf deserves punishment for having caused such a state of affairs. Dr Ayesha Siddiqa has pointed out that every Pakistani military strongman has been eventually removed, and has been removed not by democratic forces alone but by intra-military pressure.
It is likely we are at present witnessing such a critical moment, and it is naturally fraught with danger for any civilian prime minister and parliament because any intra-military conflict can descend into mutiny or worse. Pakistan Army officers have been deeply divided for years over Islamicisation already — onto which is now compounded the issue of loyalty to Musharraf (mostly paid for in American dollars) versus the urge to remove him in the best future interests of the military. Musharraf himself, with his usual braggadocio, has been claiming fealty to constitutional principles as well; so at least there is agreement on all sides that matters should proceed in an orderly and dignified manner and not by nefarious means.
The relevant comparison of the present situation is with the recent past. Let us look back just a few years, say to the autumn of 2005 when the initial post 9/11 Western backlash against Pakistan had been renewed after the London Underground bombings. On 1 September 2005, during the scheduled Islamabad visit of the Indian Foreign Secretary, the PAF launched massive month-long war-games against an assumed Indian enemy. It involved “the entire fleet, including US-made F-16s, French Mirage fighter aircraft and Chinese-built jets” and “using all assets” in an exercise “closest to war you can get in peacetime”; from the Hindu Kush to the Arabian Sea “8,200 operational sorties” would be flown, Shaukat Aziz witnessing the start, Musharraf the finish. Hardly had this orgy of militarism concluded when northern Pakistan and parts of J&K were hit by the devastating earthquake; Musharraf visited quake-hit areas still dressed in battle gear down to his para wings.
Pakistanis of all classes were appalled at the ineptitude of their government in face of the earthquake and it was inevitable the military would be held responsible. What had been the opportunity cost in fungible resources of those “8,200 operational sorties”? The military’s extremely expensive “assets” were designed for war with India and had bankrupted the country but ordinary people had been left utterly helpless in a natural calamity. Future historians of Pakistan may well see the 2005 earthquake as a critical turning point in their political development just as the 12 November 1970 cyclone was in the history of Bangladesh.
A modern war between Pakistan and India, even a non-nuclear one, would be like a hundred earthquakes. Indians have not been so jingoistic as to contemplate such an exchange of destruction but less than a decade ago Gohar Ayub Khan, as Pakistan’s Foreign Minister, was boasting how India would surrender within a few hours in the next war – which was presumably a threat to unleash missiles, even non-nuclear ones, as a first resort against Indian cities and civilian populations. That such abominable Pakistan-India tension has today come to vanish might have been indicated during the recent IPL cricket final when Kamran Akmal jumped onto Yusuf Pathan or crashed into Mohammad Kaif as commercially driven team-mates led by an Australian captain and associated with what used to be Hindu Rajputana. So much for the “Two Nations Theory” in the 21st Century. Maulana Azad seems to have been proven right and MA Jinnah proven wrong after all.
The Pakistani state had become an oppressive war-machine solely guided by anti-Indian paranoia even while ordinary Pakistanis, through modern communications and technology, knew fully well India and Indians were not nearly as bad as the Pakistan Government was making them out to be. From an official Pakistani point of view, a nuclear bomb (even a purchased and assembled one) was needed out of fear India intended to destroy what remained of West Pakistan – a theory that could arise only from the delusion that Bangladesh had been caused by Indian intrigues. The Pakistan Army has been reluctant for more than a generation to face up to the reality of its behaviour in East Pakistan and the consequences that resulted; it has been far easier to blame India instead.
Yet Pakistan’s national hero, AQ Khan himself, born in Bhopal and extremely bitter at modern India as many former Indian nationals tend to be, has now said “Never! Never!” will there be an exchange of destruction in nuclear warfare between India and Pakistan. It may be a wise Indian diplomatic move to invite Dr Khan, stricken with cancer as he is said to be, to make a quiet private visit to his place of birth if he wished to (perhaps followed by a courtesy luncheon at BARC on the way home).
Of course Indians cannot forget the destruction that has been wrought in this country in recent years by our old Bogeyman, the ISI. Yet it is a fair bet that not only do we not comprehend the workings of that particular bureaucracy, nor do Pakistanis themselves, indeed the ISI itself may not comprehend itself in the sense that different ISI sections have been and may remain at cross-purposes or conflict with each other as has become apparent in the ongoing official attempts to suppress the new “Taliban”. Proper civilian control of the ISI is part of the same process as the proper civilian control of the Pakistan military as a whole, and what we are witnessing is nothing less than the first serious constitutional attempt in Pakistan’s history for that to take place. The whole subcontinent is hopeful and watching Pakistan’s transition. In the meantime, a milestone was certainly reached on 25 May when Pakistan’s young and brilliant sufi rock band *Junoon* performed in beautiful Srinagar to the delight of thousands of Kashmiris. The “United Jehad Council” and Syed Ali Shah Geelani had denounced them; in reply the band’s lead guitarist Salman Ahmed had the courage to say: “I want them to join us in the musical *jehad* for peace and ring the bells of harmony.” For peace to break out will of course require India’s participation and willingness as well.”…
The Indian press and media, especially the Government-owned part, exulted about Dr Manmohan Singh’s presence at France’s Bastille Day parade this year. And of course it was generally a splendid occasion and there were things that the organisers of Indian military parades could have and should have learnt from it. But there were two sources of disquietude.
Did anyone but myself notice that Dr Manmohan Singh had been placed on the left hand side of the French President? Is that the place of a Guest of Honour?
Who was on the right hand side? Germany’s President Horset Köhler. Why? Some French reports said Dr Singh was the Guest of Honour; others said both were. Either way diplomatic protocol should have placed Dr Singh to the right of President Sarkozy. If President Köhler too was an equivalent Guest of Honour through some last minute diplomatic mishap, he should have been to the right of Dr Singh.
France slighted India by placing Dr Singh to the left of President Sarkozy and still calling him the Guest of Honour. (And why Dr Singh was invited was clearly not because of any new great power status for India but firstly to reciprocate the recent invitation to President Sarkozy last 26 January, and secondly, to gain advantage in business deals with India.)
Secondly, what business did a French paratrooper have to parachute out of an aircraft holding India’s tricolour and then, upon landing, drag it momentarily on the ground? What business did two French paratroopers have to be holding the Indian tricolour in a salute to the French President?
Again, France has slighted India.
I love Paris and I am generally Francophilic — except for such instances of Napoleonic self-aggrandisement.
Subroto Roy
Postscript July 15: Where her husband did not, Mme Sarkozy did get the protocol right, placing Mme Singh to her immediate right and Mme Köhler to Mme Singh’s right.
I was born in Tehran because my parents were Indian diplomats there, and I would love to go back to visit Iran someday. Not right now though as the country seems to be plunging itself into a new Revolution and yesterday’s Revolutionaries are today’s Reactionaries in a way that George Orwell would have understood and might have predicted. (Back in December 1982, at the American Economic Association meetings in New York City, a man looking surprisingly similar to Mr Mohammad Ahmadinajad approached me after I had read a paper “Economic Theory and Development Economics” to a large audience, introducing himself as a member of the UN delegation of the new Islamic Republic, giving me his card which I never kept… a story for another time…)
It would appear to me that the right political course of action would be for the disputed poll to be cancelled — with the consent and indeed at the statesmanlike initiative of its declared winner; to be followed by a short interregnum for normalisation and a calming down of all tempers to occur; and then for fresh polls to occur within, say, two or three months, taking transparent precautions that such an ugly mess not be repeated.
Yesterday the PM is reported to have been asked by someone travelling on his aeroplane from Moscow “whether he had forgiven Advani for calling him a ‘weak Prime Minister’”.
The question was absurd, almost ridiculous, typical of our docile ingratiating rather juvenile English-language press and media, as if any issue of forgiveness arises at all about what one politician says during an election campaign about another politician’s performance in office.
Dr Manmohan Singh’s answer was surprising too: “I was compelled to reply to what Advani said…On May 16 when (Advani) telephoned me, he told me that he was hurt by some of my statements. He said he was hurt and regretted his statements… I apologised to him if I have hurt him. I am looking forward to a close relationship with the Leader of the Opposition.”
So LK Advani appears to have apologised to Manmohan Singh and Manmohan Singh to LK Advani for what they said about each other during the recent general election campaign! What is going on? Were they schoolboys exchanging fisticuffs in a school playground or elderly men battling over power and policy in modern Indian politics?
What would we have done if there was a Churchill in Indian politics today – hurling sarcastic insults at domestic opponents and foreign leaders while guiding a nation on its right course during turbulent times?
Churchill once famously said his parents had not shown him “The Boneless Wonder” in PT Barnum’s circus because it was too horrible a sight but now he had finally seen such a “Boneless Wonder” in his opponent on the Treasury Benches, namely, Ramsay MacDonald. Of the same opponent he said later “He has the gift of compressing the largest number of words into the smallest amount of thought”.
When accused of being drunk by a woman MP he replied “And you are very ugly, but tomorrow I’ll be sober”. Today’s politically correct world would scream at far less. Field Marshall Montgomery told Churchill, “I neither drink nor smoke and am 100% fit,” to which Churchill replied, “I drink and smoke and I am 200% fit”. That too would be politically incorrect today.
Churchill described Prime Minister Clement Attlee as “a modest man with much to be modest about”; also about Attlee: “If any grub is fed on Royal Jelly it turns into a Queen Bee”. Yet Attlee had enough dignity and self-knowledge and self-confidence to brush it all off and instead respect and praise him. In the 1954 volume Winston Spencer Churchill Servant of Crown and Commonwealth Attlee added his own tribute to his great opponent: “I recall…the period when he was at odds with his own party and took a seat on the Bench below the Gangway on the Government side. Here he was well placed to fire on both parties. I remember describing him as a heavily armed tank cruising in No Man’s Land. Very impressive were the speeches he delivered as the international horizon grew darker. He became very unpopular with the predominant group in his own party, but he never minded fighting a lone battle.”
Stanley Baldwin, who as PM first appointed Churchill as Chancellor of the Exchequer, once said “There comes Winston with his hundred horsepower mind”. Yet Churchill was to later say harshly “I wish Stanley Baldwin no ill, but it would have been much better had he never lived.”
Of Lenin, Churchill said, he was “transported in a sealed truck like a plague bacillus from Switzerland into Russia”. Of Molotov: “I have never seen a human being who more perfectly represented the modern concept of a robot.” Of Hitler, “If [he] invaded hell I would at least make a favourable reference to the devil in the House of Commons”. Of De Gaulle, “He was a man without a country yet he acted as if he was head of state”.” Of John Foster Dulles, “[He] is the only bull who carries his china shop with him”. Of Stafford Cripps, British Ambassador to the USSR, “…a lunatic in a country of lunatics”; and also “There but for the Grace of God, goes God”.
Politics is, and should be, grown up stuff because it deals with human lives and national destinies, and really, if you can’t take the heat please do not enter the kitchen. The slight Churchillian sarcasm that does arise within modern Indian politics comes very occasionally from Bihar but nowhere else, e.g. about the inevitability of aloo in samosas and of bhaloos in the jungle but no longer of Laloo being in the seat of power. In general, everyone seems frightfully sombre and self-important though may be in fact short of self-knowledge and hence self-confidence.
What had Manmohan Singh said about LK Advani that he felt he had to apologise for? That Advani had no substantial political achievement to his credit and did not deserve to be India’s PM. Manmohan was not alone in making the charge – Sonia Gandhi, Rahul Gandhi and numerous other spokesmen and representatives of their party said the same. Has Manmohan’s apology to Advani been one on behalf of the whole Congress Party itself?
Was Advani’s apology to Manmohan one on behalf of the whole BJP too?
What had the BJP charged Manmohan with that Advani felt he had to apologise for? Being a “weak PM”.
Hmmm. Frankly, thinking about it, it is hard to count who has not been weak as a PM in India’s modern history.
Certainly Vallabhai Patel as a kind of co-PM was decisive and far from weak back in 1947-48.
Lal Bahadur Shastri was not weak when he told Pakistan that a Pakistani attack on Kashmir would result in an Indian attack on Pakistan.
Indira Gandhi was not weak when she resisted the Yahya Khan-Tikka Khan tyranny against Bangladesh.
Had he not been assassinated, Rajiv Gandhi in a second term would have been decisive and not weak in facing up to and tackling the powerful lobbies and special interest groups that have crippled our domestic economic policy for decades.
But the number of such examples may be counted by hand. Perhaps VP Singh might count, riding in an open jeep to Amritsar, as might AB Vajpayee’s Pokhran II and travelling on a bus to Lahore. In general, the BJP’s charge that Manmohan was “weak” may have constructively led to serious discussion in the country about the whole nature of the Prime Ministership in modern India, which means raising a whole gamut of issues about Indian governance – about India being the softest of “soft states”, with the softest of “soft government budget constraints” (i.e., endless deficit finance and paper money creation) etc.
Instead, what we have had thus far is apologies being exchanged for no real political reason between the leaderships of the Government and the Opposition. If two or three sellers come to implicitly carve up a market between themselves they are said by economic theory to be colluding rather than being in competition. Indian politics may be revealing such implicit collusive behaviour. The goal of this political oligopoly would seem to be to preserve and promote the status quo of the post-1947 Dilli Raj with its special hereditary nomenclatura, at the expense of anonymous diffused teeming India.
Subroto Roy
Postscript July 15 2009: Churchill’s mature opinion of Baldwin was one of the fullest praise at the 20 May 1950 unveiling of a memorial to him. See his In the Balance, edited by Randolph S Churchill, 1951, p. 281
I may add my father, back in 1973 in Paris, had predicted to me that you would become Prime Minister of India one day, and he, now in his 90s, is joined by myself in sending our warm congratulations at the start of your second term in that high office.
The controversy though that you and I had entered that Paris day in 1973 about scientific economics as applied to India, must be renewed afresh!
This is because of your categorical statement on June 9 2009 to the new 15th Lok Sabha:
“I am convinced, since our savings rate is as high as 35%, given the collective will, if all of us work together, we can achieve a growth-rate of 8%-9%, even if the world economy does not do well.” (Statement of Dr Manmohan Singh to the Lok Sabha, June 9 2009)
I am afraid there may be multiple reasons why such a statement is gravely and incorrigibly in error within scientific economics. From your high office as Prime Minister in a second term, faced perhaps with no significant opposition from either within or without your party, it is possible the effects of such an error may spell macroeconomic catastrophe for India.
Indeed the idea that China and India have had extremely high economic growth-rates based on purportedly astronomical savings rates has become a commonplace in recent years, repeated endlessly in international and domestic policy circles though perhaps without adequate basis.
1. Germany & Japan
What, at the outset, is supposed to be measured when we speak of “growth”? Indian businessmen and their media friends seem to think “growth” refers to something like nominal earnings before tax for the organised corporate sector, or any unspecified number that can be sold to visiting foreigners to induce them to park their funds in India: “You will get a 10% return if you invest in India” to which the visitor says “Oh that must mean India has 10% growth going on”. Of such nonsense are expensive international conferences in Davos and Delhi often made.
You will doubtless agree the economist at least must define economic growth properly and with care — what is referred to must be annual growth of per capita inflation-adjusted Gross Domestic Product. (Per capita National Income or Net National Product would be even better if available).
West Germany and Japan had the highest annual per capita real GDP growth-rates in the world economy starting from devastated post-World War II initial conditions. What were their measured rates?
West Germany: 6.6% in 1950-1960, falling to 3.5% by 1960-1970 falling to 2.4% by 1970-1978.
Japan: 6.8 % in 1952-1960 rising to 9.4% in 1960-1970 falling to 3.8 % in 1970-1978.
Thus in recent decadesonly Japan measured a spike in the 1960s of more than 9% annual growth of real per capita GDP. Now India and China are said to be achieving 8%-10 % and more year after year routinely!
Perhaps we are observing an incredible phenomenon of world economic history. Or perhaps it is just something incredible, something false and misleading, like a mirage in the desert.
You may agree that processes of measurement of real income in India both at federal and provincial levels, still remain well short of the world standards described by the UN’s System of National Accounts 1993. The actuality of our real GDP growth may be better than what is being measured or it may be worse than what is being measured – from the point of view of public decision-making we at present simply do not know which it is, and to overly rely on such numbers in national decisions may be unwise. In any event, India’s population is growing at near 2% so even if your Government’s measured number of 8% or 9% is taken at face-value, we have to subtract 2% population growth to get per capita figures.
2. Growth of the aam admi’s consumption-basket
The late Professor Milton Friedman had been an invited adviser in 1955 to the Government of India during the Second Five Year Plan’s formulation. The Government of India suppressed what he had to say and I had to publish it 34 years later in May 1989 during the 1986-1992 perestroika-for-India project that I led at the University of Hawaii in the United States. His November 1955 Memorandum to the Government of India is a chapter in the book Foundations of India’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s that I and WE James created.
“I don’t believe the term GNP ought to be used unless it is supplemented by a different statistic: the rate of growth of the average consumption basket consumed by the ordinary individual in the country. I think GNP rates of growth can give very misleading information. For example, you have rapid rates of growth of GNP in the Soviet Union with a declining standard of life for the people. Because GNP includes monuments and includes also other things. I’m not saying that that is the case with India; I’m just saying I would like to see the two figures together.”
You may perhaps agree upon reflection that not only may our national income growth measurements be less robust than we want, it may be better to be measuring something else instead, or as well, as a measure of the economic welfare of India’s people, namely, “the rate of growth of the average consumption basket consumed by the ordinary individual in the country”, i.e., the rate of growth of the average consumption basket consumed by the aam admi.
It would be excellent indeed if you were to instruct your Government’s economists and other spokesmen to do so this as it may be something more reliable as an indicator of our economic realities than all the waffle generated by crude aggregate growth-rates.
3. Logic of your model
Thirdly, the logic needs to be spelled out of the economic model that underlies such statements as yours or Meghnad Desai’s that seek to operationally relate savings rates to aggregate growth rates in India or China. This seems not to have been done publicly in living memory by the Planning Commission or other Government economists. I have had to refer, therefore, to pages 251-253 of my own Cambridge doctoral thesis under Professor Frank Hahn thirty years ago, titled “On liberty and economic growth: preface to a philosophy for India”, where the logic of such models as yours was spelled out briefly as follows:
Let
Kt be capital stock
Yt be national output
It be the level of real investment
St be the level of real savings
By definition
It = K t+1 – Kt
By assumption
Kt = k Yt 0 < k < 1
St = sYt 0 < s <1
In equilibrium ex ante investment equals ex ante savings
It = St
Hence in equilibrium
sYt = K t+1 – Kt
Or
s/k = g
where g is defined to be the rate of growth (Y t+1-Yt)/Yt .
The left hand side then defines the “warranted rate of growth” which must maintain the famous “knife-edge” with the right hand side “natural rate of growth”.
Your June 9 2009 Lok Sabha statement that a 35% rate of savings in India may lead to an 8%-9% rate of economic growth in India, or Meghnad Desai’s statement that a 44% rate of savings in China led to a 10.4% growth there, can only be made meaningful in the context of a logical economic model like the one I have given above.
[In the open-economy version of the model, let Mt be imports, Et be exports, Ft net capital inflows.
Assume
Mt = aIt + bYt 0 < a, b < 1
Et = E for all t
Balance of payments is
Bt = Mt – Et – Ft
In equilibrium It = St + Bt
Or
Ft = (s+b) Yt – (1-a) It – E is a kind of “warranted” level of net capital inflow.]
You may perhaps agree upon reflection that building the entire macroeconomic policy of the Government of India merely upon a piece of economic logic as simplistic as the
s/k = g
equation above, may spell an unacceptable risk to the future economic well-being of our vast population. An alternative procedural direction for macroeconomic policy, with more obviously positive and profound consequences, may have been that which I sought to persuade Rajiv Gandhi about with some success in 1990-1991. Namely, to systematically seek to improve towards normalcy the budgets, financial positions and decision-making capacities of the Union and all state and local governments as well as all public institutions, organisations, entities, and projects in general, with the aim of making our domestic money a genuine hard currency of the world again after seven decades, so that any ordinary resident of India may hold and trade precious metals and foreign exchange at his/her local bank just like all those glamorous privileged NRIs have been permitted to do. Such an alternative path has been described in “The Indian Revolution”, “Against Quackery”, “The Dream Team: A Critique”,“India’s Macroeconomics”, “Indian Inflation”, etc.
4. Gross exaggeration of real savings rate by misreading deposit multiplication
Specifically, I am afraid you may have been misled into thinking India’s real savings rate, s, is as high as 35% just as Meghnad Desai may have misled himself into thinking China’s real savings rate is as high as 44%.
Neither of you may have wanted to make such a claim if you had referred to the fact that over the last 25 years, the average savings rate across all OECD countries has been less than 10%. Economic theory always finds claims of discontinuous behaviour to be questionable. If the average OECD citizen has been trying to save 10% of disposable income at best, it appears prima facie odd that India’s PM claims a savings rate as high as 35% for India or a British politician has claimed a savings rate as high as 44% for China. Something may be wrong in the measurement of the allegedly astronomical savings rates of India and China. The late Professor Nicholas Kaldor himself, after all, suggested it was rich people who saved and poor people who did not for the simple reason the former had something left over to save which the latter did not!
And indeed something is wrong in the measurements. What has happened, I believe, is that there has been a misreading of the vast nominal expansion of bank deposits via deposit-multiplication in the Indian banking system, an expansion that has been caused by explosive deficit finance over the last four or five decades. That vast nominal expansion of bank-deposits has been misread as indicating growth of real savings behaviour instead. I have written and spoken about and shown this quite extensively in the last half dozen years since I first discovered it in the case of India. E.g., in a lecture titled “Can India become an economic superpower or will there be a monetary meltdown?” at Cardiff University’s Institute of Applied Macroeconomics and at London’s Institute of Economic Affairs in April 2005, as well as in May 2005 at a monetary economics seminar invited at the RBI by Dr Narendra Jadav. The same may be true of China though I have looked at it much less.
“Savings is indeed normally measured by adding financial and non-financial savings. Financial savings include bank-deposits. But India is not a normal country in this. Nor is China. Both have seen massive exponential growth of bank-deposits in the last few decades. Does this mean Indians and Chinese are saving phenomenally high fractions of their incomes by assiduously putting money away into their shaky nationalized banks? Sadly, it does not. What has happened is government deficit-financing has grown explosively in both countries over decades. In a “fractional reserve” banking system (i.e. a system where your bank does not keep the money you deposited there but lends out almost all of it immediately), government expenditure causes bank-lending, and bank-lending causes bank-deposits to expand. Yes there has been massive expansion of bank-deposits in India but it is a nominal paper phenomenon and does not signify superhuman savings behaviour. Indians keep their assets mostly in metals, land, property, cattle, etc., and as cash, not as bank deposits.”
“India has followed in peacetime over six decades what the US and Britain followed during war. Our vast growth of bank deposits in recent decades has been mostly a paper (or nominal) phenomenon caused by unlimited deficit finance in a fractional reserve banking system. Policy makers have widely misinterpreted it as indicating a real phenomenon of incredibly high savings behaviour. In an inflationary environment, people save their wealth less as paper deposits than as real assets like land, cattle, buildings, machinery, food stocks, jewellery etc.”
If you asked me “What then is India’s real savings rate?” I have little answer to give except to say I know what it is not – it is not what the Government of India says it is. It is certainly unlikely to be anywhere near the 35% you stated it to be in your June 9 2009 Lok Sabha statement. If the OECD’s real savings rate has been something like 10% out of disposable income, I might accept India’s is, say, 15% at a maximum when properly measured – far from the 35% being claimed. What I believe may have been mismeasured by you and Meghnad Desai and many others as indicating high real savings is actually the nominal or paper expansion of bank-deposits in a fractional reserve banking system induced by runaway government deficit-spending in both India and China over the last several decades.
5. Technological progress and the mainsprings of real economic growth
So much for the g and s variables in the s/k = g equation in your economic model. But the assumed constant k is a big problem too!
During the 1989 perestroika-for-India project-conference, Professor Friedman referred to his 1955 experience in India and said this about the assumption of a constant k:
“I think there was an enormously important point… That was the almost universal acceptance at that time of the view that there was a sort of technologically fixed capital output ratio. That if you wanted to develop, you just had to figure out how much capital you needed, used as a statistical technological capital output ratio, and by God the next day you could immediately tell what output you were going to achieve. That was a large part of the motivation behind some of the measures that were taken then.”
The crucial problem of the sort of growth-model from which your formulation relating savings to growth arises is that, with a constant k, you have necessarily neglected the real source of economic growth, which is technological progress!
I said in the 2007 article referred to above:
“Economic growth in India as elsewhere arises not because of what politicians and bureaucrats do in capital cities, but because of spontaneous technological progress, improved productivity and learning-by-doing on part of the general population. Technological progress is a very general notion, and applies to any and every production activity or commercial transaction that now can be accomplished more easily or using fewer inputs than before.”
“The mainsprings of real growth in the wealth of the individual, and so of the nation, are greater practical learning, increases in capital resources and improvements in technology. Deeper skills and improved dexterity cause output produced with fewer inputs than before, i.e. greater productivity. Adam Smith said there is “invention of a great number of machines which facilitate and abridge labour, and enable one man to do the work of many”. Consider a real life example. A fresh engineering graduate knows dynamometers are needed in testing and performance-certification of diesel engines. He strips open a meter, finds out how it works, asks engine manufacturers what design improvements they want to see, whether they will buy from him if he can make the improvement. He finds out prices and properties of machine tools needed and wages paid currently to skilled labour, calculates expected revenues and costs, and finally tries to persuade a bank of his production plans, promising to repay loans from his returns. Overcoming restrictions of religion or caste, the secular agent is spurred by expectation of future gains to approach various others with offers of contract, and so organize their efforts into one. If all his offers ~ to creditors, labour, suppliers ~ are accepted he is, for the moment, in business. He may not be for long ~ but if he succeeds his actions will have caused an improvement in design of dynamometers and a reduction in the cost of diesel engines, as well as an increase in the economy’s produced means of production (its capital stock) and in the value of contracts made. His creditors are more confident of his ability to repay, his buyers of his product quality, he himself knows more of his workers’ skills, etc. If these people enter a second and then a third and fourth set of contracts, the increase in mutual trust in coming to agreement will quickly decline in relation to the increased output of capital goods. The first source of increasing returns to scale in production, and hence the mainspring of real economic growth, arises from the successful completion of exchange. Transforming inputs into outputs necessarily takes time, and it is for that time the innovator or entrepreneur or “capitalist” or “adventurer” must persuade his creditors to trust him, whether bankers who have lent him capital or workers who have lent him labour. The essence of the enterprise (or “firm”) he tries to get underway consists of no more than the set of contracts he has entered into with the various others, his position being unique because he is the only one to know who all the others happen to be at the same time. In terms introduced by Professor Frank Hahn, the entrepreneur transforms himself from being “anonymous” to being “named” in the eyes of others, while also finding out qualities attaching to the names of those encountered in commerce. Profits earned are partly a measure of the entrepreneur’s success in this simultaneous process of discovery and advertisement. Another potential entrepreneur, fresh from engineering college, may soon pursue the pioneer’s success and start displacing his product in the market ~ eventually chasers become pioneers and then get chased themselves, and a process of dynamic competition would be underway. As it unfolds, anonymous and obscure graduates from engineering colleges become by dint of their efforts and a little luck, named and reputable firms and perhaps founders of industrial families. Multiply this simple story many times, with a few million different entrepreneurs and hundreds of thousands of different goods and services, and we shall be witnessing India’s actual Industrial Revolution, not the fake promise of it from self-seeking politicians and bureaucrats.”
Technological progress in a myriad of ways and discovery of new resources are important factors contributing to India’s growth today. But while India’s “real” economy does well, the “nominal” paper-money economy controlled by Government does not. Continuous deficit financing for half a century has led to exponential growth of public debt and broad money, and, as noted, the vast growth of nominal bank-deposits has been misinterpreted as indicating unusually high real savings behaviour when it in fact may just signal vast amounts of government debt being held by our nationalised banks. These bank assets may be liquid domestically but are illiquid internationally since our government debt is not held by domestic households as voluntary savings nor has it been a liquid asset held worldwide in foreign portfolios.
What politicians of all parties, especially your own and the BJP and CPI-M since they are the three largest, have been presiding over is exponential growth of our paper money supply, which has even reached 22% per annum. Parliament and the Government should be taking honest responsibility for this because it may certainly portend double-digit inflation (i.e., decline in the value of paper-money) perhaps as high as 14%-15% per annum, something that is certain to affect the aam admi’s economic welfare adversely.
6. Selling Government assets to Big Business is a bad idea in a potentially hyperinflationary economy
Respected PradhanMantriji, the record would show that I, and really I alone, 25 years ago, may have been the first among Indian economists to advocate the privatisation of the public sector. (Viz, “Silver Jubilee of Pricing, Planning and Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India”.) In spite of this, I have to say clearly now that in present circumstances of a potentially hyperinflationary economy created by your Government and its predecessors, I believe your Government’s present plans to sell Government assets may be an exceptionally unwise and imprudent idea. The reasoning is very simple from within monetary economics.
Government every year has produced paper rupees and bank deposits in practically unlimited amounts to pay for its practically unlimited deficit financing, and it has behaved thus over decades. Such has been the nature of the macroeconomic process that all Indian political parties have been part of, whether they are aware of it or not.
Indian Big Business has an acute sense of this long-term nominal/paper expansion of India’s economy, and acts towards converting wherever possible its own hoards of paper rupees and rupee-denominated assets into more valuable portfolios for itself of real or durable assets, most conspicuously including hard-currency denominated assets, farm-land and urban real-estate, and, now, the physical assets of the Indian public sector. Such a path of trying to transform local domestic paper assets – produced unlimitedly by Government monetary and fiscal policy and naturally destined to depreciate — into real durable assets, is a privately rational course of action to follow in an inflationary economy. It is not rocket-science to realise the long-term path of rupee-denominated assets is downwards in comparison to the hard-currencies of the world – just compare our money supply growth and inflation rates with those of the rest of the world.
The Statesman of November 16 2006 had a lead editorial titled Government’s land-fraud: Cheating peasants in a hyperinflation-prone economy which said:
“There is something fundamentally dishonourable about the way the Centre, the state of West Bengal and other state governments are treating the issue of expropriating peasants, farm-workers, petty shop-keepers etc of their small plots of land in the interests of promoters, industrialists and other businessmen. Singur may be but one example of a phenomenon being seen all over the country: Hyderabad, Karnataka, Kerala, Haryana, everywhere. So-called “Special Economic Zones” will merely exacerbate the problem many times over. India and its governments do not belong only to business and industrial lobbies, and what is good for private industrialists may or may not be good for India’s people as a whole. Economic development does not necessarily come to be defined by a few factories or high-rise housing complexes being built here or there on land that has been taken over by the Government, paying paper-money compensation to existing stakeholders, and then resold to promoters or industrialists backed by powerful political interest-groups on a promise that a few thousand new jobs will be created. One fundamental problem has to do with inadequate systems of land-description and definition, implementation and recording of property rights. An equally fundamental problem has to do with fair valuation of land owned by peasants etc. in terms of an inconvertible paper-money. Every serious economist knows that “land” is defined as that specific factor of production and real asset whose supply is fixed and does not increase in response to its price. Every serious economist also knows that paper-money is that nominal asset whose price can be made to catastrophically decline by a massive increase in its supply, i.e. by Government printing more of the paper it holds a monopoly to print. For Government to compensate people with paper-money it prints itself by valuing their land on the basis of an average of the price of the last few years, is for Government to cheat them of the fair present-value of the land. That present-value of land must be calculated in the way the present-value of any asset comes to be calculated, namely, by summing the likely discounted cash-flows of future values. And those future values should account for the likelihood of a massive future inflation causing decline in the value of paper-money in view of the fact we in India have a domestic public debt of some Rs. 30 trillion (Rs. 30 lakh crore) and counting, and money supply growth rates averaging 16-17% per annum. In fact, a responsible Government would, given the inconvertible nature of the rupee, have used foreign exchange or gold as the unit of account in calculating future-values of the land. India’s peasants are probably being cheated by their Government of real assets whose value is expected to rise, receiving nominal paper assets in compensation whose value is expected to fall.”
Shortly afterwards the Hon’ble MP for Kolkata Dakshin, Km Mamata Banerjee, started her protest fast, riveting the nation’s attention in the winter of 2006-2007. What goes for government buying land on behalf of its businessman friends also goes, mutatis mutandis, for the public sector’s real assets being bought up by the private sector using domestic paper money in a potentially hyperinflationary economy. If your new Government wishes to see real assets of the public sector being sold for paper money, let it seek to value these assets not in inconvertible rupees that Government itself has been producing in unlimited quantities but perhaps in forex or gold-units instead!
In the 2004-2005 volume Margaret Thatcher’s Revolution: How it Happened and What it Meant, edited by myself and Professor John Clarke, there is a chapter by Professor Patrick Minford on Margaret Thatcher’s fiscal and monetary policy (macroeconomics) that was placed ahead of the chapter by Professor Martin Ricketts on Margaret Thatcher’s privatisation (microeconomics). India’s fiscal and monetary or macroeconomic problems are far worse today than Britain’s were when Margaret Thatcher came to power. We need to get our macroeconomic problems sorted before we attempt the microeconomic privatisation of public assets.
It is wonderful that your young party colleague, the Hon’ble MP from Amethi, Shri Rahul Gandhi, has declined to join the present Government and instead wishes to reflect further on the “common man” and “common woman” about whom I had described his late father talking to me on September 18 1990. Certainly the aam admi is not someone to be found among India’s lobbyists of organised Big Business or organised Big Labour who have tended to control government agendas from the big cities.
With my warmest personal regards and respect, I remain,
Any Lok Sabha MP who neither sits with the Opposition nor is a sworn-in member of the Government is a Backbench MP of the Government party or its coalition.
Shrimati Sonia Gandhi is the most prominent of such Backbench MPs in the 15th Lok Sabha, just as she was of the 14th Lok Sabha, and has chosen to be in a most peculiar position from the point of view of parliamentary law. As the leader of the largest parliamentary party, she could have been not merely a member of the Government but its Prime Minister. She has in fact had a decisive role in determining the composition of the Manmohan Government as well as its policies. She in fact sits on the Frontbenches in the Lok Sabha along with the Manmohan Government. But she is not a member of the Government and is, formally speaking, a Backbench MP who is choosing to sit in the Frontbenches.
(Dr Manmohan Singh himself, not being a member of the Lok Sabha, may, formally speaking, sit or speak from among the Frontbenches of his own Government only by invitation of the Lok Sabha Speaker as a courtesy – such would have been the cardinal reason why Alec Douglas-Home resigned from being Lord Home and instead stood for a House of Commons seat when he was appointed British Prime Minister.)
Sonia Gandhi’s son, Mr Rahul Gandhi, is also a Backbench MP. From all accounts, including that of Dr Singh himself, he could have been a member of Dr Singh’s Government but has specifically chosen not to be. He has appeared to have had some much lesser role than Sonia Gandhi in determining the composition of the Government and its policies but he is not a member of it. He is, formally speaking, a Backbench MP, indeed the most prominent to actually sit in the Backbenches, as he had done in the 14th Lok Sabha, which, it is to be hoped, he does in the 15th Lok Sabha too.
Now Rahul Gandhi, Sonia Gandhi and their 541 other fellow 15th Lok Sabha MPs were declared winners by May 16 2009 having won the Indian people’s vote.
(Incidentally, I predicted the outcome here two hours before polls closed on May 13 – how I did so is simply by having done the necessary work of determining that some 103 million people had voted for Congress in 2004 against some 86 million for the BJP; in my assessment Congress had done more than enough by way of political rhetoric and political reality to maintain if not extend that difference in 2009, i.e., the BJP had not done nearly enough to even begin to get enough of a net drift in its favour. I expect when the data are out it shall be seen that the margin of the raw vote between them has been much enlarged from 2004.)
As I have pointed out here over the last fortnight, there was no legal or logical reason why the whole 15th Lok Sabha could not have been sworn in latest by May 18 2009.
Instead, Dr Manmohan Singh on May 18 held a purported “Cabinet” meeting of the defunct 14th Lok Sabha – an institution that had been automatically dissolved when Elections had been first announced! The Government then went about forming itself over two weeks despite the 15th Lok Sabha, on whose confidence it depended for its political legitimacy, not having been allowed to meet. Everyone – the Congress Party’s Supreme Court advocates, the Lok Sabha Secretariat, the Election Commission, Rashtrapati Bhavan too – seems to have gotten it awfully wrong by placing the cart before the horse.
In our system it is Parliament that is sovereign, not the Executive Government. In fact the Executive is accountable to Parliament, specifically the Lok Sabha, and is supposed to be guided by it as well as hold its confidence at all times.
What has happened instead this time is that Government ministers have been busy taking oaths and entering their offices and making policy-decisons days before they have taken their oaths and their seats as Lok Sabha MPs! The Government has thus started off by diminishing Parliament’s sovereignty and this should not be allowed to happen again.
(Of course why it took place is because of the peculiarity of the victory relative to our experience in recent decades – nobody could remember parliamentary traditions from Nehru’s time in the 1950s. Even so, someone, e.g. the former Speaker, should have known and insisted upon explaining the relevant aspect of parliamentary law and hence avoided this breach.)
A central question now is whether a Government which has such a large majority, and which is led by someone in and has numerous ministers from the Rajya Sabha, is going to be adequately controlled and feel itself accountable to the Lok Sabha.
Neither of the Lok Sabha’s most prominent Backbenchers, Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi, have thus far distinguished themselves as Parliamentarians on the floor of the Lok Sabha. In the 14th Lok Sabha, Sonia Gandhi, sitting in the Frontbenches, exercised the enormous control that she did over the Government not on the floor of the House itself but from outside it.
It would be best of all if she chose in the 15th Lok Sabha to actually physically sit in the Congress’s Backbenches because that would ensure best that the Government Party’s ministers in the Frontbenches will keep having to seek to be accountable to the Backbenches!
But this seems unlikely to happen in view of the fact she herself seems to have personally influenced the choice of a Speaker for the 15th Lok Sabha and it may be instead expected that she continues to sit on the Frontbenches with the Government without being a member of it.
That leaves Rahul Gandhi. If he too comes to be persuaded by the sycophants to sit on the Frontbenches with the Government, that will not be a healthy sign.
On the other hand, if he continues to sit on the Backbenches, he may be able to have a salubrious influence on the 15th Lok Sabha fulfilling its responsibility of seeking to seriously control and hold accountable the Executive Government, and not be bullied or intimidated by it. His paternal grandfather, Feroze Gandhi, after all, may have been India’s most eminent and effective Backbench MP yet.
The Government of India’s 79 Ministers have taken to their offices like bees to honey yet the 15th Lok Sabha that the people of India elected a fortnight ago is still three days from being convened.
In other words, people have been taking oaths and entering offices as Ministers even before they have taken their oaths or their seats in the 15th Lok Sabha which accords the Government its political legitimacy by its confidence!
Let posterity recall that the 15th Lok Sabha was made to needlessly wait from May 16 2009 until June 1 2009 and despite this the Government formed itself and entered office during that time. It cannot be something that helps the psychology or morale of our elected representatives nor be something conducive to the smooth working of the House.
It is all a terrible constitutional muddle which I doubt the PM or his party or Government, or even the Opposition, will admit to or want to clear up on their own but shall probably have to await a Constitutional Bench of the Supreme Court of India telling them what parliamentary law is in due course.
Cabinet Government has become far too unwieldy and impractical in India, and the new Cabinet chosen by Sonia Gandhi and Manmohan Singh over almost a fortnight — of some 79 Ministers, almost certainly the largest number in the world — may be destined to be so as well. If there is going to be “fiscal prudence” as the PM and Finance Minister have declared, it really needs to start at the top with the Union Government itself. Remember we also have more than two dozen State Governments plus Union Territories and myriad local governments too.
Here then is an example of a better-designed Cabinet for the Government of India with Cabinet Ministers in bold-face, others not so:
Prime Minister
– Parliamentary Affairs
– Intra-Government Liaison
Defence War/Forces (Raksha, Yudh/Fauj)
– Army
– Navy & Coast Guard
– Air Force & Strategic Forces
– Ordnance
Finance
– Money & Banking
– Accountant General
– Planning
Home Affairs
– Law & Justice
– Internal Security
– Disaster Management & Civil Defence
– Archaeology, Art & Culture
Foreign
– Commerce & Tourism
– Overseas Indians
– International Organisations
Transport
– Railways
– Roads & Highways
– Shipping & Waterways
– Civil Aviation
– Urban Development
Agriculture & Food
– Rural Development
– Water, Flood Control & Irrigation
– Environment
– Forestry & Tribal Affairs
Industry
– Competition and Monopoly-Control
– Steel
– Textiles
– Power
– Petroleum and Energy
– Chemicals & Fertilizers
– Coal and Mines
– Communications and IT
Education
– Schools
– Higher Education
– Vocational Education
– Sports
– Science and Technology
Labour & Employment
Health and Human Services
– Housing
– Women and Child Development
– Social Security
There are just eleven Cabinet Ministers (in bold-face above) including the PM, so, along with the Cabinet Secretary, they could sit with ease around a normal table which should help the process of deliberation.
This document has arisen out of one during my work as an adviser to Rajiv Gandhi in his last months in 1990-1991 though the latter never reached him; I had intended to talk to him about its contents but it was not to be.
A lawyer friend tells me she thinks it a “technicality” that there is no Lok Sabha or Parliament in India today despite eleven long days and nights having passed since the 15th Lok Sabha came to be elected by the people of India. “At least we did not get Advani and Modi to rule”, is how she sought to justify the current circumstance. I am afraid I think she has produced a non sequitur, and also forgotten the constitutional law she would have read as a student.
The best argument that I think the Government of India shall be able to give justifying their legal error in not having the 15th Lok Sabha up and running yet 11 days after India’s people have spoken would run something like this:
(1) The President of India invites a Council of Ministers led by a PM to form the government and has done so.
(2) The President must be satisfied that the PM commands a majority in the Lok Sabha, and the President has been satisfied by the 322 “letters of support” that the PM produced.
(3) The Government of the day calls parliamentary sessions and does so at its discretion, and the Government of the day headed by this PM has announced when it shall call the 15th Lok Sabha which will be in a few days yet.
Any such argument, I am afraid, would be specious because it simply puts the cart before the horse.
Parliament is sovereign in India, to repeat what I have said several times before.
Parliament is sovereign in India — not even the President who is the symbol of that sovereignty. We do not follow the British quite exactly in this because we are a republic and not a monarchy. In Britain sovereignty rests with “The King in Parliament”. With us, Parliament is sovereign and the President is the symbol of that sovereignty. In all matters of state, our President must act in a manner that Parliament and parliamentary law says.
Parliament is sovereign in India — not the Executive Government, certainly not its largest political party or its leader.
Parliament is sovereign in India because the people of India have chosen it to be so within the Constitution of India.
Parliament is sovereign in India and the people of India have elected the 15th Lok Sabha which has still not been allowed to meet eleven days later.
To the contrary, as noted days ago, the purported “Cabinet” of the 14th Lok Sabha, a dead institution, met on May 18 2009, some 48 hours after the 15th Lok Sabha had already been declared! The 14th Lok Sabha in fact stood automatically dissolved in law when General Elections came to be announced.
Is all this merely a “technicality” as my friend believes? I think not.
Executive Government in India derives its political legitimacy from being elected by Parliament, i.e., from holding the confidence of Parliament, and that means the Lok Sabha.
The Government of the day might for sake of convenience have a prerogative of calling sessions of the 15th Lok Sabha once it has been constituted but the Government of the day cannot logically constitute a Lok Sabha after a General Election because it itself receives legitimacy from such a Lok Sabha.
If the 15th Lok Sabha has not met, confidence in any Executive has yet to be recorded, and hence any such Government has yet to receive legitimacy.
Do “322 letters of support” suffice? Hardly. They are signed after all by persons who have yet to take their seats in the Lok Sabha! (Let us leave aside the fact that the PM, not being a member of the Lok Sabha, is in this case unable to be one of those 322 himself!)
Yet we have 79 “Ministers” of this new “Government” holding press-conferences and giving out free-bees and favours etc already. As I have said before, Ambedkar, Nehru and others of their generation, plus Indira and Rajiv too, would all have been appalled.
Because the incompetence of the fascists and communists in the Opposition may continue to be expected, it will be up to ordinary citizens and voters of India to point out such simple truths whenever the Emperor is found to be naked. (Our docile juvenile ingratiating media may well remain mostly hopeless.)
There are at least three Supreme Court lawyers, all highly voluble, among the higher echelons of Congress Party politicians; it is surprising that not one of them has been able to get the top Party leadership of Sonia Gandhi and Manmohan Singh to see the apparent breach of normal constitutional law in Parliament not having met more than 10 days after it was elected.
A Government has been formed, Ministers have entered their offices and have been holding press-conferences and taking executive decisions, wannabe-Ministers continue to be wrangling night-and-day for the plums of office — BUT THERE IS NO PARLIAMENT!
Today is the death-anniversary of Jawaharlal Nehru and last week was the death anniversary of Rajiv Gandhi.
Nehru, whatever his faults and infirmities, was an outstanding parliamentarian and a believer in the Westminster model in particular. He was intimately familiar with its unpoken customs and unwritten laws. He would have been completely appalled by the situation today where luminaries of the party that goes by the same name as the one he had led are paying obeisance to his memory 45 years after his death but have failed to see the absurdity in having a Government in office with no new Parliament ten days after a month-long General Election was over! (Incidentally, had he not left explicit instructions against any hero-worship taking place of himself too?)
Rajiv knew his grandfather and had acquired a sense of noblesse oblige from him. He too would have been appalled that the procedural business of government had been simply procrastinated over like this.
It surprises me that Dr Manmohan Singh, having been a post-graduate of Cambridge, having earned a doctorate from Oxford, and more recently having been awarded honorary doctorates from both Ancient Universities, should seem so unaware of the elements of the Westminster model of constitutional jurisprudence which guides our polity too.
It is too late now and the mistakes have been made. I hope his new Government will come to realise at some point and then keep in mind that our Executive receives political legitimacy from Parliament, not vice versa. An Executive can hardly be legitimately in office until the Parliament that is supposed to elect it has been sworn in.
As for our putative Opposition in the Parliament-yet-to-meet, it seems to have drawn a blank too, and eo ipso revealed its own constitutional backwardness and lethargy.
The power of organised Big Business over New Delhi’s economic policies (whether Congress-led or BJP-led) was signalled by the presence in the audience at Rashtrapati Bhavan last week of several prominent lobbyists when Dr Manmohan Singh and his senior-most Cabinet colleagues were being sworn-in by the President of India. Why were such witnesses needed at such an auspicious national occasion?
Organised Big Business (both private sector and public sector) along with organised Big Labour (whose interests are represented most ably by New Delhi’s official communist parties like the CPI-M and CPI), are astutely aware of how best to advance their own economic interests; this usually gets assisted nicely enough through clever use of our comprador English-language TV, newspaper and magazine media. Shortly after the election results, lobbyists were all over commercial TV proposing things like FDI in insurance and airports etc– as if that was the meaning of the Sonia-Rahul mandate or were issues of high national priority. A typical piece of such “pretend-economics” appears in today’s business-press from a formerly Leftist Indian bureaucrat: “With its decisive victory, the new Manmohan Singh government should at last be able to implement the required second generation reforms. Their lineaments (sic) are well known and with the removal of the Left’s veto, many of those stalled in the legislature as well as those which were forestalled can now be implemented. These should be able to put India back on a 9-10 per cent per annum growth rate…”
Today’s business-press also reports that the new Government is planning to create a fresh “Disinvestment Ministry” and Dr Singh’s chief economic policy aide is “a frontrunner among the names short-listed to head the new ministry” with Cabinet rank.
That being said, I have to say I think a new Indian policy of creating a Ministry to privatise India’s public sector is probably a very BAD idea indeed in present circumstances — mainly because it will be driven by the interests of the organised Big Business lobbies that have so profoundly and subtly been able to control the New Delhi Government’s behaviour in recent decades.
Now our Government every year produces paper rupees and bank deposits in practically unlimited amounts to pay for its practically unlimited deficit financing, and it has behaved thus over decades. Why we do not hear about this at all is because the most prominent Government economists themselves remain clueless — sometimes by choice, mostly by sheer ignorance — about the nature of the macroeconomic process that they are or have been part of. (See my “India’s Macroeconomics”, “The Dream Team: A Critique” etc elsewhere here). As for the Opposition’s economists, the less said about the CPI-M’s economists the better while the BJP, poor thing, has absolutely no economists at all!
Briefly speaking, Indian Big Business has acquired an acute sense of this long-term nominal/paper expansion of India’s economy, and as a result acts towards converting wherever possible its own hoards of paper rupees and rupee-denominated assets into more valuable portfolios for itself of real or durable assets, most conspicuously including hard-currency denominated assets, farm-land and urban real-estate, and, now, the physical assets of the Indian public sector. Such a path of trying to transform local domestic paper assets – produced unlimitedly by Government monetary and fiscal policy and naturally destined to depreciate — into real durable assets, is a privately rational course of action to follow in an inflationary economy. It is not rocket-science to realise the long-term path of the Indian rupee is downwards in comparison to the hard-currencies of the world – just compare our money supply growth and inflation rates with those of the rest of the world.
The Statesman of November 15 2006 had a lead editorial titled Government’s land-fraud: Cheating peasants in a hyperinflation-prone economy. It said:
“There is something fundamentally dishonourable about the way the Centre, the state of West Bengal and other state governments are treating the issue of expropriating peasants, farm-workers, petty shop-keepers etc of their small plots of land in the interests of promoters, industrialists and other businessmen. Singur may be but one example of a phenomenon being seen all over the country: Hyderabad, Karnataka, Kerala, Haryana, everywhere. So-called “Special Economic Zones” will merely exacerbate the problem many times over. India and its governments do not belong only to business and industrial lobbies, and what is good for private industrialists may or may not be good for India’s people as a whole. Economic development does not necessarily come to be defined by a few factories or high-rise housing complexes being built here or there on land that has been taken over by the Government, paying paper-money compensation to existing stakeholders, and then resold to promoters or industrialists backed by powerful political interest-groups on a promise that a few thousand new jobs will be created. One fundamental problem has to do with inadequate systems of land-description and definition, implementation and recording of property rights. An equally fundamental problem has to do with fair valuation of land owned by peasants etc. in terms of an inconvertible paper-money. Every serious economist knows that “land” is defined as that specific factor of production and real asset whose supply is fixed and does not increase in response to its price. Every serious economist also knows that paper-money is that nominal asset whose price can be made to catastrophically decline by a massive increase in its supply, i.e. by Government printing more of the paper it holds a monopoly to print. For Government to compensate people with paper-money it prints itself by valuing their land on the basis of an average of the price of the last few years, is for Government to cheat them of the fair present-value of the land. That present-value of land must be calculated in the way the present-value of any asset comes to be calculated, namely, by summing the likely discounted cash-flows of future values. And those future values should account for the likelihood of a massive future inflation causing decline in the value of paper-money in view of the fact we in India have a domestic public debt of some Rs. 30 trillion (Rs. 30 lakh crore) and counting, and money supply growth rates averaging 16-17% per annum. In fact, a responsible Government would, given the inconvertible nature of the rupee, have used foreign exchange or gold as the unit of account in calculating future-values of the land. India’s peasants are probably being cheated by their Government of real assets whose value is expected to rise, receiving nominal paper assets in compensation whose value is expected to fall.”
Mamata Banerjee started her famous protest fast-unto-death in Kolkata not long afterwards, riveting the nation’s attention in the winter of 2006-2007.
What goes for the government buying land on behalf of its businessman friends also goes, mutatis mutandis, for the public sector’s real assets being bought up by the private sector using domestic paper money in a potentially hyperinflationary economy. If Dr Singh’s new Government wishes to see real public sector assets being sold, let the Government seek to value these assets not in inconvertible rupees which the Government itself has been producing in unlimited quantities but rather in forex or gold-units instead!
Today’s headline says “Short of cash, govt. plans to revive disinvestment ministry”. Big Business’s powerful lobbies will suggest that real public assets must be sold (to whom? to organised Big Business of course!) in order to solve the grave fiscal problems in an inflationary economy caused precisely by those grave fiscal problems! What I said in 2002 at IndiaSeminar may still be found to apply: I said the BJP’s privatisation ideas “deserve to be condemned…because they have made themselves believe that the proceeds of selling the public sector should merely go into patching up the bleeding haemorrhage which is India’s fiscal and monetary situation… (w)hile…Congress were largely responsible for that haemorrhage to have occurred in the first place.”
If the new Government would like to know how to proceed more wisely, they need to read and grasp, in the book edited by myself and Professor John Clarke in 2004-2005, the chapter by Professor Patrick Minford on Margaret Thatcher’s fiscal and monetary policy (macroeconomics) before they read the chapter by Professor Martin Ricketts on Margaret Thatcher’s privatisation (microeconomics). India’s fiscal and monetary or macroeconomic problems are far worse today than Britain’s were when Thatcher came in.
During the recent Election Campaign, I contrasted Dr Singh’s flattering praise in 2005 of the CPI-M’s Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee with Sonia Gandhi’s pro-Mamata line in 2009 saying the CPI-M had taken land away from the poor. This may soon signal a new fault-line in the new Cabinet too on economic policy with respect to not only land but also public sector privatisation – with Dr Singh’s pro-Big Business acolytes on one side and Mamata Banerjee’s stance in favour of small-scale unorganised business and labour on the other. Party heavyweights like Dr Singh himself and Sharad Pawar and Pranab Mukherjee will weigh in one side or the other with Sonia being asked in due course to referee.
I personally am delighted to see the New Rahul Gandhi deciding not to be in Government and to instead reflect further on the “common man” and “common woman” about whom I had described his father talking to me on September 18 1990 at his home. Certainly the “aam admi” is not someone to be found among India’s organised Big Business or organised Big Labour nor their paid lobbyists in the big cities.
Sad to say, Parliament’s sovereignty has been diminished, indeed usurped, by the new Executive Government.
Here is a brief record for future generations to know.
India’s people completed their voting in the 15th General Elections on Wednesday May 13 2009.
The results of how they had spoken, what was their will, were known and declared by Saturday May 16 2009.
There was no legal or logical reason why the 543 members of the 15th Lok Sabha could not have been sworn in as new MPs by the close-of-business on Monday May 18 at the latest.
On Tuesday May 19 the 15th Lok Sabha could have and should have met to elect itself a pro tem or even a permanent Speaker.
The Speaker would have divided the new House into its Government Party and its Opposition.
There would have been a vote of confidence on the floor of the House, which in the circumstances would have been in favour of the Government Party.
Observing this to have taken place, the Hon’ble President of India as the Head of State would have sent for the leader of the Government Party and invited her to form the new Government.
In this particular case, the leader of the largest political party, namely Sonia Gandhi, would have been accompanied perhaps by the Leader of the Lok Sabha, Pranab Mukherjee, as well as her personal nominee for the position of PM, namely, Manmohan Singh.
Sonia Gandhi would have respectfully declined the invitation of the President to be the new Prime Minister, and she would have also explained that she wanted Manmohan Singh to have the position instead.
The President would have said “Very well, Dr Singh, can you please form the Government?”
He would have said, “Yes Madame President it shall be a privilege and an honour to do so”.
The President would have added, “Thank you, and I notice you are not a member of the Lok Sabha at the moment but I am sure you are taking steps towards becoming one.”
End of visit.
Manmohan Singh would have been sworn in as PM and would have gone about adding Ministers at a measured pace. Later, he would have resigned his Rajya Sabha seat and sought election to the Lok Sabha on the parliamentary precedent set by Alec Douglas-Home.
What has happened instead?
On May 18 2009, instead of 543 members of the 15th Lok Sabha taking their oaths as required by parliamentary law and custom, Dr Singh held a purported “Cabinet” meeting of the 14th Lok Sabha — a long-since dead institution!
Some of the persons attending this meeting as purported “Cabinet ministers” had even lost their seats in the elections decided a few days earlier and so had absolutely zero democratically legitimate status left. All these persons then submitted their purported resignations which Dr Singh carried to the President, stating his Government had resigned. The President then appointed him a caretaker PM and he, along with Sonia Gandhi, then went about “staking claim” to form the next Government — turning up at the President’s again with “letters of support” signed by some 322 persons who were MP-elects but were yet to become MPs formally by not having been sworn in.
The President appeared satisfied the party Sonia Gandhi and Manmohan Singh belonged to would command a majority in prospect in the Lok Sabha and invited him to be PM. Some major public wrangling then took place with at least one of his allies about cabinet berths — and that is the situation as of the present moment except that Dr Singh and several others have been sworn in as the Council of Ministers even though the new 15th Lok Sabha of 543 members has still not convened! It has been all rather sloppy and hardly uplifting.
Parliament is supposed to be sovereign in India.
Not the Executive Government or the largest political party or its leader.
The sovereignty of Parliament required Sonia Gandhi and Dr Singh to have realised
first, that the 14th Lok Sabha stood automatically dissolved when elections were announced;
secondly, that the 15th Lok Sabha could have and should have been sworn in by Monday May 18;
thirdly, that there should have been a vote of confidence in the Lok Sabha immediately which would have gone in favour of the Government Party;
fourthly, that only then should the Executive Government have been sought to be formed;
and of course fifthly, that if that Executive Government was to be led by someone who happened to be a member of the Rajya Sabha and not the Lok Sabha, parliamenary law and custom required him to follow the Douglas-Home precedent of resigning from the former and seeking election to the latter at the earliest opportunity.
Let future generations know that as of today, May 25, the 543 persons whom the people of India voted to constitute the 15th Lok Sabha still remain in limbo without having been sworn in though we already have an Executive Government appointed!
The sovereignty of Parliament, specifically that of the Lok Sabha, has come to be diminished, indeed usurped, by the Executive. It is the Executive that receives its political legitimacy from Parliament, not vice versa. Nehru and his generation knew all this intimately well and would have been appalled at where we in the present have been taking it.
The Hon’ble President of India has invited you to join the Council of Ministers and has invited you to Rashtrapati Bhavan to be sworn in by an oath she shall administer. You are awaiting your name to be called. Your name is called and what do you do? You stand up and do a namaste to the PM and then walk a bit to do another namaste to Sonia Gandhi sitting in the audience opposite the President, and then you move towards the microphone ignoring or turning your back on the President herself and then you suddenly remember where you are and realize it is the President who has invited you and shall be administering your oath so you turn around and do a small namaste to her smiling apologetically for having made her an afterthought, and then you go about taking your oath, and then you perhaps do another namaste or two to the President more deeply because you want to make up for having forgotten her last time and finally you feel so happy and pleased with yourself you do another big namaste to Sonia Gandhi in the audience and finally get back to your seat! Phew!
Such was how several of Dr Singh’s new and senior-most cabinet members behaved yesterday at their swearing-in. Dr Singh himself walked straight to the President and did a very gracious bow to her before taking his oath, though on the way back he may have started the ball rolling by doing an exceptionally glad namaste to Sonia Gandhi sitting in the audience. AK Antony was the first and the most senior on the list who most blatantly ignored the President herself initially and turned his back on her momentarily before correcting himself, though he did not fail to do an initial namaste to Shrimati Gandhi. By contrast, Sharad Pawar may have got the whole thing right by walking straight to the President and doing a proper namaste, followed by his oath fluently spoken in Hindi followed by a small acknowledgment of the audience as a whole before returning to his seat.
But in half a dozen cases it all seemed a little sloppy, and even though the President seemed game and sportsmanlike about it, a discourtesy was noticeable to her high office as Head of State which needs to be apologized for and corrected. After all, these were the senior-most ministers, what might lesser ministers do next week?
In fact, a strong case might exist for a rational review nationwide of all such practices and protocols in Delhi and the State capitals, some of which have become so ossified from ancient times that they look bizarre today. Why do we have to have such an elaborate ceremony at all for a mere swearing in, which gets repeated too in each of the states with the Governors and State Governments? Yes perhaps the Head of State did administer the oath to the PM back in 1947 but it is not really necessary for the Head of State to do so now – it could be, for example, the Chief Justice of India who does so, at least to the Prime Minister. The Prime Minister could then himself/herself administer the oath to everyone else in his/her Cabinet, while someone, even the Cabinet Secretary perhaps, could administer the oath to everyone else. The oath itself is what is important, not so much the status of the person administering it. There need not be any such elaborate ceremony at all in Rashtrapati Bhavan that risks the dignity of the President like this and spends everyone’s time.
(And did anyone else notice the private sector lobbyists and public sector fixers seated in the audience? Precisely what were they doing there? Is this just another New Delhi social occasion for people to put on a show of showing their presence?)
For that matter, why was the National Anthem apparently played twice not by any live or noticeable orchestra or band but as a rather grainy recording? It is all a bit depressing when it should have been uplifting. Imagine instead some splendid soprano or tenor leading the singing of the Anthem in that splendid Hall accompanied by a first-class band.
I have long thought we need a National Commission to review all such matters and much more.
It would need to start with the 15th August Red Fort speech by the PM. 15th August was a date chosen by Mountbatten and its auspiciousness was diminished by all the bloodshed that flowed with it. It has become quite unseemly in recent decades to hear our PMs read out party-slogans or government propaganda statements from behind a bullet-proof barrier there. If I was a perceptive school-child being compelled to wait for hours in front of the Red Fort on a hot and muggy August morning to hear such dreary stuff, I might be justifiably upset, and of course many schoolchildren faint every year from exhaustion at being forced to do such things across the country. My own recommendation would be that August 15 be renamed Martyrs’ Day and be a solemn holiday marked only by a long five-minute nationwide silence, say at noon, in memory of all those who have died for India to be what it is today.
Then there is 26 January, going all the way to the “Beating of the Retreat”. Why on earth do we feel a need in this modern age to have such a display in the capital city once a year? Marching bands and parades and floats and fireworks can be great fun for all citizens but they can be and should be spread year-round all across the country’s many cities and towns, and the occasion need not be made a pompous one only in Delhi once a year (with some pale imitations in the State capitals). Republic Day can be a happy holiday for everyone in January when the weather is splendid around the country, with fireworks and fun for everyone, not merely New Delhi’s already delusional Ruling Class.
Then there is the oh-so-common ceremony all over the country from Parliament downwards of standing before the portrait or statue of someone long dead and throwing flowers at it along with a namaste (or in the case of communists, a clenched-fist Black Panther salute). Have we so lost our secular ethos that we do not realize that, for example, a Muslim or Jewish believer might find throwing flowers and doing namaste to a portrait something awkward to do? Both Ariel Sharon and Pervez Musharraf seemed to feel awkward when we took them to the Mahatma Gandhi memorial and said right, now, this is what we expect you to do, throw flowers and walk around it in this manner… it is not enough for you as a visiting dignitary to merely place a bouquet… ! We need to chill out a bit about all this ritualism.
And so it goes. To their considerable credit, neither Nehru nor Indira or Rajiv stood on ceremony much, and the same seems to apply to Sonia Gandhi and her children. The time may be opportune for all such matters to be reviewed calmly and soberly by a National Commission– in the meantime, the PM needs to send a small apology to the President for any unintended discourtesy from his Council of Ministers that may have occurred yesterday or at least a promise that it will not get repeated.
Subroto Roy, Kolkata
Postscript: Then there is the matter of Presidents, Prime Ministers, Governors, Chief Ministers et al taking salutes from the uniformed armed forces or the paramilitary — if you are not yourself a commissioned officer or have never been one, do not respond to a salute from uniformed men and women by saluting or trying to salute them back yourself. What is required is instead to perhaps stand to attention when they salute you, and perhaps bow your head slightly to acknowledge their salute. Salutes are exchanged only within the uniformed services. We instead have civilian leaders seeming to greatly enjoying trying to return salutes themselves….
We in India did not invent the idea of Parliament, the British did. Even the British did not invent the idea of a “Premier Ministre”, the French did that, though the British came to develop its meaning most. Because these are not our own inventions, when something unusual happens in contemporary India to political entities and offices known as “Parliament”, “Prime Minister” etc, contrast and comparison is inevitable with standards and practices that have prevailed around the world in other parliamentary democracies.
Indeed we in India did not even fully invent the idea of our own Parliament though the national struggle led by the original Indian National Congress caused it to come to be invented. The Lok Sabha is the outcome of a long and distinguished constitutional and political history from the Morley-Minto reforms a century ago to the Montagu-Chelmsford reforms and Government of India Act of 1919 to the Government of India Act of 1935 and the first general elections of British India in 1937 (when Jawaharlal Nehru briefly became PM for the first time) and in due course the 1946 Constituent Assembly. Out of all this emerged the 1950 Constitution of India, drafted by that brilliant jurist BR Ambedkar as well as other sober intelligent well-educated and dedicated men and women of his time, and thence arose our first Lok Sabha following the 1951 General Elections.
“What are Lok Sabha Members and State MLAs legitimately required to be doing in caring for their constituents? First of all, as a body as a whole, they need to elect the Government, i.e. the Executive Branch, and to hold it accountable in Parliament or Assembly. For example, the Comptroller and Auditor General submits his reports directly to the House, and it is the duty of individual legislators to put these to good use in controlling the Government’s waste, fraud or abuse of public resources. Secondly, MPs and MLAs are obviously supposed to literally represent their individual constituencies in the House, i.e. to bring the Government and the House’s attention to specific problems or contingencies affecting their constituents as a whole, and call for the help, funds and sympathy of the whole community on their behalf. Thirdly, MPs and MLAs are supposed to respond to pleas and petitions of individual constituents, who may need the influence associated with the dignity of their office to get things rightly done. For example, an impoverished orphan lad once needed surgery to remove a brain tumour; a family helping him was promised the free services of a top brain surgeon if a hospital bed and operating theatre could be arranged. It was only by turning to the local MLA that the family were able to get such arrangements made, and the lad had his tumour taken out at a public hospital. MPs and MLAs are supposed to vote for and create public goods and services, and to use their moral suasion to see that existing public services actually do get to reach the public.”
What about the Rajya Sabha? I said in the same article:
“Rajya Sabha Members are a different species altogether. Most if not all State Legislative Councils have been abolished, and sadly the present nature of the Rajya Sabha causes similar doubts to arise about its utility. The very idea of a Rajya Sabha was first mooted in embryo form in an 1888 book A History of the Native States of India, Vol I. Gwalior, whose author also advocated popular constitutions for the “Indian India” of the “Native States” since “where there are no popular constitutions, the personal character of the ruler becomes a most important factor in the government… evils are inherent in every government where autocracy is not tempered by a free constitution.” When Victoria was declared India’s “Empress” in 1877, a “Council of the Empire” was mooted but had remained a non-starter even until the 1887 Jubilee. An “Imperial Council” was now designed of the so-called “Native Princes”, which came to evolve into the “Chamber of Princes” which became the “Council of the States” and the Rajya Sabha. It was patterned mostly on the British and not the American upper house except in being not liable to dissolution, and compelling periodic retirement of a third of members. The American upper house is an equal if not the senior partner of the lower house. Our Rajya Sabha follows the British upper house in being a chamber which is duty-bound to oversee any exuberance in the Lok Sabha but which must ultimately yield to it if there is any dispute. Parliament in India’s democracy effectively means the Lok Sabha — where every member has contested and won a direct vote in his/her constituency. The British upper house used to have an aristocratic hereditary component which Tony Blair’s New Labour Government has now removed, so it has now been becoming more like what the Rajya Sabha was supposed to have been like.”
The Canadian upper house is similar to ours in intent: a place for “sober second thought” intended to curb the “democratic excesses” of the lower house. In the Canadian, British, Australian, Irish and our own cases, the Prime Minister, as the chief executive of the lower house has immense indirect power over the upper house, whether in appointing members or even, in the Australian case, dissolving the entire upper house if he/she wishes.
Now yesterday apparently Shrimati Sonia Gandhi, as the duly elected leader of the largest political party in the 15th Lok Sabha, accompanied by Dr Manmohan Singh, as her party’s choice for the position of Prime Minister, went to see the President of India where the Hon’ble President apparently appointed Dr Singh to be the Prime Minister of India – meaning the Prime Minister of the 15th Lok Sabha, except that Dr Singh is not a member of the Lok Sabha and apparently has had no intent of becoming one.
In 2004 Shrimati Gandhi had declined to accept an invitation to become PM and instead effectively recommended Dr Singh to be PM despite his not being a member of the Lok Sabha nor intending to be so. This exploited a constitutional loophole to the extent that the drafters of our 1950 Constitution happened not to have explicitly stated that the PM must be from the Lok Sabha. But the reason the founders of our democratic polity such as BR Ambedkar and Jawaharlal Nehru did not specify that the PM must be from the Lok Sabha was quite simply that it was a matter of complete obviousness to them and to their entire generation that this must be so— it would have been appalling to them and something beyond their wildest imagination that a later generation, namely our own, would exploit such a loophole and allow a PM to be appointed who is not a member of the Lok Sabha and intends not to be so.
Ambedkar, Nehru and all others of their time knew fully well that the history and intended purpose of the Lok Sabha was completely different from the history and intended purpose of the Rajya Sabha. They knew too fully well that Lord Curzon had been explicitly denied the leadership of Britain’s Tory Party in 1922 because that would have made him a potential PM when he was not prepared to be a member of the House of Commons. That specific precedent culminated a centuries’-old democratic trend of political power flowing from monarchs to lords to commoners, and has governed all parliamentary democracies worldwide ever since — until Dr Singh’s appointment in 2004.
When such an anomalous situation once arose in Britain, Lord Home resigned his membership of the House of Lords to contest a House of Commons seat as Sir Alec Douglas Home so that he could be PM in a manner consistent with parliamentary law.
Dr Singh instead for five years remained PM of India while not being a member of the Lok Sabha. Even if reasons and exigencies of State could have been cited for such an anomalous situation during his first term, there was really no such reason for him not to contest the 2009 General Election if he wished to be the Congress Party’s prime ministerial candidate a second time. Numerous Rajya Sabha members alongside him have contested Lok Sabha seats this time, and several have won.
As of today, Dr Singh is due to be sworn in tomorrow as Prime Minister for a second term while still having no declared intention of resigning from the Rajya Sabha and contesting a Lok Sabha seat instead. What the present-day Congress has done is elect him the leader of the “Congress Parliamentary Party” and claim that it is in such a capacity that he received the invitation to be Prime Minister of India. But surely if the question had been asked to the Congress Party under Nehru or Indira or Rajiv: “Can you foresee a circumstance ever in which the PM of India is not a member of the Lok Sabha?” their answer in each case would have been a categorical and resounding “no”.
So the question does arise why the Congress under Sonia Gandhi has with deliberation allowed such an anomalous situation to develop. Its effect is to completely distort the trends of relative political power between the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha. On the one hand, the Lok Sabha’s power is deliberately made to diminish as the chief executive of the Government of India shall not be from the Lok Sabha but from “the other place” despite the Lok Sabha having greater political legitimacy by having been directly elected by India’s people. This sets a precedent that might get repeated in India in the future but which contradicts the worldwide trend in parliamentary democracies over decades and centuries in precisely the opposite direction – of power flowing in the direction of the people not away from them. On the other hand, the fact this anomalous idea has been pioneered by the elected leader of the largest political party in the Lok Sabha while her PM is in the Rajya Sabha causes a member of the lower house to have unexpected control over the upper house when the latter is supposed to be something of an independent check on the former!
It all really seems an unnecessary muddle and a jumbling up of normal constitutional law and parliamentary procedure. The Sonia-Manmohan Government at the outset of its second term should hardly want to be seen by history as having set a poor precedent using brute force. The situation can be corrected with the utmost ease by following the Alec Douglas Home example, with Dr Singh being given a relatively safe seat to contest as soon as possible, if necessary by some newly elected Congress MP resigning and allowing a bye-election to be called.
“May 21 2009 It is wonderful to hear from you and I am honoured to find myself, perhaps accidentally, on the same list as so many of your distinguished colleagues among Government economists.
Your essay is most engaging. I am afraid I disagree with your assessment that the current problems “did not originate in the real sector of the economy” but were “triggered by the excesses of the financial system”. I have said to the contrary “There is no clear path to solving the great (alleged) economic and financial crisis because no one wants to admit its roots were the overvaluation (over decades) of American real-estate, and hence American assets in general.”
There is no more real sector than real-estate itself and American real-estate has tended to be overvalued as a result of government policy since the Carter Administration; the accumulated dangers along that path came to explode in the sub-prime crisis. Here as elsewhere in economics, the financial tail has not wagged the non-financial dog but vice versa.
I have also said “(i) foreign central banks might have been left holding more bad US debt than might be remembered, and dollar depreciation and an American inflation seem to be inevitable over the next several years; (ii) all those bad mortgages and foreclosures could vanish within a year or two by playing the demographic card and inviting in a few million new immigrants into the United States; restoring a worldwide idea of an American dream fueled by mass immigration may be the surest way for the American economy to restore itself.”
Re the comparison with the Great Depression, I believe
“there are overriding differences. Most important, the American economy and the world economy are both incomparably larger today in the value of their capital stock, and there has also been enormous technological progress over eight decades. Accordingly, it would take a much vaster event than the present turbulence — say, something like an exchange of multiple nuclear warheads with Russia causing Manhattan and the City of London to be destroyed — before there was a return to something comparable to the 1929 Crash and the Great Depression that followed. Besides, the roots of the crises are different. What happened back then? In 1922, the Genoa Currency Conference wanted to correct the main defect of the pre-1914 gold standard, which was freezing the price of gold while failing to stabilise the purchasing power of money. From 1922 until about 1927, Benjamin Strong of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York adopted price-stabilisation as the new American policy-objective. Britain was off the gold standard and the USA remained on it. The USA, as a major creditor nation, saw massive gold inflows which, by traditional gold standard principles, would have caused a massive inflation. Governor Strong invented the process of “sterilisation” of those gold inflows instead and thwarted the rise in domestic dollar prices of goods and services. Strong’s death in 1928 threw the Federal Reserve System into conflict and intellectual confusion. Dollar stabilisation ended as a policy. Surplus bank money was created on the release of gold that had been previously sterilised. The traditional balance between bulls and bears in the stock-market was upset. Normally, every seller of stock is a bear and every buyer a bull. Now, amateur investors appeared as bulls attracted by the sudden stock price rises, while bears, who sold securities, failed to place their money into deposit and were instead lured into lending it as call money to brokerages who then fuelled these speculative bulls. As of October 22, 1929 about $4 billion was the extent of such speculative lending when Chase National Bank’s customers called in their money. Chase National had to follow their instructions, as did other New York banks. New York’s Stock Exchange could hardly respond to a demand for $4 billion at a short notice and collapsed. Within a year, production had fallen by 26 per cent, prices by 14 per cent, personal income by 14 per cent, and the Greatest Depression of recorded history was in progress — involuntary unemployment levels in America reaching 25 per cent. That is not, by any reading, what we have today. Yes, there has been plenty of bad lending, plenty of duping shareholders and workers and plenty of excessive managerial payoffs. It will all take a large toll, and affect markets across the world. But it will be a toll relative to our plush comfortable modern standards, not those of 1929-1933. In fact, modern decision-makers have the obvious advantage that they can look back at history and know what is not to be done. The US and the world economy are resilient enough to ride over even the extra uncertainty arising from the ongoing presidential campaign, and then some.”
These quotes are from recent publications and may be found most easily under “America’s financial crises” at my site http://www.independentindian.com.
What may be of interest to the Government of India’s economists also may be a sample of my recent short articles on India’s monetary and fiscal economics based on my research beginning with my doctoral work under Frank Hahn at Cambridge in the 1970s and followed by my work with James Buchanan and Milton Friedman in America in the 1980s and 1990s and later. One of these is even named “The Rangarajan Effect” which I first defined at a seminar invited by Dr Jadav at the RBI in May 2005!
Press reports today say “With a comfortable majority in the Lok Sabha, UPA Chairperson Sonia Gandhi and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh will meet President Pratibha Patil to stake claim (sic) to form the new government. This was decided unanimously at a meeting of the leaders of the United Progressive Alliance in which Gandhi was re-elected its Chairperson.” (emphasis added)
“Stake claim”?
“To stake a claim” is to show that you believe something is yours or to declare that something belongs to you.
Is that what Jawaharlal Nehru did with Dr Rajendra Prasad or Dr Radhakrishnan? He went and said something like “Now look here Mr President, I would like to stake my claim to be Prime Minister of India now that this here General Election is over and I won”?
Is anyone else at present submitting any competing “claims” to the President? Of course not. Is the President unaware of the fact the General Elections are now over, or that she has a solemn duty to perform of inviting the leader of the largest political party in the new Lok Sabha to Rashtrapati Bhavan for an important chat? Why does it have to be said that someone has to “stake a claim” to be asked to form the Government when the field is open and there is no sign of any other “claimant”? Besides there has been the rush of political parties shooting off letters to the President declaring their support of Shrimati Gandhi and Dr Singh when they “stake claim” to the Government. What does the President of India do with such letter-carriers when they turn up at her doorstep uninvited? Offer each of them a cup of tea and a smile?
It is all hardly sober or uplifting — in fact, it is all rather undignified.
Perhaps a President of India might someday murmur something to the politicians like “Really, why do we need such talk about “staking claims”; I was going to invite you anyway.”
The 14th Lok Sabha stood automatically dissolved when General Elections to the 15th Lok Sabha were first announced. A fortiori so did its Council of Ministers and its “Cabinet”.
Yet this morning Dr Manmohan Singh has held a purported “Cabinet Meeting” of the 14th Lok Sabha where its “members” (some of whom lost their seats!) purportedly submitted their “resignations” which he will then convey to the President with a request that the 14th Lok Sabha be dissolved!
Nyet!
The 14th Lok Sabha was dissolved and came to end eo ipso with the calling of the General Elections and any Council of Ministers and Cabinet that continued in existence was necessarily of a caretaker nature.
The 15th Lok Sabha has been elected as soon as the Election Commission has certified its final results. There can be no legitimate “Cabinet” of the 14th Lok Sabha subsisting alongside the 15th Lok Sabha even for one logical moment.
It is surprising we must begin perhaps with such a simple procedural error. It suggests there may be more to come. We must be sorry to see the steady corrosion of parliamentary law and custom.
Subroto Roy
Postscript: In the interregnum between the dissolution of the 14th Lok Sabha when General Elections are announced and the actual declaration of the results of the 15th, which has in fact taken a month or more, there is no functioning legislative branch of Government — though I would not disagree that if a national emergency like a war occurred during that period, the President in her wisdom would have a right to recall the 14th Lok Sabha if necessary as a kind of “caretaker” body for the duration of the emergency.
So @LokSabhaSectt@rashtrapatibhvn here's the best timetable for #17thLokSabha: Th 23/5 Results declared Fri 24/5 EC certifies results Sat Sun 25 26/5 Members sworn in Mon 27/5 Speaker pro tem divides House; Prez invites new @PMOIndia to form a Gov't Tue 28/5 Cabinet appointed https://t.co/d4mxufcTKX
So @LokSabhaSectt@rashtrapatibhvn please follow my timetable for #17thLokSabha: Th 23/5 Results declared Fri 24/5 EC certifies results Sat Sun 25 26/5 Members sworn in Mon 27/5 Speaker pro tem divides House; Prez invites new @PMOIndia to form a Gov't Tue 28/5 Cabinet appointed https://t.co/hGwEe8mQ3J
So @LokSabhaSectt@rashtrapatibhvn please follow my timetable for #17thLokSabha: Th 23/5 Results declared Fri 24/5 EC certifies results Sat Sun 25 26/5 Members sworn in Mon 27/5 Speaker pro tem divides House; Prez invites new @PMOIndia to form a Gov’t Tue 28/5 Cabinet appointed
Gen Chohan: Utopia not possible Prof. We can only dream IMO.
It’s the correct parliamentary logic tho.. Not hard to do… @ECISVEEP@SpokespersonECI informs @LokSabhaSectt of winning candidates; LS informs 543 new members of #17thLokSabha to turn up pronto and be sworn in; elect a Speaker pro tem, divide the House; @rashtrapatibhvn invites
Halla gulla … lists… parades of signatories… you know… Dilliwalla histrionics…
2009:
Better Procedure
The Hon’ble President of India invites the leader of the single largest political party in the 15th Lok Sabha to visit Rashtrapati Bhavan.
The leader does so, bringing with her, her own nominee for the Prime Ministership of India as she herself wishes to decline the invitation to be PM.
The President meets the leader alone and extends the invitation.
The invitation is respectfully declined with the recommendation that the Hon’ble President may perhaps consider instead the name of the person nominated by the leader.
The President agrees and extends the invitation to the latter in the presence of the leader. The latter accepts with thanks.
The President observes that since the PM-elect in this case happens not to be a member of the Lok Sabha, she hopes that he shall soon become one.
The meeting ends.
Worse Procedure
The leader of the single largest political party in the 15th Lok Sabha publicly announces her nominee for the position of Prime Minister.
The Hon’ble President of India comes to learn of this from the newspapers or television and extends an invitation to the latter.
The latter visits Rashtrapati Bhavan, receives and accepts the President’s invitation to form a Government.
While we do not have such a ceremony literally, we do have its republican equivalent in the well-established constitutional custom of the President of India after a General Election inviting one person to be Prime Minister and to form the new Government.
It soon shall be your solemn duty to invite such a new Prime Minister of India to form the Government.
Given the results of the 15th General Elections to the Lok Sabha, that invitation may be extended only to the Leader of the winning coalition in the Lok Sabha, who is Shrimati Sonia Gandhi.
The outgoing Prime Minister, Dr Manmohan Singh, not having contested the Lok Sabha election, may not by you be invited to be Prime Minister at this stage.
What happened in 2004 was that Shrimati Sonia Gandhi declined to accept such an invitation and instead effectively appointed Dr Singh to be PM despite his not being a member of the Lok Sabha nor intending to be so.
This exploited a constitutional loophole to the extent that our Constitution did not explicitly state that the PM must be from the Lok Sabha.
What may have been passable as the hurried exploitation of a loophole in 2004 is surely not acceptable in 2009.
Why the founders of our democratic polity such as BR Ambedkar and Jawaharlal Nehru did not specify that the PM must be from the Lok Sabha was quite simply that it was a matter of complete obviousness to them and to their entire generation that this must be so — it would have been appalling to them and something beyond their wildest imagination that a later generation, namely our own, would exploit this loophole and allow a PM to be appointed who is not a member of the Lok Sabha and intends not to be so.
Ambedkar, Nehru and all others of their time knew fully well that Lord Curzon had been explicitly denied the leadership of Britain’s Tory Party in 1922 because that would have made him a potential PM when he was not prepared to be a member of the House of Commons.
That specific precedent (culminating a centuries-old democratic trend of political power flowing from monarchs to lords to commoners) has governed all parliamentary democracies worldwide ever since — until Dr Singh’s appointment in 2004.
In fact, when such an anomalous situation once arose in Britain, Lord Home resigned his membership of the House of Lords to contest a House of Commons seat as Sir Alec Douglas Home so that he could be PM in a manner consistent with parliamentary law.
I believe you are fully within constitutional law and precedent to invite Shrimati Sonia Gandhi to form the new Government of India after the 15th General Elections to the Lok Sabha. If she declines and instead requests again the use of the loophole to appoint Dr Singh as PM, I believe that parliamentary law and precedent requires him to resign from the Rajya Sabha and instead contest a seat in the Lok Sabha.
Const. PC NAME Leading/Winning Candidate Leading Party Trailing Candidate Name Trailing Party Margin of Votes Result Declared
1 AP ADILABAD Rathod Ramesh Telugu Desam Kotnak Ramesh Indian National Congress 115752 NO
2 AP PEDDAPALLE Dr.G.Vivekanand Indian National Congress Gomasa Srinivas Telangana Rashtra Samithi 48503 NO
3 AP KARIMNAGAR Ponnam Prabhakar Indian National Congress Vinod Kumar Boinapally Telangana Rashtra Samithi 50179 NO
4 AP NIZAMABAD Madhu Yaskhi Goud Indian National Congress Bigala Ganesh Gupta Telangana Rashtra Samithi 59007 NO
5 AP ZAHIRABAD Syed Yousuf Ali Telangana Rashtra Samithi Suresh Kumar Shetkar Indian National Congress 12423 NO
6 AP MEDAK Vijaya Shanthi .M Telangana Rashtra Samithi Narendranath .C Indian National Congress 7513 NO
7 AP MALKAJGIRI Sarvey Sathyanarayana Indian National Congress Bheemsen.T Telugu Desam 45684 NO
8 AP SECUNDRABAD Anjan Kumar Yadav M Indian National Congress Bandaru Dattatreya Bharatiya Janata Party 143695 NO
9 AP HYDERABAD Asaduddin Owaisi All India Majlis-E-Ittehadul Muslimeen Zahid Ali Khan Telugu Desam 74507 NO
10 AP CHELVELLA Jaipal Reddy Sudini Indian National Congress A.P.Jithender Reddy Telugu Desam 18032 NO
11 AP MAHBUBNAGAR Devarakonda Vittal Rao Indian National Congress K. Chandrasekhar Rao Telangana Rashtra Samithi 4782 NO
12 AP NAGARKURNOOL Dr. Manda Jagannath Indian National Congress Guvvala Balaraju Telangana Rashtra Samithi 31833 NO
13 AP NALGONDA Gutha Sukender Reddy Indian National Congress Suravaram Sudhakar Reddy Communist Party of India 68461 NO
14 AP BHONGIR Komatireddy Raj Gopal Reddy Indian National Congress Nomula Narsimhaiah Communist Party of India (Marxist) 75636 NO
15 AP WARANGAL Rajaiah Siricilla Indian National Congress Ramagalla Parameshwar Telangana Rashtra Samithi 97708 NO
16 AP MAHABUBABAD P. Balram Indian National Congress Kunja Srinivasa Rao Communist Party of India 67553 NO
17 AP KHAMMAM Nama Nageswara Rao Telugu Desam Renuka Chowdhury Indian National Congress 102505 NO
18 AP ARUKU Kishore Chandra Suryanarayana Deo Vyricherla Indian National Congress Midiyam Babu Rao Communist Party of India (Marxist) 90318 NO
19 AP SRIKAKULAM Killi Krupa Rani Indian National Congress Yerrnnaidu Kinjarapu Telugu Desam 49013 NO
20 AP VIZIANAGARAM Jhansi Lakshmi Botcha Indian National Congress Appalanaidu Kondapalli Telugu Desam 41954 NO
21 AP VISAKHAPATNAM Daggubati Purandeswari Indian National Congress Palla Srinivasa Rao Praja Rajyam Party 21581 NO
22 AP ANAKAPALLI Sabbam Hari Indian National Congress Allu Aravind Praja Rajyam Party 30239 NO
23 AP KAKINADA M.M.Pallamraju Indian National Congress Chalamalasetty Sunil Praja Rajyam Party 32934 NO
24 AP AMALAPURAM G.V.Harsha Kumar Indian National Congress Pothula Prameela Devi Praja Rajyam Party 30060 NO
25 AP RAJAHMUNDRY Aruna Kumar Vundavalli Indian National Congress M. Murali Mohan Telugu Desam 15135 NO
26 AP NARSAPURAM Bapiraju Kanumuru Indian National Congress Gubbala Tammaiah Praja Rajyam Party 71888 NO
27 AP ELURU Kavuri Sambasiva Rao Indian National Congress Maganti Venkateswara Rao(Babu) Telugu Desam 36019 NO
28 AP MACHILIPATNAM Konakalla Narayana Rao Telugu Desam Badiga Ramakrishna Indian National Congress 1866 NO
29 AP VIJAYAWADA Lagadapati Raja Gopal Indian National Congress Vamsi Mohan Vallabhaneni Telugu Desam 30685 NO
30 AP GUNTUR Rayapati Sambasiva Rao Indian National Congress Madala Rajendra Telugu Desam 18978 NO
31 AP NARASARAOPET Balashowry Vallabhaneni Indian National Congress Modugula Venugopala Reddy Telugu Desam 3988 NO
32 AP BAPATLA Panabaka Lakshmi Indian National Congress Malyadri Sriram Telugu Desam 43089 NO
33 AP ONGOLE Magunta Srinivasulu Reddy Indian National Congress Madduluri Malakondaiah Yadav Telugu Desam 38947 NO
34 AP NANDYAL S.P.Y.Reddy Indian National Congress Nasyam Mohammed Farook Telugu Desam 16735 NO
35 AP KURNOOL Kotla Jaya Surya Prakash Reddy Indian National Congress B.T.Naidu Telugu Desam 61274 NO
36 AP ANANTAPUR Anantha Venkata Rami Reddy Indian National Congress Kalava Srinivasulu Telugu Desam 59410 NO
37 AP HINDUPUR Kristappa Nimmala Telugu Desam P Khasim Khan Indian National Congress 13186 NO
38 AP KADAPA Y.S. Jagan Mohan Reddy Indian National Congress Palem Srikanth Reddy Telugu Desam 156168 NO
39 AP NELLORE Mekapati Rajamohan Reddy Indian National Congress Vanteru Venu Gopala Reddy Telugu Desam 42407 NO
40 AP TIRUPATI Chinta Mohan Indian National Congress Varla Ramaiah Telugu Desam 17462 NO
41 AP RAJAMPET Annayyagari Sai Prathap Indian National Congress Ramesh Kumar Reddy Reddappagari Telugu Desam 62762 NO
42 AP CHITTOOR Naramalli Sivaprasad Telugu Desam Thippeswamy M Indian National Congress 8806 NO
1 AR ARUNACHAL WEST Takam Sanjoy Indian National Congress Kiren Rijiju Bharatiya Janata Party 20798 NO
2 AR ARUNACHAL EAST Ninong Ering Indian National Congress Lowangcha Wanglat Arunachal Congress 57975 NO
1 AS KARIMGANJ Rajesh Mallah Assam United Democratic Front Lalit Mohan Suklabaidya Indian National Congress 37542 NO
2 AS SILCHAR Kabindra Purkayastha Bharatiya Janata Party Badruddin Ajmal Assam United Democratic Front 15243 NO
3 AS AUTONOMOUS DISTRICT Biren Singh Engti Indian National Congress Elwin Teron Autonomous State Demand Committee 71819 NO
4 AS DHUBRI Badruddin Ajmal Assam United Democratic Front Anwar Hussain Indian National Congress 161394 NO
5 AS KOKRAJHAR Sansuma Khunggur Bwiswmuthiary Bodaland Peoples Front Urkhao Gwra Brahma Independent 165034 NO
6 AS BARPETA Ismail Hussain Indian National Congress Bhupen Ray Asom Gana Parishad 2974 NO
7 AS GAUHATI Bijoya Chakravarty Bharatiya Janata Party Capt. Robin Bordoloi Indian National Congress 2092 NO
8 AS MANGALDOI Ramen Deka Bharatiya Janata Party Madhab Rajbangshi Indian National Congress 40759 NO
9 AS TEZPUR Joseph Toppo Asom Gana Parishad Moni Kumar Subba Indian National Congress 22778 NO
10 AS NOWGONG Rajen Gohain Bharatiya Janata Party Anil Raja Indian National Congress 54992 NO
11 AS KALIABOR Dip Gogoi Indian National Congress Gunin Hazarika Asom Gana Parishad 115587 NO
12 AS JORHAT Bijoy Krishna Handique Indian National Congress Kamakhya Tasa Bharatiya Janata Party 63749 NO
13 AS DIBRUGARH Sima Ghosh Independent Lakhi Charan Swansi Independent 13171 NO
14 AS LAKHIMPUR Ranee Narah Indian National Congress Dr. Arun Kr. Sarma Asom Gana Parishad 22689 NO
1 BR VALMIKI NAGAR Baidyanath Prasad Mahto Janata Dal (United) Fakhruddin Independent 92894 NO
2 BR PASCHIM CHAMPARAN Dr. Sanjay Jaiswal Bharatiya Janata Party Prakash Jha Lok Jan Shakti Party 27380 NO
3 BR PURVI CHAMPARAN Radha Mohan Singh Bharatiya Janata Party Akhilesh Prasad Singh Rashtriya Janata Dal 16852 NO
4 BR SHEOHAR Rama Devi Bharatiya Janata Party Sitaram Singh Rashtriya Janata Dal 20138 NO
5 BR SITAMARHI Arjun Roy Janata Dal (United) Samir Kumar Mahaseth Indian National Congress 58330 NO
6 BR MADHUBANI Hukmadeo Narayan Yadav Bharatiya Janata Party Abdulbari Siddiki Rashtriya Janata Dal 14813 NO
7 BR JHANJHARPUR Mangani Lal Mandal Janata Dal (United) Devendra Prasad Yadav Rashtriya Janata Dal 15645 NO
8 BR SUPAUL Vishwa Mohan Kumar Janata Dal (United) Ranjeet Ranjan Indian National Congress 156716 NO
9 BR ARARIA Pradeep Kumar Singh Bharatiya Janata Party Zakir Hussain Khan Lok Jan Shakti Party 990 NO
10 BR KISHANGANJ Mohammad Asrarul Haque Indian National Congress Syed Mahmood Ashraf Janata Dal (United) 23819 NO
11 BR KATIHAR Nikhil Kumar Choudhary Bharatiya Janata Party Shah Tariq Anwar Nationalist Congress Party 25043 NO
12 BR PURNIA Uday Singh Alias Pappu Singh Bharatiya Janata Party Shanti Priya Independent 45055 NO
13 BR MADHEPURA Sharad Yadav Janata Dal (United) Prof. Ravindra Charan Yadav Rashtriya Janata Dal 63004 NO
14 BR DARBHANGA Kirti Azad Bharatiya Janata Party Md. Ali Ashraf Fatmi Rashtriya Janata Dal 10506 NO
15 BR MUZAFFARPUR Captain Jai Narayan Prasad Nishad Janata Dal (United) Bhagwanlal Sahni Lok Jan Shakti Party 22358 NO
16 BR VAISHALI Raghuvansh Prasad Singh Rashtriya Janata Dal Vijay Kumar Shukla Janata Dal (United) 16884 NO
17 BR GOPALGANJ Purnmasi Ram Janata Dal (United) Anil Kumar Rashtriya Janata Dal 14206 NO
18 BR SIWAN Om Prakash Yadav Independent Hena Shahab Rashtriya Janata Dal 46540 NO
19 BR MAHARAJGANJ Prabhu Nath Singh Janata Dal (United) Uma Shanaker Singh Rashtriya Janata Dal 3826 NO
20 BR SARAN Lalu Prasad Rashtriya Janata Dal Rajiv Pratap Rudy Bharatiya Janata Party 12043 NO
21 BR HAJIPUR Ram Sundar Das Janata Dal (United) Ram Vilas Paswan Lok Jan Shakti Party 25499 NO
22 BR UJIARPUR Aswamedh Devi Janata Dal (United) Alok Kumar Mehta Rashtriya Janata Dal 3919 NO
23 BR SAMASTIPUR Maheshwar Hazari Janata Dal (United) Ram Chandra Paswan Lok Jan Shakti Party 16617 NO
24 BR BEGUSARAI Dr. Monazir Hassan Janata Dal (United) Shatrughna Prasad Singh Communist Party of India 7134 NO
25 BR KHAGARIA Dinesh Chandra Yadav Janata Dal (United) Ravindar Kr. Rana Rashtriya Janata Dal 111954 NO
26 BR BHAGALPUR Syed Shahnawaz Hussain Bharatiya Janata Party Shakuni Choudhary Rashtriya Janata Dal 51019 NO
27 BR BANKA Digvijay Singh Independent Jai Prakesh Narain Yadav Rashtriya Janata Dal 1717 NO
28 BR MUNGER Rajiv Ranjan Singh Alias Lalan Singh Janata Dal (United) Ram Badan Roy Rashtriya Janata Dal 93963 NO
29 BR NALANDA Kaushalendra Kumar Janata Dal (United) Satish Kumar Lok Jan Shakti Party 57221 NO
30 BR PATNA SAHIB Shatrughan Sinha Bharatiya Janata Party Vijay Kumar Rashtriya Janata Dal 149553 NO
31 BR PATALIPUTRA Ranjan Prasad Yadav Janata Dal (United) Lalu Prasad Rashtriya Janata Dal 18071 NO
32 BR ARRAH Meena Singh Janata Dal (United) Rama Kishore Singh Lok Jan Shakti Party 32291 NO
33 BR BUXAR Lal Muni Choubey Bharatiya Janata Party Jagada Nand Singh Rashtriya Janata Dal 5884 NO
34 BR SASARAM Meira Kumar Indian National Congress Muni Lal Bharatiya Janata Party 7236 NO
35 BR KARAKAT Mahabali Singh Janata Dal (United) Kanti Singh Rashtriya Janata Dal 15062 NO
36 BR JAHANABAD Jagdish Sharma Janata Dal (United) Surendra Prasad Yadav Rashtriya Janata Dal 9210 NO
37 BR AURANGABAD Sushil Kumar Singh Janata Dal (United) Shakil Ahmad Khan Rashtriya Janata Dal 27551 NO
38 BR GAYA Hari Manjhi Bharatiya Janata Party Ramji Manjhi Rashtriya Janata Dal 58906 NO
39 BR NAWADA Bhola Singh Bharatiya Janata Party Veena Devi Lok Jan Shakti Party 4582 NO
40 BR JAMUI Bhudeo Choudhary Janata Dal (United) Shyam Rajak Rashtriya Janata Dal 19419 NO
1 GA NORTH GOA Shripad Yesso Naik Bharatiya Janata Party Jitendra Raghuraj Deshprabhu Nationalist Congress Party 6353 NO
2 GA SOUTH GOA Cosme Francisco Caitano Sardinha Indian National Congress Adv. Narendra Keshav Sawaikar Bharatiya Janata Party 12516 YES
1 GJ KACHCHH Jat Poonamben Veljibhai Bharatiya Janata Party Danicha Valjibhai Punamchandra Indian National Congress 69187 NO
2 GJ BANASKANTHA Gadhvi Mukeshkumar Bheiravdanji Indian National Congress Chaudhary Haribhai Parathibhai Bharatiya Janata Party 10317 NO
3 GJ PATAN Jagdish Thakor Indian National Congress Rathod Bhavsinhbhai Dahyabhai Bharatiya Janata Party 27015 NO
4 GJ MAHESANA Patel Jayshreeben Kanubhai Bharatiya Janata Party Patel Jivabhai Ambalal Indian National Congress 22003 YES
5 GJ SABARKANTHA Chauhan Mahendrasinh Bharatiya Janata Party Mistry Madhusudan Indian National Congress 17160 NO
6 GJ GANDHINAGAR L.K.Advani Bharatiya Janata Party Patel Sureshkumar Chaturdas (Suresh Patel) Indian National Congress 134558 NO
7 GJ AHMEDABAD EAST Harin Pathak Bharatiya Janata Party Babaria Dipakbhai Ratilal Indian National Congress 89547 NO
8 GJ AHMEDABAD WEST Dr. Solanki Kiritbhai Premajibhai Bharatiya Janata Party Parmar Shailesh Manharlal Indian National Congress 91127 NO
9 GJ SURENDRANAGAR Mer Laljibhai Chaturbhai Bharatiya Janata Party Koli Patel Somabhai Gandalal Indian National Congress 1273 NO
10 GJ RAJKOT Kuvarjibhai Mohanbhai Bavalia Indian National Congress Kirankumar Valjibhai Bhalodia (Patel) Bharatiya Janata Party 13362 NO
11 GJ PORBANDAR Radadiya Vitthalbhai Hansrajbhai Indian National Congress Khachariya Mansukhbhai Shamjibhai Bharatiya Janata Party 38342 NO
12 GJ JAMNAGAR Ahir Vikrambhai Arjanbhai Madam Indian National Congress Mungra Rameshbhai Devrajbhai Bharatiya Janata Party 2463 NO
13 GJ JUNAGADH Solanki Dinubhai Boghabhai Bharatiya Janata Party Barad Jashubhai Dhanabhai Indian National Congress 13759 NO
14 GJ AMRELI Kachhadia Naranbhai Bharatiya Janata Party Nilaben Virjibhai Thummar Indian National Congress 37317 NO
15 GJ BHAVNAGAR Rajendrasinh Ghanshyamsinh Rana (Rajubhai Rana) Bharatiya Janata Party Gohilmahavirsinhbhagirathsinh Indian National Congress 13964 NO
16 GJ ANAND Solanki Bharatbhai Madhavsinh Indian National Congress Patel Dipakbhai Chimanbhai Bharatiya Janata Party 67318 NO
17 GJ KHEDA Chauhan Devusinh Jesingbhai Bharatiya Janata Party Dinsha Patel Indian National Congress 4973 NO
18 GJ PANCHMAHAL Chauhan Prabhatsinh Pratapsinh Bharatiya Janata Party Vaghela Shankarsinh Laxmansinh Indian National Congress 2081 NO
19 GJ DAHOD Dr. Prabha Kishor Taviad Indian National Congress Damor Somjibhai Punjabhai Bharatiya Janata Party 58536 NO
20 GJ VADODARA Balkrishna Khanderao Shukla (Balu Shukla) Bharatiya Janata Party Gaekwad Satyajitsinh Dulipsinh Indian National Congress 136028 YES
21 GJ CHHOTA UDAIPUR Rathwa Ramsingbhai Patalbhai Bharatiya Janata Party Rathwa Naranbhai Jemlabhai Indian National Congress 13493 NO
22 GJ BHARUCH Mansukhbhai Dhanjibhai Vasava Bharatiya Janata Party Umerji Ahmed Ugharatdar (Aziz Tankarvi) Indian National Congress 31846 NO
23 GJ BARDOLI Chaudhari Tusharbhai Amrasinhbhai Indian National Congress Vasava Riteshkumar Amarsinh Bharatiya Janata Party 59463 NO
24 GJ SURAT Shrimati Darshana Vikram Jardosh Bharatiya Janata Party Gajera Dhirubhai Haribhai Indian National Congress 74798 NO
25 GJ NAVSARI C. R. Patil Bharatiya Janata Party Dhansukha Rajput Indian National Congress 118558 NO
26 GJ VALSAD Kishanbhai Vestabhai Patel Indian National Congress Patel Dhirubhai Chhaganbhai (Dr. D.C.Patel) Bharatiya Janata Party 7169 NO
1 HR AMBALA Selja Indian National Congress Rattan Lal Kataria Bharatiya Janata Party 14925 NO
2 HR KURUKSHETRA Naveen Jindal Indian National Congress Ashok Kumar Arora Indian National Lok Dal 118729 NO
3 HR SIRSA Ashok Tanwar Indian National Congress Dr. Sita Ram Indian National Lok Dal 35877 NO
4 HR HISAR Bhajan Lal S/O Kheraj Haryana Janhit Congress (BL) Sampat Singh Indian National Lok Dal 24443 NO
5 HR KARNAL Arvind Kumar Sharma Indian National Congress Maratha Virender Verma Bahujan Samaj Party 62190 NO
6 HR SONIPAT Jitender Singh Indian National Congress Kishan Singh Sangwan Bharatiya Janata Party 148409 NO
7 HR ROHTAK Deepender Singh Indian National Congress Nafe Singh Rathee Indian National Lok Dal 445736 NO
8 HR BHIWANI-MAHENDRAGARH Shruti Choudhry Indian National Congress Ajay Singh Chautala Indian National Lok Dal 25647 NO
9 HR GURGAON Inderjit Singh Indian National Congress Zakir Hussain Bahujan Samaj Party 86438 NO
10 HR FARIDABAD Avtar Singh Bhadana Indian National Congress Ramchander Bainda Bharatiya Janata Party 49661 NO
1 HP KANGRA Dr. Rajan Sushant Bharatiya Janata Party Chander Kumar Indian National Congress 24368 NO
2 HP MANDI Virbhadra Singh Indian National Congress Maheshwar Singh Bharatiya Janata Party 13997 YES
3 HP HAMIRPUR Anurag Singh Thakur Bharatiya Janata Party Narinder Thakur Indian National Congress 72732 NO
4 HP SHIMLA Virender Kashyap Bharatiya Janata Party Dhani Ram Shandil Indian National Congress 29568 NO
1 JK BARAMULLA Sharief Ud Din Shariq Jammu & Kashmir National Conference Mohammad Dilawar Mir Jammu & Kashmir Peoples Democratic Party 46361 NO
2 JK SRINAGAR Farooq Abdullah Jammu & Kashmir National Conference Iftikhar Hussain Ansari Jammu & Kashmir Peoples Democratic Party 30242 NO
3 JK ANANTNAG Mirza Mehboob Beg Jammu & Kashmir National Conference Peer Mohd Hussain Jammu & Kashmir Peoples Democratic Party 373 NO
4 JK LADAKH Hassan Khan Independent Asgar Ali Karbalaie Independent 7513 NO
5 JK UDHAMPUR Ch. Lal Singh Indian National Congress Dr. Nirmal Singh Bharatiya Janata Party 13394 NO
6 JK JAMMU Madan Lal Sharma Indian National Congress Lila Karan Sharma Bharatiya Janata Party 118165 NO
1 KA CHIKKODI Katti Ramesh Vishwanath Bharatiya Janata Party Prakash Babanna Hukkeri Indian National Congress 55287 YES
2 KA BELGAUM Angadi Suresh Channabasappa Bharatiya Janata Party Amarsinh Vasantrao Patil Indian National Congress 118687 NO
3 KA BAGALKOT Gaddigoudar P.C. Bharatiya Janata Party J.T.Patil Indian National Congress 35446 NO
4 KA BIJAPUR Ramesh Chandappa Jigajinagi Bharatiya Janata Party Prakash Kubasing Rathod Indian National Congress 42404 YES
5 KA GULBARGA Mallikarjun Kharge Indian National Congress Revunaik Belamgi Bharatiya Janata Party 13404 NO
6 KA RAICHUR Pakkirappa.S. Bharatiya Janata Party Raja Venkatappa Naik Indian National Congress 30636 YES
7 KA BIDAR N.Dharam Singh Indian National Congress Gurupadappa Nagmarpalli Bharatiya Janata Party 19342 NO
8 KA KOPPAL Shivaramagouda Shivanagouda Bharatiya Janata Party Basavaraj Rayareddy Indian National Congress 81789 NO
9 KA BELLARY J. Shantha Bharatiya Janata Party N.Y. Hanumanthappa Indian National Congress 2243 YES
10 KA HAVERI Udasi Shivkumar Chanabasappa Bharatiya Janata Party Saleem Ahamed Indian National Congress 87920 NO
11 KA DHARWAD Pralhad Joshi Bharatiya Janata Party Kunnur Manjunath Channappa Indian National Congress 137376 NO
12 KA UTTARA KANNADA Anantkumar Hegde Bharatiya Janata Party Alva Margaret Indian National Congress 22769 YES
13 KA DAVANAGERE Mallikarjuna S.S. Indian National Congress Siddeswara G.M. Bharatiya Janata Party 6103 NO
14 KA SHIMOGA B.Y. Raghavendra Bharatiya Janata Party S. Bangarappa Indian National Congress 52694 NO
15 KA UDUPI CHIKMAGALUR D.V.Sadananda Gowda Bharatiya Janata Party K.Jayaprakash Hegde Indian National Congress 17154 NO
16 KA HASSAN H. D. Devegowda Janata Dal (Secular) K. H. Hanume Gowda Bharatiya Janata Party 191514 NO
17 KA DAKSHINA KANNADA Nalin Kumar Kateel Bharatiya Janata Party Janardhana Poojary Indian National Congress 40420 YES
18 KA CHITRADURGA Janardhana Swamy Bharatiya Janata Party Dr. B Thippeswamy Indian National Congress 107373 NO
19 KA TUMKUR G.S. Basavaraj Bharatiya Janata Party Muddahanumegowda S.P. Janata Dal (Secular) 59288 NO
20 KA MANDYA N Cheluvaraya Swamy @ Swamygowda Janata Dal (Secular) M H Ambareesh Indian National Congress 23437 NO
21 KA MYSORE Adagur H Vishwanath Indian National Congress C.H.Vijayashankar Bharatiya Janata Party 7691 YES
22 KA CHAMARAJANAGAR R.Dhruvanarayana Indian National Congress A.R.Krishnamurthy Bharatiya Janata Party 11470 NO
23 KA BANGALORE RURAL H.D.Kumaraswamy Janata Dal (Secular) C. P. Yogeeshwara Bharatiya Janata Party 130275 NO
24 KA BANGALORE NORTH D. B. Chandre Gowda Bharatiya Janata Party C. K. Jaffer Sharief Indian National Congress 49448 NO
25 KA BANGALORE CENTRAL P. C. Mohan Bharatiya Janata Party H.T.Sangliana Indian National Congress 24385 NO
26 KA BANGALORE SOUTH Ananth Kumar Bharatiya Janata Party Krishna Byre Gowda Indian National Congress 37612 NO
27 KA CHIKKBALLAPUR M.Veerappa Moily Indian National Congress C.Aswathanarayana Bharatiya Janata Party 17697 NO
28 KA KOLAR K.H.Muniyappa Indian National Congress D.S.Veeraiah Bharatiya Janata Party 23006 YES
1 KL KASARAGOD P Karunakaran Communist Party of India (Marxist) Shahida Kamal Indian National Congress 64427 NO
2 KL KANNUR K. Sudhakaran Indian National Congress K.K Ragesh Communist Party of India (Marxist) 43151 YES
3 KL VADAKARA Mullappally Ramachandran Indian National Congress Adv. P. Satheedevi Communist Party of India (Marxist) 56186 YES
4 KL WAYANAD M.I. Shanavas Indian National Congress Advocate. M. Rahmathulla Communist Party of India 153439 NO
5 KL KOZHIKODE M.K. Raghavan Indian National Congress Adv. P.A. Mohamed Riyas Communist Party of India (Marxist) 838 NO
6 KL MALAPPURAM E. Ahamed Muslim League Kerala State Committee T.K. Hamza Communist Party of India (Marxist) 115569 NO
7 KL PONNANI E.T. Muhammed Basheer Muslim League Kerala State Committee Dr. Hussain Randathani Independent 84478 NO
8 KL PALAKKAD M.B. Rajesh Communist Party of India (Marxist) Satheesan Pacheni Indian National Congress 1820 NO
9 KL ALATHUR P.K Biju Communist Party of India (Marxist) N.K Sudheer Indian National Congress 20960 NO
10 KL THRISSUR P C Chacko Indian National Congress C N Jayadevan Communist Party of India 25421 NO
11 KL CHALAKUDY K.P. Dhanapalan Indian National Congress Adv. U.P Joseph Communist Party of India (Marxist) 71679 NO
12 KL ERNAKULAM Prof. K V Thomas Indian National Congress Sindhu Joy Communist Party of India (Marxist) 11790 NO
13 KL IDUKKI Adv. P.T Thomas Indian National Congress Adv. K. Francis George Kerala Congress 74796 NO
14 KL KOTTAYAM Jose K.Mani (Karingozheckal) Kerala Congress (M) Adv. Suresh Kurup Communist Party of India (Marxist) 66170 NO
15 KL ALAPPUZHA K.C Venugopal Indian National Congress Dr. K.S Manoj Communist Party of India (Marxist) 57791 NO
16 KL MAVELIKKARA Kodikkunnil Suresh Indian National Congress R.S Anil Communist Party of India 48240 NO
17 KL PATHANAMTHITTA Anto Antony Punnathaniyil Indian National Congress Adv.K.Anantha Gopan Communist Party of India (Marxist) 111206 NO
18 KL KOLLAM N.Peethambarakurup Indian National Congress P.Rajendran Communist Party of India (Marxist) 17531 NO
19 KL ATTINGAL Adv. A Sampath Communist Party of India (Marxist) Prof.G Balachandran Indian National Congress 17660 NO
20 KL THIRUVANANTHAPURAM Shashi Tharoor Indian National Congress Adv. P Ramachandran Nair Communist Party of India 100045 NO
1 MP MORENA Narendra Singh Tomar Bharatiya Janata Party Ramniwas Rawat Indian National Congress 96255 NO
2 MP BHIND Ashok Argal Bharatiya Janata Party Dr. Bhagirath Prasad Indian National Congress 8086 NO
3 MP GWALIOR Yashodhara Raje Scindia Bharatiya Janata Party Ashok Singh Indian National Congress 21923 NO
4 MP GUNA Jyotiraditya Madhavrao Scindia Indian National Congress Dr.Narottam Mishra Bharatiya Janata Party 189578 NO
5 MP SAGAR Bhupendra Singh Bharatiya Janata Party Aslam Sher Khan Indian National Congress 131168 NO
6 MP TIKAMGARH Virendra Kumar Bharatiya Janata Party Ahirwar Vrindavan Indian National Congress 41862 NO
7 MP DAMOH Shivraj Bhaiya Bharatiya Janata Party Chandrabhan Bhaiya Indian National Congress 55747 NO
8 MP KHAJURAHO Jeetendra Singh Bundela Bharatiya Janata Party Raja Paterya Indian National Congress 28332 NO
9 MP SATNA Ganesh Singh Bharatiya Janata Party Sukhlal Kushwaha Bahujan Samaj Party 377 NO
10 MP REWA Deoraj Singh Patel Bahujan Samaj Party Sunder Lal Tiwari Indian National Congress 3644 NO
11 MP SIDHI Govind Prasad Mishra Bharatiya Janata Party Indrajeet Kumar Indian National Congress 44915 NO
12 MP SHAHDOL Rajesh Nandini Singh Indian National Congress Narendra Singh Maravi Bharatiya Janata Party 13415 NO
13 MP JABALPUR Rakesh Singh Bharatiya Janata Party Advocate Rameshwar Neekhra Indian National Congress 106003 YES
14 MP MANDLA Basori Singh Masram Indian National Congress Faggan Singh Kulaste Bharatiya Janata Party 62726 NO
15 MP BALAGHAT K. D. Deshmukh Bharatiya Janata Party Vishveshwar Bhagat Indian National Congress 40898 NO
16 MP CHHINDWARA Kamal Nath Indian National Congress Marot Rao Khavase Bharatiya Janata Party 74134 NO
17 MP HOSHANGABAD Uday Pratap Singh Indian National Congress Rampal Singh Bharatiya Janata Party 17542 NO
18 MP VIDISHA Sushma Swaraj Bharatiya Janata Party Choudhary Munabbar Salim Samajwadi Party 375074 NO
19 MP BHOPAL Kailash Joshi Bharatiya Janata Party Surendra Singh Thakur Indian National Congress 30764 NO
20 MP RAJGARH Narayansingh Amlabe Indian National Congress Lakshman Singh Bharatiya Janata Party 24856 NO
21 MP DEWAS Sajjan Singh Verma Indian National Congress Thavarchand Gehlot Bharatiya Janata Party 16084 NO
22 MP UJJAIN Guddu Premchand Indian National Congress Dr. Satyanarayan Jatiya Bharatiya Janata Party 15841 NO
23 MP MANDSOUR Meenakshi Natrajan Indian National Congress Dr. Laxminarayan Pandey Bharatiya Janata Party 26817 NO
24 MP RATLAM Kantilal Bhuria Indian National Congress Dileepsingh Bhuria Bharatiya Janata Party 57668 NO
25 MP DHAR Gajendra Singh Rajukhedi Indian National Congress Mukam Singh Kirade Bharatiya Janata Party 2012 NO
26 MP INDORE Sumitra Mahajan (Tai) Bharatiya Janata Party Satynarayan Patel Indian National Congress 11365 NO
27 MP KHARGONE Makansingh Solanki (Babuji) Bharatiya Janata Party Balaram Bachchan Indian National Congress 34175 NO
28 MP KHANDWA Arun Subhashchandra Yadav Indian National Congress Nandkumar Sing Chauhan Nandu Bhaiya Bharatiya Janata Party 49081 NO
29 MP BETUL Jyoti Dhurve Bharatiya Janata Party Ojharam Evane Indian National Congress 97317 NO
1 MH NANDURBAR Gavit Manikrao Hodlya Indian National Congress Gavit Sharad Krushnrao Samajwadi Party 13952 NO
2 MH DHULE Amarishbhai Rasiklal Patel Indian National Congress Sonawane Pratap Narayanrao Bharatiya Janata Party 4220 NO
3 MH JALGAON A.T. Nana Patil Bharatiya Janata Party Adv. Vasantrao Jivanrao More Nationalist Congress Party 96020 NO
4 MH RAVER Haribhau Madhav Jawale Bharatiya Janata Party Adv. Ravindra Pralhadrao Patil Nationalist Congress Party 28692 NO
5 MH BULDHANA Jadhav Prataprao Ganpatrao Shivsena Shingane Dr.Rajendra Bhaskarrao Nationalist Congress Party 30565 NO
6 MH AKOLA Dhotre Sanjay Shamrao Bharatiya Janata Party Ambedkar Prakash Yashwant Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha 59331 NO
7 MH AMRAVATI Adsul Anandrao Vithoba Shivsena Gawai Rajendra Ramkrushna Republican Party of India 33563 NO
8 MH WARDHA Datta Meghe Indian National Congress Suresh Ganpatrao Waghmare Bharatiya Janata Party 121938 NO
9 MH RAMTEK Wasnik Mukul Balkrishna Indian National Congress Tumane Krupal Balaji Shivsena 16465 NO
10 MH NAGPUR Muttemwar Vilasrao Baburaoji Indian National Congress Purohit Banwarilal Bhagwandas Bharatiya Janata Party 7078 NO
11 MH BHANDARA – GONDIYA Patel Praful Manoharbhai Nationalist Congress Party Nanabhau Falgunrao Patole Independent 119604 NO
12 MH GADCHIROLI-CHIMUR Kowase Marotrao Sainuji Indian National Congress Ashok Mahadeorao Nete Bharatiya Janata Party 4795 NO
13 MH CHANDRAPUR Ahir Hansaraj Gangaram Bharatiya Janata Party Pugalia Naresh Indian National Congress 7044 NO
14 MH YAVATMAL-WASHIM Bhavana Gawali (Patil) Shivsena Harising Rathod Indian National Congress 114 NO
15 MH HINGOLI Subhash Bapurao Wankhede Shivsena Suryakanta Jaiwantrao Patil Nationalist Congress Party 73569 NO
16 MH NANDED Khatgaonkar Patil Bhaskarrao Bapurao Indian National Congress Sambhaji Pawar Bharatiya Janata Party 74975 NO
17 MH PARBHANI Adv. Dudhgaonkar Ganeshrao Nagorao Shivsena Warpudkar Suresh Ambadasrao Nationalist Congress Party 30356 NO
18 MH JALNA Danve Raosaheb Dadarao Bharatiya Janata Party Dr. Kale Kalyan Vaijinathrao Indian National Congress 9143 NO
19 MH AURANGABAD Chandrakant Khaire Shivsena Uttamsingh Rajdharsingh Pawar Indian National Congress 18142 NO
20 MH DINDORI Chavan Harishchandra Deoram Bharatiya Janata Party Zirwal Narhari Sitaram Nationalist Congress Party 37347 YES
21 MH NASHIK Sameer Bhujbal Nationalist Congress Party Godse Hemant Tukaram Maharashtra Navnirman sena 22032 NO
22 MH PALGHAR Jadhav Baliram Sukur Bahujan Vikas Aaghadi Adv. Chintaman Vanga Bharatiya Janata Party 12360 NO
23 MH BHIWANDI Taware Suresh Kashinath Indian National Congress Patil Jagannath Shivram Bharatiya Janata Party 41364 YES
24 MH KALYAN Anand Prakash Paranjape Shivsena Davkhare Vasant Shankarrao Nationalist Congress Party 21049 NO
25 MH THANE Dr.Sanjeev Ganesh Naik Nationalist Congress Party Chaugule Vijay Laxman Shivsena 49020 NO
26 MH MUMBAI NORTH Sanjay Brijkishorlal Nirupam Indian National Congress Ram Naik Bharatiya Janata Party 10054 NO
27 MH MUMBAI NORTH WEST Ad.Kamat Gurudas Vasant Indian National Congress Gajanan Kirtikar Shivsena 33261 NO
28 MH MUMBAI NORTH EAST Sanjay Dina Patil Nationalist Congress Party Kirit Somaiya Bharatiya Janata Party 2415 NO
29 MH MUMBAI NORTH CENTRAL Dutt Priya Sunil Indian National Congress Mahesh Ram Jethmalani Bharatiya Janata Party 157401 NO
30 MH MUMBAI SOUTH CENTRAL Eknath M. Gaikwad Indian National Congress Suresh Anant Gambhir Shivsena 69714 NO
31 MH MUMBAI SOUTH Deora Milind Murli Indian National Congress Bala Nandgaonkar Maharashtra Navnirman sena 54220 NO
32 MH RAIGAD Anant Geete Shivsena Barrister A.R. Antulay Indian National Congress 115119 NO
33 MH MAVAL Babar Gajanan Dharmshi Shivsena Pansare Azam Fakeerbhai Nationalist Congress Party 60796 NO
34 MH PUNE Kalmadi Suresh Indian National Congress Anil Shirole Bharatiya Janata Party 20225 NO
35 MH BARAMATI Supriya Sule Nationalist Congress Party Kanta Jaysing Nalawade Bharatiya Janata Party 188399 NO
36 MH SHIRUR Adhalrao Shivaji Dattatray Shivsena Vilas Vithoba Lande Nationalist Congress Party 140719 NO
37 MH AHMADNAGAR Gandhi Dilipkumar Mansukhlal Bharatiya Janata Party Kardile Shivaji Bhanudas Nationalist Congress Party 42474 NO
38 MH SHIRDI Wakchaure Bhausaheb Rajaram Shivsena Athawale Ramdas Bandu Republican Party of India (A) 132640 NO
39 MH BEED Munde Gopinathrao Pandurang Bharatiya Janata Party Kokate Ramesh Baburao (Adaskar) Nationalist Congress Party 70369 NO
40 MH OSMANABAD Patil Padamsinha Bajirao Nationalist Congress Party Gaikwad Ravindra Vishwanath Shivsena 17017 NO
41 MH LATUR Awale Jaywant Gangaram Indian National Congress Gaikwad Sunil Baliram Bharatiya Janata Party 241 NO
42 MH SOLAPUR Shinde Sushilkumar Sambhajirao Indian National Congress Adv. Bansode Sharad Maruti Bharatiya Janata Party 99585 NO
43 MH MADHA Pawar Sharadchandra Govindrao Nationalist Congress Party Deshmukh Subhash Sureshchandra Bharatiya Janata Party 243142 NO
44 MH SANGLI Pratik Prakashbapu Patil Indian National Congress Ajitrao Shankarrao Ghorpade Independent 43746 NO
45 MH SATARA Bhonsle Shrimant Chh. Udyanraje Pratapsinhmaharaj Nationalist Congress Party Purushottam Bajirao Jadhav Shivsena 297515 NO
46 MH RATNAGIRI – SINDHUDURG Dr.Nilesh Narayan Rane Indian National Congress Suresh Prabhakar Prabhu Shivsena 46750 NO
47 MH KOLHAPUR Sadashivrao Dadoba Mandlik Independent Chhatrapati Sambhajiraje Shahu Nationalist Congress Party 36524 NO
48 MH HATKANANGLE Shetti Raju Alias Devappa Anna Swabhimani Paksha Mane Nivedita Sambhajirao Nationalist Congress Party 63028 NO
1 MN INNER MANIPUR Dr. Thokchom Meinya Indian National Congress Moirangthem Nara Communist Party of India 33321 NO
2 MN OUTER MANIPUR Thangso Baite Indian National Congress Mani Charenamei Peoples Democratic Alliance 10586 NO
1 ML SHILLONG Vincent H Pala Indian National Congress John Filmore Kharshiing United Democratic Party 107832 NO
2 ML TURA Agatha K. Sangma Nationalist Congress Party Debora C. Marak Indian National Congress 17945 NO
1 MZ MIZORAM C.L.Ruala Indian National Congress Dr. H. Lallungmuana Independent 96238 NO
1 NL NAGALAND C.M. Chang Nagaland Peoples Front K. Asungba Sangtam Indian National Congress 422134 NO
1 OR BARGARH Sanjay Bhoi Indian National Congress Dr. Hamid Hussain Biju Janata Dal 39632 NO
2 OR SUNDARGARH Jual Oram Bharatiya Janata Party Hemanand Biswal Indian National Congress 6161 NO
3 OR SAMBALPUR Amarnath Pradhan Indian National Congress Rohit Pujari Biju Janata Dal 26282 NO
4 OR KEONJHAR Yashbant Narayan Singh Laguri Biju Janata Dal Dhanurjaya Sidu Indian National Congress 49221 NO
5 OR MAYURBHANJ Laxman Tudu Biju Janata Dal Sudam Marndi Jharkhand Mukti Morcha 17259 NO
6 OR BALASORE Srikant Kumar Jena Indian National Congress Arun Dey Nationalist Congress Party 10300 NO
7 OR BHADRAK Arjun Charan Sethi Biju Janata Dal Ananta Prasad Sethi Indian National Congress 24187 NO
8 OR JAJPUR Mohan Jena Biju Janata Dal Amiya Kanta Mallik Indian National Congress 36000 NO
9 OR DHENKANAL Tathagata Satpathy Biju Janata Dal Chandra Sekhar Tripathi Indian National Congress 87929 NO
10 OR BOLANGIR Kalikesh Narayan Singh Deo Biju Janata Dal Narasingha Mishra Indian National Congress 24022 NO
11 OR KALAHANDI Bhakta Charan Das Indian National Congress Subash Chandra Nayak Biju Janata Dal 59795 NO
12 OR NABARANGPUR Pradeep Kumar Majhi Indian National Congress Domburu Majhi Biju Janata Dal 25904 NO
13 OR KANDHAMAL Rudramadhab Ray Biju Janata Dal Ashok Sahu Bharatiya Janata Party 57091 NO
14 OR CUTTACK Bhartruhari Mahtab Biju Janata Dal Bibhuti Bhusan Mishra Indian National Congress 94756 NO
15 OR KENDRAPARA Baijayant Panda Biju Janata Dal Ranjib Biswal Indian National Congress 27810 NO
16 OR JAGATSINGHPUR Bibhu Prasad Tarai Communist Party of India Rabindra Kumar Sethy Indian National Congress 30229 NO
17 OR PURI Pinaki Misra Biju Janata Dal Braja Kishore Tripathy Bharatiya Janata Party 81737 NO
18 OR BHUBANESWAR Prasanna Kumar Patasani Biju Janata Dal Santosh Mohanty Indian National Congress 96043 NO
19 OR ASKA Nityananda Pradhan Biju Janata Dal Ramachandra Rath Indian National Congress 94869 NO
20 OR BERHAMPUR Sidhant Mohapatra Biju Janata Dal Chandra Sekhar Sahu Indian National Congress 23753 NO
21 OR KORAPUT Jayaram Pangi Biju Janata Dal Giridhar Gamang Indian National Congress 42161 NO
1 PB GURDASPUR Partap Singh Bajwa Indian National Congress Vinod Khanna Bharatiya Janata Party 1998 NO
2 PB AMRITSAR Navjot Singh Sidhu Bharatiya Janata Party Om Parkash Soni Indian National Congress 9057 NO
3 PB KHADOOR SAHIB Dr. Rattan Singh Ajnala Shiromani Akali Dal Rana Gurjeet Singh Indian National Congress 28869 NO
4 PB JALANDHAR Mohinder Singh Kaypee Indian National Congress Hans Raj Hans Shiromani Akali Dal 36445 NO
5 PB HOSHIARPUR Santosh Chowdhary Indian National Congress Som Parkash Bharatiya Janata Party 643 NO
6 PB ANANDPUR SAHIB Ravneet Singh Indian National Congress Dr. Daljit Singh Cheema Shiromani Akali Dal 50363 NO
7 PB LUDHIANA Manish Tewari Indian National Congress Gurcharan Singh Galib Shiromani Akali Dal 89676 NO
8 PB FATEHGARH SAHIB Sukhdev Singh Indian National Congress Charanjit Singh Atwal Shiromani Akali Dal 34299 NO
9 PB FARIDKOT Paramjit Kaur Gulshan Shiromani Akali Dal Sukhwinder Singh Danny Indian National Congress 68461 NO
10 PB FEROZPUR Sher Singh Ghubaya Shiromani Akali Dal Jagmeet Singh Brar Indian National Congress 30853 NO
11 PB BATHINDA Harsimrat Kaur Badal Shiromani Akali Dal Raninder Singh Indian National Congress 99521 NO
12 PB SANGRUR Vijay Inder Singla Indian National Congress Sukhdev Singh Dhindsa Shiromani Akali Dal 42789 NO
13 PB PATIALA Preneet Kaur Indian National Congress Prem Singh Chandumajra Shiromani Akali Dal 95502 NO
1 RJ GANGANAGAR Bharat Ram Meghwal Indian National Congress Nihal Chand Bharatiya Janata Party 140668 NO
2 RJ BIKANER Arjun Ram Meghwal Bharatiya Janata Party Rewat Ram Panwar Indian National Congress 19575 NO
3 RJ CHURU Ram Singh Kaswan Bharatiya Janata Party Rafique Mandelia Indian National Congress 9525 NO
4 RJ JHUNJHUNU Sheesh Ram Ola Indian National Congress Dr Dasrath Singh Shekhawat Bharatiya Janata Party 65321 NO
5 RJ SIKAR Mahadev Singh Indian National Congress Subhash Maharia Bharatiya Janata Party 33819 NO
6 RJ JAIPUR RURAL Lal Chand Kataria Indian National Congress Rao Rajendra Singh Bharatiya Janata Party 45487 NO
7 RJ JAIPUR Mahesh Joshi Indian National Congress Ghanshyam Tiwari Bharatiya Janata Party 3628 NO
8 RJ ALWAR Jitendra Singh Indian National Congress Dr.Kiran Yadav Bharatiya Janata Party 149251 NO
9 RJ BHARATPUR Ratan Singh Indian National Congress Khemchand Bharatiya Janata Party 80625 NO
10 RJ KARAULI-DHOLPUR Khiladi Lal Bairwa Indian National Congress Dr Manoj Rajoria Bharatiya Janata Party 27752 NO
11 RJ DAUSA Kirodi Lal Independent Qummer Rubbani Independent 23539 NO
12 RJ TONK-SAWAI MADHOPUR Namo Narain Indian National Congress Kirori Singh Bainsla Bharatiya Janata Party 472 NO
13 RJ AJMER Sachin Pilot Indian National Congress Kiran Maheshwari Bharatiya Janata Party 76135 YES
14 RJ NAGAUR Dr. Jyoti Mirdha Indian National Congress Bindu Chaudhary Bharatiya Janata Party 155185 NO
15 RJ PALI Badri Ram Jakhar Indian National Congress Pusp Jain Bharatiya Janata Party 171757 NO
16 RJ JODHPUR Chandresh Kumari Indian National Congress Jaswant Singh Bisnoi Bharatiya Janata Party 98259 YES
17 RJ BARMER Harish Choudhary Indian National Congress Manvendra Singh Bharatiya Janata Party 119106 NO
18 RJ JALORE Devji Patel Bharatiya Janata Party Buta Singh Independent 29177 NO
19 RJ UDAIPUR Raghuvir Singh Meena Indian National Congress Mahaveer Bhagora Bharatiya Janata Party 165021 NO
20 RJ BANSWARA Tarachand Bhagora Indian National Congress Hakaru Maida Bharatiya Janata Party 199418 YES
21 RJ CHITTORGARH (Dr.)girija Vyas Indian National Congress Shrichand Kriplani Bharatiya Janata Party 65731 NO
22 RJ RAJSAMAND Gopal Singh Indian National Congress Rasa Singh Rawat Bharatiya Janata Party 38178 NO
23 RJ BHILWARA Dr. C. P. Joshi Indian National Congress Vijayendra Pal Singh Bharatiya Janata Party 135368 NO
24 RJ KOTA Ijyaraj Singh Indian National Congress Shyam Sharma Bharatiya Janata Party 68106 NO
25 RJ JHALAWAR-BARAN Dushyant Singh Bharatiya Janata Party Urmila Jain “bhaya” Indian National Congress 25503 NO
1 SK SIKKIM Prem Das Rai Sikkim Democratic Front Kharananda Upreti Indian National Congress 48955 NO
1 TN THIRUVALLUR Venugopal.P All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Gayathri.S Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 27607 NO
2 TN CHENNAI NORTH Elangovan T.K.S Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Pandian. D Communist Party of India 28385 NO
3 TN CHENNAI SOUTH Rajendran C All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Bharathy R.S. Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 12962 NO
4 TN CHENNAI CENTRAL Dayanidhi Maran Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Mogamed Ali Jinnah S.M.K. All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 24352 NO
5 TN SRIPERUMBUDUR Baalu T R Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Moorthy A K Pattali Makkal Katchi 8222 NO
6 TN KANCHEEPURAM Viswanathan.P Indian National Congress Ramakrishnan.Dr.E All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 7297 NO
7 TN ARAKKONAM Jagathrakshakan Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Velu R Pattali Makkal Katchi 103407 NO
8 TN VELLORE Abdulrahman Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Vasu L K M B All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 107393 NO
9 TN KRISHNAGIRI Sugavanam. E.G. Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Nanjegowdu. K. All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 45858 NO
10 TN DHARMAPURI Thamaraiselvan. R Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Senthil. R. Dr. Pattali Makkal Katchi 107130 NO
11 TN TIRUVANNAMALAI Venugopal.D Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Guru (A) Gurunathan. J Pattali Makkal Katchi 110998 NO
12 TN ARANI Krishnasamy M Indian National Congress Subramaniyan N All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 78457 NO
13 TN VILUPPURAM Anandan M All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Swamidurai K Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katch 9108 NO
14 TN KALLAKURICHI Sankar Adhi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Dhanaraju K Pattali Makkal Katchi 105958 NO
15 TN SALEM Semmalai S All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Thangkabalu K V Indian National Congress 41509 NO
16 TN NAMAKKAL Gandhiselvan.S Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Vairam Tamilarasi.V All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 87495 NO
17 TN ERODE Ganeshamurthi.A. Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Elangovan.E.V.K.S. Indian National Congress 45254 NO
18 TN TIRUPPUR Sivasami C All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Kharventhan S K Indian National Congress 85966 NO
19 TN NILGIRIS Raja A Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Krishnan C Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 75810 NO
20 TN COIMBATORE Prabhu.R Indian National Congress Natarajan.P.R. Communist Party of India (Marxist) 41048 NO
21 TN POLLACHI Sugumar.K All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Shanmugasundaram.K Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 45431 NO
22 TN DINDIGUL Chitthan N S V Indian National Congress Baalasubramani P All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 54347 YES
23 TN KARUR Tambidurai.M All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Pallanishamy. K.C. Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 31070 NO
24 TN TIRUCHIRAPPALLI Kumar.P All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Sarubala.R.Thondaiman Indian National Congress 5681 NO
25 TN PERAMBALUR Napoleon,D. Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Balasubramanian,K.K. All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 66551 NO
26 TN CUDDALORE Alagiri S Indian National Congress Sampath M C All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 23136 NO
27 TN CHIDAMBARAM Thirumaavalavan, Thol Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katch Ponnuswamy,E Pattali Makkal Katchi 86277 NO
28 TN MAYILADUTHURAI Manian O.S All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Mani Shankar Aiyar Indian National Congress 36854 NO
29 TN NAGAPATTINAM Vijayan A K S Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Selvaraj M Communist Party of India 30273 NO
30 TN THANJAVUR Palanimanickam.S.S Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Durai.Balakrishnan Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 101124 NO
31 TN SIVAGANGA Raja Kannappan R.S. All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Chidambaram P Indian National Congress 490 NO
32 TN MADURAI Alagiri M.K Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Mohan P Communist Party of India (Marxist) 140985 NO
33 TN THENI Aaron Rashid.J.M Indian National Congress Thanga Tamilselvan All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 5503 NO
34 TN VIRUDHUNAGAR Manicka Tagore Indian National Congress Vaiko Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 15764 NO
35 TN RAMANATHAPURAM Sivakumar @ J.K. Ritheesh. K Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Sathiamoorthy. V All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 56352 NO
36 TN THOOTHUKKUDI Jeyadurai.S.R Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Cynthia Pandian.Dr All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 76671 NO
37 TN TENKASI Lingam P Communist Party of India Vellaipandi G Indian National Congress 34677 NO
38 TN TIRUNELVELI Ramasubbu S Indian National Congress Annamalai K All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 20948 NO
39 TN KANNIYAKUMARI Helen Davidson J Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Radhakrishnan P Bharatiya Janata Party 63826 NO
1 TR TRIPURA WEST Khagen Das Communist Party of India (Marxist) Sudip Roy Barman Indian National Congress 241235 NO
2 TR TRIPURA EAST Baju Ban Riyan Communist Party of India (Marxist) Diba Chandra Hrangkhawl Indian National Congress 291209 NO
1 UP SAHARANPUR Jagdish Singh Rana Bahujan Samaj Party Rasheed Masood Samajwadi Party 36681 NO
2 UP KAIRANA Tabassum Begum Bahujan Samaj Party Hukum Singh Bharatiya Janata Party 14047 NO
3 UP MUZAFFARNAGAR Kadir Rana Bahujan Samaj Party Anuradha Chaudhary Rashtriya Lok Dal 21002 NO
4 UP BIJNOR Sanjay Singh Chauhan Rashtriya Lok Dal Shahid Siddiqui Bahujan Samaj Party 10372 NO
5 UP NAGINA Yashvir Singh Samajwadi Party Ram Kishan Singh Bahujan Samaj Party 11920 NO
6 UP MORADABAD Mohammed Azharuddin Indian National Congress Kunwar Sarvesh Kumar Alias Rakesh Bharatiya Janata Party 24445 NO
7 UP RAMPUR Jaya Prada Nahata Samajwadi Party Begum Noor Bano Urf Mehtab Zamani Begum Indian National Congress 12093 NO
8 UP SAMBHAL Dr. Shafiqur Rahman Barq Bahujan Samaj Party Iqbal Mehmood Samajwadi Party 19762 NO
9 UP AMROHA Devendra Nagpal Rashtriya Lok Dal Mehboob Ali Samajwadi Party 39398 NO
10 UP MEERUT Rajendra Agarwal Bharatiya Janata Party Malook Nagar Bahujan Samaj Party 3674 NO
11 UP BAGHPAT Ajit Singh Rashtriya Lok Dal Mukesh Sharma Bahujan Samaj Party 63382 NO
12 UP GHAZIABAD Rajnath Singh Bharatiya Janata Party Surendra Prakash Goel Indian National Congress 43627 NO
13 UP GAUTAM BUDDH NAGAR Surendra Singh Nagar Bahujan Samaj Party Mahesh Kumar Sharma Bharatiya Janata Party 26730 NO
14 UP BULANDSHAHR Kamlesh Samajwadi Party Ashok Kumar Pradhan Bharatiya Janata Party 14776 NO
15 UP ALIGARH Zafar Alam Samajwadi Party Raj Kumari Chauhan Bahujan Samaj Party 12277 NO
16 UP HATHRAS Sarika Singh Rashtriya Lok Dal Rajendra Kumar Bahujan Samaj Party 20754 NO
17 UP MATHURA Jayant Chaudhary Rashtriya Lok Dal Shyam Sunder Sharma Bahujan Samaj Party 35239 NO
18 UP AGRA Kunwar Chand (Vakil) Bahujan Samaj Party Dr. Ramshankar Bharatiya Janata Party 3836 NO
19 UP FATEHPUR SIKRI Raj Babbar Indian National Congress Seema Upadhyay Bahujan Samaj Party 10025 NO
20 UP FIROZABAD Akhilesh Yadav Samajwadi Party Prof. S.P. Singh Baghel Bahujan Samaj Party 52555 NO
21 UP MAINPURI Mulayam Singh Yadav Samajwadi Party Vinay Shakya Bahujan Samaj Party 93137 NO
22 UP ETAH Kalyan Singh R O Madholi Independent Kunwar Devendra Singh Yadav Bahujan Samaj Party 102812 NO
23 UP BADAUN Dharmendra Yadav Samajwadi Party Dharam Yadav Urf D. P. Yadav Bahujan Samaj Party 12579 NO
24 UP AONLA Menka Gandhi Bharatiya Janata Party Dharmendra Kumar Samajwadi Party 1217 NO
25 UP BAREILLY Praveen Singh Aron Indian National Congress Santosh Gangwar Bharatiya Janata Party 9439 NO
26 UP PILIBHIT Feroze Varun Gandhi Bharatiya Janata Party V. M. Singh Indian National Congress 224196 NO
27 UP SHAHJAHANPUR Mithlesh Samajwadi Party Sunita Singh Bahujan Samaj Party 43831 NO
28 UP KHERI Zafar Ali Naqvi Indian National Congress Ajay Kumar Bharatiya Janata Party 16020 NO
29 UP DHAURAHRA Kunwar Jitin Prasad Indian National Congress Rajesh Kumar Singh Alias Rajesh Verma Bahujan Samaj Party 96823 NO
30 UP SITAPUR Kaisar Jahan Bahujan Samaj Party Mahendra Singh Verma Samajwadi Party 19638 NO
31 UP HARDOI Usha Verma Samajwadi Party Ram Kumar Kuril Bahujan Samaj Party 87402 NO
32 UP MISRIKH Ashok Kumar Rawat Bahujan Samaj Party Shyam Prakash Samajwadi Party 22999 NO
33 UP UNNAO Annutandon Indian National Congress Arunshankarshukla Bahujan Samaj Party 195269 NO
34 UP MOHANLALGANJ Sushila Saroj Samajwadi Party Jai Prakash Bahujan Samaj Party 66348 NO
35 UP LUCKNOW Lal Ji Tandon Bharatiya Janata Party Rita Bahuguna Joshi Indian National Congress 31090 NO
36 UP RAE BARELI Sonia Gandhi Indian National Congress R.S.Kushwaha Bahujan Samaj Party 276054 NO
37 UP AMETHI Rahul Gandhi Indian National Congress Asheesh Shukla Bahujan Samaj Party 157511 NO
38 UP SULTANPUR Dr.Sanjay Singh Indian National Congress Mohd.Tahir Bahujan Samaj Party 69185 NO
39 UP PRATAPGARH Rajkumari Ratna Singh Indian National Congress Prof. Shivakant Ojha Bahujan Samaj Party 6346 NO
40 UP FARRUKHABAD Naresh Chandra Agrawal Bahujan Samaj Party Salman Khursheed Indian National Congress 5472 NO
41 UP ETAWAH Premdas Samajwadi Party Gaurishanker Bahujan Samaj Party 43513 NO
42 UP KANNAUJ Akhilesh Yadav Samajwadi Party Dr. Mahesh Chandra Verma Bahujan Samaj Party 110828 NO
43 UP KANPUR Sri Prakash Jaiswal Indian National Congress Satish Mahana Bharatiya Janata Party 14161 NO
44 UP AKBARPUR Rajaram Pal Indian National Congress Anil Shukla Warsi Bahujan Samaj Party 30075 NO
45 UP JALAUN Ghansyam Anuragi Samajwadi Party Tilak Chandra Ahirwar Bahujan Samaj Party 7332 NO
46 UP JHANSI Pradeep Kumar Jain (Aditya) Indian National Congress Ramesh Kumar Sharma Bahujan Samaj Party 7228 NO
47 UP HAMIRPUR Vijay Bahadur Singh Bahujan Samaj Party Siddha Gopal Sahu Indian National Congress 13663 NO
48 UP BANDA R. K. Singh Patel Samajwadi Party Bhairon Prasad Mishra Bahujan Samaj Party 26245 NO
49 UP FATEHPUR Rakesh Sachan Samajwadi Party Mahendra Prasad Nishad Bahujan Samaj Party 22816 NO
50 UP KAUSHAMBI Shailendra Kumar Samajwadi Party Girish Chandra Pasi Bahujan Samaj Party 16569 NO
51 UP PHULPUR Kapil Muni Karwariya Bahujan Samaj Party Shyama Charan Gupta Samajwadi Party 13881 NO
52 UP ALLAHABAD Kunwar Rewati Raman Singh Alias Mani Ji Samajwadi Party Ashok Kumar Bajpai Bahujan Samaj Party 17435 NO
53 UP BARABANKI P.L.Punia Indian National Congress Kamala Prasad Rawat Bahujan Samaj Party 147335 NO
54 UP FAIZABAD Nirmal Khatri Indian National Congress Mitrasen Samajwadi Party 41691 NO
55 UP AMBEDKAR NAGAR Rakesh Pandey Bahujan Samaj Party Shankhlal Majhi Samajwadi Party 8227 NO
56 UP BAHRAICH Kamal Kishor Indian National Congress Lal Mani Prasad Bahujan Samaj Party 41205 NO
57 UP KAISERGANJ Brijbhushan Sharan Singh Samajwadi Party Dr Lalta Prasad Mishra Alias Dr L P Mishra Bharatiya Janata Party 27873 NO
58 UP SHRAWASTI Vinay Kumar Alias Vinnu Indian National Congress Rizvan Zaheer Bahujan Samaj Party 38796 NO
59 UP GONDA Beni Prasad Verma Indian National Congress Kirti Vardhan Singh (Raja Bhaiya) Bahujan Samaj Party 22898 NO
60 UP DOMARIYAGANJ Jagdambika Pal Indian National Congress Jai Pratap Singh Bharatiya Janata Party 21356 NO
61 UP BASTI Arvind Kumar Chaudhary Bahujan Samaj Party Raj Kishor Singh Samajwadi Party 77981 NO
62 UP SANT KABIR NAGAR Bhisma Shankar Alias Kushal Tiwari Bahujan Samaj Party Bhal Chandra Yadav Samajwadi Party 17218 NO
63 UP MAHARAJGANJ Harsh Vardhan Indian National Congress Ganesh Shanker Pandey Bahujan Samaj Party 52122 NO
64 UP GORAKHPUR Adityanath Bharatiya Janata Party Vinay Shankar Tiwari Bahujan Samaj Party 70171 NO
65 UP KUSHI NAGAR Ku. Ratanjeet Pratap Narayan Singh Indian National Congress Swami Prasad Maurya Bahujan Samaj Party 10593 NO
66 UP DEORIA Gorakh Prasad Jaiswal Bahujan Samaj Party Shri Prakash Mani Tripathi Bharatiya Janata Party 16718 NO
67 UP BANSGAON Kamlesh Paswan Bharatiya Janata Party Shree Nath Ji Bahujan Samaj Party 22382 NO
68 UP LALGANJ Dr. Baliram Bahujan Samaj Party Neelam Sonkar Bharatiya Janata Party 38531 NO
69 UP AZAMGARH Ramakant Yadav Bharatiya Janata Party Akbar Ahmad Dumpy Bahujan Samaj Party 36914 NO
70 UP GHOSI Dara Singh Chauhan Bahujan Samaj Party Arshad Jamal Ansari Samajwadi Party 17965 NO
71 UP SALEMPUR Ramashankar Rajbhar Bahujan Samaj Party Dr. Bhola Pandey Indian National Congress 4923 NO
72 UP BALLIA Neeraj Shekhar Samajwadi Party Sangram Singh Yadav Bahujan Samaj Party 41103 NO
73 UP JAUNPUR Dhananjay Singh Bahujan Samaj Party Paras Nath Yadava Samajwadi Party 53859 NO
74 UP MACHHLISHAHR Tufani Saroj Samajwadi Party Kamla Kant Gautam (K.K. Gautam) Bahujan Samaj Party 19050 NO
75 UP GHAZIPUR Radhey Mohan Singh Samajwadi Party Afzal Ansari Bahujan Samaj Party 50237 NO
76 UP CHANDAULI Ramkishun Samajwadi Party Kailash Nath Singh Yadav Bahujan Samaj Party 10919 NO
77 UP VARANASI Dr. Murli Manohar Joshi Bharatiya Janata Party Mukhtar Ansari Bahujan Samaj Party 5750 NO
78 UP BHADOHI Gorakhnath Bahujan Samaj Party Chhotelal Bind Samajwadi Party 12980 NO
79 UP MIRZAPUR Bal Kumar Patel Samajwadi Party Anil Kumar Maurya Bahujan Samaj Party 8519 NO
80 UP ROBERTSGANJ Pakauri Lal Samajwadi Party Ram Chandra Tyagi Bahujan Samaj Party 46930 NO
1 WB COOCH BEHAR Nripendra Nath Roy All India Forward Bloc Arghya Roy Pradhan All India Trinamool Congress 37085 NO
2 WB ALIPURDUARS Manohar Tirkey Revolutionary Socialist Party Paban Kumar Lakra All India Trinamool Congress 112516 NO
3 WB JALPAIGURI Mahendra Kumar Roy Communist Party of India (Marxist) Barma Sukhbilas Indian National Congress 67529 NO
4 WB DARJEELING Jaswant Singh Bharatiya Janata Party Jibesh Sarkar Communist Party of India (Marxist) 271267 NO
5 WB RAIGANJ Deepa Dasmunsi Indian National Congress Bireswar Lahiri Communist Party of India (Marxist) 68682 NO
6 WB BALURGHAT Prasanta Kumar Majumdar Revolutionary Socialist Party Biplab Mitra All India Trinamool Congress 1610 NO
7 WB MALDAHA UTTAR Mausam Noor Indian National Congress Sailen Sarkar Communist Party of India (Marxist) 18758 NO
8 WB MALDAHA DAKSHIN Abu Hasem Khan Choudhury Indian National Congress Abdur Razzaque Communist Party of India (Marxist) 126935 NO
9 WB JANGIPUR Pranab Mukherjee Indian National Congress Mriganka Sekhar Bhattacharya Communist Party of India (Marxist) 61761 NO
10 WB BAHARAMPUR Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury Indian National Congress Pramothes Mukherjee Revolutionary Socialist Party 68254 NO
11 WB MURSHIDABAD Abdul Mannan Hossain Indian National Congress Anisur Rahaman Sarkar Communist Party of India (Marxist) 11288 NO
12 WB KRISHNANAGAR Tapas Paul All India Trinamool Congress Jyotirmoyee Sikdar Communist Party of India (Marxist) 50892 NO
13 WB RANAGHAT Sucharu Ranjan Haldar All India Trinamool Congress Basudeb Barman Communist Party of India (Marxist) 48444 NO
14 WB BANGAON Gobinda Chandra Naskar All India Trinamool Congress Asim Bala Communist Party of India (Marxist) 15248 NO
15 WB BARRACKPORE Dinesh Trivedi All India Trinamool Congress Tarit Baran Topdar Communist Party of India (Marxist) 36729 NO
16 WB DUM DUM Saugata Ray All India Trinamool Congress Amitava Nandy Communist Party of India (Marxist) 3651 NO
17 WB BARASAT Kakali Ghosh Dastidar All India Trinamool Congress Sudin Chattopadhyay All India Forward Bloc 29999 NO
18 WB BASIRHAT Sk. Nurul Islam All India Trinamool Congress Ajay Chakraborty Communist Party of India 4259 NO
19 WB JOYNAGAR Dr. Tarun Mondal Independent Nimai Barman Revolutionary Socialist Party 41657 NO
20 WB MATHURAPUR Choudhury Mohan Jatua All India Trinamool Congress Animesh Naskar Communist Party of India (Marxist) 6717 NO
21 WB DIAMOND HARBOUR Somendra Nath Mitra All India Trinamool Congress Samik Lahiri Communist Party of India (Marxist) 69116 NO
22 WB JADAVPUR Kabir Suman All India Trinamool Congress Sujan Chakraborty Communist Party of India (Marxist) 24147 NO
23 WB KOLKATA DAKSHIN Mamata Banerjee All India Trinamool Congress Rabin Deb Communist Party of India (Marxist) 137046 NO
24 WB KOLKATA UTTAR Sudip Bandyopadhyay All India Trinamool Congress Md. Salim Communist Party of India (Marxist) 64971 NO
25 WB HOWRAH Ambica Banerjee All India Trinamool Congress Swadesh Chakrabortty Communist Party of India (Marxist) 10672 NO
26 WB ULUBERIA Sultan Ahmed All India Trinamool Congress Hannan Mollah Communist Party of India (Marxist) 53703 NO
27 WB SRERAMPUR Kalyan Banerjee All India Trinamool Congress Santasri Chatterjee Communist Party of India (Marxist) 92670 NO
28 WB HOOGHLY Dr. Ratna De(Nag) All India Trinamool Congress Rupchand Pal Communist Party of India (Marxist) 56711 NO
29 WB ARAMBAGH Malik Sakti Mohan Communist Party of India (Marxist) Sambhu Nath Malik Indian National Congress 144361 NO
30 WB TAMLUK Adhikari Suvendu All India Trinamool Congress Lakshman Chandra Seth Communist Party of India (Marxist) 16735 NO
31 WB KANTHI Adhikari Sisir Kumar All India Trinamool Congress Prasanta Pradhan Communist Party of India (Marxist) 36085 NO
32 WB GHATAL Gurudas Dasgupta Communist Party of India Nure Alam Chowdhury All India Trinamool Congress 62938 NO
33 WB JHARGRAM Pulin Bihari Baske Communist Party of India (Marxist) Amrit Hansda Indian National Congress 109497 NO
34 WB MEDINIPUR Prabodh Panda Communist Party of India Dipak Kumar Ghosh All India Trinamool Congress 32890 NO
35 WB PURULIA Narahari Mahato All India Forward Bloc Shantiram Mahato Indian National Congress 5978 NO
36 WB BANKURA Acharia Basudeb Communist Party of India (Marxist) Subrata Mukherjee Indian National Congress 44697 NO
37 WB BISHNUPUR Susmita Bauri Communist Party of India (Marxist) Seuli Saha All India Trinamool Congress 54371 NO
38 WB BARDHAMAN PURBA Anup Kumar Saha Communist Party of India (Marxist) Ashoke Biswas All India Trinamool Congress 52048 NO
39 WB BURDWAN – DURGAPUR Sk. Saidul Haque Communist Party of India (Marxist) Nargis Begam Indian National Congress 79822 NO
40 WB ASANSOL Bansa Gopal Chowdhury Communist Party of India (Marxist) Ghatak Moloy All India Trinamool Congress 46638 NO
41 WB BOLPUR Doctor Ram Chandra Dome Communist Party of India (Marxist) Asit Kumar Mal Indian National Congress 76596 NO
42 WB BIRBHUM Satabdi Roy All India Trinamool Congress Braja Mukherjee Communist Party of India (Marxist) 15936 NO
1 CG SARGUJA Murarilal Singh Bharatiya Janata Party Bhanu Pratap Singh Indian National Congress 113866 NO
2 CG RAIGARH Vishnu Deo Sai Bharatiya Janata Party Hridayaram Rathiya Indian National Congress 41920 NO
3 CG JANJGIR-CHAMPA Shrimati Kamla Devi Patle Bharatiya Janata Party Dr.Shivkumar Dahariya Indian National Congress 35284 NO
4 CG KORBA Charan Das Mahant Indian National Congress Karuna Shukla Bharatiya Janata Party 10348 NO
5 CG BILASPUR Dilip Singh Judev Bharatiya Janata Party Dr.Renu Jogi Indian National Congress 18186 NO
6 CG RAJNANDGAON Madhusudan Yadav Bharatiya Janata Party Devwrat Singh Indian National Congress 91638 NO
7 CG DURG Saroj Pandey Bharatiya Janata Party Pradeep Choubey Indian National Congress 3397 NO
8 CG RAIPUR Ramesh Bais Bharatiya Janata Party Bhupesh Baghel Indian National Congress 28680 NO
9 CG MAHASAMUND Chandulal Sahu (Chandu Bhaiya) Bharatiya Janata Party Motilal Sahu Indian National Congress 12100 NO
10 CG BASTAR Baliram Kashyap Bharatiya Janata Party Shankar Sodi Indian National Congress 63828 NO
11 CG KANKER Sohan Potai Bharatiya Janata Party Smt. Phoolo Devi Netam Indian National Congress 18247 NO
1 JH RAJMAHAL Devidhan Besra Bharatiya Janata Party Hemlal Murmu Jharkhand Mukti Morcha 3694 NO
2 JH DUMKA Shibu Soren Jharkhand Mukti Morcha Sunil Soren Bharatiya Janata Party 8319 NO
3 JH GODDA Nishikant Dubey Bharatiya Janata Party Furkan Ansari Indian National Congress 18747 NO
4 JH CHATRA Inder Singh Namdhari Independent Dhiraj Prasad Sahu Indian National Congress 16178 NO
5 JH KODARMA Babulal Marandi Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik) Raj Kumar Yadav Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation) 38742 NO
6 JH GIRIDIH Ravindra Kumar Pandey Bharatiya Janata Party Saba Ahmad Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik) 61580 NO
7 JH DHANBAD Chandrashekhar Dubey Indian National Congress Pashupati Nath Singh Bharatiya Janata Party 4456 NO
8 JH RANCHI Ram Tahal Choudhary Bharatiya Janata Party Subodh Kant Sahay Indian National Congress 9420 NO
9 JH JAMSHEDPUR Arjun Munda Bharatiya Janata Party Suman Mahato Jharkhand Mukti Morcha 57892 NO
10 JH SINGHBHUM Madhu Kora Independent Barkuwar Gagrai Bharatiya Janata Party 84088 NO
11 JH KHUNTI Karia Munda Bharatiya Janata Party Neil Tirkey Indian National Congress 29812 NO
12 JH LOHARDAGA Chamra Linda Independent Sudarshan Bhagat Bharatiya Janata Party 2916 NO
13 JH PALAMAU Kameshwar Baitha Jharkhand Mukti Morcha Ghuran Ram Rashtriya Janata Dal 4812 NO
14 JH HAZARIBAGH Yashwant Sinha Bharatiya Janata Party Saurabh Narain Singh Indian National Congress 9161 NO
1 UK TEHRI GARHWAL Vijay Bahuguna Indian National Congress Jaspal Rana Bharatiya Janata Party 45804 NO
2 UK GARHWAL Satpal Maharaj Indian National Congress Lt. Gen(Retd) Tejpal Singh Rawat P.V.S.M, V.S.M Bharatiya Janata Party 17257 NO
3 UK ALMORA Pradeep Tamta Indian National Congress Ajay Tamta Bharatiya Janata Party 6848 NO
4 UK NAINITAL-UDHAMSINGH NAGAR K.C. Singh Baba Indian National Congress Bachi Singh Rawat Bharatiya Janata Party 78365 NO
5 UK HARDWAR Harish Rawat Indian National Congress Swami Yatindranand Giri Bharatiya Janata Party 85040 NO
1 AN ANDAMAN & NICOBAR ISLANDS Shri. Bishnu Pada Ray Bharatiya Janata Party Shri. Kuldeep Rai Sharma Indian National Congress 3618 NO
1 CH CHANDIGARH Pawan Kumar Bansal Indian National Congress Satya Pal Jain Bharatiya Janata Party 58967 YES
1 DN DADAR & NAGAR HAVELI Patel Natubhai Gomanbhai Bharatiya Janata Party Delkar Mohanbhai Sanjibhai Indian National Congress 618 YES
1 DD DAMAN & DIU Lalubhai Patel Bharatiya Janata Party Dahyabhai Vallabhbhai Patel Indian National Congress 24838 YES
1 DL CHANDNI CHOWK Kapil Sibal Indian National Congress Vijender Gupta Bharatiya Janata Party 200710 YES
2 DL NORTH EAST DELHI Jai Prakash Agarwal Indian National Congress B.L.Sharma Prem Bharatiya Janata Party 138816 NO
3 DL EAST DELHI Sandeep Dikshit Indian National Congress Chetan Chauhan Bharatiya Janata Party 129779 NO
4 DL NEW DELHI Ajay Makan Indian National Congress Vijay Goel Bharatiya Janata Party 134979 NO
5 DL NORTH WEST DELHI Krishna Tirath Indian National Congress Meera Kanwaria Bharatiya Janata Party 176846 NO
6 DL WEST DELHI Mahabal Mishra Indian National Congress Prof. Jagdish Mukhi Bharatiya Janata Party 129010 NO
7 DL SOUTH DELHI Ramesh Kumar Indian National Congress Ramesh Bidhuri Bharatiya Janata Party 75232 NO
1 LD LAKSHADWEEP Muhammed Hamdulla Sayeed A.B Indian National Congress Dr. P. Pookunhikoya Nationalist Congress Party 2198 YES
1 PY PUDUCHERRY Narayanasamy Indian National Congress Ramadass. M Pattali Makkal Katchi 86301 NO
It is now coming up to be 3 pm Indian Standard Time on May 13, the last day of India’s 2009 General Elections, and there are two hours left for the polls to close. I am happy to predict a big victory for the Congress Party, and Sonia Gandhi and her son Rahul will deserve congratulations for it.
I have met Sonia Gandhi once, in December 1991 at her home, where I gave her a tape of her husband’s conversations with me during the first Gulf War in 1991. Her son and I met momentarily in her husband’s office in 1990-1991 but I do not recall any conversation. I have had nothing to do with her Government. Dr Manmohan Singh and I have met twice, once in Paris in the autumn of 1973 and once in Washington in September 1993; on the latter occasion, I was introduced to him and his key aides by Siddhartha Shankar Ray as the person on whose laptop the Congress manifesto of 1991 had been composed for Rajiv, something described elsewhere here. (I also gave him then a copy of the published book that emerged from the University of Hawaii perestroika-for-India project, Foundations of India’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s, edited by myself and WE James.) On the former occasion, Dr Singh had kindly acceded to my father’s request to visit our then-home to advise me on economics before I started as a freshman undergraduate at the London School of Economics.
In May 2004 I was interviewed by BBC television in England and I praised the UPA in prospect — in comparison to the horrors of the Vajpayee-Advani regime (including my personal experience of it, when their Education Minister had sent an astrology-believing acolyte to supposedly run a scientific/technical institute).
Since 2005, especially in the columns of The Statesman, I have dispensed rational criticism of the UPA Government as harshly as I have criticised the BJP/RSS and the Communists. Principally, I believe they have got some (perhaps most) much of their economics (quite badly) wrong as well as their jurisprudence and foreign policy; they have also been willingly under the influence of the powerful organised lobbies and interest groups that populate our capital cities.
Even so, I think there is a large electoral victory in prospect for the Congress, and I send them my early congratulations. They have done enough by way of political rhetoric and political reality to maintain or enhance their vote-share; their oppositions on either side have both failed badly. The BJP may make some marginal gains especially in Bihar but they have generally done enough to lose the day. The CPM too will lose popularity especially in Bengal, and will never progress until they fire their JNU economists which they are never going to do.
So, Sonia-Rahul, well done!
But please try to improve your economics.
And, also, you simply must get Dr Manmohan Singh a seat in the Lok Sabha if he is to be PM — Ambedkar and Nehru and all their generation did not specify that India’s PM must be from the Lok Sabha because it was something totally OBVIOUS.
Subroto Roy
Postscript: Someone at a website has referred to my prediction above and remarked: “Perhaps the good doc is aware of the money in play”. The answer is no, I have absolutely no special information about any “money in play” on any side. My prediction is based on a layman’s observation of the campaign, as well as more specialised analysis of past voting data from the EC. In an earlier post, I pointed out the BJP had gotten some 17 million fewer votes than the Congress in 2004, and I asked if they had done enough to get enough of a net change in their favour. The answer I think is that they have not done so. To the contrary, I think there will be a quite large net change in favour of Congress thanks to a better-run and better-led campaign. Of course it is just a prediction that may be found to be incorrect.
SR
I do not know if anyone in India audits or checks the Election Commission’s arithmetic and procedures. Certainly the EC seems to leave a great deal to be desired by its slowness, its high-handedness and its obscurity/lack of transparency. I have said previously that this may be a result of obsolescent technology and management and organisation — problems that may be common across many departments of the Government of India and our State Governments.
Here then are the elements of a tool for use of ordinary citizens which may allow everyone to check the arithmetic involved in the EC’s counting of those hundreds of millions of votes all of us have cast in the 2009 General Elections.
On the vertical axis is supposed to be the list, by Parliamentary Constituency, of all 8,070 candidates who have contested the polls to the 15th Lok Sabha.
On the horizontal axis is supposed to be a series of 543 lists of Assembly Segments for each Constituency. Please note that the horizontal axis has had to be truncated for lack of space after only ten such segments; this covers the vast majority of Constituencies but there are a dozen or so in Goa, J&K, Arunachal, Manipur, Mizoram, Nagaland, Tripura which are not complete as they each have many more than 10.
So altogether here are the elements of a series of 543 matrices, one for each Lok Sabha Constituency, which may help ordinary citizens engage in a process of themselves auditing the EC’s declared results.
Or, at the very least, the 543 matrices would act as a score-card, and in this nation of cricket-fans, everyone loves a score-card.
(The text below will have to be adjusted appropriately to get the right format, columns etc.)
Subroto Roy
twitter-follow screen_name='subyroy'
SIRPUR-1 ASIFABAD-5 KHANAPUR-6 ADILABAD-7 BOATH-8 NIRMAL-9
MUDHOLE-10
S01-1-AP-ADILABAD 1ADE TUKARAM BJP
2KOTNAK RAMESH INC
3RATHOD RAMESH TDP
4RATHOD SADASHIV NAIK BSP
5MESRAM NAGO RAO PRAP
6ATHRAM LAXMAN RAO IND
7GANTA PENTANNA IND
8NETHAVAT RAMDAS IND
9BANKA SAHADEVU IND
CHENNUR-2 BELLAMPALLY-3 MANCHERIAL-4 DHARMAPURI-22 RAMAGUNDAM-23
MANTHANI-24 PEDDAPALLE-25
S01-2-AP-PEDDAPALLE 1GAJJELA SWAMY BSP
2GOMASA SRINIVAS TRS
3MATHANGI NARSIAH BJP
4DRGVIVEKANAND INC
5AREPELLI DAVID RAJU PRAP
6KRISHNA SABBALI MCPI(S)
7AMBALA MAHENDAR IND
8A KAMALAMMA IND
9GORRE RAMESH IND
10NALLALA KANUKAIAH IND
11B MALLAIAH IND
12K RAJASWARI IND
13D RAMULU IND
14GVINAY KUMAR IND
15SLAXMAIAH IND
KARIMNAGAR-26 CHOPPADANDI-27 VEMULAWADA-28 SIRCILLA-29
MANAKONDUR-30 HUZURABAD-31 HUSNABAD-32
S01-3-AP-KARIMNAGAR 1CHANDUPATLA JANGA REDDY BJP
2PONNAM PRABHAKAR INC
3VINOD KUMAR BOINAPALLY TRS
4VIRESHAM NALIMELA BSP
5RAGULA RAMULU RPI(A)
6LINGAMPALLI SRINIVAS REDDY MCPI(S)
7VELICHALA RAJENDER RAO PRAP
8T SRIMANNARAYANA PPOI
9K PRABHAKAR IND
10KORIVI VENUGOPAL IND
11BARIGE GATTAIAH YADAV IND
12GADDAM RAJI REDDY IND
13PANAKANTI SATISH KUMAR IND
14PEDDI RAVINDER IND
15B SURESH IND
ARMUR-11 BODHAN-12 NIZAMABAD (URBAN)-17 NIZAMABAD (RURAL)-18
BALKONDA-19 KORATLA-20 JAGTIAL-21
S01-4-AP-NIZAMABAD 1DR BAPU REDDY BJP
2BIGALA GANESH GUPTA TRS
3MADHU YASKHI GOUD INC
4YEDLA RAMU BSP
5DUDDEMPUDI SAMBASIVA RAO CHOUDARY LSP
6PVINAY KUMAR PRAP
7DR VSATHYANARAYANA MURTHY PPOI
8S SUJATHA TPPP
9AARIS MOHAMMED IND
10KANDEM PRABHAKAR IND
11GADDAM SRINIVAS IND
12RAPELLY SRINIVAS IND
JUKKAL-13 BANSWADA-14 YELLAREDDY-15 KAMAREDDY-16 NARAYANKHED-35
ANDOLE-36 ZAHIRABAD-38
S01-5-AP-ZAHIRABAD 1CHENGAL BAGANNA BJP
2MVISHNU MUDIRAJ BSP
3SYED YOUSUF ALI TRS
4SURESH KUMAR SHETKAR INC
5BENJAMIN RAJU IJP
6MALKAPURAM SHIVA KUMAR PRAP
7MALLESH RAVINDER REDDY LSP
8CHITTA RAJESHWAR RAO IND
9POWAR SINGH HATTI SINGH IND
10BASAVA RAJ PATIL IND
SIDDIPET-33 MEDAK-34 NARSAPUR-37 SANGAREDDY-39 PATANCHERU-40
DUBBAK-41 GAJWEL-42
S01-6-AP-MEDAK 1NARENDRANATH C INC
2P NIROOP REDDY BJP
3VIJAYA SHANTHI M TRS
4Y SHANKAR GOUD BSP
5KOVURI PRABHAKAR PPOI
6KHAJA QUAYUM ANWAR PRAP
7D YADESHWAR BSP(AP)
8K SUDHEER REDDY LSP
9KUNDETI RAVI IND
MEDCHAL-43 MALKAJGIRI-44 QUTHBULLAPUR-45 KUKATPALLY-46 UPPAL-47
LAL BAHADUR NAGAR-49 SECUNDERABAD CANTT.-71
S01-7-AP-MALKAJGIRI 1NALLU INDRASENA REDDY BJP
2MBABU RAO PADMA SALE BSP
3BHEEMSENT TDP
4SARVEY SATYANARAYANA INC
5SDKRISHNA MURTHY TPPP
6TDEVENDER GOUD PRAP
7NARENDER KUMBALA BPD
8PRATHANI RAMAKRISHNA RKSP
9LION C FRANCIS MJF SP
10N V RAMA REDDY PPOI
11DRLAVU RATHAIAH LSP
12KANTE KANAKAIAH GANGAPUTHRA IND
13KOYAL KAR BHOJARAJ IND
14CHENURU VENKATA SUBBA RAO IND
15JAJULA BHASKAR IND
16LTCOL RETD DUSERLA PAPARAIDU IND
17MDMANSOORALI IND
18SVICTOR IND
19KSRINIVASA RAJU IND
MUSHEERABAD-57 AMBERPET-59 KHAIRATABAD-60 JUBILEE HILLS-61 SANATH
NAGAR-62 NAMPALLI-63 SECUNDRABAD-70
S01-8-AP-SECUNDRABAD 1ANJAN KUMAR YADAV M INC
2BANDARU DATTATREYA BJP
3M D MAHMOOD ALI TRS
4M VENKATESH BSP
5SRINIVASA SUDHISH RAMBHOTLA TDP
6ABDUS SATTAR MUJAHED MUL
7IMDAD JAH ANC
8P DAMODER REDDY PPOI
9DR DASOJU SRAVAN KUMAR PRAP
10S DEVAIAH TPPP
11CVL NARASIMHA RAO LSP
12DR POLISHETTY RAM MOHAN SAP
13MOHD OSMAN QURESHEE AJBP
14SHIRAZ KHAN UWF
15ASEERVADAM LELLAPALLI IND
16AMBATI KRISHNA MURTHY IND
17B GOPALA KRISHNA IND
18DEVI DAS RAO GHODKE IND
19BABER ALI KHAN IND
20M BHAGYA MATHA IND
21CH MURAHARI IND
22G RAJAIAH IND
23K SRINIVASA CHARI IND
MALAKPET-58 KARWAN-64 GOSHAMAHAL-65 CHARMINAR-66
CHANDRAYANGUTTA-67 YAKUTPURA-68 BAHDURPURA-69
S01-9-AP-HYDERABAD 1ZAHID ALI KHAN TDP
2P LAXMAN RAO GOUD INC
3SATISH AGARWAL BJP
4SAMY MOHAMMED BSP
5ASADUDDIN OWAISI AIMIM
6S GOPAL SINGH ABJS
7TAHER KAMAL KHUNDMIRI JD(S)
8FATIMA A PRAP
9P VENKATESWARA RAO PPOI
10D SURENDER TPPP
11ALKASARY MOULLIM MOHSIN HUSSAIN IND
12ALTAF AHMED KHAN IND
13MA QUDDUS GHORI IND
14ZAHID ALI KHAN IND
15MA BASITH IND
16MD OSMAN IND
17B RAVI YADAV IND
18NL SRINIVAS IND
19MA SATTAR IND
20D SADANAND IND
21SYED ABDUL GAFFTER IND
22SARDAR SINGH IND
23MA HABEEB IND
MAHESHWARAM-50 RAJENDRANAGAR-51 SERILINGAMPALLY-52 CHEVELLA-53
PARGI-54 VICARADAB-55 TANDUR-56
S01-10-AP-CHELVELLA 1JAIPAL REDDY SUDINI INC
2APJITHENDER REDDY TDP
3BADDAM BAL REDDY BJP
4CSRINIVAS RAO BSP
5KASANI GNANESHWAR MANP
6KUMMARI GIRI PPOI
7DASARA SARALA DEVI MCPI(S)
8DRBRAGHUVEER REDDY LSP
9SAMA SRINIVASULU GRIP
10SMALLA REDDY IND
11GMALLESHAM GOUD IND
12RAMESHWARAM JANGAIAH IND
13LAXMINARAYANA IND
14VENKATRAM NAIK IND
15SAYAMOOLA NARSIMULU IND
KODANGAL-72 NARAYANPET-73 MAHBUBNAGAR-74 JADCHERLA-75
DEVARKADRA-76 MAKTHAL-77 SHADNAGAR-84
S01-11-AP-MAHBUBNAGAR 1KUCHAKULLA YADAGIRI REDDY BJP
2K CHANDRASEKHAR RAO TRS
3DEVARAKONDA VITTAL RAO INC
4PALEM SUDARSHAN GOUD BSP
5ABDUL KAREEM KHAJA MOHAMMAD LSP
6ASIRVADAM GRIP
7KOLLA VENKATESH MADIGA TPPP
8GUNDALA VIJAYALAKSHMI PPOI
9B BALRAJ GOUD MANP
10MUNISWAMYCR SJP(R)
11USHAN SATHYAMMA IND
12USAIN RANGAMMA IND
13YETTI CHINNA YENKAIAH IND
14YETTI LINGAIAH IND
15KANDUR KURMAIAH IND
16KARRE JANGAIAH IND
17GANGAPURI RAVINDAR GOUD IND
18GAJJA NARSIMULU IND
19CHENNAMSETTY DASHARATHA RAMULU HOLEA DASARI IND
20MA JABBAR IND
21DEPALLY MAISAIAH IND
22DEPALLY SAYANNA IND
23K NARSIMULU IND
24NAGENDER REDDY K IND
25PANDU IND
26BUDIGA JANGAM LAXMAMMA IND
27MOHAMMAD GHOUSE MOINUDDIN IND
28MALA JANGILAMMA IND
29RAJESH NAIK IND
30RAIKANTI RAMADAS MADIGA IND
31V VENKATESHWARLU IND
32B SEENAIAH GOUD IND
WANAPARTHY-78 GADWAL-79 ALAMPUR-80 NAGARKURNOOL-81 ACHAMPET-82
KALWAKURTHY-83 KOLLAPUR-85
S01-12-AP-NAGARKURNOOL 1GUVVALA BALARAJU TRS
2TANGIRALA PARAMJOTHI BSP
3DR MANDA JAGANNATH INC
4DR T RATNAKARA BJP
5DEVANI SATYANARAYANA PRAP
6SPFERRY ROY PPOI
7G VIDYASAGAR LSP
8ANAPOSALA VENKATESH IND
9N KURUMAIAH IND
10BUDDULA SRINIVAS IND
11AV SHIVA KUMAR IND
12SIRIGIRI MANNEM IND
13HANUMANTHU IND
DEVARAKONDA-86 NAGARJUNA SAGAR-87 MIRYALGUDA-88 HUZURNAGAR-89
KODAD-90 SURYAPET-91 NALGONDA-92
S01-13-AP-NALGONDA 1GUTHA SUKENDER REDDY INC
2NAZEERUDDIN BSP
3VEDIRE SRIRAM REDDY BJP
4SURAVARAM SUDHAKAR REDDY CPI
5A NAGESHWAR RAO PPOI
6PADURI KARUNA PRAP
7DAIDA LINGAIAH IND
8MD NAZEEMUDDIN IND
9BOLUSANI KRISHNAIAH IND
10BOLLA KARUNAKAR IND
11MARRY NEHEMIAH IND
12YALAGANDULA RAMU IND
13KVSRINIVASA CHARYULU IND
14SHAIK AHMED IND
IBRAHIMPATNAM-48 MUNUGODE-93 BHONGIR-94 NAKREKAL-95
THUNGATHURTHY-96 ALAIR-97 JANGOAN-98
S01-14-AP-BHONGIR 1KOMATIREDDY RAJ GOPAL REDDY INC
2CHINTHA SAMBA MURTHY BJP
3NOMULA NARSIMHAIAH CPM
4SIDDHARTHA PHOOLEY BSP
5CHANDRA MOULI GANDAM PRAP
6PALLA PRABHAKAR REDDY PPOI
7RACHA SUBHADRA REDDY LSP
8GUMMI BAKKA REDDY IND
9POOSA BALA KISHAN BESTA IND
10PERUKA ANJAIAH IND
11MAMIDIGALLA JOHN BABU IND
12MEDI NARSIMHA IND
13RUPANI RAMESH VADDERA IND
14SANGU MALLAYYA IND
15SIRUPANGI RAMULU IND
GHANPUR (STATION)-99 PALAKURTHI-100 PARKAL-104 WARANGAL WEST-105
WARANGAL EAST-106 WARDHANAPET-107 BHUPALPALLE-108
S01-15-AP-WARANGAL 1JAYAPAL V BJP
2DOMMATI SAMBAIAH TDP
3RAJAIAH SIRICILLA INC
4RAMAGALLA PARAMESHWAR TRS
5LALAIAH P BSP
6ONTELA MONDAIAH PPOI
7DR CHANDRAGIRI RAJAMOULY PRAP
8BALLEPU VENKAT NARSINGA RAO LSP
9KANNAM VENKANNA IND
10KRISHNADHI SRILATHA IND
11SOMAIAH GANAPURAM IND
12DAMERA MOGILI IND
13DUBASI NARSING IND
14PAKALA DEVADANAM IND
15D SREEDHAR RAO IND
DORNAKAL-101 MAHABUBABAD-102 NARSAMPET-103 MULUG-109
PINAPAKA-110 YELLANDU-111 BHADRACHELAM-119
S01-16-AP-MAHABUBABAD 1KUNJA SRINIVASA RAO CPI
2GUMMADI PULLAIAH BSP
3B DILIP BJP
4P BALRAM INC
5DT NAIK PRAP
6PODEM SAMMAIAH PPOI
7BANOTH MOLCHAND LSP
8KALTHI VEERASWAMY IND
9KECHELA RANGA REDDY IND
10DATLA NAGESWAR RAO IND
11PADIGA YERRAIAH IND
12P SATYANARAYANA IND
KHAMMAM-112 PALAIR-113 MADIRA-114 WYRA-115 SATHUPALLI-116
KOTHAGUDEM-117 ASWARAOPETA-118
S01-17-AP-KHAMMAM 1KAPILAVAI RAVINDER BJP
2THONDAPU VENKATESWARA RAO BSP
3NAMA NAGESWARA RAO TDP
4RENUKA CHOWDHURY INC
5JALAGAM HEMAMALINI PRAP
6JUPELLI SATYANARAYANA LSP
7MANUKONDA RAGHURAM PRASAD PPOI
8SHAIK MADAR SAHEB TPPP
9AVULA VENKATESWARLU IND
10CHANDA LINGAIAH IND
11DANDA LINGAIAH IND
12BANOTH LAXMA NAIK IND
13MALLAVARAPU JEREMIAH IND
PALAKONDA-129 KURUPAM-130 PARVATHIPURAM-131 SALUR-132 ARAKU
VALLEY-147 PADERU-148 RAMPACHODAVARAM-172
S01-18-AP-ARUKU 1KISHORE CHANDRA SURYANARAYANA DEO VYRICHERLA INC
2KURUSA BOJJAIAH BJP
3GADUGU BALLAYYA DORA RJD
4MIDIYAM BABU RAO CPM
5LAKE RAJA RAO BSP
6MEENAKA SIMHACHALAM PRAP
7VADIGALA PENTAYYA LSP
8APPA RAO KINJEDI IND
9ARIKA GUMPA SWAMY IND
10ILLA RAMI REDDY IND
11JAYALAKSHMI SHAMBUDU IND
ICHCHAPURAM-120 PALASA-121 TEKKALI-122 PATHAPATNAM-123
SRIKAKULAM-124 AMADALAVALASA-125 NARASANNAPETA-127
S01-19-AP-SRIKAKULAM 1YERRNNAIDU KINJARAPU TDP
2KILLI KRUPA RANI INC
3TANKALA SUDHAKARA RAO BSP
4DUPPALA RAVINDARA BABU BJP
5KALYANI VARUDU PRAP
6NANDA PRASADA RAO PPOI
ETCHERLA-126 RAJAM-128 BOBBILI-133 CHEEPURUPALLE-134
GAJAPATHINAGARAM-135 NELLIMARLA-136 VIZIANAGARAM-137
S01-20-AP-VIZIANAGARAM 1APPALA NAIDU KONDAPALLI TDP
2GOTTAPU CHINAMNAIDU BSP
3JHANSI LAXMI BOTCHA INC
4SANYASI RAJU PAKALAPATI BJP
5KIMIDI GANAPATHI RAO PRAP
6LUNKARAN JAIN PPOI
7DATTLA SATYA APPALA SIVANANDA RAJU LSP
8VENKATA SATYA NARAYANA RAGHUMANDA BSSP
9MAHESWARA RAO VARRI IND
SRUNGAVARAPUKOTA-138 BHIMLI-139 VISAKHAPATNAM EAST-140
VISAKHAPATNAM SOUTH-141 VISAKHAPATNAM NORTH-142 VISAKHAPATNAM
WEST-143 GAJUWAKA-144
S01-21-AP-VISAKHAPATNAM 1IMAHMED BSP
2DAGGUBATI PURANDESWARI INC
3DRMVVSMURTHI TDP
4DVSUBBARAO BJP
5PALLA SRINIVASA RAO PRAP
6BETHALA KEGIYA RANI BSP(AP)
7DBHARATHI PPOI
8DVRAMANA VASU MASTER TPPP
9RAMESH LANKA BHSASP
10MTVENKATESWARALU LSP
11APPARAO GOLAGANA IND
12BANDAM VENKATA RAO YADAV IND
13YADDANAPUDI RANGARAO IND
14YALAMANCHILI PRASAD IND
15RANGARAJU KALIDINDI IND
CHODAVARAM-145 MADUGULA-146 ANAKAPALLE-149 PENDURTHI-150
ELAMANCHILI-151 PAYAKARAOPET-152 NARSIPATNAM-153
S01-22-AP-ANAKAPALLI 1APPA RAO KIRLA BJP
2NOOKARAPU SURYA PRAKASA RAO TDP
3BHEEMISETTI NAGESWARARAO RJD
4VENKATA RAMANA BABU PILLA BSP
5SABBAM HARI INC
6ALLU ARAVIND PRAP
7PULAMARASETTI VENKATA RAMANA PPOI
8BOYINA NAGESWARA RAO JD(U)
9NANDA GOPAL GANDHAM IND
10PATHALA SATYA RAO IND
TUNI-154 PRATHIPADU-155 PITHAPURAM-156 KAKINADA RURAL-157
PEDDAPURAM-158 KAKINADA CITY-160 JAGGAMPETA-171
S01-23-AP-KAKINADA 1DOMMETI SUDHAKAR BSP
2MMPALLAMRAJU INC
3BIKKINA VISWESWARA RAO BJP
4VASAMSETTY SATYA TDP
5ALURI VIJAYA LAKSHMI LSP
6UDAYA KUMAR KONDEPUDI TPPP
7GALI SATYAVATHI RPI
8GIDLA SIMHACHALAM RDMP
9CHALAMALASETTY SUNIL PRAP
10NAMALA SATYANARAYANA RDHP
11NPALLAMRAJU AJBP
12BUGATHA BANGARRAO CPI(ML)(L)
13AKAY SURYANARAYANA IND
14CHAGANTI SURYA NARAYANA MURTHY IND
15DANAM LAZAR BABU IND
16BADAMPUDI BABURAO IND
RAMACHANDRAPURAM-161 MUMMIDIVARAM-162 AMALAPURAM-163 RAZOLE-164
GANNAVARAM-165 KOTHAPETA-166 MANDAPETA-167
S01-24-AP-AMALAPURAM 1KOMMABATTULA UMA MAHESWARA RAO BJP
2GEDDAM SAMPADA RAO BSP
3DOCTOR GEDELA VARALAKSHMI TDP
4GVHARSHA KUMAR INC
5AKUMARTHI SURYANARAYANA TPPP
6KIRAN KUMAR BINEPE PBHP
7PVCHAKRAVARTHI RPI(KH)
8POTHULA PRAMEELA DEVI PRAP
9BHEEMARAO RAMJI MUTHABATHULA PPOI
10MASA RAMADASU RDMP
11YALANGI RAMESH IND
ANAPARTHY-159 RAJANAGARAM-168 RAJAHMUNDRY CITY-169 RAJAMUNDRY
RURAL-170 KOVVUR-173 NIDADAVOLE-174 GOPALAPURAM-185
S01-25-AP-RAJAHMUNDRY 1ARUNA KUMAR VUNDAVALLI INC
2M MURALI MOHAN TDP
3VAJRAPU KOTESWARA RAO BSP
4SOMU VEERRAJU BJP
5UPPALAPATI VENKATA KRISHNAM RAJU PRAP
6DATLA RAYA JAGAPATHI RAJU PPOI
7DR PALADUGU CHANDRA MOULI LSP
8MEDAPATI PAPIREDDY TPPP
9MEDA SRINIVAS RPC(S)
10PARAMATA GANESWARA RAO IND
11MUSHINI RAMAKRISHNA RAO IND
12VASAMSETTY NAGESWARA RAO IND
13SANABOINA SUBHALAKSHMI IND
ACHANTA-175 PALACOLE-176 NARASAPURAM-177 BHIMAVARAM-178 UNDI-179
TANUKU-180 TADEPALLIGUDEM-181
S01-26-AP-NARSAPURAM 1KALIDINDI VISWANADHA RAJU BSP
2THOTA SITA RAMA LAKSHMI TDP
3BAPIRAJU KANUMURU INC
4BHUPATHIRAJU SRINIVASA VARMA BJP
5ALLURI YUGANDHARA RAJU PPOI
6GUBBALA TAMMAIAH PRAP
7NAVUNDRU RAJENDRA PRASAD BHSASP
8M V R RAJU RDMP
9MANORAMA SANKU LSP
10KALIDINDI BHIMARAJU IND
UNGUTURU-182 DENDULURU-183 ELURU-184 POLAVARAM-186
CHINTALAPUDI-187 NUZVID-189 KAIKALUR-192
S01-27-AP-ELURU 1KAVURI SAMBASIVA RAO INC
2KODURI VENKATA SUBBA RAJU BJP
3PILLELLLI SUNIL BSP
4MAGANTI VENKATESWARA RAOBABU TDP
5YVSV PRASADA RAO YERNENI PRASADA RAO PPOI
6KOLUSU PEDA REDDAIAH YADAV PRAP
7SAVANAPUDI NAGARAJU MCPI(S)
8SIRIKI SRINIVAS RDMP
9KASI NAIDU KAMMILI IND
10TANUKU SEKHAR IND
11DODDA KAMESWARA RAO IND
12DOWLURI GOVARDHAN IND
GANNAVARAM-190 GUDIVADA-191 PEDANA-193 MACHILIPATNAM-194
AVANIGADDA-195 PAMARRU-196 PENAMALURU-197
S01-28-AP-MACHILIPATNAM 1KONAKALLA NARAYANA RAO TDP
2CHIGURUPATI RAMALINGESWARA RAO BSP
3BADIGA RAMAKRISHNA INC
4BHOGADI RAMA DEVI BJP
5KOPPULA VENKATESWARA RAO LSP
6CHENNAMSETTI RAMACHANDRAIAH PRAP
7YARLAGADDA RAMAMOHANA RAO BHSASP
8VARA LAKSHMI KONERU PPOI
9GV NAGESWARA RAO IND
10YENDURI SUBRAMANYESWA RAO MANI IND
TIRUVURU-188 VIJAYWADA WEST-198 VIJAYAWADA CENTRAL-199 VIJAYAWADA
EAST-200 MYLAVARAM-201 NANDIGAMA-202 JAGGAYYAPETA-203
S01-29-AP-VIJAYAWADA 1LAGADAPATI RAJA GOPAL INC
2LAKA VENGALA RAO BJP
3VAMSI MOHAN VALLABHANENI TDP
4SISTLA NARASIMHA MURTHY BSP
5DEVINENI KISHORE KUMAR LSP
6RAGHAVA RAO JAKKA PPOI
7RAJIV CHANUMOLU PRAP
8APPIKATLA JAWAHAR IND
9KRISHNA MURTHY SUNKARA IND
10JAKKA TARAKA MALLIKHARJUNA RAO IND
11DEVERASETTY RAVINDRA BABU IND
12DEVIREDDY RAVINDRANATHA REDDY IND
13PERUPOGU VENKATESWARA RAO IND
14BAIPUDI NAGESWARA RAO IND
15BOPPA VENKATESWARA RAO IND
16BOLISETTY HARIBABU IND
17VEERLA SANJEEVA RAO IND
18VENKATA RAO P IND
19SENAPATHI CHIRANJEEVI IND
20SHAIK MASTAN IND
TADIKONDA-205 MANGALAGIRI-206 PONNUR-207 TENALI-210
PRATHIPADU-212 GUNTUR WEST-213 GUNTUR EAST-214
S01-30-AP-GUNTUR 1MALLELA BABU RAO BSP
2RAJENDRA MADALA TDP
3YADLAPATI SWARUPARANI BJP
4SAMBASIVA RAO RAYAPATI INC
5AMANULLA KHAN LSP
6KOMMANABOINA LAKSHMAIAH RDHP
7THOTA CHANDRA SEKHAR PRAP
8YARRAKULA TULASI RAM YADAV SP
9VELAGAPUDI LAKSHMANA RAO PPOI
10SRINIVASA RAO THOTAKURA AJBP
PEDAKURAPADU-204 CHILAKALURIPET-215 NARASARAOPET-216
SATTENPALLI-217 VINUKONDA-218 GURUZALA-219 MACHERLA-220
S01-31-AP-NARASARAOPET 1BALASHOWRY VALLABHANENI INC
2BEJJAM RATNAKARA RAO BSP
3VENUGOPALA REDDY MODUGULA TDP
4VALLEPU KRUPA RAO BJP
5SAI PRASAD EDARA BHSASP
6GANUGAPENTA UTTAMA REDDY LSP
7SHAIK SYED SAHEB PRAP
8SG MASTAN VALI PPOI
9ATCHALA NARASIMHA RAO IND
10ANNAMRAJU VENUGOPALA MADHAVA RAO IND
11KATAMARAJU NALAGORLA IND
12SRINIVASA REDDY KESARI IND
13YAMPATI VEERANJANEYA REDDY IND
14RAMADUGU VENKATA SUBBA RAO IND
VEMURU-208 REPALLE-209 BAPATLA-211 PARCHUR-223 ADDANKI-224
CHIRALA-225 SANTHANUTHALAPADU-226
S01-32-AP-BAPATLA 1DARA SAMBAIAH BSP
2PANABAKA LAKSHMI INC
3BATTULA ROSAYYA BJP
4MALYADRI SRIRAM TDP
5GARIKAPATI SUDHAKAR RDMP
6NUTHAKKI RAMA RAO PRAP
7GUDIPALLI SATHYA BABUJI IND
8GORREMUCHU CHINNA RAO IND
9GOLLA BABU RAO IND
10DEVARAPALLI BUJJI BABU IND
YERRAGONDAPALEM-221 DARSI-222 ONGOLE-227 KONDAPI-229
MARKAPURAM-230 GIDDALUR-231 KANIGIRI-232
S01-33-AP-ONGOLE 1MANDAVA VASUDEVA BJP
2MADDULURI MALAKONDAIAH YADAV TDP
3MAGUNTA SRINIVASULU REDDY INC
4CHALUVADI SRINIVASARAO PPOI
5DRNARAYANAM RADHA DEVI LSP
6PIDATHALA SAI KALPANA PRAP
7SHAIK SHAJAHAN UWF
8GARRE RAMAKRISHNA IND
9DAMA MOHANA RAO IND
10NALAMALAPU LAKSHMINARASAREDDY IND
11YATHAPU KONDAREDDY IND
ALLAGADDA-253 SRISAILAM-254 NANDIKOTKUR-255 PANYAM-257
NANDYAL-258 BANAGANAPALLE-259 DHONE-260
S01-34-AP-NANDYAL 1NASYAM MOHAMMED FAROOK TDP
2SMOHAMMED ISMAIL BSP
3SPYREDDY INC
4ABDUL SATTAR G BCUF
5PICHHIKE NARENDRA DEV RKSP
6BHUMA VENKATA NAGI REDDY PRAP
7RAMA JAGANNADHA REDDY TAMIDELA LSP
8SADHU VEERA VENKATA RAMANAIAH RDMP
9AMBATI RAMESWARA REDDY IND
10KARTHER PANCHARATNAM IND
11BPKAMBAGIRI SWAMY IND
12GALI RAMA SUBBA REDDY IND
13AUFAROOQ IND
14GBALASWAMY IND
15TMAHESH NAIDU IND
16BVRAMI REDDY IND
17BRLREDDY IND
18VENNUPUSA VENKATESHWARA REDDY IND
19SINGAM VENKATESHWARA REDDY IND
20TSRINUVASULU IND
21VSESHI REDDY IND
KURNOOL-256 PATTIKONDA-261 KODUMUR-262 YEMMIGANUR-263
MANTRALAYAM-264 ADONI-265 ALUR-266
S01-35-AP-KURNOOL 1KOTLA JAYA SURYA PRAKASH REDDY INC
2GADDAM RAMAKRISHNA BSP
3BTNAIDU TDP
4RAVI SUBRAMANYAM KA BJP
5JALLI VENKATESH LSP
6DRDANDIYA KHAJA PEERA PRAP
7BNAGA JAYA CHANDRA REDDY RDMP
8DRPRPARAMESWAR REDDY PPOI
9DEVI RAMALINGAPPA IND
10VV RAMANA IND
11RAJU IND
RAYADURG-267 URAVAKONDA-268 GUNTAKAL-269 TADPATRI-270
SINGANAMALA-271 ANANTAPUR URBAN-272 KALYANDURG-273
S01-36-AP-ANANTAPUR 1ANANTHA VENKATA RAMI REDDY INC
2AMBATI RAMA KRISHNA REDDY BJP
3KALAVA SRINIVASULU TDP
4GADDALA NAGABHUSHANAM BSP
5AMARNATH LSP
6KRUSHNAPURAM GAYATHRI DEVI CPI(ML)(L)
7MANSOOR PRAP
8G HARI PPOI
9T CHANDRA SEKHAR IND
10DEVELLA MURALI IND
11K P NARAYANA SWAMY IND
12J C RAMANUJULA REDDY IND
RAPTADU-274 MADAKASIRA-275 HINDUPUR-276 PENUKONDA-277
PUTTAPARTHI-278 DHARMAVARAM-279 KADIRI-280
S01-37-AP-HINDUPUR 1KRISTAPPA NIMMALA TDP
2P KHASIM KHAN INC
3NARESH CINE ACTOR BJP
4BSPSREERAMULU BSP
5KADAPALA SREEKANTA REDDY PRAP
6NIRANJAN BABU K LSP
7S MUSKIN VALI PPOI
8K JAKEER IND
9B NAGABHUSHANA RAO IND
10P PRASAD PEETLA PRASAD IND
BADVEL-243 KADAPA-245 PULIVENDLA-248 KAMALAPURAM-249
JAMMALAMADUGU-250 PRODDATUR-251 MYDUKUR-252
S01-38-AP-KADAPA 1JAMBAPURAM MUNI REDDY BSP
2YS JAGAN MOHAN REDDY INC
3PALEM SRIKANTH REDDY TDP
4VANGALA SHASHI BHUSHAN REDDY BJP
5KASIBHATLA SAINATH SARMA RDHP
6N KISHORE KUMAR REDDY JD(S)
7KUNCHAM VENKATA SUBBA REDDY RRS
8DR KHALEEL BASHA PRAP
9GAJJALA RAMA SUBBA REDDY PPOI
10GUDIPATI PRASANNA KUMAR LSP
11C GOPI NARASIMHA REDDY JD(U)
12CHINNAPA REDDY KOMMA BJSH
13Y SEKHARA REDDY RPI(A)
14S ALI SHER IND
15THIMMAPPAGARI VENKATA SIVA REDDY IND
16V NARENDRA IND
17S RAJA MADIGA IND
18YELLIPALAM RAMESH REDDY IND
19SIVANARAYANA REDDY CHADIPIRALLA IND
20J SUBBARAYUDU IND
KANDUKUR-228 KAVALI-233 ATMAKUR-234 KOVUR-235 NELLORE CITY-236
NELLORE RURAL-237 UDAYAGIRI-242
S01-39-AP-NELLORE 1S PADMA NAGESWARA RAO BSP
2BATHINA NARASIMHA RAO BJP
3MEKAPATI RAJAMOHAN REDDY INC
4VANTERU VENU GOPALA REDDY TDP
5JANA RAMACHANDRAIAH PRAP
6VEMURI BHASKARA RAO LSP
7SIDDIRAJU SATYANARAYANA PPOI
8KARIMULLA IND
9MUCHAKALA CHANDRA SEKHAR YADAV IND
10VENKATA BHASKAR REDDY DIRISALA IND
11SYED HAMZA HUSSAINY IND
SARVEPALLI-238 GUDUR-239 SULLURPETA-240 VENKATAGIRI-241
TIRUPATI-286 SRIKALAHASTI-287 SATYAVEEDU-288
S01-40-AP-TIRUPATI 1CHINTA MOHAN INC
2VARLA RAMAIAH TDP
3NVENKATASWAMY BJP
4JUVVIGUNTA VENKATESWARLU LSP
5DEGALA SURYANARAYANA PPOI
6DHANASEKHAR GUNDLURU RPI(A)
7VARAPRASADA RAO V PRAP
8OREPALLI VENKATA KRISHNA PRASAD IND
9KATTAMANCHI PRABAKHAR IND
10YALAVADI MUNIKRISHNAIAH IND
RAJAMPET-244 KODUR-246 RAYACHOTI-247 THAMBALLAPALLE-281
PILERU-282 MADANAPALLE-283 PUNGANUR-284
S01-41-AP-RAJAMPET 1ANNAYYAGARI SAI PRATHAP INC
2ALLAPUREDDY HARINATHA REDDY BJP
3RAMESH KUMAR REDDY REDDAPPAGARI TDP
4SUNKARA SREENIVAS BSP
5DR ARAVA VENKATA SUBBA REDDY MBBSDCH PPOI
6ADI NARAYANA REDDY V BHSASP
7NAGESWARA RAO EDAGOTTU LSP
8DA SRINIVAS PRAP
9SHAIK AMEEN PEERAN ANC
10ASADI VENKATADRI IND
11INDRA PRAKASH IND
12KASTHURI OBAIAH NAIDU IND
13B KRISHNAPPA IND
14PULA RAGHU IND
15HAJI MOHAMMAD AZAM IND
CHANDRAGIRI-285 NAGARI-289 GANGADHARA NELLORE-290 CHITTOOR-291
PUTHALAPATTU-292 PALAMANER-293 KUPPAM-294
S01-42-AP-CHITTOOR 1JAYARAM DUGGANI BSP
2THIPPESWAMY M INC
3NARAMALLI SIVAPRASAD TDP
4BSIVAKUMAR BJP
5A AMARNADH RKSP
6TALARI MANOHAR PRAP
7G VENKATACHALAM LSP
LUMLA-1 TAWANG-2 MUKTO-3 DIRANG-4 KALAKTANG-5
THRIZINO-BURAGAON-6 BOMDILA-7 BAMENG-8 CHAYANG TAJO-9 SEPPA EAST-10
S02-1-AR-ARUNACHAL WEST 1KIREN RIJIJU BJP
2TAKAM SANJOY INC
3TABA TAKU LB
4SUBU KECHI IND
TUTING YINGKIONG-34 PANGIN-35 NARI-KOYU-36 PASIGHAT WEST-37
PASIGHAT EAST-38 MEBO-39 MARIYANG-GEKU-40 ANINI-41 DAMBUK-42 ROING-43
S02-2-AR-ARUNACHAL EAST 1LOWANGCHA WANGLAT AC
2NINONG ERING INC
3TAPIR GAO BJP
4DR SAMSON BORANG PPA
RATABARI-1 PATHERKANDI-2 KARIMGANJ NORTH-3 KARIMGANJ SOUTH-4
BADARPUR-5 HAILAKANDI-6 KATLICHERRA-7 ALGAPUR-8
S03-1-AS-KARIMGANJ 1RAJESH MALLAH AUDF
2LALIT MOHAN SUKLABAIDYA INC
3SUDHANGSHU DAS BJP
4UTTAM NOMOSUDRA IND
5JOY DAS IND
6DEBASISH DAS IND
7PROBHASH CH SARKAR IND
8BIJON ROY IND
9BIJOY MALAKAR IND
10MALATI ROY IND
11MILON SINGHA IND
12RANJAN NAMASUDRA IND
13RAJESH CHANDRA ROY IND
14SITAL PRASAD DUSAD IND
15HIMANGSHU KUMAR DAS IND
SILCHAR-9 SONAI-10 DHOLAI-11 UDHARBOND-12 LAKHIPUR-13
BORKHOLA-14 KATIGORAH-15
S03-2-AS-SILCHAR 1KABINDRA PURKAYASTHA BJP
2DIPAK BHATTACHARJEE CPM
3BADRUDDIN AJMAL AUDF
4SONTOSH MOHAN DEV INC
5KANTIMOY DEB IND
6CHANDAN RABIDAS IND
7JAYANTA MALLICK IND
8JOY SUNDAR DAS IND
9NAGENDRA CHANDRA DAS IND
10NAZRUL HAQUE MAZARBHUIYAN IND
11NABADWIP DAS IND
12PIJUSH KANTI DAS IND
13MANISH BHATTACHARJEE IND
14YOGENDRA KUMAR SINGH IND
15SUBIR DEB IND
16SUMIT ROY IND
HAFLONG-16 BOKAJAN-17 HOWRAGHAT-18 DIPHU-19 BAITHALANGSO-20
S03-3-AS-AUTONOMOUS DISTRICT 1KULENDRA DAULAGUPU BJP
2BIREN SINGH ENGTI INC
3HIDDHINATH RONGPI NCP
4ELWIN TERON ASDC
5DR JAYANTA RONGPI CPI(ML)(L)
6KABON TIMUNGPI IND
MANKACHAR-21 SALMARA SOUTH-22 DHUBRI-23 GAURIPUR-24 GOLOKGANJ-25
BILASIPARA WEST-26 BILASIPARA EAST-27 GOALPARA EAST-37 GOALPARA
WEST-38 JALESWAR-39
S03-4-AS-DHUBRI 1ANWAR HUSSAIN INC
2BADRUDDIN AJMAL AUDF
3ARUN DAS RWS
4ALOK SEN SP
5SOLEMAN ALI IND
6SHAHJAHAN ALI IND
7SOLEMAN KHANDAKER IND
8TRIPTI KANA MAZUMDAR CHOUDHURY IND
9NUR MAHAMMAD IND
10MINHAR ALI MANDAL IND
GOSSAIGAON-28 KOKRAJHAR WEST-29 KOKRAJHAR EAST-30 SIDLI-31
BIJNI-33 SORBHOG-40 BHABANIPUR-41 TAMULPUR-58 BARAMA-62 CHAPAGURI-63
S03-5-AS-KOKRAJHAR 1SABDA RAM RABHA AGP
2SANSUMA KHUNGGUR BWISWMUTHIARY BOPF
3URKHAO GWRA BRAHMA IND
BONGAIGAON-32 ABHAYAPURI NORTH-34 ABHAYAPURI SOUTH-35
PATACHARKUCHI-42 BARPETA-43 JANIA-44 BAGHBAR-45 SARUKHETRI-46
CHENGA-47 DHARMAPUR-61
S03-6-AS-BARPETA 1ABDUS SAMAD AHMED AUDF
2MD AMIR ALI RJD
3ISMAIL HUSSAIN INC
4DURGESWAR DEKA CPM
5BHUPEN RAY AGP
6ABU CHAND MAHMMAD RPI(A)
7ABDUL KADDUS SP
8KANDARPA LAHKAR RVNP
9MD DILIR KHAN MUL
10MUIJ UDDIN MAHMUD LJP
11ABDUL KADER IND
12GOLAP HUSSAIN MAZUMDER IND
13DEWAN JOYNAL ABEDIN IND
14BHADRESWAR DAS IND
DUDHNOI-36 BOKO-48 CHHAYGAON-49 PALASBARI-50 JALUKBARI-51
DISPUR-52 GAUHATI EAST-53 GAUHATI WEST-54 HAJO-55 BARKHETRI-60
S03-7-AS-GAUHATI 1AKSHAY RAJKHOWA NCP
2BIJOYA CHAKRAVARTY BJP
3CAPT ROBIN BORDOLOI INC
4SONABOR ALI AUDF
5AMBU BORA RCPI(R)
6DEEPAK KALITA SP
7SHIMANTA BRAHMA RWS
8AMIT BARUA IND
9KAZI NEKIB AHMED IND
10DEVA KANTA RAMCHIARY IND
11BRIJESH ROY IND
12RINA GAYARY DAS IND
KAMALPUR-56 RANGIA-57 NALBARI-59 PANERY-64 KALAIGAON-65
SIPAJHAR-66 MANGALDOI-67 DALGAON-68 UDALGURI-69 MAZBAT-70
S03-8-AS-MANGALDOI 1BADIUJ ZAMAL AUDF
2MADHAB RAJBANGSHI INC
3RAMEN DEKA BJP
4DINA NATH DAS BOPF
5PARVEEN SULTANA AIMF
6RABINDRA NATH HAZARIKA JMM
7RATUL KUMAR CHOUDHURY SP
8LANKESWAR ACHARJYA RDMP
9LUCYMAI BASUMATARI RSPS
10AROON BAROOA IND
11PRODEEP KUMAR DAIMARY IND
12BHUPENDRA NATH KAKATI IND
13MANOJ KUMAR DEKA IND
DHEKIAJULI-71 BARCHALLA-72 TEZPUR-73 RANGAPARA-74 SOOTEA-75
BISWANATH-76 BEHALI-77 GOHPUR-78 BIHPURIA-109
S03-9-AS-TEZPUR 1JITEN SUNDI CPM
2DEBA ORANG AUDF
3MONI KUMAR SUBBA INC
4JOSEPH TOPPO AGP
5ARUN KUMAR MURMOO BVM
6PARASHMONI SINHA JMM
7JUGANANDA HAZARIKA SP
8RUBUL SARMA CPI(ML)(L)
9REGINOLD V JOHNSON RSPS
10KALYAN KUMAR DEORI BHARALI IND
11DANIEL DAVID JESUDAS IND
12MD NAZIR AHMED IND
13DR PRANAB KR DAS IND
14PRASANTA BORO IND
15RUDRA PARAJULI IND
JAGIROAD-79 MORIGAON-80 LAHARIGHAT-81 RAHA-82 NAGAON-86
BARHAMPUR-87 JAMUNAMUKH-90 HOJAI-91 LUMDING-92
S03-10-AS-NOWGONG 1ANIL RAJA INC
2RAJEN GOHAIN BJP
3SIRAJ UDDIN AJMAL AUDF
4PHEIROIJAM IBOMCHA SINGH AIFB
5BIPIN SAIKIA RDMP
6BIREN DAS RWS
7BHUPEN CHANDRA MUDOI RPI(A)
8LIAQAT HUSSAIN LJP
9ASHIT DUTTA IND
10NAZRUL HAQUE MAZARBHUIYAN IND
11PUSPA KANTA BORA IND
12BIMALA PRASAD TALUKDAR IND
13HERAMBA MOHAN PANDIT IND
DHING-83 BATADRABA-84 RUPAHIHAT-85 SAMAGURI-88 KALIABOR-89
BOKAKHAT-93 SARUPATHAR-94 GOLAGHAT-95 KHUMTAI-96 DERGAON-97
S03-11-AS-KALIABOR 1GUNIN HAZARIKA AGP
2DIP GOGOI INC
3SIRAJ UDDIN AJMAL AUDF
4KAMAL HAZARIKA IND
5PAUL NAYAK IND
6PRADEEP DUTTA IND
7BINOD GOGOI IND
8MRIDUL BARUAH IND
JORHAT-98 TITABAR-100 MARIANI-101 TEOK-102 AMGURI-103
NAZIRA-104 MAHMORA-105 SONARI-106 THOWRA-107 SIVASAGAR-108
S03-12-AS-JORHAT 1KAMAKHYA TASA BJP
2DRUPAD BORGOHAIN CPI
3BIJOY KRISHNA HANDIQUE INC
4ABINASH KISHORE BORAH RWS
5BIREN NANDA JMM
6NAVAPROKASH SONOWAL IND
7RAJ KUMAR DOWARAH IND
8SUJIT SAHU IND
MORAN-115 DIBRUGARH-116 LAHOWAL-117 DULIJAN-118 TINGKHONG-119
NAHARKATIA-120 TINSUKIA-122 DIGBOI-123 MARGHERITA-124
S03-13-AS-DIBRUGARH 1SRI PABAN SINGH GHATOWAR INC
2SRI ROMEN CH BORTHAKUR NCP
3SRI RATUL GOGOI CPI
4SRI SARBANANDA SONOWAL AGP
5SRI GONGARAM KAUL CPI(ML)(L)
6NIHARIKA BORPATRA GOHAIN GOGOI JMM
7IMTIAZ HUSSAIN IND
8FRANCIS DHAN IND
9LAKHI CHARAN SWANSI IND
10SIMA GHOSH IND
MAJULI-99 NAOBOICHA-110 LAKHIMPUR-111 DHAKUAKHANA-112
DHEMAJI-113 JONAI-114 CHABUA-121 DOOMDOOMA-125 SADIYA-126
S03-14-AS-LAKHIMPUR 1DR ARUN KR SARMA AGP
2BHOGESWAR DUTTA CPI
3RANEE NARAH INC
4GANGADHAR DUTTA SHS
5DEBNATH MAJHI CPI(ML)(L)
6PRAN JYOTI BORPATRA GOHAIN RWS
7MINU BURAGOHAIN SP
8RATNESWAR GOGOI AIFB
9LALIT MILI RDMP
10SONAMONI DAS LJP
11ASAP SUNDIGURIA IND
12PRASHANTA GOGOI IND
13BHUMIDHAR HAZARIKA IND
14RANOJ PEGU IND
15RABIN DEKA IND
VALMIKI NAGAR-1 RAMNAGAR-2 NARKATIAGANJ-3 BAGAHA-4 LAURIYA-5
SIKTA-9
S04-1-BR-VALMIKI NAGAR 1DILIP VERMA NCP
2BAIDYANATH PRASAD MAHTO JD(U)
3MANAN MISHRA BSP
4MOHAMMAD SHAMIM AKHTAR INC
5RAGHUNATH JHA RJD
6BIRENDRA PRASAD GUPTA CPI(ML)(L)
7SHAILENDRA KUMAR GARHWAL LTSD
8AMBIKA SINGH IND
9UMESH IND
10DEORAJ RAM IND
11FAKHRUDDIN IND
12MAGISTER YADAV IND
13MANOHAR MANOJ IND
14RAMASHANKAR PRASAD IND
15RAKESH KUMAR PANDEY IND
16SATYANARAIN YADAV IND
NAUTAN-6 CHANPATIA-7 BETTIAH-8 RAXAUL-10 SUGAULI-11 NARKATIA-12
S04-2-BR-PASCHIM CHAMPARAN 1ANIRUDH PRASAD ALIAS SADHU YADAV INC
2PRAKASH JHA LJP
3RAMASHRAY SINGH CPM
4SHAMBHU PRASAD GUPTA BSP
5DR SANJAY JAISWAL BJP
6FAIYAZUL AZAM JD(S)
7MANOJ KUMAR RDMP
8SYED SHAMIM AKHTAR LTSD
9NAFIS AHAMAD IND
10SHRIMAN MISHRA IND
11SYED IRSHAD AKHTER IND
HARSIDHI-13 GOVINDGANJ-14 KESARIA-15 KALYANPUR-16 PIPRA-17
MOTIHARI-19
S04-3-BR-PURVI CHAMPARAN 1AKHILESH PRASAD SINGH RJD
2ARVIND KUMAR GUPTA INC
3GAGANDEO YADAV BSP
4RADHA MOHAN SINGH BJP
5RAMCHANDRA PRASAD CPI
6UMESH KUMAR SINGH SJP(R)
7NAGENDRA SAHANI LTSD
8SURESH KUMAR RAJAK IJP
9SURESH KUMAR RAI BJKVP
10JHAGARU MAHATO IND
11PARASNATHPANDEY IND
12MD MURTUJA ANSARI ALIAS DR LAL IND
MADHUBAN-18 CHIRAIA-20 DHAKA-21 SHEOHAR-22 RIGA-23 BELSAND-30
S04-4-BR-SHEOHAR 1MD ANWARUL HAQUE BSP
2MD TANVEER ZAFAR CPI
3RAMA DEVI BJP
4LOVELY ANAND INC
5SITARAM SINGH RJD
6ARUN SAH BLPGL
7BASDEO SAH IJP
8SHATRUGHNA SAHU BJJD
9AJAY KUMAR PANDEY IND
10CHANDRIKA PRASAD IND
11MOHAMMAD FIROZ AHAMAD IND
12MOHSIN IND
13YOGENDRA RAM IND
14RAM ASHISH MAHTO IND
15SUNIL SINGH IND
BATHNAHA-24 PARIHAR-25 SURSAND-26 BAJPATTI-27 SITAMARHI-28
RUNISAIDPUR-29
S04-5-BR-SITAMARHI 1ARJUN ROY JD(U)
2MAYA SHANKAR SHARAN BSP
3SAMIR KUMAR MAHASETH INC
4SITARAM YADAV RJD
5S ABU DAUJANA LTSD
6CHITARANJAN GIRI RPP
7MOHAMMAD AFZAL PAINTHER ANC
8SHANKAR SINHA RSP
9CHANDRIKA PRASAD IND
10ZAHID IND
11DINESH PRASAD IND
12PAPPU KUMAR MISHRA IND
13MUKESH KUMAR GUPTA IND
14RAVINDRA KUMAR IND
15RAM KISHORE PRASAD IND
16SONE LAL SAH IND
HARLAKHI-31 BENIPATTI-32 BISFI-35 MADHUBANI-36 KEOTI-86 JALE-87
S04-6-BR-MADHUBANI 1ABDULBARI SIDDIKI RJD
2LAXMANKANT MISHRA BSP
3DR SHAKEEL AHAMAD INC
4HUKM DEO NARAYAN YADAV BJP
5DR HEMCHANDRA JHA CPI
6MINTU KUMAR SINGH JGP
7MISHRI LAL YADAV RKJP
8RAMCHANDRA YADAV KSVP
9RAM SAGAR SAHANI IJP
10MD ZINNUR IND
11RAVINDRA THAKUR IND
12RAJESHWAR YADAV IND
13SANJAY KUMAR MAHTO IND
14HARIBHUSHAN THAKUR BACHOL IND
KHAJAULI-33 BABUBARHI-34 RAJNAGAR-37 JHANJHARPUR-38 PHULPARAS-39
LAUKAHA-40
S04-7-BR-JHANJHARPUR 1KRIPANATH PATHAK INC
2GAURI SHANKAR YADAV BSP
3DEVENDRA PRASAD YADAV RJD
4MANGANI LAL MANDAL JD(U)
5DR KIRTAN PRASAD SINGH LTSD
6YOGNATH MANDAL CPI(ML)(L)
7OM PRAKASH IND
8NATHUNI YADAV IND
9FIROZ ALAM IND
10VIVEKA NAND JHA IND
11SHANKAR PRASAD IND
NIRMALI-41 PIPRA-42 SUPAUL-43 TRIBENIGANJ-44 CHHATAPUR-45
SINGHESHWAR-72
S04-8-BR-SUPAUL 1ASHOK MAHTO BSP
2BALRAM SINGH YADAV CPM
3RANJEET RANJAN INC
4VISHWA MOHAN KUMAR JD(U)
5SURYA NARAYAN YADAV LJP
6NARAYAN MANDAL SHS
7MANJU DEVI IJP
8SHARVAN KUMAR CHOUDHARY JD(S)
9SURESH PRASAD MEHTA LTSD
10ARBIND KUMAR IND
11ASHOK PANKAJ IND
12BHIM KUMAR GUPTA IND
13RAMCHANDRA PRASAD SINGH IND
14RAMDEO SHARMA IND
15VIJAY KUMAR CHOUDHARY IND
16SURESH KUMAR AZAD IND
NARPATGANJ-46 RANIGANJ-47 FORBESGANJ-48 ARARIA-49 JOKIHAT-50
SIKTI-51
S04-9-BR-ARARIA 1ZAKIR HUSSAIN KHAN LJP
2PRADEEP KUMAR SINGH BJP
3RAJA RAMAN BHASKAR BSP
4DR SHAKEEL AHMAD KHAN INC
5AYAJUDIN RKJP
6KAMALI DEVI CPI(ML)(L)
7NASIM AHMAD GHAZI RJJM
8ABDUL GAFOOR IND
9ABDUL WAHAB IND
10OM PRAKASH IND
11KANHAIYA KUMAR DAS IND
12DINESH RATHOUR IND
13NAND LAL PASWAN IND
14NITYA NAND BISHWAS IND
15PRAMOD SINGH YADAV IND
16PRINCE VICTOR IND
17LAXMI SADA IND
18VIJAY SAH IND
19SANJAY KUMAR JHA IND
20MD SAJJAD IND
21SATYA NARAYAN WRITER IND
22SADA NAND CHOUDHARY IND
23SADHANA DEVI IND
24SUKDEO PASWAN IND
25MOHAMMED SAIFUR RAB IND
BAHADURGANJ-52 THAKURGANJ-53 KISHANGANJ-54 KOCHADHAMAN-55
AMOUR-56 BAISI-57
S04-10-BR-KISHANGANJ 1ZUBAIR ALAM BSP
2TASLEEM UDDIN RJD
3MOHAMMAD ASRARUL HAQUE INC
4SYED MAHMOOD ASHRAF JD(U)
5TAMAJUL ALI BJJD
6MOHAMMAD KHASHIUR RAHMAN SJP(R)
7MOHAMMAD NISSAR ALAM JMM
8RAJIT PODAR ABAS
9ABDUL RAJJAK URF KAL IND
10ABHINAV MODI IND
11ASGAR MALIK IND
12CHOTAY LAL MAHTO IND
13MD TASLIMUDDIN IND
14VISHWANATH KEJRIWAL IND
15SIKANDER SINGH IND
KATIHAR-63 KADWA-64 BALRAMPUR-65 PRANPUR-66 MANIHARI-67
BARARI-68
S04-11-BR-KATIHAR 1AHMAD ASHFAQUE KARIM LJP
2NIKHIL KUMAR CHOUDHARY BJP
3MADAN MOHAN NISHAD BSP
4SHAH TARIQ ANWAR NCP
5OM PRAKASH PODDAR BJJD
6MAHBOOB ALAM CPI(ML)(L)
7MUNNI DEVI ABJS
8RAJESH GURNANI LTSD
9CHANDU MURMU IND
10PHOOLO DEVI IND
11BABU LAL MARANDI IND
12MANOJ PARASAR IND
13MOHAMMAD HAMID MUBARAK IND
14RAJGIRI SINGH IND
15SUNIL KUMAR CHOUDHARY IND
16HIMRAJ SINGH IND
KASBA-58 BANMANKHI-59 RUPAULI-60 DHAMDAHA-61 PURNIA-62 KORHA-69
S04-12-BR-PURNIA 1UDAY SINGH ALIAS PAPPU SINGH BJP
2NAVEEN KUMAR SINGH BSP
3SHANKAR JHA LJP
4ANIL KUMAR BHARTI RVNP
5ASHOK KUMAR SAH JMM
6IRSHAD AHMAD KHAN LTSD
7MADHAVI SARKAR CPI(ML)(L)
8MD AISUR RAHMAN IND
9ABDUL SATTAR IND
10ALIMUDDIN ANSARI IND
11UPENDRA NATH SAGAR IND
12KAUSHALYA DEVI IND
13JAGDISH PRASAD YADAV IND
14JIVACHH PASWAN IND
15DEEP NARAYAN SINGH IND
16PRAMOD NARAYAN PODDAR IND
17VIJAY KUMAR SAH IND
18SHANTI PRIYA IND
19SHIEKH AKBAR ALI IND
20SUNIL KUMAR IND
ALAMNAGAR-70 BIHARIGANJ-71 MADHEPURA-73 SONBARSA-74 SAHARSA-75
MAHISHI-77
S04-13-BR-MADHEPURA 1OMPRAKASH NARAYAN CPI
2DRTARA NAND SADA INC
3PROF RAVINDRA CHARAN YADAV RJD
4BINOD KUMAR JHA BSP
5SHARAD YADAV JD(U)
6DHANOJ KUMAR TANTI RVNP
7RAVINDRA KUMAR RSWD
8RAJO SAH LTSD
9NKSINGH SAP
10KARPURI RISHIDEO IND
11KISHOR KUMAR IND
12TIRO SHARAMA IND
13DHRUVA KUMAR GUPTA IND
14PRASANN KUMAR IND
15BALWANT GADHWAL IND
16MAHADEO YADAV IND
17SAAKAR SURESH YADAV IND
GORA BAURAM-79 BENIPUR-80 ALINAGAR-81 DARBHANGA RURAL-82
DARBHANGA-83 BAHADURPUR-85
S04-14-BR-DARBHANGA 1AJAY KUMAR JALAN INC
2MD ALI ASHRAF FATMI RJD
3KIRTI AZAD BJP
4YUGESHWAR SAHNI BSP
5KUMARI SURESHWARI RMEP
6MD KHURSHID ALAM AD
7DURGANAND MAHAVIR NAYAK BJJD
8MD NIZAMUDDIN IJP
9SATYANARAYAN MUKHIA CPI(ML)(L)
10ABDUR RAHIM IND
11GOVIND ACHARAY IND
12BHARAT YADAV IND
13LALBAHADUR YADAV IND
14PROF HARERAM ACHARAY IND
GAIGHAT-88 AURAI-89 BOCHAHA-91 SAKRA-92 KURHANI-93
MUZAFFARPUR-94
S04-15-BR-MUZAFFARPUR 1CAPTAIN JAI NARAYAN PRASAD NISHAD JD(U)
2BHAGWANLAL SAHNI LJP
3VINITA VIJAY INC
4SAMEER KUMAR BSP
5JITENDRA YADAV CPI(ML)(L)
6DINESH KUMAR KUSHWAHA RKSP
7DEVENDRA RAKESH BJKVP
8NEELU SINGH PSS
9MAHENDRA PRASAD RPP
10MITHILESH KUMAR RASED
11MOHAMMAD SHAMIM RDMP
12MD RAHAMTULLAHA ABJS
13RAM DAYAL RAM AIFB
14REYAJ AHMAD ATISH JGP
15MD SALEEM RVNP
16ASHOK KUMAR LALAN IND
17AHMAD RAZA IND
18GEORGE FERNANDES IND
19TARKESHWAR PASWAN IND
20VIJENDRA CHAUDHARY IND
21VINOD PASWAN IND
22SHAMBHU SAHNI IND
23SADANAND KISHORE THAKUR IND
24SYED ALAMDAR HUSSAIN IND
MINAPUR-90 KANTI-95 BARURAJ-96 PAROO-97 SAHEBGANJ-98
VAISHALI-125
S04-16-BR-VAISHALI 1RAGHUVANSH PRASAD SINGH RJD
2VIJAY KUMAR SHUKLA JD(U)
3SHANKAR MAHTO BSP
4HIND KESRI YADAV INC
5PUNAMRI DEVI UWF
6PRAMOD KUMAR SHARMA BJKVP
7BADRI PASWAN RKSP
8BALAK NATH SAHANI IJP
9LALJI KUMAR RAKESH RASED
10BINOD PANDIT LPSP
11INDARDEO RAI IND
12JITENDRA PRASAD IND
BAIKUNTHPUR-99 BARAULI-100 GOPALGANJ-101 KUCHAIKOTE-102
BHOREY-103 HATHUA-104
S04-17-BR-GOPALGANJ 1ANIL KUMAR RJD
2JANAK RAM BSP
3PURNMASI RAM JD(U)
4RAMAI RAM INC
5MADHU BHARTI LTSD
6RAM KUMAR MANJHI SBSP
7RAMASHANKAR RAM RJJM
8SATYADEO RAM CPI(ML)(L)
9ASHA DEVI IND
10DINANATH MANJHI IND
11DHARMENDRA KUMAR HAZRA IND
12BANITHA BAITHA IND
13RAJESH KUMAR RAM IND
14RAM SURAT RAM IND
15SHAMBHU DOM IND
16SURENDRA PASWAN IND
SIWAN-105 ZIRADEI-106 DARAULI-107 RAGHUNATHPUR-108 DARAUNDHA-109
BARHARIA-110
S04-18-BR-SIWAN 1PARASH NATH PATHAK BSP
2BRISHIN PATEL JD(U)
3VIJAY SHANKER DUBEY INC
4HENA SHAHAB RJD
5AMAR NATH YADAV CPI(ML)(L)
6ASWANI KR VERMA IJP
7MADHURI PANDAY SJTP
8LAL BABU TIWARI RKSP
9UMESH TIWARY IND
10OM PRAKASH YADAV IND
11NIDHI KIRTI IND
12PRABHU NATH MALI IND
13DR MUNESHWAR PRASAD IND
14RAJENDRA KUMAR IND
15SHAMBHU NATH PRASAD IND
GORIYAKOTHI-111 MAHARAJGANJ-112 EKMA-113 MANJHI-114 BANIAPUR-115
TARAIYA-116
S04-19-BR-MAHARAJGANJ 1UMA SHANAKER SINGH RJD
2TARKESHWAR SINGH INC
3PRABHU NATH SINGH JD(U)
4RAVINDRA NATH MISHRA BSP
5RAMESH SINGH KUSHWAHA LTSD
6SATYENDRA KR SAHANI CPI(ML)(L)
7GAUTAM PRASAD IND
8DHURENDRA RAM IND
9NAYAN PRASAD IND
10PRADEEP MANJHI IND
11BANKE BIHARI SINGH IND
12RAJESH KUMAR SINGH IND
13BREENDA PATHAK IND
MARHAURA-117 CHAPRA-118 GARKHA-119 AMNOUR-120 PARSA-121
SONEPUR-122
S04-20-BR-SARAN 1RAJIV PRATAP RUDY BJP
2LALU PRASAD RJD
3SALIM PERWEZ BSP
4SANTOSH PATEL LTSD
5SOHEL AKHATAR BMF
6KUMAR BALRAM SINGH IND
7DHUPENDRA SINGH IND
8RAJKUMAR RAI IND
9RAJAN HRISHIKESH CHANDRA IND
10RAJARAM SAHANI IND
11LAL BABU RAY IND
12SHEO DAS SINGH IND
HAJIPUR-123 LALGANJ-124 MAHUA-126 RAJA PAKAR-127 RAGHOPUR-128
MANHAR-129
S04-21-BR-HAJIPUR 1DASAI CHOUDHARY INC
2MAHESHWAR DAS BSP
3RAM VILAS PASWAN LJP
4RAM SUNDAR DAS JD(U)
5DINESH CHANDRA BHUSHAN LTSD
6NAND LAL PASWAN IND
7PRATIMA KUMARI IND
8RAJENDRA KUMAR PASWAN IND
9RAM TIRTH PASWAN IND
10VISHWA VIJAY KUMAR VIDHYARTHI IND
11SANJAY PASHWAN IND
PATEPUR-130 UJIARPUR-134 MORWA-135 SARAIRANJAN-136
MOHIUDDINNAGAR-137 BIBHUTPUR-138
S04-22-BR-UJIARPUR 1ASWAMEDH DEVI JD(U)
2ALOK KUMAR MEHTA RJD
3RAMDEO VERMA CPM
4VIJAYWANT KUMAR CHOUDHARY BSP
5SHEEL KUMAR ROY INC
6CHANDRA DEO ROY SLP(L)
7JAI NARAYAN SAH BJKVP
8JITENDRA KUMAR ROY SHS
9TOSHAN SAH RPP
10MD TAUKIR SAP
11MASSOD HASSAN MUL
12RAMNATH SINGH RSWD
13ARJUN SAHNI IND
14PRADEEP KUMAR IND
15BRAJESH KUMAR NIRALA IND
16MANSOOR IND
17MOHAN PAUL IND
18MOHAMMAD KURBAN IND
19RATAN SAHNI IND
20RAM SAGAR MAHTO IND
21SANJAY KUMAR JHA IND
22SUJIT KUMAR BHAGAT IND
KUSHESHWAR ASTHAN-78 HAYAGHAT-84 KALYANPUR-131 WARISNAGAR-132
SAMASTIPUR-133 ROSERA-139
S04-23-BR-SAMASTIPUR 1DR ASHOK KUMAR INC
2MAHESWER HAZARI JD(U)
3RAM CHANDRA PASWAN LJP
4BINDESHWAR PASWAN BSP
5UPENDRA PASWAN LTSD
6JEEBACHH PASWAN CPI(ML)(L)
7RANDHIR PASWAN IND
8RAJA RAM DAS IND
9REKHA KUMARI IND
10SHIVCHANDRA PASWAN IND
11SATISH MAHTO IND
CHERIA BARIARPUR-141 BACHHWARA-142 TEGHRA-143 MATIHANI-144
SAHEBPUR KAMAL-145 BEGUSARAI-146 BAKHRI-147
S04-24-BR-BEGUSARAI 1ANIL CHAUDHARY LJP
2AMITA BHUSHAN INC
3CHANDRASHEKHAR MAHTO BSP
4DR MONAZIR HASSAN JD(U)
5SHATRUGHAN PRASAD SINGH CPI
6KISHORI PRASHAD MAHTO LTSD
7RAM SAH RPP
8AMIYA KASHYAP BIKKI IND
9ARUN KUMAR IND
10ASHOK SAH IND
11DILIP KUMAR IND
12NARENDRA KUMAR SINGH ALIAS BOGO SINGH IND
13NARAYAN PRASAD HISARIYA IND
14RANJEET PASWAN IND
15RADHA RAMAN PASWAN IND
16RAM DAYAL BHARTI IND
17RAM NARESH PRASAD SINGH IND
18RAMSHRAYA NISHAD IND
19SAJJAN CHAUDHARY IND
SIMRI BAKHTIARPUR-76 HASANPUR-140 ALAULI-148 KHAGARIA-149
BELDAUR-150 PARBATTA-151
S04-25-BR-KHAGARIA 1ASARFI PRASAD MEHTA BSP
2CHOUDHARY MEHBOOB ALI KAISER INC
3DINESH CHANDRA YADAV JD(U)
4RAVINDAR KR RANA RJD
5PAWAN KUMAR SUMAN ABDBM
6BABLOO PASWAN NNP
7BHARAT KUMAR YADAV KVSP
8LAL BAHADUR HIMALAYA RDMP
9HARI NANDAN SINGH SJP(R)
10GULAB RAJ IND
11NAIMUDDIN IND
12NEHA CHAUHAN IND
13PRADUMNA KUMAR IND
14MANJU KUMARI IND
15RAM NANDAN YADAV IND
16SANGRAM KUMAR IND
17SANJAY YADAV IND
18SURESH PODDAR IND
BIHPUR-152 GOPALPUR-153 PIRPAINTI-154 KAHALGAON-155
BHAGALPUR-156 NATHNAGAR-158
S04-26-BR-BHAGALPUR 1AJIT SHARMA BSP
2SHAKUNI CHOUDHARY RJD
3SADANAND SINGH INC
4SUBODH ROY CPM
5SYED SHAHNAWAZ HUSSAIN BJP
6DAYA RAM MANDAL BHJAP
7DEEPAK RAM BSP(K)
8NARESH MANDAL RPP
9MD IZRAIL LTSD
10RAMAN SAH BJJD
11RAM VILASH PASWAN RWS
12SRINARAYAN GAUSWAMI IJP
13AMIT KUMAR JHA IND
14ANAND KUMAR JAIN IND
15INDRADEO KUMAR SINGH IND
16DINESH YADAV IND
17DR N K YADAV IND
18RATAN KUMAR MANDAL IND
19RAVI SHANKAR SINGH IND
20LADDU IND
21SIKANDAR TANTI IND
SULTANGANJ-157 AMARPUR-159 DHURAIYA-160 BANKA-161 KATORIA-162
BELHAR-163
S04-27-BR-BANKA 1GRIDHARI YADAV INC
2JAI PRAKESH NARAIN YADAV RJD
3DAMODAR RAWAT JD(U)
4MUKESH KUMAR SINGH BSP
5SANJAY KUMAR CPI
6ANIL KUMAR ALIAS ANIL GUPTA JVM
7AMRESHWAR KUMAR JGP
8ARVIND KUMAR SAH RPP
9KEDAR PRASAD SINGH SJP(R)
10MAHBOOB ALAM ANSARI BMF
11RAJENDRA PANDIT NETAJEE JMM
12VIVEKA NAND JHA RDMP
13CP SINHA LTSD
14DIGVIJAY SINGH IND
15NARAYAN RAM IND
16MOHD HUMAYUN IND
MUNGER-165 JAMALPUR-166 SURYAGARHA-167 LAKHISARAI-168 MOKAMA-178
BARH-179
S04-28-BR-MUNGER 1MANNU MAHTO BSP
2RAJIV RANJAN SINGH ALIAS LALAN SINGH JD(U)
3RAM BADAN ROY RJD
4RAM LAKHAN SINGH INC
5KUNDAN KUMAR BJJD
6PRAMOD KUMAR SINGH ABDBM
7BIPIN KUMAR PASWAN NBNP
8RAMENDRA MOHAN RAJESH RSWD
9LOKNATH KUSHWAHA BMF
10UCHIT KUMAR IND
11UMA SHANKAR BHAGAT ALIAS TUNTUN BHAIYA IND
12NARESH MAHTO IND
13PRAMOD KUMAR IND
14BRAHMANAND MANDAL IND
15RAJENDRA PRASAD SINGH IND
16RADHIKA RAMAN SINGH IND
17RAMDEO SINGH YADAV IND
18SHANKAR LAL CHOKHANI IND
19SHAILENDRA KUMAR IND
20SURYODAY PASWAN IND
ASTHAWAN-171 BISHARSHARIF-172 RAJGIR-173 ISLAMPUR-174 HILSA-175
NALANDA-176 HARNAUT-177
S04-29-BR-NALANDA 1KAUSHALENDRA KUMAR JD(U)
2DEV KISHORE RAI BSP
3RAMSWAROOP PRASAD INC
4SATISH KUMAR LJP
5ANIL SINGH LTSD
6AMAR KANT SAH RPP
7UJJWAL KANT HUNKAR MUL
8DEVENDRA PRATAP EKSP
9PRIYRANJAN KUMAR BJJD
10RANJEET KUMAR BPD
11REKHA KUMARI AD
12VIJAY KUMAR JPS
13VINOD KUMAR PATEL LM
14SHASHI YADAV CPI(ML)(L)
15SAUDAGAR RAM BSKP
16HARICHARAN PRASAD BMF
17ARUN KUMAR IND
18KAPIL DEO SINGH IND
19KUMAR RAJESH IND
20KAUSHAL KUMAR KAUSHALENDRA SINHA IND
21CHANDRAMANI KUMAR MANI IND
22JITENDRA KUMAR IND
23NARESH PASWAN IND
24SANTOSH KUMAR IND
25SARYUG PRASAD SAHASTH IND
BAKHTIARPUR-180 DIGHA-181 BANKIPUR-182 KUMHRARH-183 PATNA
SAHIB-184 FATWAH-185
S04-30-BR-PATNA SAHIB 1VIJAY KUMAR RJD
2SHATRUGHAN SINHA BJP
3SHEKHAR SUMAN INC
4ON MASUMI LTSD
5DR DIWAKER TEJASWI BUDM
6RAM NARAYAN RAI CPI(ML)(L)
7HASSAN FAIZI HASHMI ANC
8ANJANI KUMAR IND
9KUMAR RAJIV IND
10DEEPAK KUMAR SINGH IND
11PANKAJ KUMAR SHARMA IND
12PRAMOD KUMAR GUPTA IND
13RAM BHAJAN SINGH NISHAD IND
14VIDHAN CHANDRA RANA IND
15SANJAY VERMA IND
16HEMANT KUMAR SINGH IND
DANAPUR-186 MANER-187 PHULWARI-188 MASAURHI-189 PALIGANJ-190
BIKRAM-191
S04-31-BR-PATALIPUTRA 1RANJAN PRASAD YADAV JD(U)
2LALU PRASAD RJD
3VIJAY SINGH YADAV INC
4HARENDRA KUMAR PATEL BSP
5KIRAN DEVI RKJP
6KUNDAN KUMAR RWS
7DR KRISHNADHAR SINGH BJKD
8PANCHA DEVI JGP
9PRABHUNATH YADAV IJP
10MOHAMMAD AFTAB ALAM LTSD
11MOHAMMAD SADRUDDIN AIFB
12RAMESHWAR PRASAD CPI(ML)(L)
13HASAN MANZOOR HASHMI ANC
14AWADHESH SHARMA IND
15DURGESH NANDAN SINGH IND
16SUNIL KUMAR SINGH IND
SANDESH-192 BARHARA-193 ARRAH-194 AGIAON-195 TARARI-196
JAGDISHPUR-197 SHAHPUR-198
S04-32-BR-ARRAH 1MEENA SINGH JD(U)
2RAMA KISHORE SINGH LJP
3REETA SINGH BSP
4HARIDWAR PRASAD SINGH INC
5AJIT PRASAD MEHTA JKM
6ARUN SINGH CPI(ML)(L)
7BHARAT BHUSAN PANDEY ABJS
8RAMADHAR SINGH SHS
9SAMBHU PRASAD SHARMA AIFB
10SANTOSH KUMAR RDMP
11SATYA NARAYAN YADAV RASED
12SAIYAD GANIUDDIN HAIDER ANC
13ASHOK KUMAR SINGH IND
14BHARAT SINGH SAHYOGI IND
15MAHESH RAM IND
16SOBH NATH SINGH IND
BARHAMPUR-199 BUXAR-200 DUMRAON-201 RAJPUR-202 RAMGARH-203
DINARA-210
S04-33-BR-BUXAR 1KAMLA KANT TIWARY INC
2JAGADA NAND SINGH RJD
3LAL MUNI CHOUBEY BJP
4SHYAM LAL SINGH KUSHWAHA BSP
5MOKARRAM HUSSAIN SBSP
6MOHAN SAH BJJD
7RAJENDRA SINGH MAURYA LTSD
8DR VIJENDRA NATH UPADHYAY SHS
9SHYAM BIHARI BIND JPS
10SATYENDRA OJHA AD
11SUDAMA PRASAD CPI(ML)(L)
12SURESH WADEKAR RPI
13KAMLESH CHOUDHARY IND
14JAI SINGH YADAV IND
15DADAN SINGH IND
16PRATIBHA DEVI IND
17PHULAN PANDIT IND
18RAJENDRA PASWAN IND
19LALLAN RUPNARAIN PATHAK IND
20SHIV CHARAN YADAV IND
21SUNIL KUMAR DUBEY IND
22SURENDRA KUMAR BHARTI IND
MOHANIA-204 BHABUA-205 CHAINPUR-206 CHENARI-207 SASARAM-208
KARGAHAR-209
S04-34-BR-SASARAM 1GANDHI AZAD BSP
2MEIRA KUMAR INC
3MUNI LAL BJP
4LALAN PASWAN RJD
5DUKHI RAM CPI(ML)(L)
6BABBAN CHAUDHARY LTSD
7BALIRAM RAM PMSP
8BHOLA PRASAD IJP
9RADHA DEBI AD
10RAM NAGINA RAM RKJP
11RAM YADI RAM RPI
12PRAMOD KUMAR IND
13BHARAT RAM IND
14MUNIYA DEBI IND
15RAM PRAVESH RAM IND
16SURENDRA RAM IND
NOKHA-211 DEHRI-212 KARAKAT-213 GOH-219 OBRA-220 NABINAGAR-221
S04-35-BR-KARAKAT 1AWADHESH KUMAR SINGH INC
2UPENDRA KUMAR SHARMA BSP
3KANTI SINGH RJD
4MAHABALI SINGH JD(U)
5AJAY KUMAR RPI(A)
6JYOTI RASHMI RSWD
7MUDREEKA YADAV AD
8RAJ KISHOR MISRA AJSP
9RAJA RAM SINGH CPI(ML)(L)
10MDSHAMIULLAH MANSOORI SSD
11ERABDUL SATAR IND
12AMAVAS RAM IND
13PRO KAMTA PRASAD YADAV IND
14GIRISH NARAYAN SINGH IND
15SATISH PANDEY IND
16HARI PRASAD SINGH IND
ARWAL-214 KURTHA-215 JAHANABAD-216 GHOSI-217 MAKHDUMPUR-218
ATRI-233
S04-36-BR-JAHANABAD 1DR ARUN KUMAR INC
2JAGDISH SHARMA JD(U)
3RAMADHAR SHARMA BSP
4SURENDRA PRASAD YADAV RJD
5AYASHA KHATUN LTSD
6PROF JAI RAM PRASAD SINGH SSD
7TARA GUPTA RPP
8MAHANAND PRASAD CPI(ML)(L)
9RAMASRAY PRASAD SINGH RLD
10MD SAHABUDDIN JAHAN BSKP
11SHRAVAN KUMAR LM
12SADHU SINHA AIFB
13SYED AKBAR IMAM ABAS
14AJAY KUMAR VERMA IND
15ABHAY KUMAR ANIL IND
16DR ARBIND KUMAR IND
17ARVIND PRASAD SINGH IND
18UPENDRA PRASAD IND
19JAGDISH YADAV IND
20PRIKSHIT SINGH IND
21PRABHAT KUMAR RANJAN IND
22RANJIT SHARMA IND
23RAKESHWAR KISHOR IND
24SIYA RAM PRASAD IND
25SUMIRAK SINGH IND
KUTUMBA-222 AURANGABAD-223 RAFIGANJ-224 GURUA-225 IMAMGANJ-227
TIKARI-231
S04-37-BR-AURANGABAD 1ARCHANA CHANDRA BSP
2NIKHIL KUMAR INC
3SHAKIL AHMAD KHAN RJD
4SUSHIL KUMAR SINGH JD(U)
5ANIL KUMAR SINGH RSWD
6AMERIKA MAHTO SSD
7RAM KUMAR MEHTA LTSD
8VIJAY PASWAN BSKP
9ASLAM ANSARI IND
10INDRA DEO RAM IND
11UDAY PASWAN IND
12PUNA DAS IND
13RANJEET KUMAR IND
14RAJENDRA YADAV IND
15RAMSWARUP PRASAD YADAV IND
16SANTOSH KUMAR IND
SHERGHATI-226 BARACHATTI-228 BODH GAYA-229 GAYA TOWN-230
BELAGANJ-232 WAZIRGANJ-234
S04-38-BR-GAYA 1KALAWATI DEVI BSP
2RAMJI MANJHI RJD
3SANJIV PRASAD TONI INC
4HARI MANJHI BJP
5DILIP PASWAN NBNP
6NIRANJAN KUMAR CPI(ML)(L)
7RAJESH KUMAR LTSD
8RAMDEV ARYA PAAN ABJS
9AMAR NATH PRASAD IND
10KRISHNA CHOUDHARY IND
11KAIL DAS IND
12DIPAK PASWAN IND
13RAM KISHORE PASWAN IND
14RAMU PASWAN IND
15SHIV SHANKAR KUMAR IND
16SHYAM LAL MANJHI IND
BARBIGHA-170 RAJAULI-235 HISUA-236 NAWADA-237 GOBINDPUR-238
WARSALIGANJ-239
S04-39-BR-NAWADA 1GANESH SHANKAR VIDYARTHI CPM
2BHOLA SINGH BJP
3MASIH UDDIN BSP
4VEENA DEVI LJP
5SUNILA DEVI INC
6UMAKANT RAHI SSD
7KAILASH PAL BSKP
8VIDHYAPATI SINGH LTSD
9SURENDRA KUMAR CHAUDHARY SBSP
10AKHILESH SINGH IND
11ANIL MEHTA IND
12KAUSHAL YADAV IND
13CHANCHALA DEVI IND
14DURGA PRASAD DHAR IND
15NAVIN KUMAR VERMA IND
16RAJ KISHOR RAJ IND
17RAJ BALLABH PRASAD IND
18RAJENDRA VISHAL IND
19RAJENDRA SINGH IND
20SHAMBHU PRASAD IND
21SUNIL KUMAR IND
TARAPUR-164 SHEIKHPURA-169 SIKANDRA-240 JAMUI-241 JHAJHA-242
CHAKAI-243
S04-40-BR-JAMUI 1ASHOK CHOUDHARY INC
2GAJADHAR RAJAK CPI
3BHAGWAN DAS BSP
4BHUDEO CHOUDHARY JD(U)
5SHYAM RAJAK RJD
6ARJUN MANJHI JGP
7UPENDRA RAVIDAS SAP
8OM PRAKASH PASWAN LTSD
9GULAB CHANDRA PASWAN RKJP
10NUNDEO MANJHI JVM
11PRASADI PASWAN JMM
12SUBHASH PASWAN STPI
13KAPILDEO DAS IND
14JAY SEKHAR MANJHI IND
15PAPPU RAJAK IND
16YOGENDRA PASWAN IND
17VIJAY PASWAN IND
18BILAKSHAN RAVIDAS IND
19SARYUG PASWAN IND
MANDREM-1 PERNEM-2 BICHOLIM-3 TIVIM-4 MAPUSA-5 SIOLIM-6
SALIGAO-7 CALANGUTE-8 PORVORIM-9 ALDONA-10
S05-1-GA-NORTH GOA 1CHRISTOPHER FONSECA CPI
2JITENDRA RAGHURAJ DESHPRABHU NCP
3RAUT PANDURANG DATTARAM MAG
4SHRIPAD YESSO NAIK BJP
5UPENDRA CHANDRU GAONKAR SHS
6NARACINVA SURYA SALGAONKAR IND
7MARTHA D SOUZA IND
PONDA-21 SIRODA-22 MARCAIM-23 MORMUGAO-24 VASCO-DA-GAMA-25
DABOLIM-26 CORTALIM-27 NUVEM-28 CURTORIM-29 FATORDA-30
S05-2-GA-SOUTH GOA 1COSME FRANCISCO CAITANO SARDINHA INC
2ADV NARENDRA KESHAV SAWAIKAR BJP
3ADV RAJU MANGESHKAR ALIAS RAJENDRA NAIK CPI
4ROHIDAS HARICHANDRA BORKAR SGF
5MATANHY SALDANHA UGDP
6DIAS JAWAHAR IND
7DERICK DIAS IND
8FRANCISCO ANTONIO JOAO DE PHILOMENO FERNANDES IND
9MULLA SALIM IND
10SALUNKE SMITA PRAVEEN IND
11HAMZA KHAN IND
ABDASA-1 MANDVI-2 BHUJ-3 ANJAR-4 GANDHIDHAM-5 RAPAR-6 MORBI-65
S06-1-GJ-KACHCHH 1JAT POONAMBEN VELJIBHAI BJP
2DANICHA VALJIBHAI PUNAMCHANDRA INC
3NAMORI MOHANBHAI LADHABHAI BSP
4CHAUHAN MOTILAL DEVJIBHA LPSP
5DR TINA MAGANBHAI PARMAR BNJD
6DUNGARIYA BHARMALBHAI NARANBHAI SP
7PARMAR MUKESHBHAI MANDANBHAI IJP
8BADIYA RAMESH GANGJI RKSP
9KANJI ABHABHAI MAHESHWARI IND
10GARVA ASMAL THAKARSHI IND
11GOVIND JIVABHAI DAFADA IND
12MAHESHWARI GANGJI DAYABHAI IND
13MAHESHWARI DHANJIBHAI KARSHANBHAI IND
14MANGALIYA LILBAI JIVANBHAI IND
15MUNSHI BHURALAL KHIMJIBHAI IND
16VANZARA HIRABEN DALPATBHAI IND
17SARESA NANJI BHANJIBHAI IND
VAV-7 THARAD-8 DHANERA-9 DANTA-10 PALANPUR-12 DEESA-13
DEODAR-14
S06-2-GJ-BANASKANTHA 1GADHVI MUKESHKUMAR BHAIRAVDANJI INC
2CHETANBHAI KALABHAI SOLANKI BSP
3CHAUDHARI HARIBHAI PARATHIBHAI BJP
4AMRUTBHAI LAKHUBHAI PATELFOSI MJP
5KATARIYA HASMUKHBHAI RAVJIBHAI LSWP
6LODHA ISHVARBHAI MAHADEVBHAI ABJS
7KARNAVAT YOGESHKUMAR BHIKHABHAI IND
8PARSANI MAHMAD SIKANDAR JALALBHAI IND
9PUROHIT ASHOKBHAI CHHAGANBHAI IND
10MAJIRANA BHOPAJI AASHAJI IND
11ROOTHAR LEBUJI PARBATJI IND
12SHARDABEN BHIKHABHAI PARMAR IND
13SAVJIBHAI PATHUBHAI RAJGOR IND
14SIPAI AAIYUBBHAI IBRAHIMBHAI IND
15SHRIMALI ASHOKBHAI BALCHANDBHAI IND
VADGAM-11 KANKREJ-15 RADHANPUR-16 CHANASMA-17 PATAN-18
SIDHPUR-19 KHERALU-20
S06-3-GJ-PATAN 1KHOKHAR MAHEBOOBKHAN RAHEMATKHAN BSP
2JAGDISH THAKOR INC
3BAROT SANJAYBHAI MAGANBHAI NCP
4RATHOD BHAVSINHBHAI DAHYABHAI BJP
5PATAVAT MAHAMMADBHAI SHARIFBHAI SP
6PATEL NARANBHAI PRAGDASBHAI MJP
7RAVAL BHURABHAI MOTIBHAI BNJD
8KANUBHAI BHURABHAI MAHESHVARI MANDOVARA IND
9CHAUDHARY KIRTIKUMAR JESANGBHAI IND
10CHAUDHARY MANSINHBHAI MANABHAI IND
11JUDAL GANESHBHAI MEGHRAJBHAI IND
12PATEL DILIPKUMAR LILACHAND IND
13PATEL MANORBHAI VIRAMDAS IND
14PATEL RAMESHBHAI GOVINDBHAI IND
15BRAHMAKSHATRIY NIRUPABEN NATVARLAL IND
16RAJPUT JAGATSINH SAMANTSING IND
UNJHA-21 VISNAGAR-22 BECHARAJI-23 KADI-24 MAHESANA-25
VIJAPUR-26 MANSA-37
S06-4-GJ-MAHESANA 1ZALA RUDRADATTSINH VANRAJSINH BSP
2PATEL JAYSHREEBEN KANUBHAI BJP
3PATEL JIVABHAI AMBALAL INC
4THAKOR AMARSINH RAMSINH BABUJI MJP
5DR P C PATEL MBBS MD BRP
6BABUBHAI ISHWARBHAI PRAJAPATI VHS
7CHAVDA SHANKARJI BADARJI IND
8THAKOR RAMANJI SHIVAJI IND
9NAYEE KOKILABEN MANUBHAI ALIAS MAHENDRABHAI IND
10PATEL JIVRAMBHAI HIRDAS IND
11PATEL MANOJKUMAR BAHECHARDAS IND
12PATEL LALJIBHAI KESHAVLAL IND
HIMATNAGAR-27 IDAR-28 KHEDBRAHMA-29 BHILODA-30 MODASA-31
BAYAD-32 PRANTIJ-33
S06-5-GJ-SABARKANTHA 1CHAUHAN MAHENDRASINH BJP
2MISTRY MADHUSUDAN INC
3RAMLAVAT VIKRAMSINH LAXMANSINH BSP
4KADARI MOLANA RIYAZ SP
5PARMAR MINABA DIPSINH IJP
6SINHALI DASHRATH CHANDULAL CPI(ML)(L)
7CHAUHAN MAHENDRASINH PADAMSINH IND
8TRIVEDI BALKRUSHN PRANLAL IND
9PATEL KANTIBHAI KHUSHALBHAI IND
10PATEL DANABHAI BECHARBHAI IND
11RATHOD SABIRMIYA AMIRMIYA IND
12SOLANKI CHHAGANBHAI KEVALABHAI IND
GANDHINAGAR NORTH-36 KALOL-38 SANAND-40 GHATLODIA-41 VEJALPUR-42
NARANPURA-45 SABARMATI-55
S06-6-GJ-GANDHINAGAR 1LKADVANI BJP
2PATEL SURESHKUMAR CHATURDAS SURESH PATEL INC
3RAKESH PANDEY BSP
4ASHOKKUMAR ISHVARBHAI PATEL BNJD
5KHALIFA SAMSUDDIN NASIRUDDIN JUGNU LSWP
6TRIVEDI SUNILBHAI MANUBHAI MJP
7FIROZ DEHLVI AIMF
8MEMON FATAMABEN FARUKBHAI IJP
9KALPESHKUMAR RAJANIKANT MODI IND
10THAKUR RAKESHBHAI RAJDEVSINGH IND
11PATEL SIDDHESH DINESHBHAI IND
12PARIKH HETA KUMARPAL IND
13BRAHMBHATT SANJAYBHAI AMARKUMAR IND
14MAKWANA ANILKUMAR SOMABHAI IND
15DRMALLIKA SARABHAI IND
16MAHANTSHRI DHARAMDASBAPU IND
17RAHUL CHIMANBHAI MEHTA IND
18VAGHELA SUKHDEVSINH PARBATSINH IND
19SHAH MUKESH IND
DEHGAM-34 GANDHINAGAR SOUTH-35 VATVA-43 NIKOL-46 NARODA-47
THAKKARBAPA NAGAR-48 BAPUNAGAR-49
S06-7-GJ-AHMEDABAD EAST 1PATEL BHOLABHAI VALJIBHAI KAKDIYA NCP
2BABARIYA DIPAKBHAI RATILAL INC
3VIRUBHAI N VANZARA BSP
4HARIN PATHAK BJP
5PATEL PRAVIN RAMBHAI MJP
6PREMHARI RAMESHCHANDRA SHARMA NLHP
7BHATT SANJIV INDRAVADAN BNJD
8RAJPUT RANJEETSINGH RAMSHANKARSINH IJP
9RAJPUT SANJITKUMAR RADHAKRISHNASINH SP
10DR N T SENGAL LSWP
11HASRATH JAYRAM PAGARE RSPS
12KHODABHAI LALJIBHAI DESAI IND
13THAKKAR PARESHBHAI RASIKLAL IND
14PATEL BHAVINBHAI AMRUTBHAI IND
15BUDHDHPRIYA JASVANT SOMABHAI IND
16MAURYA RAJESH HARIRAM IND
17SHARMA ANILKUMAR BRIJENDRABHAI IND
18SHARMA BRIJESHKUMAR UJAGARLAL IND
ELLISBRIDGE-44 AMRAIWADI-50 DARIAPUR-51 JAMALPUR – KHADIA-52
MANINAGAR-53 DANILIMDA-54 ASARWA-56
S06-8-GJ-AHMEDABAD WEST 1PARMAR SHAILESH MANHARLAL INC
2DR PRAVIN S SOLANKI BSP
3DR SOLANKI KIRITBHAI PREMJIBHAI BJP
4PARMAR MOHANBHAI KARSHANBHAI LPSP
5MAKWANA ISHWARBHAI DHANABHAI LJP
6VIJAYKUMAR MANJIBHAI VADHER AIMF
7SAVLE BHIKA FULA RPI(A)
8SHIRSATH VEDUBHAI KAUTIKBHAI IJP
9SANKHALIYA NARENDRASINH MANSINH LSWP
10CHAUHAN PRAHLADBHAI NATTHUBHAI IND
11VANZARA DALPATBHAI KHIMABHAI IND
12VORA RATNABEN DAHYABHAI IND
13SHAH ISHWARBHAI KHANDAS IND
14SOLANKI KANTIBHAI HEMABHAI IND
15SOLANKI RAMESHBHAI DANABHAI IND
16SOLANKI VITTHALBHAI MAGANBHAI IND
VIRAMGAM-39 DHANDHUKA-59 DASADA-60 LIMBDI-61 WADHWAN-62
CHOTILA-63 DHRANGADHRA-64
S06-9-GJ-SURENDRANAGAR 1KOLI PATEL SOMABHAI INC
2PATEL MOHANBHAI DAHYABHAI BSP
3MER LALJIBHAI CHATURBHAI BJP
4JAGRUTIBEN BABULAL GADA SHAH MJP
5DHAVANIYA BACHUBHAI CHHAGANBHAI LPSP
6PATADIYA KHIMJIBHAI HARAJIVANBHAI KKJHS
7VAGHELA SATUBHA KANUBHA ABJS
8KORDIA ALTAFBHAI VALIBHAI IND
9JADAV BHAGWANBHAI MATHURBHAI IND
10DABHI MOHANBHAI TULSHIBHAI IND
11DERVALIA MEDHABHAI KALABHAI IND
12NAYAKPRA HITESH BHAGVANGIBHAI IND
13PATEL ASHOKKUMAR CHIMANLAL IND
14BHARATBHAI RAMNIKLAL MAKWANA IND
15BHATIYA NARANBHAI KEHARBHAI IND
16UKABHAI AMARABHAI MAKWANA IND
17MER MAVJIBHAI KUKABHAI IND
18RABA HARSURBHAI RAMBHAI IND
19SAVUKIYA LALJIBHAI MOHANLAL IND
20SOLANKI KARSHANBHAI JIVABHAI IND
TANKARA-66 WANKANER-67 RAJKOT EAST-68 RAJKOT WEST-69 RAJKOT
SOUTH-70 RAJKOT RURAL-71 JASDAN-72
S06-10-GJ-RAJKOT 1KIRANKUMAR VALJIBHAI BHALODIA PATEL BJP
2KUVARJIBHAI MOHANBHAI BAVALIA INC
3DHEDHI DALEECHANDBHAI LIRABHAI PATEL BSP
4SUDHIR JOSHI CPM
5KUBAVAT BABUDAS CHHAGANDAS ABJS
6GOKALBHAI KHODABHAI PARMAR LPSP
7JASVANTBHAI RANCHHODBHAI SABHAYA SP
8JADEJA SATUBHA AMARSANG NSCP
9NARENDRASINH TAPUBHA JADEJA RKSP
10BABULAL DEVJIBHAI GHAVA LJP
11VEKARIA ALPESHBHAI KESHUBHAI MJP
12AJITSINH HARISINH JADEJA IND
13ARVINDBHAI JADAVJIBHAI RATHOD IND
14KESHUBHAI DHANJIBHAI VEKARIYA IND
15CHAVDA LAKHMANBHAI DEVJIBHAI IND
16DR ZAKIRHUSEN MATHAKIYA IND
17DUDHATRA MUKUNDBHAI GOVINDBHAI IND
18NAYANBHAI HASHMUKHBHAI UPADHYAY IND
19PRAVINBHAI MEGHJIBHAI DENGADA IND
20BHIKHABHAI KURJIBHAI SADADIYA IND
21MULTANI SUBHANBHAI POPATBHAI IND
22RABARI MOMAIYABHAI ALABHAI IND
23DRRAJESHKUMAR SHANTIBHAI MAKADIA PATEL IND
24VEKARIYA PRAGJIBHAI NATHUBHAI IND
25SAROLA GEETABEN MANJIBHAI IND
26HARSODA MAHESH HIRABHAI IND
27HIRABHAI GORDHANBHAI CHANGELA IND
GONDAL-73 JETPUR-74 DHORAJI-75 PORBANDAR-83 KUTIYANA-84
MANAVADAR-85 KESHOD-88
S06-11-GJ-PORBANDAR 1KHACHARIYA MANSUKHBHAI SHAMJIBHAI BJP
2CHANDRAVADIYA MEHULKUMAR KARSANBHAI BSP
3RADADIYA VITTHALBHAI HANSRAJBHAI INC
4JADEJA NATHABHAI JIVABHAI IJP
5PATOLIYA MANOJBHAI SAMJIBHAI IND
6BHATT NITINBHAI VRUJLAL IND
7RAJENDRA AMRUTLAL PARMAR IND
KALAVAD-76 JAMNAGR RURAL-77 JAMNAGAR NORTH-78 JAMNAGAR SOUTH-79
JAMJODHPUR-80 KHAMBHALIA-81 DWARKA-82
S06-12-GJ-JAMNAGAR 1AHIR VIKRAMBHAI ARJANBHAI MADAM INC
2CHAVDA JAYSUKHBHAI TRIKAMBHAI BSP
3MUNGRA RAMESHBHAI DEVRAJBHAI BJP
4CHAUHAN DINESHBHAI KALABHAI RPI(A)
5JADEJA HITENDRASINH JAYVANTSINH RKSP
6MANHARBHAI KACHARABHAI RATHOD RSP(S)
7DR VASANTBHAI MANILAL SANGHAVI ABJS
8VADHER CHANDUBHA MANUBHA MJP
9GOJIYA VIRABHAI MALDEBHAI IND
10CHAVDA DEVAYATBHAI JIVABHAI IND
11DOSANI IDRISBHAI ISMAILBHAI IND
12DEVGANA GAURIBEN MOHANBHAI IND
13DHARMENDRABHAI MAGANLAL PATEL IND
14NOYDA MAMAD NATHUBHAI IND
15PADHIYAR GOVINDBHAI LALJIBHAI IND
16PARMAR BHURALAL MEGHJIBHAI IND
17POPATPUTRA RAFIK ABUBAKAR IND
18BHAGAD SALIM OSMAN IND
19MAHESHBHAI PARSOTAMBHAI VADI IND
20VYAS RAJESH SHIVSHANKAR IND
21SACHADA HABIBBHAI ISHABHAI IND
22SAGATHIYA VINODBHAI VIRJIBHAI IND
JUNAGADH-86 VISAVADAR-87 MANGROL-89 SOMNATH-90 TALALA-91
KODINAR-92 UNA-93
S06-13-GJ-JUNAGADH 1BARAD JASHUBHAI DHANABHAI INC
2SOLANKI DINUBHAI BOGHABHAI BJP
3KUNJADIYA VALLABHBHAI RAMBHAI ABMSD
4CHANDULAL BHANUBHAI DHADUK CHANDRESHBHAI MJP
5DANGAR BRIJESH RAMBHAI RWS
6BHUT ASHOKBHAI BHIMJIBHAI RSP(S)
7MAHIDA CHANDRASINH HAMIRBHAI RPI(A)
8HUSENKHAN SARVARKHAN PATHAN SP
9HETALKUMAR NAROTAMBHAI THUMBAR BNJD
10KAMALIYA VASHRAMBHAI PUNJABHAI IND
11DR KOYANI BHARATKUMAR KANJIBHAI IND
12CHAND MOHAMAD YUSUF UMARBHAI IND
13PARMAR SAVJIBHAI BHIKHABHAI IND
14VALA VIRAMBHAI NATHUBHAI IND
15SEVRA BACHUBHAI KALABHAI IND
16HARILAL RANCHHODBHAI CHAUHAN IND
DHARI-94 AMRELI-95 LATHI-96 SAVARKUNDLA-97 RAJULA-98 MAHUVA-99
GARIADHAR-101
S06-14-GJ-AMRELI 1KACHHADIA NARANBHAI BJP
2NILABEN VIRJIBHAI THUMMAR INC
3DBBHAROLA BSP
4MADHUBHAI BHUVA NCP
5KASVALA JAYSUKHABHAI LALJIBHAI LSWP
6BARAIYA CHANDRAKANT RAMJIBHAI CHANDU PATEL SP
7MAKAVANA SAMATBHAI BHIKHABHAI RKSP
8RAMESH GOHIL MJP
9ASLALIYA CHANDUBHAI RANABHAI IND
10KHOKHAR GULMAHMAD ISMILE IND
11GOHIL RAMBHAI JINABHAI IND
12NILABEN THUMAR IND
13RAMESHBHAI JASHABHAI PARMAR IND
14VALJIBHAI LALLUBHAI SHIROYA IND
15SANGANI RAMESHBHAI KANUBHAI IND
16SUKHADIA NATHALAL V IND
TALAJA-100 PALITANA-102 BHAVNAGAR RURAL-103 BHAVNAGAR EAST-104
BHAVNAGAR WEST-105 GADHADA-106 BOTAD-107
S06-15-GJ-BHAVNAGAR 1GOHILMAHAVIRSINHBHAGIRATHSINH INC
2RANA RAJENDRASINH GHANSHYAMSINH BJP
3BORICHA VALJIBHAI BAGHABHAI BSP
4ATUL HARSHADRAI PANDYA BNJD
5GOHIL NANAJIBHAI MADHABHAI RPI(A)
6ZADAFIA GORDHANBHAI PRAGJIBHAI MJP
7DABHI DEVJIBHAI MEGHABHAI SJP(R)
8YADAVKOLI TULSHIBHAI RAMJIBHAI SP
9SAPARIA DINESH NANUBHAI LPSP
10KATARIA ZINABHAI NAGAJIBHAI IND
11CHUDASAMA MEPABHAI MAVJIBHAI IND
12CHAUHAN DHIRUBHAI KARSHANBHAI IND
13NARESHBHAI NANAJIBHAI SONANI IND
14PUNANI MUKESHBHI MAGANBHAI IND
15MISOLANKI IND
16HARIN RAMNIKLAL MAKWANA IND
KHAMBHAT-108 BORSAD-109 ANKLAV-110 UMRETH-111 ANAND-112
PETLAD-113 SOJITRA-114
S06-16-GJ-ANAND 1PATEL DIPAKBHAI CHIMANBHAI BJP
2PARMAR BABUBHAI BECHARBHAI NCP
3SOLANKI BHARATBHAI MADHAVSINH INC
4PARMAR HITENDRASINH MOHANSINH SP
5RATHOD HIMMATBHAI MOHANHAI IJP
6SAMIRBHAI GIRISHBHAI PATEL SVPP
7CHAVDA KAUSHIKKMAR RAJIVBHAI IND
8DAVE AMRISHBHAI VADILAL IND
9PATEL JAYESHBHAI ARVINDBHAI IND
10BHARATBHAI VINUBHAI BHOI IND
11MALEK GULAMMAHMMED ABDULKARIM IND
12LALJIBHAI GANESHJI PUROHIT IND
13LEELABEN RAVJIBHAI PARMAR IND
14SAIYED MAHEBUBALI HUSAINMIYA IND
15SOLANKI BHARAT BABUBHAI IND
DASKROI-57 DHOLKA-58 MATAR-115 NADIAD-116 MEHMEDABAD-117
MAHUDHA-118 KAPADVANJ-120
S06-17-GJ-KHEDA 1CHAUHAN DEVUSINH JESINGBHAI BJP
2CHAUHAN RATANSINH UDESINH BSP
3DINSHA PATEL INC
4DODIYA HEMALSINH DAJIBHAI ALIAS DODIYA BATUKSINH MJP
5ALPESHSINH SURUBHA VAGHELA IND
6CHRISTI VASANTBHAI OTABHAI IND
7KHALIFA ZAKIRHUSEN GULAMNABI IND
8PATEL BHARATKUMAR VISHNUBHAI IND
9SHEKH TAUFIKHUSEN GULAMRASUL IND
THASRA-119 BALASINOR-121 LUNAWADA-122 SHEHRA-124 MORVA HADAF-125
GODHRA-126 KALOL-127
S06-18-GJ-PANCHMAHAL 1CHAUHAN PRABHATSINH PRATAPSINH BJP
2BAROT PRAKASHKUMAR MANEKLAL BSP
3VAGHELA SHANKERSINH LAXMANSINH INC
4MANSURI MUKHTYAR MOHAMAD ABMSD
5SHAIKH KALIM ALATIF LJP
SANTRAMPUR-123 FATEPURA-129 JHALOD-130 LIMKHEDA-131 DAHOD-132
GARBADA-133 DEVGADBARIA-134
S06-19-GJ-DAHOD 1KATARA SINGJIBHAI JALJIBHAI CPM
2KALARA RAMSINGBHAI NANJIBHAI BSP
3DAMOR SOMJIBHAI PUNJABHAI BJP
4DR PRABHA KISHOR TAVIAD INC
5MEDA KALSINHBHAI TAJSINHBHAI NCP
6PARMAR DINESHBHAI NAGJIBHAI IJP
7KCMUNIA ADVOCATE SP
SAVLI-135 VAGHODIA-136 VADODARA CITY-141 SAYAJIGUNJ-142
AKOTA-143 RAOPURA-144 MANJALPUR-145
S06-20-GJ-VADODARA 1GAEKWAD SATYAJITSINH DULIPSINH INC
2PUROHIT VINAYKUMAR RAMANBHAI BSP
3BALKRISHNA KHANDERAO SHUKLA BALU SHUKLA BJP
4GIRISHBHAI MADHAVLAL BHAVSAR IND
5THAVARDAS AMULRAI CHOITHANI IND
6TAPAN DASGUPTA TAPANBHAI IND
7VASAVA HARILAL SHANABHAI IND
HALOL-128 CHHOTA UDAIPUR-137 JETPUR-138 SANKHEDA-139 DABHOI-140
PADRA-146 NANDOD-148
S06-21-GJ-CHHOTA UDAIPUR 1BHIL PRAKASHBHAI SOMABHAI BSP
2RATHWA NARANBHAI JEMLABHAI INC
3RATHWA RAMSINGBHAI PATALBHAI BJP
4VASAVABHIL VITTHALBHAI VENIBHAI IND
KARJAN-147 DEDIAPADA-149 JAMBUSAR-150 VAGRA-151 JHAGADIA-152
BHARUCH-153 ANKLESHWAR-154
S06-22-GJ-BHARUCH 1UMERJI AHMED UGHARATDAR AZIZ TANKARVI INC
2PANDEY SANATKUMAR RAJARAM BSP
3BALVANTSINH VIJAYSINH PARMAR NCP
4MANSUKHBHAI DHANJIBHAI VASAVA BJP
5KANAKSINH MANGROLA SP
6NARENDRASINH RANDHIRSINH VASHI LSWP
7PATEL NARESHKUMAR BHAGVANBHAI NARESH PATEL MJP
8PATEL MEHRUNNISHA VALLI ADAM LJP
9VASAVA CHHOTUBHAI AMARSINHBHAI JD(U)
10SURESHBHAI GORDHANBHAI VASAVA ABJS
11GOHIL HEMANTKUMAR JERAMBHAI IND
12DILIPKUMAR GULSINGBHAI VASAVA IND
13PATEL THAKORBHAI CHANDULAL IND
14LAKDAWALA SHAKIL AHEMAD IND
15LAD MAHIPATBHAI MAGANBHAI IND
MANGROL-156 MANDVI-157 KAMREJ-158 BARDOLI-169 MAHUVA-170
VYARA-171 NIZAR-172
S06-23-GJ-BARDOLI 1GAMIT RANJANBEN CHIMANBHAI BSP
2CHAUDHARI TUSHARBHAI AMRASINHBHAI INC
3PATEL SONABEN BHIKHUBHAI CPI
4VASAVA RITESHKUMAR AMARSINH BJP
5CHAUDHARI KAMLESHBHAI PRABHUBHAI JD(U)
6PATEL VIJAYKUMAR HARIBHAI MJP
7RATHOD PRAVINBHAI BHULABHAI SP
8ARJUNBHAI BHALJIBHAI CHAUDHARI IND
9GAMIT THAKORBHAI MANEKJIBHAI IND
10GAMIT SUMANBHAI NARSINHBHAI IND
11RATHOD SUKABHAI MANGABHAI IND
12VASAVA PRAVINSINH JAGATSINH IND
OLPAD-155 SURAT EAST-159 SURAT NORTH-160 VARACHHA ROAD-161
KARANJ-162 KATARGAM-166 SURAT WEST-167
S06-24-GJ-SURAT 1AJAYKUMAR DINESHBHAI PATEL BSP
2GAJERA DHIRUBHAI HARIBHAI INC
3SHRIMATI DARSHANA VIKRAM JARDOSH BJP
4PATEL KANUBHAI HARIBHAI LSWP
5PRAJAPATI MUKESHBHAI AMBALIYA LPSP
6FAKIRBHAI CHAUHAN MJP
7BATHVAR NARESHBHAI NANJIBHAI RPI(A)
8SHASHIKANT KAPURE RPIE
9SURESHBHAI CHHAGANBHAI CHOTALIYA RKSP
10NAGMAL PRABHAKARBHAI SOMABHAI IND
11PATEL SAVITABEN CHHAGANBHAI IND
12PYARELAL BHARTI IND
13PROF BAJPAI RAKESH R IND
14MAKVANA ANANDBHAI KESHAVBHAI KOLI IND
15MOHAMMAD AIYUB ABDUL RAHEMAN SHAIKH IND
LIMBAYAT-163 UDHNA-164 MAJURA-165 CHORYASI-168 JALALPORE-174
NAVSARI-175 GANDEVI-176
S06-25-GJ-NAVSARI 1DHANSUKHA RAJPUT INC
2NAIK YOGESHKUMAR THAKORBHAI NCP
3C R PATIL BJP
4SHAILESHBHAI BISHESWAR SHRIVASTAV BSP
5AAZADKUMAR CHATURBHAI PATEL SVPP
6YADAV GANGAPRASAD LALANBHAI MJP
7KANUBHAI DEVJIBHAI SUKHADIA IND
8JASHAVANTBHAI DALPATBHAI PANCHAL ADVOCATE IND
9TARUNBHAI CHAMPAKBHAI PATEL IND
10PATEL PRAVINCHANDRA MANILAL IND
11RATHOD GOVINDBHAI LAXMANBHAI RIKSHAWALA IND
12VARANKAR KAMALBEN KASHIRAM IND
13SHATRUDHANDAS OMKARDAS SUGAT BAIRAGI IND
14SATYAJIT JAYANTILAL SHETH IND
DANGS-173 VANSDA-177 DHARAMPUR-178 VALSAD-179 PARDI-180
KAPRADA-181 UMBERGAON-182
S06-26-GJ-VALSAD 1KISHANBHAI VESTABHAI PATEL INC
2GAVLI CHHAGANBHAI PILUBHAI BSP
3PATEL DHIRUBHAI CHHAGANBHAI DR DCPATEL BJP
4PANKAJKUMAR PARABHUBHAI PATEL ADSP
5BHOYE NAYNESHBHAI MADHUBHAI SP
6VARALI LAXMANBHAI CHHAGANBHAI CPI(ML)(L)
7PATEL RAMBHAI KOYABHAI IND
KALKA-1 PANCHKULA-2 NARAINGARH-3 AMBALA CANTT.-4 AMBALA CITY-5
MULANA-6 SADHAURA-7 JAGADHRI-8 YAMUNANAGAR-9
S07-1-HR-AMBALA 1CHANDER PAL BSP
2RATTAN LAL KATARIA BJP
3SELJA INC
4DALVIR SINGH HJCBL
5HEM RAJ LJP
6AMAR SINGH IND
7NARINDER KUMAR IND
RADAUR-10 LADWA-11 SHAHBAD-12 THANESAR-13 PEHOWA-14 GUHLA-15
KALAYAT-16 KAITHAL-17 PUNDRI-18
S07-2-HR-KURUKSHETRA 1ASHOK KUMAR ARORA INLD
2GURDYAL SINGH SAINI BSP
3NAVEEN JINDAL INC
4JASWANT SINGH CHEEMA HJCBL
5PARDHAN CHAND CHAUHAN SP
6DR ASHWINI SHARMA HRITTWAL IND
7ATAM PARKASH IND
8TARSEM LAL IND
9YASH PAL IND
10RAN SINGH IND
11VIRENDER SINGH IND
12VISHNU BHAGWAN AGGARWAL IND
13SUNEETA DHARIWAL IND
14SUBHASH MAHENDRA IND
NARWANA-38 TOHANA-39 FATEHABAD-40 RATIA-41 KALAWALI-42
DABWALI-43 RANIA-44 SIRSA-45 ELLENABAD-46
S07-3-HR-SIRSA 1ASHOK TANWAR INC
2RAJESH KUMAR BSP
3COMRADE RAM KUMAR CPM
4DR SITA RAM INLD
5RAJ KUMAR NAGAR JKNPP
6RAJENDRA PRASAD HJCBL
7SWARN SINGH RASJP
8HANS RAJ RPI
9JAIBIR SINGH IND
10DESRAJ IND
11NARENDER PAL IND
12PAWAN KUMAR IND
13PUSHPA RANI IND
14VAZIR SINGH IND
15SHANKER LAL IND
UCHANA KALAN-37 ADAMPUR-47 UKLANA-48 NARNAUND-49 HANSI-50
BARWALA-51 HISAR-52 NALWA-53 BAWANI KHERA-59
S07-4-HR-HISAR 1JAI PARKASH INC
2RAM DAYAL BSP
3SAMPAT SINGH INLD
4KARAN SINGH BRPP
5KRISHAN KUMAR SO HARIRAM RASJP
6GULAB SINGH NELU
7JANG BAHADUR BHBP
8BHAJAN LAL SO KHERAJ HJCBL
9ROSHAN LAL IJP
10SATPAL SMBHP
11SATPAL SINGH LJP
12ANUP IND
13MEHTA ANOOP KUMAR IND
14AZAD SINGH IND
15UMRAV SINGH IND
16KULDEEP SINGH IND
17KULWANT SINGH IND
18ARYA KRISHAN IND
19KRISHAN KUMAR SO GOPI RAM IND
20CHHOTU RAM SO KIRTA RAM IND
21CHHOTU RAM SO LADHU RAM IND
22JAGDISH CHANDER ASIJA IND
23JAG RAM IND
24JOGENDER KUMAR IND
25DEVI LAL IND
26DEVENDER IND
27NAND KISHOR IND
28PARVESH IND
29BHAJAN LAL SO DHARAMPAL IND
30BHATERI IND
31MANU DIGVIJAY SINGH IND
32RAJ KUMAR IND
33RAJENDER IND
34ROHTAS IND
35SHAMSHER IND
36SHARVAN KUMAR IND
37SANJAY KUMAR IND
38SANDEEP IND
NILOKHERI-19 INDRI-20 KARNAL-21 GHARAUNDA-22 ASSANDH-23 PANIPAT
RURAL-24 PANIPAT CITY-25 ISRANA-26 SAMALKHA-27
S07-5-HR-KARNAL 1ARVIND KUMAR SHARMA INC
2MAM CHAND CPI
3MARATHA VIRENDER VERMA BSP
4IDSWAMI BJP
5KALPANA SINGH RPI(A)
6PREM KUMAR SHS
7MANOJ KUMAR KASHYAP VAJP
8DR RAMESH CHHABRA HJCBL
9RAJIV AHUJA SP
10RAM PAL RASAP
11HAWA SINGH RASJP
12ANOOP SINGH IND
13ASHOK KUMAR IND
14DUSHYANT KUMAR IND
15NARENDER SAROHA IND
16BALWAN SINGH RUHAL IND
17MUKESH KUMARI IND
18RAMESH SINGLA IND
19LAL SINGH KASHYAP IND
20SHIV PARSAD IND
21SANJEEV IND
22ARYA SUSHIL GARG IND
23SUSHIL GURJAR SIRSI IND
GANAUR-28 RAI-29 KHARKHAUDA-30 SONIPAT-31 GOHANA-32 BARODA-33
JULANA-34 SAFIDON-35 JIND-36
S07-6-HR-SONIPAT 1KISHAN SINGH SANGWAN BJP
2JITENDER SINGH INC
3DEVRAJ DEEWAN BSP
4SUKHBIR SINGH NCP
5PT UMESH SHARMA HJCBL
6OM PARKASH MEHTA BHC
7KRISHAN KUMAR LJP
8GEJENDER KKJHS
9JYOTI PARKASH SP
10MADANGOPAL RDMP
11RAJ PAL CPIMLL
12RAJENDER SINGH UWF
13ROHTASH REDHU SMBHP
14SUSHILA JCP
15DALBIR SINGH IND
16SANT DHARAMVIR CHOTIWALA IND
17BALWAN KASHYAP IND
18BIJENDER KUMAR IND
19RAJESH KHAN MACHHRI IND
20DR VEERENDER ARYAVRAT IND
21SHIV NARAYAN IND
MEHAM-60 GARHI SAMPLA-KILOI-61 ROHTAK-62 KALANAUR-63
BAHADURGARH-64 BADLI-65 JHAJJAR-66 BERI-67 KOSLI-73
S07-7-HR-ROHTAK 1DEEPENDER SINGH INC
2NAFE SINGH RATHEE INLD
3RAJ KUMAR BSP
4KRISHAN MURTI HJCBL
5RAJBIR IJP
6SUDESH RPI(A)
7SUDESH KUMAR AGGARWAL SMBHP
8ANUP SINGH MATANHEL IND
9ASHOK IND
10ASHA NAND IND
11KARAN SINGH IND
12GORAV IND
13JASMER IND
14JASVIR ARYA IND
15RISHAL SINGH IND
16SATYAWAN RANGA IND
LOHARU-54 BADHRA-55 DADRI-56 BHIWANI-57 TOSHAM-58 ATELI-68
MAHENDRAGARH-69 NARNAUL-70 NANGAL CHAUDHRY-71
S07-8-HR-BHIWANI-MAHENDRAGARH 1AJAY SINGH CHAUTALA INLD
2ANIL KAUSHIK NCP
3VIKRAM SINGH BSP
4SHRUTI CHOUDHRY INC
5JAI SINGH IJP
6NARENDER SINGH HJCBL
7NEELKANWAL NEELAM AGGARWAL SMBHP
8MAHENDER SINGH BHBP
9VED PRAKASH NSSP
10SAROJ YADAV SP
11HANSRAJ RPI(A)
12AJAY SINGH IND
13ABHAY SINGH IND
14JAIMAL SINGH IND
15DHARMENDER SINGH IND
16DR PURAN MAL SHARMA IND
17PYARELAL IND
18BIRENDER SINGH IND
19MANMOHAN SINGH IND
20ENGINEER MAHABIR SINGH YADAV IND
21RAJ KUMAR IND
22RAJESH KUMAR SO BRIJ LAL IND
23RAJESH KUMAR SO HAWA SINGH IND
24LAXMI NARAYAN ASEEJA IND
25VINOD KUMAR IND
26SHRICHAND IND
27SURENDER IND
28SURESH KUMAR IND
29HARISH KUMAR IND
BAWAL-72 REWARI-74 PATAUDI-75 BADSHAHPUR-76 GURGAON-77 SOHNA-78
NUH-79 FEROZEPUR JHIRKA-80 PUNAHANA-81
S07-9-HR-GURGAON 1INDERJIT SINGH INC
2ZAKIR HUSSAIN BSP
3DINESH CHANDER YADAV NCP
4SUDHA BJP
5ISHPAL SINGH TOMER RDMP
6NARVIR SINGH HJCBL
7PRABHU LAL BATRA RASAP
8BUDH RAM JKM
9YASHPAL LJP
10RAMESH KUMAR JKNPP
11SATEESH KUMAR SINGH SMBHP
12SUNIL YADAV SP
13AMAR MOHMMAD IND
14KUSHESHWAR BHAGAT IND
15JAGAN IND
16NAZIR AHMED IND
17NARESH YADAV IND
18NAVEEN IND
19BALWANT SINGH AGGARWAL IND
20BIMLA DEVI IND
21MANBIR SINGH IND
22RAKESH IND
23SATBEER SINGH KUNDU IND
24SATINDER SINGH THAKRAN IND
HATHIN-82 HODAL-83 PALWAL-84 PRITHLA-85 FARIDABAD NIT-86
BADKHAL-87 BALLABHGARH-88 FARIDABAD-89 TIGAON-90
S07-10-HR-FARIDABAD 1AVTAR SINGH BHADANA INC
2CHETAN SHARMA BSP
3RAMCHANDER BAINDA BJP
4GAJENDER PRATAP BHADANA AIFB(S)
5CHANDER BHATIA HJCBL
6DEVINDER JJJKMC
7NISAR AHMED RND
8BABU LAL JUP
9MUKESH KUMAR JOSHI HYRP
10REKHA SINGH SMBHP
11LATA RANI SP
12SUBHASH RWS
13SURAJ BHAN RJAP
14AVTAR SINGH IND
15TEEKA RAM HOODA IND
16BRIJ BHUSHAN IND
17YASH PAL NAGAR IND
18SAMSUDDIN IND
19SAHI RAM RAWAT IND
20DR K P SINGH IND
21SUKHBIR SINGH IND
22SUNDER SINGH IND
23HARSH BHATIA IND
CHURAH-1 CHAMBA-3 DALHOUSIE-4 BHATTIYAT-5 NURPUR-6 INDORA-7
FATEHPUR-8 JAWALI-9 JAWALAMUKHI-12 JAISINGHPUR-13
S08-1-HP-KANGRA 1CHANDER KUMAR INC
2COLNARINDER SINGH PATHANIA BSP
3DR RAJAN SUSHANT BJP
4KESHAB LJP
5JOGINDER SINGH SHS
6NIRMLA SHARMA RWS
7KAPIL KUMAR CHAUDHARY IND
8DHANI RAM IND
9PARTAP SINGH IND
10ROSHAN LAL IND
BHARMOUR-2 LAHAUL & SPITI-21 MANALI-22 KULLU-23 BANJAR-24
ANNI-25 KARSOG-26 SUNDERNAGAR-27 NACHAN-28 SERAJ-29
S08-2-HP-MANDI 1ONKAR SHAD CPM
2MAHESHWAR SINGH BJP
3LALA RAM BSP
4VIRBHADRA SINGH INC
5HOOKAM CHAND SHASTRI RWS
6SHAN MOHAMMAD IND
DEHRA-10 JASWAN-PRAGPUR-11 DHARAMPUR-32 BHORANJ-36 SUJANPUR-37
HAMIRPUR-38 BARSAR-39 NADAUN-40 CHINTPURNI-41 GAGRET-42
S08-3-HP-HAMIRPUR 1ANURAG SINGH THAKUR BJP
2NARINDER THAKUR INC
3MANGAT RAM SHARMA BSP
4PANKAJ KATNA SHS
5MALKIAT SINGH RRD
6RAJ KUMAR RWS
7DR RAJENDER SHARMA IND
8ER SANDEEP SHARMA IND
ARKI-50 NALAGARH-51 DOON-52 SOLAN-53 KASAULI-54 PACHHAD-55
NAHAN-56 SRI RENUKAJI-57 PAONTA SAHIB-58 SHILLAI-59
S08-4-HP-SHIMLA 1DHANI RAM SHANDIL INC
2VIRENDER KASHYAP BJP
3SOM NATH BSP
4GURNAM SINGH CHANDEL SP
5BRIJ LAL SHS
6ROOP RAM IND
7SHURVEER SINGH IND
KARNAH-1 KUPWARA-2 LOLAB-3 HANDWARA-4 LANGATE-5 URI-6
RAFIABAD-7 SOPORE-8 GUREZ-9 BANDIPORA-10
S09-1-JK-BARAMULLA 1SHARIEF UD DIN SHARIQ JKN
2GH MUSTAFA KASANA BSP
3MOHAMMAD IQBAL JAN JKNPP
4MOHAMMAD DILAWAR MIR JKPDP
5ZAKIR HUSSAIN SHEIKH LJP
6SAJAD GANI LONE JPC
7ASHIQ HUSSAIN GANIE BCDP
8GH AHMAD MALLA AIFB
9GH RASOOL BHAT ANC
10GULAM RASOOL SHAH JKANC
11GH NABI PARRAY RPI(A)
12GH MOHMAD SAMOON IND
13GOWSIA BASHIR IND
KANGAN-16 GANDERBAL-17 HAZRATBAL-18 ZADIBAL-19 EIDGAH-20
KHANYAR-21 HABBA KADAL-22 AMIRA KADAL-23 SONAWAR-24 BATMALOO-25
S09-2-JK-SRINAGAR 1IFTIKHAR HUSSAIN ANSARI JKPDP
2AVTAR KRISHAN PANDITA BJP
3FAROOQ ABDULLAH JKN
4MOHAMMAD ASHRAF KHAN BSP
5BILAL AHMAD BHAT SAP
6KHALIDA BEGUM JKANC
7ZAHIR ABBAS BHATTI AIFB(S)
8ABDUL RASHID LONE RPI(A)
9MUSHTAQ AHMAD RKSP
10NISSAR AHMAD AHANGAR BSKRP
11SYED MUJTABA HUSSAIN BUKHARI IND
12ASHIQ HUSSAIN BHAT IND
13MEHBOOBA SHAHDAB IND
14MOHAMMAD AHSAN MIR IND
15MOHAMMAD ALYAS KUMAR IND
TRAL-31 PAMPORE-32 PULWAMA-33 RAJPORA-34 WACHI-35 SHOPIAN-36
NOORABAD-37 KULGAM-38 HOM SHALI BUGH-39 ANANTNAG-40
S09-3-JK-ANANTNAG 1PEER MOHD HUSSAIN JKPDP
2MOHD SIDIQ KHAN BJP
3MIRZA MEHBOOB BEG JKN
4NISAR AHMAD KHAN BSP
5ASIF JEELANI AIFB
6BASHIR AHMAD KHAN RNSP
7BASHIR AHMAD MALIK JKANC
8FAYAZ AHMAD BHAT SP
9MUSHTAQ AHMAD GANIE IJP
10MOHD RAFIQ WANI LJP
11RAJIV MAHAJAN IND
12GH MOHIUDDIN SHAH IND
13NAZIR AHMAD BHAT IND
NUBRA-47 LEH-48 KARGIL-49 ZANSKAR-50
S09-4-JK-LADAKH 1PHUNTSOG NAMGYAL INC
2GHULAM MURTAZA JKPDP
3ASGAR ALI KARBALAIE IND
4THINLESS ANGMO IND
5HASSAN KHAN IND
KISHTWAR-51 INDERWAL-52 DODA-53 BHADERWAH-54 RAMBAN-55
BANIHAL-56 GULAB GARH-57 REASI-58 GOOL ARNAS-59 UDHAMPUR-60
S09-5-JK-UDHAMPUR 1ADREES AHMAD TABBASUM CPI
2BALBIR SINGH JKPDP
3PROF BHIM SINGH JKNPP
4RAKESH WAZIR BSP
5CH LAL SINGH INC
6DR NIRMAL SINGH BJP
7BODH RAJ BCDP
8RAJESH MANCHANDA RKSP
9KANCHAN SHARMA BHBP
10MASTER WILLIAM GILL AIFB
11ATUL SHARMA IND
12DEV RAJ IND
13MOHD YOUSUF IND
14NARESH DOGRA IND
SAMBA-68 VIJAY PUR-69 NAGROTA-70 GANDHI NAGAR-71 JAMMU EAST-72
JAMMU WEST-73 BISHNAH-74 RANBIR SINGH PURA-75 SUCHET GARH-76 MARH-77
S09-6-JK-JAMMU 1STARLOK SINGH JKPDP
2HUSSAIN ALI BSP
3LILA KARAN SHARMA BJP
4MADAN LAL SHARMA INC
5UDAY CHAND DGPP
6SURJIT SINGH G SITARA RKSP
7SANT RAM BHBP
8SANJEEV KUMAR MANMOTRA LJP
9QARI ZAHIR ABBAS BHATTI AIFB
10ABDUL MAJEED MALIK BCDP
11ASHOK KUMAR IND
12BALWAN SINGH IND
13PARAS RAM POONCHI IND
14RAMESH CHANDER SHARMA IND
15SATISH POONCHI IND
16SANJAY KUMAR IND
17SHAKEELA BANO IND
18LABHA RAM GANDHI IND
19CH MUSHTAQ HUSSAIN CHOUHAN IND
20NARESH DOGRA IND
21HILAL AHMED BAIG IND
NIPPANI-1 CHIKKODI-SADALGA-2 ATHANI-3 KAGWAD-4 KUDACHI-5
RAYBAG-6 HUKKERI-7 YEMKANMARDI-10
S10-1-KA-CHIKKODI 1KATTI RAMESH VISHWANATH BJP
2PRAKASH BABANNA HUKKERI INC
3SHIVANAND WANTAMURI SIDDAMALLAPPA BSP
4BANASHANKARI BHIMAPPA ITTAPPA IND
5MALLAPPA MARUTI KHATANVE IND
6YASHWANT MANOHAR SUTAR IND
7SHAILA SURESH KOLI IND
ARABHAVI-8 GOKAK-9 BELGAUM UTTAR-11 BELGAUM DAKSHIN-12 BELGAUM
RURAL-13 BAILHONGAL-16 SAUNDATTI YELLAMMA-17 RAMDURG-18
S10-2-KA-BELGAUM 1AMARSINH VASANTRAO PATIL INC
2ANGADI SURESH CHANNABASAPPA BJP
3A B PATIL JD(S)
4RAMANAGOUDA SIDDANGOUDA PATIL BSP
5ALLAPPA RAMAPPA PATIL IND
6KASTURI BASANAGOUDA BHAVI IND
7MOHAN H GADIWADDAR IND
8RAMCHANDRA MAREPPA TORGALCHALAWADI IND
9VIJAYKUMAR JEENDATTA UPADHYE IND
10HANAJI ASHOK PANDU IND
MUDHOL-19 TERDAL-20 JAMKHANDI-21 BILGI-22 BADAMI-23 BAGALKOT-24
HUNGUND-25 NARGUND-68
S10-3-KA-BAGALKOT 1GADDIGOUDAR PC BJP
2JTPATIL INC
3FAROOQ PAKALI BSP
4BASAVARAJ KALAKAPPA PUJAR NCP
5PARASHURAM JALAGAR PPOI
6KADECHUR KALLAPPA REVANASIDDAPPA IND
7GADADANNAVAR RAMESH BHIMAPPA IND
8CHINCHOLI SANTOSHAKUMAR SAHEBAGOUDA IND
9PANDIT SHIVAPPA BODALI IND
10BADASHAH RAJESAB MUJAWAR IND
11BABU RAMAREDDY RAMESH IND
12BANDIWADDAR CHANDRASHEKHAR HANAMANT IND
13MANOHAR HA IND
14SHANKAR BHIMAPPA TELI IND
15SANNAGOUDAR GURURAJ SATTYAPPAGOUDA IND
16SANGMESH GURUPADAPPA BHAVIKATTI IND
17HIREMATH RENUKARADHYA SHARANAYYA IND
MUDDEBIHAL-26 DEVAR HIPPARGI-27 BASAVANA BAGEVADI-28
BABALESHWAR-29 BIJAPUR CITY-30 NAGTHAN-31 INDI-32 SINDGI-33
S10-4-KA-BIJAPUR 1ALMELKAR VILASABABU BASALINGAPPA JD(S)
2KANAMADI SUDHAKAR MALLESH BSP
3PRAKASH KUBASING RATHOD INC
4RAMESH CHANDAPPA JIGAJINAGI BJP
5NARASAPPA TIPPANNA BANDIWADDAR SKP
6LAMANI CHANDRAKANT RUPASING LJP
7ARAKERI NIRMALA SRINIVAS IND
8CHALAWADI RAMANNA IND
9SEVALAL SOMASHEKAR PURAPPA IND
10HARIJAN AMBANNA TUKARAM IND
AFZALPUR-34 JEVARGI-35 GURMITKAL-39 CHITTAPUR-40 SEDAM-41
GULBARGA RURAL-43 GULBARGA DAKSHIN-44 GULBARGA UTTAR-45
S10-5-KA-GULBARGA 1BABU HONNA NAIK JD(S)
2MALLIKARJUN KHARGE INC
3MAHADEV B DHANNI BSP
4REVUNAIK BELAMGI BJP
5DR K T PALUSKAR PRCP
6RAVIKUMAR SHALIMANI SEDAM ANC
7SHANKER KODLA JD(U)
8SHANKAR JADHAV BHPP
9HV DIWAKAR IND
10SHIVAKUMAR KOLLUR IND
SHORAPUR-36 SHAHAPUR-37 YADGIR-38 RAICHUR RURAL-53 RAICHUR-54
MANVI-55 DEVADURGA-56 LINGSUGUR-57
S10-6-KA-RAICHUR 1KDEVANNA NAIK JD(S)
2PAKKIRAPPAS BJP
3RAJA VENKATAPPA NAIK INC
4SHIVAKUMAR BSP
5COM II VHMASTER IND
6COMRADE VMUDUKAPPA NAYAK IND
7RMUDUKAPPA NAYAK IND
8KSOMASHEKHAR IND
CHINCHOLI-42 ALAND-46 BASAVAKALYAN-47 HOMNABAD-48 BIDAR SOUTH-49
BIDAR-50 BHALKI-51 AURAD-52
S10-7-KA-BIDAR 1GURUPADAPPA NAGMARPALLI BJP
2JAGANNATHRJAMADAR BSP
3NDHARAM SINGH INC
4SUBHASH TIPPANNA NELGE JD(S)
5ADVOCATE MOULVI ZAMEERUDDIN NDEP
6BHASKAR BABU PATERPALLI ICSP
7SHRAVAN SANGONDA BHANDE RSPS
8SUBHASH CHANDRA GKHAPATE LJP
9AMRUTHAPPAMD IND
10MD ARSHAD AHMED ANSARI IND
11KHAJA SAMEEUDDIN KHAJA MOINUDDIN IND
12JADHAV VENKAT RAO GYANOBA RAO IND
13DONGAPURE SHANT KUMAR IND
14DEVENDRAPPA SANGRAMAPPA PATIL IND
15NARSAPPA MUTHANGI IND
16PARMESHWAR RAMCHANDRA IND
17PASHAMIYA ESMAIL SAB IND
18BASWARAJ PAILWAN OKALLI IND
19MANJILE MIYYA PEER SAB QURESH IND
20MD OSMAN ALI LAKHPATI IND
21MUFTI SHAIKH ABDUL GAFFAR QASMI IND
22YEVATE PATIL SHRIMANTH IND
23YASHWANTH NARSING IND
24SHIVARAJ TIMMANNA BOKKE IND
25SAMEEUDDIN BANDELI IND
26SURESH SWAMY TALGHATKER IND
27SYED QUBUL ULLA HUSSIANI SAJID IND
SINDHANUR-58 MASKI-59 KUSHTAGI-60 KANAKAGIRI-61 GANGAWATI-62
YELBURGA-63 KOPPAL-64 SIRUGUPPA-92
S10-8-KA-KOPPAL 1ANSARI IQBAL JD(S)
2BASAVARAJ RAYAREDDY INC
3SHIVAPUTRAPPA GUMAGERA BSP
4SHIVARAMAGOUDA SHIVANAGOUDA BJP
5ZAKEER LJP
6BASAVARAJ KARADI WADDARAHATTI JD(U)
7BHARADWAJ CPI(ML)(L)
8JESHWARAPPA IND
9UPPAR HANUMANTAPPA VEERAPPA KESARAHATTI IND
10GOUSIA BEGUM IND
11TCHAKRAVARTI NAYAK IND
12CHANDRASHEKAR IND
13NAJEER HUSAIN IND
14COMRADE DHPUJAR IND
15MAREMMA YANKAPPA IND
16SHARABHAYYA HIREMATH IND
17SHIVAKUMAR NAVALI SIDDAPPA TONTAPUR IND
18HANDI RAFIQ SAB IND
HADAGALLI-88 HAGARIBOMMANAHALLI-89 VIJAYANAGARA-90 KAMPLI-91
BELLARY-93 BELLARY CITY-94 SANDUR-95 KUDLIGI-96
S10-9-KA-BELLARY 1T NAGENDRA BSP
2J SHANTHA BJP
3NY HANUMANTHAPPA INC
4CHOWDAPPA CPI(ML)(L)
5D GANGANNA IND
6B RAMAIAH IND
7A RAMANJANAPPA IND
SHIRAHATTI-65 GADAG-66 RON-67 HANGAL-82 HAVERI-84 BYADGI-85
HIREKERUR-86 RANIBENNUR-87
S10-10-KA-HAVERI 1ASHOKAPPA MALLAPPA JAVALI NCP
2UDASI SHIVAKUMAR CHANABASAPPA BJP
3IGAL DILLPPA KARIYAPPA BSP
4SHIVAKUMARGOUDA SHIDDALINGANGOUDA PATIL JD(S)
5SALEEM AHAMAD INC
6KRISHNAJI RAGHAVENDRARAO OMKAR ABHM
7PRABHU K PATIL JD(U)
8ALLABAX TIMMAPUR IND
9JAGADEESH YANKAPPA DODDAMANI IND
10FAKKIRESH SHAMBHU BIJAPUR IND
11KNBADIGER IND
12BASAVARAJ SHANKRAPPA DESAI IND
NAVALGUND-69 KUNDGOL-70 DHARWAD-71 HUBLI-DHARWAD-EAST-72
HUBLI-DHARWAD-CENTRAL-73 HUBLI-DHARWAD- WEST-74 KALGHATGI-75
SHIGGAON-83
S10-11-KA-DHARWAD 1KASHIMSAB MULLA BSP
2KUNNUR MANJUNATH CHANNAPPA INC
3TALAKALLAMATH MAHESH GURUPADAYYA NCP
4PRALHAD JOSHI BJP
5HANMANTSA CHANDRAKANTSA NIRANJAN JD(U)
6ALI MSANDIMANI IND
7ASHOK VISHNUSA BADDI IND
8IBRAHIM KALLIMANI IND
9GURUPADAGOUDA VENKANAGOUDA PATIL IND
10ZAMEER KHAN IND
11J BHASKAR IND
12BASANAGOUDA MUDIGOUDA HANASI IND
13BASAVARAJ RAMANNA BALANNAVAR IND
14BAGWAN NASIR PAPULSAB IND
15RAMACHANDRA KALINGAPPA MAHAR IND
16SHANKARAPPA GURUSHIDDAPPA YADAVANNAVAR IND
KHANAPUR-14 KITTUR-15 HALIYAL-76 KARWAR-77 KUMTA-78 BHATKAL-79
SIRSI-80 YELLAPUR-81
S10-12-KA-UTTARA KANNADA 1ANANTKUMAR HEGDE BJP
2ALVA MARGARET INC
3HADAPAD BASAVARAJ DUNDAPPA BSP
4V D HEGADE JD(S)
5ELISH KOTIYAL JD(U)
6D M GURAV SHS
7ABDUL RASHEED SHAIKH IND
8UDAY BABU KHALVADEKAR IND
9KHAZI RAHMATULLA ABDUL WAHAB IND
10L P M NAIK IND
11YASHWANT TIMMANNA NIPPANIKAR IND
JAGALUR-103 HARAPANAHALLI-104 HARIHAR-105 DAVANAGERE NORTH-106
DAVANAGERE SOUTH-107 MAYAKONDA-108 CHANNAGIRI-109 HONNALI-110
S10-13-KA-DAVANAGERE 1KB KALLERUDRESHAPPA JD(S)
2MALLIKARJUN SS INC
3SIDDESWARA GM BJP
4DR HIDAYATHUR RAHMAN KHAN BSP
5IDLI RAMAPPA CPI(ML)(L)
6SUDESH GM AIJMK
7ARUNDI NINGAPPA IND
8ALUR MG SWAMY IND
9INAYAT ALI KHAN IND
10H ESWARAPPA BOVI IND
11HM EHSANULLA PATEL IND
12H K KENCHVEERAPPA HEBBALU IND
13S CHANDRASHEKARAPPA IND
14JAYANNA ITAGI IND
15H NAGARAJ PALEGARA IND
16M NAGARAJAPPA IND
17LS MALLIKARJUN IND
18MARUTHI H IND
19YOGESHWARA RAO SINDHE IND
20RAMESH HULI IND
21B RAJASHEKHARAYYA IND
22DRRAJU C IND
23LOKANAGOWDA PATIL IND
24VEERESH T IND
25DR SRIDHARA UDUPA IND
26G N SIDDESH IND
27SUBHAN KHAN IND
28B GNANA PRAKASH IND
SHIMOGA RURAL-111 BHADRAVATI-112 SHIMOGA-113 TIRTHAHALLI-114
SHIKARIPURA-115 SORAB-116 SAGAR-117 BYNDOOR-118
S10-14-KA-SHIMOGA 1J JAYAPPA BSP
2S BANGARAPPA INC
3BY RAGHAVENDRA BJP
4C MURUGAN AIJMK
5AKHIL AHMED IND
6DS ESHWARAPPA IND
7UMESHKUMAR S IND
8N DINESH KUMAR IND
9MAINUDDINMS IND
10MANJAPPA S IND
11MP SRIDHAR BYNDOOR IND
12HS SHEKARAPPA IND
KUNDAPURA-119 UDUPI-120 KAPU-121 KARKAL-122 SRINGERI-123
MUDIGERE-124 CHIKMAGALUR-125 TARIKERE-126
S10-15-KA-UDUPI CHIKMAGALUR 1KJAYAPRAKASH HEGDE INC
2RADHA SUNDARESH CPI
3DVSADANANDA GOWDA BJP
4JSTEVEN MENEZES BSP
5COMRADEUMESH KUMAR IND
6KGANAPATHI SHETTIGAR IND
7VINAYAK MALLYA IND
8DR SRIDHARA UDUPA IND
9SRINIVAS POOJARY IND
KADUR-127 SHRAVANABELAGOLA-193 ARSIKERE-194 BELUR-195 HASSAN-196
HOLENARASIPUR-197 ARKALGUD-198 SAKLESHPUR-199
S10-16-KA-HASSAN 1A P AHAMED BSP
2H D DEVEGOWDA JD(S)
3B SHIVRAMU INC
4K H HANUME GOWDA BJP
5AIJAZ AHMED FAROOQI IND
6KURUBARA KALENAHALLI KOVI BABANNA IND
7KODIHALLI CHANDRASHEKAR IND
8DEVARAJA P B IND
9DANDORA VIJAYAKUMAR IND
10M MAHESH HARSHA IND
11RAJANI NARAYANAGOWDA IND
12K D REVANNA IND
13B C VIJAYAKUMARA IND
BELTHANGADY-200 MOODABIDRI-201 MANGALORE CITY NORTH-202 MANGALORE
CITY SOUTH-203 MANGALORE-204 BANTVAL-205 PUTTUR-206 SULLIA-207
S10-17-KA-DAKSHINA KANNADA 1ALEKKADI GIRISH RAI BSP
2JANARDHANA POOJARY INC
3NALIN KUMAR KATEEL BJP
4BMADHAVA CPM
5VICHARAWADI ANANDA GATTY IND
6DRTHIRUMALA RAYA HALEMANE IND
7MOHAMMED SALI IND
8K RAMA BHAT URIMAJALU IND
9VASUDEVA GOWDA M P IND
10DRUPSHIVANANDA IND
11SUBRAHMANYA KUMAR KUNTIKANAMATA IND
MOLAKALMURU-97 CHALLAKERE-98 CHITRADURGA-99 HIRIYUR-100
HOSADURGA-101 HOLALKERE-102 SIRA-136 PAVAGADA-137
S10-18-KA-CHITRADURGA 1JANARDHANA SWAMY BJP
2M JAYANNA BSP
3DR B THIPPESWAMY INC
4M RATHNAKAR JD(S)
5SHASHISHEKAR NAIK RJD
6M KUMBAIAH IND
7GANESHA IND
8K H DURGASIMHA IND
9RAMACHANDRA IND
10B SUJATHA IND
11HANUMANTHAPPA TEGNOOR IND
CHIKNAYAKANHALLI-128 TIPTUR-129 TURUVEKERE-130 TUMKUR CITY-132
TUMKUR RURAL-133 KORATAGERE-134 GUBBI-135 MADHUGIRI-138
S10-19-KA-TUMKUR 1ASHOK BSP
2P KODANDARAMAIAH INC
3GS BASAVARAJU BJP
4SP MUDDAHANUMEGOWDA JD(S)
5SREE GOWRISHANKARA SWAMIGALU SP
6DR NAGARAJA IND
7G NAGENDRA IND
8NIRANJANA CS IND
9MOHAMED KHASIM IND
10SHASIBHUSHANA IND
MALAVALLI-186 MADDUR-187 MELUKOTE-188 MANDYA-189
SHRIRANGAPATTANA-190 NAGAMANGALA-191 KRISHNARAJPET-192
KRISHNARAJANAGARA-211
S10-20-KA-MANDYA 1M H AMBAREESH INC
2M KRISHNAMURTHY BSP
3N CHELUVARAYA SWAMY SWAMYGOWDA JD(S)
4L R SHIVARAMEGOWDA BJP
5KOWDLE CHANNAPPA JD(U)
6JOHNSON CHINNAPPAN AIJMK
7K S PUTTANNAIAH SKP
8H S RAMANNA PPOI
9S BALASUBRAMANIAN IND
10VENKATESH R IND
11SHAKUNTHALA IND
12SHAMBHULINGEGOWDA IND
MADIKERI-208 VIRAJPET-209 PIRIYAPATNA-210 HUNSUR-212
CHAMUNDESHWARI-215 KRISHNARAJA-216 CHAMARAJA-217 NARASIMHARAJA-218
S10-21-KA-MYSORE 1ADAGUR H VISHWANATH INC
2BAJIVIJAYA JD(S)
3CHVIJAYASHANKAR BJP
4SYED NIZAM ALI BSP
5ARSHADULLA SHARIFF BPJP
6DREKESHAMMA RDMP
7PPARASHIVAMURTHY RKSP
8LEELAVATHIM PPOI
9RAFEEQ IND
10PNSRINATHPATHRIKE IND
11SANTHOSH KUMARP IND
12MVSANTHOSH KUMAR IND
HEGGADADEVANKOTE-213 NANJANGUD-214 VARUNA-219 T.NARASIPUR-220
HANUR-221 KOLLEGAL-222 CHAMARAJANAGAR-223 GUNDLUPET-224
S10-22-KA-CHAMARAJANAGAR 1ARKRISHNAMURTHY BJP
2RDHRUVANARAYANA INC
3NMAHESH BSP
4MSHIVANNAKOTE JD(S)
5MKKEMPASIDDAIAH SP
6CHOWDAHALLY JAVARAIAH CPI(ML)(L)
7RJAGADISH NAIK BSC
8KCSHIVANANDA JD(U)
9PURUSHOTHAMAR IND
10BHEEMAIAH IND
11PBYOGENDRA IND
12RAMESHM IND
13MCRAJANNA IND
14SUBBAIAH IND
KUNIGAL-131 RAJARAJESHWARINAGAR-154 BANGALORE SOUTH-176
ANEKAL-177 MAGADI-182 RAMANAGARAM-183 KANAKAPURA-184 CHANNAPATNA-185
S10-23-KA-BANGALORE RURAL 1HDKUMARASWAMY JD(S)
2TEJASVINI GOWDA INC
3MOHAMED HAFEEZ ULLAH BSP
4C P YOGEESHWARA BJP
5CTHOPAIAH JD(U)
6I VENKATESWARA REDDY PPOI
7AGNISHREENIVAS IND
8DKUMARASWAMY IND
9KUMARASWAMY C IND
10KRISHNAPPA IND
11YCHINNAPPA IND
12A CHOWRAPPA IND
13DR K PADMARAJAN IND
14KPUTTAMADEGOWDA IND
15TMMANCHEGOWDA IND
K.R.PURA-151 BYATARAYANAPURA-152 YESHVANTHAPURA-153
DASARAHALLI-155 MAHALAKSHMI LAYOUT-156 MALLESHWARAM-157 HEBBAL-158
PULAKESHINAGAR-159
S10-24-KA-BANGALORE NORTH 1D B CHANDRE GOWDA BJP
2C K JAFFER SHARIEF INC
3PADMAA K BHAT BSP
4R SURENDRA BABU JD(S)
5M TIPPUVARDHAN BPJP
6ANCHAN KHANNA IND
7KANYA KUMAR IND
8G S KUMAR IND
9C KRISHNAMURTHY IND
10B K CHANDRA IND
11T R CHANDRAHASA IND
12ABDUL JALEEL IND
13ZAFER MOHIUDDIN IND
14JOSEPH SOLOMON IND
15L NAGARAJ IND
16V PRASANNA KUMAR IND
17H PILLAIAH IND
18T B MADWARAJA IND
19MEER LAYAQ HUSSAIN IND
20K A MOHAN IND
21S M RAJU IND
22L LAKSHMAIAH IND
23MU VENKATESHAIAH IND
24VENKATESA SETTY IND
25H A SHIVAKUMAR IND
26K SATHYANARAYANA IND
27SYED AKBAR BASHA IND
28N HARISH GOWDA IND
SARVAGNANAGAR-160 C.V. RAMAN NAGAR-161 SHIVAJINAGAR-162 SHANTI
NAGAR-163 GANDHI NAGAR-164 RAJAJI NAGAR-165 CHAMRAJPET-168
MAHADEVAPURA-174
S10-25-KA-BANGALORE CENTRAL 1ZAMEER AHMED KHAN BZ JD(S)
2P C MOHAN BJP
3VIJAY RAJA SINGH BSP
4HTSANGLIANA INC
5IFTHAQUAR ALI BHUTTO ANC
6JDELANGOVAN IJP
7S M KRISHNA BPJP
8B KRISHNA PRASAD PTSS
9AS PAUL AIJMK
10DC PRAKASH KTMK
11KPRABHAKARA REDDY KCVP
12TKPREMKUMAR PPOI
13ABHIMANI NARENDRA IND
14MA ASHWATHA NARAYANA SETTY IND
15K UMA IND
16UMASHANKAR IND
17KSSIYENGAR IND
18BMKRISHNAREDDY IND
19SKODANDARAM IND
20CVGIDDAPPA IND
21ACHANDRASHEKAR IND
22JAYARAMA IND
23KNARASIMHA IND
24BK NARAYANA SWAMY IND
25PPARTHIBAN IND
26MEER LAYAQ HUSSAIN IND
27BMOHAN VELU IND
28R RAJ IND
29E RAMAKRISHNAIAH IND
30KHRAMALINGAREDDY IND
31VIJAYA BHASKAR N IND
32DRD RVENKATESH GOWDA IND
33SHAFFI AHMED IND
34SN SHARMA IND
35SHASHIKUMAR AR IND
36KSHIVARAMANNA IND
37SHAIK BAHADUR IND
GOVINDRAJ NAGAR-166 VIJAY NAGAR-167 CHICKPET-169 BASAVANAGUDI-170
PADMANABA NAGAR-171 B.T.M LAYOUT-172 JAYANAGAR-173 BOMMANAHALLI-175
S10-26-KA-BANGALORE SOUTH 1ANANTH KUMAR BJP
2KRISHNA BYRE GOWDA INC
3NAHEEDA SALMA S BSP
4PROFRADHAKRISHNA JD(S)
5BMGOVINDRAJ NAIK ABHM
6PJOHNBASCO AIJMK
7VATAL NAGARAJ KCVP
8BSHIVARAMAPPA PPOI
9ABHIMAANI NARENDRA IND
10KHADER ALI KHAN IND
11GANESH HANUMANTARAO MOKHASHI IND
12CAPT GR GOPINATH IND
13KCJANARDHAN IND
14DRJAYALAKSHMIHG IND
15KMNARAYANA IND
16MADESHC IND
17MURALIDHARADJ IND
18RAVI KUMARAT IND
19SUGANDHARAJE URS IND
20SANTHOSH MINB IND
GAURIBIDANUR-139 BAGEPALLI-140 CHIKKABALLAPUR-141 YELAHANKA-150
HOSAKOTE-178 DEVANAHALLI-179 DODDABALLAPUR-180 NELAMANGALA-181
S10-27-KA-CHIKKBALLAPUR 1CASWATHANARAYANA BJP
2CRMANOHAR JD(S)
3MVEERAPPA MOILY INC
4HENNURU LAKSHMINARAYANA BSP
5MRAMAKRISHNAIAH PPOI
6MVENKATESH BPJP
7HRSHIVAKUMAR LJP
8KRISHNAMURTHY T IND
9KSCHANDRASHEKARA RAO AZAD IND
10LNAGARAJ IND
11GNARAYANAPPA IND
12ANBACHEGOWDA IND
13GBMUTHUKUMAR IND
14MMUNIVENKATAIAH IND
15MRAMESH IND
16RAVI GOKRE IND
17GN RAVI IND
18KVENKATAREDDY IND
19BSHIVARAJA IND
20YASIDDALINGEGOWDA IND
SIDLAGHATTA-142 CHINTAMANI-143 SRINIVASPUR-144 MULBAGAL-145 KOLAR
GOLD FIELD-146 BANGARAPET-147 KOLAR-148 MALUR-149
S10-28-KA-KOLAR 1GCHANDRANNA JD(S)
2KHMUNIYAPPA INC
3NMUNISWAMY BSP
4LAKSHMI SHANMUGAM NCP
5DSVEERAIAH BJP
6KRDEVARAJA RDMP
7BMKRISHNAPPA IND
8MRGANTAPPA IND
9PVCHANGALARAYAPPA IND
10PCHANDRAPPA IND
11VJAYARAMA IND
12JAYARAMAPPA IND
13NAGARATHNA M IND
14MNAGARAJA IND
15NARAYANASWAMY IND
16KNARAYANASWAMY IND
17CKMUNIYAPPA IND
18MRAVI KUMAR IND
19MVENKATASWAMY IND
20KVENKATESH IND
21SRINIVASA TO IND
22SRINIVASA P IND
MANJESHWAR-1 KASARAGOD-2 UDUMA-3 KANHANGAD-4 TRIKARIPUR-5
PAYYANNUR-6 KALLIASSERI-7
S11-1-KL-KASARAGOD 1P KARUNAKARAN CPM
2KHMADHAVI BSP
3SHAHIDA KAMAL INC
4K SURENDRAN BJP
5ABBAS MUTHALAPPARA IND
6MOHAN NAYAK IND
7PK RAMAN IND
TALIPARAMBA-8 IRIKKUR-9 AZHIKODE-10 KANNUR-11 DHARMADAM-12
MATTANNUR-15 PERAVOOR-16
S11-2-KL-KANNUR 1PP KARUNAKARAN MASTER BJP
2KK BALAKRISHNAN NAMBIAR BSP
3KK RAGESH CPM
4K SUDHAKARAN INC
5PI CHANDRASEKHARAN THPI
6JOHNSON ALIAS SUNNY AMBATT IND
7K RAGESH SO JANARDHANAN IND
8PATTATHIL RAGHAVAN IND
9K SUDHAKARAN KAVINTE ARIKATH IND
THALASSERY-13 KUTHUPARAMBA-14 VADAKARA-20 KUTTIADI-21
NADAPURAM-22 QUILANDY-23 PERAMBRA-24
S11-3-KL-VADAKARA 1ADVK NOORUDHEEN MUSALIAR BSP
2MULLAPPALLY RAMACHANDRAN INC
3KP SREESAN BJP
4ADV P SATHEEDEVI CPM
5TP CHANDRASEKHARAN IND
6NAROTH RAMACHANDRAN IND
7PSATHIDEVI PALLIKKAL IND
8SATHEEDEVI IND
MANANTHAVADY-17 SULTHANBATHERY-18 KALPETTA-19 THIRUVANMBADI-32
ERNAD-34 NILAMBUR-35 WANDOOR-36
S11-4-KL-WAYANAD 1K MURALEEDHARAN NCP
2RAJEEV JOSEPH BSP
3C VASUDEVAN MASTER BJP
4MI SHANAVAS INC
5ADVOCATE M RAHMATHULLA CPI
6KALLANGODAN ABDUL LATHEEF IND
7CLETUS IND
8DR NALLA THAMPY THERA IND
9ADVOCATE SHANAVAS MALAPPURAM IND
10SHANAVAS MANAKULANGARA PARAMBIL IND
11SUNNY PONNAMATTOM IND
12MP RAHMATH IND
13RAHMATHULLA POOLADAN IND
BALUSSERI-25 ELATHUR-26 KOZHIKODE NORTH-27 KOZHIKODE SOUTH-28
BEYPORE-29 KUNNAMANGALAM-30 KODUVALLY-31
S11-5-KL-KOZHIKODE 1AK ABDUL NASAR BSP
2ADV PA MOHAMED RIYAS CPM
3V MURALEEDHARAN BJP
4MK RAGHAVAN INC
5ADV P KUMARANKUTTY IND
6K MUHAMMED RIYAS IND
7P MUHAMMED RIYAS IND
8PA MOHAMMED RIYAS IND
9MUDOOR MUHAMMED HAJI IND
10K RAGHAVAN IND
11P RAMACHANDRAN NAIR IND
12M RAGHAVAN IND
13VINOD K IND
14ADV SABI JOSEPH IND
15DR DSURENDRANATH IND
16RIYAS IND
KONDOTTY-33 MANJERI-37 PERINTHALMANNA-38 MANKADA-39
MALAPPURAM-40 VENGARA-41 VALLIKKUNNU-42
S11-6-KL-MALAPPURAM 1ADVEA ABOOBACKER BSP
2ADV N ARAVINDAN BJP
3E AHAMED MUL
4TK HAMSA CPM
TIRURANGADI-43 TANUR-44 TIRUR-45 KOTTAKKAL-46 THAVANUR-47
PONNANI-48 THRITHALA-49
S11-7-KL-PONNANI 1K JANACHANDRAN MASTER BJP
2PK MUHAMMED BSP
3ET MUHAMMED BASHEER MUL
4ABDUREHMAN IND
5DR AZAD IND
6PULLANI GOVINDAN IND
7DR HUSSAIN RANTATHANI IND
8HUSSAIN EDAYATH IND
9HUSSAIN KADAIKKAL IND
10HUSSAIN PERICHAYIL IND
11HUSSAIN IND
12DR HUSSAIN IND
13K SADANANDAN IND
PATTAMBI-50 SHORANUR-51 OTTAPPALAM-52 KONGAD-53 MANNARKKAD-54
MALAMPUZHA-55 PALAKKAD-56
S11-8-KL-PALAKKAD 1ABDUL RAZAK MOULAVI NCP
2CHANDRAN V BSP
3CK PADMANABHAN BJP
4MB RAJESH CPM
5SATHEESAN PACHENI INC
6A AROKIASAMY IND
7MR MURALI IND
8NV RAJESH IND
9VIJAYAN AMBALAKKAD IND
10SATHEESAN EV IND
TARUR-57 CHITTUR-58 NEMMARA-59 ALATHUR-60 CHELAKKARA-61
KUNNAMKULAM-62 WADAKKANCHERY-65
S11-9-KL-ALATHUR 1PK BIJU CPM
2M BINDU TEACHER BJP
3DR G SUDEVAN BSP
4NK SUDHEER INC
5K GOPALAKRISHNAN CPI(ML)(L)
6BIJU KK IND
7PC BIJU IND
8CK RAMAKRISHNAN IND
9KK SUDHIR IND
GURUVAYOOR-63 MANALUR-64 OLLUR-66 THRISSUR-67 NATTIKA-68
IRINJALAKUDA-70 PUTHUKKAD-71
S11-10-KL-THRISSUR 1P C CHACKO INC
2C N JAYADEVAN CPI
3ADV JOSHY THARAKAN BSP
4REMA REGUNANDAN BJP
5AJAYAN KUTTIKAT JD(U)
6K ARUN KUMAR IND
7KUNJAN PULAYAN IND
8E A JOSEPH IND
9N K RAVI IND
10P C SAJU IND
11ADV N HARIHARAN NAIR IND
KAIPAMANGALAM-69 CHALAKUDY-72 KODUNGALLUR-73 PERUMBAVOOR-74
ANGAMALY-75 ALUVA-76 KUNNATHUNAD-84
S11-11-KL-CHALAKUDY 1ADV UP JOSEPH CPM
2KP DHANAPALAN INC
3MUTTAM ABDULLA BSP
4ADVKV SABU BJP
5HAMSA KALAPARAMBATH LJP
6JOHNNY K CHEEKU IND
7JOSE MAVELI IND
8UP JOSE IND
9DR PS BABU IND
10TS NARAYANAN MASTER IND
11CA HASEENA IND
KALAMASSERY-77 PARAVUR-78 VYPEEN-79 KOCHI-80 THRIPPUNITHURA-81
ERNAKULAM-82 THRIKKAKARA-83
S11-12-KL-ERNAKULAM 1PROF K V THOMAS INC
2AN RADHAKRISHNAN BJP
3SHERIF MOHAMMED BSP
4SINDHU JOY CPM
5SAJU THOMAS LJP
6MARY FRANCIS MOOLAMPILLY IND
7VISWAMBARAN IND
8SAJI THURUTHIKUNNEL IND
9SINDHU KS IND
10SINDHU JAYAN IND
MUVATTUPUZHA-86 KOTHAMANGALAM-87 DEVIKULAM-88 UDUMBANCHOLA-89
THODUPUZHA-90 IDUKKI-91 PEERUMADE-92
S11-13-KL-IDUKKI 1ADV PT THOMAS INC
2ADV K FRANCIS GEORGE KEC
3ADV BIJU M JOHN BSP
4SREENAGARI RAJAN BJP
5VASUDEVAN VCK
6ADV CHITTOOR RAJAMANNAR IND
7JOSE KUTTIYANY IND
8KANCHIYAR PEETHAMBARAN IND
9BABY IND
10M A SOOSAI IND
PIRAVOM-85 PALA-93 KADUTHURUTHY-94 VAIKOM-95 ETTUMANOOR-96
KOTTAYAM-97 PUTHUPPALLY-98
S11-14-KL-KOTTAYAM 1JOSE KMANI KEC(M)
2ADV NARAYANAN NAMBOOTHIRI BJP
3ADV SURESH KURUP CPM
4SPENCER MARKS BSP
5ADV JAIMON THANKACHAN SWJP
6ANTO P JOHN IND
7JUNO JOHN BABY IND
8JOSE IND
9JOSE MATHEW IND
10JOSE K MANI IND
11BABU IND
12KT MATHEW IND
13MINI K PHILIP IND
14MS RAVEENDRAN IND
15K RAJAPPAN IND
16SASIKUTTAN VAKATHANAM IND
17SURESH NB KURUP IND
18SURESHKUMAR K IND
19SURESHKUMAR TR IND
20SURESH KURUMBAN IND
AROOR-102 CHERTHALA-103 ALAPPUZHA-104 AMBALAPPUZHA-105
HARIPAD-107 KAYAMKULAM-108 KARUNAGAPPALLY-116
S11-15-KL-ALAPPUZHA 1DR KS MANOJ CPM
2KC VENUGOPAL INC
3KS PRASAD BSP
4PJ KURIAN JD(U)
5S SEETHILAL IND
6SONY J KALYANKUMAR IND
CHANGANASSERY-99 KUTTANAD-106 MAVELIKKARA-109 CHENGANNUR-110
KUNNATHUR-118 KOTTARAKKARA-119 PATHANAPURAM-120
S11-16-KL-MAVELIKKARA 1RS ANIL CPI
2KODIKKUNNIL SURESH INC
3DR ND MOHAN BSP
4PM VELAYUDHAN BJP
5ANIL KUMAR IND
6KS SASIKALA IND
7SOORANAD SUKUMARAN IND
KANJIRAPPALLY-100 POONJAR-101 THIRUVALLA-111 RANNI-112
ARANMULA-113 KONNI-114 ADOOR-115
S11-17-KL-PATHANAMTHITTA 1ANANTHA GOPAN CPM
2ANTO ANTONY INC
3KARUNAKARAN NAIR BSP
4MANI CKAPPEN NCP
5RADHAKRISHNA MENON BJP
6KUNJU PILLAI CPI(ML)(L)
7ANTO IND
8JYOTHISH MR IND
9THAMBI IND
10NIRANAM RAJAN IND
11PUSHPANGADAN IND
12MATHEW PAREY IND
CHAVARA-117 PUNALUR-121 CHADAYAMANGALAM-122 KUNDARA-123
KOLLAM-124 ERAVIPURAM-125 CHATHANNOOR-126
S11-18-KL-KOLLAM 1ADVT K M JAYANANDAN BSP
2NPEETHAMBARAKURUP INC
3VAYAKKAL MADHU BJP
4PRAJENDRAN CPM
5ADVANU SASI IND
6KRISHNAMMAL IND
7K A JOHN IND
8NPEETHAMBARAKURUP IND
9SPRADEEP KUMAR IND
10SRADHAKRISHNAN IND
11RZAKIEER HUSSAIN IND
VARKALA-127 ATTINGAL-128 CHIRAYINKEEZHU-129 NEDUMANGAD-130
VAMANAPURAM-131 ARUVIKKARA-136 KATTAKKADA-138
S11-19-KL-ATTINGAL 1PROFG BALACHANDRAN INC
2THOTTAKKADU SASI BJP
3ADV A SAMPATH CPM
4J SUDHAKARAN BSP
5SREENATH SHS
6JAYAKUMAR IND
7BALACHANDRAN IND
8BALACHNDRAN C P IND
9MURALI KUMAR IND
10J VIJAYAKUMAR IND
11VIVEKANANDAN IND
12SHAMSUDEEN IND
13SAJIMON IND
14SAIFUDEEN M IND
KAZHAKOOTTAM-132 VATTIYOOUKAVU-133 THIRUVANANTHAPURAM-134
NEMOM-135 PARASSALA-137 KOVALAM-139 NEYYATTINKARA-140
S11-20-KL-THIRUVANANTHAPURAM 1P K KRISHNA DAS BJP
2MPGANGADHARAN NCP
3DRA NEELALOHITHADASAN NADAR BSP
4ADV P RAMACHANDRAN NAIR CPI
5SHASHI THAROOR INC
6AJITHKUMARK AITC
7JAIN WILSON BSA
8G ASHOKAN IND
9TGEORGE IND
10DILEEP IND
11UNAHURMIRAN PEERU MOHAMMED IND
12PRATHAPAN IND
13MOHANAN JOSHWA IND
14SASI JANAKI SADAN IND
15SASI KALAPURAKKAL IND
16SHAJAR KHAN IND
SHEOPUR-1 VIJAYPUR-2 SABALGARH-3 JOURA-4 SUMAWALI-5 MORENA-6
DIMANI-7 AMBAH-8
S12-1-MP-MORENA 1JUGAL KISHOR PIPPAL CPM
2NARENDRA SINGH TOMAR BJP
3BALVEER SINGH DANDOTIYA BSP
4AD BAIJNATH KUSHWAHA SP
5RAMNIWAS RAWAT INC
6ANITA HITENDRA CHOUDHARY BHBP
7DEVENDRA SINGH SIKARWAR AIFB
8RAMBABU SINGH PARIHAR LJP
9VISHANLAL AGARWAL GOKAL MP SVSP
10UTTAM SINGH MITTAL IND
11USHA RAWAT IND
12KALAWATI RAMESH ARGAL IND
13GANDRV IND
14JOGENDR IND
15DHALLU ALLAHBAKSH IND
16NARENDRA SINGH IND
17MAHESH JATAV IND
18MAHESH SINGH JATAV IND
19RAJVEER SINGH IND
20RAMNIWAS KUSHWAH IND
21RAM SEWAK IND
22VIJAY KUMAR IND
23VIVEK APTE IND
24SATYENDRA JAIN SHAMMI IND
ATER-9 BHIND-10 LAHAR-11 MEHGAON-12 GOHAD-13 SEWDA-20
BHANDER-21 DATIA-22
S12-2-MP-BHIND 1ASHOK ARGAL BJP
2NAND KISHOR KORI SP
3DR BHAGIRATH PRASAD INC
4DRRAHUL BSP
5TULSIRAM DHANUK THEKEDAR IVD
6SHANKAR LAL VERMA BHBP
7SHRIRAM RAHUL BMM
8RJJATAV IND
9BHAGIRATH IND
10RAMSEVAK MORYA IND
11LALARAM IND
12VEERENDRA KUMAR GOYAL IND
13SHAILENDRA SINGH ALIAS KALLU IND
GWALIOR RURAL-14 GWALIOR-15 GWALIOR EAST-16 GWALIOR SOUTH-17
BHITARWAR-18 DABRA-19 KARERA-23 POHARI-24
S12-3-MP-GWALIOR 1AJAB SINGH KUSHWAH BSP
2ASHOK SINGH INC
3YASHODHARA RAJE SCINDIA BJP
4AVTAR SINGH LJP
5GAUTAM SINGH RAJPUT KUSHWAH RSMD
6DEVENDRA BHARGAVA ADVOCATE ABHM
7PANKAJ GOSWAMI BHBP
8RAMESH CHANDRA SHARMA IJP
9DR RAM GOPAL ADVOCATE RPI(A)
10LAKHPAT SINGH KIRAR ASP
11ANAND KUMAR IND
12ANAND SINGH KUSHWAH RAMAYNE IND
13ALOK JOSHI IND
14KAPTAN SINGH MASTER IND
15KOMAL ANURAGI IND
16JAGADISH GOBARA IND
17DEEPAK KUMAR BANSAL RANGWALE IND
18PADAM SINGH DHAKAD IND
19YASMIN KHAN IND
20RAJESH KUMAR SHARMA IND
21RAM RATAN KUSHWAH IND
22SAEED KHAN DABBU IND
23SHRIKRISHNA ALIAS SIRIYA IND
SHIVPURI-25 PICHHORE-26 KOLARAS-27 BAMORI-28 GUNA-29 ASHOK
NAGAR-32 CHANDERI-33 MUNGAOLI-34
S12-4-MP-GUNA 1JYOTIRADITYA MADHAVRAO SCINDIA INC
2DRNAROTTAM MISHRA BJP
3LOKPAL LODHI BSP
4ABDUL RASHEED AD
5MANIRAM RAM JATAV LJP
6LALU URF ATAL LAL BHBP
7ANIL DWIVEDI IND
8PTASHOK SHARMA BADE BHAIYA IND
9ISHLAM KHAN RAIAN IND
10KISHORILAL CHAURASIYA GUNA WALE IND
11KRISHNA KANT CHAUBEY PAPPU MAHARAJ IND
12MAHADEV PRASAD TIWARI IND
13PMAHESH CHANDRA SHASHTRI IND
14MOHAMMD IRSHADA QUAZI IND
15LAKHAN LAL IND
16VIJAY KUMAR JAIN IND
17SUMAN SINGH SIKARWAR ADVOCATE IND
18HAJARI LAL KOTIA RATHOR IND
BINA-35 KHURAI-36 SURKHI-37 NARYOLI-40 SAGAR-41 KURWAI-146
SIRONJ-147 SHAMSHABAD-148
S12-5-MP-SAGAR 1ASLAM SHER KHAN INC
2AHIRWAR NARESH BOUDHA BSP
3GOURI SINGH YADAV SP
4BHUPENDRA SINGH BJP
5ARVIND DANGI PRSP
6DHAN SINGH AHIRWAR LJP
7VINOD DIWAR GOUND GGP
8SIDHARTH BOUDHA AHIRWAR RPI(A)
9SANJAY BHAI ADVOCATE RAVIDASI GMS
10ASHOK MISHRA IND
11GOMAT SINGH MAHARAJ SINGH DANGI IND
12RAMKISHAN RAMA IND
TIKAMGARH-43 JATARA-44 PRITHVIPUR-45 NIWARI-46 KHARGAPUR-47
MAHARAJPUR-48 CHHATARPUR-51 BIJAWAR-52
S12-6-MP-TIKAMGARH 1AHIRWAR VRINDAVAN INC
2CHINTAMAN KORI RAMPURIYA SP
3GD BSP
4VIRENDRA KUMAR BJP
5AHIRWAR JAGDISH PRASAD LJP
6AHIRWAR RAMSWAROOP RSMD
7VISHAN LAL BASHNKAR PRSP
8AHIRWAR GYADIN IND
9KAMLAPAT KUMHAR IND
10KHARGA PRASAD IND
11CHAMAN LAL IND
12DAYARAM IND
13PARWAT LAL IND
14RAMCHARAN AHIRWAR IND
15LAXMI PRASAD AHIRWAR IND
16VRINDAVAN AHIRWAR IND
17SHRIPAT SHIKSHAK IND
DEORI-38 REHLI-39 BANDA-42 MALHARA-53 PATHARIYA-54 DAMOH-55
JABERA-56 HATTA-57
S12-7-MP-DAMOH 1AHIR KAMLA YADAV SP
2CHANDRABHAN BHAIYA INC
3SHIVRAJ BHAIYA BJP
4KASHIRAM ALIAS KAMLESH DHURVE GMS
5BHAGIRATH KURMI RDMP
6MANOJ DEVALIYA BJBP
7SHIVRAJ BHAIYA SVSP
8HARIRAM THAKUR GGP
9GAFFAR ALI IND
10GOPAL BHAIYA IND
11CHANDRABHAN BHAIYA JATASHANKAR COLONY DAMOH IND
12CHANDRABHAN BHAIYA PARSORIA NAHAR IND
13JAYANT BHAIYA IND
14JANKI PRASAD IND
15NANNE LAL IND
16RAMPHOOL DAHAYAT IND
17VIJAY SINGH RAJPOOT IND
18SHIVRAJ BHAIYA BADE THAKUR IND
19SHIV RAJ ALIAS BADE BHAIYA IND
20SHIVRAJ SINGH NAYAKHEDA APPCHAND IND
21SHIVRAJ SINGH BANDA IND
CHANDLA-49 RAJNAGAR-50 PAWAI-58 GUNNAOR-59 PANNA-60
VIJAYRAGHAVGARH-92 MURWARA-93 BAHORIBAND-94
S12-8-MP-KHAJURAHO 1JAYAWANT SINGH SP
2JEETENDRA SINGH BJP
3RAJA PATERYA INC
4SEWA LAL PATEL BSP
5M SHAKIL GMS
6SAROJ BACHCHAN NAYAK JD(U)
7SURYA BHAN SINGH YADAV GURUJI AIFB
8AKEEL KHAN IND
9AKANCHHA JAIN IND
10KRISHNA SHARAN SINGH RAJA BHAIYA IND
11NARENDRA KUMAR IND
12RAJENDRA AHIRWAR IND
13RAM NATH LODHI IND
14SHABNAM MAUSI IND
15SHUKL SITARAM IND
CHITRAKOOT-61 RAIGAON-62 SATNA-63 NAGOD-64 MAIHAR-65
AMARPATAN-66 RAMPUR-BAGHELAN-67
S12-9-MP-SATNA 1GANESH SINGH BJP
2PT RAJARAM TRIPATHI SP
3SUKHLAL KUSHWAHA BSP
4SUDHIR SINGH TOMAR INC
5ONKAR SINGH ABHKP
6GIRJA SINGH PATEL AD
7CHHOTELAL SINGH GOND GMS
8PRAMILA RPI(A)
9B BALLABH CHARYA AIC
10RAJESH SINGH BAGHEL GGP
11SHOBHNATH SEN LJP
12SUNDERLAL CHAUDHARI IJP
13ASHOK KUMAR KUSHWAHA IND
14ASHOK KUSHWAHA IND
15CHHOTELAL IND
16BHAIYALAL URMALIYA IND
17MANISH KUMAR JAIN IND
18MUNNI KRANTI IND
19RAMVISHWAS BASORE IND
20RAM SAJIVAN IND
21RAMAYAN CHAUDHARI IND
SIRMOUR-68 SEMARIYA-69 TEONTHAR-70 MAUGANJ-71 DEOTALAB-72
MANGAWAN-73 REWA-74 GURH-75
S12-10-MP-REWA 1CHANDRA MANI TRIPATHI BJP
2DEORAJ SINGH PATEL BSP
3PUSHPRAJ SINGH SP
4SUNDER LAL TIWARI INC
5BADRI PRASAD KUSHWAHA AD
6RAMKISHAN NIRAT SAKET RPI(A)
7RAMAYAN PRASAD PATEL YVP
8VIMALA SONDHIA LJP
9SALMA AIFB
10MD AKEEL KHAN BACHCHA BHAI IND
11JAIKARAN SAKET IND
12BRAHMDUTTMISHRA ALIAS CHHOTE MURAITHA IND
13SUKHENDRA PRATAP IND
14SUNDAR LAL IND
15HIRALAL VISHWAKARMA IND
CHURHAT-76 SIDHI-77 SIHAWAL-78 CHITRANGI-79 SINGRAULI-80
DEVSAR-81 DHAUHANI-82 BEOHARI-83
S12-11-MP-SIDHI 1ASHOK KUMAR SHAH BSP
2INDRAJEET KUMAR INC
3GOVIND PRASAD MISHRA BJP
4MANIK SINGH SP
5LOLAR SINGH URETI GMS
6VEENA SINGH NETI GGP
7BABOOLAL JAISWAL IND
8MADAN MOHAN JAISWAL ADVOCATE IND
9MAHENDRA BHAIYA DIKSHIT IND
10RAMAKANT PANDEY MALAIHNA IND
11VEENA SINGH VEENA DIDI IND
JAISINGHNAGAR-84 JAITPUR-85 KOTMA-86 ANUPPUR-87 PUSHPRAJGARH-88
BANDHAVGARH-89 MANPUR-90 BARWARA-91
S12-12-MP-SHAHDOL 1CHANDRA PRATAP SINGH BABA SAHAB SP
2NARENDRA SINGH MARAVI BJP
3MANOHAR SINGH MARAVI BSP
4RAJESH NANDINI SINGH INC
5SADAN SINGH BHARIA CPI
6KRISHN PAL SINGH PAVEL LJP
7GANPAT GOND GMS
8RAM RATAN SINGH PAVLE GGP
PATAN-95 BARGI-96 JABALPUR PURBA-97 JABALPUR UTTAR-98 JABALPUR
CANTT.-99 JABALPUR PASCHIM-100 PANAGAR-101 SIHORA-102
S12-13-MP-JABALPUR 1AZIZ QURESHI BSP
2ASHOK KUMAR SHARMA SP
3RAKESH SINGH BJP
4ADVOCATE RAMESHWAR NEEKHRA INC
5MEERCHAND PATEL KACHHVAHA RPI
6RAVI MAHOBIA KUNDAM GGP
7RAJKUMARI SINGH LJP
8HARI SINGH MARAVI GMS
9DR MUKESH MEHROTRA IND
10RAKESH SONKAR PRAMUKH DHAI AKSHAR IND
11SUNIL PATEL IND
SHAHPURA-103 DINDORI-104 BICHHIYA-105 NIWAS-106 MANDLA-107
KEOLARI-116 LAKHNADON-117 GOTEGAON-118
S12-14-MP-MANDLA 1JALSO DHURWEY BSP
2FAGGAN SINGH KULASTE BJP
3BASORI SINGH MASRAM INC
4UDAL SINGH DHURWEY LKSP
5JHANK SINGH KUSHRE GGP
6PREM SINGH MARAVI GMS
7BHAGAT SINGH VARKEDE LJP
8MANESHWARI NAIK RPI(A)
9SUNITA NETI RDMP
10CHANDRA SHEKHAR DHURWEY IND
11CHAMBAL SING MARAWEE IND
12DEV SINGH BHALAVI IND
13SHIVCHARAN UIKEY IND
14SAHDEO PRASAD MARAVI IND
BAIHAR-108 LANJI-109 PARASWADA-110 BALAGHAT-111 WARASEONI-112
KATANGI-113 BARGHAT-114 SEONI-115
S12-15-MP-BALAGHAT 1AJAB LAL BSP
2KISHOR SAMRITE SP
3KANKAR MUNJARE RJD
4K D DESHMUKH BJP
5VISHVESHWAR BHAGAT INC
6KALPANA GOPAL WASNIK RPI(A)
7DARBU SINGH UIKEY GMS
8BHAIYA BALKRISHNA GGP
9ADVOCATE AZHAR UL ALIM IND
10ANJU ASHOK UIKEY IND
11GOVARDHAN PATLE URF HITLAR IND
12JITENDRA MESHRAM IND
13DHANESHWAR LILHARE IND
14NYAZMIR KHAN IND
15POORANLAL LODHI IND
16MANSINGH BISEN IND
17SANDEEP SANTRAM IND
18SHRIRAM THAKUR IND
JUNNARDEO-122 AMARWARA-123 CHURAI-124 SAUNSAR-125 CHHINDWARA-126
PARASIA-127 PANDHURNA-128
S12-16-MP-CHHINDWARA 1KAMAL NATH INC
2MAROT RAO KHAVASE BJP
3RAO SAHEB SHINDE BSP
4JOGILAL IRPACHI JMM
5PARDHESHI HARTAPSAH TIRKAM GMS
6BALVEER SINGH YADAV RKSP
7RAMKISHAN PAL RPI(A)
8SATAP SHA UIKEY GGP
9ABDUL SHAMAD KHAN IND
10AMRITLAL PATHAK RAGHUVAR IND
11ASHARAM DEHARIYA IND
12KAMALNATH MAYAWADIPARASIA IND
13GANARAM UIKEY IND
14AZAD CHANDRASHEKHER PANDOLE SAMAJ SEVAK IND
15JAGDISH BAIS IND
16TULSIRAM SURYAWANSHI IND
17DUARAM UIKEY IND
18DHANPAL BHALAVI IND
19DHANRAJ JAMBHATKAR IND
20NARESH KUMAR YUVNATI IND
21NIKHILESH DHURVEY IND
22PITRAM UIKEY IND
23PRAVINDRA NAURATI IND
24MANMOHAN SHAH BATTI IND
25RK MARKAM IND
26SHOAIB KHAN IND
27SUKMAN INVATI IND
28SUBHASH SHUKLA IND
NARSINGPUR-119 TENDUKHEDA-120 GADARWARA-121 SEONI-MALWA-136
HOSHANGABAD-137 SOHAGPUR-138 PIPARIYA-139 UDAIPURA-140
S12-17-MP-HOSHANGABAD 1UDAY PRATAP SINGH INC
2ADVBMKAUSHIK BSP
3HAJAEE SYID MUEEN UDDIN SP
4RAMPAL SINGH BJP
5DINESH KUMAR AHIRWAR IND
6BHARAT KUMAR CHOUREY IND
7MOHAMMD ABDULLA IND
8RAKHI GUPTA IND
9RAMPAL IND
10SUDAMA PRASAD IND
BHOJPUR-141 SANCHI-142 SILWANI-143 VIDISHA-144 BASODA-145
BUDHNI-156 ICHHAWAR-158 KHATEGAON-173
S12-18-MP-VIDISHA 1DRPREMSHANKAR SHARMA BSP
2CHOUDHARY MUNABBAR SALIM SP
3SUSHMA SWARAJ BJP
4BHAI MUNSHILAL SILAWAT RPI(A)
5RAMGOPAL MALVIYA RDMP
6HARBHAJAN JANGRE LJP
7GANESHRAM LODHI IND
8RAJESHWAR SINGH YADAV RAO IND
BERASIA-149 BHOPAL UTTAR-150 NARELA-151 BHOPAL DAKSHIN-
PASCHIM-152 BHOPAL MADHYA-153 GOVINDPURA-154 HUZUR-155 SEHORE-159
S12-19-MP-BHOPAL 1ER ASHOK NARAYAN SINGH BSP
2KAILASH JOSHI BJP
3MHOD MUNAWAR KHAN KAUSAR SP
4SURENDRA SINGH THAKUR INC
5ASHOK PAWAR PRSP
6AHIRWAR LAKHANLAL PURVI RPI(A)
7KARAN KUMAR KAROSIA URF KARAN JEEJA GGP
8RADHESHYAM KULASTE GMS
9RAMDAS GHOSLE RPI(D)
10SANJEEV SINGHAL SVSP
11ANIL SINGH IND
12AMAR SINGH IND
13KAPIL DUBEY IND
14D C GUJARKAR IND
15DARSHAN SINGH RATHORE IND
16BRAJENDRA CHATURVEDI URF GAPPU CHATURVEDI IND
17DR MAHESH YADAV AMAN GANDHI IND
18MUKESH SEN IND
19MEHDI SIR IND
20RAJESH KUMAR YADAV IND
21RAM SAHAY YATRI SHRIVASTAVA URF RASHTRAVADI YATRI IND
22SHAHNAWAZ IND
23SHIV NARAYAN SINGH BAGWARE IND
CHACHOURA-30 RAGHOGARH-31 NARSINGHGARH-160 BIAORA-161
RAJGARH-162 KHILCHIPUR-163 SARANGPUR-164 SUSNER-165
S12-20-MP-RAJGARH 1NARAYANSINGH AMLABE INC
2LAKSHMAN SINGH BJP
3SHIVNARAYAN AHIRWAR BSP
4RAJESH RATELIYA LJP
5SHYAM SUNDER RATHI SHS
6INDER SING LODHI IND
7BALBIR CHOUDHARY PATRAKAR IND
8LAXMAN VERMA IND
9LAXMANSINGH AAMDOR IND
ASHTA-157 AGAR-166 SHAJAPUR-167 SHUJALPUR-168 KALAPIPAL-169
SONKATCH-170 DEWAS-171 HATPIPLIYA-172
S12-21-MP-DEWAS 1THAVARCHAND GEHLOT BJP
2BHAGIRATH PARIHAR BSP
3SAJJAN SINGH VERMA INC
4DR GANGARAM JOGCHAND LJP
5JORAVAR SINGH DUDI PRSP
6BALRAM SUKHRAM KALYANE RWS
7JAYRAM SOLANKI IND
8THAVARSINGH IND
9PRO BS MALVIYA IND
10MOHAN SIH MALVIYA IND
NAGADA-KHACHROD-212 MAHIDPUR-213 TARANA-214 GHATIYA-215 UJJAIN
UTTAR-216 UJJAIN DAKSHIN-217 BADNAGAR-218 ALOT-223
S12-22-MP-UJJAIN 1GUDDU PREMCHAND INC
2BABOOLAL THAWALIYA BSP
3DR SATYANARAYAN JATIYA BJP
4MADANLAL RAJORA LJP
5ASHOK NARAYAN IND
6INDARALAL VARMA IND
7DINESH JATWA IND
8LALCHAND BERWA GOME IND
9SHIVKUMAR GAUR IND
JAORA-222 MANDSOUR-224 MALHARGARH-225 SUWASRA-226 GAROTH-227
MANASA-228 NEEMUCH-229 JAWAD-230
S12-23-MP-MANDSOUR 1BHERULAL MALVIY BALAI BSP
2MEENAKSHI NATRAJAN INC
3DR LAXMINARAYAN PANDEY BJP
4SHAIKH AZIZUDDEN QURAISHI AIFB
5BANO BEE BMSM
6KAILASH NARAYAN RATNAWAT IND
7P DINESH NAGAR IND
8HAJI NISAR AHMED CHOUDHARY IND
9MOINUDDIN KHAN PATHAN IND
10RAJENDRA SINGH GAUTAM IND
11RAM DAYAL GUJRATI IND
12LAXMINARAYAN BHAGIRATH PATIDAR IND
ALIRAJPUR-191 JOBAT-192 JHABUA-193 THANDLA-194 PETLAWAD-195
RATLAM RURAL-219 RATLAM CITY-220 SAILANA-221
S12-24-MP-RATLAM 1KANTILAL BHURIA INC
2JEEVANLAL SP
3DILEEPSINGH BHURIA BJP
4RAMESH SOLANKI BSP
5UDAYSINGH MACHAR RPI(A)
6KALUSINGH BHABHR SHS
7JALAMSINGH PATEL RDMP
8BHERUSING DAMOR JD(U)
9BHADIYA DABAR IND
10RAMESHWOR SINGAR IND
SARDARPUR-196 GANDHWANI-197 KUKSHI-198 MANAWAR-199
DHARAMPURI-200 DHAR-201 BADNAWAR-202 DR.AMBEDKARNAGAR-MHOW-209
S12-25-MP-DHAR 1AJAY RAWAT BSP
2GAJENDRASINGH RAJUKHEDI INC
3MUKAMSINGH KIRADE BJP
4JITENDRASINGH BAGHEL GGP
5BAPUSINGH BAGHEL RPI(A)
6RAM SINGH PATEL SHS
7KARANSINGH IND
8KHUMANSINGH BARIYA IND
9BHIMA BHURIYA IND
10MADAN BHAI AMLAWAR IND
11HARIRAM PATEL DELMIWALA IND
DEPALPUR-203 INDORE-1-204 INDORE-2-205 INDORE-3-206 INDORE-4-207
INDORE-5-208 RAU-210 SANWER-211
S12-26-MP-INDORE 1DR ANITA YADAV SP
2RAHIM KHAN BSP
3SATYNARAYAN PATEL INC
4SUMITRA MAHAJAN TAI BJP
5SANJAY SINGH BHADORIYA PAPPU RJD
6MOHAN CHOUHAN MALVIYA PRSP
7RADHESHYAM MUKATI LPSP
8RAMSINGH RPIE
9SAMADHAN NAIK RPI(A)
10AJIT KUMAR JAIN PATWA IND
11GAJENDRA SINGH GAUR IND
12GHANSHYAM CHANDEL IND
13CHINTAN TRIVEDI IND
14NAND KISHORE SONI IND
15PARMANAND METHARAM TOLANI IND
16S R MANDLOI IND
17VISHNU DAS IND
18SHIKHAR CHAND PATODI JAIN IND
MAHESHWAR-183 KASRAWAD-184 KHARGONE-185 BHAGWANPURA-186
SENDHAWA-187 RAJPUR-188 PANSEMAL-189 BADWANI-190
S12-27-MP-KHARGONE 1BHAI KIRNSINGH BADOLE KIRESH CPI
2DRBARDE BSP
3BALARAM BACHCHAN INC
4MAKNSINGH SOLANKI BABUJI BJP
5SAKHARAM VERMA GGP
6GAJANAN AAPSING BRAHMANE IND
7DONGER IND
8DAYARAM GHISYA IND
9FIFASINGH THAKUR IND
10BHAGWAN CHOTHIYA IND
11RAMESHVAR DOGAREEYA RAWAT IND
BAGALI-174 MANDHATA-175 KHANDWA-177 PANDHANA-178 NEPANAGAR-179
BURHANPUR-180 BHIKANGAON-181 BADWAH-182
S12-28-MP-KHANDWA 1ARUN SUBHASHCHANDRA YADAV INC
2HAJI ZAKIR HUSSAIN DURRANY ENGINEER CPI
3NANDKUMAR SING CHAUHAN NANDU BHAIYA BJP
4DADA SAHEB WAMANRAO SASANE BSP
5NARGIS MOUSI IJP
6HAJI NOORULLA LJP
7MOHAN OJHA PARTE GMS
8HABIB SURUR MUL
9ABDUL GAFUR GUDDU PIRJI IND
10NATHUSINGH CHAUHAN IND
11NAHARSINH BHAI IND
12RAVINDRA LAL PARE IND
13BABA ABDUL HAMEED IND
MULTAI-129 AMLA-130 BETUL-131 GHORADONGRI-132 BHAINSDEHI-133
TIMARNI-134 HARDA-135 HARSUD-176
S12-29-MP-BETUL 1OJHARAM EVANE INC
2JYOTI DHURVE BJP
3RAMA KAKODIA BSP
4DR SUKHDEV SINGH CHOUHAN SP
5KALLUSINGH UIKEY GMS
6KADMU SINGH KUMARE KSKUMARE GGP
7GULABRAV RDMP
8MANGAL SINGH LOKHANDE SWJP
9SUSHILKUMAR ALIS BALUBHAIYYA RPI(A)
10IMRATLAL MARKAM IND
11KAMAL SING IND
12KADAKSHING VADIVA IND
13KRISHNA GOPAL PARTE IND
14MOTIRAM MAVASE IND
15ADHIVAKTA SHANKAR PENDAM IND
16SUNIL KUMAR KAWADE IND
AKKALKUWA-1 SHAHADA-2 NANDURBAR-3 NAWAPUR-4 SAKRI-5 SHIRPUR-9
S13-1-MH-NANDURBAR 1GAVIT MANIKRAO HODLYA INC
2NATAWADKAR SUHAS JYANT BJP
3PADVI BABITA KARMSINGH BSP
4KOKANI MANJULABAI SAKHARAM BBM
5GAVIT SHARAD KRUSHNRAO SP
6ABHIJIT AATYA VASAVE IND
7KOLI RAJU RAMDAS IND
DHULE RURAL-6 DHULE CITY-7 SINDKHEDA-8 MALEGAON CENTRAL-114
MALEGAON OUTER-115 BAGLAN-116
S13-2-MH-DHULE 1AMARISHBHAI RASIKLAL PATEL INC
2RIZWAN MOAKBAR BSP
3SONAWANE PRATAP NARAYANRAO BJP
4ANIL ANNA GOTE LKSGM
5ANSARI MOHD ISMAIL MOHD IBRAHIM BMSM
6ARIF AHMED SHAIKH JAFHAR NNP
7KAVAYATRISONKANYA THAKUR RAJANI BAGWAN BBM
8NIHAL AHMED MOLVI MOHAMMED USMAN JD(S)
9MD ISMAIL JUMMAN IND
10KISHOR PITAMBAR AHIRE IND
11GAZI ATEZAD AHMED MUBEEN AHMED KHAN IND
12GAIKWAD PATIL BHUSHAN BAJIRAO IND
13DADASO PANDITRAO PATIL KOKALEKAR IND
14SHEVALE PATIL SANDEEP JIBHAU IND
15SONAWANE PANDIT UTTAMRAO IND
JALGAON CITY-13 JALGAON RURAL-14 AMALNER-15 ERANDOL-16
CHALISGAON-17 PACHORA-18
S13-3-MH-JALGAON 1AT NANA PATIL BJP
2ADV MATIN AHMED BSP
3ADV VASANTRAO JIVANRAO MORE NCP
4ATMARAM SURSING JADHAV ENGG KKJHS
5JADHAV NATTHU SHANKAR BBM
6JANGALU DEVRAM SHIRSATH HJP
7NANNAWARE CHAITANYA PANDIT PRCP
8LAXMAN SHIVAJI SHIRSATH PATIL KM
9ANIL PITAMBAR WAGH SIR IND
10KANTILAL CHHAGAN NAIK BANJARA IND
11WAGH SUDHAKAR ATMARAM IND
12SHALIGRAM SHIVRAM MAHAJAN DEORE IND
13SALIMODDIN ISAMODDIN SHEMISTARI IND
CHOPDA-10 RAVER-11 BHUSAWAL-12 JAMNER-19 MUKTAINAGAR-20
MALKAPUR-21
S13-4-MH-RAVER 1PATIL SURESH CHINDHU BSP
2ADV RAVINDRA PRALHADRAO PATIL NCP
3HARIBHAU MADHAV JAWALE BJP
4TELI SHAIKH ISMAIL HAJI HASAN BBM
5BAPU SAHEBRAO SONAWANE PRCP
6MARATHE BHIMRAO PARBAT KM
7SHIVAVEER DNYANESHWAR VITTHAL AMALE URPH AMALE SARKAR SVRP
8IQBAL ALAUDDIN TADVI IND
9UTTAM KASHIRAM INGALE IND
10KOLI SANTOSH GOKUL IND
11FIRKE SURESH KACHARU EX ACP CRPF IND
12MAKBUL FARID SK IND
13MOHD MUNAWWAR MOHD HANIF IND
14MORE HIRAMAN BHONAJI IND
15DD WANI PHOTOGRAPHER DYNESHWAR DIWAKAR WANI IND
16VIVEK SHARAD PATIL IND
17SHAIKH RAMJAN SHAIKH KARIM IND
18SUJATA IBRAHIM TADAVI IND
19SANJAY PRALADH KANDELKAR IND
BULDHANA-22 CHIKHLI-23 SINDKHED RAJA-24 MEHKAR-25 KHAMGAON-26
JALGAON (JAMOD)-27
S13-5-MH-BULDHANA 1JADHAV PRATAPRAO GANPATRAO SHS
2DANDGE VASANTRAO SUGDEO BSP
3SHINGNE DRRAJENDRA BHASKARRAO NCP
4AMARDEEP BALASAHEB DESHMUKH KM
5QURRASHI SKSIKANDAR SK SHAUKAT DESEP
6GAJANAN RAJARAM SIRSAT RSPS
7DHOKNE RAVINDRA TULSHRAMJI BBM
8FERAN CHADRAHAS JAGDEO ABHM
9GANESH ARJUN ZORE IND
10TAYDE VITTHAL PANDHARI IND
11DEVIDAS PIRAJI SARKATE IND
12SY BILAL SY USMAN IND
13BHARAT PUNJAJI SHINGANE IND
14RAJESH NILKANTHRAO TATHE IND
15RATHOD CHHAGAN BABULAL IND
AKOT-28 BALAPUR-29 AKOLA WEST-30 AKOLA EAST-31 MURTIJAPUR-32
RISOD-33
S13-6-MH-AKOLA 1DHOTRE SANJAY SHAMRAO BJP
2BABASAHEB DHABEKAR INC
3ATIK AHAMAD GU JILANI DESEP
4AMBEDKAR PRAKASH YASHWANT BBM
5GANESH TULSHIRAM TATHE KKJHS
6DIPAK SHRIRAM TIRAKE RSPS
7AJABRAO UTTAMRAO BHONGADE IND
8THAKURDAS GOVIND CHOUDHARI IND
9MUJAHID KHAN CHAND KHAN IND
10RAUT DEVIDAS ANANDRAO IND
11WASUDEORAO KHADE GURUJI IND
BADNERA-37 AMRAVATI-38 TEOSA-39 DARYAPUR-40 MELGHAT-41
ACHALPUR-42
S13-7-MH-AMRAVATI 1ADSUL ANANDRAO VITHOBA SHS
2GANGADHAR GADE BSP
3UGLE SUNIL NAMDEV PRBP
4UBALE SHRIKRISHNA CHAMPATRAO ARP
5KESHAV DASHARATH WANKHADE KKJHS
6GAWAI RAJENDRA RAMKRUSHNA RPI
7PRINCIPAL GOPICHAND SURYABHAN MESHRAM RP(K)
8BARSE MANOHAR DAULATRAO IUML
9SAU MAMATA VINAYAK KANDALKAR AUDF
10DR HEMANTKUMAR RAMBHAU MAHURE BBM
11AMOL DEVIDASRAO JADHAV IND
12UMAK SHRIKRUSHNA SHYAMRAO IND
13BANDU SAMPATRAO SANE BANDYA LS IND
14BHAURAO SHRIRAM CHHAPANE IND
15MITHUN HIRAMAN GAIKWAD IND
16PROF MUKUND VITTHALRAO KHAIRE IND
17DR RAJIV GULABRAO JAMTHE IND
18RAJU MAHADEVRAO SONONE IND
19VISHWANATH GOTUJI JAMNEKAR IND
20SUDHAKAR VYANKAT RAMTEKE MAJI SAINIK IND
21ADV SUDHIR HIRAMAN TAYADE IND
22SUNIL PRABHU RAMTEKE IND
DHAMAMGAON RAILWAY-36 MORSHI-43 ARVI-44 DEOLI-45 HINGANGHAT-46
WARDHA-47
S13-8-MH-WARDHA 1KANGALE BIPIN BABASAHEB BSP
2DATTA MEGHE INC
3SURESH GANPATRAO WAGHMARE BJP
4DIWATE RAMESH MADHAORAO KM
5NARAYANRAO RAMJI CHIDAM GGP
6DR NITIN KESHORAO CHAVAN PRBP
7PYARE SAHAB SHEIKH KARIM DESEP
8BHOSE KAILAS VISHWASRAO GMS
9ADV SURESH SHINDE IJP
10SANGITA SUNIL ALIAS SONU KAMBLE ARP
11ISHWARKUMAR SHANKARRAO GHARPURE IND
12GUNWANT TUKARAMJI DAWANDE IND
13JAGANNATH NILKANTHRAO RAUT IND
14TAGADE VISHWESHWAR AWADHUTRAO IND
15RAMTEKE PRAKASH BAKARAM IND
16SARANG PRAKASHRAO YAWALKAR IND
KATOL-48 SAVNER-49 HINGNA-50 UMRED-51 KAMTHI-58 RAMTEK-59
S13-9-MH-RAMTEK 1TUMANE KRUPAL BALAJI SHS
2PRAKASHBHAU KISHAN TEMBHURNE BSP
3WASNIK MUKUL BALKRISHNA INC
4KUMBHARE SULEKHA NARAYAN BREM
5DESHPANDE SANJAY SAOJI HJP
6NAGARKAR PRASHANT HANSRAJ BBM
7NANDKISHOR SADHUJI DONGRE GGP
8BAGDE SUJEET WASUDEORAO JD(S)
9PROF BORKAR PRADIP DARYAV RP(K)
10MAYATAI CHAWRE UTWAL SP
11VIKAS RAJARAM DAMLE RPI(KH)
12SEEMA JEEVAN RAMTEKE DESEP
13SANDIP SHESHRAO GAJBHIYE GMS
14ASHISH ARUN NAGARARE IND
15KHUSHAL UDARAMJI TUMANE IND
16DHONE ANIL IND
17ADV DUPARE ULHAS SHALIKRAM IND
18BARWE MADHUKAR DOMAJI IND
19ADV YUVRAJ ANANDRAOJI BAGDE IND
20SURESH MANGALDAS BORKAR IND
NAGPUR SOUTH WEST-52 NAGPUR SOUTH-53 NAGPUR EAST-54 NAGPUR
CENTRAL-55 NAGPUR WEST-56 NAGPUR NORTH-57
S13-10-MH-NAGPUR 1PUROHIT BANWARILAL BHAGWANDAS BJP
2ENGINEER MANIKRAO VAIDYA BSP
3MUTTEMWAR VILASRAO BABURAOJI INC
4ARUN SHAMRAO JOSHI ABHM
5KUMBHARE SULEKHA NARAYAN BREM
6ADV GAJANAN SADASHIV KAWALE RP(K)
7DILIP MANGAL MADAVI GGP
8MEHMOOD KHAN RAHEEM KHAN DESEP
9DR YASHWANT MANOHAR BBM
10RAUT RAMESHCHANDRA PRCP
11RAJESH SUKHDEV GAIKWAD KKJHS
12ADV VASANTA UMRE DPI
13SOMKUWAR VIJAY SITARAM ARP
14AZIZUR REHMAN SHEIKH IND
15ASHISH ARUN NAGRARE IND
16ADV UPASHA BANSI TAYWADE IND
17JAGDISH RAGHUNATH AMBADE IND
18PRATIBHA UDAY KHAPARDE IND
19PREMDAS RAMCHANDRA RAMTEKE IND
20BARAPATRE CHANDRABHAN SOMAJI IND
21BALASAHEB ALIAS PRAMOD RAMAJI SHAMBHARKAR IND
22MOHAMAD HABIB REEZAVI IND
23RAJESHKUMAR MOHANLAL PUGALIA IND
24RAHUL MADHUKAR DESHMUKH IND
25VIJAY DEVRAO DHAKATE IND
26SUNIL GAYAPRASAD MISHRA IND
27PROF DNYANESH WAKUDKAR IND
TUMSAR-60 BHANDARA-61 SAKOLI-62 ARJUNI-MORGAON-63 TIRORA-64
GONDIYA-65
S13-11-MH-BHANDARA – GONDIYA 1GANVIR SHIVKUMAR NAGARCHI CPI
2JAISWAL VIRENDRAKUMAR KASTURCHAND BSP
3PATLE SHISHUPAL NATTHUJI BJP
4PATEL PRAFUL MANOHARBHAI NCP
5UNDIRWADE HEMANT JAGIVAN PRCP
6JAMAIWAR SUNIL PARASRAM RSPS
7PATHAN MUSHTAK LATIF DESEP
8PRATIBHA VASANT PIMPALKAR BBM
9WASNIK SUNIL MANIRAM RP(K)
10UKEY CHINDHUJI LAKHAJI IND
11GAJBHIYE BRAMHASWARUP BABURAO IND
12GAJBHIYE RAJENDRA MAHADEO IND
13ADV DHANANJAY SHAMLALJI RAJABHOJ IND
14NANABHAU FALGUNRAO PATOLE IND
15PATLE AKARSING SITARAM IND
16PROF DR BHASKARRAO MAHADEORAO JIBHAKATE IND
17MIRZA WAHIDBEG AHAMADBEG IND
18YELE GANESHRAM SUKHRAM IND
19RAHANGADALE MULCHAND OLGAN IND
20DR RAMSAJIVAN KAWDU LILHARE IND
21SADANAND SHRAWANJI GANVIR IND
AMGAON-66 ARMORI-67 GADCHIROLI-68 AHERI-69 BRAHMAPURI-73
CHIMUR-74
S13-12-MH-GADCHIROLI-CHIMUR 1ASHOK MAHADEORAO NETE BJP
2ATRAM RAJE SATYAWANRAO BSP
3KOWASE MAROTRAO SAINUJI INC
4NAMDEO ANANDRAO KANNAKE CPI
5PROFFESOR KHANDALE KAWDU TULSHIRAM KKJHS
6ADV DADMAL PRABHAKAR MAHAGUJI PRBP
7PENDAM DIWAKAR GULAB BBM
8PENDAM PURUSHOTTAM ZITUJI DESEP
9VIJAY SURAJSING MADAVI GGP
10JAMBHULE NARAYAN DINABAJI IND
11DINESH TUKARAM MADAVI IND
RAJURA-70 CHANDRAPUR-71 BALLARPUR-72 WARORA-75 WANI-76 ARNI-80
S13-13-MH-CHANDRAPUR 1AHIR HANSARAJ GANGARAM BJP
2PUGALIA NARESH INC
3ADV HAZARE DATTABHAU KRUSHNARAO BSP
4KHARTAD LOMESH MAROTI RWS
5KHOBRAGADE DESHAK GIRISHBABU BBM
6CHATAP WAMAN SADASHIVRAO STBP
7JAWED ABDUL KURESHI ALIAS PROF JAWED PASHA JMM
8JITENDRA ADAKU RAUT ABMP
9DANGE NATTHU BHAURAO ARP
10PATHAN A RAZZAK KHAN HAYAT KHAN SP
11MASRAM NIRANJAN SHIVRAM GGP
12KALE DAMODHAR LAXMAN IND
13QURESHI IKHALAQ MOHD YUSUF IND
14GODE NARAYAN SHAHUJI IND
15DEKATE BHASKAR PARASHRAM IND
16MADHUKAR VITTHALRAO NISTANE IND
17MESHRAM CHARANDAS JANGLUJI IND
18RAMESH RAGHOBAJI TAJNE IND
19VINOD DINANATH MESHRAM IND
20VIRENDRA TARACHANDJI PUGLIA IND
21SHATRUGHN VYANKATRAO SONPIMPLE IND
22SANJAY NILKANTH GAWANDE IND
23HIWARKAR SUDHIR MOTIRAMJI IND
WASHIM-34 KARANJA-35 RALEGAON-77 YAVATMAL-78 DIGRAS-79 PUSAD-81
S13-14-MH-YAVATMAL-WASHIM 1YEDATKAR DILIP LAXMANRAO BSP
2BHAVANA GAWALI PATIL SHS
3HARISING RATHOD INC
4UTTAM BHAGAJI KAMBLE PRCP
5KURESHI SK MEHBUB SKFATTU BBM
6KWAJA NASIRODDINE KHAN DESEP
7GAJANAN KASHIRAM PATIL HEMBADE KM
8DHAGE VITTHAL MAHADEV RSPS
9MANIYAR YUNUS MAHMOOD ZAHMI AUDF
10MOHMMAD KHAN AZIZ KHAN SP
11ATHAWALE SADANAND PRALHADRAO IND
12GAJANAN BURMAL DODWADE IND
13NETAJI SITARAMJI KINAKE IND
14NANDKISHOR NARAYANRAO THAKARE IND
15PAWAR RAMESH GORSING IND
16PURUSHOTTAM DOMAJI BHAJGAWRE IND
17MADHUKAR SHIVDASPPA GORATE IND
18MANOJ JANARDAN PATIL IND
19MUKHADE SAU LALITARAI SUBHASHRAO IND
20MESHRAM BANDU GANPAT IND
21MOHD INAMURRAHIM MOHD MUSA IND
22RAVINDRA ALIAS RAVIPAL MADHUKARRAO GANDHE IND
23RAJKUMAR NARAYAN BHUJADALE IND
24RATHOD DEVISING RAMA IND
25SD VHIDODDIN SD KRIMODDIN IND
26VISHNU KASINATH TAWKAR IND
27SURESH BABAN PEDEKAR IND
28SURESH BHIVA TARAL IND
UMARKHED-82 KINWAT-83 HADGAON-84 BASMATH-92 KALAMNURI-93
HINGOLI-94
S13-15-MH-HINGOLI 1DR BD CHAVHAN BSP
2SUBHASH BAPURAO WANDHEDE SHS
3SURYAKANTA JAIWANTRAO PATIL NCP
4UTTAMRAO DAGADUJI BHAGAT PRCP
5AJAS NOORMINYA DESEP
6NAIK MADHAVRAO BAHENARAO BBM
7VINAYAK SHRIRAM BHISE KM
8GUNDEKAR SANJAY ADELU IND
9PATHAN SATTAR KASIMKHAN IND
10PACHPUTE RAMPRASAD KISHANRAO IND
11MD A MUJIM ANSARI A IND
BHOKAR-85 NANDED NORTH-86 NANDED SOUTH-87 NAIGAON-89 DEGLUR-90
MUKHED-91
S13-16-MH-NANDED 1KHATGAONKAR PATIL BHASKARRAO BAPURAO INC
2MD MAKBUL SALIM HAJI MD KHAJA BSP
3SAMBHAJI PAWAR BJP
4ALTAF AHMAD EAKBAL AHMAD BBM
5KHADE SANJAY WAMANRAO PRCP
6TIWARI RAMA BHAGIRAT RSPS
7ADV CS BAHETI JP
8MORE RAJESH EKNATHRAO KM
9A RAEES A JABBAR ANC
10SHINDE PREETI MADHUKAR JSS
11SHUDHIR YASHWANT SURVE KKJHS
12COM ASHOK NAGORAO GHAYALE IND
13ANAND JADHAV HOTALKAR IND
14KOREWAR BALAJI NARSING IND
15JADHAV VISHNU MAROTI IND
16NAVGHARE ANAND PANDURANG IND
17NARAYAN SURYAVANSHI DOANGONKAR IND
18PATHAN ZAFAR ALI KHAN MAHEMUD ALI KHAN IND
19AIDS MAN PRAKASH TATERAO LANDGE IND
20BHARANDE RAMCHANDRA GANGARAM IND
21ADV RAMRAO PANDURANG WAGHMARE IND
22HANMANTE VIJAY CHANDRAO IND
JINTUR-95 PARBHANI-96 GANGAKHED-97 PATHRI-98 PARTUR-99
GHANSAWANGI-100
S13-17-MH-PARBHANI 1ADV DUDHGAONKAR GANESHRAO NAGORAO SHS
2RAJSHRI BABASAHEB JAMAGE BSP
3WARPUDKAR SURESH AMBADASRAO NCP
4AJIM AHMED KHAN AJIJ KHAN DESEP
5ASHOKRAO BABARAO AMBHORE ANC
6KACHOLE MANAVENDRA SAWALARAM STBP
7KALE VYANKATRAO BHIMRAO KM
8NAMDEV LIMBAJI KACHAVE KKJHS
9BHAND GANGADHAR SAKHARAM BBM
10MULE BABAN DATTARAO RSPS
11RUMALE TUKARAM DHONDIBA PRCP
12SAYYAD EKRAMODDIN SAYYAD MUNIRODDIN LVKP
13ASAD BIN ABDULLAHA BIN IND
14JAMEEL AHMED SK AHMED IND
15DR DESHMUKH KISHANRAO JANARDHANRAO EXSERVICEMAN IND
16RATHOD RAMRAO DHANSING SIR IND
17SHINDE LAXMAN EKANATH IND
18SAMAR GORAKHNATH PAWAR IND
19SALVE SUDHAKAR UMAJI IND
JALNA-101 BADNAPUR-102 BHOKARDAN-103 SILLOD-104 PHULAMBRI-106
PAITHAN-110
S13-18-MH-JALNA 1DR KALE KALYAN VAIJINATHRAO INC
2DANVE RAOSAHEB DADARAO BJP
3RATHOD RAJPALSINH GABRUSINH BSP
4AAPPASAHEB RADHAKISAN KUDHEKAR KM
5KISAN BALVANTA BORDE PRCP
6KHARAT ASHOK RAMRAO BBM
7TAWAR KAILAS BHAUSAHEB STBP
8DR DILAWAR MIRZA BAIG IUML
9BHOJNE BABASAHEB SANGAM RSPS
10MISAL TUKARAM BABURAOJI SP
11RATNAPARKHE ARCHANA SUDHAKAR RPIE
12SUBHASH FAKIRA SALVE ANC
13SAYYAD MAKSUD NOOR LJP
14KOLTE MANOJ NEMINATH IND
15KHANDU HARISHCHANDRA LAGHANE IND
16NADE DNYANESHWAR DAGDU IND
17BABASAHEB PATIL SHINDE IND
18SONWANE ASHOK VITTHAL IND
19S HUSAIN AHEMAD IND
KANNAD-105 AURANGABAD CENTRAL-107 AURANGABAD WEST-108 AURANGABAD
EAST-109 GANGAPUR-111 VAIJAPUR-112
S13-19-MH-AURANGABAD 1UTTAMSINGH RAJDHARSINGH PAWAR INC
2CHANDRAKANT KHAIRE SHS
3SAYYED SALIM SAYYED YUSUF BSP
4JAHAGIRDAR MOHMAD AYUB GULAM SP
5JYOTI RAMCHANDRA UPADHAYAY BBM
6PANDURANG WAMANRAO NARWADE PRCP
7BHIMSEN RAMBHAU KAMBLE RPIE
8MANIK RAMU SHINDE KM
9SHAIKH HARUN MALIK SAHEB RSPS
10UTTAM MANIK KIRTIKAR IND
11EJAZ KHAN BISMILLAH KHAN IND
12KAZI MUSHIRODDIN TAJODDIN IND
13KRISHNA DEVIDAS JADHAV IND
14JADHAV TOTARAM GANPAT IND
15JADHAV VISHNU SURYABHAN IND
16JADHAV SUBHASH RUPCHAND IND
17BANKAR MILIND RANUJI IND
18SHANTIGIRIJI MOUNGIRIJI MAHARAJ IND
19SHAIKH RAFIQ SHAIKH RAZZAK IND
20SHAIKH SALIM PATEL WAHEGAONKAR IND
21SAYYED RAUF SAYYED ZAMIR IND
22SUBHASH KISANRAO PATIL JADHAV IND
NANDGAON-113 KALWAN-117 CHANDVAD-118 YEVLA-119 NIPHAD-121
DINDORI-122
S13-20-MH-DINDORI 1GAVIT JEEVA PANDU CPM
2GANGURDE DIPAK SHANKAR BSP
3CHAVAN HARISHCHANDRA DEORAM BJP
4ZIRWAL NARHARI SITARAM NCP
5PAWAR SAMPAT WAMAN BBM
6GANGURDE BALU KISAN IND
7BHIKA HARISING BARDE IND
8VIJAY NAMDEO PAWAR IND
9SHANKAR DEORAM GANGUDE IND
SINNAR-120 NASHIK EAST-123 NASHIK CENTRAL-124 NASHIK WEST-125
DEVLALI-126 IGATPURI-127
S13-21-MH-NASHIK 1GAIKWAD DATTA NAMDEO SHS
2SAMEER BHUJBAL NCP
3SHRIMAHANT SUDHIRDAS MAHARAJ BSP
4KAILAS MADHUKAR CHAVAN IJP
5GODSE HEMANT TUKARAM MNS
6JADHAV NAMDEO BHIKAJI BBM
7RAYATE VIJAY SAKHARAM RAYATE SIR HJP
8AD GULVE RAMNATH SANTUJI IND
9DATTU GONYA GAIKWAD IND
10PRAVINCHANDRA DATTARAM DETHE IND
11BHARAT HIRMAN PARDESHI IND
12RAJENDRA SAMPATRAO KADU IND
DAHANU-128 VIKRAMGAD-129 PALGHAR-130 BOISAR-131 NALASOPARA-132
VASAI-133
S13-22-MH-PALGHAR 1KOM LAHANU SHIDVA CPM
2ADV CHINTAMAN NAVSHA VANGA BJP
3DALAVI BHASKAR LADKU BSP
4SHINGADA DAMODAR BARKU INC
5CHANDRAKANT BALU PHUPANE BBM
6JADHAV BALIRAM SUKUR BVA
7DR KASHIRAM MAHADU DHONDAGHA IND
8PANDURANG JETHYA PARADHI IND
BHIWANDI RURAL-134 SHAHAPUR-135 BHIWANDI WEST-136 BHIWANDI
EAST-137 KALYAN WEST-138 MURBAD-139
S13-23-MH-BHIWANDI 1TAWARE SURESH KASHINATH INC
2PATIL JAGANNATH SHIVRAM BJP
3VGPATIL BSP
4AJIM GANI SHEKH RKSP
5ISMAIL SHAIKH LATIF KKJHS
6DEVRAJ KISAN MHATRE MNS
7RR PATIL SP
8MURTUZA MUZAFFAR SHAIKH NNP
9SHASHIKANT MOTIRAM KATHORE RSPS
10SHAIKH MEHBOOB BASHA VALI BBM
11GURUNATH UNDRYA NAIK IND
12DATTU GANAPAT BHOIR IND
13MAHENDRA KERU WADHVINDE IND
14MAHENDRA R MOHITE IND
15VIKAS SAKHARAM NIKAM IND
16VISHWANATH R PATIL IND
AMBERNATH-140 ULHAS NAGAR-141 KALYAN EAST-142 DOMBIVALI-143 KALYAN
RURAL-144 MUMBRA-KALWA-149
S13-24-MH-KALYAN 1ANAND PRAKASH PARANJAPE SHS
2KHAN KAMRUDDIN A GANI BSP
3DAWKHARE VASANT SHANKARRAO NCP
4AZAMI MUHAMMAD MAROOF NASIM RSPS
5KHAN AYAD MOHAMMAD NEBAS ALI IUML
6NARENDRA WAMAN MORE PRBP
7VAISHALI DAREKARRANE MNS
8ADVSSSALVE RETIRED JUDGE BBM
9SAYYAD HASINA MOHAMMED NASEEM NBNP
10HRUDHAYNATH BAPU WAGHODE ALIAS BALABHAU KM
11ALOK SINGH CHOTELAL IND
12GOVARDHAN CHANGO BHAGAT IND
13DHANANJAY BAPPASAHEB JOGDAND IND
14COM BABAN KAMBLE IND
15BHANUSHALI LAXMINDAS VELJI IND
16MOHHAMAD YUSUF FAROOKH KHAN IND
17VADHVINDE MAHENDRA KERU IND
18SHIRSE RAMSINGH UKHAJI IND
19SIDDIQUE ASFAQUE ALI IND
20SURESH RAM PANDAGALE IND
MIRA BHAYANDAR-145 OVALA – MAJIWADA-146 KOPRI-PACHPAKHADI-147
THANE-148 AIROLI-150 BELAPUR-151
S13-25-MH-THANE 1AVANINDRA KUMAR TRIPATHI BSP
2CHAUGULE VIJAY LAXMAN SHS
3DRSANJEEV GANESH NAIK NCP
4KAMLAKAR ANAND TAYDE BBM
5JAIN SEEMA MAHENDRA PRBP
6PATHAN JAVEED KAMIL KHAN NNP
7PARAG HANUMANT NEWALKAR KKJHS
8BERNARDSHAW DAVID NADAR RP(K)
9MAHESH RATHI CHANAKYA RVNP
10RAJAN RAJE MNS
11SINGH RAJESH MUNNILAL RSPS
12AHMAD AFJAL SHAIKH IND
13KAMBLE SACHIN SHIRPAT IND
14KUMAR K IND
15KHAN FIROZ YUSUFKHAN IND
16GAUD FAUJDAR RANGI IND
17CHETAN PRAKASH JADHAV IND
18JAIPRAKASH NARAYAN BHANDE IND
19RD TAMBE IND
20PARANJAPE DIPSHREE DEEPAK IND
21PRAMOD INGALE IND
22FREDI ALBERT BHANGA IND
23MURLIDHAR KRUSNA PAWAR IND
24MANGESH BHARAT KHADE IND
25MOH RIZWAN ABDULLA PATEL IND
26VIJAY CHAUGULE IND
27VIDYADHAR LAXMAN JOSHI IND
28VILAS DIPAK KHAMBE IND
29SAYED SHAFIQ AHMED ZOIDI IND
30SWATANTRA KUMAR PARMANAND ANAND IND
BORIVALI-152 DAHISAR-153 MAGATHANE-154 KANDIVALI EAST-160
CHARKOP-161 MALAD WEST-162
S13-26-MH-MUMBAI NORTH 1RAM NAIK BJP
2LAKHMENDRA KHURANA BSP
3SANJAY BRIJKISHORLAL NIRUPAM INC
4USMAN THIM SP
5KAILAS KATHAJI CHAVAN PRCP
6PARKAR SHIRISH LAXMAN MNS
7RAMESH KUMAR R SINGH SBSP
8RAJENDRA J THACKER PRPI
9DR LEO REBELLO BBM
10SANGEETA SHETTY LOKHANDE PPIS
11AD ARUN R KEJRIWAL IND
12KALYAN BHIMA GALPHADE IND
13GOPAL RAGHUNATH JAMSANDEKAR IND
14JAMNA PRASAD GANGAPRASAD PATEL IND
15JAHIR HUSSEIN ABDUL GANI HAVALDAR IND
16BHANDARI RAMESH SUKUR IND
17MAHENDRA TUKARAM AHIRE IND
18RAKESH D KUMAR IND
19VASHRAMBHAI MOHANBHAI PATEL IND
20SHYAM TIPANNA KURADE IND
21SUBODH GIRDHARI RANJAN IND
22SUBHASH PARSHURAM KHANVILKAR IND
23SURENDRA AMBALAL PATEL IND
JOGESHWARI EAST-158 DINDOSHI-159 GOREGAON-163 VERSOVA-164 ANDHERI
WEST-165 ANDHERI EAST-166
S13-27-MH-MUMBAI NORTH WEST 1ATHAR SIDDIQUI BSP
2ADKAMAT GURUDAS VASANT INC
3GAJANAN KIRTIKAR SHS
4AGGARWAL RISHI DHARAMPAL JGP
5ABU ASIM AZMI SP
6JADHAV BHIKAJI GANGARAM KKJHS
7THAKARE SHALINI JITENDRA MNS
8TAWADE DILIP NARAYAN AIFB
9PAWAR SUBHASH PANDURANG PRCP
10VAIJANATH SANGRAM GAIKWAD BBM
11ANITA RAMKRUSHAN RUPAWATE IND
12KAMBLE SATISH KISAN IND
13DAYANAND NIVRUTI KAMBLE IND
14DHOTRE MARUTI YAMNAPPA IND
15NINAD MANJARDEKAR IND
16PRAMOD SITARAM KASURDE IND
17BHATIA RIPUDAMAN SINGH IND
18MOHAMMED RAFIQ ABDUL RAZAK SHAIKH IND
19MAHADEV LIMBAJI GALPHADE IND
20DR VIJAY BHAVE IND
21SANTOSH PANDURANG CHAIKE IND
MULUND-155 VIKHROLI-156 BHANDUP WEST-157 GHATKOPAR WEST-169
GHATKOPAR EAST-170 MANKHURD SHIVAJI NAGAR-171
S13-28-MH-MUMBAI NORTH EAST 1ASHOK CHANDRAPAL SINGH BSP
2KIRIT SOMAIYA BJP
3SANJAY DINA PATIL NCP
4KOKARE SANJAY DHAKU BBM
5MANISHA MUKESH GADE KKJHS
6VISHWANATH DATTU PATIL RSPS
7SHISHIR SHINDE MNS
8JAYESH C MIRANI IND
9TATVASAHEB REVDEKAR IND
10DIKSHA JITENDRA JAGTAP IND
11DHARMPAL BHAGWAN MESHRAM IND
12NAMDEV TUKARAM SATHE IND
13NARAYAN ANAND ROKADE IND
14PANKAJBHAI SOMCHAND SHAH IND
15PRAKASH D KAMBLE IND
16SUNITA MOHAN TUPSOUNDARYA IND
VILE PARLE-167 CHANDIVALI-168 KURLA-174 KALINA-175 VANDRE
EAST-176 VANDRE WEST-177
S13-29-MH-MUMBAI NORTH CENTRAL 1EBRAHIM SHAIKH BSP
2DUTT PRIYA SUNIL INC
3MAHESH RAM JETHMALANI BJP
4JAYESH JASHWANTRAI BHAYANI THPI
5BHOSALE NITIN GANGARAM RPIE
6MOHAMAND RAFIQ QURESHI NNP
7MOHD SHAHID IBSP
8SHILPA ATUL SARPOTDAR MNS
9SUREKHA PEVEKAR RSPS
10ARORA RAKESH VISHWANATH IND
11ASLAM HANIF KHOT IND
12CHELJI S PATEL IND
13TULSIDAS KRISHNADAS NAIR IND
14COM DEVCHAND RANDIVE IND
15MOHAMAD YAHIYA SIDDHIQUE IND
16RAJKAMAL JAISINGH YADAV IND
17WAGHMARE AATISH RAMCHANDRA IND
18SUDHIR SHANKAR PARDESHI IND
19SUHAS BHIKURAM TAMBE IND
ANUSHAKTI NAGAR-172 CHEMBUR-173 DHARAVI-178 SION KOLIWADA-179
WADALA-180 MAHIM-181
S13-30-MH-MUMBAI SOUTH CENTRAL 1IQBAL MOHAMMAD SAYYAD RJD
2EKNATH M GAIKWAD INC
3BARVE PRAVIN RAMCHANDRA BSP
4SURESH ANANT GAMBHIR SHS
5DR AKALPITA PARANJPE BUDM
6AD ANARYA PUNDALIK PAWAR BBM
7KAMAL NARAYAN WAGHDARE RP(K)
8KARAM HUSSAIN KHAN NLHP
9KISHOR BHAGWAN JAGTAP RSPS
10GARUD MILIND MADHAV MG RPIE
11MOHHAMMED USMAN SHAIKH BMSM
12RAJENDRA GANPAT JADHAV PRCP
13SHWETA VIVEK PARULKAR MNS
14KISHORKUMAR VASANTRAO JADHAV IND
15TRIYOGINATH DUBEY IND
16DILIP RAMCHANDRA GANDHI IND
17MANOJ G SINGH IND
18RAJU SAHEBRAO DALVI IND
19ROHAN GAWRU TAMBE IND
20LAYEEK AHMED ANSARI IND
21VIKAS KUMAR IND
22SHAHAJIRAO DHONDIBA THORAT IND
23DR SAILEN KUMAR GHOSH IND
WORLI-182 SHIVADI-183 BYCULLA-184 MALABAR HILL-185 MUMBA
DEVI-186 COLABA-187
S13-31-MH-MUMBAI SOUTH 1DEORA MILIND MURLI INC
2MOHAN RAWALE SHS
3MOHAMMAD ALI ABUBAKAR SHAIKH BSP
4AVDHUT RAMCHANDRA BHISE JD(S)
5CHIRAG KANTILAL JETHAVA KKJHS
6FIROZ USMAN TINVALA DESEP
7BALA NANDGAONKAR MNS
8DRMONA KARTIK SHAH PRPI
9MOHAMMED AMIR SHAIKH MONTU RPI(D)
10AD RAJESH YASHVANT BHOSALE PPOI
11SAYYED ATHER ALI SP
12ASHOK SHANKAR AMBULKAR IND
13KHIMJI CHIMAN MAKWANA IND
14ADVOCATE FIROZ AHMED ANSARI IND
15MIRA H SANYAL IND
16MUKESH NEMICHAND JAIN IND
17DR SHAIKH SHAHID AHMED IND
18SAYYED SALIM SAYYED RAHIM IND
19SURYAKANT KESHAV SHINGE IND
20ZNYOSHO RASHTRAPATI IND
PEN-191 ALIBAG-192 SHRIVARDHAN-193 MAHAD-194 DAPOLI-263
GUHAGAR-264
S13-32-MH-RAIGAD 1ANANT GEETE SHS
2BARRISTER AR ANTULAY INC
3MOHITE KIRAN BABURAO BSP
4EKANATH ARJUN PATIL RSPS
5ADV PRAVIN MADHUKAR THAKUR IND
6DR SIDDHARTH PATIL IND
7SUNIL BHASKAR NAIK IND
PANVEL-188 KARJAT-189 URAN-190 MAVAL-204 CHINCHWAD-205
PIMPRI-206
S13-33-MH-MAVAL 1PANSARE AZAM FAKEERBHAI NCP
2BABAR GAJANAN DHARMSHI SHS
3MISHRA UMAKANT RAMESHWAR BSP
4AYU DEEPALI NIVRUTTI CHAVAN PRCP
5PRADIP PANDURANG KOCHAREKAR RSPS
6ADVSHIVSHANKAR DATTATRAY SHINDE KM
7ISHWAR DATTATRAY JADHAV IND
8JAGANNATH PANDURANG KHARGE IND
9DOLE BHIMRAJ NIVRUTTI IND
10ADVOCATE TUKARAM WAMANRAO BANSODE IND
11TANTARPALE GOPAL YASHWANTRAO IND
12ADVOCATE PRAMOD MAHADEV GORE IND
13BHAPKAR MARUTI SAHEBRAO IND
14MAHENDRA PRABHAKAR TIWARI IND
15BRO MANUAL DESOZA IND
16YASHWANT NARAYAN DESAI IND
17SHAKEEL RAJBHAI SHAIKH IND
18HARIBHAU DADAJI SHINDE IND
VADGAOL SHERI-208 SHIVAJINAGAR-209 KOTHRUD-210 PARVATI-212 PUNE
CANTONMENT-214 KASBA PETH-215
S13-34-MH-PUNE 1ANIL SHIROLE BJP
2KALMADI SURESH INC
3D S K ALIAS DSKULKARNI BSP
4ARUN BHATIA PG
5GULAB TATYA WAGHMODE BBM
6BAGBAN JAVED KASIM IUML
7VIKRAMADITYA OMPRAKASH DHIMAN RSPS
8VINOD ANAND SINH PTSS
9SHIROLE RANJEET SHRIKANT MNS
10SAVITA HAJARE PPOI
11SANGHARSH ARUN APTE PRCP
12AJAY VASANT PAITHANKAR IND
13ADAGALE BHAUSAHEB RAMCHANDRA IND
14ASHOK GANPAT PALKHE ALIAS SUTAR IND
15KAMTAM ISWAR SAMBHAYYA IND
16KULKARNI KAUSTUBH SHASHIKANT IND
17KHAN AMANULLA MOHMOD AL IND
18KHAN NISSAR TAJ AHMAD IND
19P K CHAVAN IND
20CHOUDHARI SUNIL GULABRAO IND
21CHOURE VILAS CHINTAMAN IND
22TATYA ALIAS NARAYAN SHANKAR WAMBHIRE IND
23TAMBOLI SHABBIR SAJJANBHAI IND
24DATTATRAYA GANESH TALGERI IND
25BAGADE SACHIN MARUTI IND
26BALU ALIAS ANIL SHIROLE IND
27BHARAT MANOHAR GAVALI IND
28BHAGWAT RAGHUNATH KAMBLE IND
29RAJENDRA BHAGAT ALIAS JITU BHAI IND
30VIKRAM NARENDRA BOKE IND
31SHINDE RAJENDRA BABURAO IND
32SHAIKH ALTAF KARIM IND
33SHRIKANT MADHUSUDAN JAGTAP IND
34SARDESAI KISHORKUMAR RAGHUNATH IND
35ADVSUBHASH NARHAR GODSE IND
36SANTOSH ALIAS SOMNATH KALU PAWAR IND
DAUND-199 INDAPUR-200 BARAMATI-201 PURANDAR-202 BHOR-203
KHADAKWASALA-211
S13-35-MH-BARAMATI 1KUDALEPATIL VIVEK ANANT BSP
2KANTA JAYSING NALAWADE BJP
3SUPRIYA SULE NCP
4MAYAWATI AMAR CHITRE BMSM
5SHELAR SANGEETA PANDURANG KM
6SACHIN VITTHAL AHIRE PRCP
7SAMPAT MARUTI TAKALE RSPS
8GHORPADE SAVEETA ASHOK IND
9TATYA ALIAS NARAYAN SHANKAR WAMBHIRE IND
10TANTARPALE GOPAL YESHWANTRAO IND
11DEEPAK SHANKAR BHAPKAR IND
12BHIMA ANNA KADALE IND
13MRUNALEENI JAYRAJ KAKADE IND
14YOGESH SONABA RANDHEER IND
15SHIVAJI JAYSING KOKARE IND
16SURESH BABURAO VEER IND
17SANGITA SHRIMAN BHUMKAR IND
JUNNAR-195 AMBEGAON-196 KHED ALANDI-197 SHIRUR-198 BHOSARI-207
HADAPSAR-213
S13-36-MH-SHIRUR 1ADHALRAO SHIVAJI DATTATRAY SHS
2ZAGADE YASHWANT SITARAM BSP
3VILAS VITHOBA LANDE NCP
4PALLAVI MOHAN HARSHE PRCP
5SHELAR DNYANOBA SHRIPATI RPPI
6SURESH MULCHAND KANKARIA MAMA RSPS
7ABHANG KONDIBHAU BHIMAJI IND
8KARANDE CHANGDEO NAMDEO IND
9KALURAM RAGHUNATH TAPKIR IND
10RAM DHARMA DAMBALE IND
11LANDE VILAS MHATARBA IND
SHEVGAON-222 RAHURI-223 PARNER-224 AHMEDNAGAR CITY-225
SHRIGONDA-226 KARJAT JAMKHED-227
S13-37-MH-AHMADNAGAR 1KARDILE SHIVAJI BHANUDAS NCP
2KARBHARI WAMAN SHIRSAT ALIAS KV SHIRSAT CPI
3GADAKH TUKARAM GANGADHAR BSP
4GANDHI DILIPKUMAR MANSUKHLAL BJP
5KAZI SAJID MUJIR RPIE
6HAKE BHANUDAS KISAN RSPS
7HOLE BHANUDAS NAMDEO BBM
8ARUN KAHAR IND
9AVINASH MALHARRAO GHODAKE IND
10KHAIRE ARJUN DEORAO IND
11GAIKWAD BALASAHEB RAMCHANDRA IND
12NAUSHAD ANSAR SHAIKH IND
13PROF MAHENDRA DADA SHINDE IND
14RAUT EKNATH BABASAHEB IND
15RAJIV APPASAHEB RAJALE IND
AKOLE-216 SANGAMNER-217 SHIRDI-218 KOPARGAON-219 SHRIRAMPUR-220
NEVASA-221
S13-38-MH-SHIRDI 1KACHARU NAGU WAGHMARE BSP
2WAKCHOURE BHAUSAHEB RAJARAM SHS
3ATHAWALE RAMDAS BANDU RPI
4DHOTRE SUCHIT CHINTAMANI KM
5SATISH BALASAHEB PALGHADMAL PRCP
6ADHAGALE RAJENDRA NAMDEV IND
7KAMBALE RAMESH ANKUSH IND
8GAIKWAD APPASAHEB GANGADHAR IND
9BAGUL BALU DASHARATH IND
10MEDHE PRAFULLAKUMAR MURLIDHAR IND
11RAKSHE ANNASAHEB EKNATH IND
12RUPWATE PREMANAND DAMODHAR IND
13LODHE SHARAD LAXAMAN IND
14WAGH GANGADHAR RADHAJI IND
15VAIRAGHAR SUDHIR NATHA IND
16SABALE ANIL DAMODHAR IND
17SANDIP BHASKAR GOLAP IND
GEORAI-228 MAJALGAON-229 BEED-230 ASHTI-231 KAIJ-232 PARLI-233
S13-39-MH-BEED 1KOKATE RAMESH BABURAO ADASKAR NCP
2MASKE MACHHINDRA BABURAO BSP
3MUNDE GOPINATHRAO PANDURANG BJP
4KHALGE KACHRU SANTRAMJI BBM
5GURAV KALYAN BHANUDAS RKSP
6TATE ASHOK SANTRAM ARP
7NIKALJE SHEELATAI MAHENDRA PRCP
8PRAMOD ALIAS PARMESHWAR SAKHARAM MOTE KM
9BABURAO NARAYANRAO KAGADE ANC
10DR SHIVAJIRAO KISANRAO SHENDGE RSPS
11KAMAL KONDIRAM NIMBALKAR IND
12KAMBLE DEEPAK DYANOBA IND
13KHAN SIKANDAR KHAN HUSSAIN KHAN IND
14GUJAR KHAN MIRZA KHAN IND
15ADVNATKAR RAMRAO SHESHRAO IND
16PATHAN GAFARKHAN JABBARKHAN IND
17MAHAMMAD AKARAM MAHAMMAD SALIMUDDIN BAGWAN IND
18RAMESH VISHVANATH KOKATE IND
19SAYYED MINHAJ ALI WAJED ALI PENDKHJUR WALE IND
20SAYYED SALIM FATTU IND
21SARDAR KHAN SULTANABABA IND
AUSA-239 UMARGA-240 TULJAPUR-241 OSMANABAD-242 PARANDA-243
BARSHI-246
S13-40-MH-OSMANABAD 1GAIKWAD RAVINDRA VISHWANATH SHS
2DIVAKAR YASHWANT NAKADE BSP
3PATIL PADAMSINHA BAJIRAO NCP
4JAGTAP BHAGWAN DADARAO BBM
5TARKASE DHANANJAY MURLIDHAR ABHM
6TAWADE PRAKASH TANAJIRAO KM
7BANSODE GUNDERAO SHIVRAM RSPS
8BABA FAIJODDIN SHAIKH NELU
9BHOSLE REVAN VISHWANATH JD(S)
10MUJAWAR SHAHABUDDIN NABIRASUL PRCP
11RAJENDRA RANDITRAO HIPPERGEKAR KKJHS
12ANGARSHA SALIM BABULAL IND
13GAIKWAD UMAJI PANDURANG IND
14CHAVAN BABU VITHOBA IND
15CHANDANE PINTU PANDURANG IND
16DADASAHEB SHANKARRAO JETITHOR IND
17NITURE ARUN BHAURAO IND
18PATEL HASHAM ISMAIL IND
19PAWAR HARIDAS MANIKRAO IND
20PATIL MAHADEO DNYANDEO IND
21BALAJI BAPURAO TUPSUNDARE IND
22ADV BHAUSAHEB ANIL BELURE BEMBLIKAR IND
23MUNDHE PATRIL PADAMSINHA VIJAYSINHA IND
24YEVATEPATIL SHRIMANT IND
25SANDIPAN RAMA ZOMBADE IND
LOHA-88 LATUR RURAL-234 LATUR CITY-235 AHMADPUR-236 UDGIR-237
NILANGA-238
S13-41-MH-LATUR 1AAWALE JAYWANT GANGARAM INC
2GAIKWAD SUNIL BALIRAM BJP
3ADV BABASAHEB SADSHIVRAO GAIKWAD BSP
4ARAK ASHOK VIKRAM KM
5VK ACHARYA PRCP
6TM KAMBLE RPI(D)
7GANNE TUKARAM RAMBHAU JSS
8BANSODE RAGHUNATH WAGHOJI PRBP
9BABURAO SATYAWAN POTBHARE BBM
10RAMKUMAR RAIWADIKAR SWJP
11SHRIKANT RAMRAO JEDHE RSPS
12SASANE ATUL GANGARAM ARP
13SAHEBRAO HARIBHAU WAGHMARE KKJHS
14AAWCHARE VIJAYKUMAR BABRUWAN IND
15KAMBLE BANSILAL RAMCHANDRA IND
16NILANGEKAR AVINASH MADHUKARRAO IND
17MANE GAJANAN PANDURANG IND
18SANJAY KABIRDAS GAIKWAD IND
MOHOL-247 SOLAPUR CITY NORTH-248 SOLAPUR CITY CENTRAL-249
AKKALKOT-250 SOLAPUR SOUTH-251 PANDHARPUR-252
S13-42-MH-SOLAPUR 1GAIKWAD PRAMOD RAMCHANDRA BSP
2ADV BANSODE SHARAD MARUTI BJP
3SHINDE SUSHILKUMAR SAMBHAJIRAO INC
4ADV KASABEKAR SHRIDHAR LIMBAJI RSPS
5RAJGURU NARAYAN YEDU BBM
6LAXMIKANT CHANDRAKANT GAIKWAD KKJHS
7NARAYANKAR RAJENDRA BABURAO IND
8NITINKUMAR RAMCHANDRA KAMBLE ALIAS NITIN BANPURKAR IND
9BANSODE UTTAM BHIMSHA IND
10BANSODE RAHUL DATTU IND
11MILIND MAREPPA MULE IND
12VIKRAM UTTAM KASABE IND
13VIJAYKUMAR BHAGWANRAO UGHADE IND
KARMALA-244 MADHA-245 SANGOLE-253 MALSHIRAS-254 PHALTAN-255
MAN-258
S13-43-MH-MADHA 1DESHMUKH SUBHASH SURESHCHANDRA BJP
2PAWAR SHARADCHANDRA GOVINDRAO NCP
3RAHUL VITTHAL SARWADE BSP
4AYU GAIKWAD SATISH SUGRAV PRCP
5CHAVAN SUBHASH VITTHAL BBM
6MAHADEO JAGANNATH JANKAR RSPS
7RAMCHANDRA NARAYAN KACCHAVE KKJHS
8SASTE KAKASAHEB MAHADEO KM
9SOU NAGMANI KISAN JAKKAN IND
10DRM D PATIL IND
11BANSODE BALVEER DAGADU IND
12BHANUDAS BHAGAWAN DEVAKATE IND
13DR MAHADEO ABAJI POL IND
14SURESH SHAMRAO GHADGE IND
15DNYANESHWAR VITTHAL AMALE IND
MIRAJ-281 SANGLI-282 PALUS-KADEGAON-285 KHANAPUR-286 TASGAON –
KAVATHE MAHANKAL-287 JAT-288
S13-44-MH-SANGLI 1PATEL MJAVED M YUSUF BSP
2PRATIK PRAKASHBAPU PATIL INC
3ASHOK DNYANU MANEBHAU STBP
4MANOHAR BALKRISHNA KHEDKAR BBM
5MAHADEV ANNA WAGHAMARE RSPS
6AJITRAO SHANKARRAO GHORPADE IND
7ANSARI SHABBIR AHEMED IND
8GANPATI TUKARAM KAMBLE ALIAS GT KAMBLE IND
9PANDHARE DATTATRAYA PANDURANG IND
10KAVTHEKAR PRAVIN BHAGWAN KAVTHEKAR ALIAS JIVA MAHALE IND
11MULANI BALEKHAN USMAN IND
12VAGARE MARUTI MURA IND
13SHAMRAO PIRAJI KADAM IND
14SIDDESHWAR SHIVAPPA BHOSALE IND
WAI-256 KOREGAON-257 KARAD NORTH-259 KARAD SOUTH-260 PATAN-261
SATARA-262
S13-45-MH-SATARA 1CHAVAN PRASHANT VASANT BSP
2PURUSHOTTAM BAJIRAO JADHAV SHS
3BHONSLE SHRIMANT CHH UDYANRAJE PRATAPSINHMAHARAJ NCP
4BHAUSAHEB GANGARAM WAGH RSPS
5ALANKRITA ABHIJIT AWADEBICHUKALE IND
CHIPLUN-265 RATNAGIRI-266 RAJAPUR-267 KANKAVLI-268 KUDAL-269
SAWANTWADI-270
S13-46-MH-RATNAGIRI – SINDHUDURG 1DRNILESH NARAYAN RANE INC
2PARULEKAR JAYENDRA SHRIPAD BSP
3SURESH PRABHAKAR PRABHU SHS
4AJAY ALIAS AABA DADA JADHAV KKJHS
5RAJESH PUSUSHOTTAM SURVE RSPS
6VILASRAO KHANVILKAR ABHM
7SIRAJ ABDULLA KAUCHALI BBM
8KHALAPE AKBAR MAHAMMAD IND
9SURENDRA BORKAR IND
CHANDGAD-271 RADHANAGARI-272 KAGAL-273 KOLHAPUR SOUTH-274
KARVIR-275 KOLHAPUR NORTH-276
S13-47-MH-KOLHAPUR 1KAMBLE SUHAS NIVRUTI BSP
2CHHATRPATI SAMBHAJIRAJE SHAHU NCP
3DEVANE VIJAY SHAMRAO SHS
4KAMBLE MARUTI RAVELU BBM
5CHOUGULE BHAI PT IND
6DR NEELAMBARI RAMESH MANDAPE IND
7SR TATYA PATIL IND
8BAJRANG KRISHNA PATIL IND
9MAHAMMADGOUS GULAB NADAF IND
10SADASHIVRAO MANDLIK DADOBA IND
SHAHUWADI-277 HATKANANGLE-278 ICHALKARANJI-279 SHIROL-280
ISLAMPUR-283 SHIRALA-284
S13-48-MH-HATKANANGLE 1KANADE ANILKUMAR MAHADEV BSP
2MANE NIVEDITA SAMBHAJIRAO NCP
3RAGHUNATH RAMCHANDRA PATIL SHS
4PATIL UDAY PANDHARINATH KM
5BABURAO OMANNA KAMBLE RSPS
6MANE ARVIND BHIVA BBM
7SHETTI RAJU ALIAS DEVAPPA ANNA SWP
8ARUN ALIAS SHAM BAJARNAG BUCHADE IND
9THORAT ANANDRAO TUKARAM IND
10SURNIKE ANANDRAO VASANTRAO FOUJI BAPU IND
KHUNDRAKPAM-1 HEINGANG-2 KHURAI-3 KSHETRIGAO-4 THONGJU-5
KEIRAO-6 ANDRO-7 LAMLAI-8 THANGMEIBAND-9 URIPOK-10
S14-1-MN-INNER MANIPUR 1DR THOKCHOM MEINYA INC
2THOUNAOJAM CHAOBA MPP
3MOIRANGTHEM NARA CPI
4WAHENGBAM NIPAMACHA SINGH BJP
5L KSHETRANI DEVI RBCP
6ABDUL RAHMAN IND
7NONGMAITHEM HOMENDRO SINGH IND
HEIROK-33 WANGJING TENTHA-34 KHANGABOK-35 WABGAI-36 KAKCHING-37
HIYANGLAM-38 SUGNU-39 JIRIBAM-40 CHANDEL (ST)-41 TENGNOUPAL (ST)-42
S14-2-MN-OUTER MANIPUR 1THANGSO BAITE INC
2D LOLI ADANEE BJP
3LB SONA NCP
4M JAMKHONGAM M YAMKHONGAM HAOKIP RJD
5THANGKHANGIN LJP
6MANI CHARENAMEI PDA
7VALLEY ROSE HUNGYO IND
8MANGSHI ROSE MANGSHI HAOKIP IND
9LAMLALMOI GANGTE IND
NARTIANG-1 JOWAI-2 RALIANG-3 MOWKAIAW-4 SUTNGA SAIPUNG-5
KHLIEHRIAT-6 AMLAREM-7 MAWHATI-8 NONGPOH-9 JIRANG-10
S15-1-ML-SHILLONG 1DALINGTON DYMPEP CPI
2JOHN FILMORE KHARSHIING UDP
3VINCENT H PALA INC
4P B M BASAIAWMOIT HSPDP
5MARTLE NMUKHIM MDP
6DENIS SIANGSHAI IND
7TIEROD PASSAH IND
KHARKUTTA-37 MENDIPATHAR-38 RESUBELPARA-39 BAJENGDOBA-40
SONGSAK-41 RONGJENG-42 WILLIAM NAGAR-43 RAKSAMGRE-44 TIKRIKILA-45
PHULBARI-46
S15-2-ML-TURA 1AGATHA K SANGMA NCP
2DEBORA C MARAK INC
3BOSTON MARAK ACNC
4ARLENE N SANGMA IND
HACHHEK-1 DAMPA-2 MAMIT-3 TUIRIAL-4 KOLASIB-5 SERLUI-6
TUIVAWL-7 CHALFILH-8 TAWI-9 AIZAWL NORTH – I-10
S16-1-MZ-MIZORAM 1LALAWMPUIA CHHANGTE NCP
2CLRUALA INC
3DR H LALLUNGMUANA IND
4RUALPAWLA IND
DIMAPUR-I-1 DIMAPUR-II-2 DIMAPUR-III-3 GHASPANI-I-4
GHASPANI-II-5 TENNING-6 PEREN-7 WESTERN ANGAMI-8 KOHIMA TOWN-9
NORTHERN ANGAMI-I-10
S17-1-NL-NAGALAND 1K ASUNGBA SANGTAM INC
2CM CHANG NPF
3DR RILANTHUNG ODYUO AITC
PADAMPUR-1 BIJEPUR-2 BARGARH-3 ATTABIRA-4 BHATLI-5
BRAJARAJNAGAR-6 JHARSUGUDA-7
S18-1-OR-BARGARH 1RADHARANI PANDA BJP
2SANJAY BHOI INC
3SUNIL KUMAR AGRAWAL BSP
4DR HAMID HUSSAIN BJD
5NILADRI BEHARI PANDA KOKD
6SURENDRA KUMAR AGRAWAL IND
TALSARA-8 SUNDARGARH-9 BIRAMITRAPUR-10 RAGHUNATHPALI-11
ROURKELA-12 RAJGANGAPUR-13 BONAI-14
S18-2-OR-SUNDARGARH 1JUAL ORAM BJP
2JEROM DUNGDUNG BSP
3LIVNUS KINDO JMM
4SALOMI MINZ CPM
5HEMANANDA BISWAL INC
6RAMA CHANDRA EKKA JDP
7SAGAR SING MANKEE KOKD
8DALESWAR MAJHI IND
9MANSID EKKA IND
KUCHINDA-15 RENGALI-16 SAMBALPUR-17 RAIRAKHOL-18 DEOGARH-19
CHHENDIPADA-62 ATHAMALLIK-63
S18-3-OR-SAMBALPUR 1AMARNATH PRADHAN INC
2GOBINDA RAM AGARWAL BSP
3ROHIT PUJARI BJD
4SURENDRA LATH BJP
5ASHOK KUMAR NAIK KOKD
6BIJAYA KUMAR MAHANANDA RPI
7MD ALI HUSSAIN IND
TELKOI-20 GHASIPURA-21 ANANDAPUR-22 PATNA-23 KEONJHAR-24
CHAMPUA-25 KARANJIA-30
S18-4-OR-KEONJHAR 1ANANTA NAYAK BJP
2DHANURJAYA SIDU INC
3YASHBANT NARAYAN SINGH LAGURI BJD
4LACHHAMAN MAJHI JMM
5DR SUDARSHAN LOHAR BSP
6CHITTA RANJAN MUNDA IND
7DR FAKIR MOHAN NAIK IND
JASHIPUR-26 SARASKANA-27 RAIRANGPUR-28 BANGRIPOSI-29 UDALA-31
BARIPADA-33 MORADA-34
S18-5-OR-MAYURBHANJ 1GAMHA SINGH BSP
2DROUPADI MURMU BJP
3LAXMAN TUDU BJD
4LAXMAN MAJHI INC
5SUDAM MARNDI JMM
6LAXMISWAR TAMUDIA SP
7SUNDAR MOHAN MAJHI JDP
8DEVI PRASANNA BESRA IND
9NARENDRA HANSDA IND
10RAMESWAR MAJHI IND
BADASAHI-32 JALESWAR-35 BHOGRAI-36 BASTA-37 BALASORE-38
REMUNA-39 NILGIRI-40
S18-6-OR-BALASORE 1ARUN JENA JMM
2ARUN DEY NCP
3MAHAMEGHA BAHAN AIRA KHARABELA SWAIN BJP
4SHRADHANJALI PRADHAN BSP
5SRIKANTA KUMAR JENA INC
6DEBASISH RANJAN DASH SAMO
7RAKESH RANJAN PATRA JHKP
8GHASIRAM MOHANTA IND
9LAXIMIKANTA BEHERA IND
SORO-41 SIMULIA-42 BHANDARIPOKHARI-43 BHADRAK-44 BASUDEVPUR-45
DHAMNAGAR-46 CHANDABALI-47
S18-7-OR-BHADRAK 1ANANTA PRASAD SETHI INC
2ARJUN CHARAN SETHI BJD
3NITYANANDA JENA BSP
4RATH DAS BJP
5GOLAK PRASAD MALLIK IND
6SUSANTA KUMAR JENA IND
BINJHARPUR-48 BARI-49 BARCHANA-50 DHARMASALA-51 JAJPUR-52
KOREI-53 SUKINDA-54
S18-8-OR-JAJPUR 1AMIYA KANTA MALLIK INC
2PARAMESWAR SETHI BJP
3MOHAN JENA BJD
4AJIT KUMAR JENA SAMO
5BABULI MALLIK OMM
6BHIMSEN BEHERA JHKP
7UDAYA NATH JENA IND
8KALANDI MALLIK IND
DHENKANAL-55 HINDOL-56 KAMAKHYANAGAR-57 PARJANGA-58 PALLAHARA-59
TALCHER-60 ANGUL-61
S18-9-OR-DHENKANAL 1KRISHNA CHANDRA SAHOO BSP
2CHANDRA SEKHAR TRIPATHY INC
3TATHAGATA SATPATHY BJD
4RUDRANARAYAN PANY BJP
5PRIYABRATA GARNAIK KS
BIRMAHARAJPUR-64 SONEPUR-65 LOISINGHA-66 PATNAGARH-67
BOLANGIR-68 TITLAGARH-69 KANTABANJI-70
S18-10-OR-BOLANGIR 1KALIKESH NARAYAN SINGH DEO BJD
2NARASINGHA MISHRA INC
3BALHAN SAGAR BSP
4SANGITA KUMARI SINGH DEO BJP
5DINGAR KUMBHAR SAMO
NUAPADA-71 KHARIAR-72 LANJIGARH-77 JUNAGARH-78 DHARMGARH-79
BHAWANIPATNA-80 NARLA-81
S18-11-OR-KALAHANDI 1NAKULA MAJHI BSP
2BIKRAM KESHARI DEO BJP
3BHAKTA CHARAN DAS INC
4SUBASH CHANDRA NAYAK BJD
5PARAMESWAR KAND SP
6BALARAM HOTA CPI(ML)(L)
7DAMBARUDHARA SUNANI IND
8MAHESWAR BHOI IND
UMARKOTE-73 JHARIGAM-74 NABARANGPUR-75 DABUGAM-76 KOTPAD-142
MALKANGIRI-146 CHITRAKONDA-147
S18-12-OR-NABARANGPUR 1CHANDRADHWAJ MAJHI BSP
2DOMBURU MAJHI BJD
3PARSURAM MAJHI BJP
4PRADEEP KUMAR MAJHI INC
BALIGUDA-82 G. UDAYAGIRI-83 PHULBANI-84 KANTAMAL-85 BOUDH-86
DASPALLA-121 BHANJANAGAR-123
S18-13-OR-KANDHAMAL 1ASHOK SAHU BJP
2PAULA BALIARSING BSP
3RUDRAMADHAB RAY BJD
4SUZIT KUMAR PADHI INC
5NAKUL NAYAK SP
6AJIT KUMAR NAYAK IND
7KAMALA KANTA PANDEY IND
8GHORABANA BEHERA IND
9DEENABANDHU NAIK IND
BARAMBA-87 BANKI-88 ATHAGARH-89 BARABATI-CUTTACK-90
CHOUDWAR-CUTTACK-91 CUTTACK SADAR-93 KHANDAPADA-120
S18-14-OR-CUTTACK 1ANADI SAHU BJP
2GOPAL CHANDRA KAR BSP
3BIBHUTI BHUSAN MISHRA INC
4BHARTRUHARI MAHTAB BJD
5KAPILA CHARAN MALL BOP
6PRADIP ROUTRAY KS
7DEBANANDA SINGH IND
SALIPUR-94 MAHANGA-95 PATKURA-96 KENDRAPARA-97 AUL-98
RAJANAGAR-99 MAHAKALAPADA-100
S18-15-OR-KENDRAPARA 1JNANDEV BEURA BJP
2RANJIB BISWAL INC
3LENIN LENKA BSP
4BAIJAYANT PANDA BJD
5PRATAP CHANDRA JENA SAMO
6PRAVAKAR NAYAK KS
7RAMA KRUSHNA DASH CPI(ML)(L)
8SARAT CHANDRA SWAIN IND
NIALI-92 PARADEEP-101 TIRTOL-102 BALIKUDA-ERSAMA-103
JAGATSINGHPUR-104 KAKATPUR-105 NIMAPARA-106
S18-16-OR-JAGATSINGHPUR 1BAIDHAR MALLICK BJP
2BIBHU PRASAD TARAI CPI
3BIBHUTI BHUSAN MAJHI BSP
4RABINDRA KUMAR SETHY INC
5AKSHAYA KUMAR SETHI SAMO
PURI-107 BRAMHAGIRI-108 SATYABADI-109 PIPILI-110 CHILIKA-118
RANPUR-119 NAYAGARH-122
S18-17-OR-PURI 1JITENDRA KUMAR SAHOO BSP
2DEBENDRA NATH MANSINGH INC
3PINAKI MISRA BJD
4BRAJA KISHORE TRIPATHY BJP
5KSHITISH BISWAL CPI(ML)(L)
6SABYASACHI MOHAPATRA KS
7PRABHAT KUMAR BADAPANDA IND
JAYADEV-111 BHUBANESWAR CENTRAL (MADHYA)-112 BHUBANESWAR NORTH
(UTTAR)-113 EKAMRA-BHUBANESWAR-114 JATANI-115 BEGUNIA-116
KHURDA-117
S18-18-OR-BHUBANESWAR 1AKSHAYA KUMAR MOHANTY BSP
2ARCHANA NAYAK BJP
3PRASANNA KUMAR PATASANI BJD
4SANTOSH MOHANTY INC
5UMA CHARANA MISHRA JHKP
6NABAGHAN PARIDA BOP
7PRAFUL KUMAR SAHOO RPI(A)
8BASANTA KUMAR BEHERA KS
9BIJAYANANDA MISHRA LJP
10JAGANNATH PRASAD LENKA IND
11DHIRENDRA SATAPATHY IND
12PRAMILA BEHERA IND
13SASTHI PRASAD SETHI IND
POLASARA-124 KABISURYANGAR-125 KHALIKOTE-126 ASKA-128 SURADA-129
SANAKHEMUNDI-130 HINJILI-131
S18-19-OR-ASKA 1NITYANANDA PRADHAN BJD
2RAMACHANDRA RATH INC
3SHANTI DEVI BJP
4KRISHNA DALABEHERA KS
5BIJAYA KUMAR MAHAPATRO RSP
6SURJYA NARAYAN SAHU SAMO
7KALICHARAN NAYAK IND
8DEBASIS MISRA IND
9K SHYAM BABU SUBUDHI IND
CHHATRAPUR-127 GOPALPUR-132 BERHAMPUR-133 DIGAPAHANDI-134
CHIKITI-135 MOHANA-136 PARALAKHEMUNDI-137
S18-20-OR-BERHAMPUR 1CHANDRA SEKHAR SAHU INC
2PABITRA GAMANGO BSP
3BHARAT PAIK BJP
4SIDHANT MAHAPATRA BJD
5NIRAKAR BEHERA KS
6ALI RAZA ZIADI IND
7KISHORE CHANDRA MAHARANA IND
8A RAGHUNATH VARMA IND
9K SHYAM BABU SUBUDHI IND
GUNUPUR-138 BISSAM CUTTACK-139 RAYAGADA-140 LAXMIPUR-141
JEYPORE-143 KORAPUT-144 POTTANGI-145
S18-21-OR-KORAPUT 1UPENDRA MAJHI BJP
2GIRIDHAR GAMANG INC
3JAYARAM PANGI BJD
4PAPANNA MUTIKA BSP
5KUMUDINI DISARI SAMO
6MEGHANADA SABAR CPI(ML)(L)
SUJANPUR-1 BHOA-2 GURDASPUR-4 DINA NAGAR-5 QADIAN-6 BATALA-7
FATEHGARH CHURIAN-9 DERA BABA NANAK-10
S19-1-PB-GURDASPUR 1SWARAN SINGH THAKUR BSP
2PARTAP SINGH BAJWA INC
3VINOD KHANNA BJP
4SUKRIT SHARDA SP
5GURPREET SINGH KHANNA BGTD
6YOG RAJ SHARMA SHS
7RAGHVIR KAUR LJP
8KULDEEP CHAND SAINI IND
9GURMEET SINGH IND
10NARAIN SINGH IND
11BALBIR SINGH IND
12LAL CHAND IND
13VIDYA BHUSHAN IND
AJNALA-11 RAJA SANSI-12 MAJITHA-13 AMRITSAR NORTH-15 AMRITSAR
WEST-16 AMRITSAR CENTRAL-17 AMRITSAR EAST-18 AMRITSAR SOUTH-19
ATTARI-20
S19-2-PB-AMRITSAR 1OM PRAKASH SONI INC
2BKN CHHIBER BSP
3NAVJOT SINGH SIDHU BJP
4ANIL SINGH RSP
5DRSURINDER SINGH DCP
6HARMEET SINGH LJP
7MAJOR GS GILL RRD
8JASWANT SINGH RANDHAWA BGTD
9SHAM LAL IND
10KANWALJIT SINGH MANAWALA IND
11GOKAL CHAND IND
12NARESH SINGH BHADAURIYA IND
13BAL KRISHAN IND
14LAVINDER KUMAR IND
JANDIALA-14 TARN TARAN-21 KHEM KARAN-22 PATTI-23 KHADOOR
SAHIB-24 BABA BAKALA-25 KAPURTHALA-27 SULTANPUR LODHI-28 ZIRA-75
S19-3-PB-KHADOOR SAHIB 1SURINDER SINGH SHAHI BSP
2DR RATTAN SINGH AJNALA SAD
3RANA GURJEET SINGH INC
4DARSHAN SINGH AIDWC
5BALKAR SINGH BGTD
6MOHINDER SINGH LJP
7SUKHWANT SINGH IND
8HARJIT SINGH IND
9KANWAR PARTAP SINGH IND
10GIAN KAUR IND
11GURJIT SINGH IND
12JASPAL SINGH IND
13PRAGAT SINGH IND
14RAJINDER SINGH IND
15RAJINDER RIKHI IND
TALWARA-3 PHILLAUR-30 NAKODAR-31 SHAHKOT-32 KARTARPUR-33
JALANDHAR WEST-34 JALANDHAR CENTRAL-35 JALANDHAR NORTH-36 JALANDHAR
CANTT.-37 ADAMPUR-38
S19-4-PB-JALANDHAR 1SURJIT SINGH BSP
2HANS RAJ HANS SAD
3MOHINDER SINGH KAYPEE INC
4ASHOK KUMAR BGTD
5JAGJIVAN RAM BHARTI RPI
6NAV VIKAS LJP
7RAJINDER SINGH LTSD
8DR RAJINDER KUMAR SP
9VIJAY HANS DBSP
10SANJEEV KUMAR RAHELA IND
11HARI MITTER IND
12HANS RAJ PABWAN IND
13MOHINDER SINGH IND
14MOHINDER SINGH GILL IND
15RAKESH KUMAR BHAGAT IND
SRI HARGOBINDPUR-8 BHOLATH-26 PHAGWARA-29 MUKERIAN-39 DASUYA-40
URMAR-41 SHAM CHAURASI-42 HOSHIARPUR-43 CHABBEWAL-44
S19-5-PB-HOSHIARPUR 1SANTOSH CHOWDHARY INC
2SUKHWINDER KUMAR BSP
3SOM PARKASH BJP
4PRINCIPAL MOHAN LAL KHOSLA DBSP
5LAL CHAND BHATTI BGTD
6VARINDER BHARTI LJP
7SARWAN SINGH IND
8HARMESH LAL SAROYA IND
9JATHEDAR DALJIT SINGH SODHI IND
10MAHINDER SINGH HAMIRA IND
11MUKHTAR SINGH MUKHA KHUJALA IND
12RITTA RAHELA IND
GARHSHANKAR-45 BANGA-46 NAWAN SHAHR-47 BALACHAUR-48 ANANDPUR
SAHIB-49 RUPNAGAR-50 CHAMKAUR SAHIB-51 KHARAR-52 S.A.S.NAGAR-53
S19-6-PB-ANANDPUR SAHIB 1KEWAL KRISHAN BSP
2DR DALJIT SINGH CHEEMA SAD
3MAHAN SINGH CPM
4RAVNEET SINGH INC
5BACHAN LAL LJP
6BALWINDER SINGH SP
7MANJIT KAUR DBSP
8MOHAN SINGH ARWP
9VISHWANATH SHS
10SAT PAL IND
11SANSAR CHAND IND
12JASPAL SINGH IND
13DALJIT SINGH IND
14RESHAM LAL KAHLON IND
LUDHIANA EAST-60 LUDHIANA SOUTH-61 ATAM NAGAR-62 LUDHIANA
CENTRAL-63 LUDHIANA WEST-64 LUDHIANA NORTH-65 GILL-66 DAKHA-68
JAGRAON-70
S19-7-PB-LUDHIANA 1KEHAR SINGH BSP
2GURCHARAN SINGH GALIB SAD
3MANISH TEWARI INC
4SANJEEV KUMAR ATWAL DBSP
5SURINDER SINGH SODHI LJP
6HARISH KUMAR RWS
7GIRDHARI LAL LBP
8GURINDER SINGH SOOD JKNPP
9JASPAL SINGH BGTD
10TULSI RAM MISRA SP
11LADDU SHAH LPSP
12AJAY TANDON IND
13SURINDER PAL IND
14SHAMBHU KUMAR SINGH IND
15SHIV SUNDER IND
16SEIKH MUKHTIAR IND
17HARBANS SINGH SODHI IND
18KUNAL IND
19GURCHARAN SINGH IND
20CHANDER DEV SINGH IND
21JASVIR SINGH THETHI IND
22TEHAL SINGH IND
23DALJINDER SINGH IND
24BALBIR SINGH IND
25RAJESH KUMAR IND
26RAJESH GANDHI IND
27RAJESH PATEL IND
28RAVINDER KUMAR SO SOHAN LAL IND
29RAVINDER KUMAR SO MUNNA LAL IND
30VIJAY KUMAR GOEL IND
BASSI PATHANA-54 FATEHGARH SAHIB-55 AMLOH-56 KHANNA-57
SAMRALA-58 SAHNEWAL-59 PAYAL-67 RAIKOT-69 AMARGARH-106
S19-8-PB-FATEHGARH SAHIB 1SUKHDEV SINGH INC
2CHARANJIT SINGH ATWAL SAD
3RAI SINGH BSP
4HIRA LAL BVP
5KULWANT SINGH SANDHU SAD(M)
6BP SINGH GILL LBP
7BHUPINDER SINGH RSP
8RAM SINGH LJP
9SIKANDER SINGH IND
10PREM SINGH IND
11LACHHMAN SINGH IND
NIHAL SINGHWALA-71 BHAGHA PURANA-72 MOGA-73 DHARAMKOT-74
GIDDERBAHA-84 FARIDKOT-87 KOTKAPURA-88 JAITU-89 RAMPURA PHUL-90
S19-9-PB-FARIDKOT 1SUKHWINDER SINGH DANNY INC
2KAUSHALYA CHAMAN BHAURA CPI
3PARAMJIT KAUR GULSHAN SAD
4RESHAM SINGH BSP
5GURMEET SINGH RANGHRETA PLP
6JASVIR SINGH MB(S)P
7PRITAM SINGH RPI
8PREM SINGH SP
9RAJ KAUR AIDWC
10SUKHWINDER SINGH IND
11SHARAN KAUR IND
12GURPREET SINGH IND
13NATHU RAM IND
14NIRMAL SINGH IND
15VEERPAL KAUR IND
FIROZPUR CITY-76 FIROZPUR RURAL-77 GURU HAR SAHAI-78 JALALABAD-79
FAZILKA-80 ABOHAR-81 BALLUANA-82 MALOUT-85 MUKTSAR-86
S19-10-PB-FEROZPUR 1SHER SINGH GHUBAYA SAD
2GURDEV SINGH BSP
3JAGMEET SINGH BRAR INC
4SAHAB SINGH LJP
5JINDER PAL SINGH AIDWC
6DHIAN SINGH MAND SAD(M)
7PAPU SINGH RVNP
8MATHRA DASS PSS
9ATMA RAM IND
10SATNAM SINGH IND
11SARABJEET SINGH IND
12SUBLAKSHMAN SHARMA IND
13SHER SINGH IND
14GURPAL SINGH IND
15JAGDEEP SINGH IND
16JAGMEET SINGH IND
17DALIP KUMAR IND
18PARAMJEET SINGH IND
19PRITAM SINGH IND
20BALJINDER SINGH IND
21BALTEJ SINGH BRAR IND
22BAU SINGH IND
23MANOJ KUMAR IND
24MUNSHA SINGH IND
25RAJ KUMAR IND
26RAJINDER KUMAR IND
27RIMPAL MIDHA IND
LAMBI-83 BHUCHO MANDI-91 BATHINDA URBAN-92 BATHINDA RURAL-93
TALWANDI SABO-94 MAUR-95 MANSA-96 SARDULGARH-97 BUDHLADA-98
S19-11-PB-BATHINDA 1HARSIMRAT KAUR BADAL SAD
2HARDEV SINGH ARSHI CPI
3NEM CHAND BSP
4RANINDER SINGH INC
5KIRANJIT SINGH GEHRI LJP
6GEETA RANI ABSR
7CHODHARI RAM CHAND ABJP
8NAVNEET SHS
9BHAGWANT SINGH SAMAON CPI(ML)(L)
10RAJ KAMAL GHARU RVNP
11LAKHWINDER SINGH AIDWC
12SURESH KUMAR IND
13HARDEV SINGH IND
14KARAM SINGH IND
15KEWAL SINGH IND
16JAGROOP SINGH IND
17DYAL CHAND IND
18NIRMAL SINGH IND
19PARVEEN HITESHI IND
20RAJNISH KUMAR IND
21RAVJINDER SINGH IND
22RAJA SINGH IND
LEHRA-99 DIRBA-100 SUNAM-101 BHADAUR-102 BARNALA-103 MEHAL
KALAN-104 MALERKOTLA-105 DHURI-107 SANGRUR-108
S19-12-PB-SANGRUR 1SUKHDEV SINGH DHINDSA SAD
2MOHMAD JAMILURREHMAN BSP
3VIJAY INDER SINGLA INC
4AJMER SINGH KHUDI LJP
5SIMRANJIT SINGH MANN SAD(M)
6JASWANT SINGH CHHAPA SP
7TARSEM JODHAN CPI(ML)(L)
8BALWANT SINGH RAMUWALIA LBP
9SUKHJINDER SINGH IND
10SUKHDEV SINGH SO JEET SINGH IND
11SUKHDEV SINGH SO BAGGA SINGH IND
12JASWANT SINGH IND
13JARNAIL SINGH IND
14BALVIR RAM IND
15BILLU SINGH IND
16RATTAN LAL SINGLA IND
NABHA-109 PATIALA RURAL-110 RAJPURA-111 DERA BASSI-112
GHANAUR-113 SANOUR-114 PATIALA-115 SAMANA-116 SHUTRANA-117
S19-13-PB-PATIALA 1DEEPAK JOSHI BSP
2PRENEET KAUR INC
3PREM SINGH CHANDUMAJRA SAD
4AMRIK SINGH RSP
5BARJESH BATTA LJP
6ARUN SOOD IND
7SATISH KUMAR IND
8SANJIV KUMAR KAUSHAL IND
9SURINDER KUMAR IND
10SOHAN SINGH IND
11HARWINDER SINGH IND
12KARAMJIT SINGH IND
13KULDIP SINGH GREWAL IND
14BANT SINGH IND
SADULSHAHAR-1 GANGANAGAR-2 KARANPUR-3 SURATGARH-4 RAISINGH
NAGAR-5 SANGARIA-7 HANUMANGARH-8 PILIBANGA-9
S20-1-RJ-GANGANAGAR 1NIHAL CHAND BJP
2BHARAT RAM MEGHWAL INC
3SHEOPAT RAM CPM
4SITA RAM BSP
5MUKESH KUMAR SP
6HET RAM RJVP
7OM PARKASH IND
8JASWINDER SINGH IND
9TITAR SINGH IND
10BHURA RAM IND
11RAJI RAM IND
12SHILA DEVI IND
13SINDU IND
14SITA RAM MORYA IND
15HANUMAN RAM IND
ANUPGARH-6 KHAJUWALA-12 BIKANER WEST-13 BIKANER EAST-14
KOLAYAT-15 LUNKARANSAR-16 DUNGARGARH-17 NOKHA-18
S20-2-RJ-BIKANER 1ARJUN RAM MEGHWAL BJP
2GOVIND RAM MEGHWAL BSP
3PAWAN KUMAR DUGGAL CPM
4REWAT RAM PANWAR INC
5ADU RAM MEGHWAL RJVP
6BABU LAL KHANDA SP
7KUNDAN LAL VALMIKI IND
8KHEM CHAND NIMBHAL IND
9RATAN DEVI MEGHWAL IND
10LAXHMAN SINGH IND
NOHAR-10 BHADRA-11 SADULPUR-19 TARANAGAR-20 SARDARSHAHAR-21
CHURU-22 RATANGARH-23 SUJANGARH-24
S20-3-RJ-CHURU 1BUDH RAM SAINI BSP
2RAFIQUE MANDELIA INC
3RAM SINGH KASWAN BJP
4JAGRUP SINGH RJVP
5MANGI LAL BHBP
6RADHE SHYAM RMGLMP
7VIJENDRA SINGH JKNPP
8SHAILENDRA AWASTHI SP
9GOPI KRISHAN IND
10CHANDAN MAL IND
11JITENDER KUMAR IND
12BHANWAR LAL IND
13MOHAMMED SALIM IND
14SHOKAT ALI IND
15SALIM GUJAR IND
PILANI-25 SURAJGARH-26 JHUNJHUNU-27 MANDAWA-28 NAWALGARH-29
UDAIPURWATI-30 KHETRI-31 FATEHPUR-32
S20-4-RJ-JHUNJHUNU 1KHATRI MUSTAQ BSP
2DR DASRATH SINGH SHEKHAWAT BJP
3SHEESH RAM OLA INC
4NETRAM BUGALIA RRD
5PHOOL CHAND DHEWA CPI(ML)(L)
6RANVEER SINGH GUDHA LJP
7RAVITA SHARMA RBD
8DR GOPAL PRASAD SHARMA IND
9NARAPAT SINGH RATHOR IND
10RANDHIR SINGH MEGWAL IND
11RAKESH SABAL IND
12ROHITASHV KUMAR KALIA IND
13SHER SINGH IND
LACHHMANGARH-33 DHOD-34 SIKAR-35 DANTA RAMGARH-36 KHANDELA-37
NEEM KA THANA-38 SRIMADHOPUR-39 CHOMU-43
S20-5-RJ-SIKAR 1AMARA RAM CPM
2BHARAT SINGH TANWAR BSP
3MAHADEV SINGH INC
4SUBHASH MAHARIA BJP
5ACHARAYA DEVENDRA KUMAR PAURANIK SP
6D P KUMAWAT RJVP
7BHAGVAN SAHAY LJP
8MAKHAN LAL SAINI JGP
9SITA DEVI BHBP
10HEM CHAND AGRAWAL BCP
11AJAY PAL IND
12JUGAL KISHOR MEGHAWAL IND
13MAHABEER PARSAD IND
14MAHESH KUMAR IND
15RAMESH SHARMA IND
16HANUMAN SAHAI IND
KOTPUTLI-40 VIRATNAGAR-41 SHAHPURA-42 PHULERA-44 JHOTWARA-46
AMBER-47 JAMWA RAMGARH-48 BANSUR-63
S20-6-RJ-JAIPUR RURAL 1RAJESH SHARMA BSP
2RAO RAJENDRA SINGH BJP
3LAL CHAND KATARIA INC
4KESHAV RAM SHARMA BSSPA
5RAJENDRA JETHIWAL KUMAWAT RJVP
6RAMNIWAS YADAV JD(U)
7SRAVAN LAL YADAV RBD
8KALU RAM IND
9CHHITAR MAL IND
10DHUNILAL DHUHARIA IND
11BANWARI LAL MALI IND
12MATADEEN DHANKA IND
13DR MUKARRAM ALI IND
14RADHEYSHYAM MEENA IND
15RAM NIWAS YOGI IND
16ROHITASH KULDEEP RAIGER IND
17VRADHICHAND KUMAWAT IND
18SHANKAR LAL BUNKAR IND
19SITARAM BUNKAR IND
20SUKHVEER SINGH JAUNAPURIA IND
21SUBHASH CHANDRA SHARMA IND
HAWA MAHAL-49 VIDHYADHAR NAGAR-50 CIVIL LINES-51 KISHAN POLE-52
ADARSH NAGAR-53 MALVIYA NAGAR-54 SANGANER-55 BAGRU-56
S20-7-RJ-JAIPUR 1GHANSHYAM TIWARI BJP
2MAHESH JOSHI INC
3VIJAY PESHWANI BSP
4NIHAL CHAND RJVP
5SHYAM LAL VIJAY RBD
6HARGOVIND SINGH JGP
7ABDUL RAJAK IND
8DR AVINASH VISHNOI IND
9IQBAL IND
10KAILASH CHAND SAINI IND
11KAILASH CHAND SAINI IND
12PREM SAINI ALIAS PREMNATH IND
13BHANWAR KANWAR RAJAWAT IND
14BHASKAR DAAGAR IND
15MANAV IND
16MOHD RAFIQ IND
17RAMESH CHANDRA IND
18RAJ KUMAR IND
19RAM LAL DHANKA IND
20RIYAJUL HASAN IND
21ROHITASH KULDEEP RAIGAR IND
22VIJAYPAL SINGH SHYORAN VIVEK IND
23SANJAY GOYAL IND
24DR SAT DEV NATH CHADDA IND
25SITA RAM BAIRWA IND
TIJARA-59 KISHANGARH BAS-60 MUNDAWAR-61 BEHROR-62 ALWAR RURAL-65
ALWAR URBAN-66 RAMGARH-67 RAJGARH LAXMANGARH-68
S20-8-RJ-ALWAR 1DRKIRAN YADAV BJP
2JITENDRA SINGH INC
3JAGEDISH BHBP
4DEVENDRA JGP
5SNEHRA SP
6VISWANATH SINGH KHINCHI RJVP
7SHIV KUMAR JKNPP
8KIRAN YADAV IND
9GURDAYAL MANDIE IND
10JASRAM IND
11DP ALOK IND
12DHOKAL RAM IND
13BANWARI LAL SAINI IND
14BABU LAL SAINI IND
15MEGH SINGH IND
16RAM LAL MEENA IND
KATHUMAR-69 KAMAN-70 NAGAR-71 DEEG-KUMHER-72 BHARATPUR-73
NADBAI-74 WEIR-75 BAYANA-76
S20-9-RJ-BHARATPUR 1KHEMCHAND BJP
2MUHAR SINGH BSP
3RATAN SINGH INC
4JASWANT KUMAR KKJHS
5DURGA RND
6DR PADAM SINGH SP
7MAHAVEER RJVP
8ANAND RAM IND
9ASHARAM URF ASHA IND
10NAGENDRA SINGH IND
11PREM CHAND IND
12MAMRAJ IND
13MANGAL RAM IND
14RAMAN LAL IND
BASERI-77 BARI-78 DHOLPUR-79 RAJAKHERA-80 TODABHIM-81
HINDAUN-82 KARAULI-83 SAPOTRA-84
S20-10-RJ-KARAULI-DHOLPUR 1KHILADI LAL BAIRWA INC
2DR MANOJ RAJORIA BJP
3HATTIRAM BSP
4RAMESH SP
5SHREELAL KHARE LJP
6OM PRAKASH IND
7KANCHAN BAIBAIRWA IND
8GANGARAM IND
9JAGAN LAL IND
10BANWARI IND
11RAM VILAS IND
12REKHA IND
13LAKHAN SINGH IND
14LALARAM IND
15VIJAY IND
16SHREE LAL BAIRWA IND
BASSI-57 CHAKSU-58 THANAGAZI-64 BANDIKUI-85 MAHUWA-86 SIKRAI-87
DAUSA-88 LALSOT-89
S20-11-RJ-DAUSA 1RAM KISHORE MEENA BJP
2LAXMAN INC
3LOKESH BSP
4GAJENDRA PAL SINGH KKJHS
5DHARM SINGH JGP
6BHARAT HOTLA LJP
7MUKESH KUMAR BSA
8RAM LAL BHBP
9SHIVA RAM RJVP
10QUMMER RUBBANI IND
11KIRODI LAL IND
12RAJENDRA SINGH IND
13RAMESHWAR NIRVAN IND
14LADU RAM IND
GANGAPUR-90 BAMANWAS-91 SAWAI MADHOPUR-92 KHANDAR-93 MALPURA-94
NIWAI-95 TONK-96 DEOLI – UNIARA-97
S20-12-RJ-TONK-SAWAI MADHOPUR 1KIRORI SINGH BAINSLA BJP
2NAMO NARAIN INC
3SURENDERA VYAS BSP
4OM PRAKASH JKNPP
5KALURAM RJVP
6KRISHAN PAL SINGH SP
7BHAG CHAND JAIN FCI
8SAYAR RDSD
9IQBAL KHAN BHATI IND
10CHETAN KUMAR RANA IND
11JAGAN NATH MORLIYA IND
12JAVED IND
13PREM LATA BANSHIWAL IND
14MEETHALAL JAIN IND
15MUSHAHID ZUBERI IND
16RAM CHANDRA IND
17SIV SINGH IND
DUDU-45 KISHANGARH-98 PUSHKAR-99 AJMER NORTH-100 AJMER SOUTH-101
NASIRABAD-102 MASUDA-104 KEKRI-105
S20-13-RJ-AJMER 1KIRAN MAHESHWARI BJP
2ROHITASH BSP
3SACHIN PILOT INC
4INDER CHAND PALIWALA JGP
5USHA KIRAN VERMA IND
6NAFISUDDIN MIYA IND
7MUKESH JAIN IND
8SHANTILAL DHABRIA IND
LADNUN-106 DEEDWANA-107 JAYAL-108 NAGAUR-109 KHINWSAR-110
MAKRANA-113 PARBATSAR-114 NAWAN-115
S20-14-RJ-NAGAUR 1ABDUL AZIZ BSP
2DR JYOTI MIRDHA INC
3BINDU CHAUDHARY BJP
4DASHRATH SINGH JGP
5RAMJAN SAHAB LJP
6INDRARAM JAT IND
7VINOD KUMAR PITTI IND
8SUNIL IND
SOJAT-117 PALI-118 MARWAR JUNCTION-119 BALI-120 SUMERPUR-121
OSIAN-125 BHOPALGARH-126 BILARA-131
S20-15-RJ-PALI 1PUSP JAIN BJP
2BADRI RAM JAKHAR INC
3SHAMBHU SINGH KHETASAR BSP
4GANPAT SINGH RAJPUROHIT JGP
5MISHRI LAL NAYAK ABHM
6INDRA SINGH RAJPUROHIT IND
7KANHAIYA LAL PAREEK IND
8TANMAY IND
9PREM MEHRA IND
10BHAGA RAM PRAJAPAT IND
11MAHENDRA SINGH IND
12MOOLA RAM MALI IND
13SURENDRA SINGH IND
14HARI LAL KALAL IND
PHALODI-122 LOHAWAT-123 SHERGARH-124 SARDARPURA-127 JODHPUR-128
SOORSAGAR-129 LUNI-130 POKARAN-133
S20-16-RJ-JODHPUR 1CHANDRESH KUMARI INC
2JASWANT SINGH BISNOI BJP
3RAJU RAM BSP
4GURDAN SINGH JKNPP
5ASLAM IND
6CHANDRAKANTA IND
7CHAMPALAL IND
8DR DINESH KUMAR SHARMA IND
9DILIP SINGH RAJPUROHIT IND
10DIDAR IND
11DEVA RAM IND
12MEHMOODA BEGUM ABBASI IND
13MOHAMMAD ARIF IND
14VIJAY KUMAR IND
JAISALMER-132 SHEO-134 BARMER-135 BAYTOO-136 PACHPADRA-137
SIWANA-138 GUDHAMALANI-139 CHOHTAN-140
S20-17-RJ-BARMER 1MAHENDRA VYAS BSP
2MANVENDRA SINGH BJP
3HARISH CHOUDHARY INC
4POPAT RAM IND
5MANA RAM SARAN IND
6RANA MAL IND
7LAXMAN SINGH IND
AHORE-141 JALORE-142 BHINMAL-143 SANCHORE-144 RANIWARA-145
SIROHI-146 PINDWARA ABU-147 REODAR-148
S20-18-RJ-JALORE 1DEVJI PATEL BJP
2MAGARAM BSP
3SANDHYA CHOUDHARY INC
4GANGA SINGH SP
5CHAGANLAL IJP
6DINESH KANTEEWAL LJP
7NANDA DEVI RJVP
8GOPAL RAM IND
9CHAGANLAL MALI IND
10CHAGANLAL MEGHWAL IND
11POKARA RAM IND
12PRABHU SINGH IND
13BAGDARAM IND
14BUTA SINGH IND
15BHANWAR LAL WAGELA IND
16MUKESH SUNDESHA IND
17MEGWAL SAKAJI IND
18RAMDEO ACHARYA IND
19VIKRANT SAXENA IND
20SHANTI PARMAR IND
21SUKHRAJ IND
22HAJARIMAL IND
GOGUNDA-149 JHADOL-150 KHERWARA-151 UDAIPUR RURAL-152
UDAIPUR-153 SALUMBER-156 DHARIAWAD-157 ASPUR-159
S20-19-RJ-UDAIPUR 1BAXI RAM LATTA MEENA BSP
2MAHAVEER BHAGORA BJP
3MEGHRAJ TAWAR CPI
4RAGHUVIR SINGH MEENA INC
5OM PRAKASH MEENA ABCD(A)
6GOTAM LAL MEENA CPI(ML)(L)
7LAL JI BHAI MEENA JGP
8SHAKUNTALA DHANKA SP
DUNGARPUR-158 SAGWARA-160 CHORASI-161 GHATOL-162 GARHI-163
BANSWARA-164 BAGIDORA-165 KUSHALGARH-166
S20-20-RJ-BANSWARA 1TARACHAND BHAGORA INC
2DURGA DEVI BHAGORA BSP
3HAKARU MAIDA BJP
4PRABHULAL RAWAT JD(U)
5BANNU BHBP
6BHANJI BHAI SP
7PROF MOHANLAL DAMOR LSWP
MAVLI-154 VALLABH NAGAR-155 KAPASAN-167 BEGUN-168
CHITTORGARH-169 NIMBAHERA-170 BARI SADRI-171 PRATAPGARH-172
S20-21-RJ-CHITTORGARH 1DRGIRIJA VYAS INC
2RADHA DEVI BHANDARI CPI
3SHRICHAND KRIPLANI BJP
4AB SINGH BSP
5KARU LAL MEENA CPI(ML)(L)
6KRISHNA SINGH KACHHER JGP
7BHAWNA RAMKUMAR CHAWLA ABCD(A)
8GUNWANT LAL SHARMA IND
9JASWANT SINGH IND
10RAM CHANDRA JOSHI IND
11LAXMAN LAL JAT IND
12LAHARU IND
13SHIVANGI SHASTRI IND
14SANTOSH JOSHI IND
15SITARAM GUJAR IND
BEAWAR-103 MERTA-111 DEGANA-112 JAITARAN-116 BHIM-173
KUMBHALGARH-174 RAJSAMAND-175 NATHDWARA-176
S20-22-RJ-RAJSAMAND 1GOPAL SINGH INC
2NEERU RAM BSP
3RASA SINGH RAWAT BJP
4DEVA RAM IJP
5MAHENDRA SINGH LJP
6RAMESH SOLANKI ABCD(A)
7DR GANPAT BANSAL IND
8GIRDHARI SINGH IND
9PRITHVI SINGH ALIAS PRITHVI RAJ SINGH IND
10BHANWAR LAL MALI IND
11MANGI LAL RAWAL IND
12SUKH LAL GURJAR IND
13SURYA BHAVANI SINGH CHAWRA IND
ASIND-177 MANDAL-178 SAHARA-179 BHILWARA-180 SHAHPURA-181
JAHAZPUR-182 MANDALGARH-183 HINDOLI-184
S20-23-RJ-BHILWARA 1DR C P JOSHI INC
2VIJAYENDRA PAL SINGH BJP
3HARISH GURJAR BSP
4RAMESHAWER LAL BHBP
5LAXMI NARAYAN PARMAR ABCD(A)
6VINEET KUMAR MAHESHWARI JGP
7OMPRAKASH MEENA IND
8RATANLAL DHOBI IND
9RAMPAL SONI IND
10RAM PRASAD SIROTHA IND
KESHORAIPATAN-185 BUNDI-186 PIPALDA-187 SANGOD-188 KOTA
NORTH-189 KOTA SOUTH-190 LADPURA-191 RAMGANJ MANDI-192
S20-24-RJ-KOTA 1IJYARAJ SINGH INC
2GOVIND SINGH PARMAR BSP
3SHYAM SHARMA BJP
4PRIYANK JGP
5FARHEEN KHAN SP
6BABU LAL MEGHWAL BHBP
7RAMHET IJP
8SAMUDRA SINGH HADA ABMSKP
9JAMUNA PRASAD IND
10BADAM BERWA IND
11RAM KRISHAN SHARMA IND
12RAMESHWAR MAMORE MEENA IND
13SHYAM SUNDER SHARMA IND
14DR K SHRINGI IND
ANTA-193 KISHANGANJ-194 BARAN-ATRU-195 CHHABRA-196 DAG-197
JHALRAPATAN-198 KHANPUR-199 MANOHAR THANA-200
S20-25-RJ-JHALAWAR-BARAN 1ABDUL QAYYUM SIDDIQUI BSP
2URMILA JAIN BHAYA INC
3DUSHYANT SINGH BJP
4GHASI LAL MEGHWAL BHBP
5ABDUL FARID IND
6JAGDISH IND
7JHAPAT MAL IND
8TARACHAND IND
9DUSHYANT KUMAR IND
10FAZAR MOHAMMAD IND
11MOHAMMAD RAFIQ IND
12LAXMAN KUMAR IND
13SHOBHA DEVI IND
14SULEMAN IND
YOKSAM-TASHIDING-1 YANGTHANG-2 MANEYBUNG-DENTAM-3
GYALSHING-BARNYAK-4 RINCHENPONG-5 DARAMDIN-6 SOREONG-CHAKUNG-7
SALGHARI-ZOOM-8 BARFUNG-9 POKLOK-KAMRANG-10
S21-1-SK-SIKKIM 1KHARANANDA UPRETI INC
2PADAM BDR CHETTRI BJP
3PREM DAS RAI SDF
4BHIM SUBBA SJEP
5NAR BAHADUR KHATIWADA SGPP
6TARA KR PRADHAN SHRP
7ATRI RAM CHANDRA POUDYAL IND
GUMMIDIPOONDI-1 PONNERI-2 THIRUVALLUR-4 POONAMALLEE-5 AVADI-6
MADAVARAM-9
S22-1-TN-THIRUVALLUR 1ANANDANP BSP
2GAYATHRIS DMK
3VENUGOPALP ADMK
4SUDHARSANMS JD(U)
5SURESHR DMDK
6ELANGO INBARAJV IND
7ETHIRAJA IND
8SAMPATHA IND
9SELVARAJA IND
10NAGALINGAMKM IND
11PANDURANGANV IND
12RAJANK IND
13VENUGOPALP IND
14JEEVARATHINAMM IND
TIRUVOTTIYUR-10 DR.RADHAKRISHNAN NAGAR-11 PERAMBUR-12 KOLATHUR-13
THIRU -VI -KA -NAGAR-15 ROYAPURAM-17
S22-2-TN-CHENNAI NORTH 1ELANGOVAN TKS DMK
2SANTHASHRINI JOR BSP
3TAMILISAISOUNDARARAJAN BJP
4PANDIAN D CPI
5ANANDHUK LJP
6SATHISH KUMAR KP MMKA
7PALANIMOSES N PKMK
8MOHAMMED ABDULLAH RPI(A)
9YUVARAJ V DMDK
10ARUMUGAM K IND
11ANANDARAJG IND
12KADHIRAVAN M IND
13GIRIRAJD IND
14SANKARK IND
15SATHISHC IND
16SATHISH TP IND
17SARAVANANM IND
18SIVAKUMARV IND
19THEYAGARAJANV IND
20DEEPA IND
21NIRMAL KUMARA IND
22BHASKARANV ALIAS AAVIN VBHASKARAN IND
23MARIMUTHUP IND
24RAMESHD IND
25RAJARAMR IND
26RUDRAMOORTHYM IND
27VINOBHAGANDHICH IND
28ZEENATH UNNISSA BEGUMMB IND
29JAYACHANDRANK IND
VIRUGAMPAKKAM-22 SAIDAPET-23 THIYAGARAYANAGAR-24 MYLAPORE-25
VELACHERY-26 SHOLINGANALLUR-27
S22-3-TN-CHENNAI SOUTH 1RAJENDRAN C ADMK
2GANESAN LA BJP
3BHARATHY RS DMK
4GOPINATH V DMDK
5SATHIYASEELAN M LJP
6MOHANRAJ J JJ
7RAVINDRA DASS R KDC
8RAJAMANITHAR SJ PKMK
9VENKATARAMAN NS DPK
10JAYARAMAN S SHS
11JYOTHI GM PPOI
12ASWATHAMAN K IND
13IRUDAYADASS A IND
14ELANGOVAN K IND
15KARTHIKEYAN G IND
16GIRIRAJAN M IND
17CHRISTHUDASS N IND
18KUMAR VA IND
19CHANDRA SEKARAN R IND
20CHANDRAN K IND
21SHANMUGA SUNDARAM PT IND
22SHANMUGARAJ V IND
23SAMPATH KUMAR S IND
24SARATH BABU E IND
25ZIAUDDEN N IND
26SRINIVASAN VR IND
27SUNDAR J IND
28SURESH KUMAR M IND
29TANMAY IND
30TAMIL SELVAN M IND
31DEVADOSS KUPPAL G IND
32PALANI SP IND
33BALA KRISHNAN M IND
34BALASUBRAMANIAN V IND
35BALAN B IND
36MAHALINGAM JS IND
37MATHIKKARASU P IND
38MANIVANNAN C IND
39RAMASWAMY TRAFFIC RAMASWAMY IND
40RAJA LD IND
41RAJENDRAN V IND
42VEERAMANI S IND
43VENKATESAN D IND
VILLIVAKKAM-14 EGMORE-16 HARBOUR-18 CHEPAUK-THIRUVALLIKENI-19
THOUSAND LIGHTS-20 ANNA NAGAR-21
S22-4-TN-CHENNAI CENTRAL 1DAYANIDHI MARAN DMK
2MOGAMED ALI JINNAH SMK ADMK
3YUNIS KHANAY BSP
4GANGADURAIG JJ
5THOMASTJACOB YSP
6NAHAMANIJ JMM
7RANGGANATHANV ABKMM
8RAMANA REDDYKV KDC
9RAMAKARISHNANVV DMDK
10RAAJ RAMCHAND SHS
11VASUS SP
12VIJAYAKUMAR PPOI
13VISWANATHANE MMKA
14HYDER ALIS MAMAK
15ARASAKUMARMS IND
16ARIVUDAINAMBIN IND
17ANEES HUSSAINH IND
18RAVIKUMART IND
19UDAYAKUMAR IND
20GIRIJA SHANKERR IND
21KRISHNANPR IND
22GUNASEKARANM IND
23SIVAKUMARS IND
24SENTHILP IND
25TEACKRAJD IND
26DHAMODHARANT IND
27PARIMALAMV IND
28PRABUV IND
29MANIG IND
30MARIMUTHUE IND
31MOHAMED ALI IND
32MOHAMED ALI ZINNAA IND
33MOHANK IND
34RAJAKUMARS IND
35LOGANATHANV IND
36WILSON PAULS IND
37SRIDHARS IND
MADURAVOYAL-7 AMBATTUR-8 ALANDUR-28 SRIPERUMBUDUR-29
PALLAVARAM-30 TAMBARAM-31
S22-5-TN-SRIPERUMBUDUR 1BAALU T R DMK
2MOORTHY A K PMK
3RAJAPPA B BSP
4ARUN SUBRAMANIAN M DMDK
5SWARNASREE P PPOI
6THAYUMANA GURU AYYANAR AIVP
7BHARATHI K CPIMLL
8MAYA RAMACHANDRAN THPI
9VARATHARAJAN T SHS
10VIJAYAKUMAR S LJP
11JAMES SELVAM C AIJMK
12AYODHI L IND
13EZHILARASU M IND
14KALAISELVAN T IND
15KARIKALAN C IND
16KATTU RAJA N IND
17KARTHIKEYAN T IND
18KUMAR S IND
19SHANMUGAM G IND
20CHANDRU K IND
21SAMPATH T IND
22DHARMASATHYAMURTHY V IND
23DURAIRAJ L IND
24NAGARAJAN P IND
25PADMANABHAN S IND
26BALU D IND
27MANIMARAN S IND
28MADHAVARAJ K V IND
29MINNAL SRINIVASAN IND
30LAKSHMI S IND
31VELMURUGAN T N IND
32RAMESH R IND
CHENGALPATTU-32 THIRUPORUR-33 CHEYYUR-34 MADURANTAKAM-35
UTHIRAMERUR-36 KANCHEEPURAM-37
S22-6-TN-KANCHEEPURAM 1RAMAKRISHNANDRE ADMK
2UTHRAPATHIK BSP
3VISWANATHANP INC
4SIVASANKARANA AIJMK
5TAMILVENDANT DMDK
6PAKKIRI AMBADKARKV JMM
7JAWAHARLAL NEHRUP LJP
8ANBURAAJRK IND
9SATHIYAVASAN MV IND
10SIVALINGAMD IND
11SELVAMG IND
12DAHKSHNA MOORTHYT IND
13THIYAGARAJANM IND
14MAGESH KUMARE IND
15MANIMARANK IND
16MATHIYALAGANK IND
17MINNAL SRINIVASAN MAMPHIL IND
18MURUGASANB IND
19RUPADEVI RV IND
20JAYAKUMARPS IND
TIRUTTANI-3 ARAKKONAM-38 SHOLINGUR-39 KATPADI-40 RANIPET-41
ARCOT-42
S22-7-TN-ARAKKONAM 1MARY JOHN BSP
2VELU R PMK
3JAGATHRAKSHAKAN DMK
4ANNAMALAI S C AIVP
5ISAAC JEBA KUMAR AIJMK
6SANKAR S DMDK
7SHANMUGAM K JD(U)
8SRINIVASAN K LJP
9PALANI W B PNK
10PASSAMIGHU ANNAN VENKATESNOR TA V ADSMK
11MANAVAULAN K SP
12SUTHA N IND
13THULASI G IND
14PANJATSARAM D IND
15PANDIAN E IND
16MUTHIYALU M IND
17MATHEW N D IND
18JANAKIRAMAN J IND
19JAGADEESWARAN J IND
20JEGAN S IND
VELLORE-43 ANAIKATTU-44 KILVAITHINANKUPPAM-45 GUDIYATTAM-46
VANIYAMBADI-47 AMBUR-48
S22-8-TN-VELLORE 1ABDULRAHMAN DMK
2RAJENDIRAN A K BJP
3MANSOOR AHMED BSP
4VASU L K M B ADMK
5RAJAN BABU B MMKA
6EKAMBARAM E A NMK
7GOVINDARAJI P V SP
8SHOUKATH SHERIF DMDK
9THAGIR AHAMED LJP
10NARAYANAN R AIVP
11MUNIYAPPAN K ADSMK
12ABDUL MAJEED OOSI IND
13ARIUDAI NAMBI D IND
14ESWARAN R IND
15KUBENDIRAN D IND
16GOPALAKRISHNAN C IND
17CHANDRAN C IND
18SURESHKUMAR P IND
19DANDAPANI T IND
20NATRAJAN P IND
21PALANI R T IND
22PERUMAL D IND
23RAMAN IND
24VIJAYAKUMAR IND
UTHANGARAI-51 BARGUR-52 KRISHNAGIRI-53 VEPPANAHALLI-54 HOSUR-55
THALLI-56
S22-9-TN-KRISHNAGIRI 1SUGAVANAM EG DMK
2NANJEGOWDU K ADMK
3BALAKRISHNAN G BJP
4MOORTHY VV BSP
5ANBARASAN D DMDK
6SAKTHIVEL B LJP
7SELVARAJ M KNMK
8KUMARESAN M IND
9GAVURAPPA K IND
10GOVINDARAJAN V IND
11SANKAR S IND
12CHANDRAN BS IND
13MEENA IND
14RAMASWAMY IND
15LATHA G IND
16VENKATESAN K IND
PALACODU-57 PENNAGARAM-58 DHARMAPURI-59 PAPPIREDDIPPATTI-60
HARUR-61 METTUR-85
S22-10-TN-DHARMAPURI 1SENTHIL R DR PMK
2THAMARAISELVAN R DMK
3PURUSOTHAMAN V BSP
4ASHOKAN G KNMK
5ANNADURAI K UMK
6ELANGOVAN V DMDK
7GUNASEKARAN D MMKA
8ARIVAZHAGAN P IND
9ANANDKUMAR K IND
10KARUPPUSAMY S IND
11GOVINDARAJ S IND
12SAMPATHKUMAR R IND
13SARAVANAN S IND
14SIVAN K IND
15PADMARAJAN K DR IND
16MANI R IND
17MURUGAN G IND
18RADHAKRISHNAN R IND
19RAJA A IND
20VELMURUGAN P IND
21SRIRAMACHANDRAN IND
JOLARPET-49 TIRUPPATTUR-50 CHENGAM-62 TIRUVANNAMALAI-63
KILPENNATHUR-64 KALASAPAKKAM-65
S22-11-TN-TIRUVANNAMALAI 1GURU A GURUNATHAN J PMK
2GOVINDASAMY P BSP
3VENUGOPALD DMK
4AFROZ HUSNA KS LJP
5SELVARAJP SP
6MANIKANDANS DMDK
7RAJARAM SA PNK
8ARUMUGAM AA IND
9RAVI R IND
10ERSHAD B IND
11KUMAR MM IND
12GURU C IND
13GURUSAMY P IND
14GURU A GURUMOORTHY S IND
15SHANMUGARAJAN A IND
16SHANMUGAVEL M IND
17SAMPATH A IND
18SINGARAVELAN P IND
19SIVADEVAN N IND
20SENTHIL M IND
21SELVAM A IND
22SELVARAJU J IND
23DHAYANITHI S IND
24NAGAMALAI R IND
25BALASUNDAR S IND
26MANIKANDAN P IND
27MURUGAN S IND
28RAVINDIRAN A IND
29VENUGOPAL SR IND
30HARI KRISHNAN S IND
POLUR-66 ARANI-67 CHEYYAR-68 VANDAVASI-69 GINGEE-70 MAILAM-71
S22-12-TN-ARANI 1KRISHNASAMY M INC
2SHANKAR A BSP
3SUBRAMANIYAN N ADMK
4ARIRAJ TV SP
5SARAVANAKUMAR K PNK
6MOHANAM RA DMDK
7SHANMUGAM S IND
8SUBRAMANI G IND
9SUBRAMANI P IND
10DURAI RAJ M IND
11MURUGAN V IND
12LOKESH G IND
13VELAUDHAM M IND
TINDIVANAM-72 VANUR-73 VILUPPURAM-74 VIKRAVANDI-75
THIRUKOILUR-76 ULUNDURPETTAI-77
S22-13-TN-VILUPPURAM 1ANANDAN M ADMK
2POYYATHU S BSP
3GANAPATHI P M DMDK
4SWAMIDURAI K VCK
5DEVARAJ G LJP
6PANCHANATHAN R JMM
7VENKATESAN S S AIVP
8VENKATESAN M CPI(ML)(L)
9ANBALAGAN V IND
10ANANDAN P IND
11KUMAR M IND
12CHANDRALEGA M IND
13SAMIDURAI M IND
14SHETT M IND
15MASILAMANI R IND
16MURUGAVEL A IND
17RAMESH K IND
18LAKSHMANAN R IND
19VISWANATHAN S A IND
RISHIVANDIYAM-78 SANKARAPURAM-79 KALLAKURICHI-80 GANGAVALLI-81
ATTUR-82 YERCAUD-83
S22-14-TN-KALLAKURICHI 1SANKAR ADHI DMK
2SENTHILKUMAR K BSP
3DHANARAJU K PMK
4ANANDHADASS C LJP
5KESAVAN ANNA JMM
6GOVINDARAJAN K M AIVP
7SUDHISH L K DMDK
8RAMESH S KNMK
9ARUN KENNEDI A IND
10INIYADAYALAN G IND
11GANESAN K IND
12SADEESH A IND
13SATHISH BABU S IND
14SIVARAMAN G IND
15SELVAM K IND
16SELVARAJU J IND
17DHANARAJ T IND
18DINESH M IND
19NALLATHAMBI C IND
20NAVARATTHINAM A IND
21MANNAN M P IND
22MANICKAM V IND
23YUVARAJ R IND
24RAMAJAYAM P M IND
25RAJAMANICKAM K IND
26RAJENTHREN D IND
27RAJENTHREN M IND
28VASU V IND
29VIJAYA RAJENDHAR T IND
OMALUR-84 EDAPPADI-86 SALEM (WEST)-88 SALEM (NORTH)-89 SALEM
(SOUTH)-90 VEERAPANDI-91
S22-15-TN-SALEM 1SEMMALAI S ADMK
2THANGKABALU K V INC
3BALASUBRAMANI R BSP
4ASHOK SAMRAJ M KNMK
5ANNADURAI M AIVP
6ALAGAAPURAM R MOHANRAJ DMDK
7ANDHRAPRAKASH A PPOI
8GANESH MASS AITC
9KRISHNAN M IND
10GOVANAM THANGAVEL K S IND
11KOWSALYA C IND
12CHANDRASEKARAN G IND
13CHINNAN N IND
14SELLADURAI C IND
15DHAMODHARAN N B IND
16NANDAGOPAL K IND
17NALLATHAMBI PO IND
18PERIYASAMY T IND
19MAHESWARAN V IND
20MUTHUSAMY P IND
21MUNIYAPPAN A IND
22JAYAVENUGOPAL C D IND
23SHAHJAHAN M A IND
SANKARI-87 RASIPURAM-92 SENTHAMANGALAM-93 NAMAKKAL-94
PARAMATHI-VELUR-95 TIRUCHENGODU-96
S22-16-TN-NAMAKKAL 1GANDHISELVANS DMK
2SURESH GANDHIK BJP
3VAIRAM TAMILARASIV ADMK
4HARIGARA SIVAMTA BSP
5SELVARAJK SP
6DEVARASANR KNMK
7MAHESWARANN DMDK
8LINGAPPANV UMK
9KARTHIKEYANP IND
10KUMAR IND
11SUBRAMANIS IND
12SUBRAMANIAMRP IND
13SENGODANP IND
14THANGAVELS IND
15THARMALINGAMM IND
16THANIYARASUU IND
17NAVALMANIAN IND
18PANNEERSELVAMS IND
19MATHIYALAGANN IND
20MURALIV IND
21YOGARAJR IND
22RAVIA IND
23RAVIR IND
24RAMASAMYN IND
25VIVEKANANDHAMKS IND
KUMARAPALAYAM-97 ERODE (EAST)-98 ERODE (WEST)-99 MODAKURICHI-100
DHARAPURAM-101 KANGAYAM-102
S22-17-TN-ERODE 1ELANGOVANEVKS INC
2GANESHAMURTHIA MDMK
3SHIVAKUMARI BSP
4PALANISAMYNP BJP
5DEVIM LJP
6BALASUBRAMANIAMC KNMK
7MUTHUVENKATESHWARANKG DMDK
8RAVICHANDRANM IND
9ELANGOVANKKS IND
10KATHIRVELA IND
11CHRISTHURAJM IND
12KUPPUSAMYR IND
13GOVANAM THANGAVELKS IND
14GOVINDHASAMYP IND
15SANMUGASUNDRAMN IND
16SHANMUGAMPN IND
17SIVASANKARS IND
18SUKUMARANER IND
19SUBRAMANIAMK IND
20SENTHIL RAJAM IND
21PERUMALS IND
22MANOHARANV IND
23MINNAL MURUGESHR IND
24VIMALADEVIS IND
25JOE DAVIDD IND
PERUNDURAI-103 BHAVANI-104 ANTHIYUR-105 GOBICHETTIPALAYAM-106
TIRUPPUR (NORTH)-113 TIRUPPUR (SOUTH)-114
S22-18-TN-TIRUPPUR 1KHARVENTHAN S K INC
2SIVAKUMAR M BJP
3SIVASAMI C ADMK
4SIVAKUMAR N UMK
5THANGAVEL M LJP
6DINESH KUMAR N DMDK
7BALASUBRAMANIAN K KNMK
8GANESHKUMAR C IND
9KARUNAGARAN I IND
10KARTHIKKEYEAN A M IND
11SELVARAJ S IND
12DOMNIC BABU A IND
13PANDIAN R ALAIS KALAIMAGAL PANDIAN IND
14BALASUBRAMANIAN P IND
15MALARVIZHI P IND
16MOHAMED SALIKA A IND
17MUTHUSWAMY N IND
18RATHINASWAAMY K IND
19RAJAKUMAR W IND
20VENKATACHALAM K IND
21SHEIK DAVOOD A M IND
BHAVANISAGAR-107 UDHAGAMANDALAM-108 GUDALUR-109 COONOOR-110
METTUPPALAYAM-111 AVANASHI-112
S22-19-TN-NILGIRIS 1RAJA A DMK
2KRISHNAN C MDMK
3KRISHNAN M BSP
4GURUMURTHY S BJP
5SELVARAJ S DMDK
6BHADIRAN S KNMK
7VIJAYARAJ M RPI(A)
8ARUMUGAM P IND
9SIVARAJ P IND
10SUJITH KUMAR C IND
11SELVAM K IND
12THANGA PANDIAN R IND
13NAGARAJU G IND
14VELMURUGAN C IND
PALLADAM-115 SULUR-116 KAVUNDAMPALAYAM-117 COIMBATORE (NORTH)-118
COIMBATORE (SOUTH)-120 SINGANALLUR-121
S22-20-TN-COIMBATORE 1RAMASUBRAMANIANK BSP
2SELVAKUMARGKS BJP
3NATARAJANPR CPM
4PRABHUR INC
5ESWARAN E R KNMK
6KATHIRMANI P SP
7SELVAM M SHS
8PANDIAN R DMDK
9RAJAN S K PPOI
10STEPHEN GANESHAN S AIJMK
11ARUNACHALAM K V IND
12ESWARAN IND
13KATHIRESAN C IND
14SIVARAJ V IND
15NATARAJAN L IND
16NOORMUHAMAD A IND
17PREM ANAND J IND
18MARKANDAN N IND
19MURUGAN M IND
20MURUGESAN K IND
21RAMASAMY P IND
22RAJAPPAN N IND
23RAJKIRAN IND
24VIJAYAKUMAR C IND
25VENKATACHALAM A IND
THONDAMUTHUR-119 KINATHUKADAVU-122 POLLACHI-123 VALPARAI-124
UDUMALAIPETTAI-125 MADATHUKULAM-126
S22-21-TN-POLLACHI 1SHANMUGASUNDARAMK DMK
2SUGUMARK ADMK
3BABA RAMESHVS BJP
4MURTHYT BSP
5UMMARE MAMAK
6KRISHNAKUMARS TDK
7SURESHP SP
8THANGAVELKP DMDK
9RAMEJA BAGAMST SAP
10BEST SRAMASAMY KNMK
11VELMURUGANV AIVP
12APPASKS IND
13SHANMUGASUNDARAMK IND
14SHANMUGASUNDARAMP IND
15SATHASIVAMOORTHYR IND
16SUKUMARP IND
17NOOR MUHAMADA IND
18RAMASAMYM IND
19RAMAMOORTHYPM IND
20RAJANP IND
21RAJENDRANM IND
22VENKATESHR IND
PALANI-127 ODDANCHATRAM-128 ATHOOR-129 NILAKKOTTAI-130
NATHAM-131 DINDIGUL-132
S22-22-TN-DINDIGUL 1CHITTHAN N S V INC
2SRINIVASA BABU M BSP
3BAALASUBRAMANI P ADMK
4SELLAMUTHU K M KNMK
5SELVARAJ I AIJMK
6DAISY RANI S RKSP
7MUTHUVELRAJ P DMDK
8LOGANATHAN V SP
9KARUPPUSAMY P IND
10SADHASIVAM N IND
11SUBRAMANIAN R IND
12THANGAPANDIAN R IND
13DHANASEELI K IND
14DURAI K IND
15MAHAMUNI S IND
16MANIKANDA PRABU G IND
17MOTILAL KA IND
18RAMARAJ P IND
19SHEIK AYUB KHAN S IND
VEDASANDUR-133 ARAVAKURICHI-134 KARUR-135 KRISHNARAYAPURAM-136
MANAPPARAI-138 VIRALIMALAI-179
S22-23-TN-KARUR 1TAMBIDURAIM ADMK
2DHARMALINGAMR BSP
3PALLANISHAMY KC DMK
4NATARAJANR KNMK
5PRABAHARAN P LJP
6RAMANATHANR DMDK
7LOGANATHAN S SAP
8ANNADURAI VM IND
9AMALRAJM IND
10ARUN G IND
11ARULRAJKUMAR R IND
12INNASI A IND
13KANAGARAJ T IND
14KARVENTHAN T IND
15KRISHNANR IND
16SHANKAR K IND
17SHANMUGAMM IND
18SHARFUDEEN M IND
19SIVASAMY P IND
20SRINIVASAN L IND
21SENTHILKUMAR N IND
22SELVAKUMAR LK IND
23SELVARAJ K IND
24DANIYA P IND
25NACHIMUTHU V IND
26PALANISAMY M IND
27PANDIAN A IND
28MANAVAN PK IND
29MANIKANDANM IND
30MANIVANNAN S IND
31MARUTHAIVEERANV IND
32MUTHUKUMARG IND
33YOGENDRANM IND
34RAMAMOORTHYR IND
35VEERAMANIT IND
36VENKATACHALAM SIVA AZHA IND
37VETRIVEL R IND
38VENUGOPAL T IND
SRIRANGAM-139 TIRUCHIRAPPALLI (WEST)-140 TIRUCHIRAPPALLI
(EAST)-141 THIRUVERUMBUR-142 GANDARVAKOTTAI-178 PUDUKKOTTAI-180
S22-24-TN-TIRUCHIRAPPALLI 1KALYANASUNDARAM N BSP
2KUMARP ADMK
3SARUBALARTHONDAIMAN INC
4LALITHA KUMARAMANGALAMR BJP
5ASAITHAMBIP CPI(ML)(L)
6RAVIP MMKA
7GUNASEKARANK AIVP
8NEELAMEGAMM SP
9PATHINATHANP CDF
10RAGHAVANR ABHM
11VIJAYKUMARAMG DMDK
12ANANTHA RAJAV IND
13URUMAIYAHN IND
14SARAVANANV IND
15SAMUEL SWAMIDOSS MANOJKUMARE IND
16CHINNADURAIA IND
17THIRUMAVALAVANM IND
18NAGENDRANA IND
19PALANIP IND
20BABY KAMITHA BANUM IND
21MANSOOR ALI KHANA IND
22MOHAMMED IQBAL A K S IND
23VELMANI P IND
24JAFARUNNISHA A IND
KULITHALAI-137 LALGUDI-143 MANACHANALLUR-144 MUSIRI-145
THURAIYUR-146 PERAMBALUR-147
S22-25-TN-PERAMBALUR 1SELVARAJG BSP
2NAPOLEOND DMK
3BALASUBRAMANIANKK ADMK
4ARULMANIC AIVP
5KAMARAJ DURAI DMDK
6SRINIVASAN V MMKA
7SUNDARAVIJAYAN R SP
8SENTHIL KUMAR N RKSP
9STALIN R LJP
10ANNALAKSHMI S IND
11ERAMASAMY K IND
12ILANGOVAN R IND
13KANDASAMY S IND
14GUNASEKARAN A IND
15SINGARAM K IND
16GNANAPRAGASHAM PS IND
17THANGAMANI K IND
18PRINCE BUCKTHA SINGH D IND
19PONNAMMAL S IND
20RENGARASU M IND
21JAYARAMAN A IND
TITTAKUDI-151 VRIDDHACHALAM-152 NEYVELI-153 PANRUTI-154
CUDDALORE-155 KURINJIPADI-156
S22-26-TN-CUDDALORE 1ALAGIRI S INC
2AROKIYADOSS C BSP
3SAMPATH M C ADMK
4KAMARAJ A LJP
5DAMOTHARAN M C DMDK
6KANNAN K IND
7CHANDRA P IND
8SENRAYAN A D IND
9PARTHIBAN R IND
10RAYAR K IND
11VASANTHI S IND
KUNNAM-148 ARIYALUR-149 JAYANKONDAM-150 BHUVANAGIRI-157
CHIDAMBARAM-158 KATTUMANNARKOIL-159
S22-27-TN-CHIDAMBARAM 1RAJENDIRAN NR BSP
2PONNUSWAMYE PMK
3SASIKUMAR S DMDK
4SELVAKUMAR C RKSP
5THIRUMAAVALAVAN THOL VCK
6KAVIYARASAN N IND
7KANAGASABAI R IND
8SAKTHIVELP IND
9SUSILA L IND
10SENTHAMIL SELVI K IND
11DHARMALINGAM C IND
12MANIKANDAN V IND
13MARUDHAMUTHU V IND
SIRKAZHI-160 MAYILADUTHURAI-161 POOMPUHAR-162
THIRUVIDAIMARUDUR-170 KUMBAKONAM-171 PAPANASAM-172
S22-28-TN-MAYILADUTHURAI 1KARTHIKEYAN S BJP
2SAPTHARISHI LV BSP
3MANI SHANKAR AIYAR INC
4MANIAN OS ADMK
5GANESAN S AIVP
6GUNASEKARAN N CPI(ML)(L)
7PANDIAN K DMDK
8ZAWAHIRULLAH DR MH MAMAK
9ABDUL JALEEL A IND
10ARIVALAGAN S IND
11AHMED MARECAR MH IND
12KALIMUTHU SUDAR R IND
13KRISHNAPPA A IND
14TIMOTHY T IND
15DHAKSHINAMOORTHY M IND
16NAGARAJAN K IND
17BALAJI V IND
18PRABUDHASAN SM IND
19RAJAKUMAR P IND
20RAJAMANI M IND
21VENKATRAMANI R IND
22JAYAKUMAR KN IND
23JAYARAMAN V IND
NAGAPATTINAM-163 KILVELUR-164 VEDARANYAM-165
THIRUTHURAIPOONDI-166 THIRUVARUR-168 NANNILAM-169
S22-29-TN-NAGAPATTINAM 1SELVARAJ M CPI
2VIJAYAN A K S DMK
3VEERAMUTHU G BSP
4MUTHUKUMAR M DMDK
5DEVADOSS R IND
6MUNUSAMY V IND
7VEERASAMY P IND
MANNARGUDI-167 THIRUVAIYARU-173 THANJAVUR-174 ORATTANADU-175
PATTUKKOTTAI-176 PERAVURANI-177
S22-30-TN-THANJAVUR 1SARAVANANS BSP
2DURAIBALAKRISHNAN MDMK
3PALANIMANICKAMSS DMK
4RAMANATHANPDR DMDK
5VEERAMANIS SP
6KARTHIKEYANK IND
7SIVAKUMARS IND
8SOZHAMANNAR KANAKARAJAK IND
9BALU A BALAN IND
10PRASANNAS IND
11MURUGARAJD IND
12RAJAMANIK IND
13VIJAYALAKSHMIS IND
THIRUMAYAM-181 ALANGUDI-182 KARAIKUDI-184 TIRUPPATTUR-185
SIVAGANGA-186 MANAMADURAI-187
S22-31-TN-SIVAGANGA 1CHIDAMBARAM P INC
2DEVAR MG BSP
3RAJA KANNAPPAN RS ADMK
4SAKTHIVEL K MMKA
5BARWATHA REGINA PAPA DMDK
6RAMASAMY RA PT
7ABUPACKER SITHIK J IND
8ALAGAPPAN ARU IND
9ALAGAPPAN PL IND
10AANANDAN VSKS IND
11SAMUDRAM KALAIMANI K IND
12KARMEGAM K IND
13GUNASEKARAN P IND
14CHITHAMBARAM S IND
15ARIMAZHAM THIYAGI SUBRAMANIAN MUTHARAIYAR M IND
16THOOTHAI SELVAM M IND
17MALAIRAJ P IND
18RADHAKRISHNAN A IND
19RAJAGOPAL S IND
20RAJIV R IND
MELUR-188 MADURAI EAST-189 MADURAI NORTH-191 MADURAI SOUTH-192
MADURAI CENTRAL-193 MADURAI WEST-194
S22-32-TN-MADURAI 1ALAGIRI MK DMK
2DHARBAR RAJA BSP
3MOHAN P CPM
4KAVIARASU K DMDK
5ANAND K IND
6GOPAL R IND
7SIVAKUMAR T IND
8THANGAPANDI K IND
9NAGAMALAI MA IND
10PAULPANDY M IND
11MOTHILAL TR IND
12VEERADURAI S IND
SHOLAVANDAN-190 USILAMPATTI-197 ANDIPATTI-198 PERIYAKULAM-199
BODINAYACKANUR-200 CUMBUM-201
S22-33-TN-THENI 1AARON RASHIDJM INC
2KAVITHA BSP
3THANGA TAMILSELVAN ADMK
4PARVATHIA BJP
5SANTHANAMMG DMDK
6SELVARAJANP PT
7KRISHNAVENIN IND
8SELVARAJ IND
9TAMIL SELVANS IND
10THIRUMOORTHY IND
11NAGAMANI SENTHILR IND
12NACHIMUTHUP IND
13PANDI IND
14PANDIANP IND
15PERUMALSAMYS IND
16POMMURAJM IND
17MANIS IND
18MURUGESANSP IND
19RAJAVEL IND
20RENGANATHAN IND
21VETRICHELVAN IND
22JAMESG IND
THIRUPARANKUNDRAM-195 THIRUMANGALAM-196 SATTUR-204 SIVAKASI-205
VIRUDHUNAGAR-206 ARUPPUKKOTTAI-207
S22-34-TN-VIRUDHUNAGAR 1KANAGARAJ V BSP
2KARTHIK M BJP
3MANICKA TAGORE INC
4VAIKO MDMK
5PANDIARAJAN K DMDK
6KANNAN S IND
7KARUNANIDHI A IND
8SIVAKUMAR MA IND
9SIVANMANI P IND
10SELVAM D IND
11SETHURAJ J IND
12DHANUSHKODI M IND
13NAMBUSAMY P IND
14PADMANABAN N IND
15VIJAYAN S IND
16JAWAHARLAL SL IND
ARANTHANGI-183 TIRUCHULI-208 PARAMAKUDI-209 TIRUVADANAI-210
RAMANATHAPURAM-211 MUDHUKULATHUR-212
S22-35-TN-RAMANATHAPURAM 1SATHIAMOORTHY V ADMK
2SIVAKUMAR JK RITHEESH K DMK
3THIRUNNAVUKKARASAR SU BJP
4PRISCILLA PANDIAN BSP
5SALEEMULLA KHAN S MAMAK
6SINGAI JINNAH S DMDK
7MOHAMMED ABITH ALI R JMM
8KALIMUTHU K IND
9SHANMUGAIYA PANDIAN S IND
10SCHWARTZ DURAI S IND
11CHELLA DURAI K IND
12BALAMURUGAN IND
13BASKARAN P IND
14MURUGENDRAN G IND
15JAHANGEER MI IND
VILATHIKULAM-213 THOOTHUKKUDI-214 TIRUCHENDUR-215
SRIVAIKUNTAM-216 OTTAPIDARAM-217 KOVILPATTI-218
S22-36-TN-THOOTHUKKUDI 1SARAVANANS BJP
2CYNTHIA PANDIAN DR ADMK
3JEEVENKUMAR E PA BSP
4JEYADURAI S R DMK
5SUNTHER M S DMDK
6ARUNKUMAR PUVI ARASU S IND
7RAGHUPATHI S IND
8KANDIVEL P IND
9SUNDARAVEL K IND
10PRABHAKARAN P IND
11PONRAJ T IND
12MUTHU S IND
13MURUGAN A IND
14RAMAKRISHNAN V IND
15RAMKUMAR V IND
RAJAPALAYAM-202 SRIVILLIPUTHUR-203 SANKARANKOVIL-219
VASUDEVANALLUR-220 KADAYANALLUR-221 TENKASI-222
S22-37-TN-TENKASI 1KRISHNAN K BSP
2LINGAM P CPI
3VELLAIPANDI G INC
4INBARAJ K DMDK
5KRISHNASAMY DR K PT
6JOTHIRAJ M SP
7BALAKRISHNAN S IND
8RAMACHANDRAN E IND
9LAKSHMANAN R IND
ALANGULAM-223 TIRUNELVELI-224 AMBASAMUDRAM-225 PALAYAMKOTTAI-226
NANGUNERI-227 RADHAPURAM-228
S22-38-TN-TIRUNELVELI 1ANNAMALAI K ADMK
2NAGARAJAN KARU BJP
3RAMESH PANDIAN BSP
4RAMASUBBU S INC
5SANKARAPANDIAN T CPIMLL
6SYED IMMAM S SP
7MICHAEL RAYAPPAN S DMDK
8VELMATHI TMT N LJP
9ARUNACHALAM M IND
10ANANDARAJ N IND
11KUBENDRAN I IND
12CHANDRASEKARAN SAKTHI IND
13SELWIN D IND
14THIRUVENGATAM A IND
15BALASUBRAMANIAN S IND
16SUDAROLI MURUGAN S BCOM IND
17RAMASUBBU E IND
18RAMALINGAM M IND
19THENKALAM RAJA M IND
20VEIULUMUTHUKUMAR IND
21JEYABALAN N IND
KANNIYAKUMARI-229 NAGERCOIL-230 COLACHEL-231 PADMANABHAPURAM-232
VILAVANCODE-233 KILLIYOOR-234
S22-39-TN-KANNIYAKUMARI 1RADHAKRISHNAN P BJP
2SIVAKAMIP BSP
3BELLARMIN AV CPM
4HELEN DAVIDSON J DMK
5ARUL THUMILAN D LJP
6AUSTIN S DMDK
7BALASUBRAMONIAN T ABHM
8RADHAKRISHNAN CP IND
9EMMI IND
10KUMAR C IND
11SATHEES C IND
12SIVAKUMAR S IND
13THANKAMONY C IND
14NALLATHAMBY C IND
15PAULRAJ CM IND
16MANOHARAN S IND
17RADHAKRISHNAN C IND
18LEKSHMANAN S IND
19WILSON IND
20VENU K IND
21JOHNSON S IND
22JAYASINGH K IND
SIMNA-1 MOHANPUR-2 BAMUTIA-3 BARJALA-4 KHAYERPUR-5 AGARTALA-6
RAMNAGAR-7 TOWN BORDOWALI-8 BANAMALIPUR-9 MAJLISHPUR-10
S23-1-TR-TRIPURA WEST 1KHAGEN DAS CPM
2NILMANI DEB BJP
3SANJIB DEY NCP
4SUDIP ROY BARMAN INC
5ARUN CHANDRA BHOWMIK AITC
6TITU SAHA RDMP
7PARTHA KARMAKAR CPI(ML)(L)
8RAKHAL RAJ DATTA AMB
9BINOY DEB BARMA IND
10SUBRATA BHOWMIK IND
RAMCHANDRAGHAT-24 KHOWAI-25 ASHARAMBARI-26
KALYANPUR-PRAMODENAGAR-27 TELIAMURA-28 KRISHNAPUR-29 HRISHYAMUKH-37
JOLAIBARI-38 MANU-39 SABROOM-40
S23-2-TR-TRIPURA EAST 1DIBA CHANDRA HRANGKHWAL INC
2PULIN BEHARI DEWAN BJP
3BAJU BAN RIYAN CPM
4KARNA DHAN CHAKMA AMB
5FALGUNI TRIPURA CPI(ML)(L)
6RITA RANI DEBBARMA AITC
7BINOY REANG IND
8MEVAR KUMAR JAMATIA IND
9RAJESH DEB BARMA IND
BEHAT-1 SAHARANPUR NAGAR-3 SAHARANPUR-4 DEOBAND-5 RAMPUR
MANIHARAN-6
S24-1-UP-SAHARANPUR 1GAJAY SINGH INC
2JAGDISH SINGH RANA BSP
3JASWANT SINGH SAINI BJP
4RASHEED MASOOD SP
5CHATTAR SINGH KASHYAP VAJP
6HAJI MOHAMMED TAUSEEF PECP
7YOGESH GAMBHIR BD
8SUSHIL KUMAR RSBP
9MOHDASIF IND
10CHANDRA PRAKASH ARORA IND
11CHINTAMANI IND
12TEJVEER IND
13NATHLU RAM IND
14MASHKOOR IND
15MRASHID KHAN IND
NAKUR-2 GANGOH-7 KAIRANA-8 THANA BHAWAN-9 SHAMLI-10
S24-2-UP-KAIRANA 1TABASSUM BEGUM BSP
2SHAJAN MASOOD SP
3SURENDRA KUMAR INC
4HUKUM SINGH BJP
5KARAN SINGH SAINI JSP
6KUNWAR PAL RDMP
7PRIYA KUMAR ABHM
8RAJNISH NOTIAL ASP
9RAJ BAHADUR IJP
10SHAFIK UNLP
11ABHISHEK IND
12KULDEEP IND
13ADVOCATE BRAHAM PAL GURJAR IND
14MUKTA SINGH IND
15LAKHMI IND
BUDHANA-11 CHARTHAWAL-12 MUZAFFAR NAGAR-14 KHATAULI-15
SARDHANA-44
S24-3-UP-MUZAFFARNAGAR 1KADIR RANA BSP
2DHEER SINGH CPI
3THAKUR SANGEET SINGH SOM SP
4HARINDRA SINGH MALIK INC
5ANURADHA CHAUDHARY RLD
6ABDUL AZIZ ANSARI PECP
7ASHUTOSH PANDEY LD
8NAWAB ALI NLHP
9MANISH BHAI URF NITU ABHM
10SATISH KUMAR JSP
11SALAMUDEEN URF SALMU MALIK NELU
12INDERPAL IND
13NARENDRA KUMAR IND
14PARMOD PAL IND
15BHAGWAT SINGH IND
16MUKTA SINGH IND
17RANVEER IND
18RAJENDRA SINGH IND
19REETA URF REETA KASHYAP IND
20VIJAY IND
21VEERPAL IND
22SATYAVEER IND
23SALEK CHAUDHARY IND
PURQAZI-13 MEERAPUR-16 BIJNOR-22 CHANDPUR-23 HASTINAPUR-45
S24-4-UP-BIJNOR 1KARTAR SINGH BHADANA NCP
2DR YASHVIR SINGH SP
3SHAHID SIDDIQUI BSP
4SAIDUZZAMAN INC
5MOHD AFSHAR ASP
6ABDUL BASIT KKJHS
7PARAS RAM VAJP
8SAGIR AHMAD NLHP
9SALESH KUMAR ALIAS SADHAWI SARLESH GIRI MKUP
10SURENDRA SINGH IJP
11SURESH CHAND RMSP
12SANJAY SINGH CHAUHAN RLD
13ABDUL SAMAD IND
14IRFAN ALI IND
15CHAND KUMAR IND
16DIGVIJAY SINGH IND
17DAVENDER SINGH IND
18PRABHAT KUMAR IND
19MONU KUMAR RAVI IND
20RAJ RISHI IND
21RAM GIRI IND
22SHIVA CHARAN IND
23SABDUL IND
NAJIBABAD-17 NAGINA-18 DHAMPUR-20 NEHTAUR-21 NOORPUR-24
S24-5-UP-NAGINA 1ISAM SINGH INC
2YASHVIR SINGH SP
3RAM KISHAN SINGH BSP
4UDIT RAJ IJP
5TEJ SINGH ASP
6BABLI ALIAS GULSAN JAHAN NELU
7MUNSIRAM RLD
8RANJEET NBNP
9VIJAY PRAKASH PECP
10ASARPAT IND
11NOBAHAR SINGH IND
12BHISHAM PRASAD IND
13YADRAM IND
14RAM CHANDER IND
BARHAPUR-19 KANTH-25 THKURDWARA-26 MORADABAD RURAL-27 MORADABAD
NAGAR-28
S24-6-UP-MORADABAD 1MOHAMMAD RIZWAN SP
2MOHAMMED AZHARUDDIN INC
3RAJIV CHANNA BSP
4KUNWAR SARVESH KUMAR ALIAS RAKESH BJP
5RISHI PAL ABHM
6SHAKEEL AHMED NLHP
7HAR SWAROOP SHARMA RSMD
8JAHID IND
9TOTA RAM IND
10NATHU SINGH IND
11PATRAM IND
12FARID JABBAR IND
13MUHAMMED ZAFAR IQBAL IND
14MOHAMMAD YUNUS IND
15RINKI SAINI IND
16SAGIR HUSAIN IND
17SANJAY KUMAR URF SANJAY KUMAR GOSWAMI IND
18HARIOM BALMIKI IND
SUAR-34 CHAMRAUA-35 BILASPUR-36 RAMPUR-37 MILAK-38
S24-7-UP-RAMPUR 1GHAN SHYAM SINGH LODHI BSP
2JAYA PRADA NAHATA SP
3BEGUM NOOR BANO URF MEHTAB ZAMANI BEGUM INC
4MUKHTAR ABBAS NAQVI BJP
5DEEPCHAND GUPTA JKD
6SHRIPAL GUPTA BSP(K)
7SAMEENA BI RSBP
8SIFAAT ALI KHAN IUML
9SANJEEV KUMAR AD
10ARIF SIKANDAR URF RAJU MIAN IND
11KAPIL DEV IND
12GENDAN LAL IND
13JAGDISH SARAN SAGAR IND
14TARIQ MIAN DESHMUKH IND
15BHOLEY KHAN IND
16SHAKKAN KHAN IND
KUNDARKI-29 BILARI-30 CHANDAUSI-31 ASMOLI-32 SAMBHAL-33
S24-8-UP-SAMBHAL 1IQBAL MEHMOOD SP
2CHANDRA PAL SINGH BJP
3CHANDRA VIJAY INC
4DR SHAFIQUR RAHMAN BARQ BSP
5ASHOK NNP
6PUTTAN KHAN NLHP
7MOHAMMAD HASEEB BPC
8HAJI RASHID HUSAIN MUL
9DR PRAVEEN KUMAR IND
10VRIHAMADEV IND
11SUBHANUR RAHMAN IND
DHANAURA-39 NAUGAWAN SADAT-40 AMROHA-41 HASANPUR-42
GARHMUKTESHWAR-60
S24-9-UP-AMROHA 1MEHBOOB ALI SP
2MAUDOOD MADNI BSP
3MOHD NAFIS ABBASI INC
4DEVENDRA NAGPAL RLD
5NIDHI TYAGI SHS
6RIFAQAT NELU
7SHARAFAT ALI RSP
8SATISH ABHM
9SUMAN IVD
10ANJULA NAGPAL IND
11ANIL IND
12IMRAN IND
13KIRSHANPAL IND
14TARA CHANDR IND
15DEVI SARAN IND
16DEVENDER IND
17MANTARI SINGH IND
18RADHEKISHAN IND
19VARUN IND
20HARISH NAGPAL IND
KITHORE-46 MEERUT CANTT.-47 MEERUT-48 MEERUT SOUTH-49 HAPUR-59
S24-10-UP-MEERUT 1ARUN KUMAR JAIN NCP
2MALOOK NAGAR BSP
3MUGHIS AHMAD GILANI CPI
4RAJENDRA AGARWAL BJP
5RAJENDRA SHARMA INC
6SHAHID MANZOOR SP
7AJAY AGRAWAL SJP(R)
8JANESHWAR PRASAD SHARMA RVNP
9TEJVEER SINGH RWS
10RAJKUMAR TYAGI ABHM
11RAJESH KUMAR IJP
12SMT SANTOSH AHLUWALIA RDMP
13DR HARI SINGH AZAD PRAJAPATI ABLTP
14CAPT ATUL TYAGI IND
15ANIL KUMAR SUBHASH IND
16KRISHNA KUMAR GARG IND
17KRISHNAPAL IND
18KHALID KHURSHID IND
19ZARAR AHMAD IND
20DARA SINGH PRAJAPATI IND
21BHARAT BHUSAN AGRAWAL IND
22RAJENDRA SINGH YADAV IND
23LOHRI IND
24MOHD SHAHID AKHLAKH IND
25SUDHIR NANDAN SARAN KOTHIWAL IND
26SUNIL KUMAR RANA IND
27DR SURENDER KUMAR KHATRI IND
28SANJEEV IND
29SHREEPAL SINGH IND
SIWAL KHAS-43 CHHAPRAULI-50 BARAUT-51 BAGHPAT-52 MONI NAGAR-57
S24-11-UP-BAGHPAT 1MUKESH SHARMA BSP
2SAHAB SINGH SP
3SOMPAL INC
4AJIT SINGH RLD
5GULZAR ASP
6DEVENDRA KUMAR BKLJP
7FIRDOUS A S FIRDOUS RANA MKUP
8SHALINI JM
9ABDUL RASHID IND
10OMPAL IND
11JAIPARKASH IND
12TEJPAL SINGH IND
13PRAVEEN KUMAR IND
14BRIJ BHUSHAN IND
15RAVINDRA KUMAR IND
16VEDPAL IND
LONI-53 MURADNAGAR-54 SAHIBABAD-55 GAZIABAD-56 DHOLANA-58
S24-12-UP-GHAZIABAD 1PT AMAR PAL SHARMA BSP
2RAJNATH SINGH BJP
3SURENDRA PRAKASH GOEL INC
4AZIJ KHAN IJP
5ANWAR AHMED NBNP
6IQBAL NLHP
7KZ BUKHARI NELU
8SANJAY SHARMA ABHM
9HARI SHANKAR SHARMA BPD
10TRILOK SINGH RAWAT IND
11DAYA HIJRA IND
12YATAN SHARMA IND
13LAL SINGH IND
14VINOD IND
15SATISH IND
16SAMAR SINGH IND
NOIDA-61 DADRI-62 JEWAR-63 SIKANDRABAD-64 KHURJA-70
S24-13-UP-GAUTAM BUDDH NAGAR 1NARENDRA SINGH BHATI SP
2MAHESH KUMAR SHARMA BJP
3RAMESH CHANDRA TOMAR INC
4KK SHARMA NCP
5SURENDRA SINGH NAGAR BSP
6ARVIND ANC
7GHANSHYAM SHARMA RWS
8CHHOTE LAL RYS
9DR JAMAL AHMAD KHAN NLHP
10POONAM BSP(K)
11PREM SINGH RPI
12RAHIS NELU
13LUBNA ASIF AIMF
14SHER SINGH AP
15ANIL KUMAR IND
16KAMLESH CHOUDHRY IND
17KINNAR GUDDI SHARMA IND
18JAGAT SINGH IND
19DHARAMVIR IND
20MANOJ IND
21MAHESH IND
22RAJENDRA PAL SINGH IND
23RESHAM SWARUP IND
24SHAILESH KUMAR SRIVASTVA IND
25SUKHVIR IND
26SONIA SHARMA IND
BULANDSHAHR-65 SYANA-66 ANUPSHAHR-67 DEBAI-68 SHIKARPUR-69
S24-14-UP-BULANDSHAHR 1ASHOK KUMAR PRADHAN BJP
2KAMLESH SP
3DEVI DAYAL INC
4RAJ KUMAR GAUTAM BSP
5KARAN SINGH BHOOCHAL RMEP
6KANTI ABRS
7JAY BHAGWAN NBNP
8BALRAM ABHM
9RAGHURAJ SINGH RTKP
10RAJO NELU
11SUDHA SINGH RPI
12SUSHILA SINGH RDMP
13SURAJMUKHI GAUTAM UNLP
14SOHAN PAL NLHP
15KAMLESH IND
16PRAVEEN IND
KHAIR-71 BARAULI-72 ATRAULI-73 KOIL-75 ALIGARH-76
S24-15-UP-ALIGARH 1ZAFAR ALAM SP
2BIJENDRA SINGH INC
3RAJ KUMARI CHAUHAN BSP
4SHEELA GAUTAM BJP
5AKHTAR MUL
6ALPANA GAUTAM BSK
7DEVI PRASHAD MADP
8DHARAMVEER SINGH IJP
9BABULAL VERMA ASP
10MAHESH PRATAP SHARMA RVP
11MUKESH NLHP
12MOHAMMAD YUSUF KHAN MC
13SHISHUPAL SINGH PSS
14SANJAY LD
15HARENDRA SINGH BURMAN LPSP
16KAILASH IND
17TEJVIR SINGH IND
18NATTHILAL IND
19PRABHAT KUMAR IND
20PREM PAL SINGH IND
21BABA BUDHASEN IND
22BHAGVAN SAHAY IND
23SHER MOHAMMAD IND
CHHARRA-74 IGLAS-77 HATHRAS-78 SADABAD-79 SIKANDRA RAO-80
S24-16-UP-HATHRAS 1ANAR SINGH SP
2PRADEEP CHANDEL INC
3RAJENDRA KUMAR BSP
4JAIPRAKASH RTKP
5PRADEEP KUMAR ASP
6PREMLATA RPI(A)
7SARIKA SINGH RLD
8SURESH BABU BSKPB
9MATHURA PRASAD IND
10SHIV SINGH IND
CHHATA-81 MANT-82 GOVERDHAN-83 MATHURA-84 BALDEV-85
S24-17-UP-MATHURA 1MANVENDRA SINGH INC
2SHYAM SUNDER SHARMA BSP
3ASHRAF ALI NLHP
4JAYANT CHAUDHARY RLD
5DEVENDRA RALP
6YADRAM BSP(K)
7HEERA SINGH NELU
8GOPAL SAINI ALIAS MANAGER IND
9JAGDISH IND
10JAI PRAKASH IND
11PITAM SINGH IND
12PRAMOD PACHAURI IND
13FAKKAR BABA IND
14BABU LAL SHARMA IND
15VINOD IND
16SHYAMSUNDAR IND
ETMADPUR-86 AGRA CANTT.-87 AGRA SOUTH-88 AGRA NORTH-89
JALESAR-106
S24-18-UP-AGRA 1KUNWAR CHAND VAKIL BSP
2PRABHUDAYAL KATHERIA INC
3RAMJI LAL SUMAN SP
4DR RAMSHANKAR BJP
5RAMESH JBSP
6RAJESH KUMAR PRADHAN RSBP
7RAM DEVI HDVP
8VIVEK CHAUHAN VALMIKI RSMD
9GANESHI LAL MAHAUR IND
10DR CHANDRAPAL IND
11NITYANAND IND
12BOBY IND
13RAKESH IND
14VINOD KUMAR SINGH IND
15SANTOSH KUMAR DIWAKAR IND
AGRA RURAL-90 FATEHPUR SIKARI-91 KHERAGARH-92
FATEHABAD-93 BAH-94
S24-19-UP-FATEHPUR SIKRI 1RAGHURAJ SINGH SHAKYA SP
2RAJ BABBAR INC
3RAJA MAHENDRA ARIDAMAN SINGH BJP
4SEEMA UPADHYAY BSP
5SAMARVEER SINGH CHAHAR RWS
6GANGA RAM IND
7CHANDAN SINGH IND
8NARESH CHAND KOLI IND
9BENI PRASHAD AGARWAL IND
10MUNNA ALISE MUNNA LAL IND
11VIJAY PAL IND
12VINOD KUMAR IND
13SATISH CHANDR IND
14SUNDER SINGH IND
TUNDLA-95 JASRANA-96 FIROZABAD-97 SHIKOHABAD-98 SIRSAGANJ-99
S24-20-UP-FIROZABAD 1AKHILESH YADAV SP
2PROF SP SINGH BAGHEL BSP
3RAGHUVAR DAYAL VERMA BJP
4RAJJO DEVI CPM
5RAJENDRAPAL INC
6ANIL KUMAR SRIVASTAWAAKELA JPS
7ABHAYPRATAP SINGH JBSP
8DALVIR RPI(A)
9RAJVIR SINGH RSMD
10RAHAT AFROZ MUL
11SUNITA DEVI MADP
12ASHOK YADAV IND
13MANISH ASIJA IND
14RAMGOPAL IND
15RAMDAS SAVITA IND
16LT COLONEL SURESH BABU IND
MAINPURI-107 BHONGAON-108 KISHANI-109 KARHAL-110
JASWANTNAGAR-199
S24-21-UP-MAINPURI 1TRIPTI SHAKYA BJP
2MULAYAM SINGH YADAV SP
3VINAY SHAKYA BSP
4HAKIM SINGH YADAV CPI
5ABADHESH SHAKYA RSMD
6KARUNA NIDHI PANDEY KKJHS
7GENDA LAL PAL RALP
8PRAVEEN YADAV MD
9MAN SINGH KASHYAP LD
10YOGENDRA SINGH IJP
11RAVINDRA SINGH RWS
12RAJVIR SINGH NDPF
13SARVESH JPS
14AJAY KUMAR SINGH IND
15SACHCHIDA NAND IND
KASGANJ-100 AMANPUR-101 PATIYALI-102 ETAH-104 MARHARA-105
S24-22-UP-ETAH 1KUNWAR DEVENDRA SINGH YADAV BSP
2DR MAHADEEPAK SINGH SHAKYA INC
3DRSHYAM SINGH SHAKYA BJP
4INDRAPAL RSUPRP
5RISHIPAL BRPP
6MUNAWAR HUSSAIN NLHP
7RAJVEER SINGH VAJP
8SHABBIR NELU
9SANDEEP RPI(A)
10KALYAN SINGH R O MADHOLI IND
11KALYAN SINGH R O NAGLA KHUSHALI IND
12KALIYAN SINGH IND
13PREETY MISHRA IND
14PUSHPA UPADHYAY IND
15RAJENDRA IND
16RAJESH IND
17SATENDRA KUMAR IND
18SAKIR ALI IND
19HARISHCHANDRA IND
GUNNAUR-111 BISAULI-112 SAHASWAN-113 BILSI-114 BUDAUN-115
S24-23-UP-BADAUN 1DHARAM YADAV URF D P YADAV BSP
2DHARMENDRA YADAV SP
3SALEEM IQBAL SHERWANI INC
4AJEET SINGH YADAV PDFO
5JAVITRI DEVI IJP
6BRIJ PAL SINGH SHAKYA RSMD
7D K BHARDWAJ JD(U)
8ANUPAM SHARMA IND
9DHARMENDRA YADAV IND
10BHAGWAN SINGH IND
SHEKHUPUR-116 DATAGANJ-117 FARIDPUR-122 BITHARI CHAINPUR-123
AONLA-126
S24-24-UP-AONLA 1TIKA RAM SAHU CPI
2DHARMENDRA KUMAR SP
3MENKA GANDHI BJP
4KUNWAR SARVRAJ SINGH BSP
5DEEN DAYAL JKM
6PRITHVI NATH SINGH SONKAR IJP
7MEHBOOB AHMAD KHAN MD
8MUSHTAQ AHMAD NELU
9SWAMI DRLAXMI NARAYANACHARYA BDBP
10WASI AHMAD MMUP
11AJAY PRATAP SINGH IND
12OMENDRA KUMAR IND
13JAGDISH SARAN IND
MEERGANJ-119 GHOJIPURA-120 NAWABGANJ-121 BAREILLY-124 BARELLY
CANTT.-125
S24-25-UP-BAREILLY 1ISLAM SABIR ANSARI BSP
2PRAVEEN SINGH ARON INC
3BHAGWAT SARAN GANGWAR SP
4SANTOSH GANGWAR BJP
5NADEEM IQBAL MADP
6LAIQ AHMAD AD
7ASHOK KUMAR SHARMA IND
8RAKESH AGARWAL ADVOCATE IND
BAHERI-118 PILIBHIT-127 BARKHERA-128 PURANPUR-129 BISALPUR-130
S24-26-UP-PILIBHIT 1GANGA CHARAN BSP
2MASTER CHOTEY LAL GANGWAR NCP
3FEROZE VARUN GANDHI BJP
4RIYAZ AHMAD SP
5V M SINGH INC
6INDRA PAL AD
7KRISHNA ADHIKARI CPI(ML)(L)
8JAMUNA DAVI RKSP
9RAM KUMAR ARYA ABRS
10HARPAL SINGH RCP
11HARISH KUMAR BSRD
12MAHAVIR SINGH IND
13MAHESH SAXENA IND
14RAM NARAYAN SINGH IND
15LALTA PRASAD IND
16VIQUARUL HASAN KHAN IND
KATRA-131 JALALABAD-132 TILHAR-133 POWAYAN-134 SHAHJAHANPUR-135
DADRAUL-136
S24-27-UP-SHAHJAHANPUR 1UMED SINGH INC
2KRISHNA RAJ BJP
3DR JAUHARI LAL NCP
4MITHLESH SP
5SUNITA SINGH BSP
6ARVIND KUMAR RSMD
7DAULATRAM PECP
8RAMPRAKASH ABRS
9RAMSEWAK AIFB
10HEERALAL APRD
11KUNWARPAL IND
12MALKHAN SINGH IND
13MAHESH PAL SINGH IND
14MEWARAM IND
15SANGHPAL IND
PALIA-137 NIGHASAN-138 GOLA GOKRANNATH-139 SRI NAGAR-140
LAKHIMPUR-142
S24-28-UP-KHERI 1AJAY KUMAR BJP
2ILIYAS AZMI BSP
3ZAFAR ALI NAQVI INC
4RAVI PRAKASH VERMA SP
5ANIL KISHORE LD
6ANUPAM VERMA AD
7KASHINATH SINGH JPS
8RAMDARASH CPI(ML)(L)
9ARVIND IND
10MOHD ILIYAS IND
11BAJRANGI LAL IND
12MUJEEB KHAN IND
DHAURAHRA-141 KASTA-143 MOHAMMDI-144 MAHOLI-145 HARGAON-147
S24-29-UP-DHAURAHRA 1OM PRAKASH SP
2KUNWAR JITIN PRASAD INC
3RAGHVENDRA SINGH BJP
4RAJESH NCP
5RAJESH KUMAR SINGH ALIAS RAJESH VERMA BSP
6ARJUN LAL CPI(ML)(L)
7SWAMI DAYAL GAUR RTKP
8SUSHILA AD
9KAPIL KUMAR IND
10NARENDRA PRASAD IND
11MANOJ IND
12RAM SINGH IND
SITAPUR-146 LAHARPUR-148 BISWAN-149 SEVATA-150 MAHMOODABAD-151
S24-30-UP-SITAPUR 1KAISAR JAHAN BSP
2GYAN TIWARI BJP
3JAGDISH NARAYAN SHUKLA NCP
4MAHENDRA SINGH VERMA SP
5RAM LAL RAHI INC
6KULDEEP KUMAR PECP
7GAYA PRASAD CPI(ML)(L)
8GOVIND KKJHS
9DAYA SHANKAR BOSE RDMP
10MAIKU LAL BSRD
11RAM DAS BRPP
12HARE RAM FAUJI JPS
13DILEEP KUMAR IND
14DIPENDRA KUMAR VERMA IND
15MUNNA LAL IND
16HARGOVIND RAWAT PASI IND
SAWAIJPUR-154 SHAHABAD-155 HARDOI-156 GOPAMAU-157 SANDI-158
S24-31-UP-HARDOI 1USHA VERMA SP
2PURNIMA VERMA BJP
3RAM KUMAR KURIL BSP
4BALAKRAM RJPK
5BHAIYA LAL ALIAS CHAMAN BABU RSMD
6SHANTISWAROOP RPI
7HARIBAKHSH NNP
8USHA IND
9JAGANNATH IND
10RAJENDRA KUMAR IND
11SHIV KUMAR IND
MISRIKH-153 BILGRAM-MALLANWAN-159 BALAMAU-160 SANDILA-161
BILHAUR-209
S24-32-UP-MISRIKH 1ANIL KUMAR ALIAS ANIL BHARGAV BJP
2ASHOK KUMAR RAWAT BSP
3OM PRAKASH INC
4SHYAM PRAKASH SP
5RAM AUTAR RPI(A)
6VISHAMBHAR DAYAL RCP
7UDAY PRATAP IND
8RAKESH KUMAR IND
9RAM DAYAL IND
10RAM SAGAR IND
11SHIV PAL IND
12SANJAYKUMAR IND
13SAHEB LAL IND
BANGARMAU-162 SAFIPUR-163 MOHAN-164 UNNAO-165 BHAGWANTNAGAR-166
PURWA-167
S24-33-UP-UNNAO 1ANNUTANDON INC
2ARUNSHANKARSHUKLA BSP
3DEEPAKKUMAR SP
4RAMESHKUMARSINGH BJP
5UMESHCHANDRA AD
6CHHEDILAL RPI(A)
7JAVEDRAZA JD(U)
8RAJKISHORESINGH RCP
9RAJUKASHYAP VAJP
10RAMAOTAR BVVP
11RAMSEVAK ASP
12RASHIDQAMAR MUL
13SHIVSHANKERKUSHWAHA ABAS
14ASHOKKUMAR IND
15KRISHNAPALSINGHVAIS IND
16CHANDRASHEKHARTIWARI IND
17ABHICHHEDILALYADAV IND
18RAMASHREY IND
19LALA IND
20VASUDEVVISHARAD IND
21SUNILKUMAR IND
SIDHAULI-152 MALIHABAD-168 BAKSHI KAA TALAB-169 SAROJINI
NAGAR-170 MOHANLALGANJ-176
S24-34-UP-MOHANLALGANJ 1JAI PRAKASH BSP
2RANJAN KUMAR CHAUDHARY BJP
3SUSHILA SAROJ SP
4JAIPAL PATHIK RCP
5RKCHAUDHARY RSBP
6SATTIDEEN UPRP
7RAM DHAN IND
LUCKNOW WEST-171 LUCKNOW NORTH-172 LUCKNOW EAST-173 LUCKNOW
CENTRAL-174 LUCKNOW CANTT.-175
S24-35-UP-LUCKNOW 1DR AKHILESH DAS GUPTA BSP
2NAFISA ALI SODHI SP
3RITA BAHUGUNA JOSHI INC
4LAL JI TANDON BJP
5ANUPAM MISHRA SWPI
6MOHD IRSHAD NBNP
7KAMAL CHANDRA GGP
8DRKHAN MOHMAD ATIF MMUP
9JUGUNU RANJAN JANS
10DASHARATH RMEP
11NAND KUMAR LODHI RAJPOOT BGD
12PRAVEEN KUMAR MISHRA EKSP
13MURLI PRASAD RTKP
14MUSTAQ KHAN IJP
15RAVI SHANKAR BHARAT BPD
16RAJESH KUMAR PANDEY AITC
17AMRESH MISHRA IND
18AMIT PANDEY IND
19ASHOK KUMAR PAL IND
20AMBIKA PRASAD IND
21KC KARDAM IND
22KEDAR MAL AGRAWAL IND
23GIRISH CHANDRA SRIVASTAV IND
24CHATURI PRASAD IND
25CHANDRA BHUSHAN PANDEY CBPANDEY IND
26ZUBAIR AHMAD IND
27SRDARAPURI IND
28DHEERAJ IND
29NITIN DWIVEDI IND
30PADAM CHANDRA GUPTA IND
31BAL MUKUND TIWARI IND
32RAJIV RANJAN TIWARI RAJ BIHARI IND
33RAJESH KUMAR IND
34RAJESH KUMAR NAITHANI IND
35RADHEYSHYAM IND
36RAM KUMAR SHUKLA IND
37SEHNAAZ SIDRAT IND
38SUKHVEER SINGH IND
39SUMAN LATA DIXIT IND
40HARJEET SINGH IND
41A HAROON ALI IND
BACHHRAWAN-177 HARCHANDPUR-179 RAE BARELI-180 SARENI-182
UNCHAHAR-183
S24-36-UP-RAE BARELI 1RSKUSHWAHA BSP
2RBSINGH BJP
3SONIA GANDHI INC
4ANIL KUMAR MAURYA AD
5DINESH RCP
6AVNISH IND
7ALOK KUMAR SINGH IND
8ILIYAS HUSSAIN IND
9BABULAL IND
10MANOJ KUMAR SO RAM NARESH SINGH IND
11MANOJ KUMAR SO HANUMANT PRASAD IND
12RAMA SHANKAR IND
13LAJJAWATI KANCHAN IND
14SHYAM BIHARI GUPTA IND
15SRIPAL IND
16HORILAL IND
TILOI-178 SALON-181 JAGDISHPUR-184 GAURIGANJ-185 AMETHI-186
S24-37-UP-AMETHI 1ASHEESH SHUKLA BSP
2PRADEEP KUMAR SINGH BJP
3RAHUL GANDHI INC
4BHUWAL JPS
5MOHDHASAN LAHARI BRPP
6SUNITA MAP
7SURYABHAN MAURYA RASD
8AAVID HUSSAIN IND
9OMKAR IND
10KAPIL DEO IND
11DILIP IND
12MIHILAL IND
13MEET SINGH IND
14RAMESH CHANDRA IND
15RAM SHANKER IND
16SWAMI NATH IND
ISAULI-187 SULTANPUR-188 SADAR-189 LAMBHUA-190 KADIPUR-191
S24-38-UP-SULTANPUR 1ASHOK PANDEY SP
2MOHDTAHIR BSP
3SURYA BHAN SINGH BJP
4DRSANJAY SINGH INC
5ANIL RPI(A)
6CHOTELAL MAURYA AD
7MOHDUMAR PECP
8RAKESH NYP
9RAJKUMAR PANDEY RDMP
10TRIVENI PRASAD BHEEM BRPP
11ARVIND KUMAR IND
12AWADHESH KUMAR IND
13KRISHNA NARAYAN IND
14JHINKURAM VISHWAKARMA IND
15PRAKASH CHANDRA IND
16HARI NARAYAN IND
RAMPUR KHAS-244 BISHWAVNATHGANJ-247 PRATAPGARH-248 PATTI-249
RANIGANJ-250
S24-39-UP-PRATAPGARH 1KUNWAR AKSHAYA PRATAP SINGH GOPAL JI SP
2RAJKUMARI RATNA SINGH INC
3LAKSHMI NARAIN PANDEY GURU JI BJP
4PROF SHIVAKANT OJHA BSP
5ATIQ AHAMAD AD
6ARUN KUMAR SJP(R)
7A RASHID ANSARI MC
8RAJESH KKJHS
9ATUL DWIVEDI IND
10UDHAV RAM IND
11CHHANGALAL IND
12JITENDRA PRATAP SINGH IND
13DINESH PANDEY ALIAS DK PANDEY IND
14BADRI PRASAD IND
15MUNEESHWAR SINGH IND
16RAMESH KUMAR IND
17RAVINDRA SINGH IND
18RANI PAL IND
19RAMMURTI MISHRA IND
20RAM SAMUJH IND
21VINOD IND
22SHIVRAM IND
23SATRAM IND
ALIGANJ-103 KAIMGANJ-192 AMRITPUR-193 FARRUKHABAD-194
BHOJPUR-195
S24-40-UP-FARRUKHABAD 1CHANDRA BHUSHAN SINGH URF MUNNU BABU SP
2NARESH CHANDRA AGRAWAL BSP
3MITHLESH KUMARI BJP
4SALMAN KHURSHEED INC
5OM BABU JPS
6JAIVEER SINGH SHAKYA BRPP
7DALGANJAN SINGH YADAV BRM
8RAMSHARAN BNRP
9RISHIDUTT ABHM
10WAZID ALI IJP
11SWAMI SACHIDANAND HARI SAKSHI RTKP
12SUBODH GANGWAR AD
13RIYAZ AHMAD IND
14VINOD KUMAR IND
15VEENA KUREEL IND
16SURESH CHANDRA SARASWAT URF ELAICHI WALA IND
ETAWAH-200 BHARTHANA-201 DIBIYAPUR-203 AURAIYA-204 SIKANDRA-207
S24-41-UP-ETAWAH 1KAMLESH VERMA BJP
2GAURISHANKER BSP
3PREMDAS SP
4SHIV RAM DOHRE MD
5SANT KUMAR DOHRE LD
6SIYARAM RBCP
7ANVER SINGH IND
8KPD SHYAMDAS IND
9GIREESH BHARTIYA IND
10JAISHANKAR IND
11RAMNARESH IND
12SHARMILA IND
13SATYA PRIYA MANAV IND
CHHIBRAMAU-196 TIRWA-197 KANNAUJ-198 BIDHUNA-202 RASULABAD-205
S24-42-UP-KANNAUJ 1AKHILESH YADAV SP
2DR MAHESH CHANDRA VERMA BSP
3SUBRAT PATHAK BJP
4AJAB SINGH YADAV ABAS
5NARAYAN KUMAR RDMP
6BALRAM BSP(K)
7RAM KARAN KASHYAP VAJP
8RAM BABU TRIVEDI BPD
9RAM SWAROOP JPS
10VIJAY SINGH CHAUHAN MD
11PRADEEP IND
12RAM BABU IND
13LAL SINGH IND
14SHAHANSHAH KHAN IND
15SANJEEV IND
16SHRIKRISHNA SHAKYA IND
GOVINDNAGAR-212 SISHAMAU-213 ARYA NAGAR-214 DIDWAI NAGAR-215
KANPUR CANTT.-216
S24-43-UP-KANPUR 1SATISH MAHANA BJP
2SUKHDA MISHRA BSP
3SURENDRA MOHAN AGRAWAL SP
4SRI PRAKASH JAISWAL INC
5OMENDRA BHARAT BPD
6GUFRAN AHMED RWSP
7JAGDISH PRASAD ABHM
8MOTI LAL SHARMA IJP
9ANIL KUMAR JAIN IND
10AHAMED HUSSAIN IND
11GAYA PRASAD IND
12JAGESWAR DAYAL 1 VIKAL ORAI IND
13NISHA IND
14BADRI VISHAL PRAJAPATI IND
15MAHESH CHANDRA SHARMA IND
16MAYA KAUSHAL IND
17MOHAMMD ISHA IND
18VNAWASTHI IND
AKBARPUR – RANIYA-206 BITHOOR-210 KALYANPUR-211 MAHARAJPUR-217
GHATAMPUR-218
S24-44-UP-AKBARPUR 1ANIL SHUKLA WARSI BSP
2ARUN KUMAR TIWARI BABA BJP
3KAMLESH KUMAR PATHAK SP
4RAJARAM PAL INC
5AMAR SINGH CHAUHAN JPS
6DRAK GUPTA RSMD
7DAYA SHANKER RSP
8DHARMENDRA PRATAP SINGH BPD
9CHAUDHARY DHARMENDRA SINGH YADAV RPI
10BAIKUNTH NATH JD(S)
11RAM GOPAL RAJUP
12VIMAL SINGH BHADAURIA ABAS
13SATENDRA KUSHWAHA RKSP
14OMKAR IND
15MANJESH KUMAR IND
16RAM NATH VERMA IND
17VIRENDRA VISHWAKARMA IND
BHOGNIPUR-208 MADHAUGARH-219 KALPI-220 ORAI-221 GARAUTHA-225
S24-45-UP-JALAUN 1GHANSYAM ANURAGI SP
2TILAK CHANDRA AHIRWAR BSP
3NATHURAM VERMA LOHIA NCP
4BHANU PRATAP SINGH VERMA BJP
5DR BABU RAMADHIN AHIRWAR INC
6KASHIRAM CPI(ML)(L)
7DASHRATH SINGH AHIRWAR RDMP
8PRATAP SINGH KATHARIYA NELU
9PRABHA VERMA AD
10BHAGGOOLAL VALMIKI RSMD
11SANJAY KUMAR RAJUP
12HUKUM JPS
13BHURI DEVI IND
14MEVALAL IND
15RAM JI IND
16VASHUDEV IND
BABINA-222 JHANSI NAGAR-223 MAURANIPUR-224 LALITPUR-226
MEHRONI-227
S24-46-UP-JHANSI 1CHANDRPAL SINGH YADAV SP
2PRADEEP KUMAR JAIN ADITYA INC
3RAMESH KUMAR SHARMA BSP
4RAVINDRA SHUKLA BJP
5DEEPMALA KUSHWAHA RTKP
6BABU LAL NANGAL LSVP
7BALAK DAS AD
8MANMOHAN GUPTA IJP
9RAMDAS BJTP
10SUJAN SINGH BUNDELA RSMD
11ABDESH BHOOSHAN SRIVASTAVA IND
12KAMTA PRASAD RAJPUT IND
13JAGAT VIKRAM SINGH IND
14PANKAJ RAWAT IND
15PARWAT SINGH IND
16BAL KISHAN IND
17MATHURA PRASAD IND
18MAHENDRA IND
HAMIRPUR-228 RATH-229 MAHOBA-230 CHARKHARI-231 TINDWARI-232
S24-47-UP-HAMIRPUR 1ASHOK KUMAR SINGH CHANDEL SP
2PREETAM SINGH LODHI KISSAN BJP
3VIJAY BAHADUR SINGH BSP
4SIDDHA GOPAL SAHU INC
5ANIL KUMAR ASP
6AMIT KUMAR AD
7KAPIL KUMAR NLHP
8KANTI LD
9GIRDHARILAL NELU
10SHIVPRASAD PRAJAPATI IJP
11HAKEEM KHAN BAP
12DESH RAJ IND
13NEERAJ KUMAR NIRALA IND
14PARMESHWAR DAYAL IND
15LALLA IND
16LALLU PRASAD IND
BABERU-233 NARAINI-234 BANDA-235 CHITRAKOOT-236 MANIKPUR-237
S24-48-UP-BANDA 1AMITA BAJPAI BJP
2BHAGAWAN DEEN GARG INC
3BHAIRON PRASAD MISHRA BSP
4SANTOSH KUMAR CPI
5R K SINGH PATEL SP
6ASHOK KUMAR IJP
7ANAND YADAV UCPI
8PARASHU RAM NISHAD AD
9LALIT KUMAR ASP
10ANSH DHARI IND
11JAGAN NATH SINGH IND
12PRAKASH NARAYAN IND
13BALENDRA NATH IND
14MANOJ KUMAR IND
15SHIV KUMAR IND
JAHANABAD-238 BINKDI-239 FATEHPUR-240 AYAH SHAH-241
HUSAINGANJ-242 KHAGA-243
S24-49-UP-FATEHPUR 1JAGESHWAR PAL NCP
2MAHENDRA PRASAD NISHAD BSP
3RAKESH SACHAN SP
4RADHEY SHYAM GUPTA BJP
5VIBHAKAR SHASTRI INC
6AJEYA SINGH JM
7UDIT RAJ IJP
8MATIN ANC
9MUNNA SINGH KKJHS
10RAEES PECP
11VISHWASWAROOP MAURYA ABAS
12DR SONEY LAL PATEL AD
13ANSHU MAN SINGH ADVOCATE IND
14JAGDEESH NARAIN SHARMA IND
15DILEEP VERMA IND
16NARSINGH PATEL IND
17MAHFAZUL HAK ALIAS RAJU KHAN IND
18HARISH CHANDRA SWARANKAR IND
BABAGANJ-245 KUNDA-246 SIRATHU-251 MANJHANPUR-252 CHAIL-253
S24-50-UP-KAUSHAMBI 1GIRISH CHANDRA PASI BSP
2GAUTAM CHAUDHARY BJP
3RAM NIHOR RAKESH INC
4SHAILENDRA KUMAR SP
5UMESH CHANDRA PASI AD
6GULAB SONKAR IJP
7GULAB CHANDRA IND
8JAGDEO IND
9MAN SINGH IND
10RAM SARAN IND
PHAPHAMAU-254 SORAON-255 PHULPUR-256 ALLAHABAD WEST-261 ALLAHABAD
NORTH-262
S24-51-UP-PHULPUR 1KAPIL MUNI KARWARIYA BSP
2KARAN SINGH PATEL BJP
3DHARMARAJ SINGH PATEL INC
4SHYAMA CHARAN GUPTA SP
5CHANDRAJEET LD
6DEVENDRA PRATAP SINGH RDMP
7PRADEEP KUMAR SRIVASTAVA AD
8LALLAN SINGH RSBP
9VIJAY KUMAR GMS
10SATISH YADAV IJP
11SANJEEV KUMAR MISHRA YVP
12KRISHNA KUMAR IND
13DR NEERAJ IND
14BHARAT LAL IND
15DR MILAN MUKHERJEE IND
16MUNISHWAR SINGH MAURYA IND
17RADHIKA PAL IND
18RADHESHYAM SINGH YADAV IND
19RAM JANM YADAV IND
20RAMSHANKAR IND
21VIRENDRA PAL SINGH IND
22SHAILENDRA KUMAR PRAJAPATI IND
23SAMAR BAHADUR SHARMA IND
24DR SONE LAL PATEL IND
MEJA-259 KARCHHANA-260 ALLAHABAD SOUTH-263 BARA-264 KORAON-265
S24-52-UP-ALLAHABAD 1ASHOK KUMAR BAJPAI BSP
2YOGESH SHUKLA BJP
3KUNWAR REWATI RAMAN SINGH ALIAS MANI JI SP
4SHYAM KRISHNA PANDEY INC
5OM PRAKASH RMSP
6GULAB GRAMEEN LD
7BIHARI LAL SHARMA AD
8BAIJAL KUMAR BSP(K)
9RAMA KANT IJP
10RAJESH PASI RSBP
11RAM PARIKHAN SINGH JPS
12VIJAY SHANKAR BSA
13SARFUDDIN NELU
14AKBAL MOHAMMD IND
15AJUG NARAIN IND
16ABHAY SRIVASTAVA IND
17KM KUSUM KUMARI AD IND
18GOPAL SWROOP JOSHI IND
19NARENDRA KUMAR TEWARI IND
20BAJRANG DUTT IND
21MUNNU PRASAD IND
22RAVI PRAKASH IND
23RAKESH KUMAR IND
24RAJ BALI IND
25RAM GOVIND IND
26RAM JEET IND
27RAM LAL IND
28KM SHASHI PANDEY IND
29DR MOHD SALMAN RASHIDI IND
30SADHNA AGARWAL IND
31HIRA LAL IND
KURSI-266 RAM NAGAR-267 BARABANKI-268 ZAIDPUR-269
HAIDERGARH-272
S24-53-UP-BARABANKI 1KAMALA PRASAD RAWAT BSP
2PLPUNIA INC
3RAM NARESH RAWAT BJP
4RAM SAGAR SP
5JEEVAN JPS
6DESHRAJ BSRD
7BABADEEN BRPP
8BHAGAUTI AD
9SANTRAM NBNP
10GAYA PRASAD IND
11DEPENDRA KUMAR RAWAT IND
12PREM CHANDRA ARYA IND
13RAM AUTAR IND
14LAJJAWATI KANCHAN IND
15MAHANT VISHRAM DAS IND
DARIYABAD-270 RUDAULI-271 MILKIPUR-273 BIKAPUR-274 AYODHYA-275
S24-54-UP-FAIZABAD 1NIRMAL KHATRI INC
2BIMLENDRA MOHAN PRATAP MISRA PAPPU BHAIYA BSP
3MITRASEN SP
4LALLU SINGH BJP
5AJAY KUMAR KKJHS
6ATUL KUMAR PANDEY THPI
7AMAR NATH JAISWAL RTKP
8GIRISH CHANDRA VERMA AD
9GULAM SABIR NBNP
10CHANDRASHEKHAR SINGH BPD
11NUSRAT QUDDUSI ALIAS BABLOO PECP
12MANISH KUMAR PANDEY ABHM
13SAIYYAD MUSHEER AHMED AP
14RAMESH KUMAR RAWAT MADP
15SUSHIL KUMAR BLKD
16ATAURR RAHMAN ANSARI IND
17AMARNATH VERMA IND
18DINA NATH PANDEY IND
19NASREEN BANO IND
20BALAK RAM ALIAS SHIV BALAK PASI IND
21RAM DHIRAJ IND
22SWAMI NATH IND
23SIYARAM KORI IND
GOSHAINGANJ-276 KATEHARI-277 TANDA-278 JALALPUR-280
AKBARPUR-281
S24-55-UP-AMBEDKAR NAGAR 1RAKESH PANDEY BSP
2VINAY KATIYAR BJP
3SHANKHLAL MAJHI SP
4DINESH KUMAR RAJBHAR SBSP
5BASANT LAL PECP
6BAL MUKUND DHURIYA CPI(ML)(L)
7BHARTHARI BRPP
8MANSHARAM MADP
9LALMAN JPS
10VIJAY KUMAR MAURYA RASD
11SANTOSH KUMAR ABHM
12IFTEKHAR AHMAD IND
13KAILASH KUMAR SHUKLA IND
14GAYADEEN IND
15CHANDRA BHUSHAN IND
16DEO PRASAD MISHRA IND
17NABAB ALI IND
18PARASHU RAM IND
19PATANJALI JAITALI IND
20RAM SUKH SAHOO IND
21DR LAL BAHADUR IND
22SRIRAM AMBESH IND
BALHA-282 NANPARA-283 MATERA-284 MAHSI-285 BAHRAICH-286
S24-56-UP-BAHRAICH 1AKSHAYBAR LAL BJP
2KAMAL KISHOR INC
3LAL MANI PRASAD BSP
4SHABBEER AHMAD SP
5GOPAL SBSP
6TULSI RAM RDMP
7MANU DEVI PECP
8RAM CHHABEELE SUBHASH BSRD
9SATYA NARAIN RPI(A)
10HARENDRA KUMAR JPS
11HEERA LAL ANC
12MAIKOO LAL IND
13RAM SARAN IND
PAYAGPUR-287 KAISERGANJ-288 KATRA BAZAR-297 COLONELGANJ-298
TARABGANJ-299
S24-57-UP-KAISERGANJ 1MOHD ALEEM INC
2BRIJBHUSHAN SHARAN SINGH SP
3DR LALTA PRASAD MISHRA ALIAS DR L P MISHRA BJP
4SURENDRA NATH AWASTHI BSP
5ZAMEER AHMAD ANC
6DAYA RAM PDFO
7MANOJ KUMAR LD
8RAM PRAKSH RPI(A)
9RAMENDER DEV PATHAK PECP
10HAFEEZ AD
11ANOKHI LAL IND
12OM PRAKASH IND
13UDAI RAJ IND
14CHANDRA BHAN IND
15JAGDISH IND
16JAGDISH PRASAD IND
17JITENDRA BAHADUR IND
18PARAMHANS SINGH IND
19RAJ KISHOR SINGH IND
20RADHEYSHYAM BOAT IND
21RAMPHER ALIAS CHUNTI IND
22VINESH KUMAR IND
23VIMAL VERMA IND
BHINGA-289 SHRAWASTI-290 TULSIPUR-291 GAINSARI-292
BALRAMPUR-294
S24-58-UP-SHRAWASTI 1RIZVAN ZAHEER BSP
2RUBAB SAIDA SP
3VINAY KUMAR ALIAS VINNU INC
4SATYA DEO SINGH BJP
5ARUN KUMAR ANC
6KULDEEP SBSP
7RAJESHWAR MISHRA PECP
8RAM ADHAR RPI(A)
9TEJ BAHADUR IND
10RAM SUDHI IND
11VINOD KUMAR PANDEY IND
UTRAULA-293 MEHNAUN-295 GONDA-296 MANKAPUR-300 GAURA-301
S24-59-UP-GONDA 1DR ACHYUTA NAND DUBEY NCP
2KIRTI VARDHAN SINGH RAJA BHAIYA BSP
3BENI PRASAD VERMA INC
4RAM PRATAP SINGH BJP
5VINOD KUMAR SINGH ALIAS PANDIT SINGH SP
6ASHIQ ALI PECP
7OM PRAKASH SINGH JPS
8PREM KUMAR SBSP
9RAJENDRA PRASAD ANC
10RAM KEWAL VAJP
11RAM LOCHAN ABHM
12VIDYA SAGAR AD
13HARSH VARDHAN PANDEY LD
14AKHILENDRA KUMAR PATHAK IND
15ANURADHA PATEL IND
16OM PRAKASH IND
17GANGA DHAR SHUKLA IND
18DEEPAK IND
19NARENDRA SINGH IND
20BAIJNATH IND
21RAJENDRA PRASAD IND
22RADHEY SHYAM IND
23RAM PRASAD IND
24RAM LAKHAN IND
25SATYA PRAKASH IND
SHOHRATGARH-302 KAPILVASTU-303 BANSI-304 ITWA-305
DUMARIYAGANJ-306
S24-60-UP-DOMARIYAGANJ 1JAGDAMBIKA PAL INC
2JAI PRATAP SINGH BJP
3MATA PRASAD PANDEY SP
4MOHD MUQUEEM BSP
5INAMULLAH CHAUDHARY PECP
6JITENDRA PRATAP SINGH RDMP
7PINGAL PRASAD RPI
8BALKRISHNA BSP(K)
9MUKHDEV SBSP
10RAJDEV BEP
11RAM SAMUJH BJBCD
12RAHUL SANGH PRIYA BHARTI IJP
13HARISHANKAR LJP
14MOTILAL VIDHYARTHI IND
15RAM KRIPAL IND
16SIRAJ AHAMAD IND
HARRAIYA-307 KAPTANGANJ-308 RUDHAULI-309 BASTI SADAR-310
MAHADEWA-311
S24-61-UP-BASTI 1ARVIND KUMAR CHAUDHARY BSP
2BASANT CHAUDHARY INC
3RAJ KISHOR SINGH SP
4DR Y D SINGH BJP
5OM PRAKASH VAJP
6DAYASHANKAR PATWA PECP
7DALBAG SINGH BSP(K)
8RAM NAYAN PATEL AD
9VINOD KUMAR RAJBHAR SBSP
10SHIVDAS SSD
11SANJEEV KUMAR NISHAD BUM
12SITARAM NISHAD JPS
13RAM LALAN YADAV IND
14SHIV POOJAN ARYA IND
15SATYADEV OJHA IND
16SATISH CHANDRA SHARMA IND
ALAPUR-279 MENHDAWAL-312 KHALILABAD-313 DHANGHATA-314
KHAJNI-325
S24-62-UP-SANT KABIR NAGAR 1KAMLA KANT CHAUDHARY CPI
2FAZLEY MAHAMOOD INC
3BHAL CHANDRA YADAV SP
4BHISMA SHANKAR ALIAS KUSHAL TIWARI BSP
5SHARAD TRIPATHI BJP
6INDRA KUMAR BUM
7KRISHNA NAND MISHRA AIMF
8KHELADI BRPP
9JANTRI LAL JPS
10PANCHOO BELDAR ASP
11RAJESH SINGH PECP
12RAM ACHAL MADP
13RAM AVADH NISHAD SBSP
14LOTAN ALIAS LAUTAN PRASAD SSD
15VINOD RAI NLHP
16ANJU IND
17JOOGESH YADAV IND
18NITYANAND MANI TRIPATHI IND
19PHOOLDEO IND
20RAMESH IND
21VINAY PANDEY IND
22SHRI BABA RAM CHANDRA IND
23SUSHILA JIGYASU IND
24HARISH CHANDRA IND
PHARENDA-315 NAUTANWA-316 SISWA-317 MAHARAJGANJ-318
PANIYARA-319
S24-63-UP-MAHARAJGANJ 1AJEET MANI SP
2GANESH SHANKER PANDEY BSP
3PANKAJ CHAUDHARY BJP
4HARSH VARDHAN INC
5ABDWURRUF ANSARI NLHP
6PAWAN KUMAR RPI(A)
7RAM KISHUN NISHAD SBSP
8SATYA NARAYAN URF SATNARAYAN BEP
9OMPRAKASH CHATURVEDI IND
10DILIP KUMAR IND
11RAM NIVAS IND
12LAL BIHARI IND
13CHAUDHARY SANJAY SINGH PATEL IND
14SHYAM SUNDER DAS CHAURASIA IND
15HANUMAN IND
CAIMPIYARGANJ-320 PIPRAICH-321 GORAKHPUR URBAN-322 GORAKHPUR
RURAL-323 SAHAJANWA-324
S24-64-UP-GORAKHPUR 1ADITYANATH BJP
2MANOJ TIWARI MRIDUL SP
3LALCHAND NISHAD INC
4VINAY SHANKAR TIWARI BSP
5AMAN ASP
6JOKHAN PRASAD EKSP
7DAYASHANKAR NISHAD AD
8RAJBAHADUR IJP
9RAJMANI BEP
10RAJESH SAHANI CPI(ML)(L)
11SRINATH SBSP
12AJAY KUMAR IND
13AWADHESH SINGH IND
14OMPRAKASH SINGH IND
15GOVIND IND
16CHHEDILAL IND
17NIRANJAN PRASAD IND
18NEERAJ YADAV IND
19DR BRIJESH MANI TRIPATHI IND
20MANOJ TIWARI IND
21RAKESH KUMAR IND
22RAJAN YADAV MBA IND
23RAMHIT NISHAD IND
24LAL BAHADUR IND
25VINOD SHUKLA IND
26HARISHCHANDRA IND
KHADDA-329 PADRAUNA-330 KUSHINAGAR-333 HATA-334 RAMKOLA-335
S24-65-UP-KUSHI NAGAR 1BRAMHA SHANKER SP
2KU RATANJEET PRATAP NARAYAN SINGH INC
3VIJAY DUBEY BJP
4SWAMI PRASAD MAURYA BSP
5ANIL RPI(A)
6KISHOR KUMAR IPP
7K KUMAR PRBD
8JANGI SBSP
9DHEERAJ SHEKHAR SHRIWASTAWA RALOP
10BABU LAL BRPP
11MATIULLAH NLHP
12MADAN LAL MADP
13AMEERUDDIN IND
14JAGDISH IND
15JAI GOVIND IND
16DAROGA IND
17RAMESH IND
18RAM BRIKSH IND
TAMKUHI RAJ-331 FAZILNAGAR-332 DEORIA-337 PATHARDEVA-338 RAMPUR
KARKHANA-339
S24-66-UP-DEORIA 1GORAKH PRASAD JAISWAL BSP
2BALESHWAR YADAV INC
3MOHAN SINGH SP
4SHRI PRAKASH MANI TRIPATHI BJP
5GANGA PRASAD KUSHWAHA PRBD
6JAGDISH KUMAR VERMA LPSP
7DHARMENDRA KUMAR SBSP
8MOTI LAL KUSHWAHA SHASTRI RSMD
9SAFAYAT ALI PECP
10SARITA ASP
11RAM KISHOR YADAV ALIAS VIDHAYAK IND
12VIJAY JUAATHA IND
CHAURI-CHAURA-326 BANSGAON-327 CHILLUPAR-328 RUDRAPUR-336
BARHAJ-342
S24-67-UP-BANSGAON 1KAMLESH PASWAN BJP
2MAHA BEER PRASAD INC
3SHARADA DEVI SP
4SHREE NATH JI BSP
5CHANDRIKA RJPK
6RAMA SHANKER PECP
7RAM PRAVESH PRASAD EKSP
8HARILAL BUM
9KU KUNJAWATI IND
10MANOJ KUMAR IND
11RADHEYSHYAM IND
12RAMKAWAL IND
13RAMSAKAL IND
14RAMA PASWAN IND
15VINAI KUMAR IND
ATRAULIYA-343 NIZAMABAD-348 PHOOLPUR PAWAI-349 DIDARGANJ-350
LALGANJ-351
S24-68-UP-LALGANJ 1DAROGA PRASAD SAROJ SP
2NEELAM SONKAR BJP
3DR BALIRAM BSP
4HAREE PRASAD SONKER CPI
5MANBHAWAN BRPP
6RAM DAYAL ALIAS MOHAN SBSP
7ACHCHHELAL IND
8URMILA DEVI IND
9CHANDRA RAM ALIAS CHANDU SAROJ IND
10DHARMRAJ IND
11SUKHNAYAN IND
GOPALPUR-344 SAGRI-345 MUBARAKPUR-346 AZAMGARH-347 MEHNAGAR-352
S24-69-UP-AZAMGARH 1AKBAR AHMAD DUMPY BSP
2ARUN KUMAR SINGH CPM
3DURGA PRASAD YADAV SP
4RAMAKANT YADAV BJP
5SANTOSH KUMAR SINGH INC
6JAI JAI RAM PRAJAPATI LPSP
7RAM BHAROS BUM
8VINOD JPS
9USMANA FARUQEE IND
10KEDAR NATH GIRI IND
11KHAIRUL BASHAR IND
12DR JAVED AKHTAR IND
13DAAN BAHADUR YADAV IND
14YADUNATH IND
15RAM UJAGIR IND
16RAM SINGH IND
MADHUBAN-353 GHOSI-354 MUHAMMADABAD- GOHNA-355 MAU-356
RASARA-358
S24-70-UP-GHOSI 1ATUL KUMAR SINGH ANJAN CPI
2ARSHAD JAMAL ANSARI SP
3DARA SINGH CHAUHAN BSP
4RAM IQBAL BJP
5SUDHA RAI INC
6AKHILESH JPS
7KAILASH YADAV PECP
8RAMESH ALIAS RAJU SINGH SBSP
9RAM BADAN KAUL BSA
10LALJI RAJBHAR BSD
11HARISH CHANDRA RJPK
12ASHOK KUMAR IND
13ZAKIR HUSSAIN IND
14PALAKDHARI IND
15RAKESH IND
16SUJIT KUMAR IND
BHATPAR RANI-340 SALEMPUR-341 BELTHARA ROAD-357 SIKANDARPUR-359
BANSDEEH-362
S24-71-UP-SALEMPUR 1DR BHOLA PANDEY INC
2RAMASHANKAR RAJBHAR BSP
3HARIKEWAL SP
4IZHAR PECP
5ZUBAIR NELU
6JANG BAHADUR BSD
7FATE BAHADUR SBSP
8RAVISHANKAR SINGH PAPPU JD(U)
9RAMCHARAN PDF
10RAMDAYAL JPS
11RAMNAWAMI YADAV SWJP
12RAMASHRAY CHAUHAN MOP
13SRIRAM CPI(ML)(L)
14HARISHCHAND EKSP
15AMEER IND
16PARASURAM IND
17FULENDRA IND
18MAN JI IND
19MAHESH IND
20RAJENDRA ALIAS RAJAN IND
21VINDHACHAL IND
22SHAILENDRA IND
23SATISH IND
24SARVDAMAN IND
25SANJAY IND
PHEPHANA-360 BALLIA NAGAR-361 BAIRIA-363 ZAHOORABAD-377
MOHAMMADABAD-378
S24-72-UP-BALLIA 1NEERAJ SHEKHAR SP
2MANOJ SINHA BJP
3SANGRAM SINGH YADAV BSP
4ARVIND KUMAR GOND GGP
5KANHAIYA PRAJAPATI RSMD
6NARAYAN RAJBHAR BSD
7RAJESH JPS
8RAMSAKAL SBSP
9ANANT IND
10GANGADYAL IND
11DIWAKAR IND
12RAMJI IND
13LALBABU IND
14SHESHNATH IND
15SHANKER RAM RAWAT IND
16HARIHAR IND
BADLAPUR-364 SHAHGANJ-365 JAUNPUR-366 MALHANI-367 MUNGRA
BADSHAHPUR-368
S24-73-UP-JAUNPUR 1DHANANJAY SINGH BSP
2PARAS NATH YADAVA SP
3SEEMA BJP
4ACHHEYLAL NISHAD NELU
5GIRAJA SHANKAR YADAVA GGP
6GEETA SINGH RDMP
7BAHADUR SONKAR IJP
8RAVI SHANKAR LJP
9RAJKISHUN RSBP
10RAJESH SO RAMESHCHANDRA AD
11RAJESH SO RAMYAGYA EKSP
12RAMCHANDAR RASD
13SHEETALA PRASAD RSP
14AJAY KASYAP GUDDU IND
15JAGDISH CHANDRA ASTHANA IND
16TASLEEM AHMED REHMANI IND
MACHHLISHAHR-369 MARIYAHU-370 ZAFRABAD-371 KERAKAT-372
PINDRA-384
S24-74-UP-MACHHLISHAHR 1KAMLA KANT GAUTAM KK GAUTAM BSP
2TUFANI SAROJ SP
3RAJ BAHADUR INC
4VIDYASAGAR SONKER BJP
5KRISHNA SEWAK SONKER JPS
6RAM CHARITRA AD
7VIJAYEE RAM ASP
8SHEOMURAT RAM GGP
9SUKHRAJ DINKAR RSBP
10SUSHMA RAD
11DINESH KUMAR IND
12BALJIT IND
13RAM DAWAR GAUTAM IND
14VINOD KUMAR IND
15SHYAM BIHARI KANNAUJIYA IND
16SOHAN IND
JAKHANIAN-373 SAIDPUR-374 GHAZIPUR-375 JANGIPUR-376 ZAMANIA-379
S24-75-UP-GHAZIPUR 1AFZAL ANSARI BSP
2PRABHUNATH BJP
3RADHEY MOHAN SINGH SP
4SURAJ RAM BAGI CPI
5ISHWARI PRASAD KUSHAWAHA CPI(ML)(L)
6DINESH RSMD
7NANDLAL ASP
8SHYAM NARAYAN RASD
9SATISH SHANKAR JAISAWAL NLHP
10SARAJU LD
11SURENDRA JPS
12ANIL IND
13ASHOK DRASHOK KUMAR SRIVASTAVA IND
14BRAJENDRA NATH URF BIJENDRA IND
15RAJESH IND
MUGHALSARAI-380 SAKALDIHA-381 SAIYADRAJA-382 AJAGARA-385
SHIVPUR-386
S24-76-UP-CHANDAULI 1KAILASH NATH SINGH YADAV BSP
2JAWAHAR LAL JAISAWAL BJP
3RAMKISHUN SP
4SHAILENDRA KUMAR INC
5CHANDRASHEKHAR RPI
6JAWAHIR PMSP
7JOKHU PDFO
8TULASI SBSP
9RAJNATH BRPP
10RAJESH SINGH KKJHS
11RAMAWATAR SHARMA ADVOCATE MADP
12RAMSEWAK YADAV RLP
13LALLAN IJP
14SURENDRA PRATAP JBSP
15DEVAROO IND
16MUNNI LAL IND
17SURAFARAJ AHMAD IND
18HARI LAL IND
ROHANIYA-387 VARANASI NORTH-388 VARANASI SOUTH-389 VARANASI
CANTT.-390 SEVAPURI-391
S24-77-UP-VARANASI 1AJAY RAI SP
2MUKHTAR ANSARI BSP
3DR MURLI MANOHAR JOSHI BJP
4DR RAJESH KUMAR MISHRA INC
5AWADHESH KUMAR KUSHWAHA RSMD
6USHA SINGH RAD
7KISHUN LAL IJP
8VIJAY PRAKASH JAISWAL AD
9ER SHYAM LAL VISHWAKARMA MADP
10ANAND KUMAR AMBASTHA IND
11NARENDRA NATH DUBEY ADIG IND
12PARVEZ QUADIR KHAN IND
13PUSHP RAJ SAHU IND
14RAJESH BHARTI IND
15SATYA PRAKASH SRIVASTAVA IND
PRATAPPUR-257 HANDIA-258 BHADOHI-392 GYANPUR-393 AURAI-394
S24-78-UP-BHADOHI 1DR AKHILESH KUMAR DWIVEDI NCP
2GORAKHNATH BSP
3CHHOTELAL BIND SP
4DR MAHENDRA NATH PANDEY BJP
5SURYMANI TIWARI INC
6JAJ LAL RKSP
7NANDLAL VP
8RAMRATEE BIND AD
9THAKUR SANTOSH KUMAR RDMP
10SHAHID PMSP
11GAURISHANKAR IND
12JEETENDRA IND
13TEJ BAHADUR YADAV ADVOCATE IND
CHHANBEY-395 MIRZAPUR-396 MAJHAWAN-397 CHUNAR-398 MARIHAN-399
S24-79-UP-MIRZAPUR 1ANIL KUMAR MAURYA BSP
2ANURAG SINGH BJP
3BAL KUMAR PATEL SP
4RAMESH DUBEY INC
5AJAY SHANKER GMS
6KAILASH BSA
7KHELADI GGP
8JAGDISH AD
9PREM CHAND PMSP
10RADHE SHYAM BRPP
11LALJI RAD
12LALTI DEVI VP
13SHANKAR CPI(ML)(L)
14SHYAM LAL EKSP
15MOHD SAGIR NLP
16TRILOK NATH VERMA IJP
17ANOOP KUMAR IND
18KRISHNA CHAND IND
19KRISHNA CHAND SHUKLA IND
20CHHABEELE IND
21DANGAR IND
22DULARI IND
23MANIK CHAND IND
24MUNNA LAL IND
25RAM GOPAL IND
26RAM RAJ IND
27HANS KUMAR IND
CHAKIA-383 GHORAWAL-400 ROBERTSGANJ-401 OBRA-402 DUDDHI-403
S24-80-UP-ROBERTSGANJ 1PAKAURI LAL SP
2RAM ADHAR JOSEPH INC
3RAM CHANDRA TYAGI BSP
4RAM SHAKAL BJP
5GULAB PDFO
6CHANDRA SHEKHAR JPS
7MUNNI DEVI RSMD
8RAMESH KUMAR AD
9SHRAWAN KUMAR RWS
10RAMBRIKSHA IND
MATHABHANGA-2 COOCH BEHAR UTTAR-3 COOCH BEHAR DAKSHIN-4
SITALKUCHI-5 SITAI-6 DINHATA-7 NATABARI-8
S25-1-WB-COOCH BEHAR 1ARGHYA ROY PRADHAN AITC
2NIRANJAN BARMAN BSP
3NRIPENDRA NATH ROY AIFB
4BHABENDRA NATH BARMAN BJP
5DALENDRA ROY AMB
6HAREKRISHNA SARKAR RPI
7KRISHNA KANTA BARMAN IND
8NUBASH BARMAN IND
9BANGSHI BADAN BARMAN IND
10HITENDRA DAS IND
TUFANGANJ-9 KUMARGRAM-10 KALCHINI-11 ALIPURDUARS-12 FALAKATA-13
MADARIHAT-14 NAGRAKATA-21
S25-2-WB-ALIPURDUARS 1ELIAS NARJINARY BSP
2PABAN KUMAR LAKRA AITC
3MANOJ TIGGA BJP
4MANOHAR TIRKEY RSP
5BILKAN BARA SWJP
6KAMAL LAMA IND
7JOACHIM BAXLA IND
8THADDEUS LAKRA IND
9PAULDEXION KHARIYA IND
MEKLIGANJ-1 DHUPGURI-15 MAYNAGURI-16 JALPAIGURI-17 RAJGANJ-18
DABGRAM-PHULBARI-19 MAL-20
S25-3-WB-JALPAIGURI 1DWIPENDRA NATH PRAMANIK BJP
2DR DHIRENDRA NATH DAS NCP
3BARMA SUKHBILAS INC
4MAHENDRA KUMAR ROY CPM
5SANTI KUMAR SARKAR BSP
6PABITRA MOITRA AMB
7SATYEN PRASAD ROY SWJP
8CHINMAY SARKAR IND
9PRITHWIRAJ ROY IND
10HARI BHAKTA SARDAR IND
KALIMPONG-22 DARJEELING-23 KURSEONG-24 MATIGARA-NAXALBARI-25
SILIGURI-26 PHANSIDEWA-27 CHOPRA-28
S25-4-WB-DARJEELING 1JASWANT SINGH BJP
2JIBESH SARKAR CPM
3DAWA NARBULA INC
4HARIDAS THAKUR BSP
5ABHIJIT MAJUMDAR CPI(ML)(L)
6NIRANJAN SAHA AMB
7BAIDYANATH ROY IPFB
8ARUN KUMAR AGARWAL IND
9NITU JAI IND
10RAM GANESH BARAIK IND
ISLAMPUR-29 GOALPOKHAR-30 CHAKULIA-31 KARANDIGHI-32 HEMTABAD-33
KALIAGANJ-34 RAIGANJ-35
S25-5-WB-RAIGANJ 1AKHIL RANJAN MONDAL BSP
2GOPESH CHANDRA SARKAR BJP
3DEEPA DASMUNSI INC
4BIRESWAR LAHIRI CPM
5FAIZ RAHAMAN RDMP
6MATIUR RAHMAN JD(U)
7SULEMAN HAFIJI CPI(ML)(L)
8ANIL BISWAS IND
9ABDUL KARIM CHOWDHARY IND
10UPENDRA NATH DAS IND
11NACHHIR ALI PRAMANIK IND
12MANAS JANA IND
ITAHAR-36 KUSHMANDI-37 KUMARGANJ-38 BALURGHAT-39 TAPAN-40
GANGARAMPUR-41 HARIRAMPUR-42
S25-6-WB-BALURGHAT 1GOBINDA HANSDA BSP
2PRASANTA KUMAR MAJUMDAR RSP
3BIPLAB MITRA AITC
4SUBHASH CHANDRA BARMAN BJP
5GHOSH MRIDUL AUDF
6CHAMRU ORAM JMM
7PRAHALLAD BARMAN IND
8SAMU SOREN IND
HABIBPUR-43 GAZOLE-44 CHANCHAL-45 HARISCHANDRAPUR-46
MALATIPUR-47 RATUA-48 MALDAHA-50
S25-7-WB-MALDAHA UTTAR 1AMLAN BHADURI BJP
2BIKASH BISWAS BSP
3MAUSAM NOOR INC
4SAILEN SARKAR CPM
5MONOWARA BEGAM RDMP
6ATUL CHANDRA MANDAL IND
7ASIM KUMAR CHOWDHURY IND
8AMINA KHATUN IND
9MALLIKA SARKAR NANDY IND
MANIKCHAK-49 ENGLISHBAZAR-51 MOTHABARI-52 SUJAPUR-53
BAISNABNAGAR-54 FARAKKA-55 SAMSERGANJ-56
S25-8-WB-MALDAHA DAKSHIN 1ABU HASEM KHAN CHOUDHURY INC
2ABDUR RAZZAQUE CPM
3DIPAK KUMAR CHOWDHURY BJP
4DR BHARAT CHANDRA MANDAL BSP
5MD EJARUDDIN MUL
6MANJUR ALAHI MUNSHI IND
7MD KAMAL BASIRUJJAMAN IND
8RUSTAM ALI IND
9SHYAMAL DAS IND
SUTI-57 JANGIPUR-58 RAGHUNATHGANJ-59 SAGARDIGHI-60 LALGOLA-61
NABAGRAM-65 KHARGRAM-66
S25-9-WB-JANGIPUR 1DEBASHISH MAJUMDAR BJP
2PRANAB MUKHERJEE INC
3MRIGANKA SEKHAR BHATTACHARYA CPM
4ZAMIRUL HASSAN AUDF
5TAPAS SAHA IND
BURWAN-67 KANDI-68 BHARATPUR-69 REJINAGAR-70 BELDANGA-71
BAHARAMPUR-72 NAODA-74
S25-10-WB-BAHARAMPUR 1ADHIR RANJAN CHOWDHURY INC
2KUSHADHWAJ BALAKUSH BALA BSP
3PRAMOTHES MUKHERJEE RSP
4BIDYUT KUMAR HALDER BJP
5ASHOKE KUMAR SINGHA SP
6GHOSH BABU SAW RPI(A)
7RABINDRA NATH ROY RDMP
8BAIDYA NATH MONDAL IND
BHAGABANGOLA-62 RANINAGAR-63 MURSHIDABAD-64 HARIHARPARA-73
DOMKAL-75 JALANGI-76 KARIMPUR-77
S25-11-WB-MURSHIDABAD 1ANISUR RAHAMAN SARKAR CPM
2ABDUL MANNAN HOSSAIN INC
3CHITTA RANJAN MONDAL BSP
4NIRMAL KUMAR SAHA BJP
5JAFORULLA MOLLA AUDF
6MD SAHAZAMAL SP
7ALAM MEHDI IND
8KHADIJA BANU IND
9CHANDAN KR MONDAL IND
10SANTWANA HALDER SAHA IND
11DRSUKUMAR GHOSH IND
TEHATTA-78 PALASHIPARA-79 KALIGANJ-80 NAKASHIPARA-81 CHAPRA-82
KRISHNANAGAR UTTAR-83 KRISHNANAGAR DAKSHIN-85
S25-12-WB-KRISHNANAGAR 1JYOTIRMOYEE SIKDAR CPM
2TAPAS PAUL AITC
3DEBABRATA MAJUMDER BSP
4SATYA BRATA MOOKHERJEE BJP
5SK DAULAT HOSSAIN NCP
6JAYASRI CHAKRABARTY SP
7MD NIAMATULLAH MOLLICK AUDF
8SHAHJAHAN MALLIK MUL
9SUBIMAL SENGUPTA CPI(ML)(L)
NABADWIP-84 SANTIPUR-86 RANAGHAT UTTAR PASCHIM-87 KRISHNAGANJ-88
RANAGHAT UTTAR PURBA-89 RANAGHAT DAKSHIN-90 CHAKDAHA-91
S25-13-WB-RANAGHAT 1BASUDEB BARMAN CPM
2SATISH CHANDRA BISWAS BSP
3SUKALYAN RAY BJP
4SUCHARU RANJAN HALDAR AITC
5NADIAR CHAND MONDAL IND
6MANMATHA BISWAS IND
KALYANI-92 HARINGHATA-93 BAGDA-94 BANGAON UTTAR-95 BANGAON
DAKSHIN-96 GAIGHATA-97 SWARUPNAGAR-98
S25-14-WB-BANGAON 1ASIM BALA CPM
2KRISHNAPADA MAJUMDER BJP
3GOBINDA CHANDRA NASKAR AITC
4PRANITA ROY BSP
5PROBIR KUMAR SARKAR LJP
6SUKRITI RANJAN BISWAS RPI(A)
7NISHIKANTA BISWAS IND
AMDANGA-102 BIJPUR-103 NAIHATI-104 BHATPARA-105 JAGATDAL-106
NOAPARA-107 BARRACKPUR-108
S25-15-WB-BARRACKPORE 1ASHOK SONKAR BSP
2TARIT BARAN TOPDAR CPM
3DINESH TRIVEDI AITC
4PRABHAKAR TEWARI BJP
5SUBRATA SENGUPTA CPI(ML)(L)
6GOPAL ROUT IND
7DINESH KUMAR SHARMA IND
8DHARMENDRA SINGH IND
9BINOD KUMAR SINGH IND
10RABI SHANKAR PAUL IND
KHARDAHA-109 DUM DUM UTTAR-110 PANIHATI-111 KAMARHATI-112
BARANAGAR-113 DUM DUM-114 RAJARHAT GOPALPUR-117
S25-16-WB-DUM DUM 1AMITAVA NANDY CPM
2TAPAN SIKDAR BJP
3DULAL CHANDRA DAS BSP
4SAUGATA RAY AITC
5SANATAN RAY CHAUDHURI LJP
6SUNIL PAL IND
HABRA-100 ASHOKNAGAR-101 RAJARHAT NEW TOWN-115 BIDHANNAGAR-116
MADHYAMGRAM-118 BARASAT-119 DEGANGA-120
S25-17-WB-BARASAT 1ARUN KUMAR BISWAS BSP
2BRATIN SENGUPTA BJP
3KAKALI GHOSH DASTIDAR AITC
4SUDIN CHATTOPADHYAY AIFB
5WALIUR RAHAMAN MUL
6BHASKAR GHOSH AUDF
7KUMARI KAMALA DAS IND
8SUBRATA BOSE IND
BADURIA-99 HAROA-121 MINAKHAN-122 SANDESHKHALI-123 BASIRHAT
DAKSHIN-124 BASIRHAT UTTAR-125 HINGALGANJ-126
S25-18-WB-BASIRHAT 1AJAY CHAKRABORTY CPI
2JIAUL HAQUE BSP
3SK NURUL ISLAM AITC
4SWAPAN KUMAR DAS BJP
5CHHALAUDDIN MOLLA LJP
6SIDDIQULLAH CHOWDHURY AUDF
7SALIM MAKKAR MUL
8RANJIT GAIN IND
GOSABA-127 BASANTI-128 KULTALI-129 JOYNAGAR-136 CANNING
PASCHIM-138 CANNING PURBA-139 MAGRAHAT PURBA-141
S25-19-WB-JOYNAGAR 1ARABINDA HALDER BSP
2NIMAI BARMAN RSP
3NIRODE CHANDRA HALDER BJP
4TARANGA MONDAL AUDF
5TAPAS TARAFDAR RDMP
6DR TARUN MONDAL IND
7SHANKAR HALDAR IND
8SHYAMAL NASKAR IND
PATHARPRATIMA-130 KAKDWIP-131 SAGAR-132 KULPI-133 RAIDIGHI-134
MANDIRBAZAR-135 MAGRAHAT PASCHIM-142
S25-20-WB-MATHURAPUR 1ANIMESH NASKAR CPM
2CHOUDHURY MOHAN JATUA AITC
3BINAY KUMAR BISWAS BJP
4SACHINDRA NATH NASKAR BSP
5PRADIP MANDAL RDMP
6PRANAB KUMAR JATUA IND
7BIRESH CHANDRA MANDAL IND
DIAMOND HARBOUR-143 FALTA-144 SATGACHHIA-145 BISHNUPUR-146
MAHESHTALA-155 BUDGE BUDGE-156 METIABURUZ-157
S25-21-WB-DIAMOND HARBOUR 1ABHIJIT DAS BJP
2RN CHAUDHURY BSP
3SAMIK LAHIRI CPM
4SOMENDRA NATH MITRA AITC
5HARUNAL RASHID KAJI NCP
6SHYAMAL MONDAL ABP
7SK NASIRUDDIN SP
8DEBAJYOTI SENGUPTA IND
9BECHU MONDAL IND
10MAINUDDIN CHISTY IND
BARUIPUR PURBA-137 BARUIPUR PASCHIM-140 SONARPUR DAKSHIN-147
BHANGAR-148 JADAVPUR-150 SONARPUR UTTAR-151 TOLLYGANJ-152
S25-22-WB-JADAVPUR 1KABIR SUMAN AITC
2SANAT BHATTACHARYA BJP
3SANDHAYA MONDAL BSP
4SUJAN CHAKRABORTY CPM
5PINTU SANPUI BSP(K)
6SAIFUDDIN CHOUDHURY PDS
7KAMALESH DAS IND
8TUSHAR KANTI DAS IND
9FAKIR MAHAMMAD LASKAR IND
10RAMA BOSE IND
KASBA-149 BEHALA PURBA-153 BEHALA PASCHIM-154 KOLKATA PORT-158
BHABANIPUR-159 RASHBEHARI-160 BALLYGUNGE-161
S25-23-WB-KOLKATA DAKSHIN 1JYOTSNA BANERJEE BJP
2MAMATA BANERJEE AITC
3PARESH CHANDRA ROY BSP
4RABIN DEB CPM
5ASIF MD MUL
6LEELA HANS IJP
7ARUN BISWAS IND
8BARNALI MUKHOPADHYAY IND
9JAYANTA DATTA IND
10NISHAT KHAN IND
11PIJUSH BANERJEE IND
12RAM CHANDRA PRASAD IND
13YUSUF JAMAL SIDDIQUE IND
CHOWRANGEE-162 ENTALLY-163 BELEGHATA-164 JORASANKO-165
SHYAMPUKUR-166 MANIKTOLA-167 KASHIPUR-BELGACHHIA-168
S25-24-WB-KOLKATA UTTAR 1MD SALIM CPM
2SHARAD KUMAR SINGH BSP
3SUDIP BANDYOPADHYAY AITC
4TATHAGATA ROY BJP
5AVINASH KUMAR AGARWAL LJP
6MD KASIM MUL
7AMITABHA SEN IND
8BALARAM SAHA IND
9KANCHAN KUMAR SARKAR IND
10KUMODH NARAYAN CHOWDHURY IND
11SANDIPAN BISWAS IND
12SATISH VYAS IND
13SULTAN OSMAN IND
BALLY-169 HOWRAH UTTAR-170 HOWRAH MADHYA-171 SHIBPUR-172 HOWRAH
DAKSHIN-173 SANKRAIL-174 PANCHLA-175
S25-25-WB-HOWRAH 1AMBICA BANERJEE AITC
2POLLY MUKHERJEE BJP
3RAMAVTAR GUPTA BSP
4SWADESH CHAKRABORTTY CPM
5BIJOY UPPADHYA SP
6SUDARSHAN MANNA STPI
7ABDUL MOMIN SEKH IND
8GORA CHAND KOLEY IND
9GOUTAM GAYEN IND
10GAURAB SAHA IND
11NARAD PANDIT IND
12MANOJ KUMAR PASWAN IND
13SANJAY MAKAL IND
14SANATAN BAG IND
15SUBARNA CHAKRABORTY IND
ULUBERIA PURBA-176 ULUBERIA UTTAR-177 ULUBERIA DAKSHIN-178
SHYAMPUR-179 BAGNAN-180 AMTA-181 UDAYNARAYANPUR-182
S25-26-WB-ULUBERIA 1NARENDRA NATH MANDAL BSP
2RAHUL CHAKRABARTY BJP
3SULTAN AHMED AITC
4HANNAN MOLLAH CPM
5KAZI NABAB AUDF
6RABIN DALUI RDMP
7SEKH AORANGJEB IND
8ASHISH DAS IND
9SWAPAN DAS IND
JAGATBALLAVPUR-183 DOMJUR-184 UTTARPARA-185 SREERAMPUR-186
CHAMPDANI-187 CHANDITALA-194 JANGIPARA-195
S25-27-WB-SRERAMPUR 1KALYAN BANERJEE AITC
2DEBABRATA CHOWDHURY BJP
3RAKESH KUMAR GAUTAM BSP
4SANTASRI CHATTERJEE CPM
5PRADIP GHOSH AUDF
6AMITAVA BHATTACHARYA IND
7CHIRANJIT NASKAR IND
8SEKH SOLEMAN IND
SINGUR-188 CHANDANNAGAR-189 CHUNCHURA-190 BALAGARH-191
PANDUA-192 SAPTAGRAM-193 DHANEKHALI-197
S25-28-WB-HOOGHLY 1DR CHUNI LAL CHAKRABORTY BJP
2DR RATNA DENAG AITC
3RUPCHAND PAL CPM
4SURYYA KANTA RAY BSP
5ARABINDA SEN SP
6SAJAL ADHIKARI CPI(ML)(L)
7SWAPAN MURMU JDP
8ALOK PATHAK IND
9SATYA GOPAL DEY IND
HARIPAL-196 TARAKESWAR-198 PURSURAH-199 ARAMBAG-200 GOGHAT-201
KHANAKUL-202 CHANDRAKONA-232
S25-29-WB-ARAMBAGH 1PARIMAL BISWAS BSP
2MALIK SAKTI MOHAN CPM
3MURARI BERA BJP
4SAMBHU NATH MALIK INC
5SUBIR KUMAR MAJHI JDP
TAMLUK-203 PANSKURA PURBA-204 MOYNA-206 NANDAKUMAR-207
MAHISHADAL-208 HALDIA-209 NANDIGRAM-210
S25-30-WB-TAMLUK 1ADHIKARI SUVENDU AITC
2MANORANJAN MANDAL BSP
3RAJYASHREE CHAUDHURI BJP
4LAKSHMAN CHANDRA SETH CPM
5JAHED SEK AUDF
6MANIK CHANDRA MONDAL LJP
7ABDUR REJAK SEIKH IND
8BHAKTI ADHIKARY IND
9SHEIKH NURUL ISLAM IND
CHANDIPUR-211 PATASHPUR-212 KANTHI UTTAR-213 BHAGABANPUR-214
KHEJURI-215 KANTHI DAKSHIN-216 RAMNAGAR-217
S25-31-WB-KANTHI 1ADHIKARI SISIR KUMAR AITC
2AMALESH MISHRA BJP
3PATRA RASHBEHARI BSP
4PRASANTA PRADHAN CPM
PANSKURA PASCHIM-205 SABANG-226 PINGLA-227 DEBRA-229 DASPUR-230
GHATAL-231 KESHPUR-235
S25-32-WB-GHATAL 1GURUDAS DASGUPTA CPI
2NARAYAN CHANDRA SAMAT BSP
3NURE ALAM CHOWDHURY AITC
4MATILAL KHATUA BJP
5ARUN KUMAR DAS JMM
6AHITOSH MAITY RDMP
7LIYAKAT KHAN IJP
NAYAGRAM-220 GOPIBALLAVPUR-221 JHARGRAM-222 GARBETA-233
SALBONI-234 BINPUR-237 BANDWAN-238
S25-33-WB-JHARGRAM 1AMRIT HANSDA INC
2NABENDU MAHALI BJP
3PANCHANAN HANSDA BSP
4PULIN BIHARI BASKE CPM
5CHUNIBALA HANSDA JKP(N)
6ADITYA KISKU IND
7SUNIL MURMU IND
8SUSIL MANDI IND
EGRA-218 DANTAN-219 KESHIARY-223 KHARAGPUR SADAR-224
NARAYANGARH-225 KHARAGPUR-228 MEDINIPUR-236
S25-34-WB-MEDINIPUR 1ASOK KUMAR GOLDER BSP
2DIPAK KUMAR GHOSH AITC
3PRADIP PATNAIK BJP
4PRABODH PANDA CPI
5NEPAL DAS JMM
6MUKUL KUMAR MAITI RDMP
7AMIT MOITRA IND
8DE SUKUMAR IND
9PARTHA ADDHYA IND
10SANJAY MISHRA IND
BALARAMPUR-239 BAGHMUNDI-240 JOYPUR-241 PURULIA-242 MANBAZAR-243
KASHIPUR-244 PARA-245
S25-35-WB-PURULIA 1ASIT BARAN MAHATO BSP
2NARAHARI MAHATO AIFB
3SHANTIRAM MAHATO INC
4SAYANTAN BASU BJP
5AJIT PRASAD MAHATO JMM
6ABINASH SAREN AMB
7ABHIRAM BESRA JDP
8DHIREN CHANDRA MAHATO JD(U)
9AMULYA RATAN MAHATO IND
10UMACHARAN MAHATO IND
11DHIREN RAJAK IND
12BISAMBAR MURA IND
13MUKESH SAHU IND
14MRITYUNJAY MAHATO IND
RAGHUNATHPUR-246 SALTORA-247 CHHATNA-248 RANIBANDH-249
RAIPUR-250 TALDANGRA-251 BANKURA-252
S25-36-WB-BANKURA 1ACHARIA BASUDEB CPM
2GANESH RAY BSP
3RAHUL BISWAJIT SINHA BJP
4SUBRATA MUKHERJEE INC
5ASWINI DULEY JKP(N)
6TAPAN KUMAR PATHAK RDMP
7PARESH MARANDI JMM
8BYASDEB CHAKRABORTTY JD(U)
9SUDHIR KUMAR MURMU CPI(ML)(L)
10PRABIR BANERJEE IND
11LAKSHMI SARKAR IND
BARJORA-253 ONDA-254 BISHNUPUR-255 KATULPUR-256 INDUS-257
SONAMUKHI-258 KHANDAGHOSH-259
S25-37-WB-BISHNUPUR 1JAYANTA MONDAL BJP
2MANIK BAURI BSP
3SEULI SAHA AITC
4SUSMITA BAURI CPM
5TAPAS DAS JMM
6UTTAM BOURI IND
7UMA KANTA BHAKAT IND
RAINA-261 JAMALPUR-262 KALNA-264 MEMARI-265 PURBASTHALI
DAKSHIN-268 PURBASTHALI UTTAR-269 KATWA-270
S25-38-WB-BARDHAMAN PURBA 1ANUP KUMAR SAHA CPM
2ASHOKE BISWAS AITC
3MUKUL BISWAS BSP
4SANKAR HALDAR BJP
5PEJUSH KUMAR SAHANA CPI(ML)(L)
6RABINDRANATH BAG AUDF
7RAJU MALIK JDP
BURDWAN DAKSHIN-260 MONTESWAR-263 BURDWAN UTTAR-266 BHATAR-267
GALSI-274 DURGAPUR PURBA-276 DURGAPUR PASCHIM-277
S25-39-WB-BURDWAN – DURGAPUR 1NARGIS BEGAM INC
2SHIBA PADA BISWAS BSP
3SK SAIDUL HAQUE CPM
4SYED ALI AFZAL CHAND BJP
5ASHOKE TARU MALLICK SP
6MADHU SUDAN SHET AUDF
7SUMAN SARKAR RDMP
8SHYAMALI ROY CHOWDHURY IND
PANDABESWAR-275 RANIGANJ-278 JAMURIA-279 ASNSOL DAKSHIN-280
ASANSOL UTTAR-281 KULTI-282 BARABANI-283
S25-40-WB-ASANSOL 1AJAY SINGH BSP
2GHATAK MOLOY AITC
3BANSA GOPAL CHOWDHURY CPM
4SURYYA RAY BJP
5GOUTAM DAS LJP
6JARASANDHA SINHA IND
7JYOTIRMOY MAITY IND
KETUGRAM-271 MANGALKOT-272 AUSGRAM-273 BOLPUR-286 NANOOR-287
LABHPUR-288 MAYURESWAR-290
S25-41-WB-BOLPUR 1ARJUN SAHA BJP
2ASIT KUMAR MAL INC
3VIDYASAGAR METE BSP
4DOCTOR RAM CHANDRA DOME CPM
5ADARA BAURI AUDF
6NIHAR HAZRA IND
7PROFESSOR BIJAY DALUI IND
DUBRAJPUR-284 SURI-285 SAINTHIA-289 RAMPURHAT-291 HANSAN-292
NALHATI-293 MURARAI-294
S25-42-WB-BIRBHUM 1TAPAS MUKHERJEE BJP
2BRAJA MUKHERJEE CPM
3RADHESHYAM SINGH BSP
4SATABDI ROY AITC
5ASGAR ALI GAJLU SP
6MOULANA NAJRUL HAK AUDF
7SHIB RATAN SHARMA JMM
PREMNAGAR-4 BHATGAON-5 PRATAPPUR-6 RAMANUJGANJ-7 SAMRI-8
LUNDRA-9 AMBIKAPUR-10 SITAPUR-11
S26-1-CG-SARGUJA 1DHAN SINGH DHURVE BSP
2BAL SINGH CPM
3BHANU PRATAP SINGH INC
4MURARILAL SINGH BJP
5ANOOP MINJ JMM
6KUMAIT BDO JD(U)
7BHUPNATH SINGH MARAVI GGP
8RAMDEO LAKRA CGVP
9RAMNATH CHERWA SSD
10SOMNATH BHAGAT LJP
11AMRIT SINGH MARAVI IND
12JUGESHWAR IND
13DHANESHWAR SINGH IND
14SARJU XESS ORANW IND
15SUNIL KUMAR SINGH KANHARE IND
16SURAJ DEO SINGH KHAIRWAR IND
JASHPUR-12 KUNKURI-13 PATHALGAON-14 LAILUNDRA-15 RAIGARH-16
SARANGARH-17 KHARSIA-18 DHARAMJAIGARH-19
S26-2-CG-RAIGARH 1BAHADUR SINGH RATHIA BSP
2VISHNU DEO SAI BJP
3HRIDAYARAM RATHIYA INC
4DARSHAN SIDAR GGP
5MEERA DEVI SINGH TIRKEY CGVP
6SHIRACHAND EKKA JMM
7AMRIT TIRKEY IND
8KAMRISH SINGH GOND IND
9SANJAY TIRKEY IND
10HALDHAR RAM SIDAR IND
AKALTARA-33 JAJGIR-CHAMPA-34 SAKRI-35 CHANDRAPURA-36
JAIJAIPUR-37 PAMGARH-38 BILAIGARH-43 KASDOL-44
S26-3-CG-JANJGIR-CHAMPA 1SHRIMATI KAMLA DEVI PATLE BJP
2DAURAM RATNAKAR BSP
3DRSHIVKUMAR DAHARIYA INC
4BR CHAUHAN RPI(A)
5NEELKANTH WARE CSP
6PREM SHANKAR MAHILANGE URF PREM INDIA LJP
7SANJEEV KUMAR KHARE CGVP
8ANANDRAM GILHARE IND
9CHAITRAM SURYAVANSHI IND
10DRCHHAVILAL RATRE IND
11MAYARAM NAT IND
12RAMCHARAN PRADHAN ADHIWAKTA IND
BHARATPUR-SONHAT-1 MANENDRAGARH-2 BAIKUNTHPUR-3 RAMPUR-20
KOBRA-21 KATGHORA-22 PALI-TANAKHAR-23 MARWAHI-24
S26-4-CG-KORBA 1KARUNA SHUKLA BJP
2CHARANDAS MAHANT INC
3VIJAY LAXMI SHARMA BSP
4KEDARNATH RAJWADE JMM
5CHAITI DEVI MAHANT CSP
6BUDHWAR SINGH UIKEY RGOP
7DR VIPIN SINHA CGVP
8SANGEETA NIRMALKAR BHPD
9HIRASINGH MARKAAM GGP
10GEND DAS MAHANT IND
11CHARAN DAS IND
12PAWAN KUMAR IND
13FULESHWAR PRASAD SURJAIHA IND
14RAMDAYAL ORAON IND
15RAMLAKHAN KASHI IND
16SHAMBHU PRASAD SHARMA ADHIWAKTA IND
17SATRUPA IND
18SANTOSH BANJARE IND
KOTA-25 LORMI-26 MUNGELI-27 TAKHATPUR-28 BILHA-29 BILASPUR-30
BELTARA-31 MASTURI-32
S26-5-CG-BILASPUR 1DILIP SINGH JUDEV BJP
2ADVOCATE TRNIRALA BSP
3DRRENU JOGI INC
4UTTAM PRASAD DANSENA SUSP
5DRGOJU PAUL RPI(A)
6DRBALMUKUND SINGH MARAVI GGP
7BALARAM SAHU BHPD
8MUKESH KUMAR SAHU JMM
9SAPNA CHAKRABORTY LJP
10ARJUN SHRIVAS GANGUAA IND
11ANUJ DHRITLAHRE IND
12ABDUL HAMID SIDDIQUE IND
13ASHOK SHRIVASTAVA IND
14UMESH SINGH IND
15TUKLAL GARG IND
16DAYA DAS LAHRE IND
17DRDAYA RAM DAYAL IND
18DILIP KUMAR IND
19DILIP GUPTA IND
20DILIP SINGH IND
21MANOJ KUMAR BIRKO IND
22RAMESH AHUJA IND
23RAMESH KUMAR LAHARE IND
24RAJENDRA SAHU IND
25RAJESH PRATAP IND
26RAMBILAS SHARMA IND
27BPVISWAKARMA IND
28SHYAM BIHARI TRIVEDI IND
PANDARIYA-71 KAWARGHA-72 KHAIRAGARH-73 DONGARGARH-74
RAJNANDGAON-75 DONGARGAON-76 KHUJJI-77 MOHALA-MANPUR-78
S26-6-CG-RAJNANDGAON 1DEVWRAT SINGH INC
2PRADHUMAN NETAM BSP
3MADHUSUDAN YADAV BJP
4GANGARAM NISHAD EKSP
5NARAD KHOTHALIYA CGVP
6AJAY JAISWAL IND
7AJAY PALI IND
8JALAL MOHAMMAD QURESHI IND
9DERHARAM LODHI IND
10DILIP RATHOR SAMPADAK IND
11BHAG CHAND VAIDHYA IND
12MADAN YADAV IND
13MANGAL DAS BANGARE IND
14DRYADAV PRACHARYA IND
PATAN-62 DURG-RURAL-63 DURG-CITY-64 DURG-NAGAR-65 VAISHALI
NAGAR-66 AHIWARA-67 SAJA-68 BEMETARA-69 NAWAGARH-70
S26-7-CG-DURG 1PRADEEP CHOUBEY INC
2RAGHUNANDAN SAHU BSP
3SAROJ PANDEY BJP
4DEVIDAS KURRE CVKP
5DR PANKAJ GOSOMI PANDIT RPI
6ANAND GAUTAM IND
7TARACHAND SAHU IND
8TARACHAND SAHU IND
9TARACHAND SAHU IND
10MASOOD KHAN IND
11RATAN KUMAR KSHETRAPAL IND
12RAJENDRA KUMAR SAHU IND
13LAXMAN PRASAD IND
14GURU DADA LOKESH MAHARAJ IND
15SHITKARAN MHILWAR IND
BALODA BAZAR-45 BHATAPARA-46 DHARSIWA-47 RAIPUR RURAL-48 RAIPUR
CITY WEST-49 RAIPUR CITY NORTH-50 RAIPUR CITY SOUTH-51 ARANG-52
ABHANPUR-53
S26-8-CG-RAIPUR 1BHUPESH BAGHEL INC
2RAMESH BAIS BJP
3VIDHYADEVI SAHU BSP
4ER ASHOK TAMRAKAR JCGP
5IMRRAN PASHA LSWP
6PR KHUNTE CGVP
7MADHUSUDAN MISHRA ABHM
8SHAILENDRA BANJARE SHAKTIPUTRA SSBD
9SHANKAR LAL VARANDANI PPOI
10HARGUN MEGHWANI ABSSP
11ARUN HARPAL IND
12JAFAR HUSSAIN BABABHAI PURVA MUTVALLI IND
13MOH JILANI ALIAS TANI IND
14NAND KISHOR DEEP IND
15NARESH BHISHMDEV DHIDHI IND
16NAVIN GUPTA IND
17NARAD NISHAD IND
18PRAVEEN JAIN IND
19BHARAT BHUSHAN PANDEY IND
20MATHURA PRASAD TANDON IND
21YASHWANT SAHU IND
22RAJENDRA KUMAR SAHU IND
23RAJENDRA SINGH THAKUR ADVOCATE IND
24RAMKRISHNA VERMA IND
25RAMCHARAN YADAV IND
26SHOBHARAM GILHARE IND
27SIYARAM DHRITLAHARE IND
28SMT SUSIL BAI BANJARE IND
29SYED RASHID ALI IND
30SANJAY BAGHEL IND
31HAIDAR BHATI IND
32SHRIKANT KASER IND
SARAIPALI-39 BASNA-40 KHALLARI-41 MAHASAMUND-42 RAJIM-54
BINDRANAWAGARH-55 KURUD-57 DHAMTARI-58
S26-9-CG-MAHASAMUND 1CHANDULAL SAHU CHANDU BHAIYA BJP
2MOTILAL BSP
3MOTILAL SAHU INC
4DR ANAND MATAWALE GURUJI LB
5KIRAN KUMAR DHRUW JMM
6BAUDDH KUMAR KAUSHIK CGVP
7DR LATA MARKAM RPI(A)
8SHRIDHAR CHANDRAKAR PATEL AD
9KHEDUBHARTI SATYESH IND
10CHAMPA LAL PATEL IND
11NARENDRA BHISHMDEV DHIDHI IND
12NARAYANDAS INQALAB GANDHI IND
13BHARAT DIWAN IND
14RAMPRASAD CHAUHAN IND
15SULTANSINGH SATNAM IND
KONDAGAON-83 NARAYANPUR-84 BASTAR-85 JAGDALPUR-86 CHITRAKOT-87
DANTEWARA-88 BIJAPUR-89 KONTA-90
S26-10-CG-BASTAR 1AYTU RAM MANDAVI BSP
2BALIRAM KASHYAP BJP
3MANISH KUNJAM CPI
4SHANKAR SODI INC
5CHANDRA SHEKHAR DHRUV SHEKHAR IND
6MAYARAM NETAM ALIAS FULSING SILADAR IND
7SUBHASH CHANDRA MOURYA IND
SIHAWA-56 SANJARI BALOD-59 DONDI LAHARA-60 GUNDERDEHI-61
ANTAGARH-79 BHANUPRATAPPUR-80 KANKER-81 KESHKAR-82
S26-11-CG-KANKER 1SMT PHOOLO DEVI NETAM INC
2MIRA SALAM BSP
3SOHAN POTAI BJP
4JALSINGH SHORI CSP
5N R BHUARYA GMS
6BHOM LAL AD
7MAYARAM NAGWANSHI GGP
8G R RANA JMM
9DEVCHAND MATLAM IND
10PRAFUL MANDAVI IND
11MAYARAM NETAM FULSINGH SILEDAR IND
RAJMAHAL-1 BORIO-2 BARHAIT-3 LITIPARA-4 PAKHUR-5 MAHESHPUR-6
S27-1-JH-RAJMAHAL 1CHANDRA SHEKHAR AZAD BSP
2JYOTIN SOREN CPM
3THOMAS HASDA RJD
4DEVIDHAN BESRA BJP
5HEMLAL MURMU JMM
6AAMELIYA HANSDA RSP
7CHARAN MURMU SHS
8DAUD MARANDI SP
9SUKHWA URAON RKSP
10SUNDAR TUDU BHJAP
11SOM MARANDI JVM
12STIPHEN MARANDI JHJM
SHIKARIPARA-7 NALA-8 JAMTARA-9 DUMKA-10 JAMA-11 SARATH-14
S27-2-JH-DUMKA 1CHURKA TUDU BSP
2PASHUPATI KOL CPI
3RAMESH TUDU RJD
4SHIBU SOREN JMM
5SUNIL SOREN BJP
6ARJUN PUJHAR SP
7NIRMALA MURMU RSP
8PHATIK CHANDRA HEMBRAM AJSU
9BITIYA MANJHI CPI(ML)(L)
10RAMESH HEMBROM JVM
11RAMJIVAN DEHRI SAP
12KALESHWAR SOREN IND
13CHARLES MURMU IND
14NANDLAL SOREN IND
15PULICE HEMRAM IND
16BIVISAN PUJHAR IND
17CYRIL HANSDA IND
18SONA MURMU IND
19HOPNA BASKI IND
JARMUNDI-12 MADHUPUR-13 DEOGHAR-15 POREYAHAT-16 GODDA-17
MAHAGAMA-18
S27-3-JH-GODDA 1IQBAL DURRANI BSP
2DURGA SOREN JMM
3NISHIKANT DUBEY BJP
4FURKAN ANSARI INC
5ASHOK SHARMA JKP
6GEETA MANDAL CPI(ML)(L)
7GOVIND LAL MARANDI RSP
8JAWAHAR LAL YADAV LJP
9NANDLAL YADAV SP
10NIRANJAN PRASAD YADAV RWS
11PRADEEP YADAV JVM
12PRADEEP YADAV SAP
13BINOD MEHARIA BSA
14RAJ NARAYAN KHAWADE AJSUP
15SANTOSH KUMAR RAY AITC
16SURAJ MANDAL JVD
17JAYSWAL MANJHI IND
18JAHIR MUSTAKIM IND
19MANOJ KUMAR MANDAL IND
20MITHILESH PASWAN IND
21MD MOAJJAM ALI CHANCHAL IND
22SHANKAR PRASAD KESHARI IND
23SANJEEV KUMAR IND
SIMARIA-26 CHATRA-27 MANIKA-73 LATEHAR-74 PANKI-75
S27-4-JH-CHATRA 1ARUN KUMAR YADAV JD(U)
2DHIRAJ PRASAD SAHU INC
3NAGMANI RJD
4SUGAN MAHTO BSP
5KESHWAR YADAV CPI(ML)(L)
6PARAS NATH MANJHI ABMSD
7KP SHARMA JVM
8SURENDRA YADAV JKP
9INDER SINGH NAMDHARI IND
10DHIRENDRA AGRAWAL IND
11RATNESH KUMAR GUPTA IND
KODARMA-19 BARKATHA-20 DHANWAR-28 BAGODAR-29 JAMUA-30 GANDEY-31
S27-5-JH-KODARMA 1TILAKDHARI PD SINGH INC
2PRANAV KUMAR VERMA RJD
3LAXAMAN SAWARNKAR BJP
4BISHNU PRASAD BHAIYA JMM
5SABHAPATI KUSHWAHA BSP
6UMESH CHANDRA TRIVEDI JKP
7PRAMESHWAR YADAV RKSP
8BABULAL MARANDI JVM
9RAJKISHOR PRASAD MODI JVD
10RAJ KUMAR YADAV CPI(ML)(L)
11HADTAL DAS BSA
12ASHOK KUMAR SHARMA IND
13KAMAL DAS IND
14CHANDRA DHARI MAHTO IND
15MANJOOR ALAM ANSARI IND
16LAXAMAN DAS IND
GIRIDIH-32 DUMRI-33 GOMIYA-34 BERMO-35 TUNDI-42 BAGHMARA-43
S27-6-JH-GIRIDIH 1AKLU RAM MAHTO CPI
2TEKLAL MAHTO JMM
3BIJAY SINGH BSP
4RAVINDRA KUMAR PANDEY BJP
5MD HIMAYUN ANSARI RJD
6MRINAL KANTI DEV SLP(L)
7RAVINDER MAHTO JKP(N)
8SHIVA MAHTO MCO
9SABA AHMAD JVM
10INDRA DEV MAHTO IND
11UMESH RISHI IND
12NAND KISHOR PRASAD IND
13BUDDHI NATH TIWARY IND
14MAHAVIR PRASAD IND
15MASOOM RAJA ANSARI IND
16LALOO KEWAT IND
17SHANKAR RAJAK IND
BOKARO-36 CHANDANKYARI-37 SINDRI-38 NIRSA-39 DHANBAD-40
JHARIA-41
S27-7-JH-DHANBAD 1CHANDRASHEKHAR DUBEY INC
2PASHUPATI NATH SINGH BJP
3SAMARESH SINGH BSP
4INDU SINGH SAP
5JANARDAN PANDEY AIFB
6DIN BANDHU SINGH SLP(L)
7PAWAN KUMAR JHA JD(S)
8PHUL CHAND MANDAL JVM
9MKMANDAL AMB
10AK ROY MCO
11VIDESHI MAHATO JVD
12VIRENDRA PRADHAN LJP
13SUNIL KUMAR IJP
14MD SULTAN JKP
15HAFFIZUDDIN ANSARI SP
16ABDUL MUSTAFA IND
17KARTIK MAHATO IND
18JAI PRAKASH SINGH IND
19JAIRAM SINGH IND
20JITENDRA KUMAR SINGH IND
21PHUL CHAND MAHATO IND
22BAMA PADA BAURI IND
23MADHUSUDAN RAJHANS IND
24MANILAL MAHATO IND
25MANOJ GANDHI IND
26MANOJ PANDEY IND
27MUNSI HEMBRAM IND
28RAVI RANJAN SINHA IND
29SHANKAR RAWANI IND
30SALIM KHAN IND
31SADHUSHARAN GOPE IND
32SUSHIL KUMAR SINGH IND
ICHAGARH-50 SILLI-61 KHIJRI-62 RANCHI-63 HATIA-64 KANKE-65
S27-8-JH-RANCHI 1RAJENDRA SINGH MUNDA CPM
2RAM TAHAL CHAUDHARY BJP
3MD SARFUDDIN BSP
4SUBODH KANT SAHAY INC
5AKHTAR ANSARI JVM
6AFSAR EMAM JKPP
7MD AJAD ANSARI NLHP
8JIPALAL SINGH MUNDA JKP(N)
9DAYANAND GUPTA JVD
10SURENDRA KUMAR SUMAN SAP
11ANJANI PANDEY IND
12AGAM LAL MAHTO IND
13AFTAB ALAM IND
14ARTI BEHRA IND
15UPENDRA PD SRIVASTAVA IND
16KESHAV NARAYAN BHAGAT IND
17KAILASH PAHAN IND
18JANARDAN TIWARI IND
19JITENDRA MAHTO IND
20DEVENDRA THAKUR IND
21BIRSA HEMBRAM IND
22RANJEET MAHTO IND
23RAMPODO MAHTO IND
24ROSHAN LAL MAHTO IND
25ROSAN PRASAD IND
26LAL BABA MASANI IND
BAHARAGORA-44 GHATSHILA-45 POTKA-46 JUGASHLAI-47 JAMSHEDPUR
EAST-48 JAMSHEDPUR WEST-49
S27-9-JH-JAMSHEDPUR 1AJEET KUMAR BSP
2ARJUN MUNDA BJP
3SUMAN MAHTO JMM
4ARVIND KUMAR SINGH JVM
5ASHOK TRIPATHI SP
6KINKAR GOUR RASD
7KRISHN MURARI MISHRA ABHM
8PARIKSHIT MAHATO LJP
9MUBIN KHAN BSA
10RAJ KAPOOR MAHATO JVD
11SHARAT MAHATO JKP(N)
12SHAILENDRA MAHTO AJSU
13SHYAM NARAYAN SINGH AITC
14SANDIP PAUL JKP
15DR SUNARAM HANSDA JDP
16HEMANT SINGH AMB
17KRISHNA PRASAD IND
18JOSAI MARDI IND
19DILIP KALINDI IND
20DILIP TUDU IND
21PARAS NATH PRASAD IND
22RAKESH KUMAR IND
23RAJIV CHANDRA MAHATO IND
24RAM CHANDRA PRASAD GUPTA IND
25VICTOR A LAZARUS IND
26SITARAM TUDU IND
SARAIKELLA-51 CHAIBASA-52 MAJHGANON-53 JAGANATHPUR-54
MANOHARPUR-55 CHAKRADHARPUR-56
S27-10-JH-SINGHBHUM 1BARKUWAR GAGRAI BJP
2BAGUN SUMBRUI INC
3HIKIM CHANDRA TUDU BSP
4PREM SINGH MUNDRI CPI(ML)(L)
5MANGAL SINGH BOBONGA JVM
6SUKH RAM JONKO JDP
7ASHOK KUMAR TIU IND
8MADHU KORA IND
9HIKIM SOREN IND
KHARASAWAN-57 TAMAR-58 KHUNTI-60 TORPA-60 SIMDEGA-70
KOLEBIRA-71
S27-11-JH-KHUNTI 1KARIYA MUNDA BJP
2NEIL TIRKEY INC
3MARSHAL BARLA BSP
4THEODORE KIRO JVM
5NITIMA BODRA BARI JKP(N)
6NISHIKANT HORO JKP
7ANAND KUJUR IND
8UMBULAN TOPNO IND
9KARLUS BHENGRA IND
MANDAR-66 SISAI-67 GUMLA-68 BISHUNPUR-69 LOHARDAGA-72
S27-12-JH-LOHARDAGA 1JOKHAN BHAGAT BSP
2RAMESHWAR ORAON INC
3SUDARSHAN BHAGAT BJP
4DEOSHARAN BHAGAT AJSU
5BAHURA EKKA JVM
6BHUNESHWAR LOHRA LJVM
7RAMA KHALKHO JHJAM
8ARJUN BHAGAT IND
9ETWA ORAON IND
10GOPAL ORAON IND
11CHAMRA LINDA IND
12JAI PRAKASH BHAGAT IND
13NAWAL KISHOR SINGH IND
14PADMA BARAIK IND
15SUKHDEO LOHRA IND
DALTONGANJ-76 BISHRAMPUR-77 CHATTARPUR-78 HUSSAINABAD-79
GARHWA-80 BHAWANATHPUR-81
S27-13-JH-PALAMAU 1KAMESHWAR BAITHA JMM
2GHURAN RAM RJD
3RADHA KRISHNA KISHORE JD(U)
4HIRA RAM TUPHANI BSP
5GANESH RAM JKP
6JAWAHAR PASWAN AJSUP
7NANDDEV RAM JKP(N)
8PARVATI DEVI MMM
9PRABHAT KUMAR JVM
10RAJU GUIDE MAJHI ABMSD
11RAM NARESH RAM RASD
12BIRBAL RAM RLD
13SATYENDRA KUMAR PASWAN BSSPA
14SUSHMA MEHTA CPI(ML)(L)
15JITENDRA RAM IND
16NARESH KUMAR PASWAN IND
17BRAJMOHAN RAM IND
18BHOLA RAM IND
19MUNESHWAR RAM IND
20RAM PRASAD RAM IND
21SUNESHWAR BAITHA IND
BARHI-21 BARKAGAON-22 RAMGARH-23 MANDHU-24 HAZARIBAGH-25
S27-14-JH-HAZARIBAGH 1KISHOR KUMAR PANDEY BSP
2BHUVNESHWAR PRASAD MEHTA CPI
3YASHWANT SINHA BJP
4SHIVLAL MAHTO JMM
5SAURABH NARAIN SINGH INC
6CHANDRA PRAKASH CHOUDHARY AJSU
7DIGAMBER KU MEHTA SP
8BRAJ KISHORE JAISWAL JVM
9DEONATH MAHTO IND
10MAHENDRA KISHORE MEHTA IND
11MD MOINUDDIN AHMED IND
12LALAN PRASAD IND
13SNEHLATA DEVI IND
PUROLA-1 YAMUNOTRI-2 GANGOTRI-3 GHANSHALI-9 PRATAPNAGAR-12
TEHRI-13 DHANOLTI-14 CHAKRATA-15 VIKASNAGAR-16 SAHASPUR-17
S28-1-UK-TEHRI GARHWAL 1JASPAL RANA BJP
2BACHI RAM CPM
3MUNNA SINGH CHAUHAN BSP
4VIJAY BAHUGUNA INC
5SHAILESH UKKD
6ANJANA WALIA RJSD
7BANO RANI NLHP
8SHAILESH KUMAR VERMA LJP
9SUDESH SHARMA AD
10SUNDER LAL THAPLIYAL VVS
11KEDAR SINGH IND
12DR NAGENDRA DUTT JAGOODI IND
13BARHM DEV JHA IND
14RAM SINGH RAWAT IND
15VIJAY NATH IND
16SHIV NARAIN IND
17SANJAY IND
18HARISH WALIA IND
BADRINATH-4 THARALI-5 KARNPRAYAG-6 KEDARNATH-7 RUDRAPRAYAG-8
DEOPRAYAG-10 NARENDRANAGAR-11 YAMKESHWAR-36 PAURI-37 SRINAGAR-38
S28-2-UK-GARHWAL 1ANAND PRAKASH UKKD
2LT GENRETD TEJPAL SINGH RAWAT PVSM VSM BJP
3RAJEEV AGARWAL BSP
4LALITA PRASAD BHATT CPI
5SATPAL MAHARAJ INC
6INDRESH MAIKHURI CPI(ML)(L)
7GANESH PANT LJP
8R P DHYANI ABHM
9MAHADEV JKM
10RASHID KHAN ANC
11ABBDUL KADIR IND
12OM PARKASH IND
13SHIV SINGH IND
DHARCHULA-42 DIDIHAT-43 PITHORAGARH-44 GANGOLIHAT-45 KAPKOTE-46
BAGESHWAR-47 DWARAHAT-48 SALT-49 RANIKHET-50 SOMESHWAR-51
S28-3-UK-ALMORA 1AJAY TAMTA BJP
2CHAMPEE ARYA NCP
3PRADEEP TAMTA INC
4BAHADUR RAM DHAUNI BSP
5RANJIT VISHWAKARMA UKKD
6GOPAL RAM RPI(A)
7YASHPAL ARYA LJP
8SUSHAMA CPI(ML)(L)
9KIRAN ARYA IND
10HARI RAMA IND
LALKUWA-56 BHIMTAL-57 NAINITAL-58 HALDWANI-59 KALADHUNGI-60
JASPUR-62 KASHIPUR-63 BAJPUR-64 GADARPUR-65 RUDRAPUR-66
S28-4-UK-NAINITAL-UDHAMSINGH NAGAR 1NARAYAN PAL BSP
2DR NARAYAN SINGH JANTWAL UKKD
3PREM PRAKASH SINGH SP
4BACHI SINGH RAWAT BJP
5KC SINGH BABA INC
6RISHI PAL SINGH ABRS
7BAHADUR SINGH JANGI CPI(ML)(L)
8MADAN SINGH MER LJP
9RAIS AHMAD ANSARI JD(S)
10SHEESHPAL SINGH ARYA ANC
11BINDU GUPTA IND
12MAHESH CHANDRA KANDPAL IND
13MOUALANA YADE ILAHI IND
14SITARAM IND
DHARAMPUR-18 DOIWALA-23 RISHIKESH-24 HARDWAR-25 B.H.E.L.
RANIPUR-26 JWALAPUR-27 BHAGWANPUR-28 JHABRERA-29 PIRANKALIYAR-30
ROORKEE-31
S28-5-UK-HARDWAR 1AMBRISH KUMAR SP
2SWAMI YATINDRANAND GIRI BJP
3RAJKUMAR SAINI UKKD
4SHAHZAD BSP
5HARISH RAWAT INC
6ASIF KHAN AD
7RAJEEV GUPTA RJSD
8RIASAT ALI RPI(A)
9SUBHASH MKD
10AJAY KATHURIA IND
11ABBAS IND
12VKKAMPANI IND
13KULVEER SINGH IND
14NATTHU RAM IND
15MOHD MURSALEEN QURESHI IND
16RANDHIR BHARAT IND
17RAMSHARAN BHATT IND
18SHAHIDA BEGAM IND
19PT SHIVAM MAHARAJ IND
20SUMER CHAND IND
21SANJAY IND
ANDAMAN & NICOBAR ISLANDS-1
U01-1-AN-ANDAMAN & NICOBAR ISLANDS 1SMTI R S UMA BHARATHY NCP
2SHRI KULDEEP RAI SHARMA INC
3SHRI P R GANESHAN RJD
4SHRI TAPAN KUMAR BEPARI CPM
5SHRI BISHNU PADA RAY BJP
6SHRI M S MOHAN BSP
7SHRI N K P NAIR CPI(ML)(L)
8SHRI PRADEEP KUMAR EKKA JDP
9SHRI T ALI IND
10DR THANKACHAN IND
11SHRI VAKIATH VALAPPIL KHALID IND
CHANDIGARH-1
U02-1-CH-CHANDIGARH 1PAWAN KUMAR BANSAL INC
2SATYA PAL JAIN BJP
3HARMOHAN DHAWAN BSP
4HAFFIZ ANWAR UL HAQ RJD
5GOSWAMI VISHWA BHUSHAN BHARTI JD(U)
6PARAS NATH AD
7AJAY GOYAL IND
8KAFIL AHMAD IND
9KHEM LAL BANSAL IND
10DARSHAN SINGH IND
11DES RAJ IND
12MAYA DEVI IND
13RAM PAL HANS IND
14S K SURI IND
DADRA & NAGAR HAVELI-1
U03-1-DN-DADAR & NAGAR HAVELI 1DELKAR MOHANBHAI SANJIBHAI INC
2PATEL NATUBHAI GOMANBHAI BJP
3BIJ YOHANBHAI BHADIYABHAI BSP
4KHULAT BHIKALYA VANSHYA IND
5MISHAL LAXMANBHAI NAVASUBHAI IND
DAMAN AND DIU-1
U04-1-DD-DAMAN & DIU 1TANDEL GOPALBHAI KALYANBHAI NCP
2DAHYABHAI VALLABHBHAI PATEL INC
3LALUBHAI PATEL BJP
4RAMESHBHAI D SINGH SP
5GOHEL GAUTAMKUMAR NATVARSINH IND
6PANDEY DINESHBHAI IND
7SINDE SHAILESHBHAI IND
ADARSH NAGAR-4 SHALIMAR BAGH-14 SHAKUR BASTI-15 TRI NAGAR-16
WAZIRPUR-17 MODEL TOWN-18 SADAR BAZAR-19 CHANDNI CHOWK-20 MATIA
MAHAL-21 BALLIMARAN-22
U05-1-DL-CHANDNI CHOWK 1KAPIL SIBAL INC
2MOHD MUSTAQEEM BALLO BHAI BSP
3VIJENDER GUPTA BJP
4AJAY MITTAL AIFB
5ANIL GUPTA BPC
6ABDUL SAMAD RPIE
7KIRAN SJP(R)
8GHANSHYAM MORWAL DBP
9JAVED AHMED MBP
10NARENDER SINGH BSKRP
11DR P L PREMI BVVP
12BHIM SINGH PURI RSP
13RAN PAL SINGH BGTD
14RAJ PAUL CHAUHAN BPD
15RAJESH NAGAR RDMP
16LABHU RAM GARG RKSP
17LILA DEVI RVNP
18VINOD DUKHIYA ABHM
19SHAHIDA PARVEEN UWF
20DR SITA RAM SHARMA RWS
21SUHAIL AHMED SP
22ASHOK KUMAR GOTEWALA IND
23ASHISH SAXENA IND
24IMAM RAJA NAQVI IND
25OM PRAKASH THAKUR IND
26ZAHEER AHMED IND
27NASRIN BEGUM IND
28PURAN CHAND IND
29PREM NARAIN IND
30BALRAM BARI IND
31BASHIRUDDIN IND
32BABU LAL BAIRWA IND
33BEER SINGH IND
34RANJEET KUMAR IND
35RAJENDER SINGH CHANDELIYA IND
36ROHIT KUMAR IND
37LAIQ AHMED IND
38VIJENDER KHARI IND
39MOHD SHAFIQ IND
40SANJAY KUMAR IND
41SUNIL KUMAR IND
BURARI-2 TIMARPUR-3 SEEMA PURI-63 ROHTAS NAGAR-64 SEELAMPUR-65
GHONDA-66 BABARPUR-67 GOKALPUR-68 MUSTAFABAD-69 KARAWAL NAGAR-70
U05-2-DL-NORTH EAST DELHI 1JAI PRAKASH AGARWAL INC
2HAJI DILSHAD ALI BSP
3BLSHARMA PREM BJP
4ANIS AHMAD ANSARI SP
5ISRAR KHAN RPIE
6KALIRAM TOMAR IJP
7GANESH PAL BSKP
8PRAMOD TIWARI MBP
9MANOHAR LAL AWD
10SUSHIL KUMAR MISHRA ABHM
11MOLANA ABDUSSAMI IND
12MANAGER CHAURASIYA IND
13PROF RN SINGH IND
14MOHD SHEAR NABI CHAMAN IND
15SANTOSH DEVI IND
16MOHD HASNAIN IND
JANGPURA-41 OKHLA-54 TRILOKPURI-55 KONDLI-56 PATPARGANJ-57 LAXMI
NAGAR-58 VISHWAS NAGAR-59 KRISHNA NAGAR-60 GANDHI NAGAR-61 SHAHDARA-62
U05-3-DL-EAST DELHI 1CHETAN CHAUHAN BJP
2MOHAMMAD YUNUS BSP
3SANDEEP DIKSHIT INC
4ABDUL GAFFAR LD
5AMIT KUMAR SP
6PAWAN KUMAR RPI(A)
7BAIJ NATH PRASAD PATHAK ABHM
8VIJAY KUMAR SHARMA BPD
9SUTAPA CHAKRABORTY SHS
10ABDUL RAJJAQ IND
11AMAR DASS IND
12KUSUM BAHL IND
13DR PREM SINGH IND
14RAJ KUMAR JAISWAL IND
15RAJ PAL SINGH IND
16RAJAN IND
17VIKRAM SETH IND
KAROL BAGH-23 PATEL NAGAR-24 MOTI NAGAR-25 DELHI CANTT-38 RAJINDER
NAGAR-39 NEW DELHI-40 KASTURBA NAGAR-42 MALVIYA NAGAR-43 R. K.
PURAM-44 GREATER KAILASH-50
U05-4-DL-NEW DELHI 1AJAY MAKAN INC
2TRILOK CHAND SHARMA BSP
3VIJAY GOEL BJP
4AAMER AHMED MADNI SP
5JITENDAR KUMAR GUPTA BPC
6NARESH CHANDER PAL BSKRP
7NISHA BANO ANC
8MAHARAJ KUMAR DBP
9MURTAZA PHOOL JD(S)
10RAJ KUMAR NAYYAR PPOI
11RAJESH KUMAR SABHARWAL JMM
12MAJOR SANGEETA TOMAR YFE
13SANJEEV KUMAR MISHRA RVNP
14SUDHIR KUMAR BPD
15SUDHIR GANDOTRA THPI
16SUNITA CHAUDHARY UWF
17HARENDER RKJP
18HARSH MALHOTRA JKNPP
19AJAY PRAKASH HARIT IND
20ANIL KUMAR GAUTAM IND
21ASHUTHOSH KUMAR IND
22KAPIL MITRA IND
23KARAN KUMAR IND
24KRISHAN KUMAR TYAGI IND
25GHANSHYAM DASS IND
26JAGAT SINGH CHAUHAN IND
27DINESH KUMAR IND
28PREM NARAYAN KHANDELWAL IND
29BHAGWAN DAS IND
30B B MALHOTRA IND
31MANTU IND
32RAMESH BHAGWAT IND
33LACHHMAN DASS IND
34LUKMAN KHAN IND
35VED PRAKASH IND
36SHIBAN KRISHAN RAZDAN IND
37SHIV KUMAR SHAH IND
38SAPNA RANI BEHL IND
39SURENDER SINGH DABAS IND
40HARKRISHAN DAS NIJHAWAN IND
NERELA-1 BADLI-5 RITHALA-6 BAWANA-7 MUNDKA-8 KIRARI-9 SULTANPUR
MAJRA-10 NANGLOI JAT-11 MANGOL PURI-12 ROHINI-13
U05-5-DL-NORTH WEST DELHI 1KIRSHNA TIRATH INC
2MEERA KANWARIA BJP
3RAKESH HANS BSP
4ARVIND KATARIA AIBS
5GEETA RPI(A)
6PAPPU SAGAR IJP
7BABU LAL ASP
8MATHURA PASWAN CPIMLL
9DR MILIND BHARTI NELU
10RAM KUMAR BPC
11SUNIL KUMAR PARCHHA SP
12HOTI LAL GANDHI BSKRP
13INDER SINGH IND
14DHARAM SINGH PARCHA IND
15NARENDER PAL KASHYAP IND
16HARBANS LAL IND
MADIPUR-26 RAJOURI GARDEN-27 HARI NAGAR-28 TILAK NAGAR-29
JANAKPURI-30 VIKASPURI-31 UTTAM NAGAR-32 DWARKA-33 MATIALA-34
NAJAFGARH-35
U05-6-DL-WEST DELHI 1PROF JAGDISH MUKHI BJP
2DEEPAK BHARDWAJ BSP
3MAHABAL MISHRA INC
4KRISHAN KUMAR SHARMA BSKRP
5POONAM KUMARI SRIVASTAVA JBP
6BAL KISHAN PAL RALP
7SHYAM SUNDER JAIN SP
8SUKHMENDER SINGH RPI(A)
9DINESH JAIN IND
10NIRMALA SHARMA IND
11RAJESH SINHA IND
12RAM KUMAR DABRIWAL IND
13SUDARSHAN SINGH IND
14SUVASH KUMAR CHOUDHARY IND
15HAR GOBIND ARORA IND
BIJWASAN-36 PALAM-37 MEHRAULI-45 CHHATARPUR-46 DEOLI-47 AMBEDKAR
NAGAR-48 SANGAM VIHAR-49 KALKAJI-51 TUGHLAKABAD-52 BADARPUR-53
U05-7-DL-SOUTH DELHI 1KANWAR SINGH TANWAR BSP
2RAMESH KUMAR INC
3RAMESH BIDHURI BJP
4SHRICHAND TANWAR CPI
5AK GUPTA SP
6SF PURUSHOTTAM LKJP
7BALMUKUND PANDEY RJAP
8RAM SIRJAN BHAGAT LPSP
9SANTOSH TRIPATHI YVP
10HEMA MOHAN RKJP
11KANTA PINGOLIA IND
12BIRJU NAYAK IND
13MOHD USMAN SIDDIQUI IND
14SIYA NAND MANDAL IND
15WING COMMANDER SURJIT SINGH IND
LAKSHADWEEP-1
U06-1-LD-LAKSHADWEEP 1MUHAMMED HAMDULLA SAYEED AB INC
2DR P POOKUNHIKOYA NCP
3DR K P MUTHUKOYA BJP
4LUKMANUL HAKEEM CPM
MANNADIPET-1 THIRUBUVANAI-2 OUSSUDU-3 MANGALAM-4 VILLIANUR-5
OZHUKARAI-6 KADIRGAMAM-7 INDIRA NAGAR-8 THATTANCHAVADY-9 KAMARAJ
NAGAR-10
U07-1-PY-PUDUCHERRY 1RAMADASS M PMK
2M SOMASUNDARAM BSP
3NARAYANASAMY INC
4VISWESWARAN M BJP
5KAU ASANAA DMDK
6S GOVINDASAMY KDC
7S GNANAVEL JMM
8S BALASUBRAMANIAN CPI(ML)(L)
9PRADEEP ANIRUDDH PPOI
10A RAJASEKAR LJP
11ARUNACHALAM K IND
12V RAJENDRAN IND
13V RAMAMURTHY IND
14KALIAMURTHY K IND
15V SARAVANAN IND
16M CHITTIBABU IND
17SIVARAMAN V IND
18G SUBRAMANIYAN IND
19A SENKADIR IND
20IM SEKAR IND
21MUPPADAI MATHIMAHARAJA IND
22DR R NARAYANAN IND
23MANIMARAN IND
24MOHAMED YOUSUF SA IND
25MURUGAIYAN KS IND
26V LINGAMURTHY IND
27P VIJAYABASKAR IND
28VEERAMUTHU A IND
As the countdown begins to the end of the 2009 General Elections, those bored by the unending waffle from the talking-heads on TV may find of more interest some hard numbers from the previous General Elections in 2004 to the 14th Lok Sabha.
The outliers top and bottom reveal some oddities. E.g., Outer Delhi and East Delhi are among the highest yet New Delhi, Delhi Sadar, Chandni Chowk among the lowest; Mumbai North among the highest, Mumbai South among the lowest; Dum Dum and Barasat among the highest, Calcutta North West among the lowest.
And who would have thought the Rajasthan desert would yield not one but two top outliers?
Hmmmmm. Discontinuous behaviour is always curious.
We might wonder if the new constituencies after delimitation might show similar oddities.
We in India shall soon be hearing the talking-heads on TV, mostly in New Delhi, jabbering away about “swings” and “anti-incumbency” and “mandates” and “fractured mandates” etc. Most of it will be waffle without any basis in hard facts because nobody wants to actually do any of the work necessary to acquire a serious opinion.
Just as you cannot win at cricket unless you bowl out the other side and you cannot win at soccer unless you score more goals than the other side, you are not going to win a General Election in India unless you win more Assembly Segments of Parliamentary Constituencies than your competitors.
It is not logically impossible but it is factually unlikely that you can lose, say, five out of six Assembly Segments and still win the Parliamentary Constituency by winning the sixth with a sufficiently large margin. Raw votes generally translate into winning Assembly Segments and winning Assembly Segments generally translate into winning Lok Sabha seats.
In 2004, the top five winners were as follows, where the first number is raw votes won, the second the number of Assembly Segments won, and the third the number of Lok Sabha seats won:
Notice the BSP won some 4 million more raw votes than the SP but fewer Assembly Segments and fewer Lok Sabha Seats. And the CPM won barely a million more raw votes than did the BSP but 215 more Assembly Segments and 26 more Lok Sabha seats. Clearly Uttar Pradesh voting patterns need a lot more detailed analysis — my ex ante hypothesis would be that the BSP’s results are affected by the policy of some constituencies being “reserved”.
More significantly, at the head of the race, notice that the BJP lost the raw vote to the Indian National Congress by a margin of almost 17 million votes which translated into winning 81 Assembly Segments fewer than the INC which translated into winning 7 fewer Lok Sabha seats — and hence ended up sitting in the Opposition in the Lok Sabha for five years.
A central question is whether the BJP has or has not done enough over the last five years to get in its favour a net change in the raw vote — and that too by a sufficient amount to change the number of Assembly Segments won in its favour.
Putting it differently, has the INC done enough to at least maintain its share of the raw-vote and its leading position, and hence be likely to win the largest number of Assembly Segments and Lok Sabha seats again?
Here is the overall picture:
And yes, of course, there have been demographic changes over five years so those changed parameters shall have affected the new outcome too (notice the INC’s emphasis on the “youth vote”).
This is original research which could come to be published in a scientific journal if I find the time to send it, so please try not to steal and instead acknowledge its source properly if you want to discuss it elsewhere.
The search engine above should locate any article by its title; the Index and Archives may be used as well.
Readers are welcome to quote from my work under the normal “fair use” rule, but please try to quote me by name and indicate the place of original publication in case of work being republished here. I am at Twitter @subyroy, see my latest tweets above
Manmohan versus Sonia on the poor old CPI(M)!, April 28
And yes, of course, there have been demographic changes over five years so those changed parameters shall have affected the new outcome too (notice the INC’s emphasis on the “youth vote”).
Independent Indian: Work & Life of Professor Subroto Roy 