Did Jagdish Bhagwati “originate”, “pioneer”, “intellectually father” India’s 1991 economic reform? Did Manmohan Singh? Or did I, through my encounter with Rajiv Gandhi, just as Siddhartha Shankar Ray told Manmohan & his aides in Sep 1993 in Washington? Judge the evidence for yourself. And why has Amartya Sen misdescribed his work? India’s right path forward today remains what I said in my 3 Dec 2012 Delhi lecture!

August 23, 2013 — drsubrotoroy

Did Jagdish Bhagwati “originate”, “pioneer”, “intellectually father” India’s 1991 economic reform? Did Manmohan Singh? Or did I, through my encounter with Rajiv Gandhi, just as Siddhartha Shankar Ray told Manmohan & his aides in Sep 1993 in Washington? Judge the evidence for yourself. And why has Amartya Sen misdescribed his work? India’s right path forward today remains what I said in my 3 Dec 2012 Delhi lecture!

[See also “I’m on my way out”: Siddhartha Shankar Ray (1920-2010)…An Economist’s Tribute”; “Rajiv Gandhi and the Origins of India’s 1991 Economic Reform”; “Three Memoranda to Rajiv Gandhi 1990-1991″

Foundations of India’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s edited by Subroto Roy & William E James, 1986-1992… pdf copy uploaded 2021

Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s, edited by William E James & Subroto Roy, 1986-1993… pdf copy uploaded 2021

Critique of Amartya Sen: A Tragedy of Plagiarism, Fake News, Dissimulation

Part I: Facts vs Fiction, Flattery, Falsification, etc

1. Problem

2. Rajiv Gandhi, Siddhartha Shankar Ray, Milton Friedman & Myself

3. Jagdish Bhagwati & Manmohan Singh? That just don’t fly!

4. Amartya Sen’s Half-Baked Communism: “To each according to his need”?

Part II: India’s Right Road Forward Now: Some Thoughtful Analysis for Grown Ups

5. Transcending a Left-Right/Congress-BJP Divide in Indian Politics

6. Budgeting Military & Foreign Policy

7. Solving the Kashmir Problem & Relations with Pakistan

8. Dealing with Communist China

9. Towards Coherence in Public Accounting, Public Finance & Public Decision-Making

10. India’s Money: Towards Currency Integrity at Home & Abroad

Part I: Facts vs Fiction, Flattery, Falsification, etc

1. Problem

Arvind Panagariya says in the Times of India of 27 July 2013

“…if in 1991 India embraced many of the Track-I reforms, writings by Sen played no role in it… The intellectual origins of the reforms are to be found instead in the writings of Bhagwati, both solely and jointly with Padma Desai and T N Srinivasan….”

Now Amartya Sen has not claimed involvement in the 1991 economic reforms so we are left with Panagariya claiming

“The intellectual origins of the reforms are to be found instead in the writings of Bhagwati…”

Should we suppose Professor Panagariya’s master and co-author Jagdish Bhagwati himself substantially believes and claims the same? Three recent statements from Professor Bhagwati suffice by way of evidence:

(A) Bhagwati said to parliamentarians in the Lok Sabha on 2 December 2010 about the pre-1991 situation:

“This policy framework had been questioned, and its total overhaul advocated, by me and Padma Desai in writings through the late 1960s which culminated in our book, India: Planning for Industrialization (Oxford University Press: 1970) with a huge blowback at the time from virtually all the other leading economists and policymakers who were unable to think outside the box. In the end, our views prevailed and the changes which would transform the economy began, after an external payments crisis in 1991, under the forceful leadership of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh who was the Finance Minister at the time….”

**(B) Bhagwati said to Economic Times on 28 July 2013:**

“When finance minister Manmohan Singh was in New York in 1992, he had a lunch for many big CEOs whom he was trying to seduce to come to India. He also invited me and my wife, Padma Desai, to the lunch. As we came in, the FM introduced us to the invitees and said: ‘These friends of mine wrote almost a quarter century ago [India: Planning for Industrialisation was published in 1970 by Oxford] recommending all the reforms we are now undertaking. If we had accepted the advice then, we would not be having this lunch as you would already be in India’.”

**(C) And Bhagwati said in Business Standard of 9 August 2013:**

“… I was among the intellectual pioneers of the Track I reforms that transformed our economy and reduced poverty, and witness to that is provided by the Prime Minister’s many pronouncements and by noted economists like Deena Khatkhate.. I believe no one has accused Mr. Sen of being the intellectual father of these reforms. So, the fact is that this huge event in the economic life of India passed him by…”

From these pronouncements it seems fair to conclude Professors Bhagwati and Panagariya are claiming Bhagwati has been the principal author of “the intellectual origins” of India’s 1991 reforms, has been their “intellectual father” or at the very least has been “among the intellectual pioneers” of the reform (“among” his own collaborators and friends, since none else is mentioned). Bhagwati has said too his friend Manmohan Singh as Finance Minister participated in the process while quoting Manmohan as having said Bhagwati was the principal author.

Bhagwati’s opponent in current debate, Amartya Sen, has been in agreement with him that Manmohan, their common friend during college days at Cambridge in the 1950s, was a principal originating the 1991 reforms, saying to Forbes in 2006:

“When Manmohan Singh came to office in the early 1990s as the newly appointed finance minister, in a government led by the Congress Party, he knew these problems well enough, as someone who had been strongly involved in government administration for a long time.”

In my experience, such sorts of claims, even in their weakest form, have been, at best, scientifically sloppy and unscholarly, at worst mendacious suppressio veri/suggestio falsi, and in between these best and worst interpretations, examples of academic self-delusion and mutual flattery. We shall see Bhagwati’s opponent, Amartya Sen, has denied academic paternity of recent policies he has spawned while appearing to claim academic paternity of things he has not! Everyone may have reasonably expected greater self-knowledge, wisdom and scholarly values of such eminent academics. Their current spat has instead seemed to reveal something rather dismal and self-serving.

You can decide for yourself where the truth, ever such an elusive and fragile thing, happens to be and what is best done about it. Here is some evidence.

2. Rajiv Gandhi, Siddhartha Shankar Ray, Milton Friedman & Myself

Professor Arvind Panagariya is evidently an American economics professor of Indian national origin who holds the Jagdish Bhagwati Chair of Indian Political Economy at Columbia University. I am afraid I had not known his name until he mentioned my name in Economic Times of 24 October 2001. He said

In mentioning the volume “edited by Subroto Roy and William E James”, Professor Panagariya did not appear to find the normal scientific civility to identify our work by name, date or publisher. So here that is now:

This was a book published in 1992 by the late Tejeshwar Singh for Sage. It resulted from the University of Hawaii Manoa perestroika-for-India project, that I and Ted James created and led between 1986 and 1992/93. (Yes, Hawaii — not Stanford, Harvard, Yale, Columbia or even Penn, whose India-policy programs were Johnny-come-latelies a decade or more later…) There is a sister-volume too on Pakistan, created by a parallel project Ted and I had led at the same time (both now in pdf):

In 2004 from Britain, I wrote to the 9/11 Commission saying if our plan to study Afghanistan after India and Pakistan had not been thwarted by malign local forces among our sponsors themselves, we, a decade before the September 11 2001 attacks on the USA, may just have come up with a pre-emptive academic analysis. It was not to be.

Milton Friedman’s chapter that we published for the first time was a memorandum he wrote in November 1955 for the Government of India which the GoI had effectively suppressed. I came to know of it while a doctoral student at Cambridge under Frank Hahn, when at a conference at Oxford about 1979-1980, Peter Tamas Bauer sat me down beside him and told me the story. Later in Blacksburg about 1981, N. Georgescu-Roegen on a visit from Vanderbilt University told me the same thing. Specifically, Georgescu-Roegen told me that leading Indian academics had almost insulted Milton in public which Milton had borne gamely; that after Milton had given a talk in Delhi to VKRV Rao’s graduate-students, a talk Georgescu-Roegen had been present at, VKRV Rao had addressed the students and told them in all seriousness “You have heard what Professor Friedman has to say, if you repeat what he has said in your exams, you will fail”.

In 1981-1982 my doctoral thesis emerged, titled “On liberty & economic growth: preface to a philosophy for India”,

My late great master in economic theory, Frank Hahn (1925-2013), found what I had written to be a “good thesis” bringing “a good knowledge of economics and of philosophy to bear on the literature on economic planning”, saying I had shown “a good knowledge of economic theory” and my “critique of Development Economics was powerful not only on methodological but also on economic theory grounds”.

I myself said about it decades later “My original doctoral topic in 1976 ‘A monetary theory for India’ had to be altered not only due to paucity of monetary data at the time but because the problems of India’s political economy and allocation of resources in the real economy were far more pressing. The thesis that emerged in 1982 … was a full frontal assault from the point of view of microeconomic theory on the “development planning” to which everyone routinely declared their fidelity, from New Delhi’s bureaucrats and Oxford’s “development” school to McNamara’s World Bank with its Indian staffers. Frank Hahn protected my inchoate liberal arguments for India; and when no internal examiner could be found, Cambridge showed its greatness by appointing two externals, Bliss at Oxford and Hutchison at Birmingham, both Cambridge men. “Economic Theory and Development Economics” was presented to the American Economic Association in December 1982 in company of Solow, Chenery, Streeten, and other eminences…” How I landed on that eminent AEA panel in December 1982 was because its convener Professor George Rosen of the University of Illinois recruited me overnight — as a replacement for Jagdish Bhagwati, who had had to return to India suddenly because of a parental death. The results were published in 1983 in World Development.

Soon afterwards, London’s Institute of Economic Affairs published Pricing, Planning and Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India. This slim work (now in pdf) was the first classical liberal critique of post-Mahalonobis Indian economic thought since BR Shenoy’s original criticism decades earlier. It became the subject of The Times’ lead editorial on its day of publication 29 May 1984 — provoking the Indian High Commission in London to send copies to the Finance Ministry in Delhi where it apparently caused a stir, or so I was told years later by Amaresh Bagchi who was a recipient of it at the Ministry.

The Times had said

“When Mr. Dennis Healey in the Commons recently stated that Hongkong, with one per cent of the population of India has twice India’s trade, he was making an important point about Hongkong but an equally important point about India. If Hongkong with one per cent of its population and less than 0.03 per cert of India’s land area (without even water as a natural resource) can so outpace India, there must be something terribly wrong with the way Indian governments have managed their affairs, and there is. A paper by an Indian economist published today (Pricing, Planning and Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India by Subroto Roy, IEA £1.80) shows how Asia’s largest democracy is gradually being stifled by the imposition of economic policies whose woeful effect and rhetorical unreality find their echo all over the Third World. As with many of Britain’s former imperial possessions, the rot set in long before independence. But as with most of the other former dependencies, the instrument of economic regulation and bureaucratic control set up by the British has been used decisively and expansively to consolidate a statist regime which inhibits free enterprise, minimizes economic success and consolidates the power of government in all spheres of the economy. We hear little of this side of things when India rattles the borrowing bowl or denigrates her creditors for want of further munificence. How could Indian officials explain their poor performance relative to Hongkong? Dr Roy has the answers for them. He lists the causes as a large and heavily subsidized public sector, labyrinthine control over private enterprise, forcibly depressed agricultural prices, massive import substitution, government monopoly of foreign exchange transactions, artificially overvalued currency and the extensive politicization of the labour market, not to mention the corruption which is an inevitable side effect of an economy which depends on the arbitrament of bureaucrats. The first Indian government under Nehru took its cue from Nehru’s admiration of the Soviet economy, which led him to believe that the only policy for India was socialism in which there would be “no private property except in a restricted sense and the replacement of the private profit system by a higher ideal of cooperative service.” Consequently, the Indian government has now either a full monopoly or is one of a few oligipolists in banking, insurance, railways, airlines, cement, steel, chemicals, fertilizers, ship-building, breweries, telephones and wrist-watches. No businessman can expand his operation while there is any surplus capacity anywhere in that sector. He needs government approval to modernize, alter his price-structure, or change his labour shift. It is not surprising that a recent study of those developing countries which account for most manufactured exports from the Third World shows that India’s share fell from 65 percent in 1953 to 10 per cent in 1973; nor, with the numerous restrictions on inter-state movement of grains, that India has over the years suffered more from an inability to cope with famine than during the Raj when famine drill was centrally organized and skillfully executed without restriction. Nehru’s attraction for the Soviet model has been inherited by his daughter, Mrs. Gandhi. Her policies have clearly positioned India more towards the Soviet Union than the West. The consequences of this, as Dr Roy states, is that a bias can be seen in “the antipathy and pessimism towards market institutions found among the urban public, and sympathy and optimism to be found for collectivist or statist ones.” All that India has to show for it is the delivery of thousands of tanks in exchange for bartered goods, and the erection of steel mills and other heavy industry which help to perpetuate the unfortunate obsession with industrial performance at the expense of agricultural growth and the relief of rural poverty.”…..

**I felt there were inaccuracies in this and so replied dated 4 June which The Times published on 16 June 1984:**

Milton and I met for the first time in the Fall of 1984 at the Mont Pelerin Society meetings at Cambridge when I gave him a copy of the IEA monograph, which he came to think extremely well of. I told him I had heard of his 1955 document and asked him for it; he sent me the original blue/purple version of this soon thereafter.

[That original document was, incidentally, in my professorial office among all my books, papers, theses and other academic items including my gown when I was attacked in 2003 by a corrupt gang at IIT Kharagpur — all yet to be returned to me by IIT despite a High Court order during my present ongoing battle against corruption there over a USD 1.9 million scam !… Without having ever wished to, I have had to battle India’s notorious corruption first hand for a decade!]

I published Milton’s document for the first time on 21 May 1989 at the conference of the Hawaii project over the loud objection of assorted leftists…

Amartya Sen, Jagdish Bhagwati, Manmohan Singh or any of their acolytes will not be seen in this group photograph dated 21 May 1989 at the UH President’s House, because they were not there. The Government of India was represented by the Ambassador to Washington, PK Kaul, as well as the Consul General in San Francisco, KS Rana (later Ambassador to Germany), besides the founding head of ICRIER who had invited himself.

Manmohan Singh was not there as he precisely represented the Indian economic policy establishment I had been determined to reform! In any case, he had left India about 1987 on his last assignment before retirement, with Julius Nyerere of Tanzania relating to the “South-South Commission”.

I have said over more than a half dozen years now that there is no evidence whatsoever of Manmohan Singh having been a liberal economist in any sense of that word at any time before 1991, and scant evidence that he originated any liberal economic ideas since. The widespread worldwide notion that he is to be credited for originating a sudden transformation of India from a path of pseudo-socialism to one of pseudo-liberalism has been without basis in evidence — almost entirely a political fiction, though an explicable one and one which has served, as such political fictions do, the purposes of those who invent them.

Jagdish Bhagwati and Amartya Sen were in their mid 50s and were two of the three senior-most Indians in US academic economics at the time. I and Ted James, both in our 30s, decided to invite both Bhagwati and Sen to the Hawaii project-conference as distinguished guests but to do so somewhat insincerely late in the day, predicting they would decline, which is what they did, yet they had come to be formally informed of what we were doing. We had a very serious attitude that was inspired a bit, I might say, by Oppenheimer’s secret “Manhattan project” and we wanted neither press-publicity nor anyone to become the star who ended up hogging the microphone or the limelight.

Besides, and most important of all, neither Bhagwati nor Sen had done work in the areas we were centrally interested in, namely, India’s macroeconomic and foreign trade framework and fiscal and monetary policies.

Bhagwati, after his excellent 1970 work with Padma Desai for the OECD on Indian industry and trade, also co-authored with TN Srinivasan a fine 1975 volume for the NBER Foreign Trade Regimes and Economic Development: India.

TN Srinivasan was the third of the three senior-most Indian economists at the time in US academia; his work made us want to invite him as one of our main economic authors, and we charged him with writing the excellent chapter in Foundations that he came to do titled “Planning and Foreign Trade Reconsidered”.

The other main economist author we had hoped for was Sukhamoy Chakravarty from Delhi University and the Government of India’s Planning Commission, whom I had known since 1977 when I had been given his office at the Delhi School of Economics as a Visiting Assistant Professor while he was on sabbatical; despite my pleading he would not come due to ill health; he strongly recommended C Rangarajan, telling me Rangarajan had been the main author with him of the crucial 1985 RBI report on monetary policy; and he signed and gave me his last personal copy of that report dating it 14 July 1987. Rangarajan said he could not come and recommended the head of the NIPFP, Amaresh Bagchi, promising to write jointly with him the chapter on monetary policy and public finance.

Along with Milton Friedman’s suppressed 1955 memorandum which I was publishing for the first time in 1989, TN Srinivasan and Amaresh Bagchi authored the three main economic policy chapters that we felt we wanted.

Other chapters we commissioned had to do with the state of governance (James Manor), federalism (Bhagwan Dua), Punjab and similar problems (PR Brass), agriculture (K Subbarao, as proposed by CH Hanumantha Rao), health (Anil Deolalikar, through open advertisement), and a historical assessment of the roots of economic policy (BR Tomlinson, as proposed by Anil Seal). On the vital subject of education we failed to agree with the expert we wanted very much (JBG Tilak, as proposed by George Psacharopolous) and so we had to cover the subject cursorily in our introduction mentioning his work. And decades later, I apologised to Professor Dietmar Rothermund of Heidelberg University for having been so blinkered in the Anglo-American tradition at the time as to not having obtained his participation in the project.

[The sister-volume we commissioned in parallel on Pakistan’s political economy had among its authors Francis Robinson, Akbar Ahmed, Shirin Tahir-Kehli, Robert La Porte, Shahid Javed Burki, Mohsin Khan, Mahmood Hasan Khan, Naved Hamid, John Adams and Shahrukh Khan; this book came to be published in Pakistan in 1993 to good reviews but apparently was then lost by its publisher and is yet to be found; the military and religious clergy had been deliberately not invited by us though the name of Pervez Musharraf had I think arisen, and the military and religious clergy in fact came to rule the roost through the 1990s in Pakistan; the volume, two decades old, takes on fresh relevance with the new civilian governments of recent years.] [Postscript 27 November 2015: See my strident critique at Twitter of KM Kasuri, P Musharraf et al e.g. at https://independentindian.com/2011/11/22/pakistans-point-of-view-or-points-of-view-on-kashmir-my-as-yet-undelivered-lahore-lecture-part-i/ passing off ideas they have taken from this volume without acknowledgement, ideas which have in any case become defunct to their author, myself.]

Milton himself said this about his experience with me in his memoirs:

And Milton wrote on my behalf when I came to be attacked, being Indian, at the very University that had sponsored us:

My obituary notice at his passing in 2006 said: “My association with Milton has been the zenith of my engagement with academic economics…. I was a doctoral student of his bitter enemy yet for over two decades he not only treated me with unfailing courtesy and affection, he supported me in lonely righteous battles: doing for me what he said he had never done before, which was to stand as an expert witness in a United States Federal Court. I will miss him much though I know that he, as a man of reason, would not have wished me to….”

In August 1990 in Delhi I came to tell Siddhartha Shankar Ray about the unpublished India-manuscript resulting from the Hawaii project that was in my possession as it headed to its publisher.

Ray was a family-friend whose maternal grandfather CR Das led the Congress Party before MK Gandhi and had been a friend and colleague of my great grandfather SN Roy in Bengal’s politics in the 1920s; Ray had also consented to stand on my behalf as Senior Counsel in a matter in the Supreme Court of India.

Ray was involved in daily political parlays at his Delhi home with other Congress Party personages led by PV Narasimha Rao. These senior regional figures seemed to me to be keeping their national leader, Rajiv Gandhi, aloof in splendid isolation at 10 Jan Path.

Ray told me he and his wife had been in London in May 1984 on the day The Times had written its lead editorial on my work and they had seen it with excitement. Upon hearing of the Hawaii project and the manuscript I had with me, Ray immediately insisted of his own accord that I must meet Rajiv Gandhi, and that he would be arranging a meeting.

Hence it came to be a month later that a copy of the manuscript of the completed Hawaii project was be given by my hand on 18 September 1990 to Rajiv Gandhi, then Leader of the Opposition and Congress President, an encounter I have quite fully described elsewhere. I offered to get a copy to the PM, VP Singh, too but a key aide of his showed no interest in receiving it.

Rajiv made me a senior adviser, and I have claimed principal authorship of the 22 March 1991 draft of the Congress manifesto that actually shook and changed the political thinking of the Congress on economic matters in the direction Rajiv had desired and as I had advised him at our initial 18 September 1990 meeting.

“… He began by talking about how important he felt panchayati raj was, and said he had been on the verge of passing major legislation on it but then lost the election. He asked me if I could spend some time thinking about it, and that he would get the papers sent to me. I said I would and remarked panchayati raj might be seen as decentralized provision of public goods, and gave the economist’s definition of public goods as those essential for the functioning of the market economy, like the Rule of Law, roads, fresh water, and sanitation, but which were unlikely to appear through competitive forces.

I distinguished between federal, state and local levels and said many of the most significant public goods were best provided locally. Rajiv had not heard the term “public goods” before, and he beamed a smile and his eyes lit up as he voiced the words slowly, seeming to like the concept immensely. It occurred to me he had been by choice a pilot of commercial aircraft. Now he seemed intrigued to find there could be systematic ways of thinking about navigating a country’s governance by common pursuit of reasonable judgement. I said the public sector’s wastefulness had drained scarce resources that should have gone instead to provide public goods. Since the public sector was owned by the public, it could be privatised by giving away its shares to the public, preferably to panchayats of the poorest villages. The shares would become tradable, drawing out black money, and inducing a historic redistribution of wealth while at the same time achieving greater efficiency by transferring the public sector to private hands. Rajiv seemed to like that idea too, and said he tried to follow a maxim of Indira Gandhi’s that every policy should be seen in terms of how it affected the common man. I wryly said the common man often spent away his money on alcohol, to which he said at once it might be better to think of the common woman instead. (This remark of Rajiv’s may have influenced the “aam admi” slogan of the 2004 election, as all Congress Lok Sabha MPs of the previous Parliament came to receive a previous version of the present narrative.)

Our project had identified the Congress’s lack of internal elections as a problem; when I raised it, Rajiv spoke of how he, as Congress President, had been trying to tackle the issue of bogus electoral rolls. I said the judiciary seemed to be in a mess due to the backlog of cases; many of which seemed related to land or rent control, and it may be risky to move towards a free economy without a properly functioning judicial system or at least a viable system of contractual enforcement. I said a lot of problems which should be handled by the law in the courts in India were instead getting politicised and decided on the streets. Rajiv had seen the problems of the judiciary and said he had good relations with the Chief Justice’s office, which could be put to use to improve the working of the judiciary.

The project had worked on Pakistan as well, and I went on to say we should solve the problem with Pakistan in a definitive manner. Rajiv spoke of how close his government had been in 1988 to a mutual withdrawal from Siachen. But Zia-ul-Haq was then killed and it became more difficult to implement the same thing with Benazir Bhutto, because, he said, as a democrat, she was playing to anti-Indian sentiments while he had found it somewhat easier to deal with the military. I pressed him on the long-term future relationship between the countries and he agreed a common market was the only real long-term solution. I wondered if he could find himself in a position to make a bold move like offering to go to Pakistan and addressing their Parliament to break the impasse. He did not say anything but seemed to think about the idea. Rajiv mentioned a recent Time magazine cover of Indian naval potential, which had caused an excessive stir in Delhi. He then talked about his visit to China, which seemed to him an important step towards normalization. He said he had not seen (or been shown) any absolute poverty in China of the sort we have in India. He talked about the Gulf situation, saying he did not disagree with the embargo of Iraq except he wished the ships enforcing the embargo had been under the U.N. flag. The meeting seemed to go on and on, and I was embarrassed at perhaps having taken too much time and that he was being too polite to get me to go. V. George had interrupted with news that Sheila Dixit (as I recall) had just been arrested by the U. P. Government, and there were evidently people waiting. Just before we finally stood up I expressed a hope that he was looking to the future of India with an eye to a modern political and economic agenda for the next election, rather than getting bogged down with domestic political events of the moment. That was the kind of hopefulness that had attracted many of my generation in 1985. I said I would happily work in any way to help define a long-term agenda. His eyes lit up and as we shook hands to say goodbye, he said he would be in touch with me again…. The next day I was called and asked to stay in Delhi for a few days, as Mr. Gandhi wanted me to meet some people…..

… That night Krishna Rao dropped me at Tughlak Road where I used to stay with friends. In the car I told him, as he was a military man with heavy security cover for himself as a former Governor of J&K, that it seemed to me Rajiv’s security was being unprofessionally handled, that he was vulnerable to a professional assassin. Krishna Rao asked me if I had seen anything specific by way of vulnerability. With John Kennedy and De Gaulle in mind, I said I feared Rajiv was open to a long-distance sniper, especially when he was on his campaign trips around the country. This was one of several attempts I made since October 1990 to convey my clear impression to whomever I thought might have an effect that Rajiv seemed to me extremely vulnerable. Rajiv had been on sadhbhavana journeys, back and forth into and out of Delhi. I had heard he was fed up with his security apparatus, and I was not surprised given it seemed at the time rather bureaucratized. It would not have been appropriate for me to tell him directly that he seemed to me to be vulnerable, since I was a newcomer and a complete amateur about security issues, and besides if he agreed he might seem to himself to be cowardly or have to get even closer to his security apparatus. Instead I pressed the subject relentlessly with whomever I could. I suggested specifically two things: (a) that the system in place at Rajiv’s residence and on his itineraries be tested, preferably by some internationally recognized specialists in counter-terrorism; (b) that Rajiv be encouraged to announce a shadow-cabinet. The first would increase the cost of terrorism, the second would reduce the potential political benefit expected by terrorists out to kill him. On the former, it was pleaded that security was a matter being run by the V. P. Singh and then Chandrashekhar Governments at the time. On the latter, it was said that appointing a shadow cabinet might give the appointees the wrong idea, and lead to a challenge to Rajiv’s leadership. This seemed to me wrong, as there was nothing to fear from healthy internal contests for power so long as they were conducted in a structured democratic framework. I pressed to know how public Rajiv’s itinerary was when he travelled. I was told it was known to everyone and that was the only way it could be since Rajiv wanted to be close to the people waiting to see him and had been criticized for being too aloof. This seemed to me totally wrong and I suggested that if Rajiv wanted to be seen as meeting the crowds waiting for him then that should be done by planning to make random stops on the road that his entourage would take. This would at least add some confusion to the planning of potential terrorists out to kill him. When I pressed relentlessly, it was said I should probably speak to “Madame”, i.e. to Mrs. Rajiv Gandhi. That seemed to me highly inappropriate, as I could not be said to be known to her and I should not want to unduly concern her in the event it was I who was completely wrong in my assessment of the danger. The response that it was not in Congress’s hands, that it was the responsibility of the VP Singh and later the Chandrashekhar Governments, seemed to me completely irrelevant since Congress in its own interests had a grave responsibility to protect Rajiv Gandhi irrespective of what the Government’s security people were doing or not doing. Rajiv was at the apex of the power structure of the party, and a key symbol of secularism and progress for the entire country. Losing him would be quite irreparable to the party and the country. It shocked me that the assumption was not being made that there were almost certainly professional killers actively out to kill Rajiv Gandhi — this loving family man and hapless pilot of India’s ship of state who did not seem to have wished to make enemies among India’s terrorists but whom the fates had conspired to make a target. The most bizarre and frustrating response I got from several respondents was that I should not mention the matter at all as otherwise the threat would become enlarged and the prospect made more likely! This I later realized was a primitive superstitious response of the same sort as wearing amulets and believing in Ptolemaic astrological charts that assume the Sun goes around the Earth — centuries after Kepler and Copernicus. Perhaps the entry of scientific causality and rationality is where we must begin in the reform of India’s governance and economy. What was especially repugnant after Rajiv’s assassination was to hear it said by his enemies that it marked an end to “dynastic” politics in India. This struck me as being devoid of all sense because the unanswerable reason for protecting Rajiv Gandhi was that we in India, if we are to have any pretensions at all to being a civilized and open democratic society, cannot tolerate terrorism and assassination as means of political change. Either we are constitutional democrats willing to fight for the privileges of a liberal social order, or ours is truly a primitive and savage anarchy concealed beneath a veneer of fake Westernization….. Proceedings began when Rajiv arrived. This elite audience mobbed him just as the farmers had mobbed him earlier. He saw me and beamed a smile in recognition, and I smiled back but made no attempt to draw near him in the crush. He gave a short very apt speech on the role the United Nations might have in the new post-Gulf War world. Then he launched the book, and left for an investiture at Rashtrapati Bhavan. We waited for our meeting with him, which finally happened in the afternoon. Rajiv was plainly at the point of exhaustion and still hard-pressed for time. He seemed pleased to see me and apologized for not talking in the morning. Regarding the March 22 draft, he said he had not read it but that he would be doing so. He said he expected the central focus of the manifesto to be on economic reform, and an economic point of view in foreign policy, and in addition an emphasis on justice and the law courts. I remembered our September 18 conversation and had tried to put in justice and the courts into our draft but had been over-ruled by others. I now said the social returns of investment in the judiciary were high but was drowned out again. Rajiv was clearly agitated that day by the BJP and blurted out he did not really feel he understood what on earth they were on about. He said about his own family, “We’re not religious or anything like that, we don’t pray every day.” I felt again what I had felt before, that here was a tragic hero of India who had not really wished to be more than a happy family man until he reluctantly was made into a national leader against his will. We were with him for an hour or so. As we were leaving, he said quickly at the end of the meeting he wished to see me on my own and would be arranging a meeting. One of our group was staying back to ask him a favour. Just before we left, I managed to say to him what I felt was imperative: “The Iraq situation isn’t as it seems, it’s a lot deeper than it’s been made out to be.” He looked at me with a serious look and said “Yes I know, I know.” It was decided Pitroda would be in touch with each of us in the next 24 hours. During this time Narasimha Rao’s manifesto committee would read the draft and any questions they had would be sent to us. We were supposed to be on call for 24 hours. The call never came. Given the near total lack of system and organization I had seen over the months, I was not surprised. Krishna Rao and I waited another 48 hours, and then each of us left Delhi. Before going I dropped by to see Krishnamurty, and we talked at length. He talked especially about the lack of the idea of teamwork in India. Krishnamurty said he had read everything I had written for the group and learned a lot. I said that managing the economic reform would be a critical job and the difference between success and failure was thin….”

“… I got the afternoon train to Calcutta and before long left for America to bring my son home for his summer holidays with me. In Singapore, the news suddenly said Rajiv Gandhi had been killed. All India wept. What killed him was not merely a singular act of criminal terrorism, but the system of humbug, incompetence and sycophancy that surrounds politics in India and elsewhere. I was numbed by rage and sorrow, and did not return to Delhi….”

In December 1991, I visited Rajiv’s widow at 10 Jan Path to express my condolences, the only time I have met her, and I gave her for her records a taped copy of Rajiv’s long-distance telephone conversations with me during the Gulf War earlier that year. She seemed an extremely shy taciturn figure in deep mourning, and I do not think the little I said to her about her late husband’s relationship with me was comprehended. Nor was it the time or place for more to be said.

In September 1993, at a special luncheon at the Indian Ambassador’s Residence in Washington, Siddhartha Shankar Ray, then the Ambassador to Washington, pointed at me and declared to Manmohan Singh, then Finance Minister, in presence of Manmohan’s key aides accompanying him including MS Ahluwalia, NK Singh, C Rangarajan and others,

“Congress manifesto was written on his computer”.

This was accurate enough to the extent that the 22 March 1991 draft as asked for by Rajiv and that came to explicitly affect policy had been and remains on my then-new NEC laptop.

At the Ambassador’s luncheon, I gave Manmohan Singh a copy of the Foundations book as a gift. My father who knew him in the early 1970s through MG Kaul, ICS, had sent him a copy of my 1984 IEA monograph which Manmohan had acknowledged. And back in 1973, he had visited our then-home at 14 Rue Eugene Manuel in Paris to advise me about economics at my father’s request, and he and I had ended up in a fierce private debate for about forty minutes over the demerits (as I saw them) and merits (as he saw them) of the Soviet influence on Indian economic policy-making. But in 1993 we had both forgotten the 1973 meeting.

In May 2002, the Congress passed an official party resolution moved by Digvijay Singh in presence of PV Narasimha Rao and Manmohan Singh that the 1991 reforms had originated with Rajiv Gandhi and not with either Narasimha Rao or Manmohan; no one dissented. It was intended to flatter Sonia Gandhi as the Congress President, but there was truth in it too which all Congress MPs of the 13th Lok Sabha had come to know in a publication of mine they had received from me at IIT Kharagpur where since 1996 I had become Professor.

Manmohan Singh himself, to his credit, has not at any point, except once during his failed Lok Sabha bid, claimed the reforms as his own invention and has said always he had followed what his Prime Minister had told him. However, he has not been averse to being attributed with all the credit by his flatterers, by the media, by businessmen and many many others around the world, and certainly he did not respond to Ambassador Siddhartha Shankar Ray telling him and his key aides how the Congress-led reform had come about through my work except to tell me at the 1993 luncheon that when Arjun Singh criticised the reforms in Cabinet, he, Manmohan, would mention the manifesto.

On 28 December 2009, Rajiv’s widow in an official Congress Party statement finally declared her late husband

“left his personal imprint on the (Congress) party’s manifesto of 1991.″

How Sonia Gandhi, who has never had pretensions to knowledge of economics or political economy or political science or governance or history, came to place Manmohan Singh as her prime ministerial candidate and the font of economic and political wisdom along with Pranab Mukherjee, when both men hardly had been favourites of her late husband, would be a story in its own right. And how Amartya Sen’s European-origin naturalised Indian co-author Jean Drèze later came to have policy influence from a different direction upon Sonia Gandhi, also a naturalised Indian of European origin, may be yet another story in its own right, perhaps best told by themselves.

I would surmise the same elderly behind-the-scenes figure, now in his late 80s, had a hand in setting up both sets of influences — directly in the first case (from back in 1990-1991), and indirectly in the second case (starting in 2004) . This was a man who in a November 2007 newspaper article literally erased my name and inserted that of Manmohan Singh as part of the group that Rajiv created on 25 September following his 18 September meeting with me! Reluctantly, I had to call this very elderly man a liar; he has not denied it and knows he has not been libeled.

One should never forget the two traditional powers interested in the subcontinent, Russia and Britain, have been never far from influence in Delhi. In 1990-1991 what worried vested bureaucratic and business interests and foreign powers through their friends and agents was that they could see change was coming to India but they wanted to be able to control it themselves to their advantage, which they then broadly proceeded to do over the next two decades. The foreign weapons’ contracts had to be preserved, as did other big-ticket imports that India ends up buying needlessly on credit it hardly has in world markets. There are similarities to what happened in Russia and Eastern Europe where many apparatchiks and fellow-travellers became freedom-loving liberals overnight; in the Indian case more than one badly compromised pro-USSR senior bureaucrat promptly exported his children and savings to America and wrapped themselves in the American flag.

The stubborn unalterable fact remains that Manmohan Singh was not physically present in India and was still with the Nyerere project on 18 September 1990 when I met Rajiv for the first time and gave him the unpublished results of the UH-Manoa project. This simple straightforward fact is something the Congress Party, given its own myths and self-deception and disinformation, has not been able to cope with in its recently published history. For myself, I have remained loyal to my memory of my encounter with Rajiv Gandhi, and my understanding of him. The Rajiv Gandhi I knew had been enthused by me in 1990-1991 carrying the UH-Manoa perestroika-for-India project that I had led since 1986, and he had loved my advice to him on 18 September 1990 that he needed to modernise the party by preparing a coherent agenda (as other successful reformers had done) while still in Opposition waiting for elections, and to base that agenda on commitments to improving the judiciary and rule of law, stopping the debauching of money, and focusing on the provision of public goods instead. Rajiv I am sure wanted a modern and modern-minded Congress — not one which depended on him let aside his family, but one which reduced that dependence and let him and his family alone.

As for Manmohan Singh being a liberal or liberalising economist, there is no evidence publicly available of that being so from his years before or during the Nyerere project, or after he returned and joined the Chandrashekhar PMO and the UGC until becoming, to his own surprise as he told Mark Tully, PV Narasimha Rao’s Finance Minister. Some of his actions qua Finance Minister were liberalising in nature but he did not originate any basic idea of a change in a liberal direction of economic policy, and he has, with utmost honesty honestly, not claimed otherwise. Innumerable flatterers and other self-interested parties have made out differently, creating what they have found to be a politically useful fiction; he has yet to deny them.

Siddhartha Shankar Ray and I met last in July 2009, when I gave him a copy of this 2005 volume I had created, which pleased him much.

I said to him Bengal’s public finances were in abysmal condition, calling for emergency measures financially, and that Mamata Banerjee seemed to me to be someone who knew how to and would dislodge the Communists from their entrenched misgovernance of decades but she did not seem quite aware that dislodging a bad government politically was not the same thing as knowing how to govern properly oneself. He, again of his own accord, said immediately,

“I will call her and her people to a meeting here so you can meet them and tell them that directly”.

It never transpired. In our last phone conversation I mentioned to him my plans of creating a Public Policy Institute — an idea he immediately and fully endorsed as being essential though adding “I can’t be part of it, I’m on my way out”.

“I’m on my way out”. That was Siddhartha Shankar Ray — always intelligent, always good-humoured, always public-spirited, always a great Indian, my only friend among politicians other than the late Rajiv Gandhi himself.

In March February 2010, my father and I called upon the new Bengal Governor, MK Narayanan and gave him a copy of the Thatcher volume for the Raj Bhavan Library; I told him the story about my encounter with Rajiv Gandhi thanks to Siddhartha Shankar Ray and its result; Narayanan within a few days made a visit to Ray’s hospital-bed, and when he emerged after several hours he made a statement, which in substance he repeated again when Ray died in November 2010:

“There are few people in post-Independence India who could equal his magnificent contribution to India’s growth and progress”.

To what facts did MK Narayanan, a former Intelligence Bureau chief, mean to refer with this extravagant praise of Ray? Was Narayanan referring to Ray’s politics for Indira Gandhi? To Ray’s Chief Ministership of Bengal? To Ray’s Governorship of Punjab? You will have to ask him but I doubt that was what he meant: I surmise Narayanan’s eulogy could only have resulted after he confirmed with Ray on his hospital-bed the story I had told him, and that he was referring to the economic and political results that followed for the country once Ray had introduced me in September 1990 to Rajiv Gandhi. But I say again, you will have to ask MK Narayanan himself what he and Ray talked about in hospital and what was the factual basis of Narayanan’s precise words of praise. To what facts exactly was MK Narayanan, former intelligence chief, meaning to refer when he stated Siddhartha Shankar Ray had made a “magnificent contribution to India’s growth and progress”?

3. Jagdish Bhagwati & Manmohan Singh? That just don’t fly!

Now returning to the apparent desire of Professor Panagariya, the Jagdish Bhagwati Professor of Indian Political Economy at Columbia, to attribute to Jagdish Bhagwati momentous change for the better in India as of 1991, even if Panagariya had not the scientific curiosity to look into our 1992 book titled Foundations of India’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s or into Milton Friedman’s own 1998 memoirs, we may have expected him to at least turn to his co-author and Columbia colleague, Jagdish Bhagwati himself, and ask, “Master, have you heard of this fellow Subroto Roy by any chance?”

Jagdish would have had to say yes, since not only had he received a copy of the proofs of my 1984 IEA work Pricing, Planning and Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India, he was kind enough to write in a letter dated 15 May 1984 that I had

“done an excellent job of setting out the problems afflicting our economic policies, unfortunately government-made problems!”

Also Jagdish may or may not have remembered our only meeting, when he and I had had a long conversation on the sofas in the foyer of the IMF in Washington when I was a consultant there in 1993 and he had come to meet someone; he was surprisingly knowledgeable about my personal 1990 matter in the Supreme Court of India which astonished me until he told me his brother the Supreme Court judge had mentioned the case to him!

Now my 1984 work was amply scientific and scholarly in fully crediting a large number of works in the necessary bibliography, including Bhagwati’s important work with his co-authors. Specifically, Footnote 1 listed the literature saying:

“The early studies notably include: B. R. Shenoy, `A note of dissent’, Papers relating to the formulation of the Second Five-Year Plan, Government of India Planning Commission, Delhi, 1955; Indian Planning and Economic Development, Asia Publishing, Bombay, 1963, especially pp. 17-53; P. T. Bauer, Indian Economic Policy and Development, George Allen & Unwin, London, 1961; M. Friedman, unpublished memorandum to the Government of India, November 1955 (referred to in Bauer, op. cit., p. 59 ff.); and, some years later, Sudha Shenoy, India : Progress or Poverty?, Research Monograph 27, Institute of Economic Affairs, London, 1971. Some of the most relevant contemporary studies are: B. Balassa, `Reforming the system of incentives in World Development, 3 (1975), pp. 365-82; `Export incentives and export performance in developing countries: a comparative analysis’, Weltwirtschaftliches Archiv, 114 (1978), pp. 24-61; The process of industrial development and alternative development strategies, Essays in International Finance No. 141, Princeton University, 1980; J. N. Bhagwati & P. Desai, India: Planning for Industrialisation, OECD, Paris : Oxford University Press, 1970; `Socialism and Indian Economic Policy’, World Development, 3 (1975), pp. 213-21; J. N. Bhagwati & T. N. Srinivasan, Foreign-trade Regimes and Economic Development: India, National Bureau of Economic Research, New York, 1975; Anne O. Krueger, `Indian planning experience’, in T. Morgan et al. (eds.), Readings in Economic Development, Wadsworth, California, 1963, pp. 403-20; `The political economy of the rent-seeking society, American Economic Review, 64 (June 1974); The Benefits and Costs of Import-Substitution in India: a Microeconomic Study, University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, 1975; Growth, distortions and patterns of trade among many countries, Studies in International Finance, Princeton University, 1977; Uma Lele, Food grain marketing in India : private performance and public policy, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, 1971; T. W. Schultz (ed.), Distortions in agricultural incentives, Indiana University Press, Bloomington, 1978; V. Sukhatme, “The utilization of high-yielding rice and wheat varieties in India: an economic assessment”, University of Chicago PhD thesis, 1977….”

There were two specific references to Bhagwati’s work with Srinivasan:

“Jagdish Bhagwati and T. N. Srinivasan put it as follows : `The allocation of foreign exchange among alternative claimants and users in a direct control system . . .would presumably be with reference to a well-defined set of principles and criteria based on a system of priorities. In point of fact, however, there seem to have been few such criteria, if any, followed in practice.’”

and

“But as Bhagwati and Srinivasan report, `. . . the sheer weight of numbers made any meaningful listing of priorities extremely difficult. The problem was Orwellian: all industries had priority and how was each sponsoring authority to argue that some industries had more priority than others? It is not surprising, therefore, that the agencies involved in determining allocations by industry fell back on vague notions of “fairness”, implying pro rata allocations with reference to capacity installed or employment, or shares defined by past import allocations or similar rules of thumb’”

and one to Bhagwati and Desai:

“The best descriptions of Indian industrial policy are still to be found in Bhagwati and Desai (1970)…”

Professors Bhagwati and Panagriya have not apparently referred to anything beyond these joint works of Bhagwati’s dated 1970 with Padma Desai and 1975 with TN Srinivasan. They have not claimed Bhagwati did anything by way of either publication or political activity in relation to India’s economic policy between May 1984, when he read my soon-to-be-published-work and found I had

“done an excellent job of setting out the problems afflicting our economic policies, unfortunately government-made problems”,

and September 1990 when I gave Rajiv the University of Hawaii perestroika-for-India project results developed since 1986, which came to politically spark the 1991 reform in the Congress’s highest echelons from months before Rajiv’s assassination.

There may have been no such claim made by Bhagwati and Panagariya because there may be no such evidence. Between 1984 and 1990, Professor Bhagwati’s research interests were away from Indian economic policy while his work on India through 1970 and 1975 had been fully and reasonably accounted for as of 1984 by myself.

What is left remaining is Bhagwati’s statement :

“When finance minister Manmohan Singh was in New York in 1992, he had a lunch for many big CEOs whom he was trying to seduce to come to India. He also invited me and my wife, Padma Desai, to the lunch. As we came in, the FM introduced us to the invitees and said: ‘These friends of mine wrote almost a quarter century ago [India: Planning for Industrialisation was published in 1970 by Oxford] recommending all the reforms we are now undertaking. If we had accepted the advice then, we would not be having this lunch as you would already be in India’

Now this light self-deprecating reference by Manmohan at an investors’ lunch in New York “for many big CEOs” was an evident attempt at political humour written by his speech-writer. It was clearly, on its face, not serious history. If we test it as serious history, it falls flat so we may only hope Manmohan Singh, unlike Jagdish Bhagwati, has not himself come to believe his own reported joke as anything more than that.

The Bhagwati-Desai volume being referred to was developed from 1966-1970. India saw critical economic and political events in 1969, in 1970, in 1971, in 1972, in 1975, in 1977, etc.

Those were precisely years during which Manmohan Singh himself moved from being an academic to becoming a Government of India official, working first for MG Kaul, ICS, and then in 1971 coming to the attention of PN Haksar, Indira Gandhi’s most powerful bureaucrat between 1967 and 1974: Haksar himself was Manmohan Singh’s acknowledged mentor in the Government, as Manmohan told Mark Tully in an interview.

After Manmohan visited our Paris home in 1973 to talk to me about economics, my father — who had been himself sent to the Paris Embassy by Haksar in preparation for Indira Gandhi’s visit in November 1971 before the Bangladesh war —

had told me Manmohan was very highly regarded in government circles with economics degrees from both Cambridge and Oxford, and my father had added, to my surprise, what was probably a Haksarian governmental view that Manmohan was expected to be India’s Prime Minister some day. That was 1973.

PN Haksar had been the archetypal Nehruvian Delhi intellectual of a certain era, being both a fierce nationalist and a fierce pro-USSR leftist from long before Independence. I met him once on 23 March 1991, on the lawns of 10 Jan Path at the launch of General V Krishna Rao’s book on Indian defence which Rajiv was releasing, and Haksar gave a speech to introduce Rajiv (as if Rajiv needed introduction on the lawns of his own residence); Haksar was in poor health but he seemed completely delighted to be back in favour with Rajiv, after years of having been treated badly by Indira and her younger son.

Had Manmohan Singh in the early 1970s gone to Haksar — the architect of the nationalisation of India’s banking going on right then — and said “Sir, this OECD study by my friend Bhagwati and his wife says we should be liberalising foreign trade and domestic industry”, Haksar would have been astonished and sent him packing.

There was a war on, plus a massive problem of 10 million refugees, a new country to support called Bangladesh, a railway strike, a bad crop, repressed inflation, shortages, and heaven knows what more, besides Nixon having backed Yahya Khan, Tikka Khan et al.

Then after Bangladesh and the railway strike etc, came the rise of the politically odious younger son of Indira Gandhi and his friends (at least one of whom is today Sonia Gandhi’s gatekeeper) followed by the internal political Emergency, the grave foreign-fueled problem of Sikh separatism and its control, the assassination of Indira Gandhi by her own Sikh bodyguards, and the Rajiv Gandhi years as Prime Minister.

Certainly it was Rajiv’s arrival in office and Benazir’s initial return to Pakistan, along with the rise of Michael Gorbachev in the changing USSR, that inspired me in far away Hawaii in 1986 to design with Ted James the perestroika-projects for India and Pakistan which led to our two volumes, and which, thanks to Siddhartha Shankar Ray, came to reach Rajiv Gandhi in Opposition in September 1990 as he sat somewhat forlornly at 10 Jan Path after losing office. “There is a tide in the affairs of men, Which taken at the flood, leads on to fortune….

My friend and collaborator Ted James died of cancer in Manila in May 2010; earlier that year he came to say publicly

“Seldom are significant reforms imposed successfully by international bureaucracies. Most often they are the result of indigenous actors motivated by domestic imperatives. I believe this was the case in India in 1991. It may have been fortuitous that Dr. Roy gained an audience with a receptive Rajiv Gandhi in 1990 but it was not luck that he was prepared with a well-thought out program; this arose from years of careful thought and debate on the matter.”

Changing the direction of a ship of state is very hard, knowing in which direction it should change and to what degree is even harder; it has rarely been something that can be done without random shocks arising let aside the power of vested interests. Had Rajiv Gandhi lived to form a new Government, I have little doubt I would have led the reform that I had chalked out for him and that he had approved of; Sonia Gandhi would have remained the housewife, mother and grandmother that she had preferred to be and not been made into the Queen of India by the Congress Party; Manmohan Singh had left India in 1987 for the Nyerere project and it had been rumoured at the time that had been slightly to do with him protesting, to the extent that he ever has protested anything, the anti-Sikh pogrom that some of Rajiv’s friends had apparently unleashed after Indira’s killing; he returned in November 1990, joined Chandrashekhar in December 1990, left Chandrashekhar in March 1991 when elections were announced and was biding his time as head of the UGC; had Rajiv Gandhi lived, Manmohan Singh would have had a governor’s career path, becoming the governor of one state after another; he would not have been brought into the economic reform process which he had had nothing to do with originating; and finally Pranab Mukherjee, who left the Congress Party and formed his own when Rajiv took over, would have been likely rehabilitated slowly but would not have come to control the working of the party as he did. I said in my Lok Sabha TV interview on 5 9 December 2012 that there have been many microeconomic improvements arising from technological progress in the last 22 years but the macroeconomic and monetary situation is grim, because at root the fiscal situation remains incoherent and confused. I do not see anyone in Manmohan Singh’s entourage among all his many acolytes and flatterers and apologists who is able to get to these root problems. We shall address these issues in Part II.

What Manmohan Singh said in self-deprecating humour at an investors’ lunch in New York in 1992 is hardly serious history as Jagdish Bhagwati has seemed to wish it to be. Besides, it would have been unlike Manmohan, being the devoted student of Joan Robinson and Nicholas Kaldor as he told Mark Tully, to have taken such a liberalising initiative at all. Furthermore, the 1969 American Economic Review published asurvey of Indian economic policy authored by his Delhi University colleagues Jagdish Bhagwati and Sukhamoy Chakravarty which made little mention of his work, and it would have been unreasonable to expect him to have been won over greatly by theirs. Perhaps there is a generous review from the 1970s by Manmohan Singh of the Bhagwati-Desai volume hidden somewhere but if so we should be told where it is. A list of Manmohan Singh’s publications as an economist do not seem easily available anywhere.

Lastly and perhaps most decisively, the 1970 Bhagwati-Desai volume, excellent study that it was, was hardly the first of its genre by way of liberal criticism of modern Indian economic policy! Bhagwati declared in his 2010 speech to the Lok Sabha

“This policy framework had been questioned, and its total overhaul advocated, by me and Padma Desai in writings through the late 1960s…”

But why has Bhagwati been forever silent about the equally if not more forceful and fundamental criticism of “the policy framework”, and advocacy of its “total overhaul”, by scholars in the 1950s, a decade and more earlier than him, when he and Manmohan and Amartya were still students? Specifically, by BR Shenoy, Milton Friedman, and Peter Bauer? The relevant bibliography from the mid 1950s is given in Footnote 1 of my 1984 work.

Peter Tamas Bauer (1915-2002) played a vital role in all this as had he himself not brought the Friedman 1955 document to my attention I would not have known of it.

As undergraduates at the LSE, we had been petrified of him and I never spoke to him while there, having believed the propaganda that floated around about him; then while a Research Student at Cambridge, I happened to be a speaker with him at a conference at Oxford; he made me sit next to him at a meal and told me for the first time about Milton Friedman’s 1955 memorandum to the Government of India which had been suppressed. I am privileged to say Peter from then on became a friend, and wrote, at my request, what became I am sure the kiss of death for me at the World Bank of 1982:

**Later he may have been responsible for the London Times writing its lead editorial of 29 May 1984 on my work.**

Now Milton had sent me in 1984, besides the original of his November 1955 memorandum to the Government of India, a confidential 1956 document also which seemed to have been written for US Government consumption. I did not publish this in Hawaii in 1989 as I was having difficulty enough publishing the 1955 memorandum. I gave it to be published on the Internet some years ago, and after Milton’s passing, I had it published in The Statesman on the same day as my obituary of him.

It makes fascinating reading, especially about Mahalanobis and Shenoy, of how what Bhagwati wishes to call “the policy framework” that, he claims, he and Desai called for a “total overhaul” of, came to be what it was in the decade earlier when he and Amartya and Manmohan were still students.

Friedman’s 1956 document said

“I met PC Mahalanobis in 1946 and again at a meeting of the International Statistical Institute in September 1947, and I know him well by reputation. He was absent during most of my stay in New Delhi, but I met him at a meeting of the Indian Planning Commission, of which he is one of the strongest and most able members. Mahalanobis began as a mathematician and is a very able one. Able mathematicians are usually recognized for their ability at a relatively early age. Realizing their own ability as they do and working in a field of absolutes, tends, in my opinion, to make them dangerous when they apply themselves to economic planning. They produce specific and detailed plans in which they have confidence, without perhaps realizing that economic planning is not the absolute science that mathematics is. This general characteristic of mathematicians is true of Mahalanobis but in spite of the tendency he is willing to discuss a problem and listen to a different point of view. Once his decision is reached, however, he has great confidence in it. Mahalanobis was unquestionably extremely influential in drafting the Indian five-year plan. There were four key steps in the plan. The first was the so-called “Plan Frame” drafted by Mahalanobis himself. The second was a tentative plan based on the “Plan Frame”. The third step was a report by a committee of economists on the first two steps, and the fourth was a minority report by BR Shenoy on the economists’ report. The economists had no intention of drafting a definitive proposal but merely meant to comment on certain aspects of the first two steps. Shenoy’s minority report, however, had the effect of making the economists’ report official. The scheme of the Five Year Plan attributed to Mahalanobis faces two problems; one, that India needs heavy industry for economic development; and two, that development of heavy industry uses up large amounts of capital while providing only small employment. Based on these facts, Mahalanobis proposed to concentrate on heavy industry development on the one hand and to subsidize the hand production cottage industries on the other. The latter course would discriminate against the smaller manufacturers. In my opinion, the plan wastes both capital and labour and the Indians get only the worst of both efforts. If left to their own devices under a free enterprise system I believe the Indians would gravitate naturally towards the production of such items as bicycles, sewing machines, and radios. This trend is already apparent without any subsidy. The Indian cottage industry is already cloaked in the same popular sort of mist as is rural life in the US. There is an idea in both places that this life is typical and the backbone of their respective countries. Politically, the Indian cottage industry problem is akin to the American farm problem. Mohandas Gandhi was a proponent of strengthening the cottage industry as a weapon against the British. This reason is now gone but the emotions engendered by Gandhi remain. Any move to strengthen the cottage industry has great political appeal and thus, Mahalanobis’ plan and its pseudo-scientific support for the industry also has great political appeal. I found many supporters for the heavy industry phase of the Plan but almost no one (among the technical Civil Servants) who really believes in the cottage industry aspects, aside from their political appeal. In its initial form, the plan was very large and ambitious with optimistic estimates. My impression is that there is a substantial trend away from this approach, however, and an attempt to cut down. The development of heavy industry has slowed except for steel and iron. I believe that the proposed development of a synthetic petroleum plant has been dropped and probably wisely so. In addition, I believe that the proposed five year plan may be extended to six years. Other than his work on the plan, I am uncertain of Mahalanobis’ influence. The gossip is that he has Nehru’s ear and potentially he could be very influential, simply because of his intellectual ability and powers of persuasion. The question that occurs to me is how much difference Mahalanobis’ plan makes. The plan does not seem the important thing to me. I believe that the new drive and enthusiasm of the Indian nation will surmount any plan, good or bad. Then too, I feel a wide diversity in what is said and what is done. I believe that much of Nehru’s socialistic talk is simply that, just talk. Nehru has been trying to undermine the Socialist Party by this means and apparently the Congress Party’s adoption of a socialistic idea for industry has been successful in this respect. One gets the impression, depending on whom one talks with, either that the Government runs business, or that two or three large businesses run the government. All that appears publicly indicates that the first is true, but a case can also be made for the latter interpretation. Favour and harassment are counterparts in the Indian economic scheme. There is no significant impairment of the willingness of Indian capitalists to invest in their industries, except in the specific industries where nationalization has been announced, but they are not always willing to invest and take the risks inherent in the free enterprise system. They want the Government to support their investment and when it refuses they back out and cry “Socialism”..”

I look forward to seeing a fundamental classical liberal critique from India’s distinguished American friends at Columbia University, Professors Jagdish Bhagwati and Padma Desai and Arvind Panagariya, if and when such a critique arises, of the “policy framework” in India as that evolved from the mid 1950s to become what exists across India in 2013 today. Specifically: Where is the criticism from Bhagwati of Mahalanobis and friends? And where is Bhagwati’s defence of Shenoy, leave aside of Milton Friedman or Peter Bauer? They seem not to exist. The most we get is a footnote again without the civility of any references, in the otherwise cogent 1975 Desai-Bhagwati paper “Socialism and Indian Economic Policy” alleging

” Of these three types of impact of the Soviet example, the Plan-formulation approach was to be enthusiastically received by most commentators and, indeed, to lead to demands on the part of aid agencies for similar efforts by other developing countries. However, the shift to heavy industry was seen as a definite mistake by economic opinion of the Chicago school variety, reflecting their basic unfamiliarity with the structural models of growth and development planning of the Feldman-Mahalanobis variety-an ignorance which probably still persists. The detailed regulation was not quite noticed at the time, except by conservative commentators whose position however was extreme and precluded governmental planning of industrial investments on any scale.”

Desai and Bhagwati naturally found no apparent desire to locate any possible scientific truth or reasonableness among

“conservative commentators”

nor among the unnamed and undescribed

“economic opinion of the Chicago school variety”.

Could Desai and Bhagwati have done anything different after all, even when talking about India to an American audience, without being at risk of losing their East Coast Limousine Liberal credentials? Bhagwati used to routinely declare his “socialist” credentials, and even the other day on Indian TV emphatically declared he was not a “conservative” and scornfully dismissed “Thatcher and Reagan” for their “trickle down economics”…

Jagdish Bhagwati has evidently wanted to have his cake and eat it too…

4. Amartya Sen’s Half-Baked Communism: “To each according to his need”?

If I have been candid or harsh in my assessments of Jagdish Bhagwati and Manmohan Singh as they relate to my personal experience with the change of direction in Indian economic policy originating in 1990-1991, I am afraid I must be equally so with Bhagwati’s current opponent in debate, Amartya Sen. Certainly I have found the current spat between Bhagwati and Sen over India’s political economy to be dismal, unscholarly, unscientific and misleading (or off-base) except for it having allowed a burst of domestic policy-discussion in circumstances when India needs it especially much.

None of this criticism is personal but based on objective experience and the record. My criticism of Professor Bhagwati and Dr Manmohan Singh does not diminish in the slightest my high personal regard for both of them.

Similarly, Amartya Sen and I go back, momentarily, to Hindustan Park in 1964 when there was a faint connection as family friends from World War II (as Naren Deb and Manindranath Roy were friends and neighbours, and we still have the signed copy of a book gifted by the former to the latter), and then he later knew me cursorily when I was an undergraduate at LSE and he was already a famous professor, and I greatly enjoyed his excellent lectures at the LSE on his fine book On Economic Inequality, and a few years later he wrote in tangential support of me at Cambridge for which he was thanked in the preface to my 1989 Philosophy of Economics — even though that book of mine also contained in its Chapter 10 the decisive criticism of his main contribution until that time to what used to be called “social choice theory”. Amartya Sen had also written some splendid handwritten letters, a few pages of which remain with me, which puzzled me at the time due to his expressing his aversion to what is normally called ‘price theory’, namely the Marshallian and/or Walrasian theory of value.

Professor Sen and I met briefly in 1978, and then again in 2006 when I was asked to talk to him in our philosophical conversation which came to be published nicely. In 2006 I told him of my experience with Rajiv Gandhi in initiating what became the 1991 reform on the basis of my giving Rajiv the results of the Hawaii project, and Amartya was kind enough to say that he knew I had been arguing all this “very early on”, referring presumably to the 1984 London Times editorial which he would have seen in his Oxford days before coming to Harvard.

This personal regard on my part or personal affection on his part aside, I have been appalled to find Professor Sen not taking moral and intellectual responsibility for and instead disclaiming paternity of the whole so-called “Food Security” policy which Sonia Gandhi has been prevailed upon over the years by him and his acolytes and friends and admirers to adopt, and she in her ignorance of all political economy and governance has now wished to impose upon the Congress Party and India as a whole:

“Questioner: You are being called the creator of the Food Security Bill.

Amartya Sen: Yes, I don’t know why. That is indeed a paternity suit I’m currently fighting. People are accusing me of being the father”.

Amartya Sen has repeatedly over the years gone on Indian prime-time television and declared things like

“If you don’t agree there’s hunger in the world, there’s something morally wrong with you”

besides over the decades publishing titles like Poverty and Famines: An Essay on Entitlement and Deprivation, Hunger and Public Action, The Political Economy of Hunger etc and ceaselessly using his immense power with the media, with book publishing houses, with US academic departments and the world development economics business, to promote his own and his acolytes’ opinions around the world, no matter how ill-considered or incoherent these may be. A passage from his latest book with Jean Drèze reportedly reads

“If development is about the expansion of freedom, it has to embrace the removal of poverty as well as paying attention to ecology as integral parts of a unified concern, aimed ultimately at the security and advancement of human freedom. Indeed, important components of human freedoms — and crucial ingredients of our quality of life — are thoroughly dependent on the integrity of the environment, involving the air we breathe, the water we drink, and the epidemiological surroundings in which we live….”

Had such a passage reached me in an undergraduate essay, I would have considered it incoherent waffle, and I am afraid I cannot see why merely because it is authored by an eminence at Harvard and his co-author, the evaluation should be any different. I am reminded of my encounter in 1976 with Joan Robinson, the great tutor in 1950s Cambridge of Amartya and Manmohan: “Joan Robinson cornered me once and took me into the office she shared with EAG… She came at me for an hour or so wishing to supervise me, I kept declining politely… saying I was with Frank Hahn and wished to work on money… “What does Frankie know about India?” she said… I said I did not know but he did know about monetary theory and that was what I needed for India; I also said I did not think much about the Indian Marxists she had supervised… and mentioned a prominent name… she said about him, “Yes most of what he does can go straight into the dustbin”…” The Indian Marxist whom I had referred to in this conversation with Joan was not Amartya but someone else much younger, yet her candid “can go straight into the dustbin” still applies to all incoherent waffle, whomsoever may produce it.

Indeed, Amartya Sen, if anyone, really should get down to writing his memoirs, and candidly so in order to explain his own thinking and deeds over the decades to himself and to the world in order that needless confusions do not arise.

Else it becomes impossible to explain how someone who was said to be proud to have been a Communist student on the run from the police in West Bengal, who was Joan Robinson’s star pupil at a time she was extolling Maoist China and who has seemingly nurtured a deep lifelong fascination and affection for Communist China despite all its misdeeds, who was feted by the Communist regime of West Bengal after winning the Bank of Sweden Prize (on the same day that same regime had tossed into jail one unfortunate young Mr Khemkha merely for having been rude to its leaders on the Internet), and who seemed to share some of those winnings on social causes like primary education at the behest of the Communist regime’s ministers, etc, how someone with that noble comradely leftist personal history as an economist allows a flattering interviewer with a Harvard connection to describe him in Business Standard of 25 July 2013 as having been all along really a

“neoclassical economist”

who also happens to be

“the greatest living scholar of the original philosopher of the free market, Adam Smith”!

Amartya Sen a neoclassical economist and a great scholar of Adam Smith? It is hilarious to suppose so. The question arises, Does Sen, having published about Adam Smith recently in a few newspapers and leftist periodicals, agree with such a description by his flattering admirer from Harvard at Business Standard? “Neoclassical” economics originated with men like Jevons, Menger, Walras, Pareto, Marshall, Wicksell, and was marked by the theory of value being explained by a demand-side too, and not, like classical economics, merely by the cost of production alone on the supply side. Indeed a striking thing about the list below published by the Scandinavian Journal of Economics of Amartya’s books following his 1998 Bank of Sweden Prize

is how consistently these works display his avoidance of all neoclassical economics, and the absence of all of what is normally called ‘price theory’, namely the Marshallian and/or Walrasian theory of value. No “neoclassical economics” anywhere here for sure!

It would be fair enough if Professor Sen says he is hardly responsible for an admirer’s ignorant misdescription of his work — except the question still arises why he has himself also evidently misdescribed his own work! For example, in his 13 July 2013 letter to The Economist in response to the criticism of Jagdish Bhagwati and Arvind Panagariya, he says he had always been keenly interested in

“the importance of economic growth as a means— not an end”

and that this

“has been one of the themes even in my earliest writings (including “Choice of Techniques” in 1960 and “Growth Economics” in 1970)”.

This is a very peculiar opinion indeed to have been expressed by Professor Sen about his own work because the 1970 volume Growth Economics listed above among his books hardly can be said at all to be one of his own “earliest writings” as he now describes it to have been!

What had happened back then was that Sen, as someone considered a brilliant or promising young Indian economist at the time, had been asked by the editors of the famous Penguin Modern Economics Readings series to edit the specific issue devoted to growth-theory — a compendium of classic already-published essays including those of Roy Harrod, Evsey Domar, Robert Solow and many others, to which young Amartya was given a chance to write an editorial Introduction. Every economist familiar with that literature knows too that the growth-theory contained in that volume and others was considered highly abstract and notoriously divorced from actual historical processes of economic growth in different countries. Everyone also knew that the individual editors in that famous Penguin Modern Economics Series were of relative unimportance as they did not commission new papers but merely collected classics already published and wrote an introduction.

This is significant presently because neither Professor Sen nor Professor Bhagwati may be objectively considered on the evidence of his life’s work as an economist to have been a major scholar of economic growth, either in theory or in historical practice. As of December 1989, Amartya Sen himself described his own interests to the American Economic Association as

“social choice theory, welfare economics, economic development”

and Jagdish Bhagwati described his interests as

“theory of international trade and policy, economic development”.

Neither Sen nor Bhagwati mentioned growth economics or economic history or even general economic theory, microeconomics, macroeconomics, monetary economics, public finance, etc. Furthermore, Sen saying in his letter to The Economist that he has been always interested in economic growth seems to be baseless in light of the list of his books above, other than the Penguin compendium already discussed.

Incidentally in the same American Economic Association volume of 1989, Padma Desai had described her interests as

“Soviet economy and comparative economic systems”;

Arvind Panagariya had described his interests as

“economies of scale and trade; smuggling; parallel markets in planned economies”;

and one Suby Roy described his interests as

“foundations of monetary economics”.

Reflecting on Amartya Sen’s works over the 40 year period that I have known them

[and again, my personal copies of his books and those of Bhagwati and Desai, were all in my professorial office at IIT Kharagpur when I was attacked by a corrupt gang there in 2003; and IIT have been under a High Court order to return them but have not done so],

I wonder in fact if it might be fairly said that Sen has been on his own subjective journey over the decades around the world seeking to reinvent economics and political economy from scratch, and inventing his own terminology like “capabilities”, “functionings” and yes “entitlements” etc. to help him do so, while trying to assiduously avoid mention of canonical works of modern world economics like Marshall’s Principles, Hicks’s Value and Capital, Debreu’s Theory of Value, or Arrow and Hahn’s General Competitive Analysis, all defining the central neoclassical tradition of the modern theory of value.

But no contemporary science, economics and political economy included, is open to be re-invented from scratch, and what Amartya Sen has ended up doing instead is seeming to be continually trying to reinvent the wheel, possibly without having had the self-knowledge to realise this. Wittgenstein once made a paradoxical statement that one may know another’s mind better than one knows one’s own…

Here is a current example. Professor Sen says

“First, unlike the process of development in Japan, China, Korea and other countries, which pursued what Jean Drèze and I have called “Asian economic development” in our book, India has not had enough focus on public spending on school education and basic healthcare, which these other countries have had….”

Does Sen really believes believe he and Drèze have now in 2013 discovered and christened an economic phenomenon named “Asian economic development”? Everyone, from Japan and Bangkok and Manila, to Hawaii and Stanford to the World Bank’s East Asia department, including especially my Hawaii colleague Ted James, and many many others including especially Gerald M Meier at Stanford, were was publishing about all that every month — in the mid 1980s! In fact, our project on India and Pakistan arose in the 1980s from precisely such a Hawaiian wave! Everyone knows all that from back then or even earlier when the Japanese were talking about the “flying geese” model. (And, incidentally, Communist China did not at the time belong in the list.) Where was Amartya Sen in the mid 1980s when all that was happening? Jean Drèze was still a student perhaps. Is Professor Sen seeking to reinvent the wheel again with “Asian Economic Development” being claimed to be invented in 2013 by him and Drèze now? Oh please! That just won’t fly either!

A second example may be taken from the year before Professor Sen was awarded the Bank of Sweden Prize when he gave a lecture on “human capital” theory which was published as a survey titled “Human Capital and Human Capability” in World Development 1997 Vol. 25, No. 12,

Can you see any reference in this 1997 survey to TW Schultz’s 1960 American Economic Association Presidential Address or to Schultz’s classic 1964 book Transforming Traditional Agriculture or to his 1979 Bank of Sweden Prize address? I could not. If one did not know better, one might have thought from Professor Sen’s 1997 survey that there was nothing done worth talking about on the subject of “human capital” from the time of Adam Smith and David Hume until Amartya Sen finally came to the subject himself.

Thirdly, one is told by Sen’s admirer and collaborator, Professor James Foster of George Washington University, that what Sen means by his notion of

“effective freedom”

is that this is something

“enhanced when a marginally nourished family now has the capability to be sufficiently nourished due to public action”…

Are Amartya and his acolytes claiming he has invented or reinvented welfare economics ab initio? That before Amartya Sen, we did not know the importance of the able-bodied members of a community assisting those who are not able-bodied?

Where have they been? Amartya needed merely to have read Marshall’s Principles evenslightly to find Marshall himself, the master of Maynard Keynes and all of Cambridge and modern world economics, declaring without any equivocation at the very start

“….the study of the causes of poverty is the study of the causes of the degradation of a large part of mankind…”

But Marshall was interested in study, serious study, of poverty and its causes and amelioration, which is not something as easy or trivial as pontification on modern television. My 1984 article “Considerations on Utility, Benevolence and Taxation” which also became a chapter of my 1989 Philosophy of Economics surveyed some of Marshall’s opinion.

“From each according to his ability, to each according to his need” was a utopian slogan around 1875 from Karl Marx, which generations of passionate undergraduates have found impressive. Amartya Sen deserves to tell us squarely about his engagement with Marx or Marxist thought from his earliest days until now. His commitment in recent decades to democracy and the open and free society is clear; but has he also at the same time all along been committed to a kind of half-baked communist utopia as represented by Marx’s 1875 slogan?

“To each according to his need” sounds to be the underlying premise that is seeing practical manifestation in the Sonia Congress’s imposition of a so-called “right to food”; “from each according to his ability” is its flip side in the so-called “rural employment guarantee”. Leave aside the limitless resource-allocation and incentive and public finance problems created by such naive ideas being made into government policy, there is a grave and fundamental issue that Amartya and other leftists have been too blinkered to see:

Do they suppose the organised business classes have been weakly cooperative and will just allow such massive redistribution to occur without getting the Indian political system to pay them off as well? And how do the organised business classes get paid off? By their getting to take the land of the inhabitants of rural India. And land in an environment of a debauching of money and other paper assets is as good as gold.

So the peasants will lose their land to the government’s businessman friends on the one hand while purportedly getting “guaranteed” employment and food from the government’s bureaucrats on the other! A landless, asset-less slave population, free to join the industrial proletariat! Is that what Amartya wants to see in India? It may become what results within a few decades from his and his acolytes’ words and deeds.

Rajiv Gandhi once gave me his private phone numbers at 10 Jan Path. I used them back in January 1991 during the Gulf war. But I cannot do so now as Rajiv is gone. Amartya can. Let him phone Sonia and prevail upon her to put the brakes on the wild food and employment schemes he and his friends have persuaded her about until he reads and reflects upon what I said in January 2007 in “On Land-Grabbing” and in my July 2007 open letter to him, reproduced below:

“At a business meet on 12 January 2005, Dr Manmohan Singh showered fulsome praise on Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee as “dynamic”, “the Nation’s Best Chief Minister”, whose “wit and wisdom”, “qualities of head and heart”, “courage of conviction and passionate commitment to the cause of the working people of India” he admired, saying “with Buddhadeb Babu at the helm of affairs it appears Bengal is once again forging ahead… If today there is a meeting of minds between Delhi and Kolkata, it is because the ideas that I and Buddhadebji represent have captured the minds of the people of India. This is the idea of growth with equity and social justice, the idea that economic liberalization and modernization have to be mindful of the needs of the poor and the marginalized.”…. Dr Singh returned to the “needs of the poor and the marginalized” at another business meet on 8 January 2007 promising to “unveil a new Rehabilitation Policy in three months to increase the pace of industrialisation” which would be “more progressive, humane and conducive to the long-term welfare of all stakeholders”, while his businessman host pointedly stated about Singur “land for industry must be made available to move the Indian manufacturing sector ahead”. The “meeting of minds between Delhi and Kolkata” seems to be that agriculture allegedly has become a relatively backward slow-growing sector deserving to yield in the purported larger national interest to industry and services: what the PM means by “long-term welfare of all stakeholders” is the same as the new CPI-M party-line that the sons of farmers should not remain farmers (but become automobile technicians or IT workers or restaurant waiters instead). It is a political viewpoint coinciding with interests of organised capital and industrial labour in India today, as represented by business lobbies like CII, FICCI and Assocham on one hand, and unions like CITU and INTUC on the other. Business Standard succinctly (and ominously) advocated this point of view in its lead editorial of 9 January as follows: “it has to be recognised that the world over capitalism has progressed only with the landed becoming landless and getting absorbed in the industrial/service sector labour force ~ indeed it is obvious that if people don’t get off the land, their incomes will rise only slowly”. Land is the first and ultimate means of production, and the attack of the powerful on land-holdings or land-rights of the unorganised or powerless has been a worldwide phenomenon ~ across both capitalism and communism. In the mid-19th Century, white North America decimated hundreds of thousands of natives in the most gargantuan land-grab of history. Defeated, Chief Red Cloud of the Sioux spoke in 1868 for the Apache, Navajo, Comanche, Cheyenne, Iroquois and hundreds of other tribes: “They made us many promises, more than I can remember, but they never kept any except one: they promised to take our land, and they took it.” Half a century later, while the collapse of grain prices contributed to the Great Depression and pauperisation of thousands of small farmers in capitalist America in the same lands that had been taken from the native tribes, Stalin’s Russia embarked on the most infamous state-sponsored land-grab in modern history: “The mass collectivisation of Soviet agriculture (was) probably the most warlike operation ever conducted by a state against its own citizens…. Hundreds of thousands and finally millions of peasants… were deported… desperate revolts in the villages were bloodily suppressed by the army and police, and the country sank into chaos, starvation and misery… The object of destroying the peasants’ independence…was to create a population of slaves, the benefit of whose labour would accrue to industry. The immediate effect was to reduce Soviet agriculture to a state of decline from which it has not yet recovered… The destruction of the Soviet peasantry, who formed three quarters of the population, was not only an economic but a moral disaster for the entire country. Tens of millions were driven into semi-servitude, and millions more were employed as executants…” (Kolakowski, Main Currents of Marxism). Why did Stalin destroy the peasants? Lenin’s wishful “alliance between the proletariat and the peasantry” in reality could lead only to the peasants being pauperised into proletarians. At least five million peasants died and (Stalin told Churchill at Yalta) another ten million in the resultant famine of 1932-1933. “Certainly it involved a struggle ~ but chiefly one between urban Communists and villagers… it enabled the regime to obtain much of the capital desired for industrialization from the defeated village… it was the decisive step in the building of Soviet totalitarianism, for it imposed on the majority of the people a subjection which only force could maintain” (Treadgold, 20th Century Russia). Mr Bhattacharjee’s CPI-M is fond of extolling Chinese communism, and the current New Delhi establishment have made Beijing and Shanghai holiday destinations of choice. Dr Singh’s Government has been eager to create hundreds of “Special Economic Zones” run by organised capital and unionised labour, and economically privileged by the State. In fact, the Singur and Nandigram experiences of police sealing off villages where protests occur are modelled on creation of “Special Economic Zones” in China in recent years. For example, Chinese police on 6 December 2005 cracked down on farmers and fishermen in the seaside village of Dongzhou, 125 miles North East of Hong Kong. Thousands of Dongzhou villagers clashed with troops and armed police protesting confiscation of their lands and corruption among officials. The police immediately sealed off the village and arrested protesters. China’s Public Security Ministry admitted the number of riots over land had risen sharply, reaching more than seventy thousand across China in 2004; police usually suppressed peasant riots without resort to firing but in Dongzhou, police firing killed 20 protesters. Such is the reality of the “emergence” of China, a totalitarian police-state since the Communist takeover in 1949, from its period of mad tyranny until Mao’s death in 1976, followed by its ideological confusion ever since. Modern India’s political economy today remains in the tight grip of metropolitan “Big Business” and “Big Labour”. Ordinary anonymous individual citizens ~ whether housewife, consumer, student, peasant, non-union worker or small businessman ~ have no real voice or representation in Indian politics. We have no normal conservative, liberal or social democratic party in this country, as found in West European democracies where the era of land-grabbing has long-ceased. If our polity had been normal, it would have known that economic development does not require business or government to pauperise the peasantry but instead to define and secure individual property rights and the Rule of Law, and establish proper conditions for the market economy. The Congress and BJP in Delhi and CPI-M in Kolkata would not have been able to distract attention from their macroeconomic misdeeds over the decades ~ indicated, for example, by increasing interest-expenditure paid annually on Government debt as a fraction of tax revenues… This macroeconomic rot originated with the Indira Gandhi-PN Haksar capriciousness and mismanagement, which coincided with the start of Dr Singh’s career as India’s best known economic bureaucrat….”

“Professor Amartya Sen, Harvard University, Dear Professor Sen, Everyone will be delighted that someone of your worldwide stature has joined the debate on Singur and Nandigram; The Telegraph deserves congratulations for having made it possible on July 23. I was sorry to find though that you may have missed the wood for the trees and also some of the trees themselves. Perhaps you have relied on Government statements for the facts. But the Government party in West Bengal represents official Indian communism and has been in power for 30 years at a stretch. It may be unwise to take at face-value what they say about their own deeds on this very grave issue! Power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely, and there are many candid communists who privately recognise this dismal truth about themselves. To say this is not to be praising those whom you call the “Opposition” ~ after all, Bengal’s politics has seen emasculation of the Congress as an opposition because the Congress and communists are allies in Delhi. It is the Government party that must reform itself from within sua sponte for the good of everyone in the State. The comparisons and mentions of history you have made seem to me surprising. Bengal’s economy now or in the past has little or nothing similar to the economy of Northern England or the whole of England or Britain itself, and certainly Indian agriculture has little to do with agriculture in the new lands of Australia or North America. British economic history was marked by rapid technological innovations in manufacturing and rapid development of social and political institutions in context of being a major naval, maritime and mercantile power for centuries. Britain’s geography and history hardly ever permitted it to be an agricultural country of any importance whereas Bengal, to the contrary, has been among the most agriculturally fertile and hence densely populated regions of the world for millennia. Om Prakash’s brilliant pioneering book The Dutch East India Company and the Economy of Bengal 1630-1720 (Princeton 1985) records all this clearly. He reports the French traveller François Bernier saying in the 1660s “Bengal abounds with every necessary of life”, and a century before him the Italian traveller Verthema saying Bengal “abounds more in grain, flesh of every kind, in great quantity of sugar, also of ginger, and of great abundance of cotton, than any country in the world”. Om Prakash says “The premier industry in the region was the textile industry comprising manufacture from cotton, silk and mixed yarns”. Bengal’s major exports were foodstuffs, textiles, raw silk, opium, sugar and saltpetre; imports notably included metals (as Montesquieu had said would always be the case). Bengal did, as you say, have industries at the time the Europeans came but you have failed to mention these were mostly “agro-based” and, if anything, a clear indicator of our agricultural fecundity and comparative advantage. If “deindustrialization” occurred in 19th Century India, that had nothing to do with the “deindustrialization” in West Bengal from the 1960s onwards due to the influence of official communism. You remind us Fa Hiaen left from Tamralipta which is modern day Tamluk, though he went not to China but to Ceylon. You suggest that because he did so Tamluk effectively “was greater Calcutta”. I cannot see how this can be said of the 5th Century AD when no notion of Calcutta existed. Besides, modern Tamluk at 22º18’N, 87º56’E is more than 50 miles inland from the ancient port due to land-making that has occurred at the mouth of the Hooghly. I am afraid the relevance of the mention of Fa Hiaen to today’s Singur and Nandigram has thus escaped me. You say “In countries like Australia, the US or Canada where agriculture has prospered, only a very tiny population is involved in agriculture. Most people move out to industry. Industry has to be convenient, has to be absorbing”. Last January, a national daily published a similar view: “For India to become a developed country, the area under agriculture has to shrink, urban and industrial land development has to take place, and about 100 million workers have to move out from agriculture into industry and services. This is the only way forward for bringing prosperity to the rural population”. Rice is indeed grown in Arkansas or Texas as it is in Bengal but there is a world of difference between the technological and geographical situation here and that in the vast, sparsely populated New World areas with mechanized farming! Like shoe-making or a hundred other crafts, agriculture can be capital-intensive or labour-intensive ~ ours is relatively labour-intensive, theirs is relatively capital-intensive. Our economy is relatively labour-abundant and capital-scarce; their economies are relatively labour-scarce and capital-abundant (and also land-abundant). Indeed, if anything, the apt comparison is with China, and you doubtless know of the horror stories and civil war conditions erupting across China in recent years as the Communist Party and their businessman friends forcibly take over the land of peasants and agricultural workers, e.g. in Dongzhou. All plans of long-distance social engineering to “move out” 40 per cent of India’s population (at 4 persons per “worker”) from the rural hinterlands must also face FA Hayek’s fundamental question in The Road to Serfdom: “Who plans whom, who directs whom, who assigns to other people their station in life, and who is to have his due allotted by others?” Your late Harvard colleague, Robert Nozick, opened his brilliant 1974 book Anarchy, State and Utopia saying: “Individuals have rights, and there are things no person or group may do to them (without violating their rights)”. You have rightly deplored the violence seen at Singur and Nandigram. But you will agree it is a gross error to equate violence perpetrated by the Government which is supposed to be protecting all people regardless of political affiliation, and the self-defence of poor unorganised peasants seeking to protect their meagre lands and livelihoods from state-sponsored pogroms. Kitchen utensils, pitchforks or rural implements and flintlock guns can hardly match the organised firepower controlled by a modern Government. Fortunately, India is not China and the press, media and civil institutions are not totally in the hands of the ruling party alone. In China, no amount of hue and cry among the peasants could save them from the power of organised big business and the Communist Party. In India, a handful of brave women have managed to single-handedly organise mass movements of protest which the press and media have then broadcast that has shocked the whole nation to its senses. You rightly say the land pricing process has been faulty. Irrelevant historical prices have been averaged when the sum of discounted expected future values in an inflationary economy should have been used. Matters are even worse. “The fear of famine can itself cause famine. The people of Bengal are afraid of a famine. It was repeatedly charged that the famine (of 1943) was man-made.” That is what T. W. Schultz said in 1946 in the India Famine Emergency Committee led by Pearl Buck, concerned that the 1943 Bengal famine should not be repeated following dislocations after World War II. Of course since that time our agriculture has undergone a Green Revolution, at least in wheat if not in rice, and a White Revolution in milk and many other agricultural products. But catastrophic collapses in agricultural incentives may still occur as functioning farmland comes to be taken by government and industry from India’s peasantry using force, fraud or even means nominally sanctioned by law. If new famines come to be provoked because farmers’ incentives collapse, let future historians know where responsibility lay. West Bengal’s real economic problems have to do with its dismal macroeconomic and fiscal position which is what Government economists should be addressing candidly. As for land, the Government’s first task remains improving grossly inadequate systems of land-description and definition, as well as the implementation and recording of property rights. With my most respectful personal regards, I remain, Yours ever, Suby”

How does India, as a state, treat its weakest and most vulnerable citizens? Not very well at all. It is often only because families and society have not collapsed completely, as they have elsewhere, that the weakest survive. Can we solve in the 21st Century, in a practical manner appropriate to our times, the problem Buddha raised before he became the Buddha some twenty six centuries ago? Says Eliot,

“The legend represents him as carefully secluded from all disquieting sights and as learning the existence of old age, sickness and death only by chance encounters which left a profound impression”

It is to this list we add “the poor” too, especially if we want to include a slightly later and equally great reformer some miles west of the Terai in the Levant. I said some years ago “As we as infants and children need to be helped to find courage to face the start of life, we when very elderly can need to be helped to find courage to face life’s end”. Old age carries with it the fear of death, fear of the end of life and what that means, which raises the meaning of life itself, or at least of the individual life, because we can hardly grasp what the end of life is if we haven’t what it is supposed to be the end of in the first place. What the very elderly need, as do the dying and terminally ill, is to find courage within themselves to comprehend all this with as much equanimity as possible. Companionship and camaraderie — or perhaps let us call it love — go towards that courage coming to be found; something similar goes for the sick, whether a sick child missing school or the elderly infirm, courage that they are not alone and that they can and will recover and not have to face death quite yet, that life will indeed resume.

As for the poor, I said in 2009 about the bizarre Indian scheme of “interrogating, measuring, photographing and fingerprinting them against their will” that “the poor have their privacy and their dignity. They are going to refuse to waste their valuable time at the margins of survival volunteering for such gimmickry.”

“What New Delhi’s governing class fails to see is that the masses of India’s poor are not themselves a mass waiting for New Delhi’s handouts: they are individuals, free, rational, thinking individuals who know their own lives and resources and capacities and opportunities, and how to go about living their lives best. What they need is security, absence of state or other tyranny, roads, fresh water, electricity, functioning schools for their children, market opportunities for work, etc, not handouts from a monarch or aristocrats or businessmen….” Or, to put it differently in Kant’s terms, the poor need to be treated as ends in themselves, and not as the means towards the ends of others…

Part II India’s Right Road Forward Now: Some Thoughtful Analysis for Grown Ups

5. Transcending a Left-Right/Congress-BJP Divide in Indian Politics

6. Budgeting Military & Foreign Policy

7. Solving the Kashmir Problem & Relations with Pakistan

8. Dealing with Communist China

9. Towards Coherence in Public Accounting, Public Finance & Public Decision-Making

10. India’s Money: Towards Currency Integrity at Home & Abroad

Posted in Academic research, Amartya Sen, Arvind Panagariya, Asia and the West, Bengal's Public Finances, Bhagwati-Sen spat, BJP, Britain in India, Cambridge Univ Economics, Cambridge University, Columbia University, Congress Party, Congress Party History, Credit markets, Economic inequality, Economic Policy, Economic quackery, Economic Theory, Economic Theory of Growth, Economic Theory of Interest, Economic Theory of Value, Economics of Public Finance, Financial Repression, Governance, Government accounting, Government of India, India's Big Business, India's Cabinet Government, India's Government economists, India's 1991 Economic Reform, India's balance of payments, India's Budget, India's bureaucracy, India's Capital Markets, India's constitutional politics, India's corruption, India's currency history, India's Economic History, India's Economy, India's Exports, India's Foreign Exchange Reserves, India's Government Budget Constraint, India's Industry, India's inflation, India's Macroeconomics, India's Monetary & Fiscal Policy, India's Polity, India's Public Finance, India's Reserve Bank, India's State Finances, Institute of Economic Affairs, Jagdish Bhagwati, Jean Drèze, LK Advani, Manmohan Singh, Margaret Thatcher's Revolution, Mihir Kumar Roy (MKRoy), Milton Friedman, Money and banking, Padma Desai, Paper money and deposits, Political Economy, Public Choice/Public Finance, Public property waste fraud, Rajiv Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi's assassination, Reverse-Euro Model for India, Sen-Bhagwati spat, Siddhartha Shankar Ray, Sonia Gandhi, Subroto Roy, Sukhamoy Chakravarty, The Times (London), University of Hawaii, William E (Ted) James (1951-2010). Leave a Comment »

Memo to the PM

May 30, 2011 — drsubrotoroy

see https://independentindian.com/2013/05/19/cambridge-economics-the-disputation-in-indias-economic-policy/

From Facebook May 29 2011:

Subroto Roy hears Dr Manmohan Singh said yesterday (to journalists “on board Air India One” returning with him from Africa) “I think industrialisation is essential for the country to solve the problems of unemployment and poverty”. Nonsense Prime Minister! That is obsolescent or, at the very least, rather quaint Stalinist chatter. Try to provide public goods properly, which means getting the judiciary etc to work well. Try to get the public finances & public decision-making processes right, which means getting govt accounting & audit right and legislatures to work across the country. Try to drastically raise the productivity of public investments and expenditures. And try not to debauch India’s money any further than you have done. All that may make a good start. (And only when you have done all that do you really need to travel abroad again on “Air India One”; that thing the telephone really is a great invention…)

Subroto Roy is scolded by Ms Siddiqui: “Out of all the corrupt money grabbing racist ministers and governors and politicians you could find only Manmohan Singh to attack? Truly discerning arent you?”,

to which I have to say Hello Ms Siddiqi, Thank you for your comment. It is I am afraid ill-informed. There is nothing personal in my critical assessment of Dr Singh’s economics and politics. To the contrary, he has been in decades past a friend or at least a colleague of my father’s, and in the autumn of 1973 visited our then-home in Paris at the request of my father to advise me, then aged 18, before I embarked on my undergraduate studies at the London School of Economics. My assessments in recent years like “The Politics of Dr Singh” https://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=177565501125“Assessing Manmohan”https://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=177600651125, “The Dream Team: A Critique” https://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=184178641125 “Mistaken Macroeconomics” https://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=179676656125 etc need to be seen along with my “Assessing Vajpayee: Hindutva True and False”, “The Hypocrisy of the CPI-M”, “Against Quackery”, “Our Dismal Politics”, “Political Paralysis” etc.

Nothing personal is intended in any of these; the purpose at hand has been to contribute to a full and vigorous discussion of the public interest in India.

Posted in Economic Policy, India's currency history, India's Economic History, India's Economy, India's Industry, India's Macroeconomics, India's Monetary & Fiscal Policy, Manmohan Singh. 1 Comment »

Silver Jubilee of “Pricing, Planning & Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India”

May 29, 2011 — drsubrotoroy

May 29 2009:

It is a quarter century precisely today since my monograph Pricing, Planning and Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India was first published in London by the Institute of Economic Affairs.

ppp1984

Its text is now available (in slightly rough form) at this site here.

Now in May 1984, Indira Gandhi ruled in Delhi, and the ghost of Brezhnev was still fresh in Moscow. The era of Margaret Thatcher in Britain and Ronald Reagan in America was at its height. Pricing, Planning & Politics emerged from my 1976-1982 doctoral thesis at Cambridge though it came to be written in Blacksburg and Ithaca in 1982-1983. It was the first critique after BR Shenoy of India’s Sovietesque economics since Jawaharlal Nehru’s time.

The Times, London’s most eminent paper at the time, wrote its lead editorial comment about it on the day it was published, May 29 1984.

londonti

It used to take several days for the library at Virginia Tech in Blacksburg to receive its copy of The Times of London and other British newspapers. I had not been told of the date of publication and did not know of what had happened in London on May 29 until perhaps June 2 — when a friend, Vasant Dave of a children’s charity, who was on campus, phoned me and congratulated me for being featured in The Times which he had just read in the University Library. “You mean they’ve reviewed it?” I asked him, “No, it’s the lead editorial.” “What?” I exclaimed. There was worse. Vasant was very soft-spoken and said “Yes, it’s titled ‘India’s Bad Example'” — which I misheard on the phone as “India’s Mad Example” 😀

Drat! I thought (or words to that effect), they must have lambasted me, as I rushed down to the Library to take a look.

The Times had said

“When Mr. Dennis Healey in the Commons recently stated that Hongkong, with one per cent of the population of India has twice India’s trade, he was making an important point about Hongkong but an equally important point about India. If Hongkong with one per cent of its population and less than 0.03 per cert of India’s land area (without even water as a natural resource) can so outpace India, there must be something terribly wrong with the way Indian governments have managed their affairs, and there is. A paper by an Indian economist published today (Pricing, Planning and Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India by Subroto Roy, IEA £1.80) shows how Asia’s largest democracy is gradually being stifled by the imposition of economic policies whose woeful effect and rhetorical unreality find their echo all over the Third World. As with many of Britain’s former imperial possessions, the rot set in long before independence. But as with most of the other former dependencies, the instrument of economic regulation and bureaucratic control set up by the British has been used decisively and expansively to consolidate a statist regime which inhibits free enterprise, minimizes economic success and consolidates the power of government in all spheres of the economy. We hear little of this side of things when India rattles the borrowing bowl or denigrates her creditors for want of further munificence. How could Indian officials explain their poor performance relative to Hongkong? Dr Roy has the answers for them. He lists the causes as a large and heavily subsidized public sector, labyrinthine control over private enterprise, forcibly depressed agricultural prices, massive import substitution, government monopoly of foreign exchange transactions, artificially overvalued currency and the extensive politicization of the labour market, not to mention the corruption which is an inevitable side effect of an economy which depends on the arbitrament of bureaucrats. The first Indian government under Nehru took its cue from Nehru’s admiration of the Soviet economy, which led him to believe that the only policy for India was socialism in which there would be “no private property except in a restricted sense and the replacement of the private profit system by a higher ideal of cooperative service.” Consequently, the Indian government has now either a full monopoly or is one of a few oligipolists in banking, insurance, railways, airlines, cement, steel, chemicals, fertilizers, ship-building, breweries, telephones and wrist-watches. No businessman can expand his operation while there is any surplus capacity anywhere in that sector. He needs government approval to modernize, alter his price-structure, or change his labour shift. It is not surprising that a recent study of those developing countries which account for most manufactured exports from the Third World shows that India’s share fell from 65 percent in 1953 to 10 per cent in 1973; nor, with the numerous restrictions on inter-state movement of grains, that India has over the years suffered more from an inability to cope with famine than during the Raj when famine drill was centrally organized and skillfully executed without restriction. Nehru’s attraction for the Soviet model has been inherited by his daughter, Mrs. Gandhi. Her policies have clearly positioned India more towards the Soviet Union than the West. The consequences of this, as Dr Roy states, is that a bias can be seen in “the antipathy and pessimism towards market institutions found among the urban public, and sympathy and optimism to be found for collectivist or statist ones.” All that India has to show for it is the delivery of thousands of tanks in exchange for bartered goods, and the erection of steel mills and other heavy industry which help to perpetuate the unfortunate obsession with industrial performance at the expense of agricultural growth and the relief of rural poverty.”…..

I felt this may have been intended to be laudatory but it was also inaccurate and had to be corrected. I replied dated June 4 which The Times published in their edition of June 16 1984:

timesletter-11

I was 29 when Pricing, Planning and Politics was published, I am 54 now. I do not agree with everything I said in it and find the tone a little puffed up as young men tend to be; it was also five years before my main “theoretical” work Philosophy of Economics would be published. My experience of life in the years since has also made me far less sanguine both about human nature and about America than I was then. But I am glad to find I am not embarrassed by what I said then, indeed I am pleased I said what I did in favour of classical liberalism and against statism and totalitarianism well before it became popular to do so after the Berlin Wall fell. (In India as elsewhere, former communist apparatchiks and fellow-travellers became pseudo-liberals overnight.)

The editorial itself may have been due to a conversation between Peter Bauer and William Rees-Mogg, so I later heard. The work sold 700 copies in its first month, a record for the publisher. The wife of one prominent Indian bureaucrat told me in Delhi in December 1988 it had affected her husband’s thinking drastically. A senior public finance economist told me he had been deputed at the Finance Ministry when the editorial appeared, and the Indian High Commission in London had urgently sent a copy of the editorial to the Ministry where it caused a stir. An IMF official told me years later that he saw the editorial on board a flight to India from the USA on the same day, and stopped in London to make a trip to the LSE’s bookshop to purchase a copy. Professor Jagdish Bhagwati of Columbia University had been a critic of aspects of Indian policy; he received a copy in draft just before it was published and was kind enough to write I had “done an excellent job of setting out the problems afflicting our economic policies, unfortunately government-made problems!”

Siddhartha Shankar Ray told me when we first met that he had been in London when the editorial appeared and had seen it there; it affected his decision to introduce me to Rajiv Gandhi as warmly as he came to do a half dozen years later.

Within a few months though, by the Fall of 1984, I was under attack by the “gang of inert game theorists” who had come to Blacksburg following the departure of James Buchanan. By mid 1985 I had moved to Provo, Utah, really rather wishing, as I recall, to have left my India-work behind me. But by late 1986, I was at the University of Hawaii, Manoa, where the perestroika-for-India and Pakistan projects that I and WE James led, had come to be sponsored by the University and the East West Center.

The unpublished results of the India-project reached Rajiv Gandhi by my hand on September 18 1990 as has been told elsewhere. A week later, on September 25 1990, Rajiv appointed a small group that included myself, to advise him. It was that encounter with Rajiv Gandhi that sparked the origins of the 1991 economic reform. Yet in 2007 one member of the group, declaring himself close to Sonia Gandhi, brazenly lied in public saying it was Manmohan Singh and not I who had been part of the group — a group of which I had been in fact the first member! Manmohan Singh himself has never claimed to have been present and in fact was not even in India at the time it was formed.

I have explained elsewhere here why I believe this specific lie came to be told by this specific liar who shared membership with me in the group that Rajiv had formed: because I had also pleaded with many and especially within this group that Rajiv had seemed, to my layman’s eyes, very vulnerable to assassination, and none of them had lifted a finger to do anything about it! Such is how duplicity, envy and greed for power make people mendacious and venal in politics!

As for Pricing, Planning and Politics, Dr Manmohan Singh received a personal copy from my father whom he had long known through the Kaul brothers, Brahma and Madan, both of whom were dear friends of my father since the War and Independence. From a letter Dr Singh wrote to my father, he would have received his copy in late 1986 when he was heading the Planning Commission in his penultimate appointment before retirement from the bureaucracy.

Readers of Pricing, Planning and Politics today, 25 years after it was published, may judge for themselves what if any part of it may be still relevant to the new government that Dr Singh is now prime minister of. The work was mostly one of applied microeconomics or the theory of value; in recent years I have written much also of applied macroeconomics or the theory of money as it relates to India. My great professor at Cambridge, Frank Hahn, was kind enough to say in 1985 that he thought my “critique of Development Economics was powerful not only on methodological but also on economic theory grounds”; that to me has been a special source of delight.

Subroto Roy

Posted in BR Shenoy, Economic Policy, Economic Theory, Economic Theory of Growth, Economic Theory of Value, Economics of education, Economics of exchange controls, Economics of Public Finance, Economics of Unemployment, India's 1991 Economic Reform, India's agriculture, India's Agriculture & Food, India's balance of payments, India's Banking, India's Budget, India's bureaucracy, India's Capital Markets, India's Caste/Ethnic Problems, India's Democracy, India's Diplomacy, India's Economic History, India's Economy, India's emigrants to the West, India's farmers, India's Foreign Policy, India's Foreign Trade, India's Industry, India's Labour Markets, India's Monetary & Fiscal Policy, India's pork-barrel politics, India-Pakistan peace process, Indira Gandhi, Institute of Economic Affairs, Jawaharlal Nehru, Liberalism/Libertarianism, Manmohan Singh, Margaret Thatcher, Mendacity in politics, Peter Bauer, Political mendacity, Rajiv Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi's assassination, Ronald Reagan, Siddhartha Shankar Ray, The Times (London), Transparency, University of Hawaii. Leave a Comment »

A Discussion Regarding Mr Nilekani’s Public Project

September 15, 2009 — drsubrotoroy

In response to my “Nandan Nilekani’s Nonsensical Numbering”,

Friendly Critic says:

I don’t think registering everyone in the country is such a bad idea. It may be difficult. But the post office reaches letters to anyone in the country, even the homeless. I don’t think it is doing anything wrong.

I replied:

The post office reaches letters to those with an address.

Friendly Critic replied:

You are mistaken. It reaches letters to beggars, addressed to the nearest pan shop. To repeat, I do not think it is wrong to register all residents; there are some good uses for it. If it is all right to enumerate residents once every ten years, there is nothing wrong in maintaining a continuous inventory. Only the British have an aversion to doing so, on grounds of piracy. But even their electoral registers are based on enumeration. And to attack Nilekani simply because he has taken on a job offered seems excessive to me.

I replied:

Thanks for this correspondence. We may be slightly at cross-purposes and there may be some miscomprehension. Of course if a beggar has a pan-shop as an address, that is an address. But we are not talking about the efficiency or lack thereof of our postal services.

We are talking about the viability and utility of trying to attach a number, as an identification tag, to every Indian — for the declared purposes of (a) battling absolute poverty (of the worst kind); and(b) battling terrorism and crime.

Many Indians have passports, driving licenses, Voter cards, PAN numbers, mobile numbers etc. I am sure giving them a Nandan Nilekani Number will be easy. It will be, incidentally, lucrative for the IT industry.

It will also be pointless to the extent that these people, who may number into the hundreds of millions, are already adequately identifiable by one or two other forms of photo id-cards. (By way of analogy incidentally, Americans used to cash cheques at supermarkets using one or two photo ids — but the Social Security Card or number was not allowed to be one of them as it had no photo.)

Neither of the two declared objectives will have been explicitly served by giving Nandan Nilekani Numbers to those already adequately identifiable.

My point about incentive-compatibility is that the intended beneficiaries in any program of this kind (namely the anonymous absolute poor) need to have clear natural incentives to participate in order to make it work. Here there are none. Taking the very poorest people off the streets or out of their hamlets to be interrogated, photographed, fingerprinted and enumerated against their will, when they may have many more valuable things to be doing with their time in order to survive, is a violation of their freedom, privacy and dignity. Even if they submit to all this voluntarily, there are no obvious tangible benefits accruing to them as individuals as a result of this number (that many will not be able to read).

If those already adequately identifiable easily get an NNN (at low cost and without violation of indvidual freedom or dignity), while those who are the intended beneficiaries do not do so (except at high cost and with violations of individual freedom and dignity), that would enhance inequality.

Because such obvious points have failed to be accounted ab initio in this Big Business scheme paid for by public money, I have had to call it nonsensical.

Posted in Academic economics, asymmetric information, Economic quackery, Government of India, Incentive compatibility, India's bureaucracy, India's Government Expenditure, India's Industry. Leave a Comment »

Nandan Nilekani’s Nonsensical Numbering (Updated to 11 January 2013)

September 14, 2009 — drsubrotoroy

Original post: 14 Sep 2009

I have been a rather harsh critic of Indian English-language media but I was pleased to see Mr Karan Thapar with good research systematically expose the other day the nonsense being purveyed by Mr Nandan Nilekani about the idea of branding each of a billion Indians with a government number. This is not Auschwitz. Nor can India create an American-style Social Security Administration. Mr Nilekani seems not to have the faintest idea about India’s poor and destitute, else he would not have made a statement like “We need one single, non-duplicate way of identifying a person and we need a mechanism by which we can authenticate that online anywhere because that can have huge benefits and impact on public services and also on making the poor more inclusive in what is happening in India today.” (italics added)

What does he plan to do? Haul away the hundreds of thousands of homeless from the streets and flyovers of our major cities and start interrogating, measuring, photographing and fingerprinting them against their will? On what ploy? That without the number he will give them they will not be able to continue to live and do what they have been doing for half a generation? Or that they will get a delicious hot meal from the Taj or Oberoi if they cooperate? And what about rural India? Does he plan to make an aerial survey of India’s rural landscapes by helicopter to find whom he can catch to interrogate and fingerprint? It will be grotesquely amusing to see his cohorts try to identify and then haul away India’s poor from their normal activities — he and his friends will likely come to grief trying to do so! Guaranteed. And the people will cheer because they know fakery when they see it.

Mr Nilekani needs to ask his economist-friends to teach him about asymmetric information, incentive-compatiblity theory etc. There have been several Bank of Sweden prizes given to economists for this material, beginning with FA Hayek in 1974 or even earlier.

(As for the wholly different stated agenda of preventing crime and terrorism using Mr Nilekani’s numbering, might we recall that Kasab’s dead companions have remained unclaimed in a Mumbai morgue for almost ten months now?)

The whole exercise that Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has with such fanfare set Mr Nilekani is ill-conceived and close to complete nonsense — designed only to keep in business the pampered industry that Mr Nilekani has been part of as well as its bureaucratic friends. The Prime Minister has made another error and should put a stop to it before it gets worse. The poor have their privacy and their dignity. They are going to refuse to waste their valuable time at the margins of survival volunteering for such gimmickry.

A Discussion Regarding Mr Nilekani’s Public Project

September 15, 2009 — drsubrotoroy | Edit

In response to my “Nandan Nilekani’s Nonsensical Numbering”,

Friendly Critic says:

I don’t think registering everyone in the country is such a bad idea. It may be difficult. But the post office reaches letters to anyone in the country, even the homeless. I don’t think it is doing anything wrong.

I replied:

The post office reaches letters to those with an address.

Friendly Critic replied:

You are mistaken. It reaches letters to beggars, addressed to the nearest pan shop. To repeat, I do not think it is wrong to register all residents; there are some good uses for it. If it is all right to enumerate residents once every ten years, there is nothing wrong in maintaining a continuous inventory. Only the British have an aversion to doing so, on grounds of piracy. But even their electoral registers are based on enumeration. And to attack Nilekani simply because he has taken on a job offered seems excessive to me.

I replied:

Thanks for this correspondence. We may be slightly at cross-purposes and there may be some miscomprehension. Of course if a beggar has a pan-shop as an address, that is an address. But we are not talking about the efficiency or lack thereof of our postal services.

We are talking about the viability and utility of trying to attach a number, as an identification tag, to every Indian — for the declared purposes of (a) battling absolute poverty (of the worst kind); and(b) battling terrorism and crime.

Many Indians have passports, driving licenses, Voter cards, PAN numbers, mobile numbers etc. I am sure giving them a Nandan Nilekani Number will be easy. It will be, incidentally, lucrative for the IT industry.

It will also be pointless to the extent that these people, who may number into the hundreds of millions, are already adequately identifiable by one or two other forms of photo id-cards. (By way of analogy incidentally, Americans used to cash cheques at supermarkets using one or two photo ids — but the Social Security Card or number was not allowed to be one of them as it had no photo.)

Neither of the two declared objectives will have been explicitly served by giving Nandan Nilekani Numbers to those already adequately identifiable.

My point about incentive-compatibility is that the intended beneficiaries in any program of this kind (namely the anonymous absolute poor) need to have clear natural incentives to participate in order to make it work. Here there are none. Taking the very poorest people off the streets or out of their hamlets to be interrogated, photographed, fingerprinted and enumerated against their will, when they may have many more valuable things to be doing with their time in order to survive, is a violation of their freedom, privacy and dignity. Even if they submit to all this voluntarily, there are no obvious tangible benefits accruing to them as individuals as a result of this number (that many will not be able to read).

If those already adequately identifiable easily get an NNN (at low cost and without violation of indvidual freedom or dignity), while those who are the intended beneficiaries do not do so (except at high cost and with violations of individual freedom and dignity), that would enhance inequality.

Because such obvious points have failed to be accounted ab initio in this Big Business scheme paid for by public money, I have had to call it nonsensical.

Some follow-up 11 January 2013

From Facebook 11 January 2013

A biometrically generated large number is given to a very poor barely literate person and he/she is instructed that that is the key, the sole key, to riches and benefits from the state. The person lives on the margins of survival, eking out a daily income for himself/herself plus dependents under trying conditions. It is that absolute anonymous poor — who are not already identifiable easily through mobile numbers, voter id cards, drivers’ licenses etc — who are the intended beneficiaries. Suppose that person loses the card or has it stolen. Has the key to the riches and benefits from the state vanished? Those who are already easily identifiable need only produce alternative sources of identification and so for them to get the number as a means of identification is redundant, yet it is they who will likely have better access to the supposed benefits rather than the absolute poor. What New Delhi’s governing class fails to see is that the masses of India’s poor are not themselves a mass waiting for New Delhi’s handouts: they are individuals, free, rational, thinking individuals who know their own lives and resources and capacities and opportunities, and how to go about living their lives best. What they need is security, absence of state or other tyranny, roads, fresh water, electricity, functioning schools for their children, market opportunities for work, etc, not handouts from a monarch or aristocrats or businessmen….

How tightly will organised Big Business be able to control economic policies this time?

May 26, 2009 — drsubrotoroy

The power of organised Big Business over New Delhi’s economic policies (whether Congress-led or BJP-led) was signalled by the presence in the audience at Rashtrapati Bhavan last week of several prominent lobbyists when Dr Manmohan Singh and his senior-most Cabinet colleagues were being sworn-in by the President of India. Why were such witnesses needed at such an auspicious national occasion?

Organised Big Business (both private sector and public sector) along with organised Big Labour (whose interests are represented most ably by New Delhi’s official communist parties like the CPI-M and CPI), are astutely aware of how best to advance their own economic interests; this usually gets assisted nicely enough through clever use of our comprador English-language TV, newspaper and magazine media. Shortly after the election results, lobbyists were all over commercial TV proposing things like FDI in insurance and airports etc– as if that was the meaning of the Sonia-Rahul mandate or were issues of high national priority. A typical piece of such “pretend-economics” appears in today’s business-press from a formerly Leftist Indian bureaucrat: “With its decisive victory, the new Manmohan Singh government should at last be able to implement the required second generation reforms. Their lineaments (sic) are well known and with the removal of the Left’s veto, many of those stalled in the legislature as well as those which were forestalled can now be implemented. These should be able to put India back on a 9-10 per cent per annum growth rate…”

Today’s business-press also reports that the new Government is planning to create a fresh “Disinvestment Ministry” and Dr Singh’s chief economic policy aide is “a frontrunner among the names short-listed to head the new ministry” with Cabinet rank.

Now if any enterprising doctoral student was to investigate the question, I think the evidence would show that I, and I alone – not even BR Shenoy or AD Shroff or Jagdish Bhagwati — may have been the first among Indian economists to have argued in favour of the privatisation of India’s public sector. I did so precisely 25 years ago in Pricing, Planning and Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India, which was so unusual for its time that it attracted the lead editorial of The Times of London on the day it was published May 29 1984, and had its due impact on Indian economic policy then and since, as has been described elsewhere here. In 1990-1991 while with Rajiv Gandhi, I had floated an idea of literally giving away shares of the public sector to the public that owned it (as several other countries had been doing at that time), specifically perhaps giving them to the poorest panchayats in aid of their development. In 2004-2005, upon returning to Britain after many years, I helped create the book Margaret Thatcher’s Revolution: How it Happened and What it Meant, and Margaret Thatcher if anyone was a paragon of privatisation.

That being said, I have to say I think a new Indian policy of creating a Ministry to privatise India’s public sector is probably a very BAD idea indeed in present circumstances — mainly because it will be driven by the interests of the organised Big Business lobbies that have so profoundly and subtly been able to control the New Delhi Government’s behaviour in recent decades.

Such lobbyist control is exercised often without the Government even realising or comprehending its parameters. For example, ask yourself: Is there any record anywhere of Dr Manmohan Singh, in his long career as a Government economist and then as a Rajya Sabha MP, having ever proposed before 2004-2005 that nuclear reactors were something vitally important to India’s future? And why do you suppose the most prominent Indian business lobby spent a million dollars and registered itself as an official lobbyist in Washington DC to promote the nuclear deal among American legislators? Because Big Business was feeling generous and altruistic towards the “energy security” of the ordinary people of India? Hardly. Indian Big Business calculates and acts in its own interests, as is only to be expected under economic assumptions; those interests are frequently camouflaged by their lobbyist and media friends into seeming to be economic policy for the country as a whole.

Now our Government every year produces paper rupees and bank deposits in practically unlimited amounts to pay for its practically unlimited deficit financing, and it has behaved thus over decades. Why we do not hear about this at all is because the most prominent Government economists themselves remain clueless — sometimes by choice, mostly by sheer ignorance — about the nature of the macroeconomic process that they are or have been part of. (See my “India’s Macroeconomics”, “The Dream Team: A Critique” etc elsewhere here). As for the Opposition’s economists, the less said about the CPI-M’s economists the better while the BJP, poor thing, has absolutely no economists at all!

Briefly speaking, Indian Big Business has acquired an acute sense of this long-term nominal/paper expansion of India’s economy, and as a result acts towards converting wherever possible its own hoards of paper rupees and rupee-denominated assets into more valuable portfolios for itself of real or durable assets, most conspicuously including hard-currency denominated assets, farm-land and urban real-estate, and, now, the physical assets of the Indian public sector. Such a path of trying to transform local domestic paper assets – produced unlimitedly by Government monetary and fiscal policy and naturally destined to depreciate — into real durable assets, is a privately rational course of action to follow in an inflationary economy. It is not rocket-science to realise the long-term path of the Indian rupee is downwards in comparison to the hard-currencies of the world – just compare our money supply growth and inflation rates with those of the rest of the world.

The Statesman of November 15 2006 had a lead editorial titled Government’s land-fraud: Cheating peasants in a hyperinflation-prone economy. It said:

“There is something fundamentally dishonourable about the way the Centre, the state of West Bengal and other state governments are treating the issue of expropriating peasants, farm-workers, petty shop-keepers etc of their small plots of land in the interests of promoters, industrialists and other businessmen. Singur may be but one example of a phenomenon being seen all over the country: Hyderabad, Karnataka, Kerala, Haryana, everywhere. So-called “Special Economic Zones” will merely exacerbate the problem many times over. India and its governments do not belong only to business and industrial lobbies, and what is good for private industrialists may or may not be good for India’s people as a whole. Economic development does not necessarily come to be defined by a few factories or high-rise housing complexes being built here or there on land that has been taken over by the Government, paying paper-money compensation to existing stakeholders, and then resold to promoters or industrialists backed by powerful political interest-groups on a promise that a few thousand new jobs will be created. One fundamental problem has to do with inadequate systems of land-description and definition, implementation and recording of property rights. An equally fundamental problem has to do with fair valuation of land owned by peasants etc. in terms of an inconvertible paper-money. Every serious economist knows that “land” is defined as that specific factor of production and real asset whose supply is fixed and does not increase in response to its price. Every serious economist also knows that paper-money is that nominal asset whose price can be made to catastrophically decline by a massive increase in its supply, i.e. by Government printing more of the paper it holds a monopoly to print. For Government to compensate people with paper-money it prints itself by valuing their land on the basis of an average of the price of the last few years, is for Government to cheat them of the fair present-value of the land. That present-value of land must be calculated in the way the present-value of any asset comes to be calculated, namely, by summing the likely discounted cash-flows of future values. And those future values should account for the likelihood of a massive future inflation causing decline in the value of paper-money in view of the fact we in India have a domestic public debt of some Rs. 30 trillion (Rs. 30 lakh crore) and counting, and money supply growth rates averaging 16-17% per annum. In fact, a responsible Government would, given the inconvertible nature of the rupee, have used foreign exchange or gold as the unit of account in calculating future-values of the land. India’s peasants are probably being cheated by their Government of real assets whose value is expected to rise, receiving nominal paper assets in compensation whose value is expected to fall.”

Mamata Banerjee started her famous protest fast-unto-death in Kolkata not long afterwards, riveting the nation’s attention in the winter of 2006-2007.

What goes for the government buying land on behalf of its businessman friends also goes, mutatis mutandis, for the public sector’s real assets being bought up by the private sector using domestic paper money in a potentially hyperinflationary economy. If Dr Singh’s new Government wishes to see real public sector assets being sold, let the Government seek to value these assets not in inconvertible rupees which the Government itself has been producing in unlimited quantities but rather in forex or gold-units instead!

Today’s headline says “Short of cash, govt. plans to revive disinvestment ministry”. Big Business’s powerful lobbies will suggest that real public assets must be sold (to whom? to organised Big Business of course!) in order to solve the grave fiscal problems in an inflationary economy caused precisely by those grave fiscal problems! What I said in 2002 at IndiaSeminar may still be found to apply: I said the BJP’s privatisation ideas “deserve to be condemned…because they have made themselves believe that the proceeds of selling the public sector should merely go into patching up the bleeding haemorrhage which is India’s fiscal and monetary situation… (w)hile…Congress were largely responsible for that haemorrhage to have occurred in the first place.”

If the new Government would like to know how to proceed more wisely, they need to read and grasp, in the book edited by myself and Professor John Clarke in 2004-2005, the chapter by Professor Patrick Minford on Margaret Thatcher’s fiscal and monetary policy (macroeconomics) before they read the chapter by Professor Martin Ricketts on Margaret Thatcher’s privatisation (microeconomics). India’s fiscal and monetary or macroeconomic problems are far worse today than Britain’s were when Thatcher came in.

During the recent Election Campaign, I contrasted Dr Singh’s flattering praise in 2005 of the CPI-M’s Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee with Sonia Gandhi’s pro-Mamata line in 2009 saying the CPI-M had taken land away from the poor. This may soon signal a new fault-line in the new Cabinet too on economic policy with respect to not only land but also public sector privatisation – with Dr Singh’s pro-Big Business acolytes on one side and Mamata Banerjee’s stance in favour of small-scale unorganised business and labour on the other. Party heavyweights like Dr Singh himself and Sharad Pawar and Pranab Mukherjee will weigh in one side or the other with Sonia being asked in due course to referee.

I personally am delighted to see the New Rahul Gandhi deciding not to be in Government and to instead reflect further on the “common man” and “common woman” about whom I had described his father talking to me on September 18 1990 at his home. Certainly the “aam admi” is not someone to be found among India’s organised Big Business or organised Big Labour nor their paid lobbyists in the big cities.

Subroto Roy

Posted in Academic research, AD Shroff, Asia and the West, Big Business and Big Labour, BR Shenoy, Britain, Britain in India, British history, Economic Policy, Economic quackery, Economic Theory, Economics of exchange controls, Economics of Public Finance, Economics of real estate valuation, Financial Management, Financial markets, Foreign exchange controls, Government Budget Constraint, Government of India, India's Big Business, India's Banking, India's bureaucracy, India's Capital Markets, India's corporate finance, India's corporate governance, India's corruption, India's currency history, India's Economic History, India's Economy, India's Government Budget Constraint, India's Government Expenditure, India's Industry, India's inflation, India's Macroeconomics, India's Monetary & Fiscal Policy, India's nomenclatura, India's peasants, India's political lobbyists, India's Politics, India's pork-barrel politics, India's poverty, India's Public Finance, Inflation, Land and political economy, Macroeconomics, Mamata Banerjee, Manmohan Singh, Margaret Thatcher, Margaret Thatcher's Revolution, Martin Ricketts, Mendacity in politics, Microeconomics, Monetary Theory, Money and banking, Mumbai financial world, New Delhi, Patrick Minford, Political cynicism, Political Economy, Political mendacity, Political Science, Politics, Pork-barrel politics, Power-elites and nomenclatura, Practical wisdom, Principal-agent problem, Privatisation, Public Choice/Public Finance, Public property waste fraud, Rajiv Gandhi, Rational decisions, Singur and Nandigram, Sonia Gandhi, Statesmanship, The Statesman, The Times (London), University of Buckingham. Leave a Comment »

Caveat emptor! Satyam is taken over

April 14, 2009 — drsubrotoroy

Textbook corporate finance theory says that when a going concern takes over an ailing or bankrupt company (with low or zero or negative value), it does so in expectation that the net value of the combined entity shall, at least in due course, exceed the present value of the successful buyer.

The most peculiar aspect of the Satyam auction process has been the delay and obfuscation that greeted attempts by potential buyers to ascertain the extent of its liabilities (many of which may be contingent liabilities depending on the outcomes of American class-action suits.) Even so, Satyam appears to have been taken over. Caveat emptor! may be all that needs to be said. We are like this only.

Subroto Roy

Posted in Big Business and Big Labour, Caveat emptor, Corporate Finance, Corporate fraud, Corporate Governance, Credit markets, Enterprise and entrepeneurship, India's Big Business, India's credit markets, India's stock and debt markets, India's Capital Markets, India's corporate finance, India's corporate governance, India's corruption, India's Industry, Satyam corporate fraud. Leave a Comment »

An Academic Database of Doctoral & Other Postgraduate Research Done at UK Universities on India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and Other Asian Countries Over 100 Years

March 13, 2009 — drsubrotoroy

British universities have in the last one hundred years produced a vast and unsurpassable body of doctoral and other postgraduate research relating to India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Burma, Afghanistan, Malaysia and other Asian countries.

The first table below contains almost 3,300 entries, each beginning with the date of award and the degree, followed by the University (and College), followed by the title of the thesis, followed by the AUTHOR in capital letters, followed by the name of the thesis supervisor where provided.

NB: There is a second table that follows containing a further 78 77 entries — these latter are, however, incomplete in that either the year or the degree appears not to be available.

If you are an author or thesis-supervisor or other academic representative and you are able to correct any inadvertent error or omission, please feel free to write to me promptly by email and I shall seek to account for it. For omissions, please also identify yourself clearly and send a comment to the post along with the necessary data that you believe should be accounted for. Numerous typos existed in the original transcription, several of which have been corrected though many might remain. In several cases, it is not impossible the original transcription has mis-spelt a name but authentication could require the original thesis to be checked.

This database has been created from public data and is published below with the aim of encouraging further research and reflection. It may be of special interest to notice the choice and quality of subjects in the context of particular times.

Subroto Roy

Postscript: More than one grateful reader has called this document someone’s “labour of love”. I agree though I have to say it was not mine — my contribution has been merely to transform a confused spreadsheet into HTML, editing it very slightly, removing some but not all typos yet, and publishing it. The spreadsheet was one of a million files on my computer, which must mean I downloaded it from some public source at some time though I am afraid I have no record where, most probably in British academia.

Degree University & College Title AUTHOR Supervisor

1909   MA   Liverpool   The interaction of England and India during the early years of George III   Dorothy DUDLEY
1917   BLitt   Oxford   The history of the occupation and rural administration of Bengal by the English Company from the time of Clive to the permanent settlement under Cornwallis   W K FIRMINGER
1917   MA   Liverpool   The constitutional relations of the Marquess Wellesley with the home authorities   Beatrice L FRAZER
1917   BLitt   Oxford   Agricultural cooperation in British India   J MATTHAI
1921   BA   Cambridge   Relations between the Bombay government and the Marathi powers up to the year 1774   W S DESI
1921   MA   Manchester   The movement of opinion in England as regards Indian affairs, 1757-1773   E EMMETT   Prof Muir
1921   MA   Manchester   The relations of the Mahrattas with the British power   I Kathleen WALKER   Prof Muir
1922   BLitt   Oxford   The history of Burma to 1824   G E HARVEY
1922   PhD   London   Commercial relations between India and England, 1600-1757   B KRISHNA
1922   MSc   London   Agricultural problems and conditions in the Bombay Presidency, 1870-1914   M A TATA
1922   BLitt   Oxford   The Indian calico trade and its influence on English history   P J THOMAS
1922   MSc   London   The cotton industry in India to 1757   J N VARMA   Prof Sargeant
1922   PhD   Manchester   The administration of Bengal under Warren Hastings   Sophia WEITZMAN   Prof Muir
1923   MA   Manchester   The administrative and judicial reforms of Lord Cornwallis in Bengal (excluding the permanent settlement)   A ASPINALL   Mr Higham
1923   MA   Manchester   The Residency of Oudh during the administration of Warren Hastings   C C BRACEWELL   Prof Davis
1923   MLitt   Cambridge   Industrial evolution of India in recent times   D R GADGIL
1923   PhD   London   The Punjab as a sovereign state, 1799-1839   GULSHAM LALL   Prof Dodwell
1924   BLitt   Oxford   Development of the cotton industry in Indian from the early 19th century   S DESOUANDE
1925   MA   Liverpool   Henry Dundas and the government of India, 1784-1800   Dorothy THORNTON   Prof Veitch
1926   PhD   Cambridge   The North West Frontier of India, 1890-1909, with a survey of policy since 1849   C C DAVIES
1927   PhD   Leeds   A study of the development of agriculture in the Punjab and its economic effects   K S BAJWA
1927   BLitt   Oxford   The military system of the Mahrattas: its origin and development from the time of the Shivaji to the fall of the Mahratta empire   S SEN
1928   MA   Birmingham   The East India Company crisis, 1770-1773   R BEARD
1928   PhD   Edinburgh   A comparative study of the woollen industry in Scotland and the Punjab   J W SIRAJUDDIN   Dr Rankin
1929   PhD   London   The relations of the Governor-General and council with the Governor and council of Madras under the Regulating Act of 1773   A Das GUPTA   Prof Dodwell
1929   PhD   London, LSE   The evolution of Indian income tax, 1860-1922: a historical, critical and comparative study   J P NIYOGI
1929   PhD   London   Development of Indian ralways, 1842-1928   N SANYAL   Prof Foxwell; Dr Slater
1930   PhD   London   Financial history of Mysore, 1799-1831   M H GOPAL   Dr Slater; Prof Dodwell
1930   BLitt   Oxford, St Cath’s Soc   The development of political institutions in the state of Travancore, 1885-1924   V M ITTYERAH
1930   BLitt   Oxford   Sir Charles Crosthwaite and the consolidation of Burma   Mys J MAY-OUNG
1930   PhD   London, SOAS   Revenue administration of the Sirkars under the East India Company down to 1802   Lanka SUNDERAM
1930   PhD   London, LSE   Hastings’ experiments in the judicial administration   N J M YUSUF
1931   PhD   London   State policy and economic development in Mysore State since 1881   UDAYAM ABHAYAMBAL   Miss Anstey
1931   PhD   London   The origin and early history of public debt in India   P DATTA   Prof Coatman
1931   MA   London   Lord Macaulay and the Indian Legislative Council   C D DHARKAR   Prof Dodwell
1931   MA   London   The bilingual problem in Ceylon   T D JAYASURIYA
1931   PhD   London; LSE   Study of agricultural cooperation in India based upon foreign experience   H L PASRICHA   Prof Gregory
1931   PhD   London, UC   The administration of Mysore under Sir Mark Cubbon. 1834-1861   K N V SASTRI   Prof Dodwell

1931 PhD London, SOAS Administrative beginnings in British Burma, 1826-1843 Barbara J STEWART

1931/32    PhD    Cambridge, St Cath’s    English social life in India in the 18th century    T G P SPEAR
1932    PhD    London    The growth and development of the Indian tea industry and trade    S M AKHTAR    Dr Anstey
1932    PhD    London    Anglo-Sikh relations, 1839-1849    K C KHANNA    Prof Dodwell
1932    PhD    London, LSE    Indian commodity market speculation    L N MISRA    Prof Coatman
1932    PhD    London, LSE    Indian foreign trade, 1870-1930    Parimal RAY    Prof Sargent
1932    PhD    London, King’s    Ceylon under the British occupation: its political and economic development, 1795-1833    C R de SILVA    Prof Newton
1932    PhD    London    Post-war labour legislation in India – a comparison with Japan    Sasadhar SINHA    Dr Anstey
1932    PhD    London    Local finance in India    G C VARMA    Prof Coatman
1933    PhD    Leeds    Historical survey of the financial policy of the government of India from 1857 to 1900 and of its economic and other consequences    H S BHAI
1933    PhD    London    The relations between the Board of Commissioners for the affairs of India and the Court of Directors, 1784-1816    P CHANDRA    Prof Coatman
1934    PhD    London    The influence of the home government on land revenue and judicial administration in the Presidency of Fort William in Bengal from 1807-1822    B S BALIGA    Prof Dodwell
1934    MSc    Leeds    A survey of the resources of tanning materials and the leather industry of Bhopal State, India    G W DOUGLAS
1934    PhD    Edinburgh    Human geography of Bengal    Arthur GEDDES
1934    BLitt    Oxford, Somerville    A study of the legal and administrative records of Dacca as illustrating the policy of Warren Hastings in East Bengal    F M SACHSE
1934    BLitt    Oxford    Biography of Maharaja DalipSingh    K S THAPER
1935    DPhil    Oxford    The development of the Indian administrative and financial system, 1858-1905, with special reference to the relations    F J THOMAS
1936    MSc    London    British Indian administration: a historical study    K R Ramaswami AIYANGAR
1936    MA    London    Lord Ellenborough’s ideas on Indian policy    Kathleen I GARRETT    Dr Morrell
1936    MA    London    British public opinion regarding Indian policy at the time of the mutiny    Jessie HOLMES    Dr Morrell
1936    PhD    London, SOAS    The rise and fall of the Rohilla power in Hindustan, 1707-1774 AD    A F M K RAHMAN
1936/37    PhD    Edinburgh    Indian foreign trade, 1900-1931, and its economic background: a study    W B RAGHAVIAH
1937    PhD    Cambridge, Gonville    The national income of British India, 1931-1932    V K R V RAO
1937    PhD    London, LSE    Culture change in South-Western India    A AIYAPPAN
1937    PhD    London, UC    Banks and industrial finance in India    R BAGCHI
1937    PhD    London    Development of social and political ideas in Bengal, 1858-1884    B C BHATTACHARYA    Prof Dodwell
1937    MSc    Leeds    An interpretation of the distribution of the population within the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh    Nora Y BOYDELL
1937    PhD    London, LSE    Rise and growth of Indian liberalism    M A BUCH
1937    PhD    London, LSE    Industrial finance and management in India    N DAS
1937    MSc    London, LSE    The effect of the breakdown of the international gold standard on India    R DORAISWAMY
1937    PhD    London, LSE    The problem of rural indebtedness in Indian economic life    B G GHATE
1937    MSc    London, LSE    Indian coal trade    J GUHATHAKURTA
1937    PhD    London SOAS    Reorganisation of the Punjab government (1847-1857)    R C LAI

1937   PhD   London, External   An economic and regional geography of the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh   S M T RIZVI
1937   PhD   Wales   Purposes and methods of recording and accounting as applied to agriculture, with special reference to provision and use of economic data relating to agriculture in India   Arjan SINGH
1938   PhD   London, SOAS   The relations between Oudh and the East India Company from 1785-1801   P BASU
1938   PhD   London, SOAS   East India Company’s relations with Assam, 1771-1826   S K BHUYAN
1938   PhD   London, LSE   Discretionary powers in the Indian Government with special reference to district administration   B CHAND
1938   MA   London, SOAS   The British conquest of Sind   K A CHISHTI
1938   PhD   Cambridge, Christ’s   The working of the Bengal legislative council under the Government of India Act, 1919   J G DRUMMOND
1938   MA   London   British relations with the Sikhs and Afghans, July 1823 to March 1840   E R KAPADIA
1938   PhD   London, SOAS   The East India interest and the British government, 1784-1833   C H PHILIPS
1938   PhD   London, LSE   The position of the Viceroy and Governor General of India   A RUDRA
1938   MA   London   British relations with the Sikhs and Afghans, July 1823 to March 1840   Charles WADE
1938/39   PhD   Edinburgh   Agricultural geography of the United Provinces   B N MUKERJI
1939   PhD   London, LSE   Industrial development of Mysore   R BALAKRISHNA
1939   MA   London, LSE   A general geographical account of the North West Frontier Province of India   M A K DURRANI
1939   PhD   Wales   The international production and exchange of rice with special reference to the production, market demand and consumption of rice in India and Burma   Ahmas KHAN
1939   BLitt   Oxford, St Cath’s Soc   The Governor-Generalship of Sir John Shore, 1793-1798   A W MAHMOOD
1939   PhD   London, LSE   Indian provincial finance (1919-1937) with special reference to the United Provinces   B R MISRA
1940   PhD   London, LSE   Recent economic depression in India with reference to agriculture and rural life   R K BHAN
1940   PhD   Wales   The future of agricultural cooperation in the United Provinces (with an examination of the cooperative experience)with special reference to the problems of agricultural cooperation in the United Provinces, India   H R CHATURVEDI
1940   PhD   London, LSE   An administrative study of the development of the civil service in India during the Company’s regime   A K GHOSAL
1940   PhD   Wales   The production, marketing and consumption of the chief oilseeds in India and the supply and use of oilseeds in the United Kingdom   A S KHAN
1940   PhD   Wales   Principles of agricultural planning with reference to relationships of natural resources, populations and dietaries in India and with further reference to rural development in certain provinces of India   Jaswant SINGH
1941   PhD   London, LSE   Financing of local authorities in British India   A N BANERJI
1941   PhD   London   The political and cultural history of the Punjab including the North West Frontier Province in its earliest period   L CHANDRA   Prof Barnett
1941   PhD   London, LSE   Capital development of India, 1860-1913   A KRISHNASAWMI
1941   PhD   London, LSE   Influence of European political doctrines upon the evolution of the Indian governmental institutions and practice, 1858-1938   G PRASAD
1942   MLitt   Cambridge, Fitzwilliam   Economic and political relations of India with Iran and Afghanistan since 1900   T BASU
1942   PhD   Edinburgh   A study of missionary policy and methods in Bengal from 1793 to 1905   W B S DAVIS   Prof Watt; Prof Buleigh
1943   PhD   London, LSE   Development of large scale industries in India and their localisation   N S SASTRI
1944   BLitt   Oxford, St Cath’s   Communal representation and Indian self-government   I J BAHADOORSINGH
1944   MA   London, External   The physiographic evolution of Ceylon   K KULARATNAM
1946   MA   London, SOAS   The origins and development to 1892 of the Indian National Congress   Iris M JONES
1947   PhD   London, LSE   The agricultural geography of Bihar   P DAYAL
1947   PhD   Cambridge, King’s   Consumer expenditure in India, 1931/32 to 1940/41   R L DESAI
1947   MA   London, LSE   Power resources and utilisation in the United Provinces   P K DUTT
1947   PhD   London, LSE   Cultural change with special reference to the hill tribes of Burma and Assam   Edmund Ronald LEACH
1947   PhD   London, SOAS   The judicial administration of the East India Company in Bengal, 1765-1982   B B MISRA
1947   PhD   London, LSE   The monetary policy of the Reserve Bank of India with special reference to the structural and institutional factors in the economy   K N RAJ
1948   PhD   Wales   The principles and practice of health insurance as applied to India   J AGRAWALA
1948   MSc   London, LSE   International monetary policy since 1919 with special reference to India   D C GHOSE
1948   DPhil   Oxford, Balliol   British policy on the North East Frontier of India, 1826-1886   S GUPTA
1948   DPhil   Oxford, St Cath’s   Local self-government in the Madras Presidency, 1850-1919   K K PILLAY
1948   PhD   London, LSE   The problem of the standards of the Indian currency   A SADEQUE
1948   DPhil   Oxford, Exeter   The social function of religion in a south India community   Mysore Narasimhashar SRINIVAS
1948   BLitt   Oxford, St Cath’s Society   Some aspects of agricultural marketing in India with reference to developments in western marketing systems   R S SRIVASTAVA
1948   PhD   London,. SOAS   Muslims in India: a political analysis (from 1885-906)   Rafiq ZAKARIA
1949   PhD   London, LSE   Settlements in the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh   E AHMAD
1949   PhD   London, SOAS   The growth of self-government in Assam, 1984-1919   A K BARKAKOTY
1949   PhD   London, SOAS   British administration in Assam (1825-1845)with special reference to the hill tribes on the frontier   H BARPUJARI
1949   MA   London   An enquiry into the development of training of teachers in the Punjab during the British period   Aquila B BERLAS
1949   PhD   London, LSE   The problem of federation in India with special reference to economic relations   J N BHAN
1949   PhD   London, LSE   A study of methods of national income measurements with special reference to the problems of India   V K CHOPRA
1949   PhD   London, LSE   An analysis of the Indian price structure from 1861   A K GHOSH
1949   DPhil   Oxford, Keble   The achievement of Christian missionaries in India, 1794-1833   Kenneth INGHAM
1949   PhD   Wales   The organization and methods of agricultural cooperation in the British Isles and the possibility of their application in the Central Province of India   N Y KHER
1949   PhD   London, LSE   Industrial geography of Bihar   S A MAJID
1949   PhD   London, LSE   Development of Indian public finance during the war, April 1939-March 1946   S MISRA
1949   PhD   London, LSE   A study of the methods of state regulation of wages with special reference to their possible applications in India   S B L NIGAM
1949   PhD   London, SOAS   The development of marriage in ancient India   B C PAUL
1949   PhD   St Andrews   The social and administrative reforms of Lord William Bentinck   G SEED
1950   PhD   London, LSE   Jails and borstals with special reference to West Bengal   B BHATTACHARYYA   Dr Mannheim
1950   PhD   London   The growth of local self-government in Assam, 1874-1919   A K BORKAKOTY   Prof C R Philips; Prof Hall
1950   DPhil   Oxford, Lady Margaret Hall   The problem of the Indian immigrant in British colonial policy after 1834   I Mary CUMPSTON
1950   PhD   London, LSE   Underemployment and industrialisation: a study of the basic problems with special reference to India   B DATTA
1950   PhD   London, UC   The agriculture of Mysore   G K GHORI
1950   PhD   London, SOAS   The influence of western, particularly English, political ideas on Indian political thought, with special reference to the political ideas of the Indian National Congress, 1885-1919   Sailesh C GHOSH
1950   PhD   London, LSE   Principles of unemployment insurance and assistance with special reference to their application to India   D GUPTA
1950   PhD   Newcastle   Anglo-Afghan relations, 1798-1878, with particular reference to British policy in Central Asia and on the North West Frontier of India   M KHAN
1950   PhD   London, LSE   The social consequences of imperialism with special reference to Ceylon   P R PIERIS
1950   PhD   London, LSE   An experiment in the estimation of national income and the in the construction of social accounts of India, 1945-1946   D N SAXENA   Mr Booker
1950   PhD   London, SOAS   The relations between the home and Indian governments, 1858-1870   Zahinuddin Husain ZOBERI
1951   PhD   London, External   Memoir of the geology and mineral resources of the neighbourhood of Bentong, Pahang and adjoining portions of Selangor and Negri Sembilan, incorporating an account of the prospecting and mining activities of the Bentong District   J B ALEXANDER
1951   BLitt   Oxford, Exeter   The political organization of the plains Indians   Frederick George BAILEY
1951   BLitt   Oxford, Corpus   Southern India under Wellesley, 1798-1805   A S BENNELL   Mr C C Davies
1951   PhD   London, LSE   Problems of the Indian foreign exchanges since 1927   D GHOSH
1951   DPhil   Oxford, Balliol   The Viceroyalty of Lord Ripon, 1880-1884   S GOPAL   Mr R C Davies
1951   MA   Wales   The problem of the Straits, 1896-1936   E W GRIFFITHS
1951   PhD   London, LSE   Sources of Indian official statistics relating to production   O P GUPTA   Dr Rhodes
1951   MA   Manchester   The administration and financial control of municipalities and district boards in the UP   N K KATHIA
1951   PhD   Glasgow   The legal and constitutional implications of the evolution of Indian independence   R KEMAL
1951   PhD   Cambridge, Jesus   An analysis of the Hindu caste system in its interactions with the total social structure in certain parts of the Malabar coast   E J MILLER   Prof Hutton
1951   PhD   Cambridge, Girton   Changes in matrilineal kinship on th Malabar coast   E K MILLER   Prof Hutton
1951   PhD   Bristol   Agriculture and horticulture in India – sundry papers   K C NAIK
1951   MA   Manchester   An economic survey of West Pakistan   A SHARIF
1951   PhD   Cambridge   The interpretation of legislative powers under the Government of India Act, 1935   S D SHARMA
1951   BLitt   Oxford, St Cath’s Society   Religion and society among some of the tribes of Chota Nagpur   H N C STEVENSON
1951       London, SOAS   The political development of Burma during the period 1918-1935   OHN TIN
1951   PhD   London, LSE   The working of the Donoughmore constitution of Ceylon, 1931-1947: a study of a colonial central government by executive committees   Irripitwebadalge don Samaradasa WEERAWARDANA   Mr W H Morris-Jones
1952   PhD   London SOAS   The career of Mir Jafar Khan, 1757-1765 AD   Raya ATULA-CHANDRA   Prof C H Philips
1952   PhD   London, LSE   The development of Calcutta: a study in urban geography   M GUHA   Prof L D Stamp; Prof O H K Spate
1952   PhD   London, LSE   The East India Company’s land policy and management in Bengal from 1698 to 1784   Mazharul HUQ   Dr Anstey
1952   MA   Leeds   The social accounts relating to Ceylon   E L P JAYTILAKA
1952   MSc   London, LSE   Rural industries in India: a study in rural economic development with special reference to Madras   C K KAUSUKUTTY   Dr Anstey
1952   MSc   London, LSE   India’s balance of international payments with special reference to her food and agricultural conditions   G B KULKARNI   Dr Anstey; Dr Raeburn
1952   PhD   Cambridge   Utilitarian influence and the formation of Indian policy, 1820-1840   E T STOKES
1952   PhD   London, SOAS   Local government in India and Burma, 1908-1937: a comparative study of the evolution and working of local authorities in Bombay, the United Provinces and Burma   Hugh R TINKER   Prof Hall
1953   PhD   London, LSE   Economic geography of East Pakistan   N AHMAD   Prof Stamp
1953   MSc   London, UC   the changing pattern of India’s foreign trade, with special reference to the impact of large scale industrial development since 1919   A ALAGAPPAN
1953   PhD   London, SOAS   The East India Company and the economy of Bengal from 1704 to 1740   Sukumar BHATTACHARYYA   Prof C H Philips
1953   MA   Wales   National income of Pakistan for the year 1948-49   Z ul H CHAUDRI
1953   MLitt   Cambridge, Fitzwilliam   The influence of Western thought on social, educational, political and cultural development of India, 1818-1840   V DATTA   Dr T G P Spear
1953   MSc   Belfast   The growth of trade unions in India   S DAYAL
1953   PhD   London   The establishment of Dutch power in Ceylon, 1638-1658    K W GOONEWARDENA   Prof Hall
1953   PhD   London, LSE   The submontane region of North West Pakistan: a geographical study of its economic development   Maryam KARAM-ELAHI   Prof Buchanan; Prof Stamp
1953   PhD   London, LSE   A study of rhe measurement of national product and its distribution, with special reference to Pakistan   A H KHANDKER
1953   PhD   Edinburgh   A regional study of survival, mortality and disease in British India in relation to the geographic factors, 1921-1940   A T A LEARMONTH
1953   PhD   London, SOAS   Development of the Muslims of Bengal and Bihar, 1819-1856, with special reference to their education   A R MAALICK   Prof Philips
1953   DPhil   Oxford, Jesus   The study of the economy of self-subsisting rural communities: the methods of investigation, economic conditions and economic relations, with specific reference to India   P K MUKHOPADHYAY
1953   PhD   London, LSE   The relationship of land tenure to the economic modernization of Uttar Pradesh   W C NEALE
1953   PhD   London, Bedford   Social status of women during the past fifty years (1900=1950)   T N PATEL   Mrs B Wootton
1953   PhD   London, LSE   The state in relation to trade unions and trade disputes in India   Anand PRAKASH   Mr W H Morris-Jones; Mr Roberts
1953   MA   London, SOAS   The tribal village in Bihar   SACHCHIDANANDA   Prof C Haimendorf
1953   PhD   London, UC   Delegated legislation in India   V N SHULKA   Prof Keeton
1953   PhD   London, SOAS   The internal policy of the Indian government, 1885-1898   H L SINGH   Prof C H Philips
1953   PhD   London, SOAS   The internal policy of Lord Auckland in British India, 1836-1842, with special reference to education   D P SINHA   Prof C H Philips
1953/54   MA   Leeds   Demand for certain exports of Ceylon   K THARMARATNAM
1954   MA   London   The administration of Sir Henry Ward,Governor of Ceylon, 1855-1860   S V BALASINGHAM   Prof Graham
1954   PhD   London, SOAS   Social policy and social change in Western India, 1817-1830   Kenneth A BALLHATCHET   Prof C H Philips
1954   Dphil   Oxford, St Hilda’s   Lord William Bentinck in Bengal, 1828-1835   C E BARRETT   Dr C C Davies
1954   MA   London   A historical survey of the training of teachers in Bengal in the 19th and 20th centuries   S BHATTACHARYA
1954   MA   London, SOAS   Evolution of representative government in India, 1884-1909   Sasadhar CHAKRAVARTY   Prof C H Philips

1954    PhD    London, LSE    Consumption levels in India    T P CHAUDHURI
1954    PhD    London, LSE    The forests of Assam: a study in economic geography    H DAS
1954    MSc    Leeds    A study of price fixing for agricultural products with special reference to milk in Great Britain and Bombay    N K DESAI
1954    BLitt    St Andrews    Eldred Pottinger and the North West Frontier, 1838-1842    D W F GOURLAY    Sir C Ogilvie
1954    PhD    London, LSE    The Korean crisis and the Indian Union    K GUPTA
1954    MA    Manchester    Some aspects of the development of Pakistan’s financial structure    M HOSSAIN
1954    MSc    London, LSE    Financing economic development in Ceylon    A T JAYAKODDY    Prof Paish; Dr Anstey
1954    PhD    London, LSE    Measurement of profits: a study of methods with special reference to India    R K NIGAM
1954    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    A study of communal representation in constitutional systems of the British Commonwealth with specific reference to Ceylon, Kenya and Fiji    Carl Gustav ROSBERG    Mr K E Robinson
1954    PhD    London, LSE    Land utilization in Eastern Uttar Pradesh (comprising the districts of Jaunpur, Banares, Guezipur, Azamgarh and Baldea)    M SHAFI    Prof Stamp; Mr R R Rawson
1954    PhD    London, LSE    Representation and representative government in the Indian Republic    Irene C TINKER    Mr W H Morris-Jones
1954    PhD    London, SOAS    Trade and finance in the Bengal Presidency, 1793-1833    Amales TRIPATHY    Prof C H Phillips
1954    PhD    London, LSE    Some aspects of the history of the coffee industry in Ceylon with specific reference to 1823-1885    I H VAN DEN DRIESEN    Mr Fisher
1954    PhD    London, LSE    The Manning constitution of Ceylon, 1924-1931    Alfred Jeyaretnam WILSON    Mr R Bassett; Mr W H Morris-Jones
1955    MSC    London, LSE    Some aspects of the history of British investments in the private sector of the Indian economy, 1876-1914    N Z AHMED    Dr Ashworth; F J Fisher
1955    PhD    Manchester    The social organisation of a village on the Hindu frontier of Orissa    Frederick George BAILEY
1955    LLM    London, LSE    Recognition and enforcement of foreign judgements in India: a comparative study    B N BANERJEE
1955    PhD    London    The administration of criminal justice in Bengal from 1773 to 1861    T K BANERJEE    S A de Smith; Prof A Gledhill
1955    MA    London    The East India Company in Madras, 1707-1744    R N BANERJI
1955    PhD    London    The factory of the English East India Company at bantam, 1602-1682    D K BASSETT    Prof D G E Hall
1955    PhD    London, LSSE    Pressure of population on land in India: a regional approach    B S BHIR
1955    MA    London, SOAS    The economic policy of the Government of India, 1898-1905    Edna BONNER    Prof C R Philips
1955    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    The educational policy of the East India Company, 1781-1854    J G BOWEN    Mr C C Davies
1955    BLitt    Oxford, Magdalen    Indian labour migration to Malaya, 1867-1910    D A CALMAN    Dr A F Madden
1955    PhD    London, LSE    Consumption levels in India    T P CHOUDHURY
1955    PhD    London, LSE    The Malay family in Singapore    J DJAMOUR
1955    PhD    Edinburgh    The abolition of the East India Company’s monopoly, 1833    D EYLES    Prof Pares
1955    MLitt    Cambridge. Fitzwilliam House    The mongoloids and their contributions to the growth of Assamese culture    M C GOSWAMI    Dr J E Lindgren
1955    PhD    London, SOAS    The administration of the Delhi Territory, 1803-1832    Jessie HOLMES    Prof C H Philips
1955    MSc (Econ)    London, LSE    Taxation and saving in India    D JHA
1955    MSc    London, LSE    A comparison of the federal aspects of the Government of India Act, 1935, and the constitution of 1950    S KHAN
1955    MA    London, SOAS    Some aspects of the social history of Bengal with special reference to the Muslims, 1854-1884    L KHATOON    Prof Philips
1955    PhD    Aberdeen    Ports of the Indian ocean: an historical geography    W KIRK    A C O’Dell
1955    PhD    Cambridge, Peterhouse    British investment in Indian guaranteed railways, 1845-1875    W J MACPHERSON    Mr K E Berrill
1955    PhD    London, UC    Fundamental freedoms, with particular reference to the Indian constitution    J C MEHDI    Prof G W Keeton
1955    PhD    Birmingham    The educational ideas of Mahatma Gandhi    N P PILLAI
1955    MA    Manchester    Cottage industries in Bihar    S B SAXENA
1955    PhD    London, LSE    The Indian jute industry: a study of agricultural geography    P SENGUPTA
1955    PhD    London, LSE    The political philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi in relation to the English liberal tradition    Bishan Sarup SHARMA
1955    LLM    London, SOAS    Distribution of legislative power under the India constitution    R P SHARMA
1955    PhD    London , SOAS    The Council of India, 1858-1919    S SINGH    Prof C H Philips
1955    PhD    London LSE    The origin and development of left wing movements and ideas in India, 1919-1947    Lalan Prasad SINHA    R Mikband; W H Morris-Jones
1955    PhD    London; SOAS    British interest in trans-Burma trade routes to China, 1826-1876    Ma THAUNG
1955    MA    London    The training of teachers in the Bombay Presidency during the British period: a historical survey    N L VAIDYA
1955    PhD    Edinburgh    Save there, eat here: a cultural study of labour migration from a Pakhtun village    Francis Philip WATKINS
1955    PhD    London, LSE    The southeast quadrant of Ceylon: a study of the geographical aspects of land use    W A R WIKKRAMATILEKE
1956    PhD    London, SOAS    The Dutch power in Ceylon, 1658-1687    S ARASARATNAM    Prof D Hall
1956    PhD    London, LSE    Land use and soil erosion problems of Bist Jullundur Doab, Punjab, India    O P BHARDWAJA
1956    PhD    London, SOAS    British rule in Assam, 1845-1858    B CHAUDHURI    Prof C R Philips
1956    PhD    London, SOAS    Sir Josiah Child and the East India Company at the end of the 17th century    A L CROWE    Prof C Philips
1956    MSc    London, LSE    Scope and method of agricultural economic surveys in India    N Y Z FARUQI    Dr Raeburn
1956    PhD    London, LSE    A study of capital taxation and its scope in India    I S GULATI
1956    PhD    London, LSE    An analysis of the monetary experience of Ceylon    H A de S GUNASEKERA    Prof Sayers; Mr Wilson
1956    PhD    London, LSE    Federal finance and economic development with special reference to Pakistan    M HOSSAIN
1956    PhD    London, LSE    The demand for Indian exports and imports: an econometric study of selected commodities    A K MUKERJI    Prof Allen; Dr Norton
1956    PhD    London, LSE    Capital development in India with special reference to recent trends in investments    Dinanath Kashinath RANGNEKAR    Prof Paish; Dr Anstey
1956    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    A study of India’s balance of payments, 1901-1913 and 1924-1936    B S RAO    Prof E A G Robinson
1956    MA    London, SOAS    The relations between the Indian central and provincial governments with special reference to the Presidencies of Madras and Bombay, 1858-1882    D N SINGH    Prof C H Philips
1957    MA    Birmingham    An examination in disposal and treatment of juvenile delinquents in Bombay State in relation to practice in England    A D ATTAR
1957    MA    London    The development and reconstruction of university education in Pakistan since 1854    S M A AZIZ
1957    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Social organisation of the Jaffna Tamils of North Ceylon with special reference to kinship, marriage and inheritance    M Y BANKS    Mr E R Leach
1957    PhD    London, LSE    West Midnapore: a study of land use    S C CHAKRABORTI
1957    BLitt    Oxford, St Cath’s    The place of agricultural development in India’s first two Five-Year Plans    A CORREIA-AFONSO
1957    PhD    London, SOAS    Studies in the economic and social development of Inida, 1848-1856    M N DAS    Prof C Philips
1957    MA    London, LSE    The population of Chota Nagpur    H P DEVI    Prof L D Stamp
1957    MSc    London, LSE    Small scale and cottage industries as a means of providing better opportunities for labour in India    Q H FAROOQUEE    Prof A Plant; Mr Foldes
1957    PhD    London, LSE    Fiscal policy and inflation in post-war India, 1945-1954    K V G GOWDA
1957    DPhil    Oxford    Anglo Sikh relations, 1799-1849    B J HASRAT    C C Davies
1957    MLitt    Cambridge, Girton    Indian constitutional development, 1927-1935    M B HASSEN    Dr T G P Spear
1957    PhD    London, LSE    The commitee system in British and Indian local authorities    C JHA    Prof W A Robbins
1957    DPhil    Oxford, St Cath’s    The development of money and banking in Ceylon    J B KELEGAMA
1957    PhD    London, LSE    The civil service in independent India: the All India and Union Civil Services    B S KHANNA    Prof W A Robson
1957    PhD    London, LSE    Urbanization in West Pakistan    K KURESHY
1957    PhD    London, LSE    Hinduism and economic growth: a study of the nature of the impact of Hinduism on India’s economic growth with special emphasis on theperiod since the mid 18th century    B B MISHRA    Dr Anstey
1957    PhD    London, External    Large scale sampling surveys in agriculture in the Punjab (Pakistan)    D M QURESHI
1957    PhD    London, SOAS    British land policy in Oudh    j RAJ    Prof C H Philips
1957    DPhil    Oxford    The Dutch in Coromandel, 1605-1690    Tapan RAYCHAUDHURI
1957    PhD    London, LSE    Geomorphological evolution of the highaland of Chota Nagpur and the adjoining districts of Bihar    R P SINGH
1957    PhD    London, LSE    Credit problems of small farmers in Ceylon    Wijetunga Mudianselagadera TILAKARATNA    Mr A D Knox
1957    PhD    London    The urban geography of Agra    A R TIWARI    Prof A E Smailes
1957/58    PhD    London, SOAS    The life and career of Jonathan Duncan, 1756-1795    V NARAIN
1957/58    PhD    Manchester    A comparative study of informal relationships in a Chinese village in Malaya and north India    W H NEWELL
1957/58    PhD    Manchester    The history of the Arghuns and Tarkhans of Sind    M H SIDDIQI
1957/58    PhD    Manchester    An analysis of the demand for, and the supply of, food in India    R P SINHA
1958    MA    London, Inst Ed    The missionary activities of the CMS and CZEMS in Kashmir during the second half of the 19th century    S Z AHMED SAH    Prof J A Lauwerys
1958    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    The political organisation of the Swat Pathans    T F W BARTH    Mr E R Leach
1958    MA    London, Inst Ed    A historical survey of the languages problem in Bengal from the Muslim period to the end of the British period    K BHATTACHARYYA
1958    MSc    Cambridge, Fitzwilliam    The financing of planned economic development in India    S R DATTA GUPTA    Dr A R Prest
1958    MA    London, LSE    Sociology of marriage rituals in India: a study of Sanskritisation and de-Sanskritisation    B DATTAGUPTA
1958    MSc    Londond, LSE    Some aspects of Indo-British trade during the 20th century with special reference to capital goods    V P DHITAL
1958    MA    London, SOAS    The political system of the Rajputs    Sylvia J DUTRA    Dr Bauley; Prof C von Furer-Haimendorf
1958    MSc    London, LSE    The economics of the tea industry in Ceylon    J M F G FERNANDO    Dr V Anstey
1958    PhD    London    The development of the Indian National Congress, 1892-1909    Pansy C GHOSH    Dr K Balhatchet
1958    PhD    London, LSE    Inflation in India, 1939-1952: a study of inflation in an underdeveloped economy    S K GHOSH    Dr Anstey; Mr Day
1958    PhD    London,SOAS    The internal administration of Lord Lytton, with special reference to social and economic policy, 1876-1880    L M GUJRAL
1958    MLitt    Cambridge, King’s    Sir Richard Jenkins and the Residency at Nagpur, 1807-1818    F A HAGAR    Dr T G P Spear
1958    PhD    London, LSE    Agrarian problems in Bihar based, primarily, on surveys in five villages    F Tomasson JANNUZI    Dr V Anstey
1958    BLitt    Oxford, Campion Hall    An economic and historical study of food grain controls in India during the second world war and after    S C JOSEPH
1958    MSc    London, LSE    Union-state administrative cooperation in India (1937-1952)    M KAMAL    Prof W A Robson
1958    MSc    London, LSE    Problems of the agricultural labourers in India    R P KAMAT
1958    MSc    Cambridge, Newnham    The employment problem in Ceylon    I KANNANGARA    Mrs J V Robinson
1958    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    The commercial and diplomatic relations between India and Tibet in the nineteenth century    H A LAMB    Dr V W W S Purcell
1958    PhD    Cambridge, St Catharine’s    The Dutch East India Company and Mysore, 1762-1790    J van LOHUIZEN    Dr T G P Spear
1958    MA    London, LSE    Social and economic geography of the Mathura District (western Uttar Pradash)    S D MISRA    Mr R R Rawson
1958    PhD    London, LSE    Economics of nutritional problems in India    R N MITRA    Dr Raeburn
1958    PhD    Cambridge, Peterhouse    The analysis of Kandyan marriage: landlords, labourers and aristocrats    OSMAN YALMAN NUR
1958    PhD    London, SOAS    Sir Elijah Impey in India, 1774-1783    Bishwa Nath PANDEY    Prof C H Philips
1958    MA    London, LSE    A geography of the Peshawar region    M Z SAHIBZADA
1958    PhD    London, LSE    Indian monetary policy and debt management since 1939    J C D SETHI    Dr V Anstey; Mr R Turvey
1958    PhD    London, LSE    Strategic aspects of India’s foreign policy    V B L SHARMA
1958    BLitt    Oxford, St Antony’s    The rise and growth of the Praja Socialist Party of India (1934-1935)    H K SINGH    Mr F G Carnell
1958    PhD    London, LSE    Allahabad: a study in urban geography    Ujaqir SINGH    Prof D L Stamp

1958 PhD London, SOAS Asoka and the Decline of the Mauryas Romila THAPAR Prof A.L.Basham [viz., note from Prof Thapar dated 4 March 2016]

1958    MA    London, SOAS    History of the development of Rangoon    TUN THET    Prof Hall
1958    PhD    London, LSE    India’s membership of the sterling area    Jai Dev VARMA
1958    PhD    Cambridge    The present situation and the probably future of cotton in West Pakistan’s economy    S B WHITEHILL
1958    PhD    Edinburgh    The economic geography of Madhya Pradesh (formerly Central Provinces and Behar)    R H ZAIDI
1959    MSc(Econ)    London, LSE    The industrial worker in East Pakistan: a study in the adaptation of an industrial labour force    A K AHMADULLAH    Prof Phelps
1959    MA    Manchester    The recruitment of Indians into the covenanted civil service, 1853-1892    M R ANWAR
1959    PhD    Manchester    Britain and Muslim India: a study of British public opinion vis-a-vis the development of Muslim nationalism in India, 1905-1947    K K AZIZ
1959    MSc    London, LSE    Problems in corporation taxation with special reference to India    M P BHATT    Mr Turvey
1959    PhD    London, LSE    Applications of linear programming to the development plans of India    B BHATTACHARYYA
1959    MA    London    Trincocmalee and the East Indies Squadron, 1746-1844    H A COLGATE    Prof Graham
1959    PhD    London, LSE    Economic development of Assam with special reference to the 20th century    P GOSWAMI    Dr Anstey
1959    PhD    London    The nationalist movement in Ceylon betweem 1910 and 1931, with special reference to communal and elective problems    D K GREENSTREET    Dr Miliband
1959    BLitt    Oxford, St Cath’s    Land tenure in the Kandyan provinces of Ceylon    U A GUNASEKERA    Dr D F Pocock
1959    BLitt    Oxford, St Anne’s    The analysis of external trade and economic structure of Ceylon, 1900-1955    O E B GUNEWARDENA    Miss P H Ady
1959    PhD    London, LSE    Some problems of the organisation and administration of public enterprise with special reference to India    L N GUPTA    Prof Robson; Dr Anstey
1959    PhD    Edinburgh    The collection of agricultural statistics and the use of data in the United Kingdom and Pakistan: an objective study to explore possibilities of improvement in Pakistan    Muhammed Altaf HUSSAIN
1959    MA    London, SOAS    Social and administrative policy of the Government of Bengal, 1877-1890    Rokeya KABEER    Prof Basham
1959    PhD    London, External    Industrial relations in India    C B KUMAR
1959    PhD    London, LSE    Some aspects of the problem of implementing agricultural planning in India    Gouri NAG    Mr Knox; Mr Lancaster
1959    PhD    Edinburgh    Early English travellers in India. A study in the travel literature of the Elizabethan and Jacobean periods with particular reference to India    R C PRASAD    Prof W L Renwick; Mr G A Shepperson
1959    PhD    London, LSE    Judicial review in India: a study in constitutional theory and judicial practice    V R RAVIKANTI    Mr S de Smith
1959    MA    London, LSE    The position of women in Hinayana Buddhist countries (Burma, Ceylon, Thailand)    S SEIN    Mr F Freedman
1959    PhD    London , LSE    British opinion and Indian neutralism: an analysis of India’s foreign policy in the light of British public reactions, 1947-1957    Shri Ram SHARMA    Prof Manning
1959/60    PhD    Cambridge, Fitzwilliam    The cottage industries of India: an enquiry into their economics with special reference to developmental planning    Kedarnath PRASAD
1959/60    PhD    Cambridge, Queen’s    The role of transport and foreign trade in the economic development of Burma under British rule, 1885-1914    Maung SHEIN
1959/60    PhD    London, External    North east Baluchistan, Quetta Division: a critical evaluation of the land and its resources    A H SIDDIQI
1959/60    MA    Manchester    An analysis of the principal factors affecting India’s policy toward her Himalayan border    J TOOMRE
1960    PhD    London, SOAS    Some aspects of the history of the Muslim community in Bengal, 1884-1912    Sufia AHMED    Prof C H Philips
1960    MA    London    Aspects of the economic development of the Assam valley, 1858-1884    A C BARUA    Dr K Ballhatchet
1960    PhD    Cambridge    Thomas Munro and the development of administrative policy in Madras, 1791-1818: the origins of “the Munro system”    T H BEAGLEHOLE    Dr K Ballhatchet
1960    PhD    London, LSE    Measurements of production and productivity in Indian industry with special reference to methodological aspects    G C BERI
1960    PhD    London, SOAS    The state and the cooperative movement in the Bombay Presidency, 1880-1930    I J CATANACH    Dr K Ballhatchet
1960    PhD    London, LSE    The centrally recruited services in Pakistan    M A CHAUDHURI    Prof P Robson
1960    DPhil    Oxford, Lincoln    Portuguese society in India in the sixteenth and seveteenth centuries    K J CROWTHER
1960    PhD    Cambridge, St Cath’s    Cottage industries of Ceylon    H D DIAS    Mr B H Farmer
1960    MSc (Econ)    London    Someproblems of agriculture in the Vale of Peshawar (West Pakistan)    Lloyd Suttor EDMONDS
1960    PhD    Cambridge, Fitzwilliam    Malabar in Asian trade, 1740-1800    Asin Ranjan Das GUPTA

1960   MA   Wales, Swansea   Indian international transactions 1948 to 1958   C GURUPRASAD
1960   PhD   London, SOAS   British policy on the North West Frontier Province of India, 1889-1901   L HARRIS   Prof K Ballhatchet
1960   PhD   London, External   Agricultural geography of East Pakistan   B L C JOHNSON
1960   DPhil   Oxford, St Antony’s   The Indian National Congress, 1918-1923   G KKRISHNA   Dr G F Hudson
1960   PhD   London   The growth of the idea of Commonwealth in India. 1900-1929   S R MEHROTRA   Prof Philips
1960   PhD   London   The Burma-China boundary since 1886   Khin Maung NYUNT
1960   PhD   London, Birkbeck   Colombo: a study in urban geography   D B L PANDITARATNA   Prof A L Basham
1960   PhD   London, LSE   The law and the banker in Ceylon   M J L RAJANAYAGAM   Prof Gower
1960   PhD   London, LSE   Land reforms and some allied agrarian problems in Madras State since independence   Arungiri RAMASWAMI
1960   PhD   London LSE   Economic aspects of the sugar industry in India   Saraswathi RAU   Dr Raeburn
1960   PhD   London, LSE   Industrial injuries schemes in India and Britain: a comparative study   B RAYCHAUDHURI
1960   MSc   London, LSE   Wage boards in British and the application of their proceedings in India   C J N SAXENA   Prof Phelps Brown
1960   PhD   London, LSE   Recent changes in land use in the Upper Damodar Basin, India   A SHARAN   Mr Rawson
1960   PhD   London, SOAS   English relations with Haidar Ali, 1760-1782   B SHEIK ALI
1960   MA   London, Inst Ed   A comparative study of the language problem at the university level in India   R K YADAVA
1960   PhD   London, SOAS   Anglo-Chinese diplomacy regarding Burma, 1885-1897   Nancy Iu YAN-KIT
1960/61   PhD   Cambridge, King’s   Surplus manpower in agriculture and economic development with special reference to India   P S SANGHVI   Dr M R Fisher
1960/61   PhD   Cambridge, Newnham   A critique of surplus labour doctrine as applied to the Pakistan in 1947-1957   Rehana TANWIR
1961   PhD   London   Constitutional and political aspects of the public corporation in Britain and India   R S ARORA
1961   BLitt   Oxford, Exeter   Some aspects of change in the structure of the Muslim family in the Punjab under British rule   T ASAD   Dr D F Pocock
1961   PhD   London, SOAS   The structure and organisatioin of the Bengal Native Infantry with special reference to the problems of discipline (1796-1852)   Amiya BARAT   Dr K Ballhatchet
1961   PhD   London, LSE   Howrah: an urban study   A CHATTOPADHYAY   Dr E Jones
1961   PhD   Leeds   India, Britain and Russia: a study of British opinion   V K CHAVDA   Prof Briggs
1961   DPhil   Oxford, Magdalen   Muslim politics in the Indo-Pakistan sub-continent, 1858-1916   M CHUGHTAI   Dr C C Davies
1961   DPhil   Oxford, Nuffield   Henry Dundas and the government of India, 1773-1801   B DE   Mr Davies
1961   PhD   London, SOAS   Some aspects of the development of social policy in Ceylon, 1840-1955 with special reference to the influence of missionary organisations   K M DE SILVA   Dr K Ballhatchet
1961   MSc   London   The economics, organisation and administration of the Indian paper industry   B N DHAR
1961   PhD   London   The administration of Guntur District with special reference to local influences on revenue policy, 1837-1848   Robert Eric FRYKENBERG   Dr K Ballhatchet
1961   PhD   Cambridge   Sir Richard Temple and the government of India 1868-1880: some trends in Indian administrative policy   G R G HAMBLY
1961   PhD   London, SOAS   Tribal unrest on the south-west frontier of the Bengal Presidency, 1831-1833   J C JHA
1961   MA   London, SOAS   Changing values in the Naga Hills and Manipur State   M KALABOVA   Prof C Von Furer Haimerdorf
1961   PhD   London, External   Financial administration in Ceylon since independence   V KANESALINGHAM
1961   MSc   London, LSE   Government of India policy towards Portuguese possessions in India from 1947 to 1957   R A KHAN
1961   PhD   London, SOAS   The development of nationalist ideas and tactics and the policies of the government of India   J R McLANE
1961   PhD   London, SOAS   The Kurumas of Malabar   Richard Lionel ROOKSBY
1961   PhD   Cambridge, Trinity Hall   The Ceylon economy, 1920-1938: a national accounts study   M R P SALGADO   Dr B B Das Gupta
1961   MA   London, SOAS   The social and political organisation of the Kandyan Kingdom (Ceylon)   S B W WICKREMASEKERA
1961/62   PhD   Cambridge, Newnham   The growth of agricultural labour in the Madras Presidency in the nineteenth century   Dharma KUMAR   Mr J Gallagher
1962   MA   London, LSE   Population changes in West Bengal, 1872-1951   A BHATTACHARYYA   Prof Jones
1962   MA   London, Inst Ed   Policies regarding higher education in Ceylon during the 19th and 20th centuries with special reference to the establishment of the University of Ceylon   P CHANDRASEGARAM   Mr B Holmes
1962   PhD   London   The development of the English East India Company with special reference to its trade and organization, 1600-1640   K N CHAUDHURI
1962   PhD   Edinburgh   The control of public expenditure in less-developed countries with special reference to India   usha DAR
1962   PhD   London, LSE   Investment and economic growth in Ceylon   S B D DE SILVA   Prof Paish
1962   PhD   Londond, Birkbeck   The North West frontier of West Pakistan: a study in regional geography   D DICHTER   Prof East
1962   PhD   London   Social institutions in Ceylon 5th century BC to 4th century AD   H ELLAWALLA   Prof Basham; Dr de Casparia
1962   MLitt   Durham   The political ideas of Sir Alfred Comyn Lyall   P HASSAN   Prof W H Morris Jones
1962   DPhil   Oxford, St Antony’s   Some aspects of the social and political thought of Mahatma Gandhi   Raghavan Narasimhan IYER   Mr J P Plamenatz
1962   PhD   London, SOAS   Murshid Quli Khan and his times   Abdul KARIM   Mr Harrison
1962   PhD   London   Indo-Ceylon relations since independence   Shelton Upatissa KODIKARA
1962   PhD   London   The fiscal policy of the central government of India since independence and its economic effects   J MADHAB
1962   DPhil   Oxford, Wadham   The impeachment of Warren Hastings   Peter James MARSHALL   Principal of Lady Margeret Hall
1962   PhD   London, External   Social geography of Himachal Pradesh   S D MISRA
1962   PhD   London, LSE   Public administration aspects of community development in India (with special reference to Rajasthan)   D C POTTER
1962   PhD   London, LSE   The development of the Indian capital market with special reference to the managing agent system   B PRASAD   Dr Paish; Dr Anstey
1962   PhD   London, LSE   A study of productivity problems in the cotton textile industries of the UK (Lancashire) and India (Bombay and Ahmedabad) since the Second World War   S P S PRUTHI   Mr Roberts
1962   PhD   London   The political and constitutional evolution of Burma from 1923-1936   Asha RAM
1962   PhD   London, Inst Ed   Education in colonial Ceylon, being a research study on the history of education in Ceylon for the period 1796 to 1834    T R A RUBERU
1962   PhD   Edinburgh   Scottish experience in the impact of farm mechanisation on the employment and use of man labour with observatioins on possible Indian problems in this field   Kalyan Kumar SARKAR
1962   PhD   Cambridge, Trinity Hall   The emergence of Indian nationalism, 1885-1915   A SEAL   Mr J Gallagher
1962   PhD   Manchester   A comparative study of the central administrative organisation in India and in some other Commonwealth countries   S C SETH
1962   DPhil   Oxford, Nuffield   India’s export performance, 1951-1960, export prospects and policy implications   M V SINGH   Dr I M D Little
1962   PhD   Manchester   Some aspects of the administration of community projects in India   T N SRIVASTAVA
1962   PhD   London, QMC   Aspects of the urban geography of new Delhi   M P THAKORE   Prof Smailes
1962   PhD   London   Family planning in India: a field study of attitudes and behaviour in a population of Delhi compared with results of existing research in India and elsewhere   S THAPER
1962   PhD    London, SOAS   Lord Minto and the Indian nationalist movement with special reference to the political activities of the Indian Muslims, 1905-1910   S R WASTI
1962   DPhil   Oxford, New   The formation of policy in the India Office, 1858-1866, with special reference to the Political, Judicial, Revenue and Public Works Departments   D WILLIAMS   Mr C C Davies
1962/63   MA   London, Inst Ed   Education in the Roman Catholic missions in Ceylon in the second half of the 19th century (1842-1905)   C N V FERNANDO   Dr Weitzman
1962/63   PhD   London, External   Sterling tea and rubber companies in Ceylon, 1889-1958   N RAMACHANDRAN
1963   DPhil   Oxford, St Cath’s   Land systems in the Punjab (including North West Frontier Province)as affected by British rule between 1849 and 1901   R AHMAD   Mrs U K Hicks
1963   PhD   London, SOAS   The Bengali reaction to Christian missionary activities, 1833-1957   M M ALI
1963   PhD   Manchester   Economic ideas and Indian economic policies in the nineteenth century   S AMBIRAJAN
1963   PhD   London, UC   The development of the constitution of Jammu and Kashmir   A S ANAND   Mr Holland
1963   PhD   Cambridge, Trinity   Private investment and partial planning in India   Amiya Kumar BAGCHI
1963   PhD   London   The law of parliamentary elections in India and the United Kingdom   R K BAHL
1963   PhD   London, SOAS   British policy towards the Panjab, 1844-1849   S S BAL   Dr K Ballhatchet
1963   PhD   London   Estimates of the current and capital accounts of the balance of payments of India, 1921/22 to 1938/39, incorporating also the estimates of the government of India   A K BANERJI
1963   MS   London   The governorship of Sir William Gregory in Ceylon   B E St J BASTIAMPILLAI   Prof G S Graham
1963   PhD   Manchester   The industrial growth and technological pluralism in India with special reference to the cotton textile industry   AS BHALLA
1963   PhD   London, LSE   Financial administration of nationalised industries in UK and India   G S BHALLA
1963   MA   London, Inst Ed   A cross-cultural study of interests and attitudes of British and Indian university students   J K BHATNAGAR
1963   MSc   London, LSE   American attitudes towards foreign aid with special reference to the Indian sub continent   E I BRODKIN   Mr Chambers
1963   PhD   London, SOAS   Lord Curzon and the Indian states. 1899-1905   I A BUTT   Dr K A Ballhatchet

1963    MsC    London, UC    A comparative study of the nature and effectiveness of selective credit controls in the UK, India and Australia since 1951    J G CHAPATWALA    Dr Cramp
1963    PhD    London, SOAS    Slavery in the Bengal Presidency under East India Company rule, 1772-1843    A K CHATTOPADHYAY    Major Harrison
1963    PhD    London, SOAS    The rice industry of Burma, 1852-1940    Siok-hwa CHENG    Prof C D Cowan
1963    MA    London, Inst Ed    The effects of diarchy upon educational developments in Bengal, 1919-1953    S K DUTTA GUPTA
1963    PhD    London, LSE    Colonisation of the dry zone of Ceylon    H N C FONSECA
1963    PhD    London    British relations with Kashmir, 1885-1893    D K GHOSE    Dr K Ballhatchet
1963    PhD    Sheffield    The Marquis of Dalhousie and education in India, 1848-1956    Kamala GHOSH
1963    PhD    Manchester    The British Conservative Party and Indian problems. 1927-1935    S C GHOSH
1963    PhD    London, SOAS    British historical writing from Alexander Dow to Mountstuart Elphinstone on Muslim India    J S GREWAL    Dr Hardy
1963    PhD    London, SOAS    Indian politics and the British right, 1914-1922    M R HASSAN    Dr K Ballhatchet
1963    PhD    London, LSE    Ritual pollution and social structure in Hindu Assam    T T S HAYLEY
1963    MSc    London, LSE    English, German, Spanish relations in the Sulu question, 1987-1877    S C HUNTER
1963    PhD    London, LSE    Rainfall, rice fields and irrigation needs in West Bengal    P HUR    Mr Rawson
1963    MSc    London, LSE    Ideological influences in the foreign policy of Pakistan    A HUSSAIN    Dr Manning
1963    MA    Sheffield    The industrial geography of Madras State    Iyer Balasubramanyan HYMA
1963    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    The supply of Sinhalese labour to Ceylon plantations, 1830-1930: a study of imperial policy in a peasant society    L R U JAYAWARDENA    Mr K E Berrill
1963    PhD    London, External    Caste and class in pre-Muslim Bengal: studies in social history of Bengal    N KUNDU
1963    DPhil    Oxford, Jesus    The role and limits of state authority in northern India in the early historical period: an empirical examination of the administration of government    Ian W MABBETT    Prof T Borrow
1963    DPhil    Oxford, Lady Margaret    Lord Minto’s administration in India (1807-1813)with special reference to his foreign policy    Amita MAJUMDAR    Mr C C Davies
1963    DPhil    Oxford, St Hugh’s    Imperial policy in India, 1905-1910    V MAZUMDAR    Dr C C Davies
1963    PhD    London, LSE    The origin, development and problems of village (“community”) projects in India    Vindhyeshwari Prasad PANDE
1963    PhD    London, LSE    Constitutional protection of property in India: a critical and comparative study    P P PANDIT
1963    DPhil    Oxford, Regent’s Park    British Baptist missions and missionaries in India, 1793-1837    E D POTTS    Mr C C Davis
1963    DPhil    Oxford, Somerville    Land revenue administration in the ceded and conquered provinces and its economic background, 1819-1833    Asiya SIDDIQI    Mr C C Davis
1963    MA    London, SOAS    British administration in Upper Burma, 1885-1897    Jagjit Singh SIDHU
1963    BLitt    Oxford, St Cath’s    The Jats: an ethnographic survey    Gunter TIEMANN    Dr D F Pocock
1963    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    The development and significance of transport in India (1834-1882)    K E VERGHESE    Mr C C Davies
1963    PhD    London, SOAS    Some aspects of Indian society as depicted in the Pali Canon    N K WAGLE
1963    MA    London, LSE    Magic in Malaya    W D WILDER
1963    PhD    London, UC    Basic democracies in Pakistan    M S K YOUSUFZAI    Prof Holland
1964    LlM    London, UC    The origin and nature of presidential powers in Pakistan    M ARIF    Mr Holland
1964    PhD    London, SOAS    The ideological differences between moderates and extremists in the Indian national movement with special reference to Surendranath Banerjea and Lajpat Rai, 1882-1919    D ATGOV    Prof H Tinker
1964    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    The Indian Constituent Assembly and the framing of the Indian constitution    G S AUSTIN    Mr F G Carnell
1964    PhD    London, SOAS    The role of Shaikh Ahmad of Sarhind in Islam in India    M Q BAIG    Prof Basham
1964    PhD    London, SOAS    David Scott on the North East Frontier of India and in Assam    N K BAROOAH    Mr Harrison
1964    BLitt    Oxford, Somerville    An examination of marriage ritual among selected groups in South India    B E F BECK
1964    PhD    London, LSE    The mobilisation of savings and the role of financial institutions with special reference to India    M Q M S DALVI    Dr Anstey
1964    PhD    London, LSE    Producers’ rationality and technical changes in agriculture with special reference to India    S DASGUPTA    Dr Anstey; Mr Joy
1964    PhD    London, SOAS    British policy towards the Pathans and Pindaris in central India, 1805-1818    B GHOSH    Dr K Ballhatchet
1964    PhD    Cambridge. Newnham    Service centres in Southern Ceylon    K A GUNAWARDENA    Mr B H Farmer

1964 PhD London, UCL, A Comparative Study of Pakistani Bilingual and Monoglot School Children’s Performance in Verbal and Non Verbal Tests Rafia HASAN Dr Charlotte Banks (added thanks to information of Naveed Hasan Henderson, PhD London 1995, in a comment below, and confirmed by the University of London Library)

1964    PhD    London, External    An appraisal of public investment policy in India, 1951-1961    J M HEALEY
1964    PhD    London    The formation of British land revenue policy in the ceded and conquered provinces of northern India. 1801-1833    M I HUSAIN    Dr K A Ballhatchet
1964    PhD    London, LSE    Soviet Russia’s policy towards India and its effect on Anglo-Soviet relations, 1917-1928    Z IMAM    Mr Schapiro
1964    PhD    London, Wye    Efficiency in agricultural production; its meaning, measurement and improvement in peasant agriculture with special reference to Pakistan    M S ISLAM
1964    PhD    London, LSE    The urban labour movement in Ceylon with reference to political factors, 1893-1947    V K JAYAWARDENA    Prof Roberts
1964    PhD    London, External    A study of the current trends in the industrial development of Ceylon    V KANAPATHY
1964    PhD    London, LSE    The modern Muslim political elite in Bengal    Abdul Khair Nazmul KARIM
1964    PhD    London, LSE    Iron and steel prices in India since independence    S S MENSINKAI
1964    PhD    London, SOAS    Sir Charles Wood’s Indian policy, 1953-1866    R J MOORE    Prof Basham
1964    PhD    London, SOAS    Lord Northwood’s Indian administration, 1872-1876    E C MOULTON    Dr K Ballhatchet
1964    PhD    London, LSE    Some aspects of agrarian reorganizationin India with special reference to size of holding    B MUKHERJEE    D Anstey
1964    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    British commercial interests and the expansion of the Bombay Presidency, 1784-1806    P NIGHTINGALE    Dr T G P Spear
1964    PhD    London, SOAS    The rise of the Muslim middle class as a political factor in India and Pakistan    A H M NOORUZZAMAN    Prof H Tinker
1964    PhD    London, SOAS    The rev. James Long and Protestant missionary policy in Bengal, 1840-1872    G A ODDIE    Prof K Ballhatchet
1964    PhD    London, Inst Ed    Some issues between the church and state in Ceylon in the education of the people from 1870 to 1901    A RAJAINDRAN    Dr Holmes
1964    PhD    London, LSE    Rural development in India with special reference to agriculture, education and administration    K RAJARATNAM    Dr Anstey
1964    PhD    Durham    The central legislature in British India, 1921-1947    Md RASHIDUZZAMAN    Prof W H Morris-Jones
1964    PhD    London, LSE    Land tenure as related to agricultural efficiency and rural welfare in India    Paramahansa RAY    Dr Anstey; Mr Joy
1964    PhD    London    The revenue administration of Chittagong from 1761 to1784    Alamgir Muhammad SERAJUDDIN    Mr Harrison
1964    BLitt    Oxford, St Hilda’s    A study of representation in multi-lateral communities with special reference to Ceylon and Trinidad from 1946-1961    A SPACKMAN    Dr A F Madden
1964    MSc    London, LSE    Trends in the pattern of distribution of consumer goods in India    B K VADEHRA
1964    PhD    London, SOAS    British administration in the maritime provinces of Ceylon, 1796-1802    U C WICKREMERATNE    Prof K A Ballhatchet
1964    MA    Nottingham    British policy and the defence of Asia, 1903-1905: with special reference to China and India    B WILLCOCK    Dr J A S Grenville
1964/65    PhD    Manchester    Revolution and counter-revolution: a study of British colonial policy as a factor in the growth and disintegration of national liberation movements in Burma and Malaya    F NEMENZO
1964/65    PhD    Nottingham    Impact of the size of the organization on the personnel management function: a comparative study of personnel departments in some British and Indian industrial firms    B P SINGH
1965    DPhil    Oxford, New College    Life and conditions of the people of Bengal (1765-1785)    Z AHMA    Mr C C Davies
1965    PhD    London, External    The commercial progress and administrative development of the East India company on the Coromandel coast during the first half of the 18th century    R N BANERJI
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    The minorities of Southern Asia and public policy with special reference to India (mainly since 1919)    J H BEAGLEHOLE    Prof H Tinker
1965    PhD    Manchester    Urban unemployment in India    RC BHARDWAJ
1965    DPhl    Oxford, Balliol    The governor-generalship of the Marquess of Hastings, 1813-1823, with special reference to the Supreme Council and Secretariat…Palmer Company    Richard J BINGLE    Mr C C Davies
1965    MSc    London, SOAS    Ministerial government under the dyarchical reforms with special reference to Bengal and Madras    K A CHOWDHURY
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    The idea of freedom in the political thought of Vivekananda, Aurobindo, Gandhi and Tagore    D G DALTON
1965    MA    London, LSE    Irrigation and winter crops in East Pakistan    O HUQ    Mr Rawson
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    Conditions of employment and industrial disputes in Pakistan    A HUSAIN    Prof A Gledhill
1965    PhD    London, LSE    Democratic decentralization and planning in rural India    A C S ILCHMAN    Dr Anstey; Prof Self
1965    MSc    London, King’s    A social geography of Chitral State    ISRAR-UD-DIN    Prof Jones
1965    MSc (Econ)    London, LSE    Economic problems and organisation of public enterprise in Ceylon, 1931-1963    A S JAYAWARDENE    Mr Foldes
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    The rights and liabilities of the Bengal raiyats under tenancy legislation from 1885 to 1947    L KABIR
1965    MA    Manchester    The failure of parliamentary system of government in Pakistan    M A KHAN
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    Curzon, Kitchener and the problem of India army administration, 1899-1909    J E LYDGATE    Prof Robinson
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    A study of urban centres and industries in the central provinces of the Mughal Empire between 1556 and 1803    H K NAQVI    Mr Harrison
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    Sir Charles Metcalfe’s administration and administrative ideas in India, 1806-1835    D N PANIGRAHI    Prof C H Philips
1965    PhD    Birmingham    Peasant farming past and present in the wet zone of Ceylon    P D A PERERA    Prof H Thorpe; Dr W B Morgan
1965    DPhil    Oxford, Merton    Some aspects of British economic and social policy in Ceylon, 1840-1871    M W ROBERTS    Prof J A Gallagher
1965    PhD    London    The rise of business corporations in India and their development during 1851-1900    R S RUNGTA    Prof Paish; Dr V Ansty
1965    PhF    London, SOAS    The Sultanate of Jaunpur    Mian Muhhammad SAEED    Prof Basham
1965    BLitt    Oxford, Lady Margaret    Agricultural policy and economic development in India    K N V SASTRI    Mr G R Allen
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    A comparative study of the traditional political organisation of Kerala and Punjab    S J SHAHANI    Dr Mayer
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    The joint Hindiu family: its evolution as a legal institution    Gunther-Dietz SONTHEIMER    Dr Derrett
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    Nullity of marriage in modern Hindu law    S K TEWARI    Dr J D M Derrett
1965    MA    London, Inst Ed    The social and political significance of Anglo-Indian schools in India    Rosalind TIWARI    Dr King
1965    MA    Manchester    Federalism in south-East Asia with special reference to Burma    Margaret YIYI
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    The partition of Bengal and its annulment: a survey of the schemes of territorial redistribution of Bengal, 1902-1911    S Z H ZAIDI    Prof Basham
1965/66    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    Economic geography of rubber production in Ceylon    G H PEIRIS    Mr B H Farmer
1965/66    PhD    Leeds    Impact of money supply on the Indian economy, 1950/51 – 1963/64    K PRASAD
1965/66    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    The structure and working of the commercial banking system in Ceylon, 1945-1963    A J A N SILVA    Miss P M Deane
1965/66    PhD    Durham    Aspects of hte administration of the Punjab, judicial, revenue and political, 1849-1858    S K SONI
1965/66    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity House    The public finances of Ceylon, 1948-1961    G USWATTE-ARATCHI    Dr A R Prest

1966 PhD Manchester University Ramgopal AGARWALA An econometric model of India, 1948-49 to 1960-61 Mr R.J. Ball

1966    PhD    London, LSE    Expenditure classification and investment planning with special reference to Pakistan    K U AHMAD    Dr Anstey
1966    PhD    London, LSE    The methodology of studying fertility differentials with reference to East Pakistan    M AHMAD    Prof Glass; Mr Carrier
1966    PhD    Bristol    The role of a higher civil service in Pakistan    A AHMED
1966    PhD    London, SOAS    Conditions of employment and industrial disputed in Pakistan    H AHMED
1966    MScEcon    London, SOAS    Political parties and the Labour Movement in India in the 1920s    N BEGAM
1966    MLitt    Edinburgh    Patronage and education in the East India Company civil service, 1800-1857    J T BEYER
1966    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    Regional cooperation for development in South Asia with special reference to India and Pakistan    S R BOSE    Mr W B Reddaway
1966    PhD    London    The constitutional history of Malaya with special reference toe Malay states of Perak, Selangor, Negri Sembilan and Pahong, 1874-1914    P L BURNS    Prof C D Cowan
1966    PhD    Cambridge, Girton    The impact of planning upon federalism in India, 1951-1964    A CHATTERJI    Prof Sir Ivor Jennings
1966    PhD    London, UC    Industrial conciliation and arbitration in India    R L CHAUDHARY
1966    PhD    London, UC    Lahore: a geographical study    M M CHAUDHURY
1966    PhD    Manchester    The approach to planning in Pakistan    M K CHOWDHURY
1966    PhD    London, LSE    Jamshedpur – the growth of the city and its region    M DUTT    Prof Jones
1966    DPhil    Oxford, Campion Hall    The Tana Bhagats:a study in social change    P EKKA    Mr K O L Burridge
1966    PhD    London, LSE    The scope for wage policy as an instrument of planning in early stages of national economic development: a comparative study of the USSR, India and the UAR    M A ELLEISI    Prof Phelps Brown; Dr Ozga
1966    PhD    London, SOAS    The social condition of the British community in Bengal, 1757-1800    S C GHOSH    Prof A L Basham
1966    PhD    Cambridge, Girton    The transfer of power to Pakistan and its consequences (1946-1951)    M HASAN    Prof N Mansergh
1966    PhD    London, UC    The Indian Supreme Court and the constitution    M IMAM    Dr D C Holland
1966    PhD    London, LSE    Cotton futures markets in India: some economic studies    T ISLAM    Prof Yamey
1966    PhD    London, LSE    The extensions of the franchise in Ceylon with some consideration of the their political and social consequences    K H JAYASINGHE    Mr Pickles
1966    MA    London, External    The control of education in Ceylon: the last fifty years of British rule and after (1900-1962)    C S V JAYAWAWEERA
1966    PhD    London, External    A comparative study of British and American colonial educational policy in Ceylon and the Philippines from 1900 to 1948]    S JAYAWEERA
1966    PhD    Manchester    Import substitution in relations to industrial growth and balance of payments iof Pakistan, 1965-1970    A H KADRI
1966    PhD    London, SOAS    Origins of Indian foreign policy: a study of Indian nationalist attitudes to foreign affairs, 1927-1939    T A KEENLEYSIDE    Prof H Tinker
1966    PhD    London, SOAS    The transition in Bengal, 1756-1775: a study of Muhammad Reza Khan    Abdul Majed KHAN    Mr Harrison
1966    PhD    London, SOAS    The British administration of Sind between 1843 and 1865: a study in social and economic development    Hamida KHUHRO    Mr Harrison
1966    PhD    London, SOAS    The internal administration of Lord Elgin in India, 1984-1898    P L MALHOTRA    Mr Harrison
1966    PhD    London, SOAS    A study of Murshidabad Distrrict, 1765-1793    K M MOHSIN    Mr Harrison
1966    PhD    London, SOAS    The new province of Eastern Bengal and Assam, 1905-1911    M K U MOLLA    Dr Hardy; Dr Pandey
1966    PhD    London, SOAS    The early history of the East Indian Railways, 1845-1879    Hena MUKHERJEE    Dr Chaudhuri
1966    PhD    London, King’s    British military policy and the defence of India: a study of British military policy, plans and preparations during the Russian crisis, 1876-1880    A W PRESTON    Prof M E Howard
1966    PhD    London, LSE    Changes in caste in rural Kumaon    R D SANWAL    Dr Freedman
1966    PhD    London, SOAS    The Christian missionaries in Bengal. 1793-1833    K SENGUPTA    Prof Basham
1966    PhD    London, LSE    Central control and supervision of capital expenditure in the public sector in the UK and India    Ram Parkash SETH    Prof Greaves; Prof Self
1966    PhD    London, King’s    Surveying and charting the Indian Ocean    W A SPRAY    Prof G S Graham
1966    PhD    London, SOAS    Politics and change in the Madras Presidency, 1884-1894: a regional study of Indian nationalism    R SUNTHARALINGAM    Prof H R Tinker
1966    PhD    London, External    The law relating to directors and managing agents of companies limited by shares in Pakistan    Muhammad ZAHIR    Prof Gledhill
1966/67    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Planning and regional development: the application of a multi-sectoral programming model to inter-regional planning in Pakistan    A R KHAN    Dr J A Mirrlees
1966/67    MPhil    London, Inst Ed    The impact of the creation of Pakistan on Muslim education in Pakistan    G NABI
1966/67    PhD    Manchester    A study of fiscal policy in Pakistan, 1950-51, with special reference to its contribution to economic development    M NAYIMUDDIN
1966/67    PhD    Edinburgh    The fisheries of Pakistan: their present position and potentialities    R NIAZI
1966/67    PhD    Leeds    An evaluation of the human impact on the nature and distribution of wild plant communities in the Ceylon Highlands    N P PERERA
1966/67    PhD    Reading    Intra-party relationships and federalism: a comparative study of the Indian Congress Party and the Australian political parties    Y A RAFEEK
1966/67    PhD    Cambridge, St Cath’s    The share of labour in value added during the inflation in the modern sector in under-developed economies: a comparative study of the experience of India, Peru and Turkey between 1939 and 1958    W M WARREN    Mr J A C Bowen
1967    LLM    Queen’s, Belfast    A comparative study of the provisions for emergency powers in the constitutions of the Indian, Australian, Nigerian and Malaysian federations with special emphasis on the Malaysian constitution    A ABIDIN
1967    PhD    Edinburgh    The peasant family and social status in East Pakistan    Nizam Uddin AHMED
1967    BLitt    Glasgow    Foreign trade policy of India    N M AMIN
1967    PhD    London, SOAS    English educated Ceylonese in the official life of Ceylon from 1865 to 1883    W M D D ANDRADI    Mr J B Harrison
1967    PhD    London, SOAS    Some aspects of the relationship of political and constitutional theories to the constitutional evolution of India and Pakistan with special reference to the period 1919-1956    B P BARUA    Prof H Tinker
1967    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    Indian education and politics,1898-1920    A BASU    Prof J A Gallagher

1967   MA   Sussex   Choice of technique: an activity analysis approach with special reference to the Indian cotton textiles industry   C L BELL
1967   PhD   Cambridge, Selwyn   Anglo-Afghan relations, 1870-1880   S CHAKRAVARTY   Dr T G Spear
1967   PhD   Cambridge, Clare   The relations of the Court of Directors, the India Board, the India Office and the Government of India, 1853-1865   P K CHATTARJI   Dr T G Spear
1967   MA   Sussex   The regulation of communal disturbances in West Bengal and East Pakistan in 1950   M CHAUDHURY
1967   MSc   London, SOAS   Political parties in the Bombay Presidency, 1920-1929   D S CHAVDA   Prof H Tinker
1967   PhD   London, SOAS   Oil prices and the Indian market, 1886-1964   Biplab Kumar DASGUPTA   Prof Penrose
1967   MPhil   London, LSE   Some aspects of stratificatioin in Indian rural communities   K S DASGUPTA   Prof Glass
1967   DPhil   Oxford, Lady Margaret   The growth of urban leadership n Western India with special reference to Bombay City, 1845-1885   C E DOBBIN   Prof J A Gallagher
1967   DPhil   Oxford, Balliol   Judicial control of administrative action in India and Pakistan   A FAZAL   Prof H W R Wade
1967   DPhil   Oxford, Linacre House   Patterns of investment, political stability and rates of growth: an analysis of central government expenditure of Ceylon, 1930-1963   S T G FERNANDO   Lady Hicks
1967   MA   Sussex   Development administration and Calcutta metropolitan government   R FOGEL
1967   PhD   London, QMC   Peasant production of tea in Sri Lanka   R S GUNAWARDENA   Dr Hodder; Prof Smailes
1967   PhD   London, SOAS   The policy of Sir James Fergusson as Governor of Bombay Presidency, 1880-1885   A GUPTA   Prof K Ballhatchet
1967   PhD   Cambridge, Sidney   The effect of a change in the terms of trade on the economic growth of Pakistan: a study of the third five year plan   I U HAQUE   Mr W B Reddaway
1967   PhD   London, LSE   Agricultural taxation in a newly developing country: the case of Pakistan   A HASHEM   Prof Peston
1967   PhD   London, SOAS   A price stabilisation model for Pakistan: jute   A K M S HUQ   Prof Penrose
1967   DPhil   Oxford, St Antony’s   The failure of parliamenary politics in Pakistan, 1953-1958   I HUSAIN   Prof M Beloff
1967   PhD   Cambridge, Trinity   The development of Indian politics, 1888-1909   G JOHNSON   Dr A Seal
1967   MA   Sussex   Language as an issue in Indian politics   J KABANGO
1967   MA   London, LSE   The changing distribution of cash crops in East Pakistan, 1945-1962   A K M KALIMULLAH   Dr Board
1967   PhD   Aberdeen   The development of transport in East Pakistan   Abul Fazal Muhammed KAMALUDDIN
1967   MPhil   London, SOAS   The advent of the British in Ceylon, 1762-1803   V L B MENDIS   Dr Bastin
1967   MPhil   Leeds   The linguistic world of Anglo-India   K MUSA
1967   MPhil   London, SOAS   Some aspects of the Hindu-Muslim relationship in India, 1876-1892   Shamsun NAHAR   Dr B N Pandey
1967   PhD   Edinburgh   The contribution of Scottish missions to the rise and growth of responsible churches in India   James McMichael ORR   Dr H Watt; Prof A C Cheyne
1967   PhD   London, LSE   The impact of industrialisation on urban growth: a case study of Chotanagpur   P PANDEYA   Prof Jones
1967   DPhil   Oxford, Jesus   British relations with Pakistan, 1947-1962: a study of British policy towards Pakistan   M A QURESHI   Mr G Wint
1967   PhD   London   The evolution for civil procedure in Bengal from 1772 to 1806   Z RAHMAN
1967   PhD   London, SOAS   Local government services in India: a case study of Punjab, 1860-1960   D R SACHDEVA   Prof H Tinker
1967   PhD   London, UC   Judicial interpretation of the Government of India Act, 1935   H SAHARAY
1967   MA   London, SOAS   Political conflict in selected villages of India, Pakistan and Ceylon   M J SHEPPERSDSON   Prof Mayer
1967   PhD   Leicester   Some early tertiary ostracods from West Pakistan   Qadeer Ahmad SIDDIQUI
1967   PhD   London, SOAS   Evolution of the structure of civil judiciary in Bengal, 1800-1831   C SINHA   Dr Pandey
1967   PhD   London, External   The social structure of an Indian-Jewish community   S STRIZOWER
1967   MPhil   London, Inst Ed   Education and international understanding between the East and the West with special reference to the UK and Pakistan   Q J SURI   Prof Lauwery; Mr Goodings
1967   MPhil   London, Inst Ed   Education in Kerala and the missionary contribtion to it during the first half of the nineteenth century   Joseph THAIKOODAN
1967   PhD   London, SOAS   Customs and institutions connected with the domestic life of the Sinhalese in the Kandyan period:   Miniwan P TILLAKARATNE
1967   PhD   London, SOAS   Trends in and prospectsof Pakistan’s exports to the UK and the European Economic Community, 1951-1970   Z A VAINCE   Prof Penrose
1967   DPhil   Oxford, Merton   The policies of the government of Ceylon concerning education and religion, 1865-1885   L A WICKREMERATNE   Mr K A Ballhatchet
1967   BLitt   Oxford, Somerville   The sociological implications of educational policies in Ceylon since 1947   C K WICKREMESINGHE   Dr D F Pocock
1967   BLitt   Oxford, St Hilda’s   Henry Russell’s activities in Hyderabad, 1811-1820   Z YAZDANI   Mr K A Ballhatchet
1967/68   PhD   Cambridge, Corpus   The causes and consequence of trade fluctuations in Ceylon, 1948-1960   M A FERNANDO   Mr H H Leisner
1967/68   PhD   London, External   British relations with Tanjore (1748-1799)   C S RAMANUJAM
1967/68   PhD   Edinburgh   The agricultural geography of Hissar District   Jasbur SINGH
1967-68   PhD   Cambridge, Christ’s   Anglo-Mughal relations in western India and the development of Bombay, 1662-1690   G Z REFAI
1968   MA   Durham   The influence of religion on politics in Pakistan, 1947-1956   S R AHMAD
1968   PhD   London, SOAS   The administration of the North West Frontier,1901-1919   L BAHA   Dr Hardy
1968   MSc   Cambridge, Christ’s   Industrial expansion and regional cooperation in South Asia: a study of selected industries   Peter Douglas BALACS
1968   MLitt   Cambridge, Trinity Hall   The working of the supreme government of India and its constitutional relations with the home authorities, 1833-1853   A G BANERJEE   Dr T G P Spear
1968   PhD   Cambridge, Newnham   On price relationships in Indian agriculture   K BARDHAN   P M Deane
1968   DPhil   Oxford, Somerville   Social and conceptual order in Kongu: a region of South India   B E F BECK   Dr R K Jain
1968   PhD   London   The urban geography of Lyallpur   M H BOKHARI   Prof A E Smailes
1968   PhD   Cambridge   Rohilkhand from conquest to revolt, 1774-1858: a study in the origins of the Indian Mutiny uprising   E I BRODKIN   Dr E T Stokes
1968   PhD   Cam,bridge, Girton   Gandhi in India, 1915-1920: his emergence as a leader and the transformation of politics   J M BROWN   Dr A Seal
1968   MPhil   London   The development of education in India under Lord Curzon, 1899-1905   Hamida I BUTT
1968   DPhil   Oxford, St Antony’s   Bengali political unrest (1905-1918)with special reference to terrorism   H CHAKRABARTI   Prof K Ballhatchet
1968   MPhil   London, King’s   The development of mountain warfare in India in the 19th century   S CHANDRA   Prof M E Howard
1968   DPhil   Oxford, St Cath’s   American policy towards India, 1941-1947, with emphasis on the Phillips mission to India, 1943   F L CHASE   Prof J A Gallagher
1968   DPHil   Oxford, Linacre   The agrarian economy and agrarian relations in Bengal, 1859-1885   B B CHAUDHURI   Dr K A Ballhatchet
1968   BLitt   Oxford, Linacre   Some aspects of English Protestant missionary activities in Bengal, 1857-1885   T CHAUDHURI   Dr S Gopal
1968   DPhil   Oxford, University   British government and society in the residency of Bengal, 1858-1880: an examination of certain aspects of British policy in relation to the changing nature of society   J M COMPTON   Mr K A Ballhatchet
1968   DPhil   Oxford, Magdalen   British reform policy and Indian politics on the eve of the rise of Gandhi   R J DANZIG   Dr S Gopal
1968   PhD   Cambridge, Magdalen   Optimum investment decisions with special reference to the Indian fertilizer industry   A K DAS GUPTA   Dr J A Mirrlees
1968   DPhil   Oxford, Somerville   Public opinion and Indian policy, 1872-1880   U DAS GUPTA   Dr S Gopal
1968   MPhil   London, Inst Ed   The contribution of the Wesleyan missionaries to southern India   P W DE SILVA
1968   PhD   York   The verbal piece in spoken Hindi: a morpho-syntactic study   Hans DUA
1968   MPhil   London, Inst Ed   An enquiry into the purpose and development of Catholic education in Madras. 1850-1950   M A DUNNE   Prof Lauwerys
1968   PhD   London, LSE   Some political aspects of foreign aid in India, 1947-1966   P J ELDRIDGE   Prof Goodwin
1968   DPhil   Oxford, Linacre House   The development of a new elite in Ceylon with special reference to educational and occupational background, 1910-1931   P T M FERNANDO   Dr A H Halsey
1968   BLitt   Oxford, Exeter   An historical survey and assessment of the ecclesiastical and missionary policy of the East India Company   I J GASH   Mr C C Davies
1968   MLitt   Bristol   The civil servant and contemporary government in India   B GIRI
1968   PhD   Birmingham   Consumption patterns in India: a regional analysis   D B GUPTA
1968   DPhil   Oxford, St Edmund Hall   The debts of the Nawab of Arcot, 1763-1776   J D GURNEY   Dame L Sutherland
1968   PhD   London, LSE   Econometrics of import planning in India (1947-1965): a case study of selected commodities   M L HANDA   Prof Sargan; De Desai
1968   DPhil   Oxford, Nuffield   Moral and religious changes in an urban village of Bangalore, South India   M N HOLSTROM   Dr D P Pocock
1968   MPhil   London SOAS   Lord Mayo’s Viceroyalty (1869-1872) with special reference to problems of external security and internal stability   M A HOSSAIN   Dr Zaidi
1968   PhD   London, LSE   British policy towards Persia and the defence of British India, 1798-1807   R INGRAM ELLIS   Miss H Lee
1968   PhD   London, LSE   Karachi: a pre-industrial city in transition   M Z KHAN   Prof Jones
1968   PhD   London, SOAS   The Dutch in Ceylon, 1743-1766   D A KOTELAWEL   Dr Bastin
1968   PhD   London, SOAS   The contribution of Christian missionaries to education in Bengal, 1793-1837   M A LAIRD   Prof K Ballhatchet

1968   PhD   London, LSE   Socio-economic determinants of infant and child mortality in Sri Lanka: an analysis of post-war experience    S A MEEGAMA   Prof Glass
1968   MPhil   London, UC   Higher judiciary in Pakistan   M Y MIRZA   Mr Holland
1968   BLitt   Oxford, St Cath’s   Funeral ritual in South India   M M MOFFATT   Dr R K Jain
1968   MPhil   London, LSE   Land use and nutrition in Lucknow District   I MOHIUDDIN   Mr R Rawson
1968   PhD   London, SOAS   Political relations between India and Nepal, 1877-1923   K MOJUMDAR   Prof K Ballhatchet
1968   MPhil   London, Bedford   The cities of Hyderabad-Secunderabad with special reference to their industrial development   K B MUSTAFA   Mr Mountjoy
1968   MPhil   London, LSE   Concepts of purity and pollution in Indian religion   Judith Ann OSTROW
1968   PhD   Lancaster   The evolution and history of the Buddhist monastic order with special reference to the Sangha in Ceylon   Gunaratne PANABOKKE
1968   PhD   London, SOAS   The invasion of Nepal: John Company at war, 1814-1816   J C PEMBLE   Dr Moore
1968   PhD   London, SOAS   The All-India Muslim League in Indian politics, 1906-1912   M RAHMAN   Dr Moore
1968   MPhil   London, SOAS   The reform of local self-government in India under Lord Ripon, 1880-1884: a study in the formation of policy   Q RAHMAN
1968   PhD   Wales, Bangor   An economic appraisal of agricultural marketing in Pakistan   Abdur RASHID
1968   PhD   Edinburgh   A geographical analysis of the historical development of towns in Ceylon   L K RATNAYAKE   Prof J W Watson; Dr R Jones
1968   MA   Sussex   Constitutional change and the depressed classes: the representations from the depressed classes in the United Provinces to the Indian Statutory Commission, 1928, and their outcome   L SEN-GUPTA
1968   PhD   London, External   The role of railway transport in Ceylon: present problems and future prospects   K SUNDERALINGAM
1968   PhD   London, Inst Ed   A critical study of the history and development of university education in modern India, with special reference to problems and patterns of growth since 1847   C TICKOO
1968   DPhil   Oxford, St Cath’s   Kinship and marriage among the Jat of Haryana in northern India   Gunter TIEMANN   Dr R K Jain
1968   PhD   Edinburgh   The strategy of Christian missions to the Muslims: Anglican and reformed contributions in India and the Near East from Henry Martyn to Samuel Zwemmer, 1800-1938   Lyle L VANDER WERFF   Prof M Watt; Prof AC Cheyne
1968   DPhil   Oxford, St Antony’s   Indian historical writing in English, 1870-1920, with special reference to the influence of nationalism   Johannes H VOIGT   Mr K A Ballhatchet
1968   MPhil   London, LSE   The hierarchy of towns in Vidarbha, India, and its significance for regional planning   Sudhir Vyankatesh WANMALI. Prof MJ Wise
1968   MA   Manchester   The relevance of land reform to economic progress in Pakistan   M A ZAMAN
1968/69   PhD   Glasgow   Planning for economic development: a comparative case study of Indian and Egyptian experience, 1946-1966, with special reference to planning strategy and effectiveness   A El- H H EL-GHAZALI
1968/69   PhD   Cambridge, Girton   Muslim politics and government policy: studies in the development of Muslim organisation and its social background in North India and Bengal, 1885-1917   Janetr Mary RIZVI
1969   PhD   Durham   The working of district administration in Pakistan, 1947-1964   N ABEDIN   Prof W H Morris-Jones
1969   PhD   Cambridge, Fitzwilliam   The formation of the Government of India Act, 1935   W AHMAD   Dr T G P Sper
1969   MPhil   London, SOAS   Ideological factors in selected fields of policy making in India   Zoe F ALLEN
1969   PhD   London, SOAS   British famine and agricultural policies in India with special reference to the administration of Lord George Hamilton   S K BANDYOPADHYAY   Dr R J Moore
1969   PhD   London, SOAS   The political and economic conditions of Indians in Burma, 1900-1941   N R CHAKRAVARTI
1969   PhD   London, SOAS   The amending process in the Indian constitution   H CHAND
1969   PhD   London   Trade and commercial organisation in Bengal with special reference to the English East India Company, 1650-1720   S CHAUDHURY   Dr K N Chaudhuri
1969   DPhil   Oxford, Balliol   The Bombay political service, 1863-1924   I F S COPLAND   Prof J A Gallagher
1969   PhD   London, Birkbeck   The Colonial Office and political problems in Ceylon and Mauritius, 1907-1921   L B L CROOK   Dr I M Cumpston
1969   DPhil   Oxford, Nuffield   British defence policy in the Indian Ocean region between the Indian Independence Act, 1947, and the British defence review, 1966   P G C DARBY   Prof N H Gibbs
1969   DPhil   Oxford   An evaluation of the Eastern bloc assistance to India (1956-57 to 1965-66)   DATARHA
1969   PhD   London, LSE   The effect of international labour migration on trade and real income: a case study of Ceylon, 1920 to 1938   A DUTTA   Prof Johnson
1969   PhD   London, Bedford   The development of the sugar industry in Nizamabad, Andhra Pradesh   A H FAROOQI
1969   PhD   London   Lord William Bentinck in Madras, 1803-1807   M GUPTA   Dr B M Pandey
1969   PhD   London, External   A study of the planning techniques in India: India’s five year plans   S GUPTA
1969   PhD   Manchester   A typical support structure of leadership in Punjab – the faction   J J M HAUDHRI
1969   PhD   Manchester   A structural study of Pakistan’s monetary sector   K A IMAN
1969   PhD   London, LSE   Regional development in Pakistan with special reference to the effects of import licensing and exchange control   A I A ISLAM
1969   PhD   London   Social aspects of the historical geography of East Pakistan, 1608-1857   Bilquis JAHAN   Miss E M J Campbell
1969   PhD   London, External   The sources and development of the customary laws of the Sinhalese up to 1835   M L S JAYASEKERA
1969   MSocSc   Birmingham   Industrial development and organization in Ceylon – a case study of the Ceylon cement industry   G W JAYSURIYA
1969   PhD   London   Dutch rule in maritime Ceylon, 1766-1796   V KAMAPATHYPILLAI   Dr J S Bastin
1969   PhD   London, LSE   Domestic instability as a factor in Pakistan’s foreign policy, 1952-1958   M KAMLIN   Dr Lyon
1969   PhD   London, LSE   A study of import control, with special reference to India   H KUSARI
1969   PhD   London, LSE   Britain and the termination of the India-China opium trade, 1905-1913   Margaret J B-C LIM   Prof Medlicott; Mr Dilks
1969   BLitt   Oxford, Linacre   Financing agricultural development with special reference to the place of agricultural credit in West Pakistan after 1947   A M MALIK   Mr R G Opie
1969   PhD   London, SOAS   Election laws in Pakistan   M D MALIK
1969   PhD   London, SOAS   The development of the jurisdiction and powers of the superior courts in Pakistan   M A MANNAN   Prof Gledhill
1969   MA   Sussex   Th Krishak Praja Party and the Bengal provincial elections, 1937   H MOMEN
1969   BPhil   St Andrews   Muslim politics in India, 1858-1918   S NAZ   D G Seed
1969   PhD   London, SOAS   Jury and police reform during the Indian Vice-Royalty of Lord Lansdowne, 1888-1894   R RAHMAN   Dr P Hardy
1969   PhD   London, LSE   Frontier problems in Pakistan’s foreign policy   S M M RAZVI   Dr P H Lyon
1969   DPhil   Oxford, Merton   The Commission of Eastern Inquiry in Ceylon, 1829-1837: a study of a Royal Commission of Colonial Inquiry   V K SAMARAWEERA   Dr A F Madden
1969   PhD   London, SOAS   Hinduism in a Kangra village   U M SHARMA   Pror Mayer
1969   PhD   London, SOAS   The reorganization of the Indian armies, 1858-1879   A H SHIBLEY   Dr Moore
1969   PhD   London, SOAS   Land resumption in Bengal, 1819-1846   A M WAHEEDUZZAMA   Dr Zaidi
1969   PhD   London, External   Methodism in north Ceylon: its history and influences, 1814-1890   D K WILSON
1969/70   PhD   Bristol   On the construction and implementation of a planning model for Ceylon   S NARAPALASINGAM
1969/70   PhD   Durham   Some aspects of central banking in Pakistan, 1948-1966   A K NIAZI
1969/70   PhD   Edinburgh   Settlement geography of the Indian desert (Rajasthan area)   Ram C SHARMA
1969/70   PhD   Bristol   The relations between central and provincial governments in Pakistan   M A TAYYEB   Prof Bromhead
1969/70   PhD   London, SOAS   Some legal aspects of agrarian reform in India   Namgi Lal UPADHYAYA
1970   MPhil   London, LSE   Production and trade in the raw cotton and cotton textile industries of Pakistan,1948-1966   Q K AHMAD   Prof H Myint
1970   PhD   Edinburgh   Regionalism and political integration in Pakistan: a case study in political geography   Masood ALI
1970   MPhil   London, SOAS   The urban geography of Kanpur   S A ALI
1970   MPhil   London, LSE   Peasant agriculture in Ceylon, 1933-1893   A C L AMEER ALI   Prof F J Fisher
1970   PhD   Edinburgh   Possible developments in building technology in relations to low cost housing in Pakistan   Mohammed M BAJWA
1970   DPhil   Oxford, St Anthony’s   The growth of political organization inthe Allahabad locality, 1880-1925   C A BAYLY   Prof J A Gallgher
1970   PhD   Cambridge, Gonville     Spatial organizationof some villages in Northern India   P M BLAIKIE   Mr B H Farmer
1970   PhD   Cambridge   British impact on the Indian cotton textile industry, 1757-1865   J G BORPUJARI   Dr W J Macpherson
1970   MPhil   London, UC   Some problems of physical planning in Ceylon   S W P BULANKULAME
1970   PhD   London, LSE   The behaviour of prices in India, 1952-1966: an empirical study   S K CHAKRABARTI   Prof Walters
1970   MSc   Bristol   The long-term outlook for the consumption of tea in India – a quantitative analysis   B M CHAMBERS
1970   MA   Manchester   Social change in Indian towns   M K CHATERJEE
1970   PhD   Cambridge, St Cath’s   Sir Alfred Comyn Lyall: a study of the Anglo-Indian official mind   E C T CHEW   Dr E T Stokes
1970   PhD   London, SOAS   British policy on the North East frontier of India, 1865-1914   D P CHOUDHURY   Prof K Ballhatchet
1970   MA   Kent   Recent trends in Indian federalism   S DAS
1970   MPhil   London, Inst Ed   Development of adult education in India since independence with special reference to rural reconstruction   B DUTTA
1970   BLitt   Oxford, Keble   Identity amongst Muslims in West Bengal, India, and its relationship with political, social and economic change   P J K EADE   Dr R K Jain
1970   BLitt   Oxford, St Edmund Hall   Aspects of history of the Indian National Congress with special reference to the Swarajya Party, 1919-1927   R A GORDON   Prof J A Gallagher
1970   PhD   Wales, Swansea   A study of the social and economic geography of the coastal fishing industry of Ceylon   Suniti Danissari GUNASEKERA
1970   PhD   London, SOAS   British policy and Baluchistan, 1854-1876   T A HEATHCOTE   Dr M E Yapp
1970   MPhil   London, King’s   Selected aspects of agricultural development in West Pakistan   J HUSSAIN
1970   PhD   London, SOAS   Social and political change in Ceylon, 1900-1919 with special reference to the disturbances of 1915    p v i JAYASEKERA   Prof K A Ballhatchet
1970   MSc   Edinburgh   Language and politics in modern India   P KARAT
1970   PhD   London, SOAS   Protection of minority interests under the Indian constitution   G T LUIS   Prof Derrett
1970   DPhil   Oxford, Wadham   Sociological aspects of revival and change in Buddhism in nineteenth century Ceylon   Kitsiri MALALGODA   Mr B R Wilson
1970   PhD   London, SOAS   The administration of British Burma, 1852-1885   J A MILLS   Prof C D Cowan
1970   DPhil   Oxford, St John’s   Renewable natural resources planning for regional development with special reference to Kashmir   Maharaj K MUTHOO   Mr J J Macgregor
1970   DPhil   Sussex   Labour organisation in the Bombay textile industry, 1918-1929   R NEWMAN   Dr Reeves
1970   PhD   London, QMC   Land development in the Sinharaja foothill of Ceylon   M P PERERA   Mr B W Hodder
1970   PhD   London, SOAS   Shareholders’ control of public companies in Pakistan   A K RANJHA
1970   PhD   Cambridge, Trinity   The politics of U.P. Muslims   Francis Christopher Rowland ROBINSON   Dr Seal
1970   MPhil   London, Inst Ed   Urbanisation – its educational implications in India   P SAJNANI
1970   PhD   York   Predicate complement constructions in Hindi and English   Anil SINHA
1970   PhD   London, LSE   Water supply and irrigation in the dry zone of Ceylon   K U SIRINANDA   Mr P Rawson; Dr Chandler
1970   PhD   Cambridge, Jesus   Ceylon’s export trends and prospects   M P S SURIAARACHCHI   Mr H Leisner
1970   MA   London, Inst Ed   The t rainingof teachers in Bombay Province (including Gujerat) since 1947   M N UPADHYAYA
1970   MSc   Wales   Britain’s forgotten war: the British role in the confrontation of Malaysia by Indonesia   Michael R WAGSTAFF
1970   MPhil   London, SOAS   A structural analysis of myths from the North east frontier of India   James Mackie WILSON
1970   PhD   Leeds   The role of the Ceylon civil service before and after independence   Watareke Aratchchige WISWA WARNAPALA
1970/71   PhD   St Andrews   The theory, practice and administration of Waqf with special reference to the Malayan state of Kadah   M Z B H OTHMAN   Dr J Burton
1970/71   PhD   Cambridge, Trinity   The politics of U P muslims   M A ROWLANDS
1970/71   PhD   London, LSHTM   Dynamics of malaria in Ceylon   C SIVAGNANASUNDRAM
1971   MPhil   London, SOAS   A comparative study of social heirarchies in selected areas of India and Pakistan   Makhdum Tasadduq AHMAD   Dr Mayer
1971   PhD   Lancaster   Technical change and economic development of agriculture: the case of Bangladesh   M ALAMGIR
1971   MPhil   London, UC   A select bibliography of periodical literature published in English, German, French, Sanskrit, Hindi, Pali and Bengali during 1951-1966 on some aspects of Indian culture (philosophy, religion, linguistics, literature)from the post-Vedic to the pre-Kalidasa era   P BISWAS
1971   MPhil   London, SOAS   Symbolic and material aspects of institutions in political process: analysis of two North Indian villages   Bengt-Erik Per Gustaf BORGSTROM
1971   MLitt   Cambridge, Firtzwilliam   Metropolitan dominance in South India   R W BRADNOCK   Mr B H Farmer
1971   PhD   London, SOAS   Social change of marriage patterns in the North Western Himalayas (Churah, Pangi and Ladakh)   Bharpur Singh BRAR
1971   PhD   Cambridge, King’s   Political alliances in rural Western Maharashtra   Anthony Thomas CARTER
1971   PhD   London, External   Culture conflicts and education in Ceylon after independence   Ida W DESILVA
1971   PhD   London, SOAS   The internal politics of the Kandyan kingdom, 1707-1760   Lorna S DEWARAJA
1971   PhD   Durham   Patterns of population structure and growth in East Pakistan   K Maudood ELAHI
1971   PhD   London, LSE   An econometric growth model for Pakistan   A FAROOQUI   Mr J M Desai
1971   DPhil   Sussex   Municipal politics in Calcutta: elite groups and the Calcutta corporation, 1875-1900    C P M FUREDY   Prof A Low
1971   BLitt   Oxford, St John’s   Statutory provisions for the settlement of collective industrial disputes in England and Australia and India   S T GOH
1971   MA   Exeter   A study of the authority structure of an industrial organisation in a transitional setting: case study of a Ceylon industrial plant   S GOONATILAKE
1971   MSc   Hull   The impact of foreign aid on India’s international trade, 1951-1965   C P HALLWOOD
1971   PhD   Nottingham   Pakistan’s external relations   A K M A HAQUE   Prof Pear
1971   PhD   Durham   The working of parliamentary government in Pakistan, 1947-1958   S C HARUN
1971   MLitt   Glasgow   Government expenditure: a study with reference to economic development in Pakistan   M HUQ
1971   PhD   London, King’s   Freedom of interstate trade in India   C K M JARIWALA
1971   DPhil   Oxford, St Hilda’s   Government policy and economic and social change in western India,1850-1875   J F M JHIRAD   Prof K A Ballhatchet
1971   MSc   Strathclyde   Administrative aspects of social security programmes for factory labourers in East Pakistan   M KABIR
1971   DPhil   Oxford, Balliol   Nationalism n Bengal, 1903-1911: a study of Bengali reactions to the partition of the province with special reference to the social groups involved   A P KANNANGARA   Prof K A Ballhatchet
1971   PhD   London, SOAS   Some aspects of society and politics in Bengal, 1927 to 1936   B R KHAN   Mr J B Harrison
1971   MPhil   London, SOAS   The tripartite countries [Iran, Pakistan and Turkey]of the regional cooperation for development: a geographical study of a regional grouping   Durray S KURESHI
1971   DPhil   Sussex   Administrative structures, economic change and problems of rural development in Aligarh District, Uttar Pradesh, India   Bismarck U MWANSASU
1971   PhD   London, King’s   A comparative study of the executive in Australia and India   J D OJO
1971   PhD   London, SOAS   Some aspects of the Indian Viceroyalty of Lord Elgin, 1862-1863   J A RAHMAN   Dr Harrison
1971   PhD   London, SOAS   Legal aspects of the “doctrine of pleasure” in relation to public servants in India   U R RAI
1971   MPhil   London, LSE   A comparative study of manpower in selected industries with similar technologies in India and the UK   S F RICHARDS   Prof Wise
1971   MPhil   Leeds   The military in politics in India and Pakistan since 1947   A H RIZVI   Prof Hanson; Dr O A Hartley
1971   PhD   London, SOAS   The government of India under Lord Chelmsford, 1916-1921, with special reference to the policies adopted towards constitutional change and political agitation in British India   P G ROBB   Prof K A Ballhatchet
1971   PhD   York   A generative semantic treatment of some aspects of English and Hindigrammar   Prajapati SAH
1971   PhD   London, LSE   The problem of economic holdings in the peasant agriculture of the dry zone of Ceylon   Somasundaram SELVANAYAGAM
1971   PhD   London, SOAS   Status, power and resources: the study of a Sinhalese village   S P F SENATATNE
1971   MPhil   London. LSE   British opinion and Indian independence: a study of some British pressure groups which advanced the cause of Indian independence   Kumar Indra VIJAY
1971   MLitt   Edinburgh   David Livingstone and India   rOSINA g VISRAM   Prof G A Shepperson
1971   PhD   Cambridge, Newnham   Employment incomes in Ceylon: an inquiry into the structure and determination of wage and salary earnings in Ceylon, 1949-1969   Pabawathie C WICKREMASINGHE
1971   MPhil   London, Inst Ed   A critical analysis of the problems of higher education in Pakistan since independence (1947) with special reference to student unrest   U S ZAMAN
1971/72   PhD   Liverpool   British opinion and Indian reform, 1858-1876   Nilima SAHA   Mr P J N Tuck
1972   DPhil   Oxford, Christ Church   Economic aspects of some peasant colonizations in Ceylon   G M ABAYARATNA   Miss M R Haswell
1972   PhD   Leeds   Economic, political and administrative aspects of planning for development in a divided country: a study of relationships between East Bengal and West Pakistan, 1947-1971   Shaikh Magsood ALI
1972   MSc   Bristol   Capital finance in a developing economy – Ceylon   Bernard V ANTHONISZ
1972   PhD   Cambridge, Clare Hall   Communal conflict in Ceylon politics and the advance towards self-government   Rupasinghe A ARIYARATNE
1972   MPhil   London, Inst Ed   A comparative study of language policies and problems in Ceylon and India since independence   V ARUMUGAM
1972   MPhil   London, SOAS   Judicial control of the machinery of government in Pakistan   Chaudhary M Y ASIM
1972   PhD   Cambridge, Queens   Politics in South India. 1917-1947   Christopher J BAKER
1972   PhD   Durham   The hierarchy of central places in Northern Ceylon   P BALASUNDARAMPILLAI
1972   PhD   London, LSE   Some aspects of the strains and stresses in Indo-British relations, 1947-1965: an analysis of the causes and course of gradual decline in Britain’s importance to India   A R BANERJI   Mr J B L Mayall
1972   PhD   London, QMC   Fiscal policy in India (with reference to taxation)over three five year plans   S BHADURI   Prof M H Peston
1972   DPhil   Sussex   Political change in Rohilkhand, 1932-1952: a study of the rleationships between provincial and district level politicans   L BRENNAN
1972   PhD   London, SOAS   An examination of the development and structure of the legal profession at Allahabad, 1866-1935   Gilliam F BUCKEE
1972   MPhil   Sussex   Educational administration in Bombay Presidency, 1913-1937   J L BUTLER
1972   PhD   London, SOAS   Extra-constitutional actions in Pakistan   Z I CHOUDHURY
1972   PhD   London, SOAS   The politics and functioning of the East Bengal legislature, 1947-1958   Najma CHOWDHURY
1972   MEd   Manchester   The social and educational changes brought about in some South Indian villages by the Saruodaya movement   A G CLARK
1972   DPhil   Oxford   Decentralisation and political change in the United Provinces, 1880-1921   W F CRAWLEY
1972   PhD   Aberdeen   The development and influence of British missionary movements toward India, 1786-1830   Allan K DAVIDSON   Mr A F Walls
1972   PhD   Cambridge, Emmanuel   The official mind and the problem of agrarian indebtedness in India, 1870-1910   Clive J DEWEY
1972   PhD   London, SOAS   Juristic techniques in the Supreme Court of India (195-1971)in some selected areas of public and personal law   Rajeev DHAVAN

1972   MA   Hull   Resource allocation in the public sector in Malaysia with special reference to the Muda River irrigation scheme   CHEW CHAI DOAN
1972   PhD   Hull   Some aspects of private foreign enterprise in Ceylon   L E N FERNANDO
1972   PhD   London, SOAS   Rural money markets in India   Subrata GHATAK
1972   MA   Manchester   Traditional India and the meaning of caste   Beth GOLDBLATT
1972   DPhil   Sussex   Optimum location of paddy improvement schemes in Ceylon   J M GUNADESA
1972   MA    Exeter   Industrialization and protective tariffs in Pakistan   A M A HAKIM
1972   PhD   Cambridge,St John’s   The place of India in the strategic and political consideration of the Axis powers, 1939-1942   Milan HAUNER   Prof F H Hinsley
1972   MA   Exeter   Foreign capital and economic development: the case of Pakistan   M E HOSSAIN
1972   PhD   London, LSE   Rural society and leadership in Malaya with special reference to three selected communities   Syed HUSIN ALI
1972   BLitt   Oxford, Lady Margaret   Some aspects of religion and culture in Bengal   H K ION
1972   PhD   London, SOAS   Agricultural development of Bengal: a quantitative study, 1920-1946   M M ISLAM   Dr Chaudhuri
1972   PhD   London, SOAS   Bengali Moslem public opinion as reflected in the vernacular press between 1901 and 1930   Mustafa N ISLAM
1972   PhD   London, SOAS   The permanent settlement and the landed interests in Bengal from 1793 to 1819   M S ISLAM   Mr G B Harrison
1972   BLitt   Oxford, Somerville   A social anthropological study of Jainism in Northern India   S JAIN   Dr R G Leinhardt
1972   DPhil   Sussex   Techno-economic survey of industrial potential in Sri Lanka   N D KARUNARATNE
1972   PhD   London, SOAS   Constitutional protection of the freedom of association in Pakistan   Hamiduddin KHAN
1972   PhD   London, UC   Kowloon: a factorial study of urban land use and retail structure   Chi-sen LIANG   Prof P Wood
1972   PhD   London, SOAS   The rajas and nawabs of Bengal, 1911-1919   Pronoy Chand MEHTAB
1972   PhD   Cambridge, Fitzwilliam   Income distribution and savings in Pakistan: an appraisal of development strategy   T E NULTY   Prof W B Reddaway
1972   DPhil   Oxford   The organisational basis of Indian agriculture with special reference to the development of capitalistic farming (ie based on wage-labour and following economic criteria for investment) in selected regions in recent years   U PATNAIK
1972   PhD   York   A systematic treatment of certain aspects of Telugu phonology   Vennelakanti PRAKASAM
1972   PhD   Cambridge, Trinity   Regional disparities in the growth of incomes and population in India, 1951-1965   Siripurapu Kesava RAO   Dr A K Bagchi
1972   PhD   Exeter   The impact of devaluation on prices and production in Pakistan   M M SHAIKH
1972   PhD   London, SOAS   The study of inflation in Pakistan, 1955-1968   Qamarul H SIDDIQI   Prof E Penrose
1972   PhD   London, UC   Functions of international conflict: a case study of Pakistan   K SIDDIQUI   Dr J W Burton
1972   PhD   London   The home government of India, 1834-1853   Robert F S TATE   Mr Harrison
1972   PhD   London, SOAS   Indian politics and the elections of 1937   D D TAYLOR   Prof H Tinker
1972   PhD   Wales, Aberystwyth   Economic integration and development with special reference to four Asian countries [India, Ceylon, Burma and Malaysia]   Ransit Corneille WANIGATUNGA   Prof G L Rees
1972   PhD   Cambridge, Newnham   The development and function of the transport system in Ceylon: a network analysis   Poonanulkarange C H WEERASURIYA   Dr B T Robson
1972   MPhil   London, SOAS   Tribal identity among the Santals, 1770-1857   Michael Piers YORKE
1972/73   PhD   Cambridge, Trinity   Social conflict and political unrest in Bengal, 1875-1908   Rajat K RAY
1972/73   PhD   Reading   The applicability of linear programming to resource allocation in an irrigated agriculture with special reference to the Punjab of Pakistan   T U REHMAN
1973   BLitt   Oxford, Balliol   A study of Bengal peasants, 1765-1812   S U AHMED   Dr C C Davies
1973   PhD   London   The role of the Zamindars in Bengal, 1707-1772   Shirin AKHTAR   J B Harrison
1973   DPhil   Sussex   Political structure and economic development in rural West Pakistan   H ALAVI
1973   MPhil   London, Inst Ed   The impact of British educational thought onthe concept of university education in Sri Lanka   Chandra Lilian AMARASEKERA
1973   PhD   London, Wye   A study of economic resource use and production possibilities on settlement schemes in Sri Lanka (with special reference to the Minipe Colonisation Scheme)   Nihal St Michael Aloysius AMERASINGHE
1973   DPhil   Sussex   Nationalism and the regional politics: Tamiland, India, 1920-1937   D J ARNOLD   Prof D A Low
1973   PhD   London, QMC   Functions and status of urban settlement in West Bengal   Mira DAS
1973   DPhil   Sussex   Peasant movements in India,c.1920-1950   D N DHANAGARE
1973   PhD   London, LSE   The development of the port of Colombo, 1860-1939   K DHARMASENA   Prof F J Fisher
1973   MPhil   York   Male nurses in Ceylon: a study of the career problems of male nurses in the Ceylon health service, 1972   Malsiri K DIAS
1973   BLitt   Oxford, Campion Hall   Some aspects of agricultural policy in Ceylon since independence with special reference to youth resettlement schemes   B W DISSANAYAKE   Miss M R Haswell
1973   PhD   Exeter   Orgnisational forms in post traditional society with special reference to South Asia   P D S GOONATILAKE
1973   PhD   London, SOAS   A study of the revenue administration of Sylhet District in Bengal, 1765-1792   Kusha HARAKSINGH   Prof K A Ballhatchet
1973   DPhil   Sussex   Revolutionary networks in Northern Indian politics, 1907-1935: a case study of the terrorist movement in Delhi, the Punjab, the United Provinces and adjacent princely states   M HARCOURT
1973   PhD   London, LSE   Indian population policy and the family planning programme   Edward C HARRIMAN
1973   BLitt   Oxford, Jesus   The role of law in the politics of Pakistan from 1947 to 1956   S F A HASSAN   Prof H W R Wade
1973   DPhil   Oxford, St Catharine’s   Foreign aid in the economic development of Ceylon   W HETTIARACHI   Miss P H Ady
1973   MSc   Lancaster   Monetary management, commercial bank credit expansion and economic development in Pakistan   Rafiqul ISLAM
1973   PhD   London, External   Economic development in Ceylon   Halwalage N S KARUNATILAKE
1973   MSocSc   Birmingham   Distribution of rate of suicide according to age and sex on the basis on caste in Gujerat State   H KAZI
1973   PhD   Hull   Some economic aspects of the oil palm industry of West Malaysia   Hacharan Singh KHERA
1973   DPhil   Oxford   Terms of trade, public policy and economic development of Ceylon, 1948-1958   W D LAKSHMAN
1973   PhD   Wales   An economic analysis of recent developments in the production and marketing of jute with particular reference to their implications for the economy of Pakistan   Saidur R LASKER
1973   PhD   London, LSE   Local government and administration in Ceylon   Genevieve R LEITAN
1973   PhD   York   Some aspects of Bhartrhari’s linguistic theory as represented in the Vakyapadiya   Kaluwachchimule MAHANAMA
1973   PhD   London, SOAS   The changing position and functions of the Rajahs and Nawabs of Bengal, 1911-1919   P C MAHTAB   Prof K Ballhatchet
1973   DPhil   Oxford, Nuffield   Private corporate industrial investment in India, 1947/1967: factors affecting its size, fluctuations and sectoral distribution   P PATNAIK   Mr P P Streeten
1973   PhD   London, King’s   The legal framework for the settlement of industrial disputes in Ceylon   Stanislaus Edward PULLE   Mr A Hughes
1973       London, SOAS   The minorities of Ceylon,, 1926-1931 with special reference to the Donoughmore Commission   G QUINTUS
1973   PhD   London, SOAS   The covenanted civil servant and the government of India, 1858-1883: a study of his part in the decision-making and decision implementing process in India   Muhammad A RAHIM   Mr J B Harrison
1973   MPhil   London, QMC   The markets of Calcutta: an analysis of the evolution of indigenous marketing systems and shopping facilities   Mondira Sinha RAY
1973   DPhil   Sussex   Poverty and policy: the impact of rural public works in the Kosi area of Bihar, India   Gerry RODGERS   L Joy
1973   PhD   Cambridge, Lucy    Polarization on Colombo in the economic geography of Ceylon   Liyanage Kundali Vidyamali SAMARASINGHE   Mr B H Farmer
1973   PhD   Birmingham   A quantitative analysis of the patterns of export: a case study of India   M L SETH
1973   MA   Sussex   A multisectoral model of production for Sri Lanka   Paran SIRISENA
1973   MSc   Cambridge, Girton   Underutilized industrial capacity in India   Nancy SLOCUM
1973   MPhil   London, QMC   External aspects of Pakistan’s political geography   A H SYED
1973   PhD   London, SOAS   Extradition in the light of the Indian constitution   Madan M TEWARI
1973   DPhil   Oxford, Balliol   The Vice-royalty of Lord Irwin in 1926/31 with special reference to political and constitutional developments   James Frederick Caleb WATTS   Dr A F Madden
1973   PhD   Cambridge, Clare Hall   Some aspects of prodcution and market surplus in the rice sector of Ceylon   Piyasiri WICKRAMASEKARA
1973   PhD   Exeter   A theory of multiple exchange rates and exchange rate management in Ceylon   G W P WICKRAMASINGHE
1973/74   PhD   London, Wye   The marketing of tea with special reference to India’s share of thew world market   N C NANDA
1973/74   PhD   East Anglia   Constraints on optimum resource use in an irrigated land settlement scheme in Ceylon   D H R J PERERA
1973/74   PhD   Cambridge, Newnham   Locational analysis and government sponsored large-scale industries in Ceylon   Y RASANAYAGAM

1973/74   DPhil   Sussex   A multisectoral model of production for Sri Lanka   N L SIRISENA
1973/74   PhD   Cambridge, King’s   The kinship and social organization of a Roman Catholic fishing village in Ceylon   Roderick Lennox STIRRAT
1974   PhD   Brunel   Defence expenditure and economic growth with reference to India   V AGARWAL
1974   MSc   London, LSHTM   Current patterns of food administration in the West and their application to Pakistan   A AHMED
1974   DTPH   London, LSHTM   Some problems in family planning in rural Sri Lanka   E R AMARASEKERA
1974   PhD   London, Inst Comm   Trotskyism in Ceylon: a study of the development, ideology and political role of Lanka Sama Samaja Party, 1935-1964   Y R AMARASINGHE   Prof W H Morris-Jones
1974   PhD   London, SOAS   Changes in patterns and practices of wheat farming since the introduction of the new high yielding varieties. A study of six villages in the Bulandshahr District, Uttar Pradesh, Northern India   Kathleen May BAKER
1974   PhD   London   Urban society in Bengal, 1850-1872,with special reference to Calcutta   Ranu BASU   Prof K Ballhatchet
1974   MPhil   London, Wye   Some economic aspects of rubber production in Sri Lanka   Gamlath Rallage CHADRASIRI
1974   PhD   Cambridge, Pembroke   Agrarian society and British administration in Western India, 1847-1920   Neil Rex Foster CHARLESWORTH
1974   DPhil   Sussex   Innovation, inequality and rural planning: the economics of Tubewell irrigation in the Kosi region, Bihar, India   Edward J CLAY
1974   PhD   Kent   Money and monetary policy in a lerss developed economy: the case of Ceylon (Sri Lanka)1950-1970   E CONTOGIANNIS
1974   DPhil   Sussex   A study of wages of the coal miners in India (with special reference ot the Raniganj and Jharia coalfields)   A DASGUPTA
1974   MSc   Wales, Aberystwyth   The factor shares of Indian international trade, 1947-1948 to 1967-1968   Mazumdar D DATT
1974   MPhil   Nottingham   A Marxist analysis of the economic development of India   Brian DAVEY   Prof Parkinson
1974   PhD   London   The intrigues of the German government and the Ghadr Party against British rule in India, 1914-1918   T G FRASER   Mr D N Dilks
1974   DTPH   London, LSHTM   Some public health problems of the labour force in Sri Lanka   A N HANIFFA
1974   MPhil   London, SOAS   The role of “reasonable restrictions” under the Indian constitution   Tirukattupali Kalyana Krishnamurthy IYER
1974   PhD   London   Buddhist-Christian relationships in British Ceylon, 1797-1948   C W KARUNARATNA   E G S Parrinder
1974   MSc   London, LSHTM   Growth study of the preschool children of Pakistan   M M R KHAN
1974   MPhil   Edinburgh   Implementation of development plans in Pakistan   S J KHAWAJA
1974   DPhil   Oxford, St Hugh’s   The movement towards constitutional reform in Ceylon, 1880-1910   N N LABROOY
1974   DPhil   Oxford   Social and political attitudes of British expatriates in India, 1880-1920   Margaret O MACMILLAN   Prof Gallagher
1974   PhD   Queen’s, Belfast   Allahabad: a study in social structure and urban morphology   L MALVIYA
1974   DPhil   Oxford   The Donoughmore Commission in Ceylon, 1927-1931   Tilaka Piyaseeli METHTHANANDA
1974   DPhil   Oxford, Balliol   India’s exports and export policies in the sixties   D NAYYAR   Mr P P Streeten
1974   DPhil   Oxford   Prelude to partition: all-India moslem politics, 1920-1932   D J H PAGE
1974   PhD   London, King’s   The social background, motivation and training of missionaries to India, 1789-1858   Frederic S PIGGIN
1974   PhD   York   Some aspects of the Vanni dialect of Sinhalese as contrasted with the dialect of the western region of Sri Lanka   Pushpakumara PREMARATNE
1974   PhD   Manchester   The commercial pressure on the British government policy towards Indian nationalist movement, 1919-1935   M R PREST
1974   PhD   Cambridge, Clare Hall   Change in Bengal agrarian society c.1760-1850: a study of selected districts   Ratnalekha RAY   Prof E G Stokes
1974   PhD   London, SOAS   Education and society in the Bombay Presidency, 1840-1858   A J ROBERTS   Prof K S Ballhatchet
1974   PhD   Bradford   Pakistani villages in a British city: the world of the Mirpuri villager in Bradford and in his village of origin   Verity J SAIFULLAH-KHAN
1974   DPhil   Oxford   Labour and industrial organization in the Indian coal-mining industry, 1900-1939   Colin P SIMMONS   Prof P Mathias
1974   PhD   Cambridge, Trinity   Nationalism and Indian politics: the Indian National Congress, 1934-1942   B R TOMLINSON   Dr A Seal
1974   PhD   Hull   The European plantation rubber industry in South East Asia, 1876-1921   Phin Keong VOON
1974   PhD   London, SOAS   British scholarship and Muslim rule in India: the work of William Erskine, Sir Henry Elliot, John Dowson, Edwards Thomas, J Talboys Wheeler and Henry J Keene   Tripta WAHI   Dr P Hardy
1974   PhD   Cambridge, Tinity   The society and politics of the Madras Presidency, 1880-1920   D A WASHBROOK   Dr A Seal
1974   PhD   Hull   The Saribas Malays of Sarawak: their social and economic organisation and system of values   BIN kLING ZAINAL
1974/75   PhD   Cambridge, Darwin   Landlords, planters and colonial rule: a study of tensions in Bengal rural society, c. 1830-1860   Chittabrata PALIT   Prof E T Stokes
1974/75   PhD   London, SOAS   The Khilafat movement in India, 1919-1924   M Naeem QURESHI   SDr Moore
1974/75   PhD   Birmingham   A multisectoral model for manpower and educational planning in Sri Lanka   T W Y RANAWEERA
1974/75   MSc   Cambridge Trinity   The extraction and use of surplus in India and China, 1950-1960   Chiranjivi Shumshere THAPA
1975   MSc   Strathclyde   Foreign indebtedness and debt servicing capacity of Pakistan, 1955-1970   M K ACHIGZAI
1975   MSc   London, LSHTM   Mortality and fertility trends in Orissa, 1951-1972   V AHMAD
1975   PhD   Edinburgh   Industrialisation and the problems of access to finance of small and medium sized forms in Ceylon   C A BALASURIYA
1975   MA   Ulster   Bangladesh: a divided Pakistan   N J BEST
1975   PhD   Manchester   Science and politics in India: accountability of scientific research policy structures, 1952-1970   B BHANEJA
1975   MSc   Salford   Factionalism and party building in India with special reference to the State of Rajasthan   R BHARGAVA
1975   MSc   Wales, Swansea   Population planning in Bangladesh   A R BHUIYAN   Mr J Whetton
1975   PhD   Lancaster   As assessment of the economic effects of a customs union among the South Asian countries of India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka   M A R BHUYAN
1975   PhD   London   The East India Company and its army, 1600-1778   G J BRYANT   Dr P J Marshall
1975   DPhil   sussex   The effects of external assistance on economic development: the case of Sri Lanka   A CHANDRA-RANDENI
1975   PhD   Leeds   The marketing of cotton in Pakistan   I U CHAUDHRY
1975   MSc   Wales, Swansea   Social welfare services in Pakistan: the integration of state and welfare activity   A CHOUDRY   Jim Whetton
1975   PhD   Londond, Wye   Factors influencing India’s exports since 1950   Kashmir Singh DHINDSA
1975   DPhil   Oxford   The journals and memoirs of British travellers and residents in India in the late 18th century and the 19th century prior to the Mutiny   Ketaki K DYSON   Dr C M Ing
1975   PhD   London, SOAS   The structure of politics in South India, 1918-1939: conflict and adjustment in Madras City   J A ELLIS
1975   MA   Sussex   The Vidhan Sabha election, Uttar Pradash, India, of February 1974   J GOODMAN
1975   MPhil   London, UC   Problems of port development in Sri Lanka, with special reference to Colombo   Daya Somalatha GUNATILLAKE
1975   DPhil   Sussex   Peasant agitations in Kheder District, Gujerat, 1917-1934   D R HARDIMAN   Mr P K Chaudhuri
1975   MSc   Wales, Swansea   Organisation and staffing needs in four state social services departments in Malaysia   Kamariah Mohd ISMAIL   Mr C Gore
1975   MScEcon   Wales   Economic development and the problem of unemployment with special reference to Bangladesh   Halim JAHANGIR
1975   PhD   Edinburgh   Public sector investment in the direct development of urban housing in Sri Lanka (Ceylon)   M E JOACHIM
1975   DPhil   Sussex   The relation between land settlement and party politics in Uttar Pradesh, India, 1950-69, with special reference to the formulation of the Bharatiya Kranti Dal   M H JOHNSON
1975   PhD   London, SOAS   Business, labour and opposition movements in the politics of Ahmedabad City, 1960-1972   Bharti KANSARA   Prof W H Morris-Jones
1975   MLitt   Aberdeen   South Asian international relations since rthe emergence of Bangladesh   A KHAN
1975   MA   Sussex   The Congress split of 1969: a study in factional and ideological conflicts   H KINASE-LEGGETT
1975   PhD   London   Legal aspects of stage carriage licensing in India   P LEELAKRISHNAN
1975   PhD   London, SOAS   Economics of higher yielding varieties of rice with special reference to a south Indian district…West Godavari (Andhra Pradesh)   S MADHAVAN   Mr T J Byres
1975   DPhil   Sussex   Political change in an Indian state: Mysore, 1910-1952   James G MANOR   Prof A Low; Dr Reeves
1975   PhD   Leeds   Financial institutions and private investment in Pakistan, 1955/56 to 1969/70   A M M MASIH   Finance
1975   MPhil   London, UC   Self-help in Hyderabad’s urban development   Catherine Anne MEDE
1975   PhD   London, LSE   An analysis of the economy and social organisation of the the Malapantara – a south Indian hunting and gathering people   Brian MORRIS
1975   DPhil   Oxford, Wolfson   The Indian National Congress and political mobilization in the United Provinces, 1926-1934   G PANDEY

Mr D K Fieldhouse
1975   PhD   Edinburgh   A prototype system for the control of land use and settlements in the planned development of Bangladesh   A M A QUAZI
1975   PhD   London, Inst Comm   The emergence of Bangladesh as a sovereign state   Mizanur RAHMAN
1975   DPhil   Oxfird, Linacre House   Some aspects of the Indian government’s policy of state railways, 1869-1884   V SHANMUGASUNDARAM   Prof K Ballhatchet
1975   PhD   Edinburgh   Changing patterns of cropland use in Bist Doab, Punjab, 1951-1968   Gurjeet SINGH
1975   PhD   London, LSE   A demographic analysis of the sterilization programme in the Indian states, 1957-1973   Veena SONI   Prof D Glass
1975   MLitt   St Andrews   Tax revenue forecasting in a developing economy with special reference to India   D K SRIVASTAVA
1975   DPhil   Sussex   The British in Malabar, 1792-1806   B S W SWAI   Prof D A Low; Dr P Reeves
1975   PhD   London, SOAS   The cotton trade and the commercial development of Bombay, 1855-1875   Antonia M VICZIANY   Dr K N Chaudhuri
1975   PhD   London, SOAS   The Moplah rebellion of 1921-1922 and its genesis   Conrad WOOD
1975/76   PhD   Birmingham   Significance of size in Indian public limited companies   N P NAYAR
1975/76   DPhil   Oxford, Trinity   British policy and the political impasse in India during the viceroyalty of Lord Linlithgow   Gowher RIZVI
1976   MPhil   London, UC   Development of printing in Urdu, 1743-1857   Nazir AHMAD   Mr R Staveley
1976   PhD   London, SOAS   The beginnings of British rule in Upper Burma: the study of British policy and Burmese reaction, 1885-1890   Muhammad S ALI   Prof C D Cowan
1976   MLitt   Glasgow   Jute in the agrarian history of Bengal, 1870-1914: a study in primary production   M W ALI   Prof S Checkland; Mr J F Munro
1976   PhD   Cambridge, Queen’s   Private industrial investment in Pakistan   Rashid AMJAD   Mr M A King
1976   PhD   London, SOAS   The Tamil renaissance and Dravidian nationalism, 1905-1944, with special reference to the works of Maraimalai Atikal   K Nambi AROORAN   Prof K Ballhatchet
1976   PhD   Lancaster   Regional dualism: a case study of Pakistan, 1947/48 to 1969/70   M AZHAR-UD-DIN
1976   PhD   London, SOAS   Patterns of rural development in Tamil Nadu   Robert Wilfred BRADNOCK
1976   DPhil   Sussex   Patterns of tractorization in the major rice growing areas of Sri Lanka   M N CARR
1976   DPhil   Oxford, St John’s   Aspects of the registration and legal control of trade unions in India with some comparative observations   B K CHANDRASHEKAR
1976   MSc   Heriot-Watt   The development of tourism in Sri Lanka(Ceylon)with special reference to Nuwara Elyia   E G DHARMASIRIWARANDE
1976   MPhil   Edinburgh   Some guidelines for a spatial framework for regional planning in Sri Lnaka   N D DICKSON
1976   PhD   London, UC   Some problems relating to constitutional amendments in India   Bhubaneswar DUTTA
1976   MA   Sheffield   An examination of the letters and papers of a Wesleyan missionary (the Rev. James John Ellis of India, 1883-1962   J ELLIS   Prof J Atkinson; Dr J C G Binfield
1976   DPhil   Sussex   Caste and Christianity: a study of the development and influence of attitudes and policies concerning caste held by Protetsant Anglo-Saxon missions in India   D B FORRESTER
1976   DPhil   Sussex   Sri Lanka and the powers: an investigation into Sri Lanka’s relations with Britain, India, US, Soviet Union and China, 1948-1974   Birty GAJAMERAGEDARA   Coral Bell
1976   PhD   Cambridge, Selwyn   Bombay city businessmen and politics, 1918-1933: the politics of indigenous colonial businessmen in relation to rising nationalism and a modernising economy   A D D GORDON   Prof J A Gallagher
1976   MSc   Wales, UWIST   The impact of the Central Freight Bureau of Sri Lanka on liner conferences and trade patterns   M H GUNARATNE
1976   PhD   Wales, Aberystwyth   Programming for a balanced development of modern industries in Bangladesh   A K Md HABIBULLAH   Prof P N Mathur
1976   MPhil   East Anglia   Techniques and management of annual planning with reference to Bangladesh   Shamsul HAQUE
1976   MSc   Wales, Swansea   Employment planning in Sri Lanka   Nimal HETTIARATCHY
1976   PhD   Cambridge, Christ’s   Agrarian structure and land productivity in Bangladesh: an analysis of farm level data   Mahabub HOSSAIN   Mrs S Paine
1976   PhD   Glasgow   Factor price distortions in Bangladesh   M M HUQ
1976   PhD   London, SOAS   A quantitative study of price movements in Bengal during the 18th and 19th centuries   A S M A HUSSAIN   Dr K N Chaudhuri
1976   MPhil   London   A study of 19th century historical work on Muslim rule in Bengal: Charles Stewart to Henry Beveridge   Muhammad D HUSSAIN   Dr P Hardy
1976   MSc   Wales   Construction and use of new system of national accounts for Sri Lanka   Siripala IPALAWATTE   Prof P N Mathur
1976   PhD   London, LSE   Factor intensity and labour absorption in manufacturing industries: the case of Bangladesh   R ISLAM   Prof A Sen; Dr Dasgupta
1976   PhD   Wales, Aberystwyth   An investigation into the effect of farm structure on resource productivitiy in selected areas of Bangladesh   Md Abdul JABBAR
1976   PhD   London, Inst Comm   India in the British Commonwealth: the problem of diplomatic representation 1917-1947   James L KEMBER   Dr T Reese
1976   PhD   Aberdeen   International relations in the South Asian sub-continent since the emergence of Bangladesh: conflict or co-operation ?   Ataur Rahman KHAN
1976   MSc   Strathclyde   Indian decision making and the Sino-Indian boundary conflict   R LOUDIS
1976   PhD   Glasgow   Regional disparities and structural change in an underdeveloped economy: a case study of India   M MAJMUDAR
1976   DPhil   Oxford, St Antony’s   Radical nationalism in India, 1930-1942: the role of the All India Congress Socialist Party   Z M MASANI
1976   PhD   London, SOAS   Political leadership among the Hindu community in Calcutta, 1857-1885   John G McGUIRE   Prof K A Ballhatchet
1976   MPhil   Leeds   Public enterprise and the economic development of Pakistan: a study of the relationship between industrial finance corporations and the development of the private sector   I MEHDI
1976   PhD   Manchester   Marketing of social products: family planning in Bangladesh   M A MIYAN
1976   PhD   London, UC   History of printing in Bengali characters up to 1866   Hussain Khan MOFAKHKHAR
1976   PhD   Cambridge, Christ’s   An Indian rural society: aspects of the structure of rural society in the United Provinces, 1860-1920   P J MUSGRAVE   Prof E T Stokes
1976   PhD   Cambridge, St John’s   The British in India, 1740-1763: a study in imperial expansion into Bengal   J B NICHOL   Prof E T Stokes
1976   PhD   London, LSE   Education and educated manpower in Bangladesh: a study of development after the 1947 partition   M NURUZZAMAN   Dr C M Phillips
1976   PhD   Manchester   The sensitivity of the demand for Indian exports to world prices: a study of particular commodities   N G PEERA
1976   PhD   Glasgow   Some methodological aspects of the cost benefit analysis of irrigation projcts: a case study of the Telegana region of India   Gautam PINGLE   Mr E RAdo; Dr R P Sinha
1976   DPhil   Oxford, St John’s   The role of India in imperial defence beyond its frontiers and home waters, 1919-1939   J O RAWSON   Prof N H Gibbs
1976   PhD   London, LSE   Towards a spatial strategy for Indian development   L R SATIN
1976   PhD   London, SOAS   Municipal markets of Calcutta: three case studies   Mondira SINHA RAY
1976   PhD   London, SOAS   Munda religion and social structure   Hilary STANDING
1976   PhD   London, SOAS   Pakistan: a geopolitical analysis, 1947-1974   Arif Hassan SYED
1976   MSc   Wales, Swansea   Child welfare planning in India   Kalyani Sarojini THADI
1976   PhD   Aston   Techno-economic aspects of the competitive position of natural rubber with special reference to the natural rubber industry in Sri Lanka   G VARATHUNGARAJAN
1976   PhD   Cambridge, Sidney   The impact of tariff protection on Indian industrial growth, 1918-1939, with special reference to the steel, cotton mill and sugar industries   D M WAGLE   Dr W J Macpherson
1976   DPhil   Sussex   The use of project appraisal techniques in the Indian public sector: a case study of the fertiliser industry   John WEISS
1976   PhD   London, SOAS   Decisions and analogy: political structure and discourse among the Ho tribes of India   Michael Piers YORKE
1976/77   PhD   Cambridge, Darwin   Living saints and their devotees: a study of guru cults in urban Orissa   Deborah Anne SWALLOW   Prof E R Leach
1977   PhD   London, LSE   The jute manufacturing industry of Bangladesh, 1947-1974   Q K AHMAD
1977   DPhil   Oxford   The Bengal Muslims, circa 1871-1906: the re-definition of identity   R AHMED
1977   PhD   Hull   The Boria: a study of a Malay theatre in its socio-cultural context   RAHMAN AZMAN
1977   PhD   London,SOAS   Guardianship in South Asia with special reference to alienation and limitation   M BADARUDDIN
1977   PhD   Lancaster   The image of Gandhi in the Indo-Anglican nove   D CHATTERJEE
1977   PhD   Cambridge, Selwyn   Lancashire cotton trade and British policy in India, 1919-1939   Basudev CHATTERJI
1977   PhD   Aberdeen   Doctrinal and exegetical issues in the Hindu-Christian debate during the nineteenth century Bengal renaissance with special reference to St Paul’s teaching on the religions of the nations   Chee Pang CHOONG
1977   PhD   Glasgow   Technological change in agriculture: the development experience of Tamil Nadu   M D’SA
1977   PhD   Cambridge, Selwyn   Indigo plantations and agrarian society in North Bihar in the 19th and early 20th centuries   C M FISHER   Prof E Stokes
1977   PhD   Edinburgh   Some aspects of the colonial administration in Ceylon, 1855-1865   Alison C FORBES   Dr T J Barron
1977   PhD   Manchester   A model of manpower planning for India   R D GAIHA
1977   PhD   East Anglia   Paddy and rice marketing in Northern Tamil Nadu, India   Barbara HARRISS
1977   PhD   East Anglia   Technological change in agriculture and agrarian social structure in Northern Tamil Nadu   John Charles HARRISS
1977   PhD   Cambridge, Trinity   Indian National congress and the Indian Muslims (1916-1928)   M HASAN   Dr A Seal
1977   MEd   Wales, Aberystwyth   Television strategies for health education in Pakistan   Muhammad Anwar HASSAN
1977   PhD   London, UC   The tax burden on Bangladeshi agriculture – a welfare economics approach   M HUQ
1977   PhD   Durham   Differentiation, polarisation and confrontation in rural Bangladesh   B K JAHANGIR
1977   DPhil   Oxford, St Hugh’s   Gangaguru: the public and private life of a Brahmin community of North India   A S JAMESON
1977   PhD   Edinburgh   A Bangladeshi town’s elite: a sociological study   F KHAN
1977   MPhil   London, King’s   South Asia Muslims and the ocncept of equality with reference to the 20th century   M LAHLOU   Dr P Hardy
1977   PhD   London, SOAS   Evaluation of integrated rural development project in Pakistan   W E LOVETT
1977   PhD   London   Depression kills more than a self: concepts of mental distress among Pakistanis   R MALIK
1977   PhD   London, SOAS   The origins and early years of the British Committee of the Indian National Congress, 1885-1907   Margot I MORROW   Prof K A Ballhatchet
1977   MPhil   London, SOAS   Caste, rituals and strategies   Rina NAYAR
1977   PhD   Edinburgh   The directors of the East India Company, 1754-1790   J G PARKER   Dr J N M Maclean; Prof V G Kiernan
1977   PhD   Hull   Anglo-Burmese relations, 1795-1826   Gandadharan Padmanabhan RAMACHANDRA
1977   PhD   Leicester   The development of local transport in Bangladesh   Abu REZA
1977   DPhil   Sussex   An analysis of the export performance and policies of Bangladesh since 1950 with special reference to the income and employment implications of trade in manufactures   S A L REZA
1977   DPhil   Sussex   A study of political elites in Bangladesh, 1947-1970   Rangalal SEN   Prof T B Bottomore
1977   PhD   Leeds   Organisation and leadership of industrial labour in Karachi, Pakistan   Z A SHAHEED
1977   PhD   Kent   A monetary macro-economic model for India, 1951/52-1965/66   M A SHAHI
1977   MLitt   Cambridge, Girton   The Congress ministry in Bombay, 1937-1939   Rani SHANKAREDASS   Prof J Gallagher
1977   mpHIL   Edinburgh   A comparative study of development policies in Pakistan, 1955-1970   S H SYED
1977   MPhil   London, Birkbeck   Differences between the UK and Indian management attitudes to organization development (OD) and manpower planning: a comparative study   M N THAKUR
1977   PhD   London, LSE   Anglo-Indian economic relations, 1913-1928: with special reference to the cotton trade   James David TOMLINSON   Mr M E Falkus; Mr D E Baines
1977/78   PhD   Cambridge, Selwyn   Thje unemployment problem and development planning in Pakistan   Ghazy bin Subh-o MUHJAHID   Mr D A S Jackson
1977/78   PhD   London, LSE   Economic inequality and group welfare: theory and application in Bangladesh   S R OSMANI   Prof A Sen
1977/78   PhD   Cambridge, King’s   The interrelation of agriculture and industry in a developing country: the case of Bangladesh   A H WAHIDUDDIN MAHMUD   Dr R M Goodwin
1978   PhD   London, SOAS   The economic and social organization of selected Mohmand Pukhtun settlements   Akbar S AHMED
1978   MPhil   Leeds   Disguised unemployment in the rural sector in Bangladesh   A H W M ALAM
1978   PhD   London, SOAS   British policy towards the Indian states, 1905-1939   S R ASHTON   Dr B N Pandey
1978   DPhil   Oxford, St Antony’s   Lord Willington and India, 19192-1936   George W BERGSTROM   Dr A F Madden
1978   DPhl   Sussex   Inequality, demand, structures and employment: the case of India   R BERRY
1978   PhD   Edinburgh   The Kui people: changes in belief and practice   Barbara Mather BOAL
1978   MPhil   Sussex   Islam in India since the partition of the sub-continent: issues in self-definition   J A BOND
1978   PhD   Leicester   The civil and military patronage of the East India Company, 1784-1840   John Michael BOURNE
1978   PhD   London, SOAS   The history of Janakpurdham: a study of asceticism and the Hindu polity   Richard BURGHART
1978   PhD   London, SOAS   The Hindu family firm and its future in the light of Indian tax law   S C CHAKRABORTY
1978   PhD   Exeter   The production and trade of rice and cotton in Pakistan with special reference to exports to the European Community   M A CHOUDHRY
1978   DPhil   Oxford   The colonial police and anti-terrorism: Bengal 1930-1936, Palestine 1837-1947 and Cyprus 1955-1959   D J CLARK   Prof M E Howard
1978   DPhil   Oxford, Hertford   International trade and payments and economic policy in Ceylon during 1938/1953: a case study in the economics of independence   D C DOLAWATTA   Mr R W Bacon
1978   MPhil   Leicester   An econometric model of consumer behaviour in India, 1950/51-1972/73   A GHATAK
1978   PhD   Durham   Kinship and ritual in a South Indian micro-region   Anthony GOOD
1978   PhD   Cambridge, Wolfson   Pineapples from Sri Lanka: the export potential of fresh fruit in relation to some aspects of post-harvest deterioration   S J GOONERATNE   Dr P H Lowings
1978   PhD   London   The law of homicide in Pakistan   M HANIF

1978   PhD   Cranfield   Inter-urban bus operation in Bangladesh: a comparative study of the efficiency of the public and private bus sectors   M ISLAM
1978   PhD   Lancaster   Religion and moderenisation: a case study of interactions between Christianity, Hinduism and modernisation in Northern Orissa, 1947-197   A KANJAMALA
1978   PhD   Manchester   Analysis of industrial efficiency in Pakistan, 1959/60 to 1969/70   A R KEMAL
1978   PhD   Cambridge   Indian business and nationalist politics, 1931-1939: the political attitude of the indigenous capitalist class in relation to the crisis of the colonial economy   Claude MARKOVITS   Dr A Seal
1978   PhD   Lancaster   Herman Merivale and the British Empire. 1806-1874, with special reference to British North America, Southern Africa and India   D T McNAB   Dr J M MacKenzie
1978   DPhil   Oxford.    The era of civillisation: British policy for the Indians of the Canadas, 1830-1860   John Sheridan MILLOY   Dr F Madden
1978   PhD   Exeter   An analysis of the world jute economy and its implications for Bangladesh   M G MOSTAFA
1978   PhD   Surrey   Causes of educated unemployment in less developed countries: the case of Sri Lanka   T PERERA
1978   PhD   Leeds   Public expenditure growth and its role in developing countries: the case of Bangladesh   A H PRAMANIK
1978   DPhil   Sussex   Capacity utilisation and labour employment in large scale manufacturing plant in Bangladesh   Alimur RAHMAN   B Dasgupta
1978   MPhil   Liverpool   A study in some aspects of demand and supply of food in a rapidly expanding population: the case of Bangladesh   F RAHMAN
1978   PhD   Essex   Tenancy and production behaviour in agriculture: a study of Bangladesh agriculture   K M RAHMAN
1978   MPhil   Leeds   The political economy of inflation: a case study of Bangladesh, 1959-1975   Syed Z SADEQUE
1978   PhD   Wales, InstSciTech   Spatial impact of growth poles in the context of regional development planning: a case study in the Ranchi Region (Bihar), India   Suranjit Kumar SAHA
1978   PhD   Cambridge, Trinity   Agrarian structure, technology and marketed surplus in the Indian economy   A SAITH
1978   MPhil   London, LSE   The Cominterm and the Communist Party of India, 1920-1929   Dushka Hyder SAIYID   Prof J Joll
1978   PhD   London, SOAS   Relations between Roman Catholics and Hindus in Jaffna, Ceylon, 1900-1926: a study of religious encounter   N M SAVERIMUTTU   Prof K A Ballhatchet
1978   PhD   London, SOAS   Legal aspects of public enterprise in India and Tanzania: a comparative study   A SEN
1978   PhD   London, SOAS   The life and writings of Sir John William Kaye, 1814-1876   Nihar Nandan Prasad SING
1978   PhD   London, SOAS   Some aspects of education and educational administration in the Madras Presidency between 1870 and 1898: a study of British educational policy in India   S SRIVASTAVA   Mr J Harrison
1978   PhD   London, SOAS   Public expenditure and state accumulation in India, 1960-1970   John F J TOTE   Mr T J Byres
1978   PhD   London, SOAS   Law and order in Oudh, 1856-1877   D B TRIVEDI   Prof K A Ballhatchet
1978   PhD   Cambridge, St John’s   Periodic markets in south Bihar, India   Sudhir Vyankatesh WANMALI    Dr GP Chapman Mr BH Farmer
1978   PhD   Brunel   Job satisfaction and labour turnover among women workers in Sri Lanka   W T WEERAKOON
1978   PhD   London, SOAS   Gandhists and socialists: the struggle for control of the Indian National Congress, 1931-1939   James Carroll WILSON
1978   MPhil   London, Insti Comm   Political conflict and regionalism: Orissa, 1938-1948   T W WOLF   Prof W H Morris-Jones
1979   MPhil   Edinburgh   National parks planning in Malaysia   A K bin ABANG MORSHIDI
1979   PhD   Cambridge   Labour market and labour utilisation in Bangladesh agriculture: an analysis of farm level data   Iqbal AHMED
1979   PhD   London, SOAS   The history of the city of Dacca, 1840-1884   S U AHMED   Mr Harrison
1979   DPhil   Oxford, Balliol   Sugar cane cultivation in Gorakhpur, Uttar Pradesh c.1890-1940: a study in the interrelations between capitalistic enterprise and a dependent peasantry   S AMIN   Dr Raychaudhuri
1979   PhD   London, UC   Occupational and spatial mobility among shanty dwellers in Poona: a study of selected settlements and implications for housing policy   M M BAPAT
1979   MLitt   Oxford, St Antony’s   The Punjab and recruitment to the Indian Army (1846-1918)   D BRIEF
1979   PhD   Keele   UN India Pakistan Observation Mission (UNIPOM), 1965-1966   S CHAUHDRY
1979   PhD   Wales   Local government finance in Bangladesh   Amirul Islam CHOWDHURY   Mr J Eaton
1979   PhD   Warwick   Interrelationships between income redistribution and economic growth with special reference to Sri Lanka   H M A CODIPPILY
1979   MPhil   London, SOAS   The constitutional history of Sri Lanka with special reference to the judiciary   M J A COORAY
1979   PhD   London, SOAS   Local politics in Bengal, Midnapur District   Swapan DAS GUPTA
1979   PhD   Edinburgh   Government and princes: India 1918-1939   G J DOUDS
1979   PhD   Manchester   The establishment of nuclear industry in less developed countries: the cases of Argentine, Brazil and India   M DUAYER DE SOUZA
1979   DPhil   Sussex   Levels, the communication of programmes and sectional strategies in Indian politics with reference to the Bharatiya Kranti Dal and the Republican Party of India in Uttar Pradesh State and Aligarh District (UP)   R I DUNCAN
1979   DPhil   Oxford, Keble   An anthropological analysis of the identity of the educated Bengali Muslim middle class of Calcutta, India   P J K EADE   Prof M Freeman
1979   DPhil   Oxford, Balliol   Bombay peasants and Indian nationalism: a study of economic change and political activity in the Bombay countryside, 1919-1939   Simon J M EPSTEIN
1979   DPhil   Sussex   Bilateral trade and payments agreements as an instrument of trade policy in Ceylon, 1952-1971   L S FERNANDO   D Wall
1979   DPhil   Oxford   Military aid as a factor in Indo-Soviet relations, 1961-1971   P C GERHARDT
1979   PhD   Manchester   Image makers of Kumartuli: the transformation of a caste-based industry in a slum quarter of Calcutta   Beth GOLDBLATT
1979   PhD   Lancaster   Achieving national development in the Third World: a systems study [Sri Lanka and Venezuela]   P W GUNAWARDENA
1979   PhD   London, SOAS   Industrial development of Bengal, 1902-1939   A Z M IFTIKHAR-UL-AWWAL
1979   PhD   Cambridge   Afghanistan in British imperial strategy and diplomacy, 1919-1941   Lesley Margaret JACKMAN
1979   DPhil   Sussex   Changing production relations and population in Uttar Pradesh   Vinod K JAIRATH   S Epstein
1979   DPhil   Oxford, Merton   Religion and politics among the Sikhs in the Punjab, 1873-1925   R A KAPUR   Prof R E Robinson
1979   PhD   Aberdeen   Nationalism in Bangladesh   Ataur R KHAN
1979   MLitt   Oxford, Wolfson   Communities in Ceylon: an ethnic perspective on Sinhalese-Tamil relations   P LANGTON   Dr Schuyler-Jones
1979   PhD   London, Wye   An economic analyses of resource use with respect of farm size and tenure in an area of Bangladesh   Md Abdur Sattar MANDAL
1979   DPhil   Oxford   Hindu pilgrimage with particular reference to West Bengal, India   E Alan MORINIS
1979   MPhil   York   Sociolinguistics of language planning: a historical study of language planning in Sri Lanka   Abul Monsur Md Abu MUSA   Dr M W S De Silva
1979   PhD   London, SOAS   Chittagong Port: a study of its fortunes, 1892-1912   S H OSMANY   Mr J B Harrison
1979   PhD   Cambridge, St Cath’s   Punjab peasants and politics: a study of the Lower Chenab Canal, 1890-1020   B J POFF   Prof E Stokes
1979   PhD   Cambridge, Clare   Agrarian structure and capital formation: a study of Bangladesh agriculture with farm level data   Atiqur RAHMAN
1979   PhD   London, SOAS   The non-official British in India, 1883-1920   R K RENFORD
1979   PhD   Aberdeen   The soils of the central Sarawak lowlands, Malaysia   I M SCOTT
1979   PhD   Durham   The socio-cultural determinants of fertility and the population policy in India   M SEKHRI
1979   PhD   St Andrews   Macroeconmic forecasting in developing countries with special reference to fiscal policy: a case study of India   Dinesh K SRIVASTAVA   Dr GK Shaw
1979   PhD   London, SOAS   Emergency powers in the Indian constitution   Jahnavi K P SRIVASTAVA
1979   PhD   London, LSE   Democratic considerations and population policies in development planning: a survey of third world countries with case studies of Bangladesh and Pakistan   B F M STAMFORD   Prof D V Glass
1979   PhD   Edinburgh   The development of British Indology   K B SWANSON
1979   PhD   London, Royal Holloway   Anglo-French diplomacy overseas, 1935-1845, with special reference to West Africa and the Indian Ocean   Rosalind M WALLER   Prof G N Sanderson
1979/80   PhD   Cambridge, St John’s   Some aspects of the monetary and financial experience of a mixed economy: the case of Ceylon, 1950-1970   S W R D SARMARASINGHE   Mr M G Kuczynski
1980   MPhil/PhD   London, LSHTM   Sex differential mortality: a study of the status of women in Pakistan   A AHMAD
1980   DPhil   Sussex   Overseas aid and the transfer of technology – agricultural mechanisation in Sri Lanka   D F BURCH   E Brett
1980   PhD   Aberdeen   Aspects of population changes in British colonial Malacca: a study in social geography   Kok Eng CHAN
1980   PhD   London, SOAS   Rural power and debt in Sind in late 19th century, 1865-1901   David CHEESMAN   Dr Zaidi
1980   PhD   London, UC   Optimal development and various public policies: a case study of Bangladesh   Omar H CHOWDHURY   Mr Lal
1980   PhD   Cambridge   The agrarian economy of northern India, 1800-1880: aspects of growth and stagnation in the Doab   S J COMMANDER   Prof Stokes
1980   PhD   Leeds   Methodism and Sinhalese Buddhism: the Wesleyan-Methodist missionary encounter with Buddhism in Ceylon, 1814-1868, with special reference to the work of Robert Spencer Hardy   Barbara A R COPLANS   Dr E M Pye; Dr R C Towler
1980   PhD   London, King’s   British and Indian strategy and policy in Mesopotamia, November 1914-May 1916   P K DAVIS   Dr M L Dockrill
1980   MPhil   Edinburgh   Use of technology: rural industrialization in Sri Lanka   A DE WILDE
1980   PhD   Cambridge, Trinity   The Indian Civil Service. 1919-1947   H A EWING   Dr A Seal
1980   PhD   Edinburgh   Devotional music in Mysore   Gordon GEEKIE
1980   MPhil   CNAA   An approach to the assessment and control by developing countries of the economic costs and benefits of their national fleets, with particular reference to Sri Lanka   M D H GUNATILLAKE
1980   DPhil   Sussex   Development of capitalism in agriculture in Pakistan with special reference to the Punjab Province   S A HUSSAIN
1980   PhD   Cambridge   Popular Christianity, caste and Hindu society in south India, 1800-1915: a study of Travancore and Tirunelveli   Susan Banks KAUFMANN
1980   PhD   Edinburgh   The cost and effictiveness of export incentive schemes in Pakistan, 1950-1970   Mohammad KHAYRAT
1980   PhD   London, SOAS   The city of Lucknow before 1856 and its buildings   Rosaleen M LLEWELLYN-JONES   Dr Chaudhuri
1980   PhD   Manchester   Domestic worship and the festival cycle in the south Indian city of Madurai   Penelope LOGAN
1980   PhD   Leeds   The policy of the government of India towards Afghanistan, 1919-1947   C MAPRAYIL   Prof D Dilks
1980   PhD   Strathclyde   Appropriate products, employment and income distribution in Bangladesh and Ghana: a case study of the soap industry   A K A MUBIN
1980   PhD   Manchester   Choice and transfer of technology: the case of modernization of dairying in India   S K MUKERJI
1980   DPhil   Oxford   The rebellion in Awadh, 1857-1858: a study in popular resistance   R MUKHERJEE
1980   DPhil   Sussex   The Muriya and Tallot Mutte: a study of the concept of the earth among the Muriya Gonds of Bastar District, India   Terrell POPOFF
1980   DPhil   Oxford   Saving in Pakistan, 1950-1977: estimation and analysis   M Z M QURESHI
1980   PhD   Durham   A study of the status of women in Islamic law and society with special reference to Pakistan   S F SAIFI
1980   PhD   London, SOAS   The political economy of rural poverty in Bangladesh   K U SIDDIQUI   Mr T J Byres
1980   DPhil   Sussex   Export led industrial development: the case of Sri Lanka   Upanda VIDANAPATHIRANA   Mr Godfrey
1980   PhD   London   Foreign investment law and policy of India: the control of private direct foreign investment   S L WATKINS
1980   PhD   Kent   The little businessman of Bukit Timah: a study of the economic, social and political organisation of traders in a market complex in Singapore   C W WONG
1981   PhD   London, External   An analysis of academic libraries in the Punjab (Pakistan)and proposals for their future development   Nazir AHMAD
1981   DPhil   Sussex   Institutional structure, income distribution and economic development: a case study of Pakistan   S E AHMAD   R Jolly; P Chaudhuri
1981   DPhil   Oxford, Wolfson   Productivity, prices and distribution in Pakistan’s manufacturing sector, 1955-1970   Meekal A AHMED   Mr Z A Silberston
1981   PhD   Birmingham   Pakistani entrepreneurs, their development, characteristics and attitudes   Zafar ALTAF
1981   MPhil   Reading   Approaches to the optimisation of calving interval in large dairy herds in Sri Lanka   V ARIYAKUMAR
1981   DPhil   Sussex   Adoption of high-yielding varieties of paddy: a case study of Bangladesh agriculture   M ASADUZZAMAN
1981   MPhil   Oxford   Alternative approaches to the analysis of Indian agriculture: an evaluation   P BALAKRISHNAN
1981   MLitt   Oxford, Balliol   The Indian state and the state of emergency   Ashis BANERJEE   Mr N Maxwell
1981   DPhil   Oxford, St Cath’s   Migration theory with special reference to Delhi   B BANERJEE   Prof I M D Little
1981   PhD   London, SOAS   Evaluation of changes brought about by resettlement scheme in Sri Lanka   G S BETTS
1981   PhD   Newcastle   Genetic variation and structure in selected populations of India   S M S CHAHAL
1981   PhD   London, LSE   Commercial policy and industrialization with special reference to India since independence   S CHATTERJEE   Prof T Scitovsky
1981   PhD   Edinburgh   The politics and technology ofsharing the Ganges   B CROW
1981   PhD   Hull   Karst water studies and environment in West Malaysia   J CROWTHER
1981   DPhil   Sussex   Land and politics in West Bengal: a sociological study of a multicaste village   A S DASGUPTA
1981   DPhil   Sussex   Population trends and changes in village organisation – Rampur revisited   M DASGUPTA   S Epstein; R Cassen
1981   MPhil   London, King’s   A study of female offenders in Sri Lanka and England   S S H DE SILVA
1981   MPhil   Oxford   Educated unemployment in India   D J DONALDSON
1981   DPhil   Sussex   Rules and transactions: some aspects of marriage among the Dhund Abbasi of North East Pakistan   H DONNAN
1981   PhD   London   India’s relations with developing countries: a study of the political economy of Indian investment, aid, overseas banking and insurance   S K DUTT
1981   DPhil   Oxford, Wolfson   Geomorphology and environmental change in South India and Sri Lanka   Rita A M GARDNER   Dr A S Goudie
1981   PhD   Aberdeen   A study of Bangladesh tea soils with particular reference to the efficiency of phosphatic fertilizers   A K M GOLAM KIBRIA
1981   MPhil   Oxford   Some early British socialists in India   N GOPAL
1981   PhD   Cambridge, Churchill   The agrarian economy of the Bombay Deccan, 1818-1941   Sumit GUHA
1981   PhD   Cambridge, Trinity   Planning for growth and structural change in an under-nourished economy: the case of India   U R GUNJAL   Dr D M Nuti
1981   PhD   Manchester   Buddism, magic and society in a southern Sri Lankan town   M C HODGE
1981   PhD   Cambridge, Churchill   An investigation of the impact of British rule in India, c 1820-1860 in the context of political, social and economic continuity and change   D J HOWLETT   Dr G Johnson
1981   DPhil   Oxford, St Antony’s   The origins of the partition of India, 1936-1947   Anita INDER SINGH
1981   PhD   Cambridge   Jinnah, the Muslim League and the demand for Pakistan   A JALAL
1981   PhD   London, Imperial   Supervisory style and work group satisfaction: an empirical study in the textile industry in Sri Lanka   N W N JAYASIRI
1981   MPhil   Sussex   The effect of proximity to urban influence on rural leadership in Sri Lanka   s JAYATILAKE   R Dore
1981   MPhil   London, LSHTM   Relations between estimation biases and response errors in the analysis of a retrospective demographic survey of Bangladesh   Mokbul Ahmed KHAN   Prof W Brass
1981   MTh   Aberdeen   Salvation in a Malaysian context   Boo Wah KHOO
1981   MPhil   Edinburgh   British and Indian post-war new towns: a comparative analysis   D KUMER
1981   PhD   London, LSE   Bhutto, the People’s Pakistan Party and political development in Pakistan,1867-1977   M LODHI
1981   PhD   Bradford   The economics of railway traction with particular reference to India   J MAJUMDAR
1981   PhD   London, SOAS   Law and development in Sri Lanka: an historical perspective, 1796-1989    M L MARASINGHE
1981   PhD   Glasgow   The techno-economic development of the Indian machine tool industry, with special emphasis on aspects affecting efficiency   Ronald G MATTHEWS
1981   PhD   Durham   Spatial patterns of population growth and agricultural change in the Punjab, Pakistan, 1901-1972   M A MIAN
1981   PhD   Cambridge   Patterns of long-run agrarian change in Bombay and Punjab, 1881-1972   S C MISHRA
1981   PhD   Edinburgh   An empirical analysis of export promotion in Pakistan, 1959-1977   K MOHAMMAD
1981   DPhil   Sussex   The state and peasantry in Sri Lanka   M P MOORE
1981   PhD   Warwick   Rural factor markets in Pakistan   I NABI   Prof Stern
1981   PhD   Wales, UCNW   Basic needs fulfillment and the evaluation of land use alternatives with special reference to forestry in Kerala State, India   C T S NAIR
1981   MPhil   Oxford   The structure of Indian society: a study of some aspects of the work of Louis Dumont   S S RANDERIA
1981   DPhil   Sussex   The historical problems of agricultural productivity with special reference to the use of modern technology inputs: a case study of Meerut district in western Uttar Pradesh   Sumit ROY   B Dasgupta
1981   PhD   London, SOAS   The thakur and the goldsmith: aspects of legitimation in an Indian village   Christopher Thomas SELWYN
1981   PhD   Cambridge, Trinity Hall   The agrarian constraint to economic development: the case of India   Abhijit SEN   Mr J A Rowthorn
1981   MPhil   London, LSE   Control and regulation of cotton marketing in India, 1950-1975   J SENGUPTA   Prof B S Yamey
1981   MPhil   Kent   Patani nationalism   O bin SHEIKH AHMAD
1981   PhD   Cambridge, St Edmund’s   Canal irrigation and agrarian change under colonial rule: a study of the UP Doab, India, 1830-1930   Ian Edward STONE
1981   PhD   London   The growth of the Muslim League in the Punjab, 1937-1946   I A TALBOT
1981   MPhil   Brunel   A study of financing of small industries in UK and India   J P TEWARI
1981   DPhil   Sussex   Population, growth and labour utilisation in a rural/urban context: a Sri Lanka case study   W TILAKARATNE
1981   PhD   London, SOAS   Determinants of change in population resource relationships at village level: a study of two south Indian villages   Christopher Louis WILDE
1981   PhD   Bath   Class formation, state intervention and rural development in South Asia   G D WOOD
1981   PhD   London, LSE   The identification of developing Soviet strategy interests in the Indian Ocean, 1968-1974   Rashna Minoo WRITER   Mr P Windsor
1981   PhD   London, SOAS   The impact of canal irrigation on the rural structuresof the Punjab: the canal colony districts, 1880 to 1940   Fareeha ZAFAR
1982   DPhil   Sussex   Capital accumulation, land productivity and agrarian structure in Bangladesh agriculture   M ALAM
1982   PhD   Warwick   Effects of taxation on business in less developed countries with special reference to Sri Lanka   P BENNETT
1982   DPhil   Sussex   Agrarian structure, economic change and poverty: the experience of central Gujerat   BHANWARSINGH
1982   PhD   London, Imperial   Development of the labour process in the Indian electrical industry   B BHUSHAN
1982   PhD   Edinburgh   Energy flows in subsistence agriculture: a study of a dry zone village in Sri Lanka   Jan Roderic BIALY
1982   PhD   Cambridge   Conjugal units and single persons: an analysis of the social system of the Naiken of the Nilgirirs (South India)   Nirut BIRD
1982   PhD   Aberdeen   A sociological study of the development of social classes and social structure of Bangladesh   B M CHODWHURY
1982   PhD   Salford   Foreign aid and economic development: a case study of Pakistan with special reference to poverty and income distribution   M K CHOUDHARY
1982   PhD   Cabridge   A study of cotton-weaving in Bangladesh: the relative advantages and disadvantages of handloom weaving and factory production   Nuimuddin CHOWDHURY
1982   DPhil   Sussex   Technological innovation in agriculture in India: an analysis of economic policy and political pressures   F C CLIFT
1982   DPhil   Sussex   Open unemployment and poverty in the rural sector in Sri Lanka   I COOMARASWAMY
1982   DPhil   Oxford, Balliol   The jute economy of Bengal, 1900-1947: unequal interaction between the industrial, trading and agricultural sectors   O GOSWAMI   Dr Raychaudhuri
1982   DPhil   Sussex   Changing socio-economic relations in a Kandyan countryside   P N GUNASINGHE   S Epstein
1982   MPhil   Leeds   Recovery of gemstones from river gravels in Sri Lanka   S M HERATH BANDA
1982   DPhil   Oxford, St Antony’s   The changing structure of cotton textile production in Bengal under the impact of the East India Company, 1750-1813, and the textile producers of Bengal   Hameeda HOSSAIN   Dr T Raychaudhuri
1982   MPhil   Sussex   The difference between ideological planning and service performance and the problems of differential access to agricultural credit in Bangladesh: the case of the integrated rural development programme   Sajjad HUSSAIN
1982   PhD   London, LSE   Boundary problems in South Asia   K H KAIKOBAD   Prof I Brownlie
1982   DPhil   Sussex   Spring Valley: a social, anthropological and historical enquiry into the impact of the tea estates upon a Sinhalese village in the Uva Highlands of Sri Lanka   C P KEMP
1982   DPhil   Oxford, Trinity   Pakistan’s relations with the USA, the USSR, China and India from the Sino-Indian war of 1962 to the Simla Pact   Mohamed Jameelur Rehman KHAN   Dr S Rose
1982   PhD   London   Aspects of the urban history, social, administrative and insttitutional of Dacca City, 1921-1947   Nazia KHANUM   Mr J B Harrison
1982   MPhil   Cambridge, Magdalene   The British policy of withdrawal from India: in particular with reference to its impact on the subsequent political development of India   S W KIM   Mr C Barnett
1982   DPhil   Oxford, New   The Indian coal industry after nationalisation   Rajiv KUMAR   Mr S Lall
1982   PhD   Lonon, SOAS   Industrial location and regional policy in south India   James William MACKIE   Dr Bradnock
1982   PhD   Cambridge   Women’s work and economic power in the family: a study of two villages in West Bengal   Linda Catherine MAYOUX
1982   PhD   Wales, Aberystwyth   Construction of capital and labour coefficient matrices for the India economy and their use in framing a development plan   Deba Kumar Datt MAZUMDAR   Prof F N Mathur
1982   PhD   Edinburgh   Relativization in Bengali   A K M MORSHED
1982   PhD   London, LSE   India and the EEC, 1962-1973   Bishakha MUKHERJEE
1982   PhD   Keele   Social aspects of production and reproduction in Bonda society   Bikram N NANDA
1982   MPhil   Reading   The evaluation and control of constraints on the development of dairying in the Jaffna District of Sri Lanka   A NAVARATNARAJAH
1982   DPhil   Sussex   Social change and class relations in rural Sri Lanka   U L PERERA   R Dore
1982   PhD   Manchester   An evaluationof the problems of measuring the profit performance of multinational enterprise in less developed countries: a case study of Bangladesh   M Z RAHMAN
1982   DPhil   Sussex   Villagers education aspirations and their relationship to rural development: a south Indian case study   Sudha V RAO   S Epstein
1982   PhD   Cambridge, Corpus   On liberty and economic growth: preface to a philosophy for India   Subroto ROY   Prof F Hahn
1982   PhD   London, LSHTM   Education and fertility in Pakistan   Zeba A SATHAR
1982   PhD   London, LSE   Maintaining non-alignment: India’s political relations with the superpowers in the 1970s   Muhammad Azher Zafar SHAH   Mr C J Hill
1982   DPhil   Sussex   The process of rural change and its impact on income distribution in Gujerat   Bhanwar SINGH   R Cassen
1982   PhD   Leeds   Analytical techniques in agricultural development planning: a critical appraisal of a project for the modernization of an irrigation scheme in Sri Lanka   Nelson VITHANAGE   Mr I G Simpson
1982   PhD   Reading   A biological study of the benefits of intercropping in England and India   N VORASOOT
1982/83   PhD   Birmingham   Pakistan: the energy sector: a study in sector planning   Tariq RIAZ
1982/83   PhD   Cambridge   A study of the development of the sugar industry in Ahmednagar Diustrict, Maharashtra, (with particular reference to the harvesting and carting labourers employed in the industry   Joy RICHARDSON
1982/83   PhD   London, SOAS   Politics and the state in Pakistan, 1947-1975   Mohammad WASEEM
1983   PhD   London, LSHTM   Dimensions of intra-household food and nutrient allocation: a study of a Bangaldeshi village   M ABDULLAH   Ms Wheeler
1983   PhD   Aberdeen   Inter-religious controversy in India: the interpretation of Jesus in the works of Rammohun Roy and Sayyid Ahmad Khan   Muda Ismail bin AB-RAHMAN
1983   DPhil   Oxford   Emerson and India   S ACHARYA
1983   DPhil   Oxford, Wolfson   The contribution of Elphinstone College to higher education and political leadership in the Bombay Presidency. 1840-1940   Naheed AHMAD   Prof R E Robinson
1983   PhD   London, Inst Comm   The Mujib regime in Bangladesh, 1972-75: an analysis of its problems and performance   A U AHMED
1983   PhD   London, King’s   Chromite deposits of the Sakhakot-Qila ultramafic complex, Pakistan   Zulfiqar AHMED
1983   PhD   Cambridge, St Cath’s   Rural society and politics in Bengal, 1900-1950   Sugata BOSE   Prof T E Stokes
1983   PhD   City   Conflict and communication in the Third World: a study of class and ethnic bases of conflict and relationships between these and the mass media in Pakistan and Nigeria   C M BRYNIN
1983   PhD   London, SOAS   Contemporary problems in Hindu religious endowments   Nihar Ranjan CHAKRABARTI
1983   PhD   Cambridge   Labour and society in Bombay, 1918-1940: workplace, neighbourhood and social organization   R S CHANDAVARKAR   Dr A Seal
1983   MLitt   Oxford, Trinity   The Congress ministers and the Raj, 1937-1939: a style of British policy and Indian politics   Sunil CHANDER   Dr T Raychaudhuri
1983   PhD   London, King’s   Transforming a traditional agriculture: the change from subsistence to commercial cropping in a part of Hazara District, Pakistan   K L COOK
1983   PhD   London, SOAS   Family and business in a small town of Rajasthan   C COTTAM   Dr L Caplan
1983   MPhil   Edinburgh   Towards a national human settlements strategy for Pakistan   M CRAGLIA
1983   PhD   London, SOAS   The urban demography of industrialization and its economic implications, with particular reference to a region of India from 1951 to 1971   Nigel Royden CROOK
1983   PhD   Newcastle   Agricultural export diversification and earnings instability of Sri Lanka   Maxwell Peter DE SILVA
1983   PhD   London, SOAS   British firms and the economy of Burma, with special reference to the rice and teak industries   Maria Serena Icaziano DIOKNO
1983   MPhil   London, UC   Jammu and Kashmir: a selected and annotated bibliography of manuscripts, books and articles together with a survey of its history, languages and literature from Rajatarangini, 1977/8   Ramesh Chander DOGRA
1983   PhD   London, SOAS   Trade unionism in Bengal before 1922: historical origins, development and characteristics   Stephen N GOURLAY   Dr K chaudhuri
1983   PhD   Exeter   Forms of Chhou: an investigation of an Indian theatre tradition   S J HAWKES
1983   PhD   London, Wye   Food production and food entitlement in rural Bangladesh: five year outlook for a small community in an irrigated area   Walza Md Hossaine JAIM   Mr G Allanson
1983   PhD   Cambridge   The economic and social bases of political allegiance in Sri Lanka, 1947-1982   D J JAYANNATHA   Mr G P Hawthonr
1983   PhD   London, SOAS   Domestic terms of trade and agricultural taxation policy in Pakistan, 1970-1977   Shahnaz KAZI   Mr T Byres
1983   PhD   Wales   Production technology and industrial development: India’s planning period   Edward Lawrence LYNK
1983   PhD   London, SOAS   Transport systems and urban growth in Punjab, Pakistan   M K MALIK   Dr R W Bradnock
1983   PhD   Cambridge, Churchill   Peasant society and agricultural development: a case study from coastal Orissa   S MITRA   Prof J A Barnes
1983   PhD   London   A general information programme for Pakistan: some problems and prospects with special reference to the promotion of cultures in the libraries and other information centres   Rafia MOHADADALLY
1983   PhD   London, UC   A general information programme for Pakistan: some problems and prospects with special reference to the promotion of culture in the libraries and other information centres   Rafia MOHAMMADALLY
1983   PhD   Cranfield   Smallholder mechanization in Pakistan   A Q A MUGHAL
1983   DPhil   Oxford   Madrasahs, scholars and saints: Muslim response to the British presence in Delhi and the Upper Doab, 1803-1857   Farhan Ahmed NIZAMI   Dr T Raychaudhuri
1983   MPhil   Edinburgh   Social consequences of rural economic change in South Asia   O NOTE
1983   PhD   London, SOAS   A study of low caste consciousness and social protest in Western India in the later 19th century   Rosalind O’HANLON   Prof K Ballhatchet
1983   PhD   Bradford   Gandhi as a political organiser; an analysis of local and national campaigns in Inda   B OVERY
1983   PhD   London, SOAS   Contact and controversy between Islam and Christianity in northern India, 1833-1857: the relations between Muslim and Protestant missionaries in the north-western provinces and Oudh   Avril Ann POWELL   Prof K Ballhatchet
1983   DPhil   Sussex   Technological capacity and production performance in the fertilizer and the paper industries in Bangladesh   H A QUAZI
1983   PhD   London, SOAS   Differrentiation of the peasantry in Bangladesh: an empirical study with micro-level data   A RAHMAN   Mr T J Byres
1983   MPhil   Edinburgh   Planning for rural development with particular reference to Bangladesh   A H S RAHMAN   Mr J B Leonard; Prof P Johnson-Marshall
1983   PhD   Birmingham   A study of small indigenous church movements in Andra Pradesh   S RAJ
1983   PhD   London, InstiComm   Problems of organisation, policies and mobilisation in the development of the Bengal Provincial Muslim League, 1936-1947   Mohammed Harun-Or RASHID   Prof W H Morris-Jones
1983   PhD   London, UC   Commodity taxes and employment policy in developing countries (with special reference to India)   B RAYCHAUDHURI
1983   PhD   Edinburgh   Responsiveness and rules: parent-child interaction in Scotland and India   V REDDY
1983   MPhil   Sueery   Alignment in Pakistan’s foreign policy, 1954-1977   Arif H SYED   Prof C Pick
1983   MLitt   Aberdeen   The 1853 Government of India Act   Jane THOMAS   Miss R M RTyzack; Dr E C Bridges
1983   PhD   Cambridge, Corpus   Labour migration and economic development in an Indian hillarea   W WHITTAKER   Mr B H Farmer
1983   PhD   Warwick   Some experiments with a multisectoral intertemporal optimization model for Sri Lanka   D E WIJESINGHE
1984   PhD   Bristol   The socio-economic aspects of the population age structure of Uttar Pradesh, India   Mhammed ABUZAR   Dr Morgan
1984   PhD   Cambridge, Churchill   Peasant production and capitalist development: a model with reference to Bangladesh   Abu M S ADNAN
1984   PhD   London, LSE   Squatter settlements of Karachi: a comparative perspective of the culture of activism   M O L AZAM
1984   PhD   Cambridge, Sidney   Regional dependence and rural development in Central India, 1820-1930   C N BATES   Dr D A Washbrook
1984   DPhil   Oxford   Agricultural growth in Bangladesh and West Bengal   J K BOYCE
1984   PhD   Edinburgh   The Vellore Mutiny, 1806   Alan D CAMERON   Prof G Shepperson
1984   PhD   Cambridge, Jesus   Opening up the interior: the impact of railways on the north Indian economy and society, 1860-1914   Ian David DERBYSHIRE
1984   PhD   Reading   Technology, growth and distribution in Sri Lanka’s paddy sub-sector   J FARRINGTON
1984   PhD   Cambridge, Churchill   Non capitalist land rent: theories and the case of North India   J GHOSH   Mr T Byres
1984   PhD   Ulster   The 1st Marquess of Dufferin and Ava: Whig Ulster landlord and imperial statesman    A T HARRISON   Dr T G Fraser
1984   PhD   Edinburgh   The cultural determinants of fertility in a region of South India   Heather M JACKSON
1984   PhD   London, SOAS   Human rights – the Sri Lanka experience   N JAYAWICKRAMA
1984   PhD   London, Bedford   Urban transport problems: the case of Bombay   P JOSHI   Dr D Hilling
1984   PhD   London, LSE   Caste and temple service in a Sinhalese highland village   Andrew John KENDRICK   Dr J P Perry
1984   PhD   London, SOAS   Tribal settlement and socio-economic integration: a case study of the Bannu lowlands, Pakistan   Gul Mohammad KHAN   Dr R Bradnock
1984   MPhil   Sussex   The effects of the changing patterns of leadership on succession problems and the use of ideology: a comparative study of India (1962-1969)and Japan (1929-1936)   H KINASE-LEGGETT   B D Graham
1984   PhD   London, SOAS   The British administaration of the Kandyan provinces of Sri Lanka, 1815-1833   K M P KULASEKERA   Prof K A Ballhatchet
1984   PhD   Cambridge, Clare   Studies in the development of India’s non-traditional manufactured exports, 1957-1980   A KUMAR   Prof W B Reddaway
1984   DPhil   Sussex   Implications of international mobility of labour for trade and development with particular reference to Bangladesh   Raisul MAHMOOD   Mr Godfrey
1984   MLitt   Oxford, St Antony’s   The Communist Movement in West Bengal. 1962-1980   Ross MALLICK   Dr T Raychaudhuri
1984   PhD   London, SOAS   Role and ritual in Hindu marriage   Werner F MENSKI   Prof J D M Derrott
1984   DPhil   Oxford, Magdalen   Political mobilisation and the nationalism movement in India – a study of eastern Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, 1936-1942   Chandan S MITRA   Dr T Raychaudhuri
1984   PhD   Cambridge, Christ’s   Instability in food grain production: causes, adjustments, policies: a case study of Bangladesh   K A S MURSHID   Prof A Robinson
1984   DPhil   Sussex   Poverty and inequality in rural India: a state-wide analysis of trends since 1950   R NAYYAR   P Chaudhuri
1984   PhD   Edinburgh   Productivity and innovation in traditional agriculture: a comparative study of agricultural development in the Forth Valley, 1760-1841 and the Bengal Presidency, 1870-1914   Alastair William ORR
1984   DPhil   Oxford, St Antony’s   Alliance and elopement: economy, social order and sexual antagonism the Kalasha (Kalash Kafirs) of Chitral   Peter S C PARKES   Dr Schuyler-Jones
1984   PhD   Leicester   The structure, petrology and geochemistry of the Kohistan batholith, Gilgit, Kashmir, North Pakistan   Michael George PETTERSON
1984   PhD   Cambridgew   Respecting power: temples, resources and authority in southern Tamilnadu, India   Gordon Darge PRAIN
1984   PhD   Cambridge, Churchill   The evolution of the agrarian economy of western India, 1860-1940: a case study of selected Gujerat and Deccan districts   S PRAKASH   Dr G Johnson
1984   PhD   London, LSE   Rural protest and politics: a study of peasant movements in Western Maharashtra, 1875-1947   Livi Nancy Mary RODRIGUES
1984   PhD   London, SOAS   Crime and society in the Sinhala speaking areas of Sri Lanka, 1865-1905   John D ROGERS   Prof K Ballhatchet
1984   MPhil   Nottingham   The right to property under the Indian independence constitution   J S SANGHIA   Prof Pear
1984   PhD   Cambridge   Rural organizations in Sri Lanka: official policy and institutional reform in the peasant agricultural sub-sector, 1948-1977   S SATHANANDAN
1984   PhD   London, SOAS   Muslim society and politics in the Punjab   P SCRAGG   Dr Zaidi
1984   MPhil   London, LSE   Bengal economic development, 1790-1830   P SEN   Mr M E Falkus
1984   PhD   Reading   Tropical forest monitoring using digital Landsat data in northeastern India   Ashbindu SINGH
1984   PhD   Cambridge   Temple “prostitution” and community reform: an examination of the ethnographic, historical and textual context of the devadasi of Tamil Nadu, south India   A SRINAVASAN

1984 PhD Edinburgh Technology transfer in the Indian and Indonesian pharmaceutical industries A J STOKER

1984 PhD London, SOAS, British Attitudes to Indian Nationalism, 1922-1935. Pillarisetti SUDHIR. Professor Kenneth A. Ballhatchet.

1984   PhD   London, SOAS   Ritual status in the life cycles of women in a village of central India   catherine S THOMPSON   Prof A Mayer
1984   DPhil   Sussex   Gender as a variable in the political process: a case study of women’s participation in state-level electoral politics, Andhra Pradesh, India   C WOLKOWITZ
1985   PhD   Strathclyde   The development of small-scale enterprises: a study of the agriculture-related engineering industry in Pakistan Punjab   K AFTAB
1985   PhD   London, Royal Holloway   The emergence of Muslim socialists in North India, 1917-1947   Khizar H ANSARI   Dr F C R Robinson
1985   PhD   Salford   The impact of farm mechanization on productivity and employment: a case study of Punjab, Pakistan   M ASHRAF
1985   PhD   Durham   Blue-green algal nitrogen fixation associated with deepwater rice in Bangladesh   A AZIZ
1985   PhD   London, SOAS   Indian opium and Sino-Indian trade relations   F BAKHALA   Prof K N Chaudhuri
1985   PhD   Cambridge   On the Srawacs or Jains: processes of division and cohesion among two Jain communities in India and England   M J BANKS
1985   PhD   London, SOAS   Martial law in Bangladesh, 1975-`979: a legal analysis   M E BARI
1985   PhD   London, SOAS   Thomas Munro: the decision making process in Madras, 1795-1830   H BREITMEYER   Prof K A Ballhatchet
1985   PhD   London, LSE   Political radicalism and middle class ideology in Bengal: a study of the politics of Subhas Chandra Bose, 1928-1940   B CHAKRABARTY
1985   PhD   Cambridge, Girton   The behaviour of industrial prices in India, 1947-1977   Ruchira CHATTERJI   Dr G Meeks
1985   PhD   Edinburgh   Lateritic soils and their managment in parts of West Bengal   Sandip K CHAUDHURI
1985   PhD   London, SOAS   Social change and the development of “modern” politics in Travancore from the late 19th century to 1938   James L CHIRIYANKANDATH   Dr P G Robb
1985   PhD   Manchester   The role of exchange rate policies in the balance of payments and adjustment process in a small open developing economy: a case study of Sri Lanka   S S COLOMBAGE
1985   DPhil   Sussex   Sharecropping and sharecroppers’ struggles in Bengal, 1930-1950   Adrienne J COOPER   Mr R Guha
1985   MSc   Stirling   The mechanism of distribution of marketed surplus in the models of dual economies through the Soviet, Chinese and Indian practice towards economic development   Z COTTI
1985   PhD   Sheffield   Vegetation and land use studies in the Udawalawe Basin, Sri Lanka   D S EPITAWATTA
1985   PhD   Newcastle   Analysis of the lactation curve of Pakistani dairy buffaloes   K Z GONDAL
1985   DPhil   Oxford, St Edmund Hall   The relations between Britian, India and Burma in the formulaton of imperial policy, 1890-1905   G P GUYER
1985   PhD   Lancaster   The continuity of Madhyamaka and Yogacara in Indian Mahayana Buddhism   I C HARRIS
1985   PhD   London, LSE   Women in the urban labour force in Pakistan: the case of Lahore   Emma HOOPER
1985   PhD   Strathclyde   The choice of technique in cotton textiles and its impact on employment in Bangladesh   M R ISLAM
1985   DPhil   Sussex   The impact of male outmigration on intra-village social relationships: a case study of Meharabad, a Punjabi village in Pakistan   Naveed-I-Rahat JAAFRI
1985   PhD   Edinburgh   Health and the state in India   Roger JEFFERY
1985   PhD   Oxford   Limites and renewals: transformations of belief in Kipling’s fiction   S KEMP
1985   PhD   Queen’s, Belfast   The traditional tabla drumming of Lucknow in its social and cultural context   J R KIPPEN
1985   MPhil   CNAA, Kingston Poly   The rubber industry in India: a vital industry in the planned economy   P A MARS
1985   PhD   Cambridge   Economic relations between a centrally planned and a developing market economy: Indo-Soviet trade (1970-1982)and technology transfer (post 1955)   Santosh Kumar MEHROTRA   Dr P Nolan
1985   DPhil   Oxford   The Bengal Muslim intelligentsia, 1937-1977: the tension between the religious and the seccular   Tazeen Mahnaz MURSHID
1985   PhD   Kent   The impact of colonial rule in Johore: a case of social and political adjustment   M S H MUSTAJAB
1985   PhD   London, LSE   The sacred city of Anuradhapura: aspect of Sinhalese Buddhism and nationhood   Elizabeth NISSAN   Dr C J Fuller; Dr J P Parry
1985   MPhil   Manchester   Land ownership and irrigation development in the Sind region of Pakistan: institutional constraints on technical change   Meherunissa M K PANWHAR
1985   PhD   Cambridge, Darwin   Social and political implications of changing land and labour relations in rural Bangladesh: a village level study   Tanyal RAHMAN VIROOMAL
1985   DPhil   Oxford, Lincoln   The Naxalites and their ideology: a study in the sociology of knowledge   Rabindra RAY   Dr F Parkin
1985   PhD   Cambridge   Honour, nurture and festivity: aspects of female religiosity amongst Jain women in Jaipur   J REYNELL
1985   PhD   Queen’s, Belfast   An analysis of the structure, conduct and performance of the date marketing system in Sind-Pakistan   Muneer Ali Shah RIZVI
1985   PhD   Brunel   The influence of the state in the industrial relations systems of third world countries with special reference to Bangladesh   S A SIDDIQ
1985   MPhil   London, LSHTM   Refugees, health and development: a case study of Tibetan refugees in India   Staphanie Pietre Pardoe SIMMONDS
1985   PhD   Durham   Ritual tradition of Berava caste of southern Sri Lanka   Robert SIMPSON   Mr D Brooks
1985   DPhil   Oxford, Christ Church   Some aspects of implementing appropriate technology with special reference to cotton textiles in India   Harsha Vardhana SINGH   Mrs F J Stewart
1985   PhD   Aston   Nations and organisations: a comparative study of English and Indian work-related values and attitudes in matched manufacturing firms   M H TAYEB
1985   PhD   London, SOAS   Planned language and Penang Hokkien: the socioeconomic effects of language planning on an urban Chinese community in West Malaysia   Diane Arnauld de TERRA
1985   PhD   London, Inst Ed   Education and rural development in India since independence in 1947: with special reference to Kerala   Joseph THAIKOODAN   Prof B holmes
1985   PhD   London, Queen Elizabeth   Class, nutrition education and growth: a class analysis of the impact on infant nutritional status of maternal education concerning early supplementation in Bangladesh   Katharine J WILSON   Dr C Greissler
1985   PhD   Edinburgh   Upholding the veil: Hindu women’s perceptions of gender and caste identity in rural Pakistan   Caroline Sara Lindsay YOUNG

1986    PhD    Bradford    Higher education in developing countries    M A ADEEB
1986    DPhil    Oxford, St Cath’s    Information, uncertainty and rural credit markets in Pakistan    Irfan ALEEM    Prof J A Mirrlees
1986    MPhil    Edinburgh    Housing and the state in Lahore, Pakistan    I U BAJWA
1986    MPhil    Edinburgh    Visual patterns and the landscape of wet zone Sri Lanka    S I BALASURIYA
1986    MPhil    Ulster    Russio-Afghan boundary demarcation. 1884-1895    Anila BALI    Dr T G Fraser
1986    PhD    London, SOAS    The devolution of government in Sri Lanka: legal aspects of the relationship between central and local government: an historical and comparative study    S A BANDARANAYAKE
1986    PhD    Keele    Migrant employment in the urban formal sector: the jute industry in Dacca, Bangladesh    Salma BANU    Prof D Dwyer
1986    PhD    Sheffield    The economic impact of a regional economy: the case of Bhilai Steel Plant (India)    S BHATARA    Mr W D Watts
1986    PhD    Open    Implementation across national boundaries: implementing the Government of India Act, 1935    V BOROOAH
1986    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    British politics and the East India Company, 1767-1773    H V BOWEN    Prof P D H Thomas
1986    PhD    London, LSHTM    Evaluation of a community based oral rehydration programme in rural Bangladesh    Ahmed M R CHOWDHURY
1986    PhD    Exeter    Household, kin and community in a Bangladesh village    M A M CHOWDHURY
1986    PhD    Cranfield    Rice by-product production, disposal and utilisation in Sri Lanka    S ELIAS
1986    PhD    London    Trade, kinship and Islamisation: a comparative study of the social and economic organisation of Muslim and Hindu traders in Tirunelveli District, South India    Frank Sylvester FANSELOW
1986    PhD    Aberdeen    Inter-religious conflict in India – the dynamics of Hindu-Muslim relations in North Malabar, 1498-1947    Theodore Paul Christian GABRIEL    Prof A Walls
1986    DPhil    Sussex    Rice in Bangladesh: post harvest losses, technology and employment    M T GREELEY
1986    MSc    Cambridge    The impact of Sri Lankan land reform measures, 1972-1975, on the tea sub-sector    S A P JAYATILAKA
1986    MLitt    Oxford, Trinity    The nature of Indian state: an investigation into the interrelationship between economic and political crisis (1965-75)    A K JHA
1986    PhD    London, LSE    The functions of children in the household economy and levels of fertility: a case study of a village in Bangladesh    N KABEER    Mr C M Langford
1986    MPhil    Edinburgh    The role of incentives for paddy cultivation in developing countries with reference to Bangladesh and Sri Lanka    G A M KARUNARATNE
1986    PhD    Reading    Obstacles to the adoption of modern rice cultivation practices by small farmers in Bangaldesh    Md Abul KASHEM
1986    PhD    Glasgow    Handling of industrial disputes in the public sector industries in Bangladesh    M A A KHAN
1986    DPhil    York    The state, village society and political economy of agricultural development in Bangladesh. 1960-1985    S A KHAN
1986    DPhil    Oxford, Corpus    Instability of jute prices and supplies: the impact on and implications for jute fibre production in Bangladesh    Reza KIBRIA    Mr M F G Scott
1986    MPhil    Essex    Selected aspects of India’s foreign trade in the 1970s    S LAKRA
1986    MTh    Wales, Aberystwyth    The life of the people of north Mizoram prior to and subsequent to the advent of Christianity, up the the year of the Mizo Church’s jubilee in 1944    J M LLOYD
1986    PhD    Bradford    The modelling and analysis of national development strategies for India    P MANDAL
1986    PhD    Cambridge, Emmanuel    Financial and manpower aspects of the Dominions and India’s contribution to Britain’s war effort, 1914-1919    G W MARTIN    Dr Z S Steiner
1986    PhD    Leicester    Fulfilment theology: the Aryan race theory and the work of British Protestant missionariesin Victorian India    Martin MAW
1986    PhD    London, LSHTM    Patterns of adult energy nutrition in a south Indian village    G McNEILL
1986    PhD    Dundee    Estimates of gross domestic product by provinces in Pakistan    A M MIRZA
1986    DPhil    Oxford, New    Caste, Christianity and Hinduism: a study of social organisation and religion in rural Ramnad    C MOSSE    Dr N J Allen
1986    MPhil    East Anglia    Go plough and eat: the impact of Gandhian intervention in a Bihar village between 1954 and 1974    Ivan Charles NUTBROWN
1986    PhD    Londonb, SOAS    A history of the London Missionary Scoiety in the Straits Settlements, 1815-1847    Ronnie Leona O’SULLIVAN    Prof K Ballhatchet
1986    PhD    Aston    Investigation of relationship betrween product design and production departments in manufacturing companies (India)    K PAWAR
1986    PhD    Manchester    Landed property and dynamic of instability: Bengal: the property-power nexus: state formation under colonialism and its contemporary siginificance    H Z RAHMAN
1986    PhD    Cranfield    Appropriateness of incentives for small scale enterprise location in less developed areas: the experience of the UK, Japan and India    K RAMACHANDRAN
1986    DPhil    London, St Antony’s    Exchange rate and commercial policy in a controlled trade regime: a case study of India    Narhari RAO
1986    PhD    City    The social and economic conditions of export orientated industrialisation as a strategy of development [Sri Lanka]    K RUPESINGHE
1986    PhD    City    British press coverage and the role of the Pakistan press from independence to the emergence of Bangladesh    M SHAMSUDDIN
1986    PhD    London SOAS    Vallabhbhal Patel: his role and style in Indian politics, 1928-1947    R D SHANKARDASS
1986    PhD    Sheffield    Transport and regional development in Bangladesh: a geographical study    A H M Raihan SHARIF
1986    PhD    London, SOAS    Sri Lanka: an examination of economic and social development associated with recolonisation on an irrigation scheme    Richard Paul SLATER    Dr A Turton
1986    PhD    Leeds    Pakistan’s relations with Britain, 1947-1951: with particular reference to some problems of partition    M SOHAIL
1986    DPhil    Oxford, Linacre    Tenna: peasant, state and nation in the making of a Sinhalese rural community    Jonathan R SPENCER
1986    PhD    Salford    Rural-urban population mobility in Bangladesh: its implications for rural areas with particular reference to two villages    R M TALUKDAR
1986    PhD    London, LSE    Sacrifice and divine power: Hindu temple rituals and village festivals in a fishing village, Sri Lanka    Masakazu TANAKA
1986    DPhil    Oxford, St Peter’s    India: colonialism, nationalism and perception sof develeopment    Kevin WATKINS
1986    PhD    Manchester    Agrarian change in India: a case study of Bundwan District, West Bengal    Neil Anthony WEBSTER
1986    MLitt    Oxford, Wolfson    A critical examination of Aurobindo’s contribution to the tradition of Vedanta    Yvonne WILLIAMS    Prof B K Matilal
1986    PhD    East Anglia    Cyclone vulnerability and housing policy in the Krishna Delta, South India, 1977-83    Peter WINCHESTER    Dr P M Blaikie
1986    MPhil    East Anglia    Urban unemployment in peninsular Malaysia    S R YAHYA    Dr J T Thoburn
1986    PhD    Edinburgh    The realities of life from a Hindu Sindi perspective    John Nicol YOUNG
1986    PhD    London, LSE    Sacrifice and the sacred in a Hindu “t-irtha”: the case of Pushkar, India    Sushila Jane ZEITLYN    Dr J R Parry
1986/87    PhD    Cambridge, Wolfson    Surplus appropriation and accumulation by rural households in India: a case study based on fieldwork in Uttar Pradesh    Ravi Shankar SRIVASTAVA
1987    PhD    London Royal Holloway    All India Muslim League, 1906-1919    M S AHMAD
1987    PhD    Sheffield    Formulation of design criteria for industrial architecture in Bangladesh in light of the developments made in the United Kingdom and other developed countries    N AHMED
1987    MPhil    CNAA Sheffield Poly    The effects of climate on the design and location of windows for buildings in Bangladesh    Z N AHMED
1987    PhD    Nwecastle    Housing for the lower income people of Dhaka,Bangladesh: a peri-urban development approach    S AMEEN
1987    MPhil    City    Personality, leadership and subordinate satisfaction: an empirical study in the civil service of Singapore    C T ANG
1987    PhD    London, RHBNC    The Pirs of Sind and their relationship with the British, 1843-1947    Sarah Frances Deborah ANSARI    Dr F R C Robinson
1987    MPhil    Strathclyde    The development of sugar manufacturing in Pakistan    M AURANGZEB
1987    PhD    Keele    The growth and development of trade unionism in Bangladesh, 1947-1986    M Z BADIUZZAMAN
1987    PhD    Loughborough    A strategy for the integrated development of squatter settlements: a Karachi case study    Q A BAKHTEARI
1987    PhD    Edinburgh    State and indigenous medicine in nineteenth and twentieth-century Bengal, 1800-1947    Poonam BALA
1987    PhD    Cambridge    Sectoral price determination and the inflationary process in the Indian economy, 1950-1980    P BALAKRISHNAN
1987    PhD    East Anglia    Draught animal power in Bangladesh    D BARTON    Dr D P Gibbon
1987    MPhil    Manchester    The role and contribution of the Alilgarh Muslim University in modern Indian Islam, 1877-1947    G N BUDDHANI
1987    PhD    Cambridge, Magdalene    From a pre-colonial order to a princely state: Hyderabad in tranition, c.1748-1865    S CHANDER
1987    PhD    Dundee    Financial development and agricultural development in Pakistan, 1952-1982    Mohammad Jamil CHAUDHARY
1987    PhD    Leicester    Conflict and change among the Khyber Afridis: a study of British policy and tribal society on the North-West Frontier, 1839-1947    R O CHRISTENSEN
1987    PhD    Cambridge, Sidney     State, tribe and region: policy and politics in Indiaa’s Jharkhand, 1900-1980    S E CORBRIDGE    Mr B H Farmer
1987    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Communal riots in Bengal, 1905-1947    Suranjan DAS    Dr T Raychoudhuri
1987    PhD    Cambridge    Money and finance in an underdeveloped economy: some themes from Indian economic history, 1914-1917    T DATTA    Mr M G Kuczynki
1987    PhD    London, SOAS    Images and metaphor: an analysis of Iban collective representations    J DAVISON
1987    PhD    Keele    The United Nations Military Observer Group in India and Pakistan (UNMOGIP), 1948-1965, with postscript on the impact of UNMOGIP on the Indo-Pakistan war of 1971    Pauline DAWSON    Prof A M James
1987    PhD    London, SOAS    The changing role of women in Bengal, c.1890-c.1930, with special reference to British and Bengali discourse on gender    Dagmar ENGELS    Prof K Ballhatchet
1987    PhD    London, SOAS    Psychiatry and colonialism: the treatment of European lunatics in British India, 1800-1858    Waltraud ERNST    Prof K A Ballhatchet
1987    PhD    Manchester    The origins of inflation in Pakistan, 1959-1982: an evaluation of alternative hypotheses    Faiz B FIROZE
1987    PhD    Cambridge    The brick trade in India: energy use, tradition and development    S GANDHI
1987    DPhil    Oxford    Money and the real economy: a study of India, 1960-1984    S E GHANI
1987    PhD    Cranfield    Computer simulation of runoff and soil erosion from small agricultural catchments in Sri Lanka    E GUNAWARDENA
1987    PhD    Exeter    Tariqah-i-Muhammadiyah movement and its contribution to creating a separatist political consciousness among the Muslims of India, 1818-1872    Ghulam Muhammad JAFFAR
1987    PhD    Salford    Agricultural marketing and agrarian relations in Pakistan: a case study of the Nawahshak districrt, Sind    M A KAMDAR    Dr C P Simmons
1987    MLitt    Cambridge, Trinity Hall    Communal politics in the United Provinces, 1935-1947    Mukul KESAVAN    Dr C A Bayley
1987    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    Poverty and public policy: government intervention and levels of living in Kerala, India    Bhaskar Gopalakrishna KUMAR    Prof A K Sen
1987    DPhil    Oxford, Hertford    The rise and fall of the Indian cotton mill industry, 1900-1985: the Swadeshi movement and its political legacy    Simon Robert Bough LEADBEATER    Mr G P Williams
1987    DPhil    Oxford, Oriel    British architecture in Victorian Bombay    Christopher W LONDON    Dr R A Beddard
1987    PhD    Cambridge    West Bengal government policy, 1977–1985    Ross MALLICK
1987    PhD    London, LSE    Muslims, work and status in Aligargh    Elizabeth Ashley MANN
1987    PhD    London, SOAS    Migration and the international Goan community    Stella V MASCARENHAS-KEYES
1987    MPhil    Edinburgh    Women and the housing process: observations in a Katchi Abadi in Pakistan    F McCLUNEY
1987    PhD    Leicester    The mineralogy and geochemistry of the carbonatites, syenites and fenites of North West Frontier Province, Pakistan    Ihsanullah MIAN
1987    MPhil    Sussex    Linguistic nationalism in Pakistan (with special reference to the role and history of Urdu in the Punjab)    Yameema MITHA    Dr R I Duncan
1987    PhD    Stirling    Food retailing in Malaysia: a study of supermarket use in peninsular Malaysia    K B OTHMAN
1987    DPhil    Oxford    British rule and the Konds of Orissa: a study of tribal administration and its legitimating discourse    Felix J PADEL
1987    PhD    Reading    Extension needs of a plantation industry with special reference to the tea industry in Sri Lnaka    W A PADMASIRI WANIGASUNDARA
1987    PhD    Wales, UWIST    The role of government in the administration and management of major ports in developing countries with special reference to India    Jose PAUL
1987    PhD    London, LSE    Time, work and the gods: temporal strategies and industrislisation in central India    Christopher PINNEY
1987    DPhil    York    The political dynamics of Indo-Soviet relations, 1930-1977    S S RAI
1987    PhD    London, SOAS    Islamization of laws in Pakistan with particular reference to the status of women    Abdur RASHID
1987    PhD    Aberdeen    Availability and retention of zinc, especially in relation to the soils of Bangladesh    H M RASHID
1987    DPhil    York    Indo-Soviet relations during the period 1955-1974    S S ROY
1987    PhD    Liverpool    The role of small towns in rural development: a case study of Bangaldesh    Toufiq Mohammad SERAJ
1987    PhD    Liverpool    An analysis of squatter settlements in Dhaka, Bangladesh    M T SHAKUR
1987    PhD    London, LSE    Communism in Punjab up to 1867    Gurharpal SINGH
1987    PhD    Edinburgh    The implementation of systematic nursing in selected hospsitals in India: a chronicle of the change process    Esther SIRRA
1987    DPhil    Sussex    Sri Lankan traders: a case study of credit relations and coconut marketing in a rural economy    sARAH lLEWELLYN SOUTHWOLD
1987    PhD    Leeds    The life and influence of Shapurji Saklatvala    Michael John SQUIRES
1987    PhD    Leicester    Evolution of the southern part of the Aravalli-Delhi orogen western India    Tim J SUGDEN
1987    MSc    Aberdeen    Supply response analysis of palm oil in Malaysia, 1961-1985    B A TALIB
1987    PhD    Leicester    Communication and development in South India    Pradip Ninan THOMAS
1987    PhD    Southampton    Developing a critical success factor approach to a holistic institutional evaluation for polytechnics in the states of Gujerat and Madhya Pradesh, 1977-1984    V N TRAFFORD
1987    PhD    Cranfield    The social relevance of postgraduate management education: a case study of India    S VYAKARNAM
1988    PhD    London    Breast feeding, weaning and infant growth in rural Chandpur, Bangladesh    S AHMED
1988    PhD    London, External    Islam in contemporary Bangladesh     Umne Asman Begum Razia AKEER BANU    Dr D Taylor
1988    PhD    Bradford    The impact of public policy on the poor in Sri Lnaka, 1970-1982    Pat ALAILIMA    C Dennis; S Curry
1988    PhD    Manchester    Makran and Baluchistan from the early Islamic times to the Mongol invasion    S S M AL-HUMAIDI    Prof Bosworth
1988    PhD    Birmingham    The British iron and steel industry and India, 1919-1939    H J ANDERSEN
1988    PhD    Edinburgh    Some aspects of the political and commercial history of the Muslims of Sri Lanka with special referenmce to the British period    Mahmudu Naina Marikar Kamil ASAD
1988    MPhil    Kent    The image of women in selected Malaysian novels    Rosnah BAHARUDIN
1988    PhD    Wales, UCNW    Ecology, management and conservation of Pinus roxburghii forests in Kumaun Himalaya, India    Bhagat Singh BURFAL
1988    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    The nineteenth-century book trade in Sind    Allah Rakhio BUTT
1988    PhD    London, King’s    Soldiers of Christ: evangelicals and India, 1784-1833    Penelope S E CARSON
1988    DPhil    Oxford, Exeter    Punjab politics, 1909-1923    Amrita CHEEMA    Dr T Raychaudhuri
1988    MSc    Wales    Economic appraisal of irrigated plantations of the Punjab, Pakistan: Changa Manga case study    Faqir Ahmad CHOUDHRY
1988    PhD    Reading    State sponsrship of investment credit to promote rural development in India    J G COPESTAKE
1988    PhD    Leicester    Leucogranites of the North West Himalaya: crust-mantle interaction beneath the Karakoram and the magmatic evolution of collisional belts    Mark B CRAWFORD
1988    MPhil    Brunel    Aspects of the development of manufacturing industries of India    Parviz DABIR-ALAI
1988    MLitt    Oxford, Keble    An ecumneical episcopate: Edwin James Palmer, seventh Bishop of Bombay and the reunion of the churches, with special reference to the church of South India    R W DAVIS
1988    PhD    Cambridge    The irrigation and water supply systems of the city of Vijayanagara    D J DAVISON-JENKINS
1988    PhD    Kent    Law, nation and cosmology in Sri Lanka: deconstructioni and the failure of closure    Rochan DE SILVA    Prof F Fitzpatrick
1988    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Application of social accounting matrix framework to agricultural policy analysis in Pakistan    Shafique DHANANI    Mr G H Peters
1988    DPhil    Sussex    Rural commerce in Sri Lanka: commercialisation and farm credit in the Uva highlands    E DUE
1988    PhD    Nottingham    Environmental upgrading and intra-urban migration in Calcutta    Margaret Sylvia FOSTER    Prof J C Moughton; Dr T Oc
1988    PhD    Southampton    Catholic education in Sri Lanka during its first century as a British colony, 1796-1901    J B GNANAPRAGASAM
1988    PhD    East Anglia    Inter- and intra-household analysis in North Bihar village: implications for agricultural research    Ruth GROSVENOR-ALSOP    Dr S D Biggs
1988    PhD    Cambridge    Conservation and colonial expansion: a study of the evolution of environmental attitudes and conservation policies on St Helena, Mauritius and in India, 1660-1860    R H GROVE
1988    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Art, artists and aesthetics in Bengal, c.1850-1920: westernising trends and nationalist concerns in the making of new “Indian” art    Tapati GUHA-THAKURTA    Dr T. Raychaudhuri
1988    MSc    Manchester    Science and technology policy in developing countries of South Asia and South East Asia    K R GUPTA
1988    PhD    Queen’s, Belfast    The sitar music of Calcutta: a study of two gharanas    J S HAMILTON
1988    PhD    London, UC    Inbreeding and fertility in a South Indian village population    Katherine Louise HANN    Dr J Landers
1988    PhD    London, Inst Ed    Education and political instability in Pakistan, 1937-1971    M HAQUE
1988    PhD    Strathclyde    Tubewell irrigation and green revolution: impact on productivity and income distribution    A IKRAMULLAH
1988    MPhil    Edinburgh    Marketing problems of farmers in Punjab, Pakistan: a case study    Qamar-ul ISLAM
1988    PhD    Edinburgh    The reawakening of Islamic consciousness in Malaysia, 1970-1987    Fadzillah bin Mohd JAMIL
1988    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    Clientelism, corruption and capitalist development: an analysis of state intervention with special reference to Bangladesh    Mushtaq Husain KHAN
1988    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    External developments and policy choices facing the non-oil developing countries in the post 1973 period    Faizullah KHILJI    Mrs F J Stewart
1988    DPhil    Sussex    Political and economic organisation in a Sri Lanka market town    Colin KIRK
1988    PhD    Leicester    Media education, communications and public policy: an Indian perspective    K J KUMAR
1988    PhD    Leeds    R K Narayan and V S Naipaul: a comparative study of some Hindu aspects of their work    P LANGRAN
1988    DPhil    Oxford    Orientalism, utilitarianism and British India: James Mill’s “The history of British India” and the romantic orient    Javed MAJEED    Dr N G Shrimpton
1988    MPhil    Edinburgh    Policy issues for conservation: the case of Lahore walled city    M I MIAN
1988    PhD    Sheffield    Development of small and medium sized towns in Bangladesh: a regional planning approach    Mohammed A MOHIT
1988    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    The question of nuclear weapons proliferation in the Indian sub-continent    Ziba MOSHAVER    Mr E A Roberts
1988    PhD    London, UC    The theoretical modelling and empirical measurement of the shadow economy with application to India    U MUKHERJEE
1988    MPhil    Reading    Farming systems and information needs of tea smallholders in Sri Lanka    D K NAWARATNA
1988    PhD    London, SOAS    A social history of a colonial steroetype: the “criminal tribes and castes” of Uttar Pradesh    S B L NIGAM
1988    PhD    London, LSE    Policy making in the Indian offshore oil industry with reference to the period 1974-1986    M L NORONHA    Prof D C Watt
1988    PhD    London, LSE    The Asiatic mode of production, historical materialism and Indian historiography    Denis Brendan O’LEARY
1988    PhD    Leicester    Terraces, uplift and climate, Karakoram Mountains, Northern Pakistan    Lewis Andrew OWEN
1988    MPhil    London, LSE    The tea plantation labour movement in the “Dooars” region of north Bengal, 1900-1951    Nayantara PALCHOUDHURI
1988    PhD    Oxford, St Antony’s    Decline of the Bengal zamindars: Mindapore, 1870-1920    C PANDA    Dr T Raychaudhuri
1988    PhD    London, King’s    Between Mars and Mammon: the military and the political economy of British India at the time of the first Burma war, 1824-1826    Douglas M PEERS
1988    PhD    Cambridge, Corpus    British intelligence and Indian subversion: the surveillance of Indian revolutionaries in India and abroad    R J POPPLEWELL
1988    PhD    London, SOAS    Socio-economic change in Bihar (India) in the later 19th and early 20th century    Bihdeshwar RAM    Dr P Robb
1988    PhD    Kent    Figuring Naipaul: the subject of the post-colonial world    Dulluri Venkat RAO
1988    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    Aspects of the ethnoarchaeology of Adilabad (Andhra-Pradesh), India    Nandini Rameshwar RAO

1988   DPhil   Oxford, Wolfson   The determinants of India’s manufactured export performance: industry-level and firm-level evidence   Amit Shovon RAY
1988   DPhil   Sussex   Religion, class and function: the politics of communalism in twentieth century Punjab   Mark ROBINSON   Dr R I Duncan
1988   PhD   London, SOAS   The evolution of the printed Bengali character from 1778 -1978   Fiona Georgina Elizabeth ROSS
1988   PhD   Keele   Marginality, identity and the politicisation of the Bhangi community, Delhi   Rama SHARMA
1988   PhD   Kent   Class, kinship and ritual: Islam and the politics of change in Pakistan   S R SHERANI
1988   PhD   De Montfort   Temple architecture of the Marathas in Maharashtra   A SOHONI
1988   PhD   London, SOAS   Nalanda Mahayihara, 1812-1939: some aspects of the study of its art and archaeology   M L STEWART
1988   PhD   Wales, Cardiff   White-collar crime: a study of the nature, extent and control of income tax evasion in Pakistan   Muhammad Shoaib SUDDLE
1988   PhD   CNAA, Westminster    A critical and comparative study of the practice and theology of Christian social witness in Indonesia and India between 1974 and 1983 with special reference to the work of Wayan Mastra in the Protestant Christian Church of Bali and of Vinay Samual in the Church of South India   C M N SUGDEN
1988   PhD   Leeds   Some aspects of Muslim politics in the Pubab, 1921-1947   Qalb-i-Abid SYED   Prof D N Dilks
1988   PhD   Wales, UCNW   Utility-based social shadow pricing and its comparison with other evaluation techniques: a cost-benefit study of fuelwood plantations in Bihar, India   Satyendra Nath TRIVEDI
1988   PhD   Glasgow   Characteristics of public enterprise management in Bangladesh   Syed J UDDIN   Dr D Buchanan
1988   PhD   Cambridge, Trinity Hall   The economic and political context of Indian independence   R P WANCHOO   Dr C A Dayly
1988   PhD   Bath   In the teeth of the crocodile: class and gender in rural Bangladesh   Sarah C WHITE
1988   PhD   Nottingham   Presenting the Raj: the politics of representation in recent fiction on the British empire   R J F WILLIAMS
1988   PhD   East Anglia   Sources of growth and its beneficiaries in Pakistan’s large-scale manufacturing sector, 1955-1981   S WIZARAT
1988/89   PhD   Cambridge, Darwin   Household energy in rural Pakistan: a technical, environmental and socio-economic assessment   A N QAZI
1988/89   PhD   Cambridge, King’s   Administration, classification and knowledge:land revenue settlements in the Panjab at the start of British rule   R W SAUMAREZ-SMITH
1989   PhD   Cambridge   Sedimentology and structure of the Southern Kohat, Trans Indus Ranged, Pakistan   Iftikhar AHMED
1989   PhD   York   Pakistan since independence: the political role of the Ulama   Safir AKHTAR   Dr T V Sathyamurthy
1989   PhD   Strathclyde   Growth of tubewell irrigation and agricultural development in the North West Frontier Province of Pakistan   M AKRAM
1989   PhD   London, Wye   A quantitative analysis of marketable surplus of paddy and food policy in Bangladesh   S AKTER
1989   MA   Leeds   Communication influences on the political socialisation of Bangladeshi adolescents   A M ALI   Prof J G Blumer; Dr T J Nossiter
1989   MPhil   London, LSE   The India League and the Indian reconciliation group as factors in Indo-British relations, 1930-1949   Keshava Chand ARORA   Prof I H Nish
1989   PhD   London, King’s   Pakistan crisis 1971: its political and strategic causes   F J AZIZ
1989   PhD   London, SOAS   Indian monetary policy and the international liquidity crisis during rthe inter-war years (1919-1939)   Gopalan BALACHANDRAN
1989   PhD   London, LSE   Communism in Tripura up to 1965   Harihar BHATTACHARYYA   Dr T J Nossiter
1989   DPhil   Oxford   The evolution of classical Indian dance literature: a study of the Sanskritic tradition   M BOSE
1989   PhD   Kent   An ethnographic account of the religious practice in a Tibetan Buddhist refugee monastery in Northern India   Catherine Mary CANTWELL   Dr J Endes
1989   MPhil   Reading   Cropping systems research in North West Frontier Province, Pakistan   E W CHARLES
1989   PhD   Glasgow   The inter-war depression in British India: aspects of its economic and social impact, 1929-36   P S COLLINS
1989   DPhil   Sussex   Paliamentary representation in Sri Lanka, 1931-1986   R COOMARASWAMY   Prof Lloyd
1989   PhD   London, LSE   Ideology and urban planning: the case of Hong Kong   A R CUTHBERT   Dr D R Diamond
1989   PhD   Cambridge, Sidney    Unfulfilled promises, popular protest, the Congress and the national movement in Bihar   V DAMODARAN
1989   PhD   London, LSE   Embodying spirits: village oracles and possession rituals in Ladakh, North India   Sophia Elizabeth DAY   Dr J P Parry
1989   PhD   London, SOAS   Discourses of ethnicity: the adivasis of Jharkhand   S B C DEVALLE
1989   MPhil   Wales, Cardiff   Rice leaffolders: natural enemies and management ractices in Sri Lanka   Malgaha Gamage DHANAPALA
1989   PhD   London, SOAS   The growth of Buddhist monastic institutions in Sri Lanka as depicted in the Brahmi inscriptions   K D M DIAS
1989   PhD   Cambridge   The socio-economic impact of a minor flood control project in rural Bangladesh   B J DODSON
1989   PhD   Bath   Water to the swamp ? Irrigation and patterns of accumulation and agrarian change in Bangladesh   M GLASER
1989   MPhil   Cranfield   Vocational training and self employment in developing countries: aspects of the design and approach of sucessful programmes   John Patrick GRIERSON   Prof M H Harper
1989   MPhil   CNAA, Poly NLondon   British women and the British empire in India, 1915-1947   Florence HAMILTON   Mr E Wilson; Dr D Judd
1989   MPhil   London, LSE   The problem of federalism and regional autonomy in Pakistan   Fayyaz Ahmad HUSSAIN   P Dawson
1989   PhD   Bradford   The monetary transmission mechanism in Sri Lanka, 1977-1985   Ranee JAYAMAHA   P Wilson; J Weiss
1989   DPhil   Sussex   The impact of international labour migration on the rural “Barani” areas of Northern Pakistan   A F KHAN
1989   PhD   Sheffield   The implementation of rural poor programmes in Bangladesh   T A KHAN
1989   PhD   Manchester   Perception and response to floods in Bangladesh   M S KHONDAKER
1989   PhD   Wales, Bangor,   Cost benefit analysis and sustained yield forestry in India   Periyapattanam Jayapal Dilip KUMAR
1989   DPhil   Oxford, Wolfson   Medical knowledge in rural Rajasthan: popular constructions of illness and therapeutic practice   Helen Susanna LAMBERT   Dr N J Allen
1989   MPhil   London   The expansion of the Indian Army during the Great War   I D LEASK   Prof M E Yapp
1989       Bath   Technologies and transactions: a study of the interaction between new technology and agrarian structure in Bangladesh   D J LEWIS
1989   PhD   Edinburgh   One or two sons: class, gender and fertility in north India   Andrew LYON
1989   DPhil   Sussex   Capital accumulation in agriculture in the Punjab (Pakistan)   Moazam MAHMOOD   Prof M Lipton
1989   DPhil   Oxford   The performance of selected public sector industries in Bangladesh, 1972-1985   Syed A MAHMOOD
1989   PhD   Cambridge, Trinity Hall   Missionary of the Indian Road: a study of the thought and work of E Stanley Jones between 1915 and 1948 in the light of certain issues raised by M K Gandhi for Anglo-Saxon Protestant missionaries during the period   P A J MARTIN   Dr J J Lipner
1989   PhD   Glasgow   Exchange rate regimes of less developed countries: the cxase of India   M J MELAZHAKAM
1989   PhD   London, UC   Appropriate evaluation techniques for urban planning in Sri Lanka   N S P MNEDIS
1989   PhD   Cambridge, Magdalene   The Harappan civilisation: a study in variation and regionalisssssssation in Haryana, India   V MOHAN   Dr F R Allchin
1989   PhD   Lancaster   Three Hindu philosophers: comparative philosophy and philosophy in modern India   Paul Martin MORRIS   Prof N Smart; Dr D Smith
1989   PhD   Manchester   The role of financial information in collective bargaining in a developing country: the case of Bangladesh   A J M H MURSHED
1989   PhD   East Anglia   Agrarian structure and rural poverty in Western India   Thomas PALAKUDIYIL   Dr J C Harriss
1989   PhD   Wales, Cardiff   The role of accounting in the economic development of Bangladesh   Michael John PARRY
1989   PhD   London, LSE   Household organisation and marriage in Ladakh Indian Himalaya   Maria Christina PHYLACTOU   Dr C J Fuller
1989   PhD   London, LSE   Social representations of birth control and family welfare: an Indian study   Ragini PRAKASH   Prof R Farr
1989   PhD   London, LSHTM   Household food insecurity and its implications on health, nutrition and work – a study of a dry land farming community in Sri Lanka   M K RATNAYAKE
1989   DPhil   Oxford, St Antony’s   Colonial policy, ethnic politics and the minorities in Ceylon   Nira Konjit SAMARASINGHE   Dr T Raychaudhuri
1989   PhD   Cambridge   Administration, classification and knowledge: land revenue settlements in the Panjab at the start of British rule   R S SMITH
1989   DPhil   Oxford, Somerville   Inequality and economic mobility: an analysis of panel data from a south Indian village   Madhura SWAMINATHAN   Dr S Anand
1989   DPhil   Oxford   Art, artists and aesthetics in Bengal, c. 1850-1920: westernising trends and nationalist concerns in the making of a new “Indian” art   Tapati G THAKURTA
1989   PhD   Middlesex Polytechnic   The impact of flood control on agricultural development in India: a case study in north Bihar   P M THOMPSON   Prof E Penning-Rowsell
1989   MPhil   East Anglia   The state and the determinants of the fiscal process in India: an application of James O’Connor’s Theory of the Fiscal Crisis of the State   Sarah VARKKI
1989   PhD   Aberdeen   Some aspects of the chemistry and mineralogy of soil potassium in Sri Lanka acid tea soils and Scottish soils under a range of crops   G WIMALADASA
1989   PhD   Strathclyde   Marketing implications of intermediate technology in the textile industry in Pakistan   M ZAFARULLAH
1989   PhD   Edinburgh   Strategic planning: an exploratory study of its practice by agro-based public enterprises in Malaysia   M ZAINAL ABIDIN
1990   PhD   Cambridge, Wolfson   The politics of pollution control: the Ganges at Varanasi   Sara AHMED   Prof T O’Riordan
1990   PhD   London, LSE   The budgetary process in uncertain contexts: a study of public sector corporations in Bangladesh   Mansurai ALAM
1990   PhD   Aberdeen   Petroleum geochemistry of the tertiary sediments and oil samples from the Bengal Basin, Bangladesh   M ALAM
1990   PhD   Glasgow   Size and management characteristics in the public sector: a case of Pakistan International Airlines   A H M H H AL-ESHAIKER
1990   PhD   CNAA Birmingham Poly   The low-income housing production process in Lakore, Pakistan   M I A ALVI
1990   PhD   Aberdeen   Theological education in relation to the identificaton of the task of mission and the development of ministries in India: 1947 to 1987 with special reference to the Church of South India   Siga ARLES
1990   MPhil   London, QMW   A study of some influences on the development of Ruth Jhabvala’s Indian fiction   Jayanti BAILUR
1990   PhD   London, LSE   Pakistan and the birth of the regional pacts in Asia, 1947-1955   Farooq Naseem BAJWA   Prof I H Nish
1990   PhD   Cam,bridge, King’s   Procedural rationality in public expenditure decision making with specific reference to India   A BASU
1990   PhD   Cambridge   Inter-urban and rural-urban linkages in terms of migration and remittances   J R CHAUDHURI
1990   MPhil   Bradford   Kashmir and the partition of India: the politicians and the personalities involved in the partition of India, particularly in relation to the position of Kashmir at the moment of independence on 15th August, 1947   S CHOUDHRY   Dr M J LeLohe
1990   PhD   Aberdeen   An Indian perspective on the church in the context of poverty and religious pluralism, with special reference to the works of M M Thomas   Ashish J CHRISPAL   Prof. Terrance
1990   PhD   London, LSE   Petty-trading in Calcutta: a socio-political analysis of a third world city   Nandini DASGUPTA
1990   PhD   London, King’s   Rural Bengal: social structure and agrarian economy in the late eighteenth century   Rajat DATTA   Prof P Marshall
1990   PhD   London, SOAS   Development of Sinhala drama: a socio-cultural analysis (from Nadagama to modern theatre, up to 1922)   T R G DELA BANDARA
1990   DPhil   Oxford, Wolfson   Indian death rituals: the enactment of ambivalence   Gillian A EVISON   Prof R F Gombrich
1990   PhD   Bradford   Financial reforms in Sri Lanka, 1977-1987   D J G FERNANDO
1990   PhD   London, SOAS   Discussions of polygamy and divorce by Muslim modernists in South Asia, with special reference to their treatment in Qur’an and Sunna   Rehana FIRDOUS
1990   PhD   Kent   The six-nation initiative   C FRANGONIKOLOPOULOS   Prof A J R Groom
1990   PhD   Sheffield   Man mosquito interaction: the social context of Malaria transmisson in Sri Lanka   Jayaratne Pinnikamaha GAMAGE   Ms J M M Hoogvelt; Dr R A Dixon
1990   PhD   London, LSE   Paddy fields and jumbo jets: overseas migration and village life in Sylhet district, |Bangladesh   Katherine Jane GARDNER
1990   PhD   York   The politics of British aid policy formation: the case of Bangladesh, 1972-1986   M GUHATHAKURTA
1990   DPhil   Oxford   Exports and exchange rate policy: the case of India   B D GUPTA
1990   PhD   London, SOAS   The short story in Pakistan Panjab, 1947-1980   Salim Ullah HAIDRANI
1990   PhD   London, External   The phenomenonology of religious change in Bangladesh in relation to the theology and practice of conversion   Ian McLaurin HAWLEY
1990   PhD   London, UC   The single dominant party system and political development: case studies of India and Japan   Takako HIROSE
1990   MPhil   London, External   The economy and development of education in Bangladesh with particular reference to cost and some aspects of efficiency and effectiveness of higher education for the period 1972-1985   Mohammad Tazammul HUSSAIN
1990   PhD   London   Variations in mountain front geometry across the Potwar Plateau and Hazara/Kalachitta Hill ranges, North Pakistan   C N IZATT
1990   PhD   Open   Charnockite formation in Southern India   D H JACKSON
1990   PhD   Leeds   The effects of agrarian development on class formation and production relations in Pakistan   Muhammad Siddique JAVED   Mr J V Hillard
1990   MPhil   Manchester Poly   Ethnic identity and contemporary female costumes of Sri Lanka   V R JAYASURIYA
1990   PhD   London, UC   Transfer of private external capital to LDCs with special reference to India in comparison to Brazil   Veena JHA
1990   PhD   Salford   The impact of decentralisation on development, with special reference to the experience of Bangladesh since 1982   A K M A KALAM   Prof M B Gleave; Dr B Ingham
1990   PhD   Exeter   Some statistical aspects of child health and growth modelling in Pakistan   S KAMAL
1990   MSc   Wales, Cardiff   Analysis of the provision of sites and services schemes as a solution to low income housing in Colombo, Sri Lanka   Somas Kandarajah KANDIAH
1990   PhD   London, LSE   Gender, caste and class in rural South India   Karin KAPADIA
1990   DPhil   Oxford, St Cath’s   The consequence of economic liberalisation in Sri Lanka   Saman B KELEGAMA   Dr S Anand
1990   PhD   London, SOAS   Revenue, agriculture and warfare in North India: technical knowledge and the post-Mughal elites from the mid-18th century to the early 19th century   Iqbal Ghani KHAN
1990   PhD   Kent   Bengali elites’ perceptions of Pakistan – the road to disillusionment: uneven development or ethnicity   Alqama KHAWAJA   Prof A J R Groom
1990   PhD   Bath   Impact of irrigation upon the rural political economy in Bangladesh   David LEWIS   Dr G D Wood
1990   DPhil   Oxford, Magdalen   United States-Indian relations, 1961-1989: the pursuit and limits of accommodation   Satu P LIMAYE   Dr G Rizvi
1990   PhD   London, UC   Hydrogeology of part of South-Eastern Bangladesh   S M MAHABUB-UL-ALAM
1990   PhD   Lancaster   The atavara myth in the in the Harivamsa, the Visnupurana and the Bhagavatapurana   Freda MATCHETT   Prof N Smart; Dr D Smith
1990   PhD   Open   East India patronage and the political management of Scotland, 1720-1774   G K McGILVARY   Dr A L R Calder; Mr J Riddy
1990   PhD   London, UC   Epidemiology of coronary heart disease in Asians in Britain   Paul Matthew McKEIGUE
1990   PhD   Hull   The fiction of Ruth Prawer Jhabvala: irony within a dual philosophical framework   F F MERICAN
1990   PhD   Leicester   A thermotectonic evolution for the main central thrust and higher Himalaya, Western Garhwal, India   Richard Paul METCALFE
1990   PhD   Leeds   A history of Nandyal Diocese in Andhra Pradesh, 1947-1990   Constance Mary MILLINGTON   Prof A Hastings
1990   PhD   Newcastle   Becoming bilingual: a sociolinguistic study of the communication of young mother tongue Panjabi-speaking children   S MOFFAT
1990   PhD   Wales, BBangor   Ecology and silviculture of Malamus manan in peninsular Malaysia   A B MOHAMAD
1990   DPhil   Oxford, St Antony’s   The politics of Oriya nationalism, 1903-1936   Bishnu Narayan MOHAPATRA   Dr G Rizvi
1990   PhD   London, UC   Rural development and the problem of access: the case of the integrated rural development programme in Bangladesh   Salim MOMTAZ   Prof R J C Munton
1990   PhD   CNAA, Oxford Poly   Geology and geochemistry of the Closepet granite, Karnataka, South India   K A OAK
1990   PhD   London, SOAS   Indian Muslims and the Ottomans (1877-1914): a study of Indo Muslim attitudes to Pan-Islamism and Turkey   Azmi OZCAN
1990   PhD   London, Inst Ed   The cooperative movement in the Jaffa district of Sri Lanka from 1911 to 1970   Kanthappoo PARAMOTHAYAN
1990   PhD   Sheffield   Man-mosquito interaction: the social context of malaria transmission in Sri Lanka   J PINIKAHANAN GAMAGE
1990   PhD   London, SOAS   The mercantile community of Penang and the changing pattern of trade, 1890-1941   Chuleeporn PONGONGSUPATH   Dr I Brown
1990   PhD   Salford   Gandhi and deep ecology: experiencing the nonhuman environment   S A POWER
1990   PhD   London, External   Socio-economic and environmental aspects of under nutrition and ill health in an urban slum in Bangladesh   Jane Allison PRYER
1990   PhD   London, External   Impact of zinc supplementation on Bangladeshi children suffering from acute and persistent diarrhoea   Swapan Kumar ROY
1990   PhD   London, Wye   Persistent poverty among rice farmers in the major irrigated colonization scheme of Sri Lanka   Madar SAMAD   I Carruthers
1990   PhD   London, Wye   Persistent poverty among rice farmers in the major irrigated colonization schemes of Sri Lanka   Madar SAMAD
1990   PhD   St Andrews   Political violence in the Third World: a case study of Sri Lanka, 1971-1987   Gemini SAMARANAYAKE   Prof P Wilkinson
1990   PhD   London, QMW   The use of Hindu mythology in some novels of R K Narayan and Raja Rao   Chitra SANKARAN
1990   PhD   Liverpool   State intervention in rural development: a case study of Bangladesh   A E SARKER
1990   PhD   London, SOAS   The emergence of a Muslim “middle class” in Bengal: attitudes and rhetoric of communalism, 1880-194   Mohammad SHAH   Dr P G Robb
1990   PhD   Edinburgh   Socioeconomic planning in social forestry with particular reference to Orissa State, India   Ran Avtar SHARMA
1990   PhD   Cambridge   A “despotism of law”: a British criminal justice and public authority in north India, 1772-1837   Radhika SINGHA   Dr C A Bayley
1990   PhD   Wales, Swansea   Indian merchant communities in 19th century western India   Sheila M SMITH   Dr R K Newman
1990   PhD   London, LSHTM   The estimation of fertility from incomplete birth registration records, with application to India   Govind Singh SOMAWAT   B Brass
1990   PhD   Cranfield   The role of industrial extension for the local production of agricultural machinery in developing countries with particular reference to Sri Lanka   K-H STEINMANN   I Crawford; F Inns
1990   PhD    North London Poly   The Viceroyalty of Lord Reading, 1921-1926, with particular reference to Indian political constitutional problems and progress   Christine TURNBULL   Dr D Judd
1990   PhD   Cambridge   Constructing difference: social categories and Girahya women: social kinship and resources in south Rajasthan   Maya UNNITHAN   Dr C Humphrey
1990   MPhil   Essex   An analysis of the effects of salinity on the growth of Sri Lankan rice cultivars   S C WANIGASURIYA
1990   PhD   London, Imperial   The structure and metamorphism of the northern margin of Indian Plate, North Pakistan   Mathew Philipps WILLIAMS
1991   MPhil   Trinity College, Bristol   Identity, Islam and Christianity in rural Bangladesh   D W ABECASSSIS
1991   MPhil   London, LSHTM   Fertility trends in Pakistan: a birth order analysis   Mohamed AFZAL   J Blacker
1991   PhD   Sheffield   Intraurban residential mobility in the city of Karachi   N AHMAD
1991   PhD   Wales, Swansea   Decentralisation and the local state under peripheral capitalism: a study in the political economy of local government in Pakistan   Tofail AHMAD
1991   PhD   Newcastle upon Tyne   The effects of price and non-price factors on the production of major crops in Bangladesh   S ALAM
1991   PhD   Cambridge, St Cath’s   North Indian military culture in transition, 1770-1830   S ALAVE   Dr C A Bayly
1991   PhD   Cambridge, Trinity   Inheriting then earth: Pakistan People’s Party: popular mobilisation and political conflict in Pakistan, 1967-1971   R F ALI   Mr P G Hawthorn
1991   PhD   London, LSHTM   Anti-microbial chemotherapy of leprosy: a quantitiave theoretical basis for trial regimens with particular reference to India   J E ALMEIDA
1991   PhD   London, King’s   The international arms trade: case studies of India and Pakistan, 1947-86   I ANTHONY
1991   PhD   Manchester   The role of the housing market in the development of Jaffna City and its fringe   Krishnapillai ARUMUHAM   Prof B Robson
1991   PhD   London, SOAS   Agricultural production in six selected Qasbas in eastern Rajasthan (c. 1700-1780)   Madhavi BAJAKAL
1991   PhD   LondonSOAS   Agricultural production in six selected qasbas of eastern Rajastan (c.1700-1780)   Madhavi BAJEKAL   Prof K N Chaudhuri
1991   PhD   Salford   Some environmental implications of agricultural and agro-industrial developments in rural India   S K BARAT
1991   PhD   Newcastle upon Tyne   Swami Vivekananda’s practical vedanta   Vivienne BAUMFIELD   Dr D H Killingley
1991   PhD   Wales, Swansea   The significqance of “Ostindien” in the evolution of German colonial thought, 1840-1885   Theodore Robert Maria BOSKE   Prof M E Chamberlain
1991   PhD   Cambridge, Trinity   Communal politics and the partition of Bengal, 1932-1947   Joya CHATTERJI   Dr A Seal
1991   PhD   Cambridge   A study of subsistance and settlement patterns during the late prehistory of northcentral India   U C CHATTOPADHYAYA
1991   PhD   London, King’s   Indian nuclear strategy   Mohammad Zafar Iqbal CHEEMA   Prof L D Freedman
1991   MPhil   Bradford   Kashmir and the partition of India   S CHOUDRY
1991   PhD   London, UC   The social implications of thalassaemia major among Muslims of Pakistani origin: family experience and service delivery   Aamra Rashid DARR
1991   MPhil   CNAA, Architectural Assoc   The roots of power and root power: an enquiry into negotiations for the consolidation of illegal settlements in New Delhi, India   S DASAPPA
1991   PhD   London, SOAS   Strategy and structure: a case study in imperial policy and tribal society in British Baluchistan   Simanti DUTTA
1991   PhD   Loughborough   The Revd A G Fraser: his ecclesiastical, educational and political activity in Ceylon, 1904-1924   Brian EATHARD   Dr Avril Powell
1991   PhD   Cambridge, Churchill   The political culture of the urban poor: the United Provinces between the two World Wars   N GOOPTU   Dr R S Chandavarkar
1991   DPhil   Oxford, Balliol   Azariah and Indian Christianity in the late years of the Raj   S Bharper HARPER, s b
1991   DPhil   Oxford, Green College   Public health and medical research in India, c. 1860-1914   Mark HARRISON   Miss M H Pelling; Dr P J Weindling
1991   PhD   London, King’s College   Rhizolith occurrence and formation within the quartnary coastal deposits of Tamil Nadu State, South East India   Derek Albert HENDRY   Dr R Garner
1991   PhD   London, Wye   Economic analysis of production opportunities, constraints and improvement policies in coconut-based farming systems in Sri Lanka   Mudiyanselage Anura Lokubandara HERATH
1991   MPhil   Wales   Performance, problems and potential of irrigated land settlements in Sri Lanka: an analysis of past policies   Thosapala HEWAGE
1991   PhD   Cambridge   Tax reform, public pricing and trade protection in Bangladesh   S M HOSSAIN
1991   PhD   London, SOAS   The production and use of ritual terracottas in India   Stephen Porter HUYLER
1991   DPhil   Oxford, St Antony’s   Defence production in a third world country: the case of the Indian aircraft industry 1940-1980   Shireen Karim Alimohamed JANMOHAMED   Prof E A Roberts
1991   PhD   London, LSE   Rice, work and community among the Kelabit of Sarawak, East Malaysia   Monica Rachel Hughes JANOWSKI
1991   PhD   Stirling   Fishery, population dynamics and breeding biology of Panulirus homarus (L.)on the south coast of Sri Lanka   D S JAYAKODY
1991   PhD   Stirling   The utilisation of acid sulphate on soils for shrimp (Oenaeus monodon)culture on the west coast of Sri Lanka   J JAYASINGHE
1991   PhD   Durham   Perception of, and adjustment to. drought hazard by farmers in southern Sri Lanka   N L A KARUNARATNE
1991   DPhil   Oxford, Trinity   Competing through technology and manufacturing: a study of the Indian commerical vehicles industry   Sanjay KATHURIA   Dr J L Enos
1991   PhD   Leicester   Primary geochemistry and secondary dispersion from gold prospects in the Karkoram and Hindu Kush, northern Pakistan   Abdul KHALIQ
1991   PhD   London, RHBNC   The contribution of the All India Muslim Educational Conference to the educational and cultural development of Indian Muslims, 1886-1947   Abdul Rashid KHAN   Dr F C Robinson
1991   PhD   Sheffield   Low income settlement in city fringes: a case study of eastern fringe Dhaka   R A KHAN   Dr C Choguill
1991   PhD   Edinburgh   Women’s work and rural transformation in India: a study from Gujerat   Uma KOTHARI
1991   DPhil   Sussex   The role of women in household survival strategies: a case study from an urban low-income settlement in Colombo, Sri Lanka   Chandrika KOTTEGODA   Dr K Young
1991   PhD   Warwick   Critical reflections on law and public enterprises in Bangladesh   A K MASUDAL HAQUE
1991   PhD   Sheffield   Urban services in the national cities of India: organisation, financing, planning and delivery   B MATHUR
1991   DPhil   Oxford   The ecological interaction between habitat composition, habitat quality and abundance of some wild ungulates in India   V B MATHUR
1991   PhD   Bath   Poverty and patronage: a study of credit, development and change in rural Bangladesh   James Allister McGREGOR   Dr D G Wood
1991   PhD   Cambridge, Trinity   Caste, nationalism and communism in Malabar, 1900-1948   D M MENON   Dr R S Chandravarkar
1991   PhD   Southampton   Municipal finance and local self government: the Indian experience   Rajalakshmi MISHRA   Dr D M Hill
1991   PhD   Durham   Industrial water pollution in a surface water system in Colombo, Sri Lanka   S K MOHAMMED-ALI   Prof I G Simmons
1991   PhD   Warwick   The migration and racialisation of doctors fromthe Indian subcontinent   P J MOSS
1991   PhD   London, LSE   India and the Middle East: constancy of policy in the context of changing perspectives, 1947-1986   Prithvi Ram MUDIAM   Dr G Sen
1991   PhD   Surrey   The impact of industrialisation and urbanisation on Patidar women in the Khada District of Gujerat   P R NATTRESS
1991   PhD   Cambridge, Clare Hall   People and trees: gender relations and participation in social forestry in West Bengal, India   C A NESMITH   Dr T P Bayliss-Smith
1991   PhD   Nottingham   Urban lower-middle class and middle income housing: an investigation into affordability and options, Dhaka, Bangladesh   Mohammed Mahbubur RAHMAN   Prof J C Moughton; Mr S Jalloh
1991   PhD   Exeter   Location-allocation modelling for primary health provision in Bangladesh   S-U RAHMAN
1991   MSc   Kent   On the systematics and ecology of some freshwater turtles of Bangladesh   S M A RASHID
1991   PhD   London, SOAS   Structure and performance: a case study of Pakistan’s large scale manufacturing sector (1950-1987)   Shahnaz RAUF
1991   PhD   Cambridge, Newnham   Inter-urban and rural-urban linkages in terms of migration and remittances: case study – Durgapur (West Bengal)   J RAY CHAUDHURI   Prof G P Chapman
1991   PhD   London, King’s   A comparison of the diet and health of pre-menopausal Indian and Caucasian vegetarian women   Sheela REDDY
1991       Cranfield, Silsoe   A case study on training and development of cooperative managers in implementing “Irrigation management programme” of Bangladesh Rural Development Board in Hossainpur Upazila, Bangladesh   M A SADEQUE
1991   PhD   Warwick   Towards a definition of Indian literary feminism: an analysis of the novels of K Markandaya, N Sahgal and A Desai   Minola K SALGADO   Ms P Dunbar
1991   DPhil   Oxford, St Antony’s   South Asian Muslim politics, 1937-1958   Ahmad Y SAMAD   Dr T Raychaudhuri
1991   PhD   London, SOAS   Poverty, growth and stagnation in north Indian agriculture: a comparative study in the political economy of poverty generation in western and eastern Uttar Pradash in the early 1970s   Jean Diana SARGENT
1991   PhD   CNAA, Leicester Poly   Speech in Sri Lankan cleft palate subjects with delayed palatoplasty   D A SELL
1991   DPhil   Oxford, Wadham   The biology of vitex (verbenaceae)in Sri Lanka   Balangeda M P SINGHAKUMARA   Dr C Huxley-Lambrick
1991   PhD   London, King’s   Nabob, historian and orientalist: the life and writing of Robert Orme (1728-1801)   Asora SW TAMMITA-DELGODA   Prof P J Marshall
1991   PhD   London, LSE   Donors, development and dependence: some lessons from Bangladesh, 1971-1986   Peter Graeme Rugge THOMSON   Prof M Desai
1991   PhD   East Anglia   Errant males and the divided woman: melodrana and sexual difference in the Hindi social film of the 1950s   Ravi VASUDEVAN
1991   DPhil   Oxford, Wolfson   The uplift history of the Western Ghats in India   Mike WIDDOWSON   Dr K G Cox; Prof A S Goudie
1991   PhD   Salford   The causes and processes of rural-urban migration in 19th and early 20th century India: the case of Ratnagiri district   G M YAMIN
1992   PhD   East Anglia   Models of household behaviour in subsistence agriculture: a case study of NWFP in Pakistan   Farman ALI   Prof A Parikh
1992   PhD   London, King’s   Nation-building and the nature of conflict in South Asia: a search for patterns in the use of force as a political instrument within and between the states of the region   Syed Mahmud ALI
1992   PhD   Aberdeen   Aspects of Islamic revival and consciousness in Bangladesh, 1905 AC and 1975 AC   A N M AMIN
1992   PhD   Cambridge, Trinity   Colonialism and the transformation of matriliny in Malabar, 1850-1940   G ARUNIMA   Dr R S Chandavarkar
1992   LLD   Edinburgh   Dravidian studies   Ronald ASHER
1992   PhD   Kent   The political implications of migration: a study of the British Sikh community   S BALI   Mr K Webb
1992   PhD   Manchester   A study of aspects of Indian theatre and its role: consideration and strategies for developing theatre in education in India   S N BARHANPURKAR   Dr Jackson
1992   PhD   London^hUC   The temples of the interface: a study of the relation between Buddhism and Hinduism at the Munnervaram temples, Sri Lanka   Rohan Neil BASTIN
1992   PhD   London, SOAS   Poverty and power: survival strategies of the poorest in three villages of West Bengal, India   Anthony BECK   Dr R W Bradnock
1992   DPhil   Oxford, St Anne’s   The English East India Company and Hindu laws of property in Bengal, 1765-1801: appropriation and invention of tradition   Nandini BHATTACHARYYA-PANDA   Dr T Raychaudhuri
1992   MLitt   Oxford, Magdalen    South Asian women, midwives and the maternity system: the role of cultural differences in the creation of inequality   Isobel M W BOWLER   Dr R W Dingwall
1992   PhD   London, LSE   Agricultural pricing in developing countries: Pakistan 1960-1988   David Patrick COADY   Prof N H Stern
1992   PhD   St Andrews   Alexander Dalrymple (1737-1808), hydrographer to the East India Company and to the Admiralty, as publisher: a catalogue of books and charts.   Andrew COOK   Dr B P Lenman
1992   PhD   Cambridge, Selwyn   Cross cultural conflict analysis: the “reality” of British victory in the second Anglo-Maratha War, 1803-1805   Randolf G S COOPER   Dr G Johnson
1992   DPhil   Sussex   The determinants of private consumption and the impact of fiscal policy: a study of Sri Lanka   Ginige A C DE SILVA   Prof M T Sumner
1992   DPhil   Oxford, St Antony’s   Aspects of community participation among the slum dwellers in achieving housing in Bombay   Vandana DESAI   Dr M J Banks; Dr G C K Peach
1992   DPhil   Sussex   Biomass entitlements and rural poverty in India: a village study of crop residues in south Gujerat   Priyamwada DESHINGKAR   Dr M Greeley
1992   PhD   Cambridge, Girton   Indian thought, myth and folklore in the fiction of Rudyard Kipling and E M Forster   C R DEVADAWSON   Prof J B Beer
1992   PhD   London, UC   Residential location of low-income households in Hyderabad, India   Pothuia Jonathan DHARMARAJ
1992   PhD   London, UC   Residential location of low-income households in Hyderabad, India   J P DHARMARAT
1992   PhD   Cambridge, Churchill   Religion, identity and authority among the Satnamis in colonial central India   S DUBE   Dr R O’Hanlon
1992   DPhil   Oxford, Wolfson College   Continuity and recreation in the performing arts of India: a study of two artistic traditions   Anne-Marie GASTON   Mr B R Wilson
1992   PhD   Cambridge, Wolfson   The institutional politics of gender in development policy for rural development in Bangladesh   A M M GOETZ   Mr G P Hawthorn
1992   PhD   CNAA, Central England   The “Karnata Dravida” tradition: development of Indian temple architecture in Karnataka 7th to 13th centuries   C A HARDY
1992   PhD   Open   State policy, liberalisation and the development of the Indian software industry   Richard Brendan HEEKS
1992   DPhil   Oxford   Entreprenurial decline and the end of Empire: British business in India, 1919-1949   A-M HISRA
1992   PhD   Cambridge, King’s   Music of Northern Pakistan   C E HUEHNS   Dr R F Davis
1992   PhD   London, SOAS   Female migrants’ adaptation in Dhaka: a case study of the processes of urban socio-economic change   Shahnaz HUQ-HUSSAIN   Dr R W Bradnock
1992   PhD   Bristol   Hindu Muslim inter group relations in Bangladesh: a cognitive inter group analysis   Mir R ISLAM   Prof M R C Hewstone
1992   MLitt   Cambridge, Christ’s   Medical choice in an urban village: a study of Zamrudpur, Delhi   R JALOTA
1992   MPhil   London, Wye   The economics of tea investments: an assessment of factors influencing the profitability of management and rehabilitation of tea establishments in Sri Lanka   Jayakodi Arachchige Maikanthi JAYAKODY
1992   MPhil   Liverpool   The response of democratic governments to armed resistance: India, Argentina, Peru, Colombia and Northern Ireland   J KARUMBIAH
1992   PhD   Leicester   Plume-lithosphere interaction: petrology of Rajmahal continental flood basalts and associated lamproites, Northeast India   Raymond William KENT
1992   PhD   Nottingham   Housing and landslides: a case study in Murree, Pakistan   Amir Nawaz KHAN   Prof J C Moughtin; Mr S Jalloh
1992   MPhil   Bradford   Investment in human capital in Pakistan   M N KHAN
1992   PhD   Strathclyde   Foreign aid, domestic saving and economic growth in retrospect: the case of Pakistan (1960-1988)   Naheed Zia KHAN   Dr E Rahim
1992   PhD   Strathclyde   Settlement processes and strategy in metropolitan areas: policy options for improvements of slums in Pakistan   Dost-Ali KHOWAJA   A Ramsey
1992   PhD   London, Wye   Irrigation systems management under diversified cropping in Sri Lanka: a multiple objective economic assessment on performance of main-water management   Hemesiri Bandara KOTAGAMA
1992   DPhil   Oxford, St Cath’s   A description of the trade in readers for children by Longmans to British India and by Thomas Nelson to the British West Indies (1900-1939)and an examination of the structure of motifs in the readers’ texts   Wayne Barry KUBLALSINGH   Dr T F Eagleton
1992   PhD   Cambridge, Churchill College   State power and the erosion of colonial authority in Uttar Pradesh, India, 1930-42   G KUDAISYA   Prof D A Low
1992   PhD   Cambridge   The public career of G D Birla, 1911-1947   M Mlf G S KUDAISYA   Prof D A Low
1992   PhD   London, LSE   An anthropological account of Islamic holy men in Bangladesh   Samual Peter LANDELL-MILLS   Dr A A F Gell
1992   PhD   London, LSE   Inequality, poverty and mobility: the experience of a north Indian village   Peter Frederik LANJOUW   Prof N Stern
1992   PhD   Wales, Cardiff   Planning education in small dispersed island states with particular reference to the Maldives   Mohamed LATHEEF
1992   PhD   London, LSE   The demography of Indian famines: a historical perspective   A MAHARATNA
1992   MPhil   London, King’s   The British in Bihar, 1757-81   Paramita MAHARATNA   Prof P J Marshall
1992   MPhil   London, King’s   The establishment of British rule in Bihar, 1757-1981   Paraamita MAHARATNA   Prof P J Marshall
1992   MPhil   East Anglia   Rural development in Pakistan: role and some effects of public sector   Abrar Ahmad MALIK
1992   DPhil   Sussex   A study of rural poverty in Pakistan with special reference to agricultural price policy   Shahnawaz MALIK   Mr P Chaudhuri
1992   PhD   Liverpool   Prevalence and genetics of resistance of antimicrobial agents in faecal enterobacteriaceae from children in Bangladesh   K Z MAMUM
1992   PhD   Bradford   Foreign joint ventures in Bangladesh: an empirical investigation of joint ventures in a less developed country between foreign multinational countries and local enterpirses: the case of Bangladesh   G S MAOLA   Prof P J Buckley
1992   DPhil   Oxford, St Hilda’s    Entreprenurial decline and the end of the Empire: British business in India, 1919-1949   Anna-Maria MISRA   Dr T Raychaudhuri; Dr D R Tomlinson
1992   PhD   London, Birkbeck   Languages as identity symbols: an investigation into language attitudes and behaviour amongst second-generation South Asian schoolchildren in Britain including the special case of Hindi and Urdu   M C MOBBS
1992   PhD   Cambridge, Gonville     From cattle to cane: the economic and social transformation of a Tarai village, North India   R H MONTGOMERY   Dr C Humphrey
1992   MPhil   Leicester   British newspaper coverage of Pakistan   Ahmad MUKHTAR   P Golding
1992   DPhil   Oxford, Balliol   Food Engel curves and equivalence scales in Sri Lanka   M MURTHI
1992   PhD   Glasgow   The institution of cooperation, credit and the process of of development in the Indian and Pakistan Punjabs   K MUSTAFA
1992   PhD   CNAA, Huddersfield   Hindu students in a further education college: an ethnographic enquiry   P OLIVER
1992   DPhil   Oxford , Hertford College   Distress sales and exchange relations in a rural area of Rayalaseema Andhra Pradesh   Wendy K OLSEN   Mrs J U Heyer
1992   PhD   Newcastle   Vulnerability, seasonality and the public distribution system in western India: a micro-level study   E A OUGHTON
1992   PhD   Warwick   Education and community in colonial Jallandhar, 1880-1935   Rajvinder S PAL   Dr D A Washbrook
1992   PhD   London, LSE   Electricity demand and pricing in India, 1947-1986   Kirtida Vimai PARIKH   Dr M S Morgan
1992   PhD   London, Wye   Micropropogation of the Sri Lankan anthurium cultivar “Crinkled Red” (Anthurium andreanum Lind)   Sriyani Edussuriya PEIRIS
1992   MPhil   CNAA, St John’s College, Nottingham   The extended family in spouse selection: a critical study and theological evaluation of the patterns of Christian family life in India (especially in the churches of South India)   P S C POTHAN
1992   PhD   Sheffield   A study of rainfall fluctuations in the homogeneous rainfall regimes in Sri Lanka   M PUVANESWARAN
1992   PhD   Stirling   Studies of filter feeding carps of commerical importance in Bangladesh with particular emphasis on the use of automated counting methods   S RAHMATULLAH
1992   PhD   Strathclyde   Solar radiation assessment in Pakistan   I A RAJA
1992   DPhil   Oxford, Nuffield   Forest policy in the Central Provinces, 1860-1914   Mahesh RANGARAJAN   Dr T Raychaudhuri
1992   DPhil   Oxford, Linacre College   Ecophysiology of natural regeneration of “Abies pindrow” in the moist temperate forest of Pakistan   RAZA-UL-HAQ   Mr F B Thompson; Dr P S Savill
1992   PhD   London, External   Recent Christian-Hindu dialogue with reference to Christology   Robert Arthur ROBINSON
1992   MPhil   Newcastle upon Tyne   Changing the attitudes of staff in a residential setting in India – a case study   N ROTTON
1992   PhD   Cambridge, Fitzwilliam   The effect of regular deworming on the growth, health and nutritional status of pre-school children in Bangladesh   Emily Kate ROUSHAM   Dr C G Mascie-Taylor
1992   PhD   South Bank   Effects of psycho-cultural factors on the socialization of British born Indian and indigenous British children living in England   D SACHDEV
1992   PhD   Birmingham   An ecumenical ecclesiology: an historical and systemaic theological enquiry into the Church of North India   D K SAHU
1992   PhD   Reading   A systems approach to the study of potential production of boro rice in the Haor region of Bangladesh   M U SALAM
1992   PhD   Aberdeen   Farm level approaches to tree growing in agroforestry in Haryana, India   P K SARDANA
1992   DPhil   Oxford, Green   Adoption and rejection of eucalyptus on farms in North-West India   Naresh C SAXENA   Dr B Harriss; Mr J E M Arnold
1992   PhD   Cambridge, Trinity   Women workers in the Bengal jute industry, 1890-1940: migration, motherhood and militancy   S SEN   Dr R S Chandabarkar
1992   PhD   Cambridge^hTrinity   Literary representation of national identity and the rhetoric of nationalism in Raja Rao’s Kanthapura   R SETHI   Mr T J L Cribb
1992   DPhil   Sussex   The determinants of private consumption and the impact of fiscal policy: a study of Sri Lanka   G A C de SILVIA
1992   PhD   Cambridge, Gonville   A forest policy for Western India: the Dangs, 1800s-1920s   A SKARIA   Prof C A Bayly
1992   MPhil   Birmingham   The encounter between Christianity and Buddhism in Sri Lanka from the perspective of the Lausanne Movement   S F SKUCE
1992   MPhil   Birmingham   The development of Gandhi’s moral and religious philosophy from 1888-1921   G E SMITH
1992   PhD   Leicester   The geology of the roof-zone of the Kohistan Batholith, Northwestern Pakistan   Michael A SULLIVAN
1992   PhD   Cambridge, Churchill   The military and the state in colonial Punjab, 1900–1939   T Yong TAN   Prof D A Low
1992   PhD   London, SOAS   Competing identities: the problem of what to wear in late colonial and contemporary India   Emma Josephine TARLO
1992   DPhil   Oxford, St John’s College   Studies in English and European writing on India, 1600-1800   Kate ( Katherine S) TELTSCHER   Prof J Carey; Mr J B Katz
1992   PhD   London, LSE   Health attitudes and personal health care decisions in Bombay, India   Bayjool THAKKER   Dr J E Stockdale
1992   PhD   London, LSE   Personal health care decisions in Bombay, India   B THAKKER
1992   PhD   East Anglia   NGOs and rural development process in India: case studies from Rayalaseema   V UMA
1992   PhD   London, SOAS   The personal pronouns and their related clitics in six Khasi dialects: a grammatical and sociolinguistic study   B WAR
1992   PhD   CNAA, North London   Sir Walter Lawrence and India, 1879-1918   Catherine Mary WILSON   Prof D Judd; Dr P Mercer
1993   PhD   Open   Women’s home-based income generation as a strategy towards poverty survival: dynamics of the “Khannawalli” (mealmaking)activity of Bombay   D ABBOTT   Mr A Thoms
1993   PhD   Wales, Cardiff   The role of communication in the rise of the Islamic movements in the Muslim world with special reference to Egypt, Kuwait, Afghanistan, Pakistan and Turkey   K ABU-ALKHAIR
1993   PhD   Cambridge, Girton   The People’s Party, the National Awami League and the political dynamics of federalism in Pakistan   S J AHMED   Mr G P Hawthorn
1993   PhD   Dundee   E M Forster at home and abroad: British and non-British elements in his fiction   A AL-HOUT
1993   PhD   Reading   Farmer-extension worker interaction and upstream information transfer in the T   V extension system in Bangladesh   Md. Mozahar ALI   Prof M J Rolls
1993   PhD   London, Ext (LSHTM)   Cultural influences on contraceptive behaviour in rural Bangaldesh   A AL-SABIR   J Simons
1993   PhD   Bradford   Agricultural credit for small farmers in Northern Pakistan: an analysis of access and productivity impact   Shehla Nasreen AMJAD   Dr Allan Low; Dr Behrooz Morvaridi
1993   PhD   East Anglia   Women’s experiences of a survival strategy: commoditisation of folk embroidery in Gujarat, India   J B ANDHARIA
1993   PhD   Liverpool   Seaweed resources in Sri Lanka: culture of Gracilaria and intertidal surveys   P ANNESTY JAYASURIYA
1993   PhD   Sheffield   A study of significant historic buildings in Lahore, leading towards the formulation of a national conservation policy for Pakistan   M Y AWAN   A Craven
1993   DPhil   York   The management of ethnic secessionist conflict with special reference to devolution of government: the external dimension and the big neighbour syndrome   Abersinghe BANDARA   Prof A Dunsire; Dr A Leftwich
1993   DPhil   Oxford, Somerville   A study of the Khudai Khidmatgar movement 1930-1947, North West Frontier Province, British India   Mukulika BANERJEE   Prof J Davis
1993   MPhil   Eales, Cardiff   A survey of the Pakistani Muslim community in Cardiff   P G BATEMAN
1993   PhD   Cambridge, Churchill   Agrarian reforms and the politics of the Left in West Bengal   D BHATTACHARYYA   Mr G P Hawthorn
1993   PhD   Leeds   Salisbury at the India Office, 1866-67 and 1874-78   Paul R BRUMPTON   Dr E D Steele
1993   PhD   London, SOAS   Contesting the resource: the politics of forest management in colonial Burma   Raymond Leslie BRYANT
1993   PhD   London, UC   The incompatability between the the needs of low-income households and the perceptions and attitudes of architects and planners: a case study of Lahore, Pakistan   Arif Qayyum BUTT
1993   PhD   Kent   Confidence building measures in South Asia   Navnita CHADHA   Prof A J R Groom
1993   DPhil   Oxford   The changing nature of the Indian hill station   A CHATERJI
1993   MLitt   Oxford, St Hilda’s   The changing nature of the Indian Hill Station   Aditi CHATTERJI   Dr D I Scargill
1993   PhD   Keele   Paul Scott’s “Raj Quartet”: historical approaches and Bakhtinian readings   P CHILDS
1993   MPhil   Sheffield   Applicability of the CDS-ISIS package in the automation of University libraries with partciular reference to India   S CHOWDHURY
1993   PhD   London, SOAS   Colonialism and cultural identity: the making of a Hindu discourse, Bengal, 1867-1905   Indira CHOWDHURY-SENGUPTA   Prof D J Arnold
1993   MPhil   London, SOAS   The rhythmic organisation of North Indian classical music: tal, lay and laykari   Martin Richard Lawson CLAYTON
1993   PhD   London, SOAS   From Bhakti to Buddhism: early Dalit literature and ideology   Philip John CONSTABLE   Prof D J Arnold
1993   PhD   London   The relevance and feasibility of community-based production of leaf concentrate as a supplement for pre-school children in Sri Lanka   David Nicholas COX
1993   PhD   Edinburgh   Size isn’t everything: an anthropologist’s view of the cook, the potter, her engineer and his donor in appropriate technology development in Sri Lanka, Kenya and UK   Emma CREWE   Dr A Good; Dr M Noble
1993   PhD   Essex   An empirical study of technical and allocative efficiency of wheat farmers in the Indian village of Palanpur   A CROPPENSTEDT
1993   DPhil   Oxford, St Antony’s   Privilege and policy: the indigenous elite and the colonial education system in Ceylon, 1869-1948   Lakshmi K DANIEL   Dr T Raychaudhuri
1993   PhD   REading   Weed ecology studies in Sri Lanka: competition studies with maize, barley and oilseed rape   N P DISSANAYAKER
1993   M.Phil   Edinburgh   A study of the indigenous contribution to Tamil Saiva bhakti   C J EDEN
1993   PhD   Lancaster   Epic naratives inthe Hoysala temples: the Ramayana, Mahabharata and Bhagavata Purana in Halebid, Belur and Amrtapura   Kirsti Kaarina EVANS   Dr David Smith
1993   PhD   CNAA, Brighton Poly   Sport and South Asian male youth   S FLEMING
1993   PhD   Manchester   Intermarriage of Zoroastrian women in bombay   H K FRASER
1993   PhD   Brunel   TV talk in a London Punjabi peer culture   M GILLESPIE
1993   PhD   Keele   Occasions of grace: interpretations of truth in Paul Scott’s “The Raj Quartet”   P A GLOVER
1993   PhD   London, LSE   The multiplicity of agencies promoting the health of refugees, with a case study of the Afghans in Pakistan, 1978-1989   Nancy GODFREY   Prof B Abel-Smith
1993   PhD   Open   The Gujeratis of Bolton: the leaders and the led   K G HAHLO
1993   PhD   Loughborough   Acquiring foreign language materials for Pakistani libraries: a study   Syed Jalaluddin HAIDER   Prof J P Feather
1993   Phil   East Anglia   The implications of tourism for the environment: a Maldives case study   H HAMEED
1993   PhD   London, SOAS   Eurasians in British India, 1773-1833: the making of a reluctant community   Christopher John HAWES   Prof D J Arnold
1993   PhD   Aberdeen   Some aspects of the chemistry and mineralogy of soil magnesium in relation to Camellia growth on Sri Lankan acid tea soils   L HETTIARACHCHI
1993   PhD   Manchester   Management control in public sector enterprises: a case study of budgeting in the jute industry of Bangladesh   A K M Z HOQUE   Prof T Hopper
1993   PhD   Salford   Rural accessibility and agricultural development in Bangladesh   N A HUQ   Dr R D Knowles
1993   PhD   London, LSE   Decentralized resource allocation in primary health care: formal methods and their application in Britain and Pakistan   M ISHFAQ
1993   PhD   Manchester   Transnational corporations and economic development: a study of the Malaysian electronics industry   M N ISMAIL
1993   PhD   Edinburgh   Rice marketing in Pakistan: the case for liberalisation ?   Amanat Ali JALBANI
1993   DPhil   York   Language maintenance and bilingualism in Darbhanga   Shailjanand JHA   Dr C Verma
1993   PhD   Cambridge   Industrial concentration and performance: an empirical study of the structure, conduct and performance of Indian industry (1970-1985)   U S KAMBHAMPATI
1993   PhD   London   A genetic analysis of diabetes mellitus in subjects of Indian origin   Parminder Kaur KAMBO
1993   MPhil   Strathclyde   Famine and poliocy in the Central Provinces of India: the crises of 1896/97 and 1899/1900   Nicalas W KEYS   Dr P S Collins
1993   PhD   Kent   Regional conflict in South Asia: the route to intractability in the Kashmir conflict, 1947-1990   A Robert KHAN   Prof A J R Groom
1993   MPhil   Wales, Bangor   Wood production through agroforestry in Charsadda district, North West Frontier Province, Pakistan   F S KHAN
1993   DPhil   Oxford, St Hilda’s    Indian Muslim perceptions of the West during the 18th century   Gulfishan KHAN   Dr I Malik
1993   PhD   Wales, Bangor   Ex-post cost benefit analysis of village woodlots of Gujarat, India   J A KHAN
1993   PhD   London, External   The history of printing and publishing in Ceylon, with special reference to Sinhalese books, 1737-1912   Egodahettiarachchige Don Tilakapala KULARATNE
1993   MLitt   Cambridge   The security of new states, Pakistan and Singapore: a study in contrast and compulsion   A UL I LATIF
1993   MLitt   Glasgow   The imperial eye: perceptions in British photography (1850-1870)of India and the Near East   Alison J LINDSAY   Dr C A Wilson
1993   DPhil   Oxford, Somerville   The role of culture in India’s international relations   V MANI
1993   PhD   London, SOAS   Caring women: power and ritual in Gujerati households in East London   Merryle Ann McDONALD   Dr N Lindisfarne
1993   PhD   Cambridge   Governance and resistance in north Indian towns, c.1860-1900   Patrick M McGINN   Prof C A Bayly
1993   PhD   City   Gamaka and Alamkara: concepts of vocal ornamentation with reference to Bara Khayal   S M McINTOCH
1993   PhD   Aston   Management role in employee participation: a comparative study of multination enterprisei n India and the UK   Santrupt MISRA   Dr R Lumley
1993   PhD   Aston   Management role in employee participation: a comparative study of multinational enterprises in India and the UK   Santrupt MISRA   Dr R Lumley
1993   PhD   London, LSE   Inside and outside: conceptual continuities from household to region in Kumaon, North India   Joanne MOLLER   Dr C Fuller
1993   MPhil   Loughborough   Performance of concrete buried pipe distribution systems of surface irrigation under farm manager’s management in Tangail, Bangladesh   Mohammed Abdul Karim MRIDHA   Mr I K Smout
1993   PhD   London, Wye   The economic evaluation of agricultural research in Sri Lanka   Jeyaluxmy NADARAJAH
1993   PhD   Cambridge, St Edmund’s   Co-option and control: the role of the colonial army in India, 1918-47   Namrata NARAIN   Dr R S Chandavarkar
1993   PhD   London, LSE   Kinship, marriage and womanhood among the Nakarattars of South India   Yuko NISHIMURA   Dr C Fuller
1993   PhD   Guildhall   The determinants of direct overseas investment from Singapore   Samual Bassey OKPOSEN   M Cowen
1993   PhD   Hull   British policy and Chinese policy in Malaya, 1942-1955   HAK CHING OONG   C J Christie
1993   PhD   London, LSE   Making hierarchy natural: the cultural construction of gender and maturity in Kerala, India   Caroline OSELLA   Dr C Fuller; Dr J P Parry
1993   PhD   London, LSE   Caste, class, power and social mobility in Kerala, India   Filippo OSELLA   Dr C Fuller; Dr J P Parry
1993   DPhil   Oxford, Christ Church   The confusions of an imperialist inheritance: the Labour Party and the Indian problem, 1940-1947   Nicholas J OWEN   Dr J G Darwin
1993   DPhil   York   Imperialism, insularity and identity: the novels of Paul Scott   G Martin PATERSON   Mr Landig White
1993   PhD   London, UC   Effects of land use policies on land prices in middle income housing, Hyderabad, India   Padmavathi PERVAR
1993   PhD   London, UC   Sir Leonard Rogers F.R.S. (1868-1962): tropical medicine in the Indian Medical Service   Helen Joy POWER   Prof WF Bynum
1993   DPhil   Oxford, Campion Hall   Satnamis: the changing status of a scheduled caste in Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradash   Gnana PRAKASAM   Dr N J Allen
1993   MPhil   Wales, Aberystwyth   The career of Robert, first baron Clive (1725-1764) with special reference to his administrative and political career   David Livett PRIOR   Prof P D G Thomas
1993   PhD   London, QMW   Belonging and not belonging: understanding India in novels by Paul Scott, Ruth Prawer Jhabvala and V S Naipaul   Janet Mariana PUGH
1993   PhD   Newcastle upon Tyne   Coping strategies of domestic workers: a study of three settlements in Delhi metropolitan region, India   P RAGHURAM   Dr J D Jones
1993   MPhil   Leicester   Conceptions of health and health care among two generations of Gujerati-speaking Hindu women in Leicester   V RAJA
1993   PhD   London, LSE   The political economy of agrarian policies in Kerala: a study of state intervention in agricultural commodity markets with particular reference to dairy pmarkets   Velayudhan RAJAGOPALAN   Prof T J Nossiter
1993   PhD   Hull   Religion, politics and the secular state in India after independence   C S RANGANATHAN
1993   PhD   London, LSE   Construction of female gender in rural north India   Deborah Edith RUTTER   Dr J P Parry
1993   MPhil   Newcastle-upon-Tyne   Modelling growth of rainfed and irrigated sugarcane in the dryzone of Sri Lanka   K SANMUGANATHAN
1993   PhD   Hull   Tribes, politics and social change in India: a case study iof the Mullukurumbas of the Nilgiri Hills   S SATHIANATHAN
1993   PhD   Keele   The sources and supply of basic foods in Dhaka City   Sayeed SAYEED
1993   PhD   London, SOAS   Pollution theory and Harijan strategies among south Indian Tamils   Yasumasa SEKINE
1993   PhD   London, Inst Comm   The linkages between Pakistan’s domestic policies and its foreign policy, 1971-1991   Mehtab-Ali SHAH   Dr P H Lyon
1993   PhD   UEA   Various approaches to the measurement of inefficiency in Pakistani agriculture: an empirical investigation   M K SHAR
1993   PhD   London, SOAS   Consumer protection law in India: a socio-legal study   Gurjeet SINGH
1993   PhD   Cambridge, Darwin   Quarternary alluvial sedimentology in Bihar, India   Rajeev SINHA   Dr P F Friend
1993   PhD   Cambridge, King’s   On religion and renunciation: the case of the Raikas of western Rajahastan   Vinay Kumar SRIVASTAVA   Dr C Humphrey
1993   PhD   Leicester   The empire aggrandized, a study in commemorative portrait statuary exported from Britain to her colonies in South Asia, 1800-1939   M A STEGGIES
1993   MPhil   Warwick   South Asians and employment in Great Britain with particular reference to agriculture   R H G SUGGETT
1993   OhD   London, SOAS   Peasant agriculture and tenancy in Orissa (India): a study of three villages at different levels of development, with special reference to share tenancy   M SWAIN
1993   PhD   Warwick   The politics of homeland: a study of ethnic linkages and political mobilisation amongst Sikhs in Britain and North America   D S TALLA
1993   PhD   Edinburgh   Lakshmi in the market place: traders and farmers in a north Indian market   M S TOMAR   Dr P M Jeffrey; Dr R Jeffrey
1993   PhD   Hull   Nagas in the museum: an anthropological study of the material cculture of the Hill People of the Assam-Burnma border   Andrew OChristopher WEST   Mr L G Hill
1993   PhD   London, SOAS   The politics of moderation: Britain and the Indian Liberal Party, 1917-1923   Philip Graham WOODS   Prof D J Arnold
1993   PhD   Leeds   Afghanistan in the defence of India, 1903-1915   Christopher Mark WYATT   Dr K M Wilson
1993   PhD   Exeter   The correlates of contraceptive and fertility behaviour withon the framework of sociocultural ideology: a case study of two urban centres of Pakistan   M I ZAFAR
1994   PhD   Glasgow   The non-compliant behaviour of the small states of South Asia: Nepal and Bangladesh in relation to India   S AFROZE
1994   MPhil   Lancaster   The status of women and fertility: a case study of Pakistani women in Rochdale    Salma AHMAD   Dr Suzette Heald; Dr Sarah Franklin
1994   PhD   London, UC   The hydrogeology of the Dupi Tila sands acquifer of the Barind tract, NA Bangladesh   Kazi Matin Uddin AHMED   Dr W G Burgess
1994   PhD   Cambridge, Wolfson   Behavioural ecology of the Hoolock gibbon (Hylobates Hoolock)in Bangladesh   M F AHSAN   Dr D J Chivers
1994   PhD   Cambridge, King’s   Violence and the state in the partition of Punjab, 1947-48   Swarna AIYAR   Prof D A Low
1994   PhD   Manchester   Taxation and economic development in Bangladesh with special reference to indirect taxation   Sofia H J ALI   Ms W Olsen
1994   PhD   Salford   Environmental assessment for wetlands management in Sri Lanka   M D AMARASINGHE
1994   PhD   Cambridge, Fitzwilliam   Residential land price changes in selected peripheral colonies of Lucknow City, India, 1970-1990   F AMITABH   Dr S E Corbridge
1994   PhD   Cranfield, Silsoe   Mechanisation of grain harvesting in Pakistan   Nadeem AMJAD
1994   PhD   London, SOAS   Women’s consciousness and assertion in colonial India: gender, social reform and politics in Maharashtra, c.1870-c.1920   P ANAGOL-McGINN
1994   PhD   London, SOAS   Women’s consciousness and assertion in colonial India: gender, social reform and politics in Maharashtra, c.1870-1920   Padma ANAGOL-McGINNnagol   Prof D J Arnold
1994   PhD   Strathclyde   Tourism in developing countries: a case study of Pakistan   M I ANWAR
1994   PhD   Bradford   The understanding of truth and the human person in Gandhi’s thought   C ARBER
1994   PhD   Leicester   Mineralogy, geochemistry and stable isotope studies of the ultramafic rocks from the Swat Valley ophiolite, North Western Pakistan: implications for the genesis of emerald and nickeliferous opaque phases   Mohammad ARIF
1994   PhD   Edinburgh   The understanding of pastoral care and counselling in the Church of South India, with special reference to the work of the Christian Counselling Centre, Velore   Nalini ARLES   Prof A F Walls; Dr D Lyall
1994   PhD   Birmingham   Bangladeshi community organisations in East London: a case study analysis   M A ASGHAR
1994   PhD   London, SOAS   Naqshbandi Sufis in a western setting   A T ATAY
1994   PhD   London, LSHTM   Cost effectiveness of anti-malaria activities in Sri Lanka   A M G G N K ATTANAYAKE
1994   PhD   Cambridge, Trinity   Is education beneficial ? A microeconomic analysis of the impact of education on the economic welfare of a developing country, Sri Lanka   D H C ATURUPANE   Dr P B Seabright
1994   PhD   Leicester   The Koga feldspathoidal syenite, North Western Pakistan: mineralogy and industrial applications   Iftikar Hussain BALOCH
1994   PhD   Cambridge, Darwin   Workers’ politics in Bengal, 1890-1929: mill-towns, strikes and nationalist agitations   Subho BASU   Dr R S Chandavarkar
1994   BLitt   Oxford, Lady Margaret   The famine of 1899-1900 and the government of India   M BHABA
1994   PhD   Essex   A comparative sociolinguistic study of urban and rural Sindhi   M Q BUGHIO
1994   PhD   Southampton   India, Sri Lanka and the Tamil crisis, 1976-1990   A J BULLION
1994   PhD   Cambridge, Darwin   Fluvial landforms and sediments in the North-Central Gangetic plain, India   S CHANDRA   Dr K S Richards
1994   PhD   London, LSE   Legislators in India: a comparison of MLAs in five states   Virender Kumar CHOPRA   Prof T J Nossiter
1994   PhD   London, King’s   The development of Singapore land law as influenced by English and Australian law   Panicker Alice CHRISTUDASON
1994   PhD   Cambridge, King’s    Urban texts: an interpretation of the architectural, textual and artefactual records of a Sri Lankan early historic city   R A E CONINGHAM   Dr F R Allchin
1994   PhD   Kent   Indias of the mind: the construction of post-colonial identity in Salman Rushdie’s fiction   C P CUNDY
1994   MLitt   Bristol   British Baptist missionary activity in Orissa, 1822-1914   P K DAS
1994   PhD   Cambridge, St Cath’s    The making of a Jat identity in the Southeast Punjab circa 1880-1936   Monica DATTA   Prof C A Bayly
1994   MPhil   Wales, Cardiff   An evaluation of the attractiveness to Apia cerana F. of the honeybee flora growing in the Dhaka region of Bangladesh and the socio-economic value of these plants to the local community   R J DAY
1994   DPhil   Oxford, New   Indian industry 1950-1990: growth, demand and productivity   Ranu DAYAL
1994   DPhil   Oxford, Wolfson   Technical change and efficiency in Sri Lanka’s manufacturing sector   Sonali D P DERANIYAGALA   Mrs F J Stewart
1994   PhD   Edinburgh   Energy resources and the role of mini and micro hydro power in Northern India   Alison DOIG
1994   PhD   London, Wye   Reaching the poor ? The identification and assessment of rural poverty by a non-governmental organisation (NGO)in Gujerat, India   Talib Baahadurail Karmali ESMAIL
1994   PhD   London, LSE   Defence industrialization in the NICs: case studies from Brazil and India   Carol Vervain EVANS
1994   PhD   London   Dying: death and bereavement in a British Hindu community   Shirley Jean FIRTH
1994   MPhil   Bristol   Pakistan: a power in central Asia    N GHUFRAN   Dr V Hewitt
1994   PhD   Hull   Construction of the European Union: implications for the developing countries: case study of India   D K GIRI
1994   PhD   London   Sufism and its development inthe Panjab   Shuja Ul HAQ
1994   PhD   Aberdeen   Export performance and marketing strategy for Malaysian palm oil   A HASHIM
1994   PhD   Bradford   Microenterprises in Pakistan: an efficiency and performance analysis of manufacturing microenterprises in North West Frontier Province, Pakistan   Syed Amjad Farid HASNU   Mr Michael Yaffey
1994   PhD   Birmingham   The quest of Ajneya: a theological appraisal of the search for meaning in his three Hindi novels   R H HOOKER
1994   PhD   Newcastle   Mechanisation of wheat production in Bangladesh based on a growth modelling approach   A H M S HOSSAIN
1994   PhD   Newcastle   Some factors affecting the performance of draught buffaloes in wetland rice cultivation in Sri Lanka   S M HULANGAMUWA
1994   PhD   Edinburgh   The scented garden in Deccani Muslim literature   S A A HUSAIN
1994   PhD   Durham   Rural-urban integration in Bangladesh: a study of linkages between villages and small urban centres   M N ISLAM   Dr P J Atkins
1994   PhD   Nottingham   Standards of safety in the underground coal mining industry of Pakistan   K G JADOON
1994   PhD   Bradford   Trade liberalization and performance: the impact of trade reform on manufacturing sector performance: Sri Lanka, 1977-89   Kangesu JAYANTHAKUMARAN   Prof C Kirkpatrick; Mr Michael Yaffey
1994   PhD   Reading   Changing patterns ofinformal and formal finance in a Rajasthan village   J Howard M JONES   Mr A Harrison
1994   PhD   London, SOAS   Polygamy and purdah in the royal households of Rajastan – 13th-19th centuries   Varsha JOSHI   Prof D J Arnold
1994   MPhil   Oxford, St Cath’s   Sustainability of public debt: an application to India   Alka KACKER   Dr E V K Fitzgerald
1994   PhD   Reading   Comparison of extension provision for the smallholder and estate tea sectors in Sri Lanka   H R K K KARUNADASA   Dr C J Garforth
1994   PhD   Glasgow   Factor price distortions, underutilisation of capacity and employment in the large-scale manufacturing sector of Pakistan   R KAUSER
1994   PhD   London, SOAS   Missionaries: the Hindu state and British paramountcy in Travancore and Cochin, 1858-1936   Koji KAWASHIMA   Prof D J Arnold
1994   MPhil   Strathclyde   Famine and famine policy in the central provinces of India: the crises of 1896-7 and 1899-1900   N W KEYS
1994   PhD   Wales, Lampeter   Indian Muslims in the political process   O KHALIDI
1994   PhD   Strathclyde   Poverty, uneven development, urbanisation and economic planning policies in Pakistan: a case study of Peshawar, North West Frontier Province   Assmatullah KHAN   Prof U Wannop
1994   PhD   Strathclyde   Interlinkages between land-lease and credit markets: impact on the introduction of modern technology in the North West Frontier Province (Pakistan)   H KHAN
1994   PhD   Lancaster   Saiva priests of Tamil Nadu   G LAZAR
1994   PhD   London   Fertility transition in Malaysia: an analysis by state and ethnic group   R LEETE
1994   PhD   London, Inst Ed   A comparative study of educational disadvantage in India within the Anglo-Indian community: a historical and contemporary analysis   Antoinette Iris Grace LOBO   Mr C Jones
1994   PhD   London, SOAS   The transformation of colonial perceptions into legal norms: legislating for crime and punishment in Bengal, 1790s to 1820s   Shahdeen MALIK
1994   PhD   Central England   Housing finance in developing countries: a case study of Lahore, Pakistan   T H MALIK
1994   PhD   Open   Thermal comfort for urban housing in Bangladesh   F H MALLICK
1994   PhD   London, Bedford   Consciousness and the actors: a re-assessment of Western and Indian approaches to the actor’s emotional involvement from the perspective of Vedic psychology   Daniel MEYER-DINKGRAFE
1994   DPhil   Sussex   The comprehensive crop insurance scheme in India, 1985-1991: a study of its working with special reference to Gujerat   Pramod K MISHRA   Prof M Lipton
1994   PhD   London, SOAS   From patriarchy to gender equity: family law and its impact on women in Bangladesh   Taslima MONSOOR
1994   DPhil   Sussex   Re-reading the Raj: narrative and power in British fictions of India   P G MOREY
1994   PhD   Reading   An effective communication model for the acceptance of new agricultural technology by farmers in the Punjab, Pakistan   Sher MUHAMMAD   Dr C J Garforth
1994   DPhil   Sussex   Brother, there are only two Jatis – men and women: the construction of gender identity, women, the state and personal laws in India   M MUKHOPADHYAY
1994   PhD   London, LSHTM   Visceral leishmaniasis vectors in Pakistan   Mohammad Arif MUNIR
1994   PhD   Leeds   Ramayana and Mahabharata: contemporary theatrical experiments in English with Indic oral traditions of storytelling   V NAIDU
1994   PhD   Durham   Rural-urban interaction in Bangladesh: a study of linkages between villagers and small urban centres   M N I NAZERN
1994   PhD   Queen’s, Belfast   Rukmini Devi and the Bharata Natyam – the revival of classical dance in India   K OHTANI
1994   PhD   London, SOAS   Bauls of West Bengal: with special reference to Raj Khyapa and his followers   Jeanne OPENSHAW   Dr A Cantlie
1994   DPhil    Sussex   Agrarian structure, new technology and labour absorption in Indian agriculture: an empirical investigation of Gujerat   Kirankumar Manubhai PANDYA
1994   PhD   London   Gender, discipleship and charismatic authority in the Rajneesh movement   Marie Elizabeth PUTTICK
1994   PhD   Durham   Social change and fertility transition in Sri Lanka   P PUVANARAJAN   Prof J I Clarke; Mr A R Townsend
1994   PhD   London, LSHTM   Epidemiology of visceral leishmaniasis in northern areas of Pakistan with particular reference to the reservoir(s)   Mohammed Abdur RAB
1994   PhD   Brunel   Management education and development strategies in Bangladesh   A S M M RAHMAN
1994   PhD   Wales, Swansea   Decentralisation and rural society in Bangladesh: a study of bureaucratic restraints on access in the UPAZILA structure    Mohammed Halibur RAHMAN   Dr C Gerry
1994   DPhil   Oxford, Worcester   India and the north-south politics of global environmental issues: the case of ozone depletion, climate change and loss of biodiversity   Mukund G RAJAN   Dr A J Hurrell
1994   PhD   Kent   Causal factors and transmission mechanisms of inflationary impulses in Sri Lanka, 1970-1989   Purnima RAJAPAKSE   Prof Thirlwall
1994   MPhil   London, SOAS   Remembering Burma: Tamil migrants and memories   Audrey Beatrice Stephanie RAMAMURTHY   Dr N Lindisfarne
1994   PhD   Reading   The analysis of farmer information systems for feeding dairy cattle in two villages of Kerala State, India   S N RAMKUMAR
1994   PhD   City   Perception-production in relation to fronting of velars in Hindi and Marati speaking children   M E RAO
1994   PhD   London, UC   Socio-economic status, channels of recruitment and the rural to urban migration of labour: a case study of the squatter settlements of Delhi, India   Himmat Singh RATNOO
1994   PhD   London, UC   Haemoglobin disorders among the tribal population of Madhya Pradesh, India   P H REDDY
1994   PhD   Cambridge, Sidney   Mohajir subnationalism and the Mohajir Qaumi Movement in Sindh Province, Pakistan   J J RICHARDS   Dr S Corbridge
1994   PhD   Cambridge, Trinity   Conversion and catholicism in Southern Goa, India   R T ROBINSON   Dr C Humphrey
1994   DPhil   Oxford, St Antony’s   Rural labour arrangements in West Bengal, India   Benjamin N ROGALY   Dr B Harriss
1994   PhD   Cambridge, St John’s   The politics of fiscal policy: some reflections on fiscal policy and state intervention in developing economies with special reference to India   R ROY
1994   PhD   Reading   The taxonomy and ecology of the genus Licuala (Palmae)in Malaya   L G SAW
1994   PhD   Cambridge, Clare Hall   Politics in Orissa, 1900-1956: regional identity and popular movements   Jayanta SENGUPTA   Dr R S Chandavarkar
1994   MPhil   Newcastle   Public participation in the Malaysian structure plan system practice, response and impact studies   K SHAMSUDIN
1994   PhD   Aberdeen   Attitudes of tribal people towards social forestry with reference to Madhya Pradesh, India   A SHUKLA
1994   PhD   Manchester   Decentralisation, participation and rural development in Bangladesh: an analysis pf the Upazila system   N A SIDDIQUEE   Dr D Hulme
1994   PhD   Bradford   The political economy of agricultural change in India   Kalim U SIDDIQUI   Dr Carolyn Dennis; Dr Behrooz Morvaridi
1994   PhD   Leicester   Electoral campaigns and the media: the coverage of India’s 1991 general election in the Indian and the British press   Balwinder SINGH   Ms O Linne
1994   DPhil   York   Case and agreement in Hindi: a GB approach   Joga SINGH   Mr M K Verma
1994   PhD   Manchester   Historical relations: representing collective identities. Small group portraiture in eighteenth-century England, British India and America   K S STANWORTH
1994   PhD   London, SOAS   The symbolic construction of the Sri Lankan Hindu Tamil community in Britain   D A TAYLOR
1994   PhD   Leeds   The development of the Bangladesh jute industry since 1971   F TERKELSEN
1994   PhD   Reading   Exploring media non-professionals’ participation in access television: towards a participatory production model for development broadcasting in India   Korula VARGHESE   Dr P Norrish
1994   PhD   London, Goldsmiths’   What the neighbours say: gender and power in two low-income settlemets in Madras   Penny VERA-SANSO   Prof P Caplan
1994   PhD   Queen’s, Belfast   Creation in Santal tribal religion and Christian faith: a study in comparative religion   W WALKER
1994   PhD   Manchester   Growth and adjustment after trade liberalisation: Sri Lanka, 1977-1992   D N WEERAKOON
1994   PhD   London, UC   The management of official records in Sri Lanka and its impact on public administration   Sarath Sisira Kumara WICKRAMANAYAKA
1994   PhD   REading   The solubility of rice straw silica and its use as a silicon source in paddy cultivation   D E WICKRAMASINGHE
1994   PhD   London   Effect of climatic factors on the growth of tea (“Camellia sinensis”)in the low country wet zone of Sri Lanka   Madawala Arachchillage WIJERATNE
1994   PhD   Leeds   Young British Hindu women’s interpretation of the images of womenhood in Hinduism   S M WILKINSON
1994   PhD   Bradford   Interlocking directorates in Hong Kong business organizations: a longitudinal study of their changing patterns   G Y-Y WONG
1994   PhD   London, SOAS   Mission-conversion-dialogue: the process of Christianization of the Richi in south-West Bangladesh   Cosimo ZENE   Dr A Cantlie
1995   PhD   London, King’s   The implications of the Falklands War for the defence of India’s island territories   Biju ABRAHAM   Prof G Till
1995   PhD   Exeter   An investigation into programme factors and providers and providers’ perceptions of family welfare centres in Faisalabad district of Pakistan   A AHMAD
1995   PhD   Exeter   An initiative into programme factors and providers’ perceptions at family welfare centres in Faisalbad district of Pakistan   Ashfaq AHMED
1995   PhD   Wales, Cardiff   Aspects of influence over accounting and accounting for currency devaluation in Bangladesh   J AHMED
1995   PhD   Birmingham   Social relations and migration: a study of post-war migration with particular reference to migration from Bangladesh to Britain   F ALAM
1995   PhD   Hull   Keralites in Abu Dhabi: a study of skilled and unskilled Keralite migrant workers in the city of Abu Dhabi   S A S ALKOBAISI
1995   PhD   Reading   The effect of a prolonged release formulation of bovine somatotropin (sometribove)on milk production of Bos Taurus and dairy crossbred cows in Malaysia   A AZIZAN
1995   PhD   Stirling   Scholarly publishing in Malaysia: a study of marketing environment and influences on readership behaviour   Firdaus Ahmad AZZAM
1995   PhD   Strathclyde   The role of the private sector in the provision of sites and services schemes for low income groups: a case study of Lahore, Pakistan   Ihsan-Ullah BAJWA   P Green
1995   PhD   Open   Crustal evolution and metamorphism in the high-grade terrain of South India   J M BARTLETT
1995   PhD   Lancaster   A study of continuity within the Ramakrishna Math and Mission with reference to the practice of seva, service to humanity   G T BECKERLEGGE
1995   MPhil   Wales   Population planning and its effect upon the development of agricultural policies in India since 1947   Austin BICKERS
1995   PhD   London, SOAS   An Indian cloth painting and its art worlds: perceptions of Orissan “patta” paintings   Helle BUNDGAARD   Dr C Pinney
1995   PhD   London, LSE   Gender, exchange and person in a fishing community in Kerala, South India   Cecilia Jane BUSBY   Dr Henrietta Moore
1995   PhD   Cambridge, Clare Hall   Britain, India and the genesis of the Colombo Plan, 1945-51   Philip J CHARRIER   Prof D A Low
1995   MPhil   Warwick   Such a long journey: the Anglo-Indian literary tradition: a study in duality   Mithu CHATTOPADHYAY
1995   DPhil   Oxford, Somerville   Orientalist themes and English verse in nineteenth century India   Rosinka CHAUDHURI   Dr R Young
1995   MPhil   London, King’s College   So peculiarly formed a corps: the beginnings of Gorkha service with the British    A P (Jim) COLEMAN   Prof B J Bond
1995   PhD   London   The elites of the Maldives: sociopolitical organisation and change   Elizabeth Overton COLTON
1995   PhD   Cambridge, Gonville     Origins, development and organisation of national Antarctic programmes with special reference to the United Kingdom and India   A DEY-NUTTALL
1995   PhD   London   The control of Callosobruchus maculatus (Fab.)in cowpeas in Sri Lanka: effect of varietal resistance, conventional insecticides and locally available bontanicals   C M D DHARMASENA
1995   PhD   London, SOAS   The Gujerati lyrics of Kavi Dayarambhai   R M J DWYER
1995   PhD   Edinburgh   Community health care the NGO way: an anthropological study of a maternal-child health and family planning programme in rural Bangladesh   R V EBDON   Dr A Good; Dr M C Jedrej
1995   DPhil   Oxford, Balliol   Co-option and exclusion: a study of Indian MPs   Paul C R FLATHER   Dr A F Heath
1995   PhD   Strathclyde   Solar based technology for crop drying in rural Pakistan   Mohammad GHAFFAR   Dr G Zawdie
1995   PhD   Cambridge, St Edmund’s   The enforcement of the zini ordinance by the Federal Shariat Court in the period 1980-1990 and its impact on women   E GIUNCHI   Dr B F Musallam
1995   PhD   London, SOAS   Popular resistance to Zamindari oppression in the Eastern Uttar Pradesh, Northern India, 1920-1960   Kusum GOPAL   Prof D J Arnold
1995   PhD   London, SOAS   Geology in India, 1770-1851: a study in the methods and motivations of a colonial science   Andrew GROUT   Dr P G Robb
1995   PhD   London   Carbon dioxide abatement in an empirical model of the Indian economy: an integration of micro and macro analysis   S GUPTA
1995   DPhil   Oxford   The Kishangarh school of painting, c 1680-1850   N N HAIDAR
1995   PhD   Cambridge, King’s   The implications of resettlement on Vasava identity: a study of a community displaced by the Sardar Sarovar (Narmada)Dam project   R P HAKIM   Mr G P Hawthorn
1995   PhD   Keele   Dimensions and types of Malay family interaction in Malaysia: a humanistic approach   L M H HARUN
1995   PhD   London, LSE   Management practices and business development in Pakistan, 1950-1988   Naveed HASAN   Dr G M Austin
1995   PhD   London, Wye   Factors influencing post-harvest longevity of embul bananas   K S HEWAGE
1995   PhD   Durham   Singapore’s experience in ASEAN: the nature of trade and inward investment   M A HILEY   Dr R J A Wilson
1995   PhD   East London   Women’s right to divorce in rural Bangladesh   Naima HUQ   Mr J Roche; Dr J Cooper; Dr J Eade
1995   MPhil   Wales, Lampeter   Resistance, reformation and rejection: modernity and tradition in ninteenth century Hinduism   S B JACOBS
1995   PhD   London, LSHTM   Gynaecological and mental health of low-income urban women in India   Surinda Kaur Parmar JASWAL
1995   PhD   Edinburgh   Estate Tamil: a morphosyntactic study   Nagita KADRURGAMUWE
1995   PhD   Leeds   Provision of corporate financial information in Bangladesh   A K M Waresul KARIM   Prof P Moizer; Ms H Short
1995   PhD   East London   Changing responses to child labour: the case of female children in the Bangladesh garment industry   Sumaiya KHAIR   Dr H Lim; Prof M Freeman
1995   PhD   London, Imperial   Inclincations towards enterprise – a typology of poor, enterprising and non-enterprising women in India   U E KRAUS-HARPER
1995   PhD   London, SOAS   Metropolitan encounters: a study of Indian students in Britain, 1880-1930   Shompa LAHIRI   Dr P G Robb
1995   PhD   Exeter   How to measure default risk: an empirical study on India’s operations in the loan and bond markets   Geeta LAKSHMI   Mr J Matatko; B Pearson
1995   DPhil   Oxford, Nuffield   Financial development, economic growth and the effect of financial innovation on the demand for money in an open economy: an econometric analysis for Singapore   Lamin LEIGH   Dr J Muellbauer; Prof D F Hendry
1995   PhD   Kent   Structured dependency: lone mothers and social security in Hong Kong   L C LEUNG
1995   PhD   London, RHBNC   Sufism, sufi leadership and modernisation in South Asia since c.1800   Claudia LIEBESKIND   Prof F R C Robinson
1995   PhD   Wales, Swansea   Planning for the participation of vulnerable groups in communal management of forest resources: the case of the Western Ghats forestry projects   Catherine LOCKE   Prof Alan Rew
1995   PhD   Wales, Cardiff   Aspects of urban design with special reference to image and identity in built form – case study of Kuala Lumpur   B S MAHBOB
1995   DPhil   Oxford, St Antony’s   Pakistan’s foreign policy, 1971-1981: the search for security   Niloufer Q MAHDI   Dr G Rizvi
1995   DPhil   Oxford, St Peter’s    Impact of highland-lowland interaction on agriculture in the Hunza Valley: the socio-economic transformation of mountain societies   Arif MAHMUD   Prof G C K Peach
1995   DPhil   Oxford, Oriel   Contractual arrangements in Pakistani agriculture : a study of share tenancy in Sindh   Nomaan MAJID   Dr B Harriss
1995   MD   Manchester   Maternal and environmental factors and the development of Pakistani children (6-18 months)   S MAQBOOL
1995   PhD   Nottingham   Resource partitioning and productivity of perennial pigeonpea/groundnut agroforestry systems in India   F M MARSHALL
1995   PhD   Essex   Social factors shaping fertility behaviour in Pakistan   Rukhsana MASOOD   Dr Joan Busfield; Mr? Sullivan
1995   PhD   Kent   Toward an integral ecotheology relevant for India   MATHEW
1995   PhD   Edinburgh   Alexander Duff and the theological and philosophical background to the General Assembly’s mission in Calcutta to 1840   Ian Douglas MAXWELL   Prof A F Walls; Dr A C Ross
1995   PhD   London, SOAS   Tibet and the British Raj, 1904-47: the influence of the Indian political department officers   Alexander Colin McKAY   Dr P G Robb
1995   PhD   Cambridge, New Hall   The politics of nationalism: the cast of the Chittagong Hill Tracts, Bangladesh   A A MOHSIN   Mr G P Hawthorn
1995   PhD   Leicester   Media, state and political violence: the press construction of terrorism in the Indian Pubjab   Vipul MUDGAL   Anders Hansen
1995   PhD   Leicester   Media, state and political violence: the press construction of terrorism in the Indian Punjab   Vipul MUDGAL
1995   PhD   Manchester   An analysis of factors affecting farmers’ participation in two rice irrigation schemes in Sri Lanka   S H MUDIYANSELAGE
1995   PhD   Edinburgh   Evolution of the early Himalayan Foreland Basin in North West India and its relationship to orogenesis   Y M R NAJMAN
1995   PhD   Lancaster   The Mills and Boon memsahibs: women’s romantic Indian fiction, 1877-1947   Dominic OMISSI   Prof J M MacKenzie
1995   PhD   Surrey   Consumption, fiscal policy and endogenous growth: the case of India   I PATNAIK
1995   PhD   Durham   A theological reappraisal of the mission of the Christian church in Tamilnadu in the light of the challenge presented by the Dravida Kazhagam Movement (a secular humanistic)movement   R PAULRAJ
1995   PhD   Bradford   A cointegration analysis of money demand in a developing country: a case study of Pakistan   A QAYYUM
1995   PhD   Edinburgh   A comparative study of native and Pakistani geology research articles   Mujib RAHMAN
1995   PhD   Newcastle   Eco-engineering prtactices in Malaysia   N RAHMAN
1995   PhD   Edinburgh   Activating vs. resetting functional categories in second language acquisition: the acquisition of AGR and TNS in English by Sinhalese first language speakers   Hemamala Vajira RATWATTE
1995   PhD   Edinburgh   George Orwell, the BBC and India: a critical study   Abha S RODRIGUES   Mr G D Carnell; Dr R C Craig
1995   PhD   London, LSE   Socio-cultural changes in an Indian peasant society   Arild Engelsen RUUD   Dr J Harries
1995   PhD   London, UC   Public transport in Kuala Lumpur: a model based approach   A F SADULLAH
1995   MPhil   Loughborough   The macroeconomic impact of foreign capital inflows: a case study of Pakistan   T SAEED
1995   PhD   Strathclyde   The lessons from privatization experience for privatization in Pakistan: from public sector enterprises to monopolistic utilities   Mushtaq A SAJID
1995   PhD   Leicester   Mineralogy, geochemistry and possible industrial applications of illite-smectite rich clays from Karak, Northwestern Pakistan   Akhtar Ali SALEEMI
1995   PhD   Stirling   Small enterprise development in Bangladesh: a study of the nature and effectiveness of support services   J H SARDER
1995   PhD   Cambridge   Histological techniques for estimating age at death from human bone:an Indian case study   A SAXENA
1995   MPhil   Newcastle   An analysis of prices and marketing margins for potatoes and onions in Pakistan   S SHAH
1995   MPhil   Leeds   The development of an environmentally sensitive information system in the water industry in Bangladesh   Mohammad Taslim Uddin SHARIF   Prof T Moizer
1995   PhD   Open   A comparative study of Milton Keynes (UK)and Islamabad (Pakistan)   M I H SIDDIQI   Mr R Thomas; Mr J B Harison
1995   PhD   Newcastle   The reproductive biology and histology of three species of sceractinian corals from the Republic of Maldives, India Ocean   C J SIER
1995   PhD   Wales, Bangor   Economic evaluation of agroforestry, forestry and agriculture projects in Orissa, India: with particular reference to financial profitability and basic needs fulfilment   Jitendra Prasad SINGH   Mr T H Thomas
1995   DPhil   Oxford, Linacre   The impact of migration, environment and economic conditions on the biological growth and physique of Sikhs   Lakhwinder P SINGH   Prof G A Harrison
1995   PhD   London, Inst Ed   Design and standardisation of a developmental test for Indian children: the Indian picture puzzle test   R SINGHANIA
1995   DPhil   Oxford, Wolfson   The stylistic development of the sculpture of Kashmir   John E C SIUDMAK   Mr G J S Sanderson
1995   MPhil   London, LSE   Auctioning the dreams: economy, community and philanthropy in a North Indian city   Roger Graham SMEDLEY   Dr C Fuller; Dr J P Parry
1995   DPhil   Oxford, Wolfson   The stylistic development of the sculpture of Kashmir   J E C SUIDMAK
1995   PhD   Lancaster   I see all the gods in your body: a study of religious doctrine in the Mahabharata   N SUTTON
1995   PhD   Sussex   Utilisation of industrial R & D findings in Malaysia: a case study of selected public research institutions, universities and industry   K THIRUCHELVAM
1995   PhD   Middlesex   A regional power : United States policy in the Indian Ocean and the definition of national security, 1978-1980   Paul TODD   T Putnam; Prof F Halliday
1995   PhD   London, LSE   Sacred grove (kaavu): ancestral land of “landless agricultural labourers” in Kerala, India   Yasushi UCHIYAMADA   Dr C Fuller
1995   PhD   East Anglia   Employment and the small enterprise economy in India: an inquiry into its growth and significance for development   Nalini VITTAL
1995   PhD   Edinburgh   Social control and deviance in Edinburgh’s Pakistani community   Abdul Ali WARDAK
1995   MLitt   Aberdeen   From Banff to Bengal and beyond: the list, travel and writings of a remarkable north-east loon: Robert Wilson, M D. (1787-1871)   Thelma G WATT   Prof R Bridges
1995   phD   Edinburgh   Environmental effects on the growth of broad-leaved trees introduced under pine stands in Sri Lanka   N D R WEERAWARDANE
1995   DPhil   Oxford, Magdalen   Manufactured exports, outward-orientation, and the acquisition of technological capabilities in Sri Lanka, 1997-1989   Ganeshan WIGNARAJA   Dr S Lall
1995   PhD   Birmingham   A study of recent conversion to and from Christianity in the Tamil area of South India   A D C WINGATE
1995   PhD   Bradford   The economic impact of temporary migrant workers remittances on the Pakistan economy: estimates from a macro economic model   K U ZAMAN
1996   MLitt   Oxford, Exeter   The women’s movement in Pakistan in the 1980s and 1990s   Nilofer AFRIDI-QAZI   Dr M W Lau
1996   PhD   Leicester   Paleoenvironments, diagenesis and geochemical studies of the Dungan formation (Palaocene)eastern Sulaiman Range, Pakistan   Nazir AHMAD
1996   PhD   Sheffield   A study of changes occurring in valuable aspects ofthe built environment of the core areas of historic settlements in Pakistan   T AHMAD   A Craven
1996   PhD   Open   Approaches to bioclimatic urban design for the tropics with special reference to Dhaka, Bangladesh   K S AHMED
1996   DPhil   Oxford, Linacre   Oral traditions in Ladakh   Monisha AHMED   Dr R Barnes Dr N J Allen
1996   PhD   London, RHBNC   The emergence of Muslim feminism in South Asia, 1920-1960   Azra Asghar ALI   Prof F R C Robinson
1996   MPhil   Liverpool   Molecular epidemiology of human and environmental enterobacteriaceae in rural Bangladesh   K S ANWAR
1996   DPhil   Sussex   The spread of technology and the level of development: a comparative study of steel mills using electric arc furnace technology in India and Britain   S S ATHREYE
1996   PhD   Londond, SOAS   A garland of razors: the life of a traditional musician in contemporary Pakistan   Khalid Manzoor BASRA
1996   PhD   Cambridge, St John’s   Bharat versus India: peasant politics and rural-urban relations in North West India   M J R BENTALL   Dr S E Corbridge
1996   DPhil   Oxford, Wolfson   Four essays on the labour market in India   Sonia R BHALOTRA   Prof S J Nickell
1996   MPhil   York   Women writing India: a study of prose fiction by Ruth Prawer Jhabvala, Nayantara Sahgal and Sashi Deshpanda   Shivani BHARGAVA   Dr Joe Bristow
1996   PhD   London, SOAS   A necessary weapon of war: state policies towards propaganda and information in Eastern India, 1939-1945   Sanjoy BHATTACHARYA   Dr P G Robb
1996   PhD   Birmingham   Rich pickings ? the political economy of solid waste management in Calcutta, India   A BOSE   I C Blore
1996   PhD   Glasgow   Cultural strategies of young women of south Asian origin in Glasgow, with special reference to health   H BRADBY
1996   PhD   Cambridge, Corpus   European authority and caste disputes in South India, 1650-1850   N BRIMNES   Prof C A Bayly
1996   PhD   London, SOAS   Contemporary uses of Vastu Vidya, the traditional Indian knowledge of architecture   Vibhuti CHAKRABARTI   Dr Giles Tillotson
1996   PhD   Strathclyde   Waterlogging and salinity in the Sukkur region of Sindh: causes and remedies   Mohammed Nawaz CHAND   Prof A I Clunies Ross
1996   PhD   London, SOAS   Slavery and the household in Bengal, 1770-1880   Indrani CHATTERJEE   Prof D J Arnold

1996   PhD   Wales, Aberystwyth   A comparative analysis of centre-local relations in government with special reference to Pakistan and Britain   Ishtiaq Ahmed CHOUDHRY
1996   PhD   Dundee   Audit expectations gap in the public sector of Bangladesh   R R CHOWDHURY
1996   PhD   Cambridge, Churchill   Gujjars in Garhwal – parallel lives: situational identity and exchange   B DALAL   Dr C Humphrey
1996   PhD   Cambridge, Churchill   The Europeans of Calcutta, 1858-1883   Damayanti DATTA   Prof C A Bayley
1996   MPhil   Reading   The effectiveness of different radio programme formats for the dissemination of information on safe use of insecticides in paddy cultivation in Mahaweli system C in Sri Lanka   N DE SILVA
1996   PhD   Cranfield   Estimating groundwater recharge with limited resources with special emphasis on spatial variability: a study in the dry zone of Sri Lanka   Roshan Priyantha DE SILVA   R C Carter
1996   PhD   London, LSE   Religion and nationalism in India: the case of Punjab, 1960-1990   Harnick DEOL   Prof A Smith
1996   MPhil   London, SOAS   Love and mysticism in the Punjabi Qissas of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries   Jeevan Singh DEOL   Prof C Shackle
1996   PhD   Lancaster   The development of Bhuddist monastic education in Sri Lanka with special reference to the modern period   Naimbala DHAMMADASSI   Prof G Samuel; Dr H Kawanami
1996   PhD   Strathclyde   Solar-based technology for crop drying in Pakistan   M G DOUGGAR
1996   PhD   Lancaster   Touring the Taj: tourist practices and narratives at the Taj Mahal and in Agra   T EDENSOR
1996   PhD   London   Indian music and the west: a critical history    GJ FARRELL
1996   PhD   Hull   Standarisation versus adaptation of marketing strategies: British multinationals in Pakistan   G GHOUS
1996   PhD   Hull   The religious and political thought of Swami Vivekananda   A HARILELA
1996   PhD   Leicester   Cross cultural interpretatioins of television: a phenomenonological hermeneutic enquiry [India]   Ramaswami HARINDRANATH   Mr R Dickinson
1996   PhD   Cambridge, Corpus   Pre-cursors to post-colonialism : Leonard Woolf, E. J. Thompson, and E. M. Forster and the rhetoric of English India   R B P HARRISON   Prof J B Beer
1996   PhD   Wales, Bangor   Farmers’ knowledge and the development of complex agroforestry practices in Sri Lanka   H HITINAYAKE
1996   PhD   Aberdeen   Effects of periodic drought on Acacia magum Willd. and Acacia auriculiformis A.Cunn.ex Benth growing on sand tailings in Malaysia   A L HOE
1996   DPhil   Sussex   Replacing market with government: the Indian experience in credit control   R KOHLI
1996   DPhil   Oxford, Wadham   Indian civil servants, 1892-1937: an age of transition   Takehiko HONDA   Prof J M Brown; Dr M C Curthoys
1996   PhD   London, SOAS   Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain, 1880-1932: the status of Muslim women in Bengal   H Y HOSSAIN
1996   PhD   East London   Born to be wed: Bangladeshi women and the Muslim marriage contract   Shahnaz HUDA   Dr K Green; Ms A Stewart
1996   PhD   Manchester   Social, psychological and economic factors in the growth of a small firm: a study of the small scale furniture and footwear firms in Pakistan   S A HUSSAIN
1996   PhD   Cambridge, Jesus   Fluvial sedimentology of the Kamial Formation (Miocene)Himalayan Foreland, Pakistan   J A HUTT   Dr P F Friend
1996   DPhil   York   Development through conservation: a sustainable development strategy with special reference to a heritage zone in Madras   R V ISIAH
1996   PhD   Reading   Improvement of Erythrina variegata L.: a multipurpose fast growing tree species in Bangladesh   S ISLAM
1996   PhD   East Anglia   Constraints to the adoption of modern rice varieties during the Aman season in Bangladesh   Md Abdul JABBER   Dr Richard Palmer-Jones
1996   PhD   London, UC   Modern agricultural production and the environment: the case of wheat production in the Indian Punjab, 1971-1988   Amballur Jospeh JAMES
1996   PhD   Cambridge, Newnham   Agro-ecological knowledges and forest managment in the Jharkhand, India: tribal development or populist impasse ?   S L JEWITT   Dr T P Bayliss-Smit
1996   PhD   Glasgow   A study of human rights organizations and issues in India   M JHA
1996   PhD   London, UC   Early iron and steel in Sri Lanka: a study of the Samanalawewa area   G JULEFF
1996   PhD   London, LSHTM   Areal variations in use of modern contraceptives in rural Bangladesh   Nashid KAMAL   A Sloggett
1996   PhD   Cambridge, Churchill   A longitudinal anthropometric study of mother-infants pairs in Dhaka, Bangladesh   E KARIM
1996   PhD   Southampton   Development of dietary assessment methods for use in the South Asian community   N A KARIM
1996   DPhil   Oxford, St Edmund Hall   Capital market liberalization in Pakistan: 1980-1992   Bashir A KHAN   Mr C J Cowton
1996   PhD   Bradford   Public sector accounting and financial reporting oractices in Bangladesh   M A S KHAN
1996   PhD   Leicester   Genesis of stratabound scheelite and stratiform Pb-Zn mineralisation, Chitral, Northern Pakistan, and its comparison with South West England tin-tungsten deposits   Mohammad Zahid KHAN
1996   PhD   Wales, Swansea   A political economy of forest resource use: case studies of social forestry in Bangladesh   Niaz Ahmed KHAN   Prof A Rew
1996   PhD   Loughborough   An analysis of risk sharing in Islamic finance with reference to Pakistan   T KHAN
1996   PhD   Leeds   Central-local government relations in Pakistan since 1979   T KHAN   Dr Owen Hartley
1996   PhD   London, UC   Economic values of resource depreciation and environmental degradation in Bangladesh   Fahmida Akter KHATUN
1996   PhD   Warwick   Analysis of tariff and tax policies in Bangladesh: a computable general equilibrium approach   B H KHONDKER
1996   PhD   London, UC   Subsistence and petty-capitalist landlords: an enquiry into the petty commodity production of rental housing in low-income settlements in Madras, India   S KUMAR
1996   PhD   London, LSE   Civil-military relationships in British and independent India, 1918-1962, and coup prediction theory   Apurba KUNDU   Prof T J Nossiter
1996   PhD   London, King’s   Marketing and economic development: a case study of maize marketing in Mardan District, North West Frontier Province, Pakistan   Teshome LEMMA   R Black; M Byron; M E Frost
1996   PhD   London, Imperial   The effects of ozone and nitrogen dioxide on Pakistan wheat (“Triticum aestivum”l.)and rice (“Oryza sativa”L) cultivars   R MAGGS
1996   PhD   Keele   The European Community and South Asia: development, economic cooperation and trade policies with India, Bangladesh and Bhutan, 1973-1993   M MARWAHA   Christopher Brewin
1996   PhD   Hull   Corporate management styles of Malaysian parent companies in managing their local subsidiaries in the manufacturing sector   N A MAZELAN
1996   PhD   Cambridge   Fertility and frailty: demographic change and the health and status of Indian women   K McNAY
1996   MPhil   Leicester   Constraints to professionalism in Sri Lankan newspaper journalism   Mahim MENDIS   Anders Hansen
1996   PhD   Wales, Bangor   The ecology and management of traditional home gardens in Bangladesh   M MILLAT-E-MUSTAFA
1996   PhD   East London   Land reform and landlessness in Bangaldesh   M A MOMEN
1996   PhD   London, King’s   Passing it on: the army in India and the development of frontier warfare, 1849-1947   Timothy Robert MOREMAN   Prof B J Bond
1996   MPhil   London, SOAS   Legal and penal institutions within a middle class perspective in colonial Bengal, 1854-1910   Anindita MUKHOPADHYAY   Prof D J Arnold
1996   DPhil   Oxford   Space, class and rhetoric in Lahore   R McG MURPHY
1996   PhD   Cambridge, Trinity    The crisis of the Burmese State and the foundations of British colonial rule in Upper Burma (1853-1900)   T MYINT-U   Prof C A Bayly
1996   PhD   Nottingham   Open distance learning aspects of adult basic educastion in the UK and their implications for Kerala (India)   Chandrasekharan NAIR-MADHAVEN   W J Morgan
1996   PhD   Cambridge, Churchill   Chidambaram – city and people in the Tamil tradition   V NANDA   Dr F R Allchin
1996   PhD   Cambridge, Churchill   Chidambaram: temple and city in the Tamil tradition   Vivek NANDA   Dr F R Allchin
1996   PhD   London, Inst Ed   Manpower planning in Pakistan: a study of its assumptions concerning the education-occupation relationship   H K NIAZI
1996   PhD   Southampton   Exploring a bottom up approach to networking for open learning in India   Asad Mohd NIZAM   Dr A P Hart
1996   MPhil   East Anglia   Contradictions of organisation: a case study of a rural development NGO in Rajasthan, India   Jane Elizabeth OLIVER
1996   PhD   Reading   Studies of black pepper (Piper nigrum L)virus disease in Sri Lanka   D PADMINI DE SILVA
1996   PhD   Sheffield   The role of small towns and intermediate cities in regional development in India   A PANNEERSELVAM   C L Chogull
1996   PhD   Birmingham   The word of God is not bound: the necounter of Sikhs and Christians in India and the United Kingdom   J M PARRY
1996   DPhil   Oxford, Green College   Regeneration and sucession following shifting cultivation of dry tropical deciduous forests of Sri Lanka   Gamaralalage A D PERERA   Dr N D Brown; Dr P S Savill
1996   PhD   London   Bureaucrats, development and decentralisation in India: the bureau-shaping model applied to Panchayati in Karnataka, 1987-1991   H J PERRY
1996   PhD   London, LSHTM   Linear growth retardation (stunting)in Sri Lankan children and the role of dietary calcium   Ambegoda Geekiyanage Damayanthi PIYADASA
1996   DPhil   Sussex   English studies and the articulation of the nation in India   P K PODDAR
1996   MPhil   REading   Village organisations and extension: a case study of Balochistan rural support programme   A R QAZI
1996   PhD   Cambridge   Lactational amenorrhoea, infant feeding patterns and behaviours in Bangladeshi women   M RAHMAN
1996   PhD   Cambridge   Relation between energetics, body composition and length of post-partum amenorrhoea in Bangladeshi women   M RASHID
1996   MPhil   Leicester   Thermobarometry of the garnet bearing rocks of the Jijal complex (western Himalayas, northern Pakistan)   Lucie RINGUETTE
1996   PhD   London, SOAS   The devotional poetry of Svami Haridasa   Ludmila Lupu ROSENSTEIN   Dr R Snell
1996   PhD   London, SOAS   Local perceptions of environmental change in a tropical coastal wetland: the case of Koggala Lagoon, Galle, Sri Lnaka   V N SAMARASEKARA
1996   PhD   Newcastle   The production of seed potato (Solanum tuberosum L)tubers from stem cuttings in Sri Lanka   P W S M SAMARASINGHE
1996   PhD   London, SOAS   Mangrove ecology in Sri Lanka   V SAMARESKARA   Prof P Stott
1996   PhD   London, King’s   Agrarian impacts on manufacturing expansion in the Indian Punjab   Jagpal Kaur SANGHA   Dr L Hoggart
1996   DPhil   York   A sociolinguistic study of Panjabi Hindus in Southall: language maintenance and shift   Mukul SAXENA   C Wallace
1996   PhD   Cambridge, Darwin   Political alignments, the state and industrial policy in Pakistan: a comparison of performance in the 1960s and 1980s   A U SAYEED   Dr M H Khan
1996   PhD   Manchester   The role of agriculture in the Indian economy: an analysis using a general equilibrium model based on a social accounting matrix   Sabyasachi SEN   Prof D Colman; Dr A Ozanne
1996   PhD   London, SOAS   Famine, state and society in North India, c.1800-1840   Sanjay Kumar SHARMA   Dr P G Robb
1996   PhD   Wales, Bangor   Project appraisal under risk, threat and uncertainty: a case study of the afforestation project of Bihar, India   Devendra Kumar SHUKLA   Dr C Price
1996   PhD   London   Pakistan’s arms procurement decision-making   A SIDDIQA
1996   PhD   London, SOAS   Political prisoners in India, 1920-1977   Ujjwal Kumar SINGH   Dr Taylor
1996   PhD   Liverpool   Molecular and seroepidemiological studies of rotavirus from children in Bangladesh   S TABASSUM
1996   PhD   Beradford   Environmental education and distance teaching: a case study from Pakistan   F TAHIR
1996   MPhil   Liverpool John Moores   The demand for money in Pakistan: simple-sum versis Divisia   S M TARIQ
1996   PhD   Cambridge, Corpus   Property rights and the issue of power: the case of inland fisheries in Bangladesh   Kazi Ali TOUFIQUE   Dr M H Khan
1996   MPhil   Open   Gender issues and social change: evaluating programme impact in rural Bangladesh   A M VAN SWINDEREN   Mr A Thomas
1996   PhD   Cranfield   The performance in public enterprises in a developing country: Sri Lanka’s experience in perspective   Tillaka S WEERAKOON   Prof Chris Brewster
1996   PhD   Reading   Evaluation of the effectiveness of radio and television in changing the knowledge and attitudes of cinnamon growers in Sri Lanka   J WEERASINGHE
1996   PhD   Manchester   Rationales of accounting controls in a developing context: a mode of production theory anaysis of two Sri Lankan case studies   D P WICKRAMASINGHE   Prof T Hopper
1996   PhD   Cambridge, St Cath’s   Socialist development ? Economic and political change in rural West Bengal under the Left Front   G O WILLIAMS   Dr S Corbridge
1996   PhD   Bristol   The politics of caste in India with special reference to the Dalit Christian campaign for scheduled caste reservations   Andrew K J WYATT   Dr D Turner; Dr V Hewitt
1997   PhD   Stirling   Strategic planning and strategic awareness in small enterprise: a study of small engineering firms in Bangladesh   A F M ABDUL MOYEEN
1997   PhD   Loughborough   A strategy for managing brickwork in Sri Lanka   W V K M ABEYSEKERA   Dr A Thorpe
1997   PhD   East Anglia   Sex ratio imbalances in India: a disaggregated analysis   S B AGNIHOTRI
1997   PhD   Lancaster   Gender roles and fertility: a comparative analysis of women from Britain and Pakistan   S AHMAD
1997   PhD   Nottingham   Modelling the impact of agricultural policy at the farm level in the Punjab, Pakistan   Z AHMAD
1997   PhD   London, Imperial   Particulate air pollution and respiratory morbidity in New Delhi, India   S AKBAR
1997   PhD   East London   Keeping a wife at the end of a stick: law and wife abuse in Bangladesh   Nusrat AMEEN   Dr Kate Green; Ms N Lacey
1997   PhD   Birmingham   The generation of a tool for screening the early grammatical development of Bangla-speaking children and the potential useof this instrument in classes of hearing-impaired children   N ANAM
1997   PhD   Durham   A mission for India: Dr Ellen Farrer and India, 1891-1933   Imogen S ANDERSON   A J Heesom
1997   DPhil   Sussex   Changes in poverty and inequality in Pakistan during the period of structural adjustment (1987-88 to 1990-91)   T ANWAR
1997   PhD   Cranfield   Sustainable farming systems and the role of change agents: Moneragala District, Sri Lanka   J P ATAPATTU
1997   PhD   Edinburgh   Common property resource management in Haryana State, India: analysis of the impact of participation in the management of common property resources and the relative effectiveness of common property regimes   Pasumarthy Venkata Subhash Chandra BABU
1997   MPhil   Oxford, Nuffield   Recognising minorities: a study of some aspects of the Indian Constituent Assembly debates, 1946-1949   Rochana BAJPAI   Dr N Gooptu; Prof M S Freeden
1997   PhD   London, SOAS   The transformation of domesticity as an ideology: Calcutta, 1880-1947   Sudeshna BANERJEE   Prof D J Arnold
1997   PhD   Cambridge, Darwin   Decentralising forest management in India: the case of Van Panchayats in Kumaun   P C BAUMANN   Mr G P Hawthorn
1997   PhD   London, LSE   Households, livelihoods and the urban environmental social development perspectives on solid waste management in Faisalabad, Pakistan   J D BEALL
1997   PhD   London, SOAS   Tribe and state in Waziristan, 1849-83   Hugh BEATTIE   Prof M E Yapp
1997   DPhil   Sussex   A study of small-scale community tank irrigation systems in the dry zone of Sri Lanka   Saleha BEGUM   Dr M Moore
1997   PhD   Aberdeen   The “empire of the raj:” conflict and cooperation with Britain over the shape and function of the Indian sphere in Eastern Africa and the Middle East, 1850s-1930s   Robert J BLYTH   Prof R C Bridges; Ms Rosemary M Tyzack
1997   PhD   Manchester   Comparative human resource managment: a cross national study of India and Britain   P S BUDHWAR
1997   PhD   Wales, Lampeter   Decision making and idjtihad in Islamic environments: a comparative study of Pakistan, Malaysia, Singapore and the United Kingdom   G L R BUNT
1997   DPhil   Oxford, St Hilda’s   A history of the trade to South Asia of Macmillan   Co and Oxford University Press, 1875-1900   Rimi B CHATTERJEE   Mr M Turner; Mr L W St Clair
1997   PhD   East Anglia   Innovation paths in developing country agriculture: true potato seed in India, Egypt and Indonesia   a CHILVER
1997   PhD   Cambridge, Clare Hall   From nabob to sahib: the construction of the British body in India, c.1800-1914   Elizabeth M COLLINGHAM   Prof C A Bayley
1997   PhD   London, UC   Of moths and candle flames: the aesthetics of fertility and childbearing in the Northern areas of Pakistan   Teresa Mary Helen COLLINS   Dr N Redclift; Dr Murray Last
1997   PhD   London, UC   Environmental aspects of industrial location policy in India   Mala DAMODARAN
1997   PhD   Cambridge, Pembroke   A comparative analysis of sharecropping and mudaraba business in Pakistan: a study of PLS in the context of the new theory of the firm   M H A DAR   Dr A M M McFarquhar
1997   PhD   Open   Multiple realities, multiple meanings: a reception analysis of television and nationhood in India   S DAS
1997   PhD   Portsmouth   Control of mycotoxins in major food commodities in Bangladesh   M DAWLATANA
1997   PhD   Liverpool   Evidence based decision making and managerial chaos in population displacement emergencies: a case study of Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, 1992-93   P M DISKETT
1997   PhD   Hull   An investigation into effective management structure for tuna resources in the West Indian Ocean   EDALY
1997   PhD   London, External   Parasitical clinical and sero-epidemiological studies of visceral leishmaniasis in Bangladesh   Md A EL-MASUM
1997   PhD   Manchester   Production, consumption and labour supply linkages of farm households in the rice-wheat zone of Punjab, Pakistan   U FAROOQ
1997   PhD   Aberdeen   An economic analysis of factors affecting the adoption of coconut-based intercropping systems in Sri Lanka   M T N FERNANDO
1997   PhD   Edinburgh   Varieties of pilgrimage experience: religious journeying in central Kerala   Alexander David Hanson GATH
1997   PhD   Warwick   Against purity, identity, Western feminism and Indian complications   I GEDALOF
1997   PhD   Oxford Brookes   Spatial setting for household income generation: The case of intermediate sized cities, Bangladesh   Shayer GHAFUR
1997   PhD   Cambridge, Clare   Literature, language and print in Bengal, c.1780-1900   Anindita GHOSH   Dr R O’Hanlon
1997   PhD   Cambridge, Darwin   Conservation ecology of primates and human impact in North East India   A K GUPTA   Dr D J Chivers
1997   DPhil   Oxford, New College   The monetary system of Mughal India   Syed N HAIDER   Dr D A Washbrook
1997   PhD   London   Diet, exercise and CHD risk: a comparison of children in the UK and Pakistan   Rubina HAKEEM
1997   PhD   London, LSE   India’s information technology industry: adapting to globalisation and policy change in the 1990s   Gopalakrishnan HARINDRANATH
1997   PhD   Cambridge, Girton   State and local power relations in the towns of Gujerat, Surat and Cambray, c.1572-1740   F HASAN   Dr G Johnson
1997   PhD   Exeter   The organisation, development and management of the population training programmes: a case study in Bangladesh   Md Akhter HOSSAIN   Dr A Ankomah; C Allison
1997   PhD   Reading   Involving women in the process of rural development: a project case study from Balochistan, Pakistan   U HUBNERR
1997   MPhil   London, Goldsmith’s   Significant other: Anglo Indian female authors, 1880-1914   Karyn Marie HUENEMANN   Dr B Moore-Gilbert
1997   PhD   Cambridge, Queens’   Public housing in Hong Kong   E C M HUI   Dr B J Pearce
1997   PhD   East London   Law as a site of resistance: recourse to the law by “garments women” in Bangladesh   Farmin ISLAM   Dr Hilary Lim; Prof J Cooper
1997   PhD   Middlesex   The impact of flooding and methods of assessment in urban areas of Bangladesh   K N ISLAM
1997   DPhil   Sussex   Democratic adjustment: explaining the political sustainability of economic reform in India    Robert S JENKINS   Prof J Manor
1997   PhD   Cambridge, Newnham   Labour and nationalism in Sholapur: conflict, confrontation and control in a Deccan city, Western India, 1918-39   M N KAMAT   Dr R S Chandavakar
1997   PhD   London, LSE   Political communication in India   Kavita KARAN   Prof T J Nossiter
1997   PhD   Cambridge, Churchill   The social history of the Rajput clans in colonial North India circa 1800-1900   Malavika KASTURI   Prof C A Bayley
1997   PhD   Aberdeen   Sustainability of small-holder sugar cane based production systems in Sri Lanka   Adhikari P KEERTHIPALA
1997   PhD   Manchester   The market for local capital for small firms in Bangladesh: loan evaluation, monitoring and contracting practices   Mohammed Hassanul Abedin KHAN   P Taylor
1997   PhD   Reading   Improving precision of agricultural field experiments in Pakistan   M I KHAN
1997   PhD   London, Wye   The mango production and marketing system in Sindh Pakistan: constraints and opprtunities   A M KHUSHK
1997   PhD   Aberdeen   Factors influencing adoption of farm level tree planting in social forestry in Orissa, India   A K MAHAPATRA
1997   PhD   Bradford   The quality of higher education in Pakistan: an exploration into the quality of curriculum taught in the universities   M J MALIK
1997   PhD   Surrey   Management consultancies in developing countries: strategies for a competetive era – the case of Pakistan   S H MALLICK
1997   PhD   Cambridge, St John’s   Non-seccessionist regionalism in India: the demand for a separate state of Uttarakhand   E E MAWDSLEY   Dr S E Corbridge
1997   PhD   Cambridge   Sadhana and salvation: soteriology in Ramanuja and John Wesley   P R MEADOWS
1997   PhD   Wales, Cardiff   The unit head nurse in Pakistani hospitals: current and desired levels of practice   G P MILLER
1997   PhD   Edinburgh   The lunatic asylum in British India, 1857-1880: colonialism, medicine and power   James Henry MILLS   Dr C N Bates; Dr P J Bailey
1997   PhD   London, SOAS   The making of a cultural identity: language, literature and gender in Orissa in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries   Pragati MOHAPATRA   Dr P G Robb
1997   PhD   Leicester   Conceptualising post-colonial policing: an analysis and application of policing public order   S C MUKHOPADHYAY
1997   DPhil   Sussex   Small firm industrial districts in Pakistan   Khalid M NADVI   Dr H Schmitz
1997   DPhil   Oxford, St Antony’s   British and American Army counterinsurgency learning during the Malaysian emergency and the Vietnam War   J A M NAGL
1997   PhD   London, External   Constitutional breakdown and the judiciary in Pakistan   M F NASEEM
1997   PhD   Sheffield   The external environment of housing in the third world: sustainability and user satisfaction in planned and unplanned low-income housing in Lahore, Pakistan   N NAZ
1997   PhD   London, UC   Dynamics of urban spatial and formal changes of old Dhaka: a developmental influence on a historical city of the Third World   Farida NILUFAR   Alan Penn
1997   PhD   London, SOAS   The Hindi public sphere, 1920-1940   Francesca ORSINI   Dr A S Kalsi
1997   PhD   London, InstChild Health   Iodine deficiency in the Northern Pujab of Pakistan   M POULTON
1997   PhD   REading   Studies on weed management during early establishment of tea in low-country of Sri Lanka   K G PREMATILAKA
1997   PhD   Reading   The effect of defoliation of vetch, barley and their mixtures on forage yield, quality and residual effects on succeeding crops in the rainfed areas of Pakistan   I A QAMAR
1997   PhD   Cambridge, Lucy    Shifting culture in the global terrain: cultural identity constructions amongst British Hindu Punjabis   D S RAJ   Dr S N Bensen
1997   PhD   Manchester   The rural poor and technological change: an enquiry into agricultural extention in Sri Lanka   T T RANASINGHE   Dr J Mullen
1997   PhD   Bradford   Environmental education and agricultural education in Pakistan   G RASUL
1997   PhD   London, SOAS   Social history of North Bengal, c.1870-1949   Rubhajyoti RAY   Dr P G Robb
1997   PhD   Cambridge, St Cath’s   Indian elites, urban space and the restructuring of Ahmedabad city, 1890-1947   Siddhartha RAYCHAUDHURI   Prof C A Bayly
1997   PhD   City   Military rule and the media: a study of Bangladesh    REZWAN-UL-ALAM
1997   PhD   London, LSE   The Kalbelias of Rajasthan: Jogi Nath snake charmers, an ethnography   Miriam ROBERTSON   Dr J Parry; Dr J Woodburn
1997   MPhil   Open   The role of caste in prostitution: culture and violence in the life histories of prostitutes in India   M R ROZARIO
1997   PhD   Hull   A socio-economic assessment of collective choices in the coastal trawl fishery of Malaysia   K H SALIM
1997   PhD   London, LSHTM   Contraception following birth in Bangladesh   S M SALWAY   Prof J Cleland
1997   PhD   Nottingham   People’s participation in community development and community work activities: a case study in a planned village settlement in Malaysia   Asnarulkhadi Abu SAMAH
1997   PhD   Bristol   A basket of resources: women’s resistence to domestic violence in Calcutta   P SEN
1997   MPhil   Reading   Evaluation of adoption levels of innovations in coffee in relation to technology transfer process in the Central Province of Sri Lanka   M A P K SENEVIRATNE
1997   PhD   Kent   Choice and collection of agricultural survey data in Punjab and its use in planning improved food supply   Javid SHABBIR   Mr G M Clarke
1997   DPhil   Sussex   Participatory village resource management: case study of Aga Khan Rural Support Programme (AKRSP), India   Parmesh SHAH   Dr M T Howes
1997   PhD   London, SOAS   The formation of the Indo-European telegraph line: Britain, the Ottoman Empire and Persia, 1855-1865   Sulieman SHAHVAR   R M Burrell
1997   PhD   Cambridge, Emmanuel   The development of an Indian nuclear doctrine since 1980   W P S SIDHU   Dr I Clark
1997   PhD   Leeds   Gender and nation in selected contemporary writing from Sri Lanka, India and Pakistan   N M S SILVA
1997   PhD   York   Changing attitudes to design with nature: the urban Indian context   P SINGH
1997   PhD   Cambridge, Emmanuel   Pollution and environmental policy in the Ganga Basin: a case study of heavy metal pollution by tanneries near Kanpur, India   S SINHA   Dr K S Richards
1997   PhD   East Anglia   Framing the nation: languages of “modernity” in India   Ajanta SIRCAR
1997   PhD   London, UC   Islamic anthropology and religious practice among Muslims in a southern Sri Lankan town   Llyn Frances SMITH   Prof B Kapferer
1997   PhD   Sussex   The formal and informal sector of solid waste management in Hyderabad, India   Marielle SNEL   Dr T Binns
1997   PhD   London, UC   Urban development and the information technology industry: a study of Bangalore, India   Sampath SRINIVAS   Ms Julie Davila
1997   PhD   London   Land policies in Delhi: their contribution to unauthorised land development   K SRIRANGAN
1997   PhD   Southampton   Coronary heart disease, diabetes, serum lipid concentrations and lung function in relation to fetal growth in South India   C E STEIN
1997   PhD   Open   The involvement of the Church of Pakistan in development   P SULTAN
1997   PhD   Salford   Off-farm activities in India: a case stury of rural househlds in Rurka Kalan Development Block, Punjab, c. 1961-1993   S S SUPRI
1997   PhD   Cambridge, Robinson   Gandhara art in the Swat Valley, Pakistan: a study based on the Peshawar University collection   M F SWATI   Dr J R Knox
1997   PhD   Reading   The compound verb in Assamese   J TAMULI
1997   MPhil   Newcastle   Socio-economic problems of second genertion settelrs in Mahaweli irigation settlement in Sri Lanka   T M P B TENNAKOON
1997   PhD   London, SOAS   The political economy of Burma   TIN MAUNG MAUNG THAN   Prof R Taylor
1997   PhD   Warwick   Reconstructing the history of women’s participation in the nationalist movement in India, 1905-1945: a study of women activitists inUttar Prqdesh   Suruchi THAPAR-BJORKERT   Dr C Wolkowitz; Ms Joanna Liddle
1997   PhD   London, LSE   Spiritual communities in India   Dimitrios THEODOSSOPOULOS   Dr P Loizos
1997   DPhil   Oxford, New   Rajput painting in Mewar   A S TOPSFIELD
1997   PhD   Manchester   The role of management control systems in privatisation: a labour process analysis of a Bangladeshi case study   S N UDDIN
1997   PhD   Cambridge, Clare Hall   Distribution improving development policies for Bangladesh: applying the equilibrium framework   W J A VAN DER GEEST   Prof D M G Newbery
1997   MPhil   City   Women, gender and news values: a case study of Bangladesh   F R VEENA
1997   PhD   Kingston   Miocene-aged extension within the main mantle thrust zone, Pakistan Himalaya   K J VINCE   Dr P Treloar; Dr J Grocott
1997   PhD   London, SOAS   The development of Siraiki language in Pakistan   M A WAGHA
1997   PhD   Cambridge, King’s   Worth its weight: gold, women and value in North West India   H WARD   Dr C Humphrey
1997   PhD   London, Birkbeck   Colonialism and culture in nineteenth century British India   Caroline L WEAVER
1997   PhD   Cambridge   Hedgerow intercropping for soil improvement in Sri Lanka   S M WEERASINGHE
1997   PhD   London, LSHTM   Control of anopheline vectors in a gem mining area in Sri Lanka   A M G M YAPABANDARA
1998   PhD   Liverpool   Malaria and malarial control in Jeli Peninsular Malaysia   M R ABDULLAH
1998   PhD   Reading   The management practices and organisational culture of large Malaysian construction contractors   R ABU BAKER
1998   MPhil   Aberdeen   The determination of sheep and goat prices in the markets of Balochistan – Pakistan   M AFZAL
1998   PhD   London, SOAS   Litigating in the name of the people: stresses and strains of the development of public interest litigation in Bangladesh   Naim AHMED
1998   PhD   London, UC   An approach for the prevention of thalassaemia in Pakistan   S AHMED
1998   PhD   Leeds   Foreign direct investment in Pakistan   M AKHTAR   Hugo Radice
1998   PhD   Durham   Water rationality: mediating the Indus Waters Treaty   U Z ALAM   Dr J D Rigg
1998   PhD   Bath   Fish consumption behaviour in Bangladesh   Zulfiqar ALI   Prof Chris Heady; Dr J A McGregor
1998   DPhil   Oxford   Operationalizing Amartya Sen’s capability approach to human development: a framework for identifying valuable capabilities   Sabina ALKIRE
1998   PhD   Reading   The impact of Anand Pattern Cooperative Societies on the status of women in dairying households in Kerala, India   S S ANIL
1998   PhD   London, SOAS   The politics of time: “primitives” and the writing of history in colonial Bengal   Prathama BANERJEE   Prof D J Arnold
1998   PhD   Bristol   Scripture as empowerment for liberation and justice: the experience of Christian and Muslim women in Bangaldesh   Mukti BARTON   Prof U King
1998   PhD   Nottingham   The protection of human rights in Islamic Republic of Pakistan with special reference to Islamic Shari’ah under 1973 Constitution   A H BOKHARI
1998   PhD   Wales, Cardiff   A comparison of vocational schools and industrial training institutes in Malaysia   A BRAHIM
1998   PhD   London, SOAS   The Nayak temple complex: architecture and ritual in southern Tamilnadu, 1550-1700   Crispin Peter C BRANFOOT   Dr G Tillotson
1998   PhD   Bristol   Studies in early Indian Madhyamaka epistemology   David F BURTON   Dr P Williams; Dr R Gethin
1998   PhD   Cambridge   Agency, animacy and personification in “A passage to India”   R BUZZA
1998   MPhil   Birmingham   Identifying the requirements of a parent education programme for the primary prevention of child physical abuse in the Indian State of Maharashtra   M CAESAR
1998   PhD   Birmingham   Recent structural reforms in India: the role of the government   S CHATTERJEE
1998   PhD   Manchester   Gender implications of industrial reforms and adjustment in the manufacturing sector of Bangladesh   Salma CHAUDHURI ZOHIR   Ms D Elson
1998   PhD   Wales, Swansea   Order and diversity: representing and assisting organisational learning in non government aid organisations [Bangladesh]   Richard J DAVIES   Prof A Rew
1998   PhD   Kent   Law, nation and cosmology in Sri Lanka: deconstruction and the failure of closure   B R DE SILVE WIJEYERATNE
1998   PhD   Cambridge, Darwin   Muslim women in colonial North India, c.1920-1947: politics, law and community identity   Karin A DEUTSCH   Dr R O’Hanlon
1998   PhD   Bath   Factors influencing the growth of sustainable people’s organisations at grassroots level: the case of Caritas DEEDS and Sangathan in Bangladesh   Benedict D’ROZARIO
1998   PhD   Aberdeen   South Asia: a case study of a subordinate internaltional system approach with a speicla reference fo India’s security policy during the Cold War   B DUSADEEISARIYAWONG
1998   PhD   London   Childhood cataract in South India: aetiology, management and outcome   M B ECKSTEIN
1998   PhD   Leeds   Neighbourhood perceptiopns of health and the value placed on health care deliverers in the slums of Mumbai   Nick EMMEL   Dr Ray Bush; J Soussan
1998   PhD   Strathclyde   Patrick Geddes, education and society in colonial India   Michael EYRE   Prof B R Tomlinson
1998   PhD   London, LSE   Migrants to citizens: changing orientations among Bangladeshis of Tower Hamlets, London   K S GAVRON
1998   PhD   Bradford   Evaluating the performance of public infrastructure: the case of electric power and telecommications in Pakistan   A G GHAFOOR
1998   PhD   Bradford   Budget deficits and the economy: the macro-economic effects of budget deficits in Sri Lanka, 1978-1996   Nandana Wijesiri GOONEWARDENA   Prof C Kirkpatrick; Mr Roland Clarke
1998   MPhil   Bradford   An assessment of the survival of dairy residues associated with archaeological and ethnographic ceramics: GC and GC/MS analysis of lipid residues extracted from archaeological (Bronze Age Harappa)and ethnographic (modern Pakistan and India)ceramic vessels   S M GRAYSON
1998   PhD   Southampton   Household structure, health and mortality in three Indian states   Paula L GRIFFITHS   Dr P Hinde
1998   PhD   London, Goldsmiths   Local politics in the Suru Valley of northern India   Nicola GRIST   Dr Sophie Day
1998   PhD   London, LSHTM   The impact of peer counsellers on breast feeding practices in Dhaka, Bangladesh   Rukhsana HAIDER

1998    PhD    Oxford Brookes    Spatial setting of manufacturing activities in the metropolitan cities of developing countries: the example of Dhaka, Bangladesh    Mahmudul HASAN
1998    DPhil    Oxford, Jesus    The Hindu Kush of Pakistan: mountain range evolution from an active margin to continent-continent collision    P R HILDEBRAND    Prof J F Dewe; Dr M P Searle
1998    PhD    London, Institute of Child Health    Iodine nutrition, cognition and school achievement of Bangladeshi schoolchildren    S N HUDA
1998    PhD    Open    Education as a missionary tool: a study in Christian missionary education by English Protestant missionaries in India with special reference to cultural change    J C INGLEBY
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    Urban planning in new Bombay: physical and socio-economic growth and development of a counter-magnet in India    Alain JAQUEMIN
1998    PhD    Open    A critical and comparative study of the relationship between missionary strategy, Dalit consciousness and socio-economic transformation in the missionary work by SPG among the Nadar and Paraiya communities of Tirunelveli District between 1830 and 1930    S JAYAKUMAR
1998    PhD    Birmingham    Portfolio behaviour ofIslamic banks: case studies for Pakistan, 1974-1994, and Iran, 1984-1994    K A A KAGIGI
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    Performative politics: artworks, festival praxis and nationalism with reference to Ganipatil Utsav in western India    Raminder Kaur KAHLON    Dr C Pinney
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    The Vishnu Hindu Parishad in the rise of Hindu militancy in India    Manjari KATJA    Dr Taylor
1998    PhD    Bradford    Foreign aid as a determinant of health expenditure, life expectancy at birth and infant mortality rate in Pakistan, 1971-1990    S G H KAZMI
1998    PhD    Reading    Farmers’ objectives and the choice of new crops in the irrigated farming systems of Pakistan’s Punjab    M A KHAN
1998    PhD    Reading    Improving the potential for adoption of agricultural technology through enhanced use of the mass media and the religious community in disadvantaged environments in Pakistan    N KHAN
1998    MPhil    Salford    Pakistan’s and international textile and clothing trade regime    S M KHAN
1998    MPhil    Manchester    Women’s access to credit and gender relations in Bangladesh    Mubina KHONDKAR    Dr D Hulme; Dr U Kothari
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    Politics of mass literacy in India; a case study of two North Indian villaages under the “Total Literacy” campaign (198-1995)    Ajay KUMAR    Dr S Kaviraj
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    Contesting seclusion: the political emergence of Muslim women in Bhopal, 1901-1930    Siobhan LAMBERT-HURLEY    Dr A A Powell
1998    PhD    Cambridge, Clare    Prosodic prominence in Singapore English    E L LOW    Dr F J D Nolan
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    Pativratas and Kupattis: gender, caste and identity in Punjab, 1870-1920    Anshu MALHOTRA    Dr A A Powell
1998    PhD    Warwick    Modelling macroeconomic adjustment with growth in developing economies: the case of India    Sushanta Kumar MALLICK
1998    PhD    London, UC    Religion, ritual and the pantheon amongst the Sinhalese Buddhist traders of Kandy City, Sri Lanka    Desmond MALLIKARACHCHI    Prof Bruce Kapferer; Dr Danny Miller
1998    DPhil    Sussex    Rapid credit deepening and the joint liability of credit contract: a study of Grameen Bank borrowers in Madhupur    Imran MATIN
1998    PhD    Leeds    Spatial and temporal change in the caste system: the Punjab to Bradford    D J MEDWAY
1998    DPhil    Sussex    Contexts of scarcity: the political economy of water in Kutch, India    Lyla MEHTA    Dr M Greeley
1998    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    Popular princes: kingship and social change in Travancore and Cochin, 1870-1930    Vikram MENON    Prof J M Brown; Dr D A Washbrook
1998    PhD    Manchester    Perception of adolescent problems by form four malay students in Sarawak, Malaysia    Z MERAWI
1998    DPhil    Sussex    The peculiar mission of Christian womanhood: the selection and preparation of women missionaries of the Church of England Zenana Missionary Society, 1880-1920    Jennifer MORAWIECKI    C A Dyhouse; Prof P M Thane
1998    PhD    Dundee    Approaches to the integrated management of potato cyst nematode in Pakistan    A MUNIR
1998    PhD    Wales    A study of the relation between Christianity and Khasi-Jaintia culture, 1899-1969, with particular reference to the theology and practice of the Khasi-Jaintia Presbyterian Church    L MYLLIEMNGAP
1998    PhD    London, Wye    The pineapple industry in Sri Lanka: constraints and opportunities for its future development    Arumugam NAGENDRAM
1998    PhD    Southampton    Study of rice blast fungus Magnaporthe grisea (Herbert)of Bangladesh    N S NAHAR
1998    PhD    London, LSHTM    A study of policy process and implementation of the national tuberculosis programme India    Thelma NARAYAN
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    English in the colonial university and the politics of language: the emergence of a public sphere in western India, 1830-1880    Veena NAREGAL    Dr S Kaviraj
1998    PhD    Southampton    Women in Bangladesh: a study of the effects of garment factory work on control over income and autonomy    M H NEWBY
1998    MPhil    Oxford, Hertford    Homeward bound ? the influence of the national norm on voluntary repatriation on the construction of Indian refugee policy with reference to the Bangladeshi Jumma refugees and the Sri Lanka Tamil refugees    Pia A OBEROI
1998    PhD    Southampton    Theorising nuclear weapons proliferation: understanding the nuclear policies of India, South Africa, North Korea and Ukraine    T OGILVIE-WHITE
1998    PhD    Queen’s, Belfast    Credit and women’s relative well-being: a case study of the Grameen Bank, Bangladesh    L N K OSMANI
1998    PhD    Warwick    Pakistani children in Oslo: Islamic nurture in a secular context    Sissel OSTBERG

1998    PhD    London, UC    Control of childhood epilepsy in rural India    D K PAL
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    The politics of development and identity in the Jharkhand Region of Bihar (India), 1951-1991    Amit PRAKASH
1998    PhD    Bristol    The Assam Movement and the construction of Assamese identity    G PRICE
1998    PhD    Lancaster    Social access to housing: a study of low-income settlements around the walled city of Amritsar, Punjab, India    N K PUREWAL
1998    PhD    Aberdeen    An analysis of beef and bovine marketing systems in Pothwar Plateau of Punjab, Pakistan    A H QURESHI
1998    PhD    Aberdeen    An analysis of beef and bovine marketing systems in Pothwar Plateau of Punjab, Pakistan    A H QURISHI
1998    PhD    Reading    The role of the migrant moneylenders in North East India: the Kabuliwallahs of Assam    S RAFIQUE
1998    MPhil    Newcastle    Integrated crop growth modelling system for Barind in Bangladesh    M S RAHMAN
1998    PhD    Kent    Socio legal status of Bengali women in Bangladesh: implications for development    S RAHMAN
1998    PhD    Wales, Bangor    Risk, store of wealth and land use choice: a socio-economic analysis of farmer adoption of woodlots in Karnataka, India    D RAVINDRAN
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    Idealizing motherhood: the brahmanical discourse on women in ancient India (c500 BCE-300CE)    Ujjayini RAY    Dr I J Leslie
1998    DPhil    Oxford, Somerville    British women writers on India between the mid-eighteenth century and 1857    Rosemary A RAZA    Prof J M Brown; Mr J M Prest
1998    PhD    London, LSE    Organisational identification of managers in multinational corporations: a quantitative case study in India and Pakistan    C E W READE
1998    PhD    London, RHBNC    Intense weathering regimes of Deccan basalts    Jennifer Lesley REEVES    Dr J N Walsh
1998    PhD    Leeds    Sedimentology and dynamics of mega-dunes, Jamuna River, Bangladesh    Julie Elizabeth RODEN    Prof P Ashworth
1998    PhD    Newcastle    Owner-occupiers’ transformation of public low-cost housing in Peninsular Malaysia    Azizah SALIM    Dr A G Tipple
1998    PhD    Strathclyde    A study in inter-sectoral relations of linkages, trade and technology: the case of Bangladesh (an application of input-output analysis)    Mohammed SALIMULLAH    Prof I McNicoll
1998    PhD    Wales, Swansea    Contraband trade between Sri Lanka and India    M SARVATHAN    Mr J Whetton
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    The transitional state: Congress and government in Uttar Pradesh, India, 1947-1955    Suhit Kumar SEN    Dr P G Robb
1998    PhD    Manchester    Gender implications of economic reforms in the education sector in India-care of Haryana abd Madhya Pradesh    Manju SENAPATY    Ms D Elson
1998    PhD    Cambridge, St Cath’s    The creation of religious identities in the Punjab, c,1850-1920    Anil SETHI    Prof C A Bayly
1998    PhD    Reading    Relative efficiency of crop production n the cotton-wheat cropping system of Pakistan’s Punjab    M SHAFIQ
1998    PhD    Nottingham    Educational management: an exploratory study of management roles and possibilities of management development at college level in AJK, Pakistan    Saeeda Jahan Ara SHAH    Dr M Parker-Jenkins; Dr M Griffiths
1998    DPhil    Oxford, Worcester    Muslim politics in the North West Frontier Province, 1937-1947    Sayed W A SHAH    Prof J M Brown
1998    PhD    Reading    Economic and non-economic factors that influence the adoption of no-tillage technologies at farm level in rice-wheat and cotton-wheat areas of Pakistana’s Punjab    A D SHEIKH
1998    PhD    Bradford    Project performance and the impact of official development assistance: aid to agricultural development in Pakistan    M K SHEIKH
1998    MLitt    Aberdeen    Selective evaluation of the cycle of women’s status through religious and social practices with special reference to Bengal    S K SIRKAR
1998    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    Transplanting liberal education: higher education in 19th century Bombay Presidency, India    Anne H E SLIWKA    Prof J M Brown
1998    MPhil    Newcastle    The Permatent emergency shelter cum roofing unit for Bangladesh    David SORRILL    Dr A G Tipple
1998    PhD    Cambridge, Queens’    Colonialism and linguistic knowledge: John Gilchrist and the representation of Urdu in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries    R D STEADMAN-JONES    Dr V A Law
1998    PhD    London, LSHTM    Child work and school attendance in urban India    H TAYLOR    Prof I Timaeus; N Crook (SOAS)
1998    PhD    Edinburgh    Building Christianity on Indian foundations: the theological legacy of Brahmabandav Upadhyay (1861-1907)    Timothy Craig TENNENT
1998    PhD    Leeds    Homelands and the representation of cultural and political identity in selected South Asian texts, 1857 to the present    g f h TICKELL
1998    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    Between two civilisations: history and self representation of Bangladeshi Buddhism    Paola G TINTI    Prof R F Gombrich
1998    PhD    Kent    Readings in the works of Michael Ondaatje (1963-1982)    Monica TURCI    Prof C L Innes
1998    PhD    Queens, Belfast    Formal and de facto states of emergency: the Indian experience, 1947-1997    K S VENKATESWARAN
1998    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    Studies on the biology and control of Tropilaelaps clareae: Asian parasitic brood mite in Apis mellifera colonies in Islamabad, Pakistan    Camphour E S WAGHCHOURE
1998    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    Studies on the biology and control or Tropilaelaps clareae: Asian parasitic brood mites in Apis mellifera colonies in Islamabad, Pakistan    Elizabeth S WAGHCHOURE-CAMPHOR
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    India’s small scale industry policy: an evaluation and a case study    Trevor L WILLIAMS
1998    PhD    Aberdeen    Studies on weed populations in sugar cane in Sri Lanka    W R G WITHARAMA
1998    PhD    Strathclyde    Industrialization and economic growth: a case study of Bangladesh    A K M ZASHEEM UDDIN AHMED    Dr M M Huq
1998    PhD    Bristol    Sangathan: the pursuit of a Hindu ideal in colonial India: the idea of organisation in the emergence of Hindu nationalism, 1870-1930    John ZAVOS    Prof U King
1998    PhD    Ulster    Groundwater pollution and its environmental impact in Karachi Region (Pakistan)    A ZUBAIR
1999    PhD    London. LSE    Banking and debt recovery: a comparative study of the law and practice in India, Sri Lanka and Malaysia    Sonil G ABEYRATNE
1999    PhD    Oxford Brookes    A micro-level view of low-income rural housing in Bangaldesh    K I AHMED
1999    PhD    Cambridge    A political economy of industrial policy and development: a comparative study of Pakistan and Malaysia    A AKHLAQUE    Industrial productivity
1999    MPhil    Newcastle    An appraisal of processes of soil degradation in the Barind Tract, Bangladesh    S M M ALAM
1999    PhD    Leeds    Urban women in households and in the labour market under structural adjustment policy and programmes: a case study of Pakistani working women    K ALI
1999    DPhil    Oxford, Magdalen    Operationalising Amartya Sen’s capability approach: a framework for identifying valuable capabilities    S M ALKIRE    Prof F J Stewart; Prof J M Finnis
1999    PhD    Manchester    Economic reform in India since 1991 with particular reference to direct foreign investment and privatisation    Thanhkom ARUN    Prof F Nixson
1999    PhD    Hull    Opium and heroin production in Pakistan    A Z ASAD
1999    DPhil    York    Biodiversity and community ecology of mangrove plants, molluscs and crustaceans in two mangrove forests in Peninsular Malaysia in relation to local management practices    E C ASHTON
1999    PhD    Southampton    A multilevel model of the impact of health services on child mortality in Bangladesh    Michael Dennis ASHTON    Dr J McDdonald
1999    PhD    Southampton    Genetic diversity of jackfruit in Bangladesh and development of propagation methods    A K AZAD
1999    PhD    London, King’s    Nuclear weapons in the Indo-Pakistan conflict    Sanjay BADRI-MAHARAJ
1999    PhD    Leicester    The growth of farm firms through production,investment and capital formation in the rice-wheat zone of the Punjab Province of Pakistan    K A BAJWA
1999    PhD    Aberdeen    An economic analysis of farm household pluriactivity in Sri Lanka    G BALASURIYA
1999    DPhil    Oxford, St Cross    This work on Oriya literature and the Jagannath cult, 1866-1936: quest for identity    Subhakanta BEHERA    Dr F A Nizami
1999    PhD    London, UC    Structure of the DP in Bangla    Tanmoy BHATTACHARYA
1999    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    The politics of religious identity in South Asia in the late nineteenth century     Torkel BREKKE    Prof R F Gombrich
1999    MSc    Stirling    Investigations to the biology and ecology of an unidentified isopod affecting the CARE CAGES aquaculture programme, Bangladesh    P BULCOCK
1999    DPhil    Sussex    The global and the local in the post-colonial: popular music in Calcutta (1992-1997)    R CHAKRAVARTY
1999    PhD    London, SOAS    Change and continuity in Naqshbandi Sufism: Mujaddidi branch and its Hindu environment    T W P DAHNHARDT    Prof C Shackle
1999    PhD    Ulster    Traveller acts: a critical ethngraphy of backpacker India    K J DAVIDSON
1999    PhD    London , LSE    Tamil warps and wefts: an anthropological study of urban weavers in South India    Geert Raymond DE NEVE    Prof C Fuller; Prof J Parry
1999    PhD    London, Wye    Amelioration of the physical conditions of sandy soils with organic amendments under tropical conditions    S H S A DE SILVA
1999    PhD    Cambridge, Jesus    Youth, gender and community change: a case study of Bangladeshi students in an inner city    Eva DEBNATH    Dr M M Arnot
1999    PhD    Bath    One foot in each boat: the macro politics and micro sociology of NGOs in Bangladesh    Joseph DEVINE    Dr G D Wood; Dr A McGregor
1999    PhD    London, RHUL    The image of the prophet in Bengali Muslim piety, 1850-1950    Amit DEY    Prof F C R Robinson
1999    PhD    London, RHBNC    Images of the Prophet in Bengali Muslim piety, 1850-1950    Amit DEY    Prof F R C Robinson
1999    PhD    London, LSE    Women and gold: gender and urbanisation in comtemporary Bengal    Fentje Henrike DONNER    Dr J F Parry; Dr C Fuller
1999    DPhil    Oxford, Linacre    A study of the origin, evolution and role in society of a group of chiselled steel Hindu arms and armour from Southern India, c.1400-1800 A D    Robert F W ELGOOD    Dr Schuyler Jones

1999   PhD   Cambridge, Churchill   Caste, ethnicity and nation in the politics of the Muslims of Tamil Nadu, 1930-1967   S M A K FAKHRI   Dr R S Chandravarkar
1999   PhD   Cambridge, Selwyn   The ecology and behaviour of the pig-tailed macaque (Macaca Nemestrina Leonina)in Bangladesh   M M FEEROZ
1999   PhD   Wales   At the feet of the goddess: a comparative study of local goddess worship in Khurdapur, a village settlement in Orisssa and Cholavandan, a small town in Tamil Nadu   L F FOULSTON
1999   PhD   Leeds   Socio-economic changes in the peri-urban villages in Penang, Malaysia   Suriati GHAZALI   Dr D Preston
1999   PhD   London, SOAS   The dynamics of scientific culture under a colonial state: Western India, 1823-1880   Vaswati Bidhan Chandra GHOSH   Prof P G Robb
1999   PhD   Southampton   A passage from India: British women travelling home, 1915-1947   Georgina GOWANS
1999   PhD   London, External   Solid waste management: a case study of Delhi   V I GROVER
1999   PhD   Aberdeen   A study of factors influencing participation in joint forest management in the northwest Himalayas, India   H K GUPTA
1999   PhD    Southampton   British relations with the Marathas under the Wellesley regime    William A C HALLIWELL   Dr C M Woolgar
1999   PhD   Leeds   A corpus-based study of apposition in written Malay   H A HAROON
1999   PhD   London, UC   The vulnerability of the Dupi Tila Aquifer, Daka, Bangladesh   Muhammed Kamrul HASAN   Dr W G Burgess; Dr J Dottridge
1999   PhD   London, LSHTM   The prevalence of reproductive tract infections in rural Bangladesh   Sarah Jane HAWKES
1999   PhD   Warwick   The colonial city and the challenge of modernity: urban hegemonies and civic contestations in Bombay City, 1905-1925   H HAZAREESINGH
1999   PhD   Warwick   Gandhi and the Muslim question   Sandip HAZARIESINGH   Dr D A Washbrook
1999   PhD   London   Malaria in Afghan refugee communities in North-Western Pakistan: appropriate strategies for vector control and personal protection   S E HEWITT
1999   PhD   London, SOAS   Kings, things and courtly ideal in pre-colonial south India, 1500-1800   Jennifer Anne HOWES   Dr Giles Tillitson
1999   PhD   Cambridge, Clare   The Gujerati literati and the construction of a regional identity in the late 19th century   Riho ISAKA   Dr R S Chandavarkar
1999   DPhil   Sussex   The Grameen Bank: rhetoric and reality   Sanae ITO   Dr M T Greeley
1999   PhD   Stirling   Gender and management: factors affecting career advancement of women in the federal civil service of Pakistan   N JABEEN
1999   PhD   Wales, Aberystwyth   Hindu identity, nationalism and globalization   S R JACOBS
1999   PhD   Reading   Residual effect of phosphate fertiliser measured using the Olsen method in Pakistani soils   Shahid JAVID
1999   PhD   Edinburgh   When horizons darken: the process and experience of religious conversion among Sri Lankan Tamil refugees in London   A W JEBANESAN
1999   DPhil   Oxford, Nuffield   Press and Empire: the London press, government news management and India, c.1900-1922   Chandrika KAUL   Dr J G Darwin
1999   PhD   Edinburgh   Informal Islamic leadership in a Bangladeshi village   Jeffrey William John KEMP
1999   PhD   Wales, Aberystwyth   The economics of milk production and marketing in the development of Pakistan with special reference to Peshawar District   M KHAN
1999   PhD   Essex   Narratives of rise and fall: family, memory and mobility in Jaipur City   Ajay K KHANDELWAL   Prof P Thompson
1999   PhD   Durham   The provision of infrastructure services in Rohtak and Bhiwani Districts, Haryana, India, 1981-1998: a geographical analysis   N KUMAR
1999   PhD   Edinburgh   From people’s theatre to people’s Eucharist: resources from popular theatre for Eucharist reform in the Church of South India, Kerala State.   George KURUVILLA
1999   PhD   Nottingham   Spectrohistory: new historicism and beyond in Salman Rushdie’s novels   C-H LAI
1999   PhD   London, SOAS   Institutional and social change among the Muslims of Malabar, with special refernce to Calicut, 1870-1947   Lakshminarayayanapuram R S LAKSHMI   Dr Avril A Powell
1999   PhD   London, LSE   India’s relationship with the non-resident Indians, 1947-1996: a missed opportunity ?   Marie-Carine LALL
1999   PhD   London, SOAS   The Islamic marble carving and architecture of Cambay in Gujerat between 1200 and 1350: a collection of merits from difference sources   E A LAMBOURN
1999   DPhil   Oxford, St Antony’s   Science and related consciousness: a study of the response to modern science in colonial Bengal. c 1870-1930   John Bosco LOURDUSAMY   Dr D A Washbrook
1999   PhD   Manchester   Runoff modelling from large glacierised basins in the Karakoram Himalayas using remote sensing of the transient snowline   A LOWE
1999   MPhil   Edinburgh   The influence of light availability on attack by the mahogany shoot-borer (Hypsipyla rubusta Moore)in Sri Lanka   M R MAHROOF
1999   PhD   Kent   The interpretation of Islam and nationalism by the elite through the English language media in Pakistan   A L MAJOR
1999   PhD   Hull   Ethnicity and politics in the Kashmir Valley   I S MALIK
1999   PhD   London, LSHTM   Undernutrition and impaired functional ability amongst elderly slum dwellers in Mumbai, India   Mary C MANANDHAR
1999   PhD   East Anglia   Cotton leaf curl disease in Pakistan: molecular characterisation, diagnostics and genetically engineered virus resistance   S MANSOOR
1999   PhD   Birmingham   Some historical responses to disability in South Asia and reflections on service provision, with focus on mental retardation in India, Pakistan and Bangladesh, and some consideration of blindness   M MILES
1999   PhD   Kent   Sacred anthropology: a study of nondual conceptions of man in Hinduism and Christianity   J R MILNE
1999   PhD   Hull   Perception of Islam in Indian nationalist thought   A MISRA
1999   PhD   London, Inst Comm   The politics of privatisation in Bangladesh   Mobasser MONEM   Prof J Manor
1999   PhD   Cambridge, King’s   The Kisan world abd human rights: a displaced people of eastern India   Ranjit NAYAK   Dr K J Hart
1999   PhD   Salford   An analysius of information systems development across time and space: the case of outsourcing to Infia   Brian NICHOLSON
1999   MLitt   Oxford, St Anne’s   Shaikh Mohammad Abdulllah and the movement for Muslim female education in North India (1890-1945)   Farah NIZAMI   Prof J M Brown; Prof F Robinson
1999   DPhil   Oxford, Lincoln   India, parliament and the press under George III: a study of British attitudes towards the East India Company amd empire in the later 18th and early 19th centuries   Jeremy R OSBORN   Dr D A Washbrook
1999   DPhil   Oxford, Brasenose   Identity and institutions in ethnic conflict:the Muslims of Sri Lanka   Meghan L O’SULLIVAN   Dr N Gooptu
1999   PhD   Warwick   Labour and land rights of women in rural India with particular reference to Western Orissa   Reena PATEL
1999   PhD   Edinburgh   Legislating forests in colonial India, 1800-1880   Akhileshwar PATHAK
1999   DPhil   York   An environmental Leibenstein framework: population pressure, agricultural land use and and environmental change in Orissa (India)   Lopamudra PATNAIK   Prof C Perrings
1999   PhD   Edinburgh   Social and cultural processes of healing and rehabilitation in Sri Lanka   Abigail PENNY   Dr J Spencer
1999   PhD   City   Development and international business: an application to India   M RAMAN
1999   PhD   Liverpool   Fertility in Kerala: the impacts of social development policies and gender relations   Linda REICHENFELD   Prof R I Woods; Mr W T S Gould
1999   PhD   London    Paleoclimate of South Asia over the last 80 ka: luminescent ages of sediments from former glaciations in Nepal and Pakistan   B W M RICHARDS
1999   PhD   Nottingham   Fiscal response to foreign aid: applications to Pakistan and Costa Rica   S E RODRIGUEZ

2000   PhD   Cambridge, Newnham   Religion and the economics of fertility in South India   S IYER
2000   MPhil   London, Inst Ed   Privatisation and equity: the case of Pakistan urban secondary schools   B R JAMIL
2000   PhD    Exeter   The Penjdeh crisis and its impact on the Great Game and the defence of India, 1885-1897    Robert A JOHNSON   Prof J Black
2000   PhD   Cambridge, Darwin   The state and the political economy of industrial development in India: the automobile industry circa 1980-1996   Indraneel KARLEKAR   Dr S E Corbridge
2000   DPhil   Oxford, St Antony’s   Gender, identity and development among the Wakhi of northern Pakistan   Sabrina KASSAM-JAN   Dr D Parkes; Dr N J Allen
2000   PhD   Exeter   Drug addiction syndrome among university students in Pakistan   W KAUSAR
2000   PhD   Bath   Struggle for survival: networks and relationships in a Bangladesh slum   M Iqbal Alam KHAN   Prof G Wood; Dr J A McGregor
2000   PhD   Cambridge, Queens’   An empirical study of human resource management in a developing country – the case of the banking industry of Pakistan   Shaista Ensan KHILJI   Mr C G Gill
2000   PhD   Cambridge. Queens   Human resource management in a developing country: the case of banking industry in Pakistan   S E KHILJI   Mr C G Gill
2000   PhD   Cambridge, Fitzwilliam   A study of debates on Christian conversion in India, 1947-1999 from the perspective of Christian mission   Sebastian Chang-Hwan KIM   Dr B Stanley
2000   DPhil   Oxford, St Edmund Hall   The “domestic” world of the Mughals in the reigns of Babar, Humayan and Akbar (1500-1605)   Ruby LAL   Dr D A Washbrook; Dr J D Gurney
2000   PhD   East Anglia   Perceiving disability and practising community-based rehabilitiation: a critical examination with case studies from south India   R P LANG
2000   PhD   Keele   The internationalisation of Malaysian business and its relevance to Malay entrepreneurs   A J MAHAJAR
2000   PhD   Birmingham   The administration of waqf, pious endowment in Islam: a critical study of the State Islamic Religious Councils as the sole trustees of awqaf assets and the implementation of istibdal in Malaysia with special reference to the Federal Territory of Kuala Lumpur   S M MAHAMOOD
2000   PhD   Strathclyde   Price competetitiveness and performance of manufactured exports: the case of Pakistan   Seema K MAKHDOOMI   Dr M Huq; Prof J Love
2000   MPhil   Nottingham   Levels of flat ownership by middle-income households in Dhaka, Bangladesh   Nasima MATIN   Mr S Jalloh; Prof J C Moughtin
2000   MPhil   London, LSE   European images of India before the rise of orientalism in the late eighteenth century   Kyoko MATSUKAWA   Dr G Wilson
2000   PhD   East London   Thermal comfort in havelis of Jaisalmer   Jane MATTHEWS
2000   DPhil   Sussex   Distress diversification or growth linkages ? Explaining rural non-farm employment variations in Andhra Pradesh, India   Prasado R MECHARIA   D M Hunt
2000   PhD   Bradford   Social policy in Malaysia: a study of social support for the elderly in a rural area   N MOHAMED
2000   PhD   Oxford Brookes   Seismic interpretation and sequence stratigraphy of the offshore Indus basin of Pakistan   S MOHAMMAD
2000   PhD   London   Nationalism, literature and ideology in colonial India and occupied Egypt   A A MONDAL
2000   MPhil   Manchester   Burma and British Cold War policy, 1946-1951   Benjamin John MORRIS   Dr P C Lowe
2000   PhD   Cambridge, Trinity   Gender, work and familial ideology: women workers in the unorganised garment export industry, New Delhi, India   T MUKHOPADHYAY   Prof G P Hawthorn
2000   PhD   Newcastle   Supply reponse of major agricultural commodities in Pakistan   K MUSHTAQ
2000   MPhil   London, SOAS   Political economic dimensions of East Asian development: South Korea, India   Rajiv Chitazhi NARAYAN   Dr R H Taylor
2000   DPhil   Oxford, Christ Church   Conservation management of the tiger, Panthera Tigris Tigris, in Bandhavgarh National Park, India   Latika NATH   Dr D W MacDonald
2000   PhD   LSHTM   Epidemiological immunochemistry of Helicobacter pylori in Jessore, BBHangladesh   J NESSA
2000   PhD   Wales, Aberystwyth   An operational evaluation test of MEDLINE on CD-ROM in Malaysia with special reference to investigating practicable relevance-based perfoormance measures   Roslina OTHMAN
2000   PhD   Hull   Changing dimensions of single European Market: implications for the non-member countries – a case study on India’s textile and clothing exports   S Gnanasekara PANDIAN
2000   PhD   Cambridge, St John’s   Technology and environmental leapfrogging: three case studies from India   R M PERKINS   Dr B Vira
2000   PhD   London, LSE   Legal systems as a determinant of foreign direct investment: the case of Sri Lanka   Amanda Joan PERRY   Mr P Muchlinski
2000   PhD   Lancaster   A critical ethnography on the production of the Indian MBA discourse   E PRIYADHARSHINI
2000   PhD   Nottingham Trent   Douglarisation and the politics of Indian/African relations in Trinidad writing   Sheila RAMPERSAD
2000   PhD   Edinburgh   Another member of our family: aspects of television culture and social change in Varanasi, North India   Simon William ROBERTS   Dr A Good; Dr J Spencer
2000   PhD   Cambridge, Trinity   Communal conflict in Bengal, 1930-1947: political parties, the Muslim intelligentsia and the Pakistan Movement   Sulagna ROY   Dr R S Chandavarkar
2000   PhD   Cambridge   Matrilineal comunities, patriarchial realities: female headship in eastern Sri Lanka – a feminist economic reading   K N RUWANPURA   Mrs S Fennell
2000   MPhil   Newcastle   Modelling privatised minor irrigation systems in Bangladesh: an economic analysis   F I M G W SARKER
2000   PhD   Durham   The influence of British political thought in China and India: the cases of Sun Yat-Sen, Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru   N A SCOTT
2000   PhD   Wales, Bangor   The influence of farmer knowledge, shade and planting density on smallholder rubber/banana intercropping in Sri Lanka   A M W K SENEVIRATHNA
2000   DPhil   Sussex   Mother/child health and health care in Pakistan   Shafqat SHEHZAD   Mr P Chaudhuri; Dr A Wagstaff
2000   PhD   Southampton   Constitutional rights relating to criminal justice in South Asia: a comparison with the European Convention on Human Rights   Kabiniyage Buddhappriya Asola SILVA
2000   PhD   Warwick   Gendered labour process and flexibility: a study of jewellery production in India   U SONI-SINHA
2000   PhD   London, SOAS   The impact of Islamization on the Christian community of Pakistan   P SOOKHDEO
2000   PhD   Southampton   The impact of rural-urban migration on child survival in India   Robert STEPHENSON   Dr J McDdonald
2000   PhD   Open   Coproducing universal primary education in a context of social exclusion: households, community organisations and state administration in a district of Karnataka, India   R SUBRAHMANIAN
2000   PhD   Edinburgh   Development of a range management decision support system (RAMDSS)for forest planning in the Banavasi Range of the Western Ghats, India   Ramanathan SUGUMARAN
2000   PhD   Cambridge, Trinity   Women’s political strategies to combat poverty: a study of a squatter settlement in Dhaka   S M SULTAN   Dr R S Chandavarkar
2000   PhD   Cambridge, Wolfson   Mapping hinduism: “Hinduism” and the study of Indian religions, 1630-1776   Barry W H SWEETMAN   Dr J Lipner
2000   PhD   Essex   The perception of social support and the experience of depression in Pakistani women   E TAREEN
2000   PhD   Southampton   Rural poverty and the role of the non-farm sector in economic development: the Indian experience   M TIWARI
2000   PhD   Portsmouth   Illiteracy in India: a multi-level analysis   S VENKATASUBRAMANIAN
2000   PhD   Warwick   The influence of culture and politics on accounting change in India from 1947 to 1998   Shradda VERMA
2000   PhD   Cambridge, Corpus   Cranial diversity and the evolutionary history of South Asians   Samanti Dineshkumari WARUSAWITHANA KULATILAKE
2000   MPhil   Wales, Aberystwyth   Britain and the Muslims: imperial perceptions of Indian Muslims, 1914-1922   R A J WHITE
2000   MPhil   Oxford, St Cross   Released on both sides ? The origin and position of formless meditation in early Indian Buddhism   Alexander WYNNE   Prof R F Gombrich
2000   PhD   Edinburgh   The forest cooks and the people eat: nature and society in Mayurbhanj, Orissa   Hannele Kirsi Aija YLO’NEN
2000   PhD   Bradford   Agriculture and pastorarlism in the late Bronze Age, North West Frontier, Pakistan   R L YOUNG
2001   MPhil   Glasgow   Colonisation and Hijab: a case study of Egypt and India   N AHMAD
2001   PhD   Stirling   Socio-economic aspects of freshwater prawn culture development in Bangladesh   N AHMED
2001   PhD   Leeds   Thalassaemia carrier testing in pregnant Pakistani women: perceptions of “information ” and “consent”   Shenaz AHMED
2001   PhD   London, SOAS   Early Indian moulded terracotta: the emergence of an iconography and variations in style, circa second century BC to first century AD   Naman Parmeshwar AHUJA
2001   PhD   Essex   Pakistan’s export performance, 1972-1998   M AKBAR
2001   PhD   Durham   Slaves of water: indigenous knowledge of fisheries on the floodplain of Bangladesh   M ALAM
2001   PhD   Aberdeen   Evaluation of environmental sustainability of forest land use policies of Bangladesh   Mohammad ALI
2001   PhD   Aberdeen   The effects of low temperature and seed quality on the germination of fifteen rice (Oryza sative L)cultivars from Bangladesh   M G ALI
2001   PhD   Portsmouth   The rise of a service class culture in India: the software industry in Bangalore   Elaine ASSAR
2001   PhD   Portsmouth   The emergence of a new culture class: the software industry in Bangalore, India   Elain Risa ASSER   Dr P Churmer-Smit
2001   PhD   Brunel   The development of India’s crafts and their implication upon Indo-European furniture   N W BAMFORTH
2001   PhD   Strathclyde   A critique of tourism development planning: a case of Sri Lanka   H M BANDARA
2001   PhD   Wales, Bangor   Developing fodder resources on the forest grassland of tribal areas in western India   Peter George BEZKOROWAJNYI
2001   PhD   Bristol   Conceptions: an exploration of infertility and assisted conception in India   A BHARADWAJ
2001   PhD   Oxford, St Antony’s   The emergence of the Bombay film industry, 1913-1937   Kaushik BHAUMIK   Dr D A Washbrook
2001   PhD   Strathclyde   Consumer preferences and public policy: a case study of water supply and waste management in Madras (Chennai), India   A P BHAYAN KARAM
2001   PhD   Strathclyde   Contingent variation in a developing metropolis: an exploration of water and waste management in Madres   Anand Prathivadi BHAYANKARAM   Mr R Perman
2001   PhD   Kingston   The initiation and magmatic evolution of a juvenile island arc: the Kohistan arc, Pakistan Himalaya   S M BIGNOLD
2001   PhD   London, LSHTM   The rational use of blood in India: intervention to promote good transfusion practice   Timothy John BRAY
2001   PhD   Aberdeen   Chipko and crofter: land movements in northern India and the Highlands of Scotland   Nandini B CHADHA   Mr W T C Brotherstone; Dr J Forster
2001   PhD   Strathclyde   The impact of trade policy on growth in India   Ramesh CHANDRA   Prof J Love
2001   PhD   Cambridge, Girton   Colonial power and agrarian politics in Kheda District (Gujarat), c.1890-1930   Vinayak CHATURVEDI   Prof C A Bayly
2001   PhD   Leeds   Appropriate disposal of sewage in urban and suburban Sri Lanka   E J H COREA
2001   PhD   London, RHUL   Faith, unity, discipline: the making of a socio-political formation in urban India, Lahore,1935-1953   Markus DAECHSEL   Prof F C R Robinson
2001   PhD   Cambridge, Sidney    Whither urban governance ? Self-help civil society, political conflicts and environmental services in Chennai, India   S L DAHIYA   Dr B J Devereux
2001   PhD   Glasgow   The Bengal Army and the outbreak of the Indian Mutiny, 1856-1857   Julian Saul Markham DAVID   Prof H F A Strachen
2001   PhD   London   Air pollution and agricultural insect pests in urban and peri-urban areas of India   C DAVIES
2001   PhD   Essex   No time to play: social, economic and legal dimensions of child labour practices in India   Rie DEBABRATA
2001   PhD   Cambridge, St John’s   Sikh discourses of community and sovereignty in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries    Jeevan S DEOL   Prof C A Bayley
2001   PhD   Exeter   The effects of marital dissolution, fertility and contraceptive behaviour among men and woimen in Addu Atoll, Maldives   Aminath Mohamed DIDI   Dr N Ford; Dr A Ankomah
2001   PhD   Cambridge, Queens’   The scars of piety: Islam and the dynamics of religious dispute on Androth Island, South India   Brian John DIDIER   Dr J A Laidlaw
2001   PhD   London, RHUL   Traditional rule and western conventions: the Maharajas of Bikaner and their partnership with the Raj, 1887-1947   Paolo DURISOTTO   Prof F C R Robinson
2001   PhD   Loughborough   Venture capital financing in India: a study of venture capitalist’s valuation, structuring and monitoring practices    Mansoor DURRANI
2001   PhD   Cambridge, Clare Hall   Commerce and diaspora: locating the business practices of Hindu Sindhis    Mark Anthony FALZON   Dr J A Laidlaw
2001   PhD   London, SOAS   Buddhist narratives in Burmese murals   Alexandra Raissa GREEN   Dr E H Moore; Dr G H R Tillitson
2001   PhD   Lancaster   A critical review of ecological impact assessment in Sri Lanka: with particular reference to the shrimp aquaculture industry   Miriya Prasanni GUNAWARDENA
2001   DrPH   London, LSHTM   Regulation of the private health care sector in Pakistan   Ajmal HAMID
2001   PhD   South Bank   Social exclusion and women’s health in Lahore, Pakistan   N A HAMID
2001   PhD   Liverpool   Identity, conflict and nationalism: the Naga and Kuki peoples of northeast India and northwest Burma   Seilen HAOKIP
2001   MPhil   London, LSE   Humanitarian assistance: the relationship between NGOs and the government of Sri Lanka   Marit HAUG   Prof C Fuller; Prof M Light
2001   PhD   Durham   The engineering behaviour of the tropical clay soils of Dhaka, Bangladesh   A S HOSSAIN
2001   PhD   London, Imperial   The nitrogen economy of rice-based cropping systems in Bangladesh   F HOSSAIN
2001   PhD   Southampton   Assessment of family planning outreach workers’ contact and contraceptive use dynamics in rural Bangladesh using multilevel modelling   M B HOSSAIN
2001   DPhil   Oxford, St Antony’s   Essays on consumption and asset mobility in rural Pakistan: a microeconomic approach   Taimur HYAT   Prof B Harriss-White
2001   PhD   Leeds   Internet implementation and strategic subsidiary context of Malaysias subsidiaries located in the UK   Azizi Ali IBRAHIM
2001   PhD   Edinburgh   The scent of jasmine: experiencing knowledge and emotion in cross cultural contextrs of South Indian classical dance   Joanna Rose JACOBSON
2001   PhD   Stirling   Fishery biology and population dynamics of shrimps (Penaeua indicus)and Metapenaeus dobsoni)in the lagoon and coastal area of Negombo, Sri Lanka   P A A T JAYAWARDANE
2001   PhD   Birmingham   A cluster randomised controlled trial of reorganising maternal health services in Sindh, Pakistan   A H JOKHIO
2001   DPhil   Oxford, St Edmund Hall   Christian and non-Christian Angami Nagas with special reference to traditional healing practices   Vibha JOSHI   Dr N J Allen
2001   PhD   London, SOAS   The making of colonial psychiatry, Bombay Presidentcy, 1849-1940   Shruti KAPILA   Prof D J Arnold
2001   PhD   London, Inst Comm.   Security, development and political accommodation in Bangladesh   Shahnaz KARIM   Prof J Manor; Prof R F Holland
2001   PhD   Southampton   Maternal health care utilisation among the urban poor of Maharashtra, India   F KAUSAR
2001   DPhil   Oxford   Echo words in Tamil   Elinor KEANE
2001   PhD   Newcastle   Enhancement of nutritional quality of straw-based diets in Pakistan by urea treatment or suppementation with protein or energy   Muhammad Aslam KHAN
2001   PhD   Nottingham   Environmental hazards, risk perception and general environmental beliefs: a cross cultural study between UK and Pakistan   N R KHAN
2001   DPhil   Oxford, Wadham   Poverty in Pakistan: a study on health, nutrition, income and consumption   Salman H KHAN   Dr C Muller
2001   DPhil   Oxford, Wadham   State, society and labour in colonial Bombay, 1893-1918   Prashant K KIDAMBI   Dr D A Washbrook
2001   PhD   Birminghm   Mission pneumatology with special reference to the Indian theologies of the holy spirit of Stanley Samartha, Vandana and Samuel Rayan   K KIM
2001   PhD   Reading   Sociolinguistic variation in urban India: a study of Marathi-speaking adolescents in Pune   Sonal KULKARNI
2001   PhD   Birmingham   British South Asian identities and the popular cultures of British Bhangra music, Bollywod films and Zee TV in Birmringham   r KUMAR DUDRAH
2001   PhD   London, External   Sarangi style in North Indian art music   Nicolas Fairchild MAGRIEL   Dr R Widdess
2001   PhD   Lancaster   Economic reforms in India: impact on savings and productivity of the manufacturing sector   Vidya MAHAMBARE   Prof V N Balasubramanyam
2001   PhD   Stirling   Small scale multispecies demersal fishery off Negombo, Sri Lanka   R R P MALDENIYA
2001   PhD   Oxford, St Antony’s   A reluctant warrior: Hong Kong in Anglo-American interactions, 1949-1957   Chi Kwan MARK   Dr R J Foot
2001   PhD   Brunel   Rushdie’s legacy: the emergence of a radical British Muslim identity   G A McROY
2001   PhD   Cambridge, Trinity   African NGOs: turning knowledge and experience into power   Sarah G MICHAEL   Dr C Elliott
2001   PhD   London, SOAS   Painting awareness: a study in the use of exotic cultural traditions by the artists of the Emperor Akbar’s Khamsa of Nizami   Gregory B MINISSALE
2001   PhD   Leeds   Weak market efficiency and the determinants of share returns: a study of the listed companies on the Dhaka Stock Exchange   Asma MOBAREK   Prof K Keasey; Dr H Short
2001   PhD   Cambridge, Trinity   Love and marriage in Delhi   Perveez MODY SPENCER   Dr J A Laidlaw
2001   PhD   Wales, Aberystwyth   Dispute settlement mechanism in the ASEAN free trade area (AFTA}   Rahmat MOHAMAD
2001   PhD   Leeds   Dividend policy and behaviour and security price reaction to the announcement of dividends in an emergency market: a study of companies listed on the Dhaka Stock Exchange   A Sabur MOLLAH   Prof K Keasey
2001   PhD   Cambridge, St John’s   Writing crime, writing empire: representing the colony in nineteenth century fiction fo crime   Upamanyu Pablo MUKHERJEE   Prof C I Donaldson
2001   PhD   Kent   On the strength of a likeness: Kipling and the analogical connections between India and Ireland   Kaori NAGAI
2001   PhD   Leeds   Perceptions of empowerment and reproductive health decisions amongst rural India women   Ann Marie NICHOLS   Dr Ray Bush; Dr Z Aydin
2001   PhD   London, LSE   The Singapore entrepreneurial state in China: a sociological study of the Suzhou industrial park, 1992-1999   Alexius A PEREIRA   Dr A Power
2001   PhD   Hull   Population biology and management of hilsa shad (Tenualosa ilisha)in Bangladesh   Md Jalilur RAHMAN
2001   PhD   London, LSHTM   Utilisation of primary health care services in rural Bangladesh: the population and provider perspectives   S A RAHMAN
2001   PhD   Manchester   Modelling demand and supply in Bangladesh agriculture: a computable general equilibrium approach to public policy and economic welfare   S M Osman RAHMAN   Dr N Russell
2001   PhD   City   The evolving devi: education, employment and British Hindu Gujerati women’s identity   Hasmita RAMJI
2001   DPhil   Oxford, Christ Church   Constrictions of identity and cultural translation in relation to origin and destination: a generational comparison of South Asian expatriate and immigrant writers in Britain (1937-present)   Ruvani RANASINHA   Dr J A Mee
2001   PhD   London, QMW   Public interest environmental legislation in India, Pakistan and Bangladesh   J RAZZAQUE
2001   PhD   Manchester   Participation and protected area conservation in India: ecodevelopment theory and practice   Trevor Pritchard REES   Prof D Hulme
2001   PhD   Cambridge, Clare Hall   The making of ethnoHinduism: communalism, reservations and the Ahmedabad riot of 1985   Ornit SHANI   Dr R S Chandravarkar
2001   PhD   London, LSE   Merchants, “saints” and sailors: the social production of islamic reform in a port town of western India   Edward Lawrence SIMPSON
2001   PhD   Wales, Swansea   Gender participation and community forestry: the case of joint forest management in Madhya Pradesh, India   R SINGH
2001   PhD   Reading   International experience of plant variety protection: lessons for India   Chittur SSRINIVASAN   Prof C G Thirtle
2001   PhD   Cambridge, Sidney Sussex   Ecological institutions: joint forest management in Bihar (Jharkhand)and West Bengal, India   M TIWARY   Dr S E Corbridge
2001   PhD   Cambridge, Gonville   Contested notions of sovereignty in Bengal under British rule, 1765-1785   Thomas R TRAVERS   Prof C A Bayly
2001   MPhil   Open   The legacy of the controversies: the continuing impact on interfaith encounters in Sri Lanka of nineteenth century controversies between Buddhists and Christians    M S VASANTHAKUMAR
2001   PhD   Cambridge, Newnham   The appeal of a modern god-person in contemporary India: the case of Mata Amritanandamayi and her mission   M WARRIER   Dr S B Bayley
2001   PhD   Hertfordshire   Identifying potential barriers to business process and information systems reengineering in Sri Lanka   V WEERAKKODY
2001   PhD   Southampton   Short birth intervals and infant health in India   Alison K WHITWORTH
2001   DPhil   Oxford, St Hughes   Governing property, making law: British conceptions of agrarian society and the administration of rural Bengal, c.1785-1835   Jon E WILSON   Dr D A Washbrook
2001   DPhil   Oxford, St Cross   Process analysis of a total literacy campaign in India: a case study of Udaiput District   Rie YAGI   Dr C Brock
2001   PhD   Loughborough   The globalisation of Western advertising: a case study of the impact of imported advertising on cultural values   Azizul Halim YAHYA
2001   PhD   London, SOAS   The intertextuality of women in Urdu litterature: a study of Fahmida Riaz and Kishwar Naheed   Amina YAQIN
2002   PhD   Wales, Bangor   Basic needs analysis of social forestry participants in northwest Bangladesh   S AKHTER   Prof C Price
2002   PhD   Cambridge, Trinity   Child labour in the Bombay Presidency, 1850-1920   Emma Catherine ALEXANDER   Dr R S Chandavarkar
2002   PhD   London, Imperial   Biological variation and chemical control of Rhizoctonia solani causing rice sheath blight disease in Bangladesh   Md Ansar ALI
2002   PhD   LSHTM   An analysis of private hospital markets in Bangladesh   M A AMIN
2002   PhD   Stirling   A question of “Chineseness”: the Chinese diaspora in Singapore, 1819-1950s   Lynn Ling-Yin ANG   Dr S Mishra
2002   MPhil   Newcastle   Trophy hunting and conservation: Himalayan Ibrex Capra Ibex sibirica in northern Pakistan   Masood ARSHAD
2002   PhD   London   The political economy of policy reform: labour market regulation in India   Roli ASTHANA
2002   PhD   Sheffield   Children’s drawings as research tool: establishing children’s environmental concepts and preferences with reference to urban openspace planning design in Johore Bahru, Malaysia   M S A BAKAR
2002   PhD   London, SOAS   Buddhism and shamanism in village Sikkim   A BALIKCI
2002   DPhil   Oxford, Somerville   The other side of the Raj: representation of colonial India in the writings of Edward John Thompson   Nilanjana BANERJI   Prof R J C Young
2002   PhD   London, SOAS   An investigation into the 56 Vinayakas in Banares and their origins   Isabelle O T BERMIJN
2002   DPhil   Oxford, Linacre   Biodiversity and conservation of a cultural landscape in the Western ghats of India   Shonil A BHAGWAT   Dr N D Brown; Dr P S Savill
2002   DPhil   Oxford, St Anne’s   Stylistic features of Sanskrit in the Upanisads and Pali in early Buddhist texts with special reference to prose word order   Pathompong BODHIPRASIDDHINAND   Prof R F Gombrich
2002   PhD   Cambridge, Wolfson   Archaeological science as anthropology: time, space and matreriality in rural India and the ancient past   Nicole Lise BOIVIN   Dr C A French
2002   MPhil   London, Birkbeck   Religion and the experiences of Indo-Pakistani women in the fiction of Bharati Mukherjee, Bapsi Sidhwa, Hanif Kureishi and Salmon Rushdie   N H BOWEN
2002   PhD   London, SOAS   Baloch nationalism: its origin and development up to 1980   Taj Mohammad BRESEEG
2002   PhD   London   Asakta Karman in the Bhagavadgita   Simon Pearse BRODBECK
2002   PhD   London, SOAS   Indian religions   Simon Pearse BRODBECK
2002   PhD   Newcastle   The integration of poverty-focused aquaculture in large-scale irrigation systems in South Asia   Cecile D BRUGERE
2002   PhD   London   Local governance in Calcutta: bureaucratic performance and health care delivery   Indranil CHAKRABARTI
2002   MLitt   Oxford, St Antony’s   Ashraf identity in early Urdu fiction   Shardul Kumar CHATURVEDI   Dr D A Washbrook; Dr N Gooptu
2002   PhD   Bristol   Towards the socialisation of children’s learning: pupils, parents and primary education in an Indian district – an ethnographic survey   Rita CHAWLA-DUGGAN
2002   PhD   London, UC   The influence of ethnicity and beliefs on the course and outcome of schizophrenia in Singapore   J L CHUA
2002   PhD   London, LSE   Social mobility in a Chamar community in eastern Uttar Pradesh, northern Indian   Manuela CIOTTI
2002   DPhil   Sussex   Rural poverty in Bangaldesh: a comparative study of determinants of economic well-being and inequality   Maria Jose A CORTIJO
2002   PhD   Open   Environmental impact of Deccan Trap flood basalt volcanism: assessment of regional floral responses to late Cretaceous-early Tertiary activity   Jennifer Ann CRIPPS
2002   PhD   De Montfort   Maharashtra and the cross-fertilisation of style of Brahmanical caves in India   Deepanjana DANDA
2002   PhD   London, LSHTM   The long term effect of child bearing on adult mortality in Matlab, Bangladesh   Lisa Sioned DAVIES
2002   DPhil   Oxford, Wolfson   British policy in Bengal: 1939-1954   Bikramjit DE   Prof J M Brown; Prof T Raychaudhuri
2002   PhD   London, SOAS   Institutionalizing education: colonial government, missionary and household education in British colonial Punjab   Jeffrey Mark DIAMOND   Dr A A Powell
2002   PhD   Oxford Brookes   The molecular basis of thalassaemia in Sri Lanka   Christopher A FISHER
2002   PhD   Cambridge, St John’s   Globalization and religious revival in the imperial cities of the Indian Ocean rim, 1870-1820   Mark Ravinder FROST   Dr T N Harper
2002   PhD   Durham   Indigenous knowledge, livelihood and decision -making strategies on floodplain farmers in Bangladesh   G P GHOSH
2002   PhD   Bath   Competing interests and institutional ambiguities: problems of sustainable forest management in the northern areas of Pakistan   A GOHAR
2002   PhD   Edinburgh   Untouchable citizens: an analysis of the Liberation Panthers and democratistion in Tamil Nadu   Hugh GORRINGE
2002   PhD   London, SOAS   The Sufi saints of Awrangabad: narratives, contexts and identities   Nile S GREEN
2002   PhD   Cambridge. St John’s   Mantle plumes and depositional sequences: onshore/offshore India   A R W HALKETT   Dr N J White
2002   DPhil   Oxford, St Antony’s   Famine process and famine policy: a case study of Ahmednagar District, Bombay Presidency, 1870-84   David N J HALL-MATTHEWS   Dr D A Washbrook; Dr B Harriss
2002   PhD   Leeds   Computer misuse within the organisation: an evaluation of computer misuse legislation in Britain and Malaysia   Zaiton HAMIN
2002   PhD   London, Imperial   Characterisation of Bacillus cereus strains in Bangladeshi rice   Md Anwarul HAQUE
2002   PhD   Edinburgh   Growing gods: bidayuh processes of religious change in Sarawak, Malaysia   F M A HARRIS
2002   DPhil   Sussex   British collecting of Indian art and artifacts in the 18th and 19th centuies   Lucian G HARRIS
2002   PhD   Reading   Understanding farmers’ attitudes and behaviours towards the use of pesticides on cotton crop in Pakisdtan’s Punjab   Tariq HASSAN
2002   PhD   London   The curriculum for health education in schools: issues of definition, choice and implementation: an illuminative study based on Uganda, Zambia and India   Hubert William Richmond HAWES
2002   PhD   Strathclyde   The significance of ethnic ties and entreprenurial networks in the internationalisation of the firm: case study: the internationalisation of UK Indian enterprises   Jaswinder Singh HAYER
2002   PhD   Leeds   The expression of syntax in Sri Lankan English: speech and writing   S M F HERAT
2002   PhD   Hull   US – Pakistan partnership in response to the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, 1979-1988: causes, dynamics and consequences   A Z A HILALI
2002   PhD   Strathclyde   An integrated performance measurement system of health care services: an empirical study of public and private hospitals in Malaysia   Abdul Razak IBRAHIM
2002   PhD   Cambridge, Churchill   Alternative methods and sources for measuring vaccination coverage in rural Bangladesh   MdD Shafiqul ISLAM   Dr C G N Mascie-Taylor
2002   DPhil   Sussex   Voice, responsiveness and collaboration: democratic decentralization and service delivery in two Indian cities   Jennifer JALAL   J P Gaventa
2002   PhD   Wales, Bangor   Drivers of land use change and policy analysis: the case of Bangladesh   Mohammed JASHIMUDDIN   Prof G Edwards-Jones
2002   PhD   Open   An investigation of teaching and learning biology at a distance: with special reference to Sri Lanka   B G JAYATILLEKE
2002   DPhil   York   Cultural construction of the “Sinhala woman” and women’s lives in post-independence Sri Lanka   J D JAYAWARDENA   Dr J de Groot
2002   DPhil   Oxford, St Antony’s   Greeks, Saracens and Indians: imperial builders in south India, 1800-1880   Ioma Shanti JAYEWARDENE-PILLAI   Dr D A Washbrook
2002   PhD   London, RHUL   Being Sri Lankan: three cultural geographies   Tariq JAZEEL   Dr C Nash; Prof D Gower
2002   PhD   Southampton   The rhetoric and reality of gender issues in the domestic water sector: a case study from India   Deepa JOSHI
2002   PhD   Cambridge, Selwyn   Behavioural ecology of sympatric langures in Bangladesh   Md Mofizul KABIR   Dr D J Chivers
2002   MD   Leeds   Genetic and environmental determinants of cardiovascular risk factors in South Asian patients with cerebrovascular disease and their first degree relatives   K KAIN
2002   PhD   Nottingham   The categories of Hindu nationalism: a neo-structuralist analysis of the discourse of Hindutva   Christian KARNER
2002   PhD   Manchester Metropolitan   Public participation in environmental impact assessment in the developing and developed worlds: Pakistan and UK perspectives   Amjad Ali KHAN
2002   PhD   Kent   Memory, dis-location, violence and women in the partition literature of Pakistan and India    Furrukh Abbas KHAN   Dr A S Gurnah
2002   MPhil   London, UC   Vitamin A deficiency in children in the North West Frontier Province (NWFP)of Pakistan   M A KHAN
2002   PhD   Manchester   An evaluation of the performance of small and medium enterprises in Bangladesh with special reference to finance   Md Saiful Amin KHAN   Prof F Nixson
2002   PhD   Durham   Women’s voices: the presentation of women in the fiction of South Asian women   Lisa Ee Jia LAU   Dr M A Crang; Dr E E Mawdsley
2002   PhD   London   The role of Islam in the legal system of Pakistan   Martin Wilhelm LAU
2002   PhD   Kent   Power and patronage in Pakistan   Stephen M LYON   Mr R S Edmond
2002   PhD   Reading   The role of English in higher education in Pakistan   S MANSOOR
2002   PhD   Bristol   The global regulation of marine fisheries and its impact on two developing states: Namaibia and Kerala   Leonarda Enrica Camilla MARAZZI
2002   DClinPsy   Leicester   Illness representations, coping and locus of control in breast cancer: a comparative study amongst South Asian Indian women and white indigenous women   R MARTYN
2002   PhD   Durham   Sowing new ideas; an investigation of anthropology’s contribution to rural development in south east Sri Lanka   M MARZANO
2002   DPhil   Oxford, St Antony’s   The sepoy army and colonial Madras, c1806-57   Carina Anne MONTGOMERY   Dr D A Washbrook
2002   PhD   London, SOAS   A lot of history: sexual violence, public memory and the Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971   Nayanika MOOKHERJEE   Dr C Pinney; Dr C Osella
2002   PhD   London, SOAS   Hindi film songs: and the cinema   Anna Frances MORCOM   Dr R Widdess
2002   PhD   Bristol   A study of the late Madhyamaka doxography   Jundo NAGASHIMA
2002   PhD   East Anglia   Between work and school: children in rural Andhra Pradesh   Masako OTA   Prof J D Seddon; Dr R Palmer-Jones

2002    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    The fragile web of order: conflict avoidance and dispute resolution in Ladakh    Fernanda PIRIE    Dr M J Banks; Prof D Parkin
2002    PhD    Glasgow    Morphological and molecular systematic studies of Asian caecilians (Amphibia: Gymnophiona)    Bronwen PRESSWELL
2002    PhD    London, LSE    US foreign policy to Pakistan, 1947-1960: reconstructing strategy    Saqib Iqbal QUERESHI    Dr C Coker
2002    PhD    Essex    India in the making of liberal identities: the case of Mary Carpenter and Harrier Martineau    Brenda A QUINN    Prof C M Hall
2002    PhD    Wales, Bangor    Muslims and crime: a comparative criminological study of South Asian Muslims in Britain and Pakistan    Muzammil QURAISHI    Dr J Wardhaugh
2002    PhD    London, LSE    US foreign policy to Pakistan, 1947-1960: re-constructing strategy    Saqib Iqbal QURESHI    Dr C Coker
2002    PhD    Aberdeen    Seasonal availability and utilisation of feed resources and their impact on the nutrition of livestock in an agro pastoral system of the Hindu Kush Karakoram Himalayan region of Pakistan    Abdur RAHMAN
2002    PhD    East Anglia    Standing one’s ground: gender, land and livelihoods in the Santal Parganas, Jharkhans, India    Nitya RAO    Prof C Jackson; Dr B Rogaly
2002    PhD    Bradford    Opening up spaces: engendering protracted social conflict and conflict transformation: an analysis with special reference to Sri Lanka    C REIMANN
2002    PhD    London, LSHTM    Sustaining menstrual regulation policy: a case study of the policy process in Bangladesh    Gabrielle Catherine ROSS
2002    PhD    Aberdeen    The economic viability of shrimp farming in the coastal areas of Pakistan    Nizam SABIR
2002    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    Raj Bhakta Marg: the path of devotion to Srimad Rajcandra: a Jain community in the twenty first century    E K SALTER    Dr Johnson
2002    PhD    Edinburgh    Negotiations and contradictions: local perceptions of tourism on Langkawi Island, Malaysia    Nor Hafizah SELAMAT
2002    PhD    London, UC    A study to determine the effects of the status of women on child growth undertaken in the Mysore region of Karnataka, India    K SETHURAMAN
2002    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    The resolution of environmental disputes in India    D SHANNUGANATHAN
2002    PhD    Newcastle    Application of information technology to improve the design process in the construction sector in Pakistan: a case of the specification management process    B K SHAR
2002    PhD    London, SOAS    Communism in India    Shalini SHARMA    Dr S Kaviraj
2002    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    The sacred geography of Sanchi Hill: the archaeological setting of Buddhist monasteries in central India    J SHAW    Dr D K Chakrabarti
2002    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    Metaphysical psychology: an analysis of Sri Aurobindo Ghose’s theory of psychological consciousness development with special reference to his concepts of integral Brahman and the psychic entity     Girija SHETTAR    Dr Johnson
2002    MPhil/PhD    Reading    Credit constraints on the growth of rural non-farm sector in India    Anchita SHUKLA (TRIPATHI)    Dr S L Wiggins
2002    PhD    Bath    Escape and “struggle”: routes to women’s liberation in Bihar    Indu B SINHA    Dr G Wood; Dr J A McGregor
2002    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    Representative agent modes and macroeconomic poliocy: an application to the UK    Naveen SRINIVASAN
2002    DPhil    Oxford, Trinity    Bhuvanekabahu VII and the Portuguese: temporal and spiritual encounters in Sri Lanka, 1521-1551    Alan Leiper STRATHERN    Dr P B R Carey; Prof T F Earle
2002    PhD    Cranfield, Silsoe    An evaluation of public and private groundwater irrigation systems in Bangladesh and Pakistan    David SUTHERLAND    Dr R Carter
2002    DPhil    Oxford    Clothing culture: sex, gender and transvestism with reference to UK transvestites and the hijras of India    Charlotte SUTHRELL    Prof M Banks
2002    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    A study of consecration ritual in Indian Buddhist tantrism: a critical and annotated transslation of selected sections of the Kriyasagrahapanjika of Kuladatta    Ryugen TANEMURA    Prof A G J Sanderson
2002    PhD    Wales, Bangor    Influence of crop profitability, market, labour and land on smallholder cropping systems in rubber-growing areas of Sri Lanka    Sunethra Pushpa Kumri Thennakoon THENNAKOON-MUDIYANSELAGE    Dr F Sinclair
2002    DPhil    Oxford, Hertford    Negotiating the boundaries of gender and empire: Lady Mary Curzon, Vicereine of India    Nicola J THOMAS    Dr P Coones; Dr J R Ryan
2002    PhD    Cambridge, Fitzwilliam    The institutional responses to the water needs of peri-urban communities in Delhi, India    Kathryn Signe TOVEY    Dr B Vira
2002    PhD    Cambridge, Christ’s    Crafting discourse: mat weaving in Pattamadai, South India    S VENKATESAN    Dr D A Swallow
2002    PhD    East Anglia    Foreign aid, power and elementary education reform in Pakistan from 1992 to 1999    Michael WARD    Dr R McBride
2002    PhD    Nottingham    Salman Rushdie: imagining the other name foe Islam    Y YACOUBI
2002    PhD    London, SOAS    The Vinaya in India and China: spirit and transformation    Jing YIN    Dr T Skorupski
2002    PhD    Reading    An application of theory of planned behaviour and logistic regression models to understand farm level tree planting and its determinants in the district of Dera Ismail of Pakistan’s North West Frontier Province    Muhammad ZUBAIR
2003    PhD    Birmingham    Women empowerment and intrahousehold resource allocation through micro-finance: a comparative study of two micro-finance institutions in Bangladesh    Shahnaz Tarannum ABDULLAH
2003    PhD    Glasgow    An ethnographic study of violence experienced by Dalit Christian women in Kerala State, India, and the implications of this for feminist theology    S ABRAHAM
2003    PhD    London, LSE    Federal formation and consociational stabilisation: the politics of national identity, articulation and ethnic conflict regulation in India and Pakistan    Katharine ADENEY    Prof B O’Leary
2003    PhD    Stirling    An empirical study of employee share ownership in Malaysia    Mohmad ADNAN B ALIAS
2003    PhD    Exeter    Linking India with Britain: the Persian Gulf cable, 1864-1906    Farajollah AHMADI    Prof J Black; Dr L P Morris
2003    PhD    London, UC    Ethnicity and environment in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. Bangladesh    Farid AHMED    Dr M Banerjee
2003    DPhil    Sussex    The construction of childhood in Monipur: negotiating boundaries through activities    Iftikhar AHMED
2003    PhD    Manchester    Sri Lankan export-orientated clothing manufacturing industry: a comparison of management development practices across foreign, joint venture and local companies    Vathsala AKURATIYAGAMAGE    B Cooke; A Mamman
2003    PhD    Queen’s, Belfast    We are fighting for the women’s liberation also: a comparative study of female combatants in the national conflicts in Sri Lanka and Northern Ireland    M ALISON
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Dominant texts, subaltern performances: two tellings of the Ramayan in central India    S ANITHA
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Wolfson    A political biography of Don Stephen Senanyake, (1931-1952): the former prime minister of Sri Lanka    Drene Terana APONSO    Dr G Johnson
2003    DPhil    Oxford, St Cross    Education reform in developing countries:decentralisation with reference to India and Pakistan    Linda F C ARTHUR    Dr C Brock
2003    PhD    London, UC    Childhood epilepsy in Bangladesh: clinical profile, predictors of outcome and randomised controlled trial of efficacy and side effects of treatment    S H BANU
2003    MPhil    Birmingham    A comparative examination of critical, religious and interreligious ingredients contributing to intercommunal harmony and disharmony in Sri Lanka: Sri Lankan Tamil Hindu dynamism, British Christian evangelism and the rise of 20th century Sinhalese Buddhist militancy    A R BECKETT
2003    PhD    Manchester    Perceptions of user education in the university libraries of Pakistan    Rubina BHATTI    T Christie; G Price
2003    PhD    Oxford Brookes    Revolution, military personnel and the war of liberation in Banglaldesh    O A BIR BIKRAM
2003    MPhil    London, SOAS    Hindustani music in the reign of Aurangzeb    Katherine Ruth BROWN    Dr R Widdess
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    We Nelpalis: language, lliterature and the formation of a Nepali public sphere in India, 1914-1940    Rhoderick Alasdair MacDonald CHALMERS    Dr M Hutt
2003    PhD    Leeds    The relationship between knowledge and power in the work of Amitav Ghosh    C G CHAMBERS
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity Hall    Mysore: the making and unmaking of a model state, c. 1799-1834    Nigel Hugh Mosman CHANCELLOR    Prof C A Bayly
2003    PhD    Edinburgh    Rishtas: transational Pakistani marriages    Katharine CHARSLEY
2003    PhD    Sheffield    Birth for some women in Pakistan: defining and defiling    M CHESNEY
2003    PhD    Edinburgh    Admitted truths in Muslim-Christian dialogue: a study of William Muir, Sayyid Ahmad Khan and William Goldsack in 19th century India    David Otis COFFEY
2003    DPhil    Oxford, Queen’s    Marxism and middle class intelligentsia: political ideology and culture in Bengal, 1920-1950    Rajarshi DASGUPTA    Dr N Gooptu
2003    DPhil    Oxford, St Hugh’s    Bridging educational and social divides ? private school outreach for out-of-school children in India    Laura L DAY    Dr C Brock
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Local brokers: knowledge and trust and organisation in the practice of agricultural extension for small and marginal farmers in Rajasthan, India    Bina DESAI    Dr D Mosse
2003    PhD    Newcastle    The regulation of private schools for low-income families in Andrha Pradesh,India: an Austrian economic approach    P DIXON
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Girton    Orientalism, Sanskrit scholarship and education in colonial north India, ca 1775-1875    Michael Sinclair DODSON    Prof C A Bayley
2003    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    Sri Ramakrishna, Swami Vivekananda and the Ramakrishna movement: the question of continuity    Paul W EATON    Dr Johnson
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Jews and Judaism in modern Indian discourse    Yulia EGOROVA    Prof C Shackle
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Clare Hall    Behind the scenes at the magic house: an ethnoggraphy of the Indian Museum, Calcutta    M J ELLIOTT    Dr D A Swallow
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Jesus    A study of agricultural production at the level of household, community and region: long term trends in India and China    Shailaja FENNELL    Dr P H Nolan
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Sinhala Buddhist nationalism from revivalism to militant political ideology: the struggle to shape public culture in Sri Lanka    Yolanda FOSTER    Dr DTaylor
2003    PhD    Gloucestershire    Exiled from glory: Anglo-Indian settlement in nineteenth century Britain with special reference to Cheltenham    S FRASER    Dr C R V More; Dr J M Bourne
2003    PhD    Gloucestershire    Exiled from glory: Anglo-Indian settlement in nineteenth century Britain with special reference to Cheltenham    Stuart J FRASER    Dr C R V More; Dr J M Bourne
2003    PhD    London, LSE    From local tensions to ethnic conflict: the emergence of Hindu nationalism in a Christian/Hindu “tribal” community in Chhattisgargh, northern India    Peggy FROERER    Dr L Sklar
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    An economic perspective on resettlement of populations displaced by large dams: the case of the Sardar Sarovar Project displaced, India    Supriya GARIKIPATI
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    The origins and early development of anthropomorphic Indian iconography    Madhuvanti GHOSE    Dr G H R Tillotson
2003    DPhil    Oxford, St Edmund Hall    Subduction-related metamorphism, structure and tectonic evolution of the Kohistan arc and main mantle thrust zone, Pakistanm Himalayas    Simon J GOUGH    Dr D J Waters; Dr M P Searle
2003    PhD    Birmingham    Islamic activism in South Asia: the reasons for the electoral under-achievement of the Jama’at Islami Party of Pakistan, 1947-1977    F HAMEED
2003    PhD    Derby    A critical analysis of policy initiatives involving small and medium enterprises in Malaysia    A B A HAMID
2003    PhD    Sunderland    Identity and the Bengal Muslims: mapping changing perspectives (1905-1971)    F HASHEM
2003    PhD    London, External    Patterns and dynamics of loan use: a study of BRAC borrowers in Bangladesh    F HASIN
2003    PhD    Durham    Arsenic toxicity in Bangladesh: health and social hazards    Md Manzarul HASSAN
2003    DPhil    Sussex    Elite public discourses of poverty and the poor in Bangladesh    Naomi T HOSSAIN    M P Moore
2003    PhD    Southampton    Quality of care in maternity services: childbirth among the urban poor of Mumbai, India    Louise A HULTON
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    Effect of weekly iron supplementation and antihelminthic treatment on the physical growth and development of Bangladeshi children    Mohammad Mushtuq HUSAIN
2003    PhD    Essex    Factors limiting productivity and adoption of rubber tea intercropping in the low country wet zone of Sri Lanka    S M M IQBAL
2003    MPhil    Birmingham    A call to Christian discipleship in a situation of conflict: a study of Christian mission in the socio-ethnic conflict of Sri Lanka, with special reference to the life witness and theoleogy of Dietrich Bonhoefer    M B JEYAKUMAR
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Queens’    Novels of the South Asian diaspora in East Africa    Stephanie Jillian JONES    Mr T L J Cribb
2003    PhD    London, LSE    Governing morals: state, marriage and householfd among the Gaddis of north India    Kriti KAPILA
2003    MPhil    London, SOAS    The power behind the throne: relations between the British and Indian states, 1870-1909    Caroline J KEEN    Dr A A Powell
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Corpus    Representing children: power, policy and the discourse on child labour in the football manufacturing industry of Sialkot    Ali KHAN    Dr D Sneath
2003    PhD    Manchester    The impact of privatisation in Pakistan    Iram Anjum KHAN    Dr P Cook
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Hughes Hall    A social and political history of the telegraph in the Indian empire, circa 1850-1920    Deep Kanta LAHIRI CHOUDHURY    Prof C A Bayley
2003    PhD    Cambridge,Fitzwillliam    Colonial governmentality: spaces of inperialism and nationalism in India’s new capital, New Delh    S I LEGG    Dr J S Duncan
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Women, equality, autonomy: study of women’s rights in India    Sumi MADHOK    Dr S Kaviraj
2003    PhD    Aberdeen    The performance of agricultural institutions in disseminating new technologies: a case study of modern rice variety BR 32 in Bangladesh’    B MAJUMDER
2003    PhD    Reading    Vegetation mapping in the north west of Pakistan    R N MALIK
2003    DPhil    Sussex    Gendered places, transnational lives: Sikh women in Tanzania, Britain and Indian Pubjab    K P K MAND
2003    PhD    Stirling    Policy transfer and policy translation: day care for people with dementia in Kerala, India    L F M McCABE
2003    PhD    Southampton    Barriers and opportunities in effective contraceptive management in Bangladesh    Juliet McEACHRAN
2003    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    Federalism in Malaysia: a constitutional study of the federal institutions established by the Federal Constitution of Malaysia and their relationships with the traditional institutions in the constitution (with special reference to the Islamic religious power and bureaucracy in the states)    K A MOKHTAR
2003    PhD    Leeds    The levels of integration of people with spinal cord lesion in Bangladesh    Abdul Khair Mohammed MOMIN
2003    PhD    Loughborough    Modelling a flow of funds and policy simulation experiments in the financial sector in India    Tomoe MOORE
2003    PhD    London, LSE    Tradition and modernity: a sociological comparison between Sri Lankan women in Colombo and in London in the late 1990s    Fathima Fatheena MUBARAK
2003    PhD    London, Goldsmiths    Doing development: voluntary agencies in the Sundarbans of West Bengal    Amites MUKHOPADHYAY    Prof P Caplan
2003    PhD    London, LSHTM    Gender and reproductive health in Pakistan: a need for reconceptualisation    Z MUMTAZ
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Romance and pleasure in a restrictive society: understanding the sexual conduct of unmarried middle class young people in Bangladesh    Lazeena MUNA    Prof J Cleland (LSHTM)
2003    PhD    London, LSE    Marxism and beyond in Indian politicval thought: J P Narayan and M N Roy’s theory of radical democrary    Eva-Maria NAG    Dr Chun Lin
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    The museum in colonial India (1770-1936): a history of collecting, exhibiting and disciplining of knowledge    Savithri Preetha NAIR    De G H R Tillotson
2003    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    Second World War Japanese atrocities and British minor war crimes trials: the issue of fair trial in four selected British war crimes trials in Malaysia and Singapore in 1946-1947    Arujanan NARAYANAN
2003    PhD    London, UC    The life cycle of clothing: recycling and the efficacy of materiality in contemporary urban India    Katherine Lucy NORRIS    Dr S Kuechler-Fogden
2003    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Refugees on the Indian sub-continent, 1947-1998: state policy and practice    Pia A OBEROI    Dr G S Goodwin-Gill
2003    PhD    Aberdeen    The classification and efficiency of use of forage resources under semi-arid conditions in the Hindukush, Karakoram and Himalayan region of Pakistan    R M OMER
2003    PhD    Birmingham    The echoes of a faded memory: a contribution to a history of the Tamil Coolie Mission    P J T PEIRIS
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    The formation of a divided public: print, language and literatuire in colonial Goa    R PINTO
2003    PhD    Greenwich    A tapestry of resistance: Afghan educated refugee women in Pakistan: “Agency” identity and resistance in war and displacement    N POURZAND
2003    PhD    Dundee    Quality assurance in undergraduate medical education: a multiple case study in Bangladesh, Thailand and Indonesia    Titi Savitri PRIHATININGSIH
2003    PhD    Reading    International joint ventures in developing economies: an analysis of Indo-British ventures in India    Raji RAJAN    Prof M Utton; Dr U Kambhampati
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Law and social change in India    Gopalan RAMAN
2003    PhD    London, LSHTM    The consequences of health insurance for the informal sector: two non-governmental, non-profit schemes in Gujerat    Michael Kent RANSON
2003    PhD    Durham    A study of land transformation in Savar Upazila, Bangladesh, 1915-2001: an integrated approach using remore sensing    Md Shahedur RASHID    Dr P J Atkins
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Sidney Sussex    Auditing “development”: an anthropological study of “audit culture” within a “participatory rural development” project in eastern India    M J REW
2003    MPhil    Newcastle    Development and land relations in tribal India: a study of Chotanagpur    Richard ROBERTS    P W Kellett
2003    PhD    Edinburgh    William Roxburgh (1751-1815)the founding father of Indian botany    Timothy Francis ROBINSON
2003    DPhil    Sussex    Representing rebellion: visual aspects of counter-insurgency in colonial India    Daniel J RYCROFT
2003    PhD    Wawick    Malaysian pre-school children with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) in inclusive settings    S SAAD
2003    PhD    Bristol    Voices from an island: a reading of four Sri Lankan novelists in English    D SAIKIA
2003    PhD    Bradford    A social constructionist account of children’s rights under the conditions of globalisation: the issue of child labour in India    G SANGHERA
2003    PhD    Warwick    The knowledge and perspectives about Educational Management Information System (EIS/SMPP) of decision makers in the Malaysian Ministry of Education (MMOE): an enquiry into the implementation of an EMIS    M W SARWANI
2003    PhD    Manchester    Institutions and poverty reduction: a case study of rural Bangladesh    Md Golam SARWAR    Dr J Mullen
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Woman and communal violence in India    Atreyee SEN    Dr D Mosse
2003    PhD    Manchester    Information technology and the construction industry in Pakistan    Ali SHAR    Prof S Guy
2003    PhD    Cambridge, St Cath’s    The making of modern Assam, 1826-1935    Jayeeta SHARMA    Prof C A Bayley
2003    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    Arsenic mobility in sediments and contamination of he Bengal Basin    Darren SHAW
2003    PhD    Bradford    Microfinance and social change: a case study of household finance, development and change in gender relations in rural Bangladesh    M N I SHEKH
2003    DPhil    Sussex    Resisting stigma and interventions: situating trafficked Nepali women’s struggles for self-respect, safety and security in Mumbai and Nepal    M M SHIVADAS
2003    PhD    Leicester    Violence as non communication: the news differential of Kashmir and north east conflicts in the Indian national press    Prasun SONWALKAR    Prof A Sreberny
2003    PhD    Aberdeen    Factors affecting tree growing in traditional agriforestry systems in Werstern Himalaya, India    K K SOOD
2003    PhD    Brunel    Moral continuity: Gujerati kinship, women, children and rituals    Alison SPIRO, Mary
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Social exclusion and cohesion: the case of leprosy in South India    James STAPLES    Dr D Mosse
2003    PhD    London, LSE    Bringing the Empire back in: patterns of growth in the British imperial state, 1890-1960 (with special reference to Indian and Africa)    Gita SUBRAHMANYAM
2003    PhD    Birmingham    Imagining Hinduism: a post colonial perspective    S SUGIRTHARAJAH
2003    PhD    Manchester    A feminist analysis of “white-ness” in an Indian research context    Maria SUMMERSON    Prof L Stanley
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Prostitution and the law in Pakistan: a case study of Lahore’s Hira Mandi    R TAK
2003    PhD    Open    South Asian women and the construction of political identity    S TAKHAR
2003    PhD    Warwick    Foreign music: linguistic estrangement and its textual effects in Joyce, Beckett, Nabokov and Rushdie    J TAYLOR
2003    DPhil    Oxford, Wadham    Monetary remedy for breach of constitutional rights in the United States, India, New Zealand and the United Kingdom    Lisa Anne TORTELL    Prof P P Craig
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Literature and the politics of identity in Orissa    Lopamudra TRIPATHY    Dr S Kaviraj
2003    DPhil    Oxford, Nuffield    Growth empirics within a low income country: evidence from states in India,1960-1992    Kamakshya D TRIVEDI    Dr G M F Cameron
2003    PhD    London, LSE    Rebels and devotees of Jharkhand: social, religious and political transformation among the Adivasis of northern India    Barbara VERARDO
2003    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    Institutional change and natural resource management: the case of forest policy reform in India    Bhaskar VIRA    Prof P H Nolan
2003    PhD    East Anglia    Embodied working lives: manual labouring in Maharashtra, India    Louise WAITE    Dr C Jackson; Dr R Palmer-Jones
2003    PhD    Warwick    Pakistan’s teaching hospitals: present measures quality and proposed quality improvement programmes    G WAJID
2003    DPhil    Oxford, St Cross    Bangladeshi pupils: experiences, identity and achievement    Sue WALTERS    Dr C W R Davies; Prof S Tomlinson
2003    PhD    East Anglia    The growth of the Indian software industry: a social history    Meera WARRIER    Dr K Sen
2003    PhD    Edinburgh    Stereotyped Scots: representations and realities of Scottish missionary and military experience in colonial and post-independence Pakistan    Jeremy WESTON
2003    PhD    Wales    Pandita Ramabai (1858-1922): a re-evaluation of her life and work    Keith J WHITE
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Lucy     The world is established through the work of existence: the performance of Gham-Khadi among Pukhtun Bibiane in northern Pakistan:    Amineh A AHMED    Dr S B Bayly
2004    PhD    Hull    Political regime change and local government in Bangladesh    Tariq AHMED    L Summers
2004    MPhil    Bradford    Community level conflict transformation for sustainable peace: a Barefoot University for peace education in Sri Lanka    Monica ALFRED
2004    MPhil    De Montfort    Arsenic speciation in foodstuffs from Bangladesh and a method for arsenic removal from water    Shaban W AL-RMAILLY
2004    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    The portfolio behaviour of the GCC islamic and conventional banks    Abdulaziz Mohammad N AL-SAEED
2004    DPhil    Oxford, Linacre    Just a pile of stones ! The politicization of identity , indigenous knowledge and sacred landscapes among the Lepcha and the Bhutia tribes in contemporary Sikkim, India    Vibha ARORA    Prof D Parkin; Prof M J Banks
2004    DPhil    Oxford, Campion Hall    From outcaste to caste: the use of symbols and myths in the construction of identity: a study of conflict between the Paraiyars and the Vanniyars in Tamil Nadu, South India    Chockalingam Joe ARUN    Dr M J Banks
2004    PhD    Durham    Economic and structural reforms and bank efficiency: a comparative analysis of India and Pakistan, 1990-1998    A ATAULLAH
2004    PhD    Bradford    Quality assurance in the basic nurse education programme in Pakistan: a case study aimed at improving the quality assurance practices in the basic nurse education in Pakistan    A AZIZ
2004    PhD    Greenwich    A sustainable competitiveness model for strategic alliances: a study of rural entrepreneurs and commercial organisations in Malaysia with special emphasis on Malaysian farmer’s organisations    S A BAHARUM
2004    DPhil    Oxford, Nuffield    The legisimating vocabulary of group rights in contemporary India    Rochana BAJPAI    Prof M S Freedom; Dr N Gooptu
2004    PhD    Reading    Farmers’ risk and uncertainty perceptions and their influence on farm level decision-making in the cotton-wheat zone of Pakistan’s Punjab    K A BAJWA    Dr T Rehman
2004    PhD    London, InstEd    An evaluation of the impact of school-based resource management and formula funding of schools and on the efficiency and equity of resource allocation in Sri Lanka    Balasooriya Mudiyanselage Jayantha BALASOORIYA    Prof A Little; Prof R Levacic
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Downing    Skill upgrading within informal training: lessons from the Indian auto mechanic    J C BARBER    Dr L Caley
2004    DBA    Strathclyde    The competitive advantage of Pakistan: empirical analysis of the textile/apparel industry    K M BARI
2004    PhD    London, Goldsmiths    In service in India: the ethics of rule and conduct of British administrators and army officers in late nineteenth and early twentieth century India    Jatinder BARN    N Rose
2004    MPhil    SOAS    The dispensary movement in Bombay Presidency: ideology and practice, 1800-1876    Jennifer BLAKE    Prof D Arnold
2004    PhD    Middlesex    The “divine heirarchy”: the social and institutional elements of vulnerability in South India    B BOSHER
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    Challenging development: western discourses and Rajasthan women    Tamsin Jane BRADLEY
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Queens    Tectono-metamorphic evolution of the central and western Himalayas    M CADDICK    Dr T J B Holland
2004    PhD    Coventry    Empire and authority: Curzon, collisions, character and the Raj, 1899-1906    M CARRINGTON
2004    DPhil    Sussex    Bringing citizens back in: public sector reform, service delivery performance and and accountability in an Indian state    Jonathan CASELEY    Dr A Joshi
2004    PhD    Sheffield    Site-formation studies and paleolithic investigations in the Siwalik Hill of northern India: reconsidering the Soanian history    P R CHAUHAN
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    Buddhist nuns in Sri Lanka and Taiwan    W-Y CHENG
2004    PhD    Warwick    Uncovering injustice: towards a Dalit feminist politics in Bangladesh    Shraddha CHIGATERI    C Wright
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    The Da’sanami-Samnyasis: the integration of ascetic lineages into an order    Matthew James CLARK
2004    PhD    Manchester    We are the kings: the children of Dhaka’s streets    Alessandro CONTICINI    D Hulme
2004    PhD    Anglia    Adaptation and change in a traditional society: sustainable development in the context of a Ladakhi village    Robert COOK
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    The Irish expatriate community in British India, c1750-1900    Barry James Conleth CROSBIE    Prof C A Bayley
2004    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    Much ado about religion: a critical and annotated translation of the Agamadambara, a satirical play by the 9th century Kashmirian philosopher Bhatta Jayanta    Csaba DEZSO    Prof J A Sanderson
2004    PhD    Manchester    Marginal Indian Punjabi Sikh men; a psychotherapeutic perspective    Kamaldeep Singh DHILLON    Dr C Bates
2004    PhD    Nottingham    Inherited factors in pre-eclampsia: molecular genetic and epidemiological studies in a Sri Lankan population    V H W DISSANAYAKE
2004    PhD    Bristol    Gender and human rights: a discursive study of “violence against women” in Mexico and Pakistan    Silvie DRESSELHAUS    Dr J Weldes; Dr V Hewitt
2004    PhD    Portsmouth    The growth and applicationof Shari’ah in India: a legislative and judicial interpretation since 1947    E EHSANULLAH
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    Portugal and Portuguese India, 1870-1961    Bernard Dale ETHELL    Prof P G Robb
2004    PhD    Bradford    Ceramic specialisation and standardisation in early historic South Asia: an interdisciplinary investigation of rouletted ware, grey ware and Arikamedu Type 10    L A FORD
2004    PhD    Hull    Identity, war and the state in India: the case of the Nagas    Mr T FRANKS
2004    PhD    London, King’s    Improving the quality management systems for pharmaceutical services in developing countries: a case study in Sri Lanka    Piyadasa Galalla GAMAGE
2004    PhD    Oxford, Blackfriars    The Vedantic cosmology of Ramanuja and its western parallels    Robindra GANERI    Prof J S K Ward
2004    PhD    Nottingham    Slavery in ancient Greek poleis and ancient Sri Lanka: a comparison    W M W GEDARA
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Queens’    Of poverty and markets: the political economy of informal waste recovery and plastic recycling in Delhi    K GILL    Dr B Vira
2004    PhD    St Hugh’s    Caitanya Vaisnava Vedanta: acintyabhedabheda of Jiva Gosvani’s Catusutri Tika    Ravi Mohar GUPTA    Dr S Gupta-Gombrich; Prof J S K Ward
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    Samaj and unity: the in Bengali literati’s discourse on nationhood, 1867-1905    Swarupa GUPTA    Prof P G Robb
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    The politics of language and nation-building: the Nehruvian legacy and representations of cultural diversity in Sahgal, Rushdie and Seth    A M GUTTMAN
2004    PhD    East Anglia    Understanding gender and intra-household relations: a case study of Shaviyani Atoll, Maldives    Hala HAMEED    Prof C Jackson
2004    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    The dynamics of low-caste conversion movements: rural Punjab c 1880-1935    Christopher Gerard Michael HARDING    Prof J M Brown
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    Religious mobilisation and the construction of political space in the Indian North West Frontier tribal areas in the early twentieth century    Sana HAROON
2004    MPhil    Leicester    Lord Lake of Laswaree and Delhi, 1744-1808    Roger HARRIS    Dr H V Bowen
2004    PhD    Durham    Detection, monitoring and management of small water bodies: a case study of Shahjadpur Thana, Bangladesh    Khondaker Mohammod Shariful HUDA    Dr P J Atkins; Dr D Donaghue
2004    PhD    Warwick    Problem of national identity of the middle class in Bangladesh and state-satellite television    Zeenat HUDA    Dr P Mukta
2004    PhD    Essex    Initial public offerings in Pakistan    T IMTIAZ
2004    PhD    South Bank    Parental involvement, attitudes and responsibilities in educaton: a case study of parents in Britain and Pakistan    N INAYAT
2004    PhD    Cranfield    Technology catch-up actions for manufacturing companies in Pakistan    N IQBAL

2004   PhD   London, SOAS   Protestant translations of the Bible (1714-1995) and defining a Protestant Tamil identity   Hephziba ISRAEL
2004   PhD   London, LSE   People and tigers: an anthropological study of the Sundarbans of West Belgal, India   A JALAIS
2004   PhD   Cambridge, Queens’   The agency of normal food: performing normality in contemporary urban Bengal   Manpreet Kaur JANEJA   Prof C Humphrey
2004   DPhil   Oxford, Nuffield   Bridging the digital divide: regulating universal access in India   Akash K KAPUR   Ms B Morgan
2004   PhD   Reading   Constraints and opportunities for sustainable livelihoods and forest management in the mountains of North West Frontier Province, Pakistan   Jahangir KHAN   Dr H M Jones
2004   PhD   Cambridge, Selwyn   Ecology and conservation of the Bengal tiger in the Sundarbans mangrove forest of Bangadesh   M M H KHAN   Dr D J Chivers
2004   PhD   De Montfort   Temple architecture of Bengal 9th to 16th centuries   A KHARE
2004   PhD   Keele   Reconstructing rights: an analysis of the role of rights in reconstructing gender relations in the earthquake affected area, Maharashtra, India   Jane KRISHNADAS
2004   PhD   London, SOAS   Resolution and rupture: the paradox of violence in witch accusations in Chhatisgarh, India   Helen M MACDONALD   Dr D Mosse
2004   PhD   London, SOAS   Resolution and rupture: the paradox of violence in witch accusations in Chhattisgarh, India   Helen M MacDONALD
2004   PhD   Edinburgh   Pious flames: changing Western interpretations of widow burning in India to 1860   Andrea MAJOR   Dr C Bates; Dr I Duffield
2004   PhD   Oxford, St John’s   Cricket in colonial India, 1850-1947   Boria MAJUMDAR   Dr D A Washbrook
2004   PhD   Nottingham   Land tax administration and compliance attitudes in Malaysia   N A A MANAF
2004   PhD   London, King’s   Countering hegemony: the geopolitics of agrobiotechnology and the regulatory role of the Indian state   Martin MANSKI   M Mulligan
2004   PhD   Birmingham   The interdependency and the relationship between the government and private sector and their changing role in the development of micro island tourism in the Maldives   Abdulla MAUSOOM
2004   PhD   Durham   Travelling knowledges: urban poverty and slum/shack dwellers international   Colin McFARLANE   Dr G Macleod
2004   PhD   Wales, Aberystwyth   The establishment and growth of selected pioneer tree species from disturbed tropical rainforest sites in Malaysia   H MD NOOR
2004   PhD   London, King’s   Reterritorialising transnational corporate hegemony: the geopolitics of agribiotechnology and the regulatory role of the state in India   Martin MENSKI
2004   PhD   London, SOAS   Zorastrian music   Raiomond MIRZA   Prof O Wright; Dr R Widdess
2004   PhD   London, SOAS   Space, borders and histories: identity in colonial Goalpura (India)   Sanghamitra MISRA   Prof P G Robb
2004   PhD   Cambridge, St John’s   Crystal structure of north east India and southern Tibet and a comparison with thelithosphere of the stable Indian shield   S MITRA   Dr K F Priestley
2004   DPhil   Oxford, St Antony’s   The British in India and their domiciled brethern: race and class in the colonial context, 1858-1930   Satoshi MIZUTANI   Dr D A Washbrook
2004   MPhil   Leeds   Enabling and disabling factors of community cohesion among Pakistani Muslims in Bradford   Dominic J MOGHAL   Dr K Knott
2004   PhD   London , UC   Reworking modernity: the impact of resettlement in the Narmada valley, India   Kuheli MOOKERJEE   Dr C Dwyer; Dr A Varley
2004   PhD   London, InstArch   An examination of the spatial and temporal variation of lithic technology throughout the early Bronze Age of Pakistan   Justin Collard MORRIS   K Thomas
2004   PhD   London, UC   Lithic technology and cultural change during the late prehistoric period of northwest South Asia   J C MORRIS
2004   PhD   Cambridge, Lucy    Markets, transport and the state of Bengal economy, c.1750-1800   T MUKHERJEE   Prof C A Bayley
2004   PhD   London, SOAS   The perception of the “medieval” in Indian popular films, 1920s -1960s   Urvi MUKHOPADHYAY   Dr D Ali; Dr R Dwyer
2004   PhD   Cambridge   Impact of food supplementation on pregnancy weight gain and birth weight in rural Bangladesh   Shamsun NAHAR
2004   PhD   Cambridge. Sidney   Caught in the digital divide: transforming meanings of space, gender and identity for high tech professionals in Bangalore city, India   Roopa NAIR   Prof S E Corbridge
2004   PhD   Reading   The motivation of masons in the Sri Lankan construction industry   Leyon NANAYAKKARA
2004   PhD   Wales, Aberystwyth   Second World War Japanese atrocities and British minor war crimes trials: the issue of fair trial in the four selected British minor war crimes trials in Malaya and Singapore   A NARAYAN
2004   PhD   London, SOAS   The Gandavyuha-sutra: a study of wealth, gender and power in an Indian Buddhist narrative   Douglas Edward OSTO
2004   PhD   London, SOAS   Archaic knowledge, tradition and authenticity in colonial north India   Rakesh PANDEY   Dr D Ali
2004   PhD   West of England   Performance measurement and evaluation of supply chain: the Indian automobile industry   B PATEL
2004   PhD   Aberdeen   Emergency obstetric care: needs of poor women in Bangladesh   E PITCHFORTH
2004   PhD   London, LSE   Multinationals, local firms and economic reforms in Indian industry   Tushar PODDAR
2004   PhD   Birmingham   Mineral chemistry and metal extraction of Sri Lanka beach sands   W A P PREMARATNE
2004   PhD   London, LSE   A micro-econometric analysis of alcohol prohibition in India   L RAHMAN
2004   PhD   London, Wye   Measurement of productivity and efficiency of rice farmers in Bangladesh: an empirical study   Mohamed Mizanur RAHMAN
2004   PhD   Cambridge, Wolfson   Seismic characteristics of the southern Indian and the adjacent pan-African high grade terranes of Gondwanaland   Abhishek Kumar RAI   Dr K F Priestley
2004   PhD   Leeds   Nation, celebration and selected works of Michel Ondaatje and Carol Shields   Gillian Marie ROBERTS
2004   PhD   Cambridge, Gonville   HLA-DBQ1 – reproduction and health in consanguinous and non consanguinous families in Bangladesh   S ROY CHOUDHURY   Dr L A Knapp
2004   PhD   Leeds   The Sixteenth Landers, 1822-1846: the experience of regimental soldiering in India   J H RUMSBY
2004   PhD   Newcastle   Trade reforms: total factor productivity and profitability of manufacturing sectors in Pakistan   Naveeda SALAM
2004   PhD   Open   Psychedelic whiteness: rave tourism and the materiality of race in Goa   Joseph Johannes Arun SALDANHA   Dr J D Robinson; Prof D B Massey
2004   PhD   Manchester   The effect of globalisation on the grassroots women in Bangladesh   Nasreen SATTAR   Ms S Rowbotham
2004   PhD   London, LSE   Understanding the state: an anthropological study of rural Jharkhand, India   A SHAH
2004   PhD   London, SOAS   The Balochi verb: an etymological study   Azim SHAHBAKHSH
2004   DPhil   Oxford, Wolfson   State and society in: Gujerat, c.1200-1500: the making of a region   Samira SHEIKH   Dr D A Washbrook
2004   PhD   Edinburgh   Living with HIV/AIDS: turning points, transitions and transformations in the lives of women in Bombay and Edinburgh   Dina Pervez SIDHVA
2004   PhD   Cambridge   Exploring inclusive education in an Indian context   N SINGAL
2004   PhD   Birmingham   The question of method in Dalit theology: in search of a systematic approach of an Indian liberation theology   Charles SINGARAM
2004   MPhil   Wales, Swansea   Policy and practice of forest management through local institutions in Himachal Pradesh, India   M P SOOD
2004   PhD   South Bank   Health beliefs and health practices of South Asian and British white adults with and without myocardial infarction   Dooroowadave SOOKHOO
2004   DPhil   Oxford, Linacre   Secularism in Salman Rushdie’s “Midnight’s children” and Vikram Seth’s “A suitable boy”: history, nation, language   Neelam F R SRIVASTAVA   Dr J A Mee
2004   PhD   Cardiff   Crossing boundaries: an ethnography of occupational socialization of post-diploma baccalaureate nursing students in Pakistan   Grace D STANLEY
2004   PhD   Cardiff   Crossing boundaries: an ethnography of occupational socialization of post-diploma baccalaureate student nurses in Pakistan   Grace Dianne STANLEY   M Neary; G A Donald
2004   PhD   Cambridge, Downing   From “Palestine” [poem] to India: Bishop Heber’s poetic pilgrimage   I TAKAHASHI   Dr N J Leask
2004   PhD   London, SOAS   Towards a definitive grammar of Bengali: a study and critique of research on selected grammatical structures   Hanne-Ruth THOMPSON   Dr W Radice
2004   PhD   Birmingham   Support and supervision of secondary school teachers in Bangladesh   H THORNTON
2004   DPhil   Oxford, Worcester   Tectonic, metamorphic and magmatic evolution of the central Karakoram crust, northern Pakistan   aNDREW THOW   Dr D J Waters; Prof R R Parrish; Dr M P Searle
2004   DPhil   Oxford, St Cross   The grammar and poetics of Murti-Seva: Caitanya Vaisnava image worship as discourse, ritual and narrative   Kenneth R VALPEY   Dr S Gupta-Gombrich; Prof J S K Ward
2004   PhD   Birmingham   Differences in school performance between Tamil Brahmin and Malabar Muslim children in Kerala, India: a socio-cutural approach   V P VAZHALANICKAL
2004   PhD   Open   Science, technology and agency in the development of drought prone areas: a cognitive history of drought and scarcity   Linden Faith VINCENT   Prof D V Wield
2004   PhD   Coventry   Partition and locality: case studies of the impact of partition and its aftermath in the Punjab region, 1947-1961   Pritpal VIRDEE   Prof I A Talbot
2004   PhD   Cambridge, St Edmund’s   Eating and identity in the novels of V S Naipaul, Anita Desai, Timothy Mo and Salman Rushdie   Paul Matthew John VLITOS   Dr A D B Poole
2004   PhD   Cambridge, Churchill   Thuggee and the “construction” of crime in early nineteenth century India   Kim Ati WAGNER   Prof C A Bayley
2004   PhD   Cambridge, Emmanuel   Between bureaucrats and beneficiaries: the implementation of eco-development:in Pench tiger reserves, India   Jo L WOODMAN   Dr B Vira
2004   PhD   Glasgow   The analysis of human mitochondrial DNA in peninsular Malaysia   Z ZAINUDDIN
2004   PhD   London, King’s   Remote sensing and GIS based assessment of El-Nino related fire activity on Borneo, 1982-1998   Athanossios ZOUMAS
2005   PhD   Loughborough   Alternative arrangements for water supply in urban areas: case studies in Karachi, Pakistan   Noman AHMED
2005   PhD   London, UC   Through “spirits”: cosmology and landscape ecology among the Nyishi tribe of upland Arunachal Pradesh, northeast India   Alexander AISHER   Dr C Pinney; Dr M Banerjee
2005   PhD   Keele   The cultural politics of production: ethnicity, gender and the labour process in Sri Lanka tea plantations   Chandana G ALAWATTAGE
2005   PhD   London, King’s   Studies on slected Malaysian plants as antidiabetic agent   H M ALI
2005   DPhil   Oxford, St Antony’s   Equality of educational opportunity and public policy in Bangladesh   Mohammad Niaz ASADULLAH   Dr R Kingdon; Dr S Dercon
2005   PhD   London, LSE   Structural changes in East Asia: factor accumulation, technological progress and economic geography   Shuvojit BANERJEE
2005   PhD   Manchester   The politics of market space in Calcutta, India: past and present   Martin BEATTIE   Prof S Guy
2005   DPhil   Oxford, St Antony’s   Missionary education knowledge and and north Indian society, c 1880- 1915   Hayden John-Andrew BELLENOIT   Dr D A Washbrook
2005   PhD   London, King’s   The changing goddess: the religious lives of Hindu women in West Bengal   Cynthia BRADLEY   Prof F Hardy
2005   PhD   London, UC   Mental illness, medical pluralism and Islamism in Sylhet, Bangladesh   Alyson Fleur CALLAN   Prof R Littlewood
2005   PhD   London, SOAS   Muzaffar Ahmad, Calcutta and socialist politics, 1913-1929   Suchetana CHATTOPADYHYAY   Prof P G Robb
2005   PhD   East Anglia   Surface tension: water and agrarian change in a rainfed village, West Bengal, India   Daniel COPPARD   Dr B Lankford
2005   PhD   Edinburgh   Sri Pada: diversity and exclusion in a sacred site in Sri Lanka   Delkandura Arachchige Premakumara DE SILVA
2005   PhD   London, LSHTM   Social capital and maternal mental health: a cross cultural comparison of four developing countries [Peru, India, Ethiopia, Vietnam]   Mary Joan DE SILVA   Ms S Huttly; Prof T Harpham
2005   PhD   Cambridge. Trinity Hall   Second language acquisition of articles and plural markings by Bengali learners of Engish   Hildegunn DIRDAL   Dr T Parodi
2005   MPhil   London, UC   The servant/employer relationship in19th century England and India   Fae Ceridwen DUSSART   Prof C M Hall
2005   PhD   London, Royal Holloway   Analysing the impact of labour and education laws on child labour in Pakistan during the 1990s   T FASIH
2005   PhD   London, Inst Ed   Ways forward to achieve school effectiveness and school improvement: a case study of school leadership and teacher professional development in Sri Lanka   B N A B FERNANDO
2005   PhD   London, SOAS   Surrendering to the earth: a feminine interpretation of Dharma worship in Bengal with special reference to ‘Sunya Purana   Fabrizio FERRARI
2005   PhD   Edinburgh   Twentieth century South Asian Christian theological engagement with religious pluralism: its challenges for pentecostalism in India   Geomon Kizhakkemalayil GEORGE
2005   MPhil   Birmingham   Sikhism and violence   P GILL
2005   PhD   Cambridge, Gonville    Inverted metamorphism in the Sikkim-Darjeeling Himalay: structural, metamorphic and numerical studies   S GOSWAMI   Prof M J Bickle
2005   MPhil   West of England   A study of “enabling conditions” in primary schools in Negombo Education Zone in Sri Lanka with special reference to effective leadership and physical and material resources   Egodawatte Arachchige Don GUNAWARDENA
2005   DPhil   Oxford, St Cross   Discourses of religion and development: agency, empowerment and choices or Muslim women in Gujerat, India   Laila N HALANI   Dr M J Banks
2005   PhD   Reading   Farmers’ decision-making in rice pest management: implications for farmer field school approaches in Bangladesh   Mohammad Abdul HAMID   Dr D D Shepherd
2005   PhD   Manchester   A fire of tongues: narrative patterning in the Sanskrit Mahabharata   James Marcel HEGARTY
2005   PhD   London, Queen Mary   Intellectual property law and e-commerce in Sri Lanka: towards a jurisprudence based on consitution, Roman-Dutch law and Buddhist principles   T S K HEMARATNE
2005   PhD   Edinburgh   Rights based development: formal and process approaches in Pakistan   Shiona Mary HOOD
2005   PhD   Cambridge, Fitzwilliam   Ecology, economy and society in the eastern Bengal delta, c.1840-1943   Khondker Iftekhar IQBAL   Prof C A Bayley
2005   PhD   Plymouth   International freight transport multimodal development in developing countries: the case of Bangladesh   Dewan Mohammad Zahurul ISLAM   Dr R Gray
2005   DPhil   Sussex   Women, employment and the family: poor informal sector women workers in Dhaka city   Farzana ISLAM   Dr H Standing
2005   PhD   London, LSE   Assessing the impact of Gujerat’s resettlement and rehabilitation policy on the livelihoods of women and their empowerment post-displacement   Anupma JAIN
2005   PhD   Open   Volcanic architecture of the Deccan Traps, western Maharashtra, India: an integrated chemostratigraphic and paleomagnetic study   Anne E JAY
2005   PhD   Cambridge, Darwin   Cross cultural perspectives in contemporary Sri Lankan writing in English   Sharanya JAYAWICKRAMA   Dr P Gopal
2005   DPhil   Oxford, St Antony’s   India divided: state and society in the aftermath of partitition: the case of Uttar Pradesh, 1946-1952   Yasmin KHAN   Prof J M Brown; Prof I A Talbot
2005   PhD   London, LSE   Soldiers’ experience of war, Burma 1942-1945   Tatjana Genoveva Ursula KRALJIC   Prof M Knox
2005   MPhil   West of England   An investigation of primary teachers’ professional attitudes in Sri Lanka with special reference to Negombo Educational Zone   Nihil Tissa Kumara LOKULIYANA
2005   DPhil   Oxford   Implications of displacement and resettlement for the Gonds of central India   Preeti MANN   Dr D Chatty; Dr M J Banks
2005   PhD   Queen’s, Belfast   Women’s human rights in Islam and international human rights regime: the case of Pakistan   N MIAN
2005   PhD   London, SOAS   Merchants, markets and the monopoly of the East India Company: the salt trade in Bengal under colonial control c. 1790-1836   Sayako MIKI   Prof P G Robb
2005   PhD   London, SOAS   The transmission and performance for khyai composition in the Gwalior gharana of India vocal music   A D MORRIS
2005   PhD   Essex   A case of interest maximisation? Military-civil bureaucratic behaviour and political outcomes in Bangladesh (1975-1990)   Khairuzzaman MOZUMDER
2005   EdD   Birmingham   Exploring the potential for educational change through participatory and democratic approaches in Pakistan   N MUHAMMAD
2005   PhD   Nottingham   United Nations charter and treaty-based international human rights monitoring in relation to the prohibition of torture and other cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment or punishment: a study of two states, the United Kingdom and the Republic of India   A MUKHERJEE
2005   DPhil   Sussex   Knowledge, identity, place and (cyber)space: growing up male and middle class in Bangalore   N C NISBETT
2005   PhD   Edinburgh   Case study of a health-oriented NGO in Pakistan   Madeline PATTERSON
2005   PhD   Edinburgh   From medical relief to community health care: a case study of non-governmental organisation (Frontier Primary Health Care) in North Western Province, Pakistan   Margaret Madeline PATTERSON
2005   dpHIL   Oxford, Balliol   Through district eyes: local raj and the myth of the Punjab tradition in British India, 1858-1907   Dara Milnes PRICE   Dr D A Washbrook
2005   PhD   London, SOAS   The sant traditioin and community formation in the works of Guru Nanak and Dadu Dayal   Susan Elizabeth PRILL   Dr C Shackle
2005   PhD   King’s, London   Gender disadvantage as a risk factor for common mental disorder in women residing in Rawalpindi/Islamabad   F QADIR
2005   EdD   Durham   Nurse education, foreign aid and development: a case study from Bangladesh   Patricia ROBSON
2005   DPhil   Sussex   Tamil youth: the performance of hierarchical masculinities: an anthropological study of youth groups in Chennai, Tamil Nadu, India   M C ROGERS
2005   PhD   London, Insti Comm   Socio-economic rights as constitutional human rights: Canada, South Africa and India compared   Desa ROSEN   Dr M Craven (SOAS); Dr P Gready
2005   PhD   London, SOAS   Early photography in India, 1850s-1870s   Stephanie S ROY
2005   PhD   Cambridge, Trinity   Sentimental imperialism: British literature and India, 1770-1830   Andrew John RUDD   Dr N J Leask
2005   PhD   Edinburgh   Conversion and communication: Christian communication and indigenous agency in conversion among the Kui people of Orissa, India, 1835-1970   Jagat Ranjan SANTRA
2005   PhD   London, SOAS   The formation of Islamic community identity in medieval north India   Nilanjan SARKAR   Dr D Ali
2005   PhD   London, SOAS   The political identity of the Delhi Sultanate, 1200-1400: a study of Zia ud-din Barani’s Fatawa-i-Jahandari   Nilanjan SARKAR   Dr D Ali
2005   PhD   London, SOAS   Globalization and identity: Sikh nationalism, diaspora and international relations   Giorgiandrea SHANI
2005   PhD   Sheffield   Structure and composition of India’s exports with speial reference to India’s post- liberalisation period   Abhijit SHARMA
2005   PhD   De Montfort   Colonial intervention and urban transformation: a case studyof Shahjahanabad, Old Delhi   J P SHARMA
2005   PhD   London, SOAS   A study of the Amaravati stupa: the chronology and social contexts of an early historic Buddhist site in the Lower Krishna Valley   Akira SHIMADA   Dr D Ali
2005   DPhil   Oxford, Green   The business of schooling:the school choice processes, markets and institutions governing low-fee provate schooling for disadvantaged groups in India   Prachi SRIVASTAVA   Dr M Birbili; Prof G Walford
2005   DPhil   Oxford   The experience of four famines in NWP & O (1837-1838, 1860- 1861; 1868-1869; 1896-1897): the gainers and the losers   Seema SRIVASTAVA
2005   MPhil   Nottingham   The effects of Asean on trade flows and assessing trade flows of the candidate country (case study: India)   Puttachat SUWANKIRI
2005   PhD   Edinburgh   Prime time and prayer time: television, religion and the practices of everyday life of Marthoma Christians in Kerala, India   Sham Padinjattethil THOMAS
2005   PhD   Strathclyde   Car dependency and traffic congestion: a case of a Malaysian city in Borneo   L TSESED KONG
2005   MPhil   Dundee   Motivation and incentives in government organisations: a study of the Income Tax Department in India   Mohanish VERMA
2005   PhD   Cambridge, Jesus   Seeking cultural safety: NGO responses to HIV/AIDS among South Asians in Delhi and London   Hannah Jill WESTON   Dr G Kearns
2005   MPhil   London, King’s   Sri Lankan perceptions of health and illness: quantitative and qualitative approaches   Yapa Mudiyanselage Charitha Gothami WIJERATNE
2005   PhD   Sunderland   Women’s ordination in Theravada Buddhism:ancient evidence and modern debates   L WILLIAMS
2005   PhD   London, SOAS   Literate networks and the production of Sgaw and Pwo Karen writing in Burma, c.1830-1930   William Burgess WOMACK   Dr M Charney Professor Ian Brown
2005   PhD   Nottingham   Predictors of language learning success in Bangladeshi secondary education institutions   Feroza YASMIN   Prof Z Dornyel
2006   PhD   London, LSHTM   Quality of care for reproductive tract morbidities by rural private practitioners in north India   Meenakshi GAUTHAM
2006   DPhil   Sussex   Poor women’s experiences of marriage and love in the city of New Delhi: every day stories of Sukh and Dukh   Shalini GROVER
2006   PhD   Newcastle   Valuation techniques of protected areas: a case study of Gir, Gujarat, India   Mohan Lal SHARMA
2006   PhD   London, Imperial   Contaminated irrigaton water and food safety in India   Kerry Vivienne SWANTON

Table 2: List of theses with incomplete data, listed alphabetically by the University and College followed by the AUTHOR (in capital letters) followed by the Supervisor(s) where available and the thesis Title. The Year and/or Degree were not available in the public database. If you are an author or supervisor or other academic representative, please write in with these details if possible.

Aberdeen   Sultan Ali ADIL       An economic analysis of energy use in irrigated agriculture of Punjab       PhD
Birmingham 0.365217391   S A KARUNANAYAKE       An evaluation of the present system of local government in Ceylon in the light of national needs for unity and economic and social development and proposals for appropriate changes       PhD
Birmingham 0.369264706   M G KANBUR       Spatial equilibrium analysis of trhe rice economy of South India   2000
BradfordCambridge, Trinity   Z KHAN       The development of overt nuclear weapon states in South Asia       PhD
Cambridge   Katherine Helen PRIOR       The British administration of Hinduism in India, 1780-1900       PhD
Cambridge   G CHAKRAVARTY       Imagining resistance: British historiography and popular fiction on the Indian Rebellion of 1857-1859       PhD
Cambridge 0.327375   Ajit Kumar GHOSE       Production organisation, markets and resource use in Indian agriculture       PhD
Cambridge 0.361285714   M J EGAN       A structural analysis of a Sinhalese healing ritual       PhD
Cambridge, King’s 0.301   J A LAIDLAW       The religion of Svetambar Jain merchants in Jaipur       PhD
Cambridge, Pembroke   H T FRY   Prof E E Rich   Alexander Dalrymple, cosmographer and servant of the East India Company       PhD
Cambridge, Trinity   Magnus Murray MARSDEN   Dr S B Bayly   Islamization and globalization in Chitral, Northern Pakistan
Cambridge, Trinity Hall   C J JEFFREY   Dr S E Corbridge   Reproducing difference: the accumulation strategies of richer Jat farmers in Western Uttar Pradesh, India   2002
Cambridge, Wolfson   Gethin REES   DrD K Chakrabarti   Buddhism and trade: rock cut caves of the Western Ghats       PhD
Cranfield, Silsoe   Ariyaratne DISSANAYAKE   J Morris   Research and development and extension for agricultural mechanisation in Sri Lanka
De Montfort   S JAIN       The havelis of Rajasthan: form and identity       PhD
Durham 0.401311475   M F A KHAN       The arid zone of West Pakistan       PhD
East Anglia   John HARISS       Technological change in agricultural and agrarian social structure in Northen Tamil Nadu, India       PhD
Edinburgh   N THIN       High spirits and heteroglossia: forest festivals of the Nilgiri Irulas       PhD
Edinburgh   AKSHAY KHANNA       Sexuality as a political object in civil society: active formations in India   2003
Edinburgh   Rebecca WALKER       Concepts of peace in conflict situations in Sri Lanka       PhD
Glasgow   Sana KHOKHAR   Dr F Noorbakhsh; Dr A Paloni   An evaluation of the structural adjustment and economic reform programme: a case study of Pakistan       MPhil
Lancaster   J A BURR       Cultural stereotypes and the diagnosis of depression: women from South Asian communities and their experience of mental distress   1980
Leeds   E K TARIN       Health sector reforms: factors influencing the policy process for government initiatives in the Punjab (Pakistan) health sector, 1993-2000       PhD
Leeds 0.35375   A P A FERNANDO       Agricultural development of Ceylon since independence (1948-1968)- an investigation into some aspects of agricultural development in Ceylon and an evaluation of major agricultural policies adopted in the peasant sector       PhD
Leeds 0.35375   M S KHAN       Policies and planning for agricultural development with a high population density: a case study of East Pakistan       PhD
London   F R M HASAN       Ecology and rural class relations in Bangladesh: a study with special reference to three villages       PhD
London   B GHOSH   Dr Anstey   The Indian salt industry, trade and taxation       PhD
London   R L HATFIELD       Management reform in a centralised environment: primary education administration in Balochistan, Pakistan, 1992-1997       MSc
London   GAYAS-UD-DIN       Medical library and information system for India       PhD
London   Sarmistha PAL       Choice of casual and regular labour contracts in Indian agriculture: a theoretical and empirical analysis   2000
London, SOAS   Pillarisetti SUDHIR   Mr Chaudhuri   British attitudes to Indian nationalism, 1922-1935   2001 (Apropos the author’s correction in the Comments section, this entry has been moved to the main list.)
London, External 0.357464789   A A KHATRI       Marriage and family relationships in Gujerati fiction       PhD
London, Imperial   Sinniah JEYALINGAWATHANI       Thr utilisation of indigenous and imported Bos indicus breeds in the dry zone of Sri Lanka   2002
London, LSE   A KUNDU   Prof Allen; Mr Booker   Statistical measures of five year plans in India   2003
London, LSE   Flora Elizabeth CORNISH   Dr C Campbell   Constructing an actionable environment: colelctive action for HIV prevention among Kolkata sex workers       MPhil
London, LSE 0.423157895   B P DUTIA       Economic aspects of production and marketing of cotton in India       PhD
London, LSHTM   Margaret J LEPPARD       Obstetric care in a Bangladeshi hospital: an organisational ethnography       PhD
London, LSHTM   Steven RUSSELL       Can households afford to be ill ? the role of the health system, maternal resources and social networks in Sri Lanka       PhD
London, LSHTM   Syed Mohd Akramuz ZAMAN       Cohort study of the effect of measles on childhood morbidity in urban Bangladesh       PhD
London, LSHTM   Mrigesh Roopchandra BHATIA       Economic evaluation od malaria control in Surat, India: bednets versus residual insecticide apray       PhD
London, SOAS   A B M MAHMOOD   Mr Harrison   The land revenue history of the Rajshahi zamindari, 1765-1793       PhD
London, SOAS   Oliver David SPRINGATE-BAGINSKY   Dr S I Jewitt   Sustainable development through particpatory forest management: an analysis of the long term role of the cooperative forest societies of Kangra District, Himachal Pradesh, India       PhD
London, SOAS   Isabella NARDI   Dr G Tillotson   The Citrasutras: the Indian theory of painting   1929?   MA
London, SOAS   Angela ATKINS   Dr R Snell   The Indian novel in English and Hindi       PhD
London, SOAS   Angela C EYRE       Land, language and literary identity: a thematic comparison of Indian novels in Hindi and English       MA
London, SOAS   Rajit Kumar MAZUMDER   Prof P G Robb   The making of Punjab: colonial power, the Indian army and recruited peasants, 1849-1939       MA
London, SOAS   Lalita Nath PANIGRAHI   Prof a l Basham   The practice of female infanticide in India and its suppression in the North Western Provinces       PhD
London, SOAS 0.318795181   Terumichi KAWAI       Freedom of religion in comparative constitutional law with special reference to the UK, US, India and Japan       MPhil
London, SOAS 0.3432   W P KINNEY   Dr M Caldwell; P C Ayre   Aspects of economic development in Malaya       MA
London, SOAS 0.35375   K D GAUR       Economic crimes relating to income tax in India: a critical analysis of tax evasion and tax avoidance       PhD
London, SOAS 0.35375   A GHAFFAR       Protection of personal liberty under the Pakistan constitution       BLitt
London, SOAS 0.35375   K P MISHRA   Dr J B Harrison   The administration and economy of the Banaras region, 1738-1795       BLitt
London, SOAS 0.382153846   K M KARIM       The provinces of Bihar and Bengal under Shabjahan   2003
Manchester   A BERADLEY   Prof Muir   Settlement of the Madras Presidency, 1765-1827       MA
Manchester   W A G HARRINGTON       The theory and practice of non-formal education in developing countries with case studies from India       PhD
Manchester   Jane HAGGIS       Professional ladies and working wives: female missionaries in the London Missionary Society and its South Travancoe District, South India, 1850-1900        MPhil
Manchester 0.401311475   S T G FERNANDO       A historical and analytical account of export taxation in Ceylon, 1802-1958       PhD
Manchester 0.411864407   R L KUMAR       India’s post-war balance of payments sincce 1945-1955       DPhil
Manchester 0.417413793   T S EPSTEIN       A comparative study of economic change and differentiation in two South Indian villages       PhD
Manchester Metropolitan   S PAREKH       Relationships between children with cerebral palsy and their siblings: an ethnography in Kolkata, India
Newcastle   Alice MALPASS   Dr P Phillimore   Hibred kala: the hybrid age of choice, dissent and imagination: contract faming and genetically modified cotton in Karnataka, South India       MSC
Newcastle 0.373432836   K K KHOSLA       Conditions of labour and labour legislation of industrial workers in India since 1947   2001
North London   Jasmin ARA   Ms R Glanville   Primary health care facilities in Bangladesh: a method of planning and design taking account of limited resources, local technology, future growth and change   2000
Oxford   W M KHAN       An economic evaluation of the alternative uses of land under state forests in Baluchistan   1999
Oxford, Campion Hall   P EKKE   Dr D F Brook   An ethnogaphic survey of the Oraons and the Mundas of Chota-Nagpur   1991
Oxford, Nuffield   Alistair McMILLAN   Dr N Gooptu; Prof A F Heath   Scheduled castes, scheduled tribes and party competition in India   1991
Oxford, St Hilda’s   H Vinita TSENG   Prof R F Gombrich   The Nidanavagga of the Saratthappakasini: the first two vaggas   1993
Oxford, Wolfson   Somadeva VASUDEVA   Prof A G J S Sanderson   The yoga of the Malinivijayottaratantra   1994
Reading 0.38671875   M A KAMAL       Balances and unbalanced growth as exemplified by a decade of planning experience in India   1994
Salford   S CHOWDHURY   Mr E K Grime   Housing in Bangladesh   1998
Sheffield   RITA SAIKIA   Prof M F Lynch   The utility of object-oriented domain specification in the context of a large organisation in India   1998
Southampton 0.369264706   Mohammad A MONDAL       A suggested approach to the solution of the profit measurement and asset valuation with reference to the developing economies of India and Pakisttan   1999
Strathclyde 0.37358209   T G GEHANI       A critical review of the work of Scottish Presbyterian missions in India, 1878-1914   1999
Sussex   R G HESELTINE       The development and impact of jute cultivation in Bengal, 1870-1930   2000
Wales   Animesh HALDER       Potential diversification in India’s export pattern   2000
Wales, Swansea   S S MUKHERJEE       Urban process in Calcutta: some planning implications   2004
Wales, Swansea   Julia CLEEVES       Gender and reproductive health: issues in hormonal contraception in India   2004
Wales, University College of Swansea 0.346621622   E A KUMARASINGHE       Information for health planning in Sri Lanka   1965

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Corporate Governance & the Principal-Agent Problem (a brief lecture dated 31 May 2006)

January 8, 2009 — drsubrotoroy

Corporate Governance & the Principal-Agent Problem
by

Subroto Roy
for a conference on corporate governance

I am most grateful for this opportunity to speak at this distinguished gathering. I have to say I have had just a day to collect my thoughts on the subject of our discussion, so I may be less precise than I would wish to be. But I am delighted I have a mere 7 minutes to speak, and I will not plan to speak for a second more!

I would like to ask you to consider the following pairings:

PATIENT: DOCTOR
CLIENT: LAWYER
PUPIL: TEACHER
STUDENT: PROFESSOR
SHAREHOLDER: DIRECTORS & MANAGERS
CITIZEN: GOVERNMENT

You will recognize something in common to all of these pairings I am sure. A patient goes to a doctor with a problem, like a swelling or a stomach ache or a fever, and expects the doctor to do his/her best to treat it successfully. A client goes to a lawyer with a problem, of a contract or a tort or a criminal charge, and expects the lawyer to represent him to the best of his ability. A student attends a University or higher educational Institute, and expects the professors there to impart some necessary knowledge, to explain some difficult or complex natural or social phenomena, to share some well-defined expertise, so the student too may aspire to becoming an expert.

In each case, there is a Principal – namely the patient, the client, the student, — and there is an Agent, namely, the doctor, the lawyer, the professor. The Agent is not acting out of charity but is someone who receives payment from the Principal either directly through fees or indirectly through taxes.

The Agent is also someone who necessarily knows more than the Principal about the answer to the Principal’s problem. I.e. there is an asymmetry in the information between the two sides. The Agent has the relevant information or expertise — the Principal needs this information or expertise and wishes to purchase it from him one way or another.

A company’s Board of Directors and the management that reports to it, may be similarly assumed to have far greater specific knowledge than the company’s shareholders (and other stakeholders) about the state of a company’s operations, its finances, its organisation, its position in various input and output markets, its potential for growth in the industry it is a part of, and so on. Yet the shareholders are the Principal and the directors and managers are their Agents.

And indeed the Government of a country, i.e. its political leadership and the bureaucracy and military that are reporting to it, also have much more relevant decision-making information available to them than does the individual citizen as to the economic and political direction the country should be taking and why, and again the body of the ordinary citizenry of any country may have a reasonable expectation that politicians, bureaucrats and military generals are acting on their behalf.

In each of these cases, the Principal, having less information than the Agent, must necessarily trust that the Agent is going to be acting in good faith on the Principal’s behalf. There is a corporate governance problem in each case simply because the Agent can abuse this derived power that he acquires over the Principal, and breach the contract he has entered into with the Principal. Doctors or lawyers can practise improperly, professors can cheat their students of their money and teach them nothing or less than nothing, boards of directors and managers can cheat their shareholders and other “stakeholders” (including their workers who have expectations about the company) of value that should be rightfully theirs — and of course politicians, bureaucrats and military men are all too easily able to misuse the public purse in a way that the public will not even begin to know how to rectify.

In such situations, the only real checks against abuse can come from within the professions themselves. It is only doctors who can control medical malpractice, and only a doctor can certify that another doctor has behaved badly. It is only lawyers who can control legal malpractice, and testify that yes a client has been cheated of his money by some unscrupulous attorney. It is only good professors and good teachers who can do what they can to stand out as contrasting examples against corrupt professors or incompetent teachers.

In case of managerial malpractice, it is only fellow-managers who may be able to comprehend the scam that a particular CEO has been part of, in stealing money from his shareholders. And in case of political malpractice, similarly, it is only rival political parties and when even those fail, rival political institutions like the courts or the press and media, who can expose the shenanigans of a Government, and tell an electorate to throw the rascals out in the next election.

In other words, self-policing, and professional self-discipline are the only ultimate checks and balances that any society has. The ancient Greeks asked the question “Who guards the guardians”, and the answer has to be that the guardians themselves have to guard themselves. We ultimately must police ourselves . I think it was William Humboldt who said that a people get the government they deserve.

In India today, indeed in India in the last thirty or forty years, perhaps ever since 1966 after the passing away of Lal Bahadur Shastri, we may be facing a universal problem of the breach of good faith especially so perhaps in the Government and the organised corporate sector. Such breaches occur in other countries too, but when an American court sends the top management of Enron to jail for many years or a Korean court sends the top management of Daewoo to jail for many years, we know that there are processes in these countries which are at least making a show of trying to rectify the breaches of good faith that may have occurred there. That is regrettably not the situation in India. And the main responsibility for that rests with our Government simply because our Government is by far the largest organised entity in the country and dwarfs everyone else.

As an economist, I have been personally intrigued to realise that Government corruption is closely caused by the complete absence of serious accounting and audit norms being followed in Government organisations and institutions. Get control of as big a budget as you can, is the aim of every Government department, then spend as little of it as is absolutely necessary on the publicly declared social or national aim that the department is supposed to have, and instead spend as much as possible on the travel or personal lifestyles of those in charge, or better still transform as much as possible into the personal property of those in charge – for example, through kickbacks on equipment purchases or building contracts. For example, it is not unknown for the head of some or other government institution to receive an apartment off-site from a builder who may have been chosen for a major construction project on site. This kind of thing has unfortunately become the implicit goal of almost all departments of the Government of India as well as the Governments of our more than two dozen States. I have no doubt it is a state of affairs ultimately being caused by the macroeconomic processes of continuous deficit-financing and unlimited printing of paper-money over decades. For the first two decades or so after Independence, our institutions still had enough self-discipline, integrity, competence and optimism to correct for the natural human instincts of greed and domination. The next four decades — roughly, as I have said, from the death of Shastriji — there has been increasing social and political rot. I have to wonder if and when a monetary collapse will follow.

India’s “pork-barrel politics” needs a nice (vegetarian) Hindi name! “Teli/oily politics” perhaps? (And are we next going to see a Bill of Rights for Lobbyists?)

January 3, 2009 — drsubrotoroy

“Pork barrel politics” has been known as a concept in America and other Western countries for more than a century. India is clearly playing catch-up here but advancing quickly. The so-called “second fiscal stimulus” announced yesterday by Dr Manmohan Singh’s chief economic policy aide no longer makes any pretence of any engagement with serious public finance economics at all and is instead a plain bill of rights for lobbyists, especially organised business (and with it, organised labour).

In fact New Delhi’s way seems to be for organised lobbies to deal directly with the higher bureaucracy with executive political approval or acquiescence; pork arising from legislative politics may be secondary.

Now “pork” is too ugly a term for our Indian sensibilities and not many people eat any in the country (though, believe it or not, pork-production literally speaking is still the recipient of a government subsidy!). So we do need a nice preferably vegetarian name for “pork-barrel politics” Indian-style. “Tel” or “oil” may provide some ideas, and as a rough approximation I would suggest “Teli politics” or “Oily politics” but suggestions are welcome.

There are groups in America known as “Porkbusters” :

Any similar resistance in India responding to our version of pork-barrel politics might have to be called “Tel busters” or “Oil busters” or just “Detergents”.

And finally, since there has been a complete takeover of the economic policy process (and the mainstream media) by organised business lobbies, are we going to be perhaps seeing next a formal Bill of Rights for Lobbyists?

Subroto Roy, Kolkata

Posted in Big Business and Big Labour, Economic Policy, Economic quackery, Government Budget Constraint, India's Big Business, India's Government economists, India's Banking, India's Budget, India's bureaucracy, India's Capital Markets, India's corruption, India's Economy, India's Government Budget Constraint, India's Government Expenditure, India's Industry, India's inflation, India's Macroeconomics, India's Monetary & Fiscal Policy, India's nomenclatura, India's political lobbyists, India's Politics, India's Polity, India's pork-barrel politics, India's Public Finance, India's Reserve Bank, India's State Finances, Interest group politics, Manmohan Singh, Mendacity, Mendacity in politics, Political corruption, Political cynicism, Political mendacity, Pork-barrel politics, Public Choice/Public Finance, Public property waste fraud. Leave a Comment »

Pump-priming for car-dealers: Keynes groans in his grave (If evidence was needed of the intellectual dishonesty of New Delhi’s new macroeconomic policy, here it is)

December 9, 2008 — drsubrotoroy

Pump-priming for car-dealers: Keynes groans in his grave

(If evidence was needed of the intellectual dishonesty of New Delhi’s new macroeconomic policy, here it is)

by

Subroto Roy

I have said the Government of India’s new macroeconomic policy announced on Sunday by Dr Manmohan Singh’s main economic policy aide has no economic models or data to support it, and may as likely worsen rather than dampen any business-cycle India might be on for the simple reason that no one has a clue where we are in the cycle, or indeed even if such a cycle exists. (See https://independentindian.com/2008/12/07/will-the-government-of-indias-economic-policy-dampen-or-worsen-the-business-cycle-if-such-a-cycle-exists-at-all-no-one-knows-%E2%80%9Cwhere-ignorance-is-bliss-%E2%80%98tis-folly-to-be-wise/)

The policy appears to be the result of the usual intense lobbying by organised capital and organised labour with the Government’s Ministries in New Delhi.

If evidence was needed of this root intellectual dishonesty, one need look only as far as “Highlights of India’s fiscal stimulus package” (Daily News and Analysis, December 7 2008) and note the item:

” Norms for government departments to replace vehicles relaxed”.

Dr Singh’s aide, after announcing the policy, openly spoke of how private automobile manufacturers had accumulated a lot of unintended inventory due to falling sales, and how they needed, in his opinion, to lower prices. Evidently, the Government has also decided to itself buy a lot of that unintended inventory too, using the very scarce public resources of India’s ordinary people. Pump-priming for car-dealers — JM Keynes groans in his grave! Watch out for those fancy fast new cars carrying India’s bureaucrats, politicians and their friends and family!

Posted in Big Business and Big Labour, Economic Policy, Economic quackery, Economics of Public Finance, Economics of Unemployment, Government accounting, Government Budget Constraint, Government of India, India's Big Business, India's bureaucracy, India's corruption, India's Economy, India's Government Budget Constraint, India's Government Expenditure, India's Industry, India's inflation, India's Macroeconomics, India's Monetary & Fiscal Policy, India's political lobbyists, India's Polity, India's pork-barrel politics, India's Public Finance, India's Reserve Bank, India's State Finances, Inflation, Interest group politics, John Maynard Keynes, Manmohan Singh, Mendacity in politics, Political corruption, Political cynicism, Political mendacity, Politics, Public Choice/Public Finance, Public property waste fraud. Leave a Comment »

Anarchy in Bengal

February 10, 2008 — drsubrotoroy

Anarchy in Bengal

Intra-Left bandh marks the final unravelling of “Brand Buddha”

First published in The Sunday Statesman, 10 February 2008, Editorial Page Special Article http://www.thestatesman.net

SUBROTO ROY

Once upon a time, not very long ago, there was something called “Brand Buddha”. The basic idea was that the CPI-M had quietly reformed itself, passing the baton from old unreconstructed communists like Jyoti Basu and Harkishan Surjeet to a new generation of pragmatists and modernists represented by Prakash Karat’s JNU coterie at the national level and the smartly dressed bhadralok persona of Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee in Kolkata itself.

Big businessmen and their foreign collaborators were no longer the “comprador bourgeoisie” but rather were allies to whom government subsidies and concessions, especially land, would be and should be granted. The “investment climate” and “work culture” under a CPI-M government would be among the best in India. High employment levels would be the hoped-for result, especially employment for those associated positively with the CPI-M and its friends. The usual set of academics, journalists, film and TV actors, dancers, sportsmen, singers, NRIs etc who were directly or indirectly recipients of the largesse of the West Bengal Government helped to contribute to the idea that a viable political brand had been identified and it represented the unique way forward for the State. “You are either with us or against us” has always been the brief philosophy of communist and fascist parties around the world ~ joining up with Brand Buddha meant you were part of the bandwagon of progress, if you did not join up you would be left behind. (No one thought Brand Buddha could be or would come to be actively opposed.)

At the national level, the old Indira Gandhi-Communist alliance was restored by way of a new one led by Sonia Gandhi. Jyoti Basu had frankly described Sonia as “a housewife” but now that the housewife was running the country and needed the Communists’ help in doing so, the opportunity was not to be missed to extract whatever price was possible. The main broker between 10 Janpath and West Bengal’s Communists was Pranab Mukherjee who was most familiar with the old Indira-style of opportunistic Indian politics, and who was given the mandate of appeasing the Communists with whatever they needed while also being the pointman to make a phone call to his friend Buddhadeb to see to it, e.g., that the CPI-M like everyone else enjoyed the American and Indian air force show at Kalaikunda.

The “enemy” (for, after all, every unholy alliance must have an identifiable enemy) was the wicked old BJP. Everyone from Sonia Gandhi via Pranab Mukherjee to Jyoti Basu would voice the fear that if they did not join hands in socialist secularist unity, the BJP Boogeyman was destined to return to power. And of course the BJP did nothing and had little positive in its record to dissipate those fears. It was indeed filled with old men and it had indeed behaved wickedly while in power. From negligence in the Graham Staines murder in Orissa to the pogrom in Gujarat, there was little to suggest the BJP’s leadership had any clear ideas or principles about right and wrong governance. In office from 1998-2004, its macroeconomic record was woeful, mainly because it knew no better than maintain the same economic bureaucrats as its predecessors, and allow its finance and other economic ministers to be wholly manipulated by big business lobbies. Now when those bureaucrats and big business lobbies created, endorsed and marketed Brand Buddha itself, the BJP found it had been successfully finessed and could hardly speak a word in opposition. If the BJP thinks it can win in 2009 by its discredited leaders merely recycling anti-Muslim or anti-Christian formulae as before, it may be in for a surprise and a disappointment.

Brand Buddha reached its pinnacle when Sonia Gandhi’s Prime Minister endorsed it personally at a big business meeting in Kolkata on 12 January 2005. But the contradiction involved in Sonia Gandhi then giving merely a perfunctory speech on behalf of the West Bengal Congress in the 2006 election campaign could not be covered up and did not escape the notice of her local partymen.

Brand Buddha started to unravel when Mamata Banerjee realized that all the CPI-M really had was a brand being marketed, not something based on any new and fresh political and economic reality. Mamata has never accepted Sonia’s right to lead the Congress which is what had led to the Trinamul breaking away ~ at the same time, even when she was allied to the BJP, no one could accuse her of being anti-Muslim or anything but secular in her political identity. Her three-week long fast over Singur blocked Metro Channel and riveted the country’s political attention while TV broadcasts of the police-behaviour at Singur acted as a signal to the people of Nandigram to prepare for the same or worse.

The fact the Nandigram peasants who feared losing their land were mostly Muslim caused the central Sonia-Pranab-Buddhadeb myth to explode that only they stood to protect Muslims from the BJP. Once that myth had exploded, the fact the emperor was naked came to be seen by all. There never had been a viable political or economic product behind the brand that was being so heavily advertised and endorsed. If Buddhadeb and his party had been genuinely confident of possessing a constructive new economic policy for West Bengal, they should have transparently and honestly discussed it in detail and gone to the people to ask for a mandate on it before the 2006 elections.

Or when the issue boiled over and Mamata went on her fast at the end of 2006, Buddhadeb could have dissolved the Assembly and gone for fresh elections asking for a specific mandate from Bengal’s voters. Instead, the Chief Minister or his senior ministers not once found the need or courage to address all of West Bengal’s people on television even though the State came to be rocked by violence, mayhem and tragedy – hardly a climate for investment and new employment.

2007 saw the CPI-M and its New Delhi Congress friends being revealed to be bunglers, who could not cope with things as small as Rizwanur’s love-marriage or Taslima’s writings except with heavy-handed repression. The CPI-M’s own unions had crippled their own Government and the State before with bandhs, but not until the Cooch Behar firings has the anarchy become complete. The Forward Bloc protesters were, after all, merely asking for implementation of Sonia Gandhi’s favourite scheme of rural employment guarantees! Anarchy is the absence of government and when a government is so divided that its members cannot decide if they are the government or the opposition, it has to be said there is an absence of government.

Recovery requires candour which in turn requires honesty and introspection, all of which may be qualities too difficult to find. What Brand Buddha could have and should have been about is this: the CPI-M cutting waste, fraud and abuse of publicly owned resources from all the organs, departments and projects of the West Bengal Government that they have controlled for decades, and drastically improving the productivity of all those receiving State government wages or contracts. Real governance does not require any phony advertising because success advertises itself.

Nixon & Mao vs India: How American foreign policy did a U-turn about Communist China’s India aggression

January 7, 2008 — drsubrotoroy

Nixon & Mao vs India

How American foreign policy did a U-turn about Communist China’s India aggression. The Government of India should publish its official history of the 1962 war.

by

SUBROTO ROY

First published in The Sunday Statesman, Jan 6 2008, The Statesman Jan 7 2008

Editorial Page Special Article

THE 1972-74 conversations between Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger on one hand and Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai and Deng Xiaoping on the other, especially about India, Pakistan and Bangladesh, have been public for a few years now. They make disturbing reading for Indians and Bangladeshis, and for Pakistanis too who may be concerned about the political health of their country. Yahya Khan, Pakistan’s debauched military dictator, made the Nixon-Mao meeting possible and received much praise from Zhou and support from Nixon and Kissinger. Pakistan’s official assessment of Yahya following the 1971 military defeat and secession of Bangladesh was far more candid and truthful, giving the lie to the praise bestowed upon him by Nixon and Zhou in their conversation.

Nixon and Kissinger were decidedly second-rate intellects in political power who believed themselves first-rate ~ a dangerous circumstance. Their policy caused Chiang Kaishek’s Republic of China to be expelled from the UN, its veto-wielding seat taken by Mao’s People’s Republic. The Government of India, under influence of communist sympathisers like Krishna Menon, KM Pannikar, KPS Menon et al, had been pleading the same case at the UN since 1949/1950, rebuffed each time by American veto. Now Nixon and Kissinger yielded to the idea to the delight of Mao-Zhou, and ganged up with Pakistan’s military against democratic India and the new Bangladesh.

Nixon went to Beijing at a time the catastrophic American involvement in Vietnam had reached a peak ~ something that itself was an outcome of the Dulles-Nixon doctrine of a “domino effect” in South East Asia. The Americans failed to comprehend Vietnamese nationalism against France or recognise how that had been historically directed at imperial China. Nixon’s carpet-bombing of Cambodia in needless extension of the Vietnam conflict was to cause the rise to power of Pol Pot and his vicious Khmer Rouge (to remove whom Vietnam attacked, causing China to attack Vietnam in 1979).

Nixon was in Beijing in February 1972 ostensibly to seek Chinese cooperation in ending the Vietnam War, as well as opening an Eastern Front in the Cold War against the USSR. Nixon fancied himself a Metternich-like statesman whose wisdom and brilliance would redesign the international order for a century. What was plain to unsentimental observers was that his underlying purpose was greedy and hardly statesmanlike, namely, winning re-election in November 1972 by outflanking domestic left-wing criticism using photos of having been toasted by Mao himself. That Nixon was no Machiavelli, Metternich or Bismarck but more likely just delusional and paranoid came to be revealed in his subsequent political debacle over Watergate.

The US attitude towards China’s 1959-1962 aggression against India changed drastically because of Nixon’s Beijing visit. Tibet’s people and culture had not been attacked and brutalised by Chiang Kaishek’s Nationalist Army nor by India’s soldiers ~ the Mao-Zhou Communist war machine, fresh from their Korean adventures, did that. There would have been no border conflict between China and India today in 2008 if Communist China had not first invaded and occupied Tibet.

All such fundamental facts used to be perfectly clear to the Americans as to everyone else. India’s Defence Ministry’s excellent official history of the 1962 war acknowledges the vital aid sent by President Kennedy with the help of Ambassador Galbraith. Ten years later, in 1972, Nixon and Kissinger in Beijing changed all that completely and did a U-turn against India using the dubious book of a single journalist as cover for their dissimulation:

“ZHOU: …. Actually the five principles (of peaceful coexistence) were put forward by us, and Nehru agreed. But later on he didn’t implement them. In my previous discussions with Dr Kissinger, I mentioned a book by Neville Maxwell about the Indian war against us, which proves this.
NIXON: I read the book.
KISSINGER: I gave it to the President.
NIXON: I committed a faux pas ~ Dr Kissinger said it was ~ but I knew what I was doing. When Mrs Gandhi was in my office before going back, just before the outbreak of the (1971) war, I referred to that book and said it was a very interesting account of the beginning of the war between India and China. She didn’t react very favourably when I said that. (Zhou laughs)
ZHOU: Yes, but you spoke the truth. It wasn’t faux pas. Actually that event was instigated by Khrushchev. He encouraged them. In looking at 1962, the events actually began in 1959. Why did he go to Camp David? In June of that year, before he went to Camp David, he unilaterally tore up the nuclear agreements between China and the Soviet Union. And after that there were clashes between Chinese and Indian troops in the western part of Sinkiang, the Aksai Chin area. In that part of Sinkiang province there is a high plateau. The Indian-occupied territory was at the foot of the Karakorums, and the disputed territory was on the slope in between.
KISSINGER: It’s what they call Ladakh.
NIXON: They attacked up the mountains.
ZHOU: We fought them and beat them back, with many wounded. But the TASS Agency said that China had committed the aggression against India…..They just don’t want to listen to reason. Anyway, the TASS Agency account had the effect of encouraging India. And also Maxwell mentioned in the book that in 1962 the Indian Government believed what the Russians told them that we, China, would not retaliate against them. Of course we won’t send our troops outside our borders to fight against other people. We didn’t even try to expel Indian troops from the area south of the McMahon Line, which China doesn’t recognize, by force. But if (Indian) troops come up north of the McMahon Line, and come even further into Chinese territory, how is it possible for us to refrain from retaliating? We sent three open telegrams to Nehru asking him to make a public reply, but he refused. He was so discourteous; he wouldn’t even do us the courtesy of replying, so we had no choice but to drive him out. You know all the other events in the book, so I won’t describe them, but India was encouraged by the Soviet Union to attack.
NIXON: I would like to ask the Prime Minister a question with regard to Bangladesh recognition. We have delayed recognition though Britain and other countries have done so.
ZHOU: France has also recognised Bangladesh.
NIXON: Before we make a decision on that, we have tried to find the attitude of (Zulfikar Ali) Bhutto. And Bhutto indicated he does not object to recognition. In fact he could see that we would have some advantage in not leaving the field clear to the Soviet Union in that region. It is our understanding that India is supposed to withdraw all its forces from Bangladesh by the 24th of March. And based on what we have for consideration, we have for consideration the possibility of recognising Bangladesh about that time….”
“ZHOU: …. we truly wish to see (India) truly withdraw their troops in East Pakistan, now called Bangladesh. We wish to see them truly do this and not just with words. Of course they can only do that superficially, because if they get some Bengali forces to remain and join Mujibar Rahman, there would be no way to be sure because the Bengalis all look the same. But that would trouble to the future of India and Mrs Gandhi herself. The Indians said they have no territorial ambitions, but the development of events is that they have remained in their place and refused to withdraw. Once again we can only cite the events of Indian aggression in the 1962 war. At that time our troops pressed to the foothills quite close to Tezpur in Assam, and when they reached that place, Chairman Mao ordered that all troops should turn back. We turned back to the Indians ~ this is in Maxwell’s book ~ and we withdrew all troops back north of the so-called McMahon Line because one must show one can be trusted and must not wait for others to act…. India should withdraw its troops from the areas it is occupying in West Pakistan, and Pakistan should also withdraw from the lesser areas it occupies in India. Bhutto agrees. These two things, at least, the Indian side should abide by. If the US recognises Bangladesh after this situation is brought about, then we believe this would raise the prestige of the US in the United Nations.
After all, what you want is to bring about the withdrawal of all troops from Bangladesh and West Pakistan. Also, you will be able to encourage Mr Bhutto and give him some assistance. That is what they need. You said your actions should be parallel to ours, and we don’t mind that. We said this both to Yahya, the former President, and to the present President. Both of us owe something to Yahya, although he didn’t show much statesmanship in leading his country, for (bridging) the link between our two countries.
NIXON: He is a bridge.
ZHOU: We should not forget and we cannot forget, especially that Dr Kissinger was able through him to come secretly for talks here. And when a man makes a contribution to the world, we should remember him.
KISSINGER: Actually the President sent a message to Bhutto that he should treat Yahya well in retirement and we would not look favourably on any retribution. It was a personal message from Pakistan.
ZHOU: …. At the time of the ceasefire they (the Pakistanis) still had 80,000 troops in East Pakistan. It was not a situation in which they couldn’t keep fighting….. Yahya should have concentrated his troops to win a victory, and once the Indians had suffered a defeat they would have stopped because West Bengal was not very secure either. So at that time even our Vice Foreign Minister still believed they could win the war. Bhutto too…. .
KISSINGER: (Reading from a cable) Mr President, you were speaking of military shipments. We have information that the Soviet Union has shipped since November 150 tanks from Poland and 100 armored personnel carriers from Czechoslovakia. They were shipped in two ships each month in November and December. In January a third ship was to bring military equipment to India.
NIXON: To India?
KISSINGER: To India.
NIXON: The problem is to find some way that West Pakistan can find some military equipment and assistance. On our side, what we will do is to supply substantial amounts of economic assistance to West Pakistan. That would enable West Pakistan to ~ we would think in the interest of its defence ~ to acquire arms from other sources. As a matter of fact, that is the tragedy of our policy in India. We supplied almost 10 billion dollars in assistance to India in the last 20 years ~ very little was military assistance, it was economic ~ and that relieved India so it could purchase very substantial amounts of arms from the Soviet Union, and also manufacture arms. That was not our intent, but that’s what happened. With regard to our aid to India on this point ~ economic assistance ~ we are going to move in a very measured way. I am resisting considerable pressure from the public and the press to rush in and resume economic assistance at former levels. We are going to wait and see what India does with regard to the border problem and our relations generally.
ZHOU: And India actually is a bottomless hole. (Nixon laughs)
NIXON: When the Prime Minister referred to the problem India has with Bangladesh, as I look at India’s brief history, it has had enough trouble trying to digest West Bengal. If now it tries to digest East Bengal it may cause indigestion which could be massive.
ZHOU: That’s bound to be so. It is also a great pity that the daughter (Madame Gandhi) has also taken as her legacy the philosophy of her father embodied in the book Discovery of India (in English). Have you read it?
KISSINGER: He was thinking of a great India empire?
ZHOU: Yes, he was thinking of a great Indian empire ~ Malaysia, Ceylon, etc. He would probably also include our Tibet. When he was writing that book in a British prison, but one reserved for gentlemen in Darjeeling. Nehru told me himself that the prison was in Sikkim, facing the Himalayan mountains. At the time I hadn’t read the book, but my colleague Chen Yi had, and called it to my attention. He said it was precisely the spirit of India which was embodied in the book. Later on when I read it I had the same thought.
NIXON: …. Germany and Japan, received US aid…. why (they) have done so well, it is because they have qualities of drive and are willing to work hard, whereas some other countries we have helped do not have this quality. This brings me to the point: it is not the help that is provided a country that counts, it is whether the people of that country have the will to use this help. If they don’t have that, the money just goes down a rathole. A pretty good example is aid to India. (Zhou laughs)… India is not able to do much with aid because as compared with Japan, it does not have the drive, or the spirit of determination that the Japanese people have…..”

Genocide
Every Bangladeshi knows the causal role Z A Bhutto had in Pakistan’s civil war yet it is upon the word of such a man that Nixon’s recognition of their nation seemed based. The famous “Archer Blood telegram” by the American Consul-General in Dhaka reporting the genocidal Yahya-Tikka assault on East Pakistan starting March 25 1971 meant nothing to Nixon and Kissinger. Benazir retained her charm in Washington’s power circles because she was Bhutto’s daughter. Similarly, as recently as the 1999 Kargil conflict, Bill Clinton flatteringly referred to China for advice on how to deal with India and Pakistan.

Perversely enough, many in New Delhi, Kolkata etc express so much confused love for both China and the United States that they have accepted as their own the biased baseless opinions about India expressed by Nixon, Kissinger and the Communist Chinese. They would do well to read instead the Defence Ministry’s excellently researched historical account of the 1962 war, which the Government of India should not only publish properly at once but have translated into Mandarin as well.

Dr Manmohan Singh has as recently as 29 November 2007 expressed the opinion: “The type of leadership that China has produced since the days of Deng, I think, is the greatest asset that China has”. Dr Singh might have said, but did not, that China’s greatest asset has been in fact the preservation of Confucian values despite decades of communist tyranny and destruction. With such deep misapprehension about post-1949 China on the part of India’s present Head of Government, it may be unlikely that New Delhi or Kolkata acquires a realistic view of our neighbour or of a healthy China-India relationship in the 21st Century.

Posted in Archer Blood, Asia and the West, Bangladesh, Benazir Bhutto, Bengal, Cambodia, Chiang Kaishek, China, China's expansionism, China's History, China's military, China's Politics, China-India Relations, China-Taiwan problem, China-Tibet problem, Cold War, Communist China, Communists, Confucius, Cross-Strait Relations, Dalai Lama, Deng Xiaoping, Good and Evil, Himalayas, India's Army, India's Foreign Policy, India's Industry, India's Military Defence, India's Nationalism, India-China relations, India-Tibet Border, India-USA interests, Indira Gandhi, International politics, Jawaharlal Nehru, Korea, Kuomintang, Laddakh, Manmohan Singh, Mao Zedong, Mujibur Rahman, Nationalism, NEFA Arunachal, Nikita Kruschev, Pakistan's history, Richard Nixon, Taiwan, Tibet, US China policy, US Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, Espionage, Vietnam War, War, World History, Zhou Enlai. Leave a Comment »

Against Quackery (2007)

September 24, 2007 — drsubrotoroy

Against Quackery

First published in two parts in The Sunday Statesman, September 23 2007, The Statesman September 24 2007

by

Subroto Roy

Manmohan and Sonia have violated Rajiv Gandhi’s intended reforms; the Communists have been appeased or bought; the BJP is incompetent

WASTE, fraud and abuse are inevitable in the use and allocation of public property and resources in India as elsewhere, but Government is supposed to fight and resist such tendencies. The Sonia-Manmohan Government have done the opposite, aiding and abetting a wasteful anti-economics ~ i.e., an economic quackery. Vajpayee-Advani and other Governments, including Narasimha-Manmohan in 1991-1996, were just as complicit in the perverse policy-making. So have been State Governments of all regional parties like the CPI-M in West Bengal, DMK/ AIADMK in Tamil Nadu, Congress/NCP/ BJP/Sena in Maharashtra, TDP /Congress in Andhra Pradesh, SP/BJP/BSP in Uttar Pradesh etc. Our dismal politics merely has the pot calling the kettle black while national self-delusion and superstition reign in the absence of reason.

The general pattern is one of well-informed, moneyed, mostly city-based special interest groups (especially including organised capital and organised labour) dominating government agendas at the cost of ill-informed, diffused anonymous individual citizens ~ peasants, small businessmen, non-unionized workers, old people, housewives, medical students etc. The extremely expensive “nuclear deal” with the USA is merely one example of such interest group politics.

Nuclear power is and shall always remain of tiny significance as a source of India’s electricity (compared to e.g. coal and hydro); hence the deal has practically nothing to do with the purported (and mendacious) aim of improving the country’s “energy security” in the long run. It has mostly to do with big business lobbies and senior bureaucrats and politicians making a grab, as they always have done, for India’s public purse, especially access to foreign currency assets. Some $300 million of India’s public money had to be paid to GE and Bechtel Corporation before any nuclear talks could begin in 2004-2005 ~ the reason was the Dabhol fiasco of the 1990s, a sheer waste for India’s ordinary people. Who was responsible for that loss? Pawar-Mahajan-Munde-Thackeray certainly but also India’s Finance Minister at the time, Manmohan Singh, and his top Finance Ministry bureaucrat, Montek Ahluwalia ~ who should never have let the fiasco get off the ground but instead actively promoted and approved it.

Cost-benefit analysis prior to any public project is textbook operating procedure for economists, and any half-competent economist would have accounted for the scenario of possible currency-depreciation which made Dabhol instantly unviable. Dr Singh and Mr Ahluwalia failed that test badly and it cost India dearly. The purchase of foreign nuclear reactors on a turnkey basis upon their recommendation now reflects similar financial dangers for the country on a vastly larger scale over decades.

Our Government seems to function most expeditiously in purchasing foreign arms, aircraft etc ~ not in improving the courts, prisons, police, public utilities, public debt. When the purchase of 43 Airbus aircraft surfaced, accusations of impropriety were made by Boeing ~ until the local Airbus representative said on TV that Boeing need not complain because they were going to be rewarded too and soon 68 aircraft were ordered from Boeing!

India imports all passenger and most military aircraft, besides spare parts and high-octane jet fuel. Domestic aviation generates near zero forex revenues and incurs large forex costs ~ a debit in India’s balance of payments. Domestic airline passengers act as importers subsidised by our meagre exporters of textiles, leather, handicrafts, tea, etc. What a managerially-minded PM and Aviation Minister needed to do before yielding to temptations of buying new aircraft was to get tough with the pampered managements and unions of the nationalized airlines and stand up on behalf of ordinary citizens and taxpayers, who, after all, are mostly rail or road-travellers not jet-setters.

The same pattern of negligent policy-behaviour led Finance Minister P. Chidambaram in an unprecedented step to mention in his 2007 Union Budget Speech the private American companies Blackstone and GE ~ endorsing the Ahluwalia/Deepak Parekh idea that India’s forex reserves may be made available to be lent out to favoured private businesses for purported “infrastructure” development. We may now see chunks of India’s foreign exchange reserves being “borrowed” and never returned ~ a monumental scam in front of the CBI’s noses.

The Reserve Bank’s highest echelons may have become complicit in all this, permitting and encouraging a large capital flight to take place among the few million Indians who read the English newspapers and have family-members abroad. Resident Indians have been officially permitted to open bank accounts of US $100,000 abroad, as well as transfer gifts of $50,000 per annum to their adult children already exported abroad ~ converting their largely untaxed paper rupees at an artificially favourable exchange-rate.

In particular, Mr Ratan Tata (under a misapprehension he may do whatever Lakshmi Mittal does) has been allowed to convert Indian rupees into some US$13,000,000,000 to make a cash purchase of a European steel company. The same has been allowed of the Birlas, Wipro, Dr Reddy’s and numerous other Indian corporations in the organised sector ~ three hundred million dollars here, five hundred million dollars there, etc. Western businessmen now know all they have to do is flatter the egos of Indian boxwallahs enough and they might have found a buyer for their otherwise bankrupt or sick local enterprise. Many newcomers to New York City have been sold the Brooklyn Bridge before. “There’s a sucker born every minute” is the classic saying of American capitalism.

The Sonia-Manmohan Government, instead of hobnobbing with business chambers, needed to get Indian corporations to improve their accounting, audit and governance, and reduce managerial pilfering and embezzlement, which is possible only if Government first set an example.

Why have Indian foreign currency reserves zoomed up in recent years? Not mainly because we are exporting more textiles, tea, software engineers, call centre services or new products to the world, but because Indian corporations have been allowed to borrow abroad, converting their hoards of paper rupees into foreign debt. Forex reserves are a residual in a country’s international balance of payments and are not like tax-resources available to be spent by Government; India’s reserves largely constitute foreign liabilities of Indian residents. This may bear endless repetition as the PM and his key acolytes seem impervious to normal postgraduate-level economics textbooks.

Other official fallacies include thinking India’s savings rate is near 32 per cent and that clever bureaucratic use of it can cause high growth. In fact, real growth arises not because of what politicians and bureaucrats do but because of spontaneous technological progress, improved productivity and learning-by-doing of the general population ~ mostly despite not because of an exploitative parasitic State. What has been mismeasured as high savings is actually expansion of bank-deposits in a fractional reserve banking system caused by runaway government deficit-spending.

Another fallacy has been that agriculture retards growth, leading to nationwide politically-backed attempts at land-grabbing by wily city industrialists and real estate developers. In a hyperinflation-prone economy with wild deficit-spending and runaway money-printing, cheating poor unorganised peasants of their land, when that land is an asset that is due to appreciate in value, has seemed like child’s play.

What of the Opposition? The BJP/RSS have no economists who are not quacks though opportunists were happy to say what pleased them to hear when they were in power; they also have much implicit support among organised business lobbies and the anti-Muslim senior bureaucracy. The official Communists have been appeased or bought, sometimes so cheaply as with a few airline tickets here and there. The nonsensical “Rural Employment Guarantee” is descending into the wasteland of corruption it was always going to be. The “Domestic Violence Act” as expected has started to destroy India’s families the way Western families have been destroyed. The Arjun-DMK OBC quota corrodes higher education further from its already dismal state. All these were schemes that Congress and Communist cabals created or wholeheartedly backed, and which the BJP were too scared or ignorant to resist.

And then came Singur and Nandigram ~ where the sheer greed driving the alliance between the Sonia-Manmohan-Pranab Congress and the CPI-M mask that is Buddhadeb, came to be exposed by a handful of brave women like Mamata and Medha.

A Fiscal U-Turn is Needed For India to Go in The Right Economic Direction

Rajiv Gandhi had a sense of noblesse oblige out of remembrance of his father and maternal grandfather. After his assassination, the comprador business press credited Narasimha Rao and Manmohan Singh with having originated the 1991 economic reform. In May 2002, however, the Congress Party itself passed a resolution proposed by Digvijay Singh explicitly stating Rajiv and not either of them was to be so credited. The resolution was intended to flatter Sonia Gandhi but there was truth in it too. Rajiv, a pilot who knew no political economy, was a quick learner with intelligence to know a good idea when he saw one and enough grace to acknowledge it.

Rule of Law

The first time Dr Manmohan Singh’s name arose in contemporary post-Indira politics was on 22 March 1991 when M K Rasgotra challenged the present author to answer how Dr Singh would respond to proposals being drafted for a planned economic liberalisation that had been authorised by Rajiv, as Congress President and Opposition Leader, since September 1990. It was replied that Dr Singh’s response was unknown and he had been heading the “South-South Commission” for Tanzania’s Julius Nyerere, while what needed to be done urgently was make a clear forceful statement to restore India’s credit-worthiness and the confidence of international markets, showing that the Congress at least knew its economics and was planning to take bold new steps in the direction of progress.

There is no evidence Dr Singh or his acolytes were committed to any economic liberalism prior to 1991 as that term is understood worldwide, and scant evidence they have originated liberal economic ideas for India afterwards. Precisely because they represented the decrepit old intellectual order of statist ”Ma-Bap Sarkari” policy-making, they were not asked in the mid-1980s to be part of a “perestroika-for-India” project done at a foreign university ~ the results of which were received, thanks to Siddhartha Shankar Ray, by Rajiv Gandhi in hand at 10 Janpath on 18 September 1990 and specifically sparked the change in the direction of his economic thinking.

India is a large, populous country with hundreds of millions of materially poor citizens, a weak tax-base, a vast internal and external public debt (i.e. debt owed by the Government to domestic and foreign creditors), massive annual fiscal deficits, an inconvertible currency, and runaway printing of paper-money. It is unsurprising Pakistan’s economy is similar, since it is born of the same land and people. Certainly there have been real political problems between India and Pakistan since the chaotic demobilisation and disintegration of the old British Indian Army caused the subcontinent to plunge into war-like or “cold peace” conditions for six decades beginning with a bloody Partition and civil war in J&K. High military expenditures have been necessitated due to mutual and foreign tensions, but this cannot be a permanent state if India and Pakistan wish for genuine mass economic well-being.

Even with the continuing mutual antagonism, there is vast scope for a critical review of Indian military expenditures towards greatly improving the “teeth-to-tail” ratio of its fighting forces. The abuse of public property and privilege by senior echelons of the armed forces (some of whom have been keen most of all to export their children preferably to America) is also no great secret.

On the domestic front, Rajiv was entirely convinced when the suggestion was made to him in September 1990 that an enormous infusion of public resources was needed into the judicial system for promotion and improvement of the Rule of Law in the country, a pre-requisite almost for a new market orientation. Capitalism without the Rule of Law can quickly degenerate into an illiberal hell of cronyism and anarchy which is what has tended to happen since 1991.

The Madhava Menon Committee on criminal justice policy in July proposed a Hong Kong model of “a single high-tech integrated Criminal Justice complex in every district headquarters which may be a multi-storied structure, devoting the ground floor for the police station including a video-installed interrogation room; the first floor for the police-lockups/sub-jail and the Magistrate’s Court; the second floor for the prosecutor’s office, witness rooms, crime laboratories and legal aid services; the third floor for the Sessions Court and the fourth for the administrative offices etc…. (Government of India) should take steps to evolve such an efficient model… and not only recommend it to the States but subsidize its construction…” The question arises: Why is this being proposed for the first time in 2007 after sixty years of Independence? Why was it not something designed and implemented starting in the 1950s?

The resources put since Independence to the proper working of our judiciary from the Supreme Court and High Courts downwards have been abysmal, while the state of prisons, borstals, mental asylums and other institutions of involuntary detention is nothing short of pathetic. Only police forces, like the military, paramilitary and bureaucracies, have bloated in size.

Neither Sonia-Manmohan nor the BJP or Communists have thought promotion of the Rule of Law in India to be worth much serious thought ~ certainly less important than attending bogus international conclaves and summits to sign expensive deals for arms, aircraft, reactors etc. Yet Rajiv Gandhi, at a 10 Janpath meeting on 23 March 1991 when he received the liberalisation proposals he had authorized, explicitly avowed the importance of greater resources towards the Judiciary. Dr Singh and his acolytes were not in that loop, indeed they precisely represented the bureaucratic ancien regime intended to be changed, and hence have seemed quite uncomprehending of the roots of the intended reforms ever since 1991.

Similarly, Rajiv comprehended when it was said to him that the primary fiscal problem faced by India is the vast and uncontrolled public debt, interest payments on which suck dry all public budgets leaving no room for provision of public goods.

Government accounts

Government has been routinely “rolling over” its domestic debt in the asset-portfolios of the nationalised banks while displaying and highlighting only its new additional borrowing in a year as the “Fiscal Deficit”. More than two dozen States have been doing the same and their liabilities ultimately accrue to the Union too. The stock of public debt in India is Rs 30 trillion (Rs 30 lakh crore) at least, and portends a hyperinflation in the future.

There has been no serious recognition of this since it is political and bureaucratic actions that have been causing the problem. Proper recognition would entail systematically cleaning up the budgets and accounts of every single governmental entity in the country: the Union, every State, every district and municipality, every publicly funded entity or organisation, and at the same time improving public decision-making capacity so that once budgets and accounts recover from grave sickness over decades, functioning institutions exist for their proper future management. All this would also stop corruption in its tracks, and release resources for valuable public goods and services like the Judiciary, School Education and Basic Health. Institutions for improved political and administrative decision-making are needed throughout the country if public preferences with respect to raising and allocating common resources are to be elicited and then translated into actual delivery of public goods and services. Our dysfunctional legislatures will have to do at least a little of what they are supposed to. When public budgets and accounts are healthy and we have functioning public goods and services, macroeconomic conditions would have been created for the paper-rupee to once more become a money as good as gold ~ a convertible world currency for all of India’s people, not merely the metropolitan special interest groups that have been controlling our governments and their agendas.

Posted in Accounting and audit, asymmetric information, Banking, Big Business and Big Labour, BJP, Communists, Congress Party, Deposit multiplication, DMK, Economic Policy, Economic quackery, Economics of Public Finance, Governance, Government accounting, Government Budget Constraint, Government of India, India's Big Business, India's savings rate, India's stock and debt markets, India's 1991 Economic Reform, India's aviation, India's balance of payments, India's Banking, India's Budget, India's Capital Markets, India's communists, India's corporate governance, India's corruption, India's Democracy, India's Economic History, India's Economy, India's Energy, India's Exports, India's Families, India's Foreign Exchange Reserves, India's Foreign Trade, India's Government Budget Constraint, India's Government Expenditure, India's Industry, India's inflation, India's Judiciary, India's Land, India's Macroeconomics, India's Monetary & Fiscal Policy, India's nomenclatura, India's political lobbyists, India's Politics, India's Polity, India's pork-barrel politics, India's poverty, India's Public Finance, India's Reserve Bank, India's State Finances, India's Union-State relations, India-Pakistan peace process, India-US Nuclear Deal, Indira Gandhi, Inflation, Interest group politics, Mamata Banerjee, Manmohan Singh, Mendacity in politics, Non-Resident Indians, Pakistan, Balochistan, Afghanistan, Iran, Political corruption, Political cynicism, Political Economy, Political mendacity, Political Philosophy, Politics, Pork-barrel politics, Power-elites and nomenclatura, Public Choice/Public Finance, Public property waste fraud, Rajiv Gandhi, Reason, Redeposits, Singur and Nandigram, Sonia Gandhi, Unorganised capital markets, Welfare Economics. 2 Comments »

No Marxist MBAs? An amicus curiae brief for the Honourable High Court

August 29, 2007 — drsubrotoroy

Aren’t there any Marxist MBAs?

by

Subroto Roy

First published in The Statesman, August 29 2007, Frontpage comment,

The West Bengal Government and Tata Motors have come into what appears to be a most bizarre financial agreement regarding 645.67 acres of agricultural land in Singur. What we are told from court documents submitted on August 27 by Tata’s counsel Mr Samaraditya Pal to the Honourable Division Bench of the Chief Justice Mr SS Nijjar and Mr Justice Pinaki Chandra Ghose is that a complicated schedule of payments is being planned for 90 years.

First there is a plan for 30 years with changes occurring every five years, then there is a plan for another 30 years with changes occurring every ten years, and finally there is a plan for the last 30 years with no changes occurring at all. 90 years is a very long time. A child born today will likely not be alive when this agreement comes to end though his/her grandchildren could be.
Tata Motors itself is hardly today what it was ten years ago and is unlikely to be the same corporate body 50 or 90 years from now. The political entities known as West Bengal or for that matter the Republic of India itself may well be very different in 2047, one hundred years after Independence, let alone in 2097 when this purported agreement shall end. 90 years ago the Ford Motor Company was mass-producing its famous Model-T – any product that Tata Motors produces at Singur today is hardly going to be the same 90 years from now. Our great grand children may look back at all this when the agreement ends and say it all looks pretty ridiculous in retrospect.

Even so, the numbers that have been now released to the Honourable Court allow some simple calculations to take place. The first point is that a payment made in 2007 cannot be added directly to a payment made in 2008 or to one in 2009, etc. It is meaningless to do so. However, if, say, Rs 1000 is paid in each of these years, and the market interest-rate is, say, 10%, what we may do is add Rs. 1000 with Rs. 1000/(1.1) with Rs. 1000/(1.1) squared to obtain a summable stream of Rs. 1000+Rs.909+Rs826 = Rs. 2735.
That sum of Rs 2735 is the present-value of the stream of three payments of Rs 1000 in each of three years given a constant interest-rate of 10%. On such a basis, given the payment-structure stated to the Honourable Court by Tata Motors, and assuming a constant interest-rate of 8% per annum in each year for the next 90 years, the present-value of all the payments to be made by Tata to West Bengal for the 645.67 acres of Singur land comes to Rs. 274.13 million (Rs. 27.413 crore), or a price of about Rs. 0.4246 million (Rs. 4.246 lakh) per acre. That is the effective market price of the land as valued in the contract, assuming a constant interest-rate of, say, 8%. (If a variable market-determined interest-rate had been used e.g. some rate added to the London InterBank Offer Rate in a given year, we could not make such a calculation today.)

If we further assume that the value of paper-money relative to land and goods and services in general may itself deteriorate through inflation, this figure would change. If, for example, we assume a low rate of inflation of 4% per annum for each of 90 years, that would mean the relevant interest-rate to discount the stream of payments would have to be 8%+4% = 12%. On that assumption, the present value of the entire stream of payments proposed to be made by Tata to West Bengal comes to Rs. 140 million in current rupees, and the price per acre of land becomes Rs 0.217 million or Rs. 2.17 lakhs. If the rate of inflation was high, say 10% per annum, the present value becomes Rs. 81.7 million and the price per acre of land being paid by Tata Motors is Rs 0.126 million or Rs. 1.26 lakhs. In other words, the higher the rate of paper-money inflation that occurs in the future, the cheaper Tata has obtained the land (and, conversely, the worse off the original peasant owners of the land who have been left with paper money paid to them by the West Bengal Government).

The point is also clear that the higher the rate at which one discounts the future, the lower shall be the present-value of the land. And also the higher this discount-rate, the more irrelevant the future becomes to present decision-making.

It is astonishing that neither Tata Motors’ high-powered MBA embellished management cadre nor anyone entrenched in the Marxist academic or policy establishment of West Bengal seems to have made such obvious calculations for the Honourable Court to understand things easily. Instead they have “added” the total payments to be made “raw” and said that some Rs. 8.558 billion (Rs. 855.8 crores) is due to be paid over 90 years – a meaningless statement because no such addition over time makes any financial sense at all. Are there no Marxist MBAs, or are all MBAs being mistaught the basics in their finance-courses?

Posted in Bengal, Communists, Economic Theory of Interest, Economic Theory of Value, India's Agriculture & Food, India's Capital Markets, India's Industry, India's Judiciary, India's Land, Irving Fisher, Singur and Nandigram. Leave a Comment »

An Open Letter to Professor Amartya Sen about Singur etc (2007)

July 31, 2007 — drsubrotoroy

A letter to Prof. Sen (2007)

First published in The Statesman 31 July 2007, Editorial Page Special Article

Professor Amartya Sen, Harvard University

Dear Professor Sen,

Everyone will be delighted that someone of your worldwide stature has joined the debate on Singur and Nandigram; The Telegraph deserves congratulations for having made it possible on July 23.

I was sorry to find though that you may have missed the wood for the trees and also some of the trees themselves. Perhaps you have relied on Government statements for the facts. But the Government party in West Bengal represents official Indian communism and has been in power for 30 years at a stretch. It may be unwise to take at face-value what they say about their own deeds on this very grave issue! Power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely, and there are many candid communists who privately recognise this dismal truth about themselves. To say this is not to be praising those whom you call the “Opposition” ~ after all, Bengal’s politics has seen emasculation of the Congress as an opposition because the Congress and communists are allies in Delhi. It is the Government party that must reform itself from within sua sponte for the good of everyone in the State.

The comparisons and mentions of history you have made seem to me surprising. Bengal’s economy now or in the past has little or nothing similar to the economy of Northern England or the whole of England or Britain itself, and certainly Indian agriculture has little to do with agriculture in the new lands of Australia or North America. British economic history was marked by rapid technological innovations in manufacturing and rapid development of social and political institutions in context of being a major naval, maritime and mercantile power for centuries. Britain’s geography and history hardly ever permitted it to be an agricultural country of any importance whereas Bengal, to the contrary, has been among the most agriculturally fertile and hence densely populated regions of the world for millennia.

Om Prakash’s brilliant pioneering book The Dutch East India Company and the Economy of Bengal 1630-1720 (Princeton 1985) records all this clearly. He reports the French traveller François Bernier saying in the 1660s “Bengal abounds with every necessary of life”, and a century before him the Italian traveller Verthema saying Bengal “abounds more in grain, flesh of every kind, in great quantity of sugar, also of ginger, and of great abundance of cotton, than any country in the world”. Om Prakash says “The premier industry in the region was the textile industry comprising manufacture from cotton, silk and mixed yarns”. Bengal’s major exports were foodstuffs, textiles, raw silk, opium, sugar and saltpetre; imports notably included metals (as Montesquieu had said would always be the case).

Bengal did, as you say, have industries at the time the Europeans came but you have failed to mention these were mostly “agro-based” and, if anything, a clear indicator of our agricultural fecundity and comparative advantage. If “deindustrialization” occurred in 19th Century India, that had nothing to do with the “deindustrialization” in West Bengal from the 1960s onwards due to the influence of official communism.

You remind us Fa Hiaen left from Tamralipta which is modern day Tamluk, though he went not to China but to Ceylon. You suggest that because he did so Tamluk effectively “was greater Calcutta”. I cannot see how this can be said of the 5th Century AD when no notion of Calcutta existed. Besides, modern Tamluk at 22º18’N, 87º56’E is more than 50 miles inland from the ancient port due to land-making that has occurred at the mouth of the Hooghly. I am afraid the relevance of the mention of Fa Hiaen to today’s Singur and Nandigram has thus escaped me.

You say “In countries like Australia, the US or Canada where agriculture has prospered, only a very tiny population is involved in agriculture. Most people move out to industry. Industry has to be convenient, has to be absorbing”. Last January, a national daily published a similar view: “For India to become a developed country, the area under agriculture has to shrink, urban and industrial land development has to take place, and about 100 million workers have to move out from agriculture into industry and services. This is the only way forward for bringing prosperity to the rural population”.

Rice is indeed grown in Arkansas or Texas as it is in Bengal but there is a world of difference between the technological and geographical situation here and that in the vast, sparsely populated New World areas with mechanized farming! Like shoe-making or a hundred other crafts, agriculture can be capital-intensive or labour-intensive ~ ours is relatively labour-intensive, theirs is relatively capital-intensive. Our economy is relatively labour-abundant and capital-scarce; their economies are relatively labour-scarce and capital-abundant (and also land-abundant). Indeed, if anything, the apt comparison is with China, and you doubtless know of the horror stories and civil war conditions erupting across China in recent years as the Communist Party and their businessman friends forcibly take over the land of peasants and agricultural workers, e.g. in Dongzhou.

All plans of long-distance social engineering to “move out” 40 per cent of India’s population (at 4 persons per “worker”) from the rural hinterlands must also face FA Hayek’s fundamental question in The Road to Serfdom: “Who plans whom, who directs whom, who assigns to other people their station in life, and who is to have his due allotted by others?”

Your late Harvard colleague, Robert Nozick, opened his brilliant 1974 book Anarchy, State and Utopia saying: “Individuals have rights, and there are things no person or group may do to them (without violating their rights)”. You have rightly deplored the violence seen at Singur and Nandigram. But you will agree it is a gross error to equate violence perpetrated by the Government which is supposed to be protecting all people regardless of political affiliation, and the self-defence of poor unorganised peasants seeking to protect their meagre lands and livelihoods from state-sponsored pogroms. Kitchen utensils, pitchforks or rural implements and flintlock guns can hardly match the organised firepower controlled by a modern Government.

Fortunately, India is not China and the press, media and civil institutions are not totally in the hands of the ruling party alone. In China, no amount of hue and cry among the peasants could save them from the power of organised big business and the Communist Party. In India, a handful of brave women have managed to single-handedly organise mass movements of protest which the press and media have then broadcast that has shocked the whole nation to its senses.

You rightly say the land pricing process has been faulty. Irrelevant historical prices have been averaged when the sum of discounted expected future values in an inflationary economy should have been used. Matters are even worse. “The fear of famine can itself cause famine. The people of Bengal are afraid of a famine. It was repeatedly charged that the famine (of 1943) was man-made.” That is what T. W. Schultz said in 1946 in the India Famine Emergency Committee led by Pearl Buck, concerned that the 1943 Bengal famine should not be repeated following dislocations after World War II. Of course since that time our agriculture has undergone a Green Revolution, at least in wheat if not in rice, and a White Revolution in milk and many other agricultural products. But catastrophic collapses in agricultural incentives may still occur as functioning farmland comes to be taken by government and industry from India’s peasantry using force, fraud or even means nominally sanctioned by law. If new famines come to be provoked because farmers’ incentives collapse, let future historians know where responsibility lay.

West Bengal’s real economic problems have to do with its dismal macroeconomic and fiscal position which is what Government economists should be addressing candidly. As for land, the Government’s first task remains improving grossly inadequate systems of land-description and definition, as well as the implementation and recording of property rights.

With my most respectful personal regards, I remain

Yours ever

Suby

India and “Energy Security”

May 7, 2007 — drsubrotoroy

First published in India’s Energy Security edited by Anant Sudarshan and Ligia Noronha, Konrad Adenauer Stiftung, New Delhi 2007

“On the Political Economy of India’s Energy Policy: One Citizen’s Viewpoint”

by

Subroto Roy

For the idea of “energy security” to have meaning, “energy insecurity” must hold meaning as well. Looking back a generation, the average American, European and Japanese citizen became anxious and insecure when the cartel power of the oil exporting countries was first exercised, and energy prices quadrupled. The idea of the US Government accumulating a “strategic reserve” of petroleum originated due to the oil crisis, and amounted to no more than a buffer-stock or commodity price-stabilisation scheme so “cheap gasoline” could be had always, and lifestyles would not be suddenly inconvenienced, and hence presidential popularity ratings would not suddenly drop.

In many ways energy insecurity has been a creation of bad design. Hawaii is a good example of this. Hawaii’s renowned climate is cooled by the magnificent trade-winds which blow all year long except in September. Architecture suitable to those trade-winds would have created homes a few stories high with windows which could be opened. Instead, Honolulu has become a city of high-rises and skyscrapers in the middle of the Pacific Ocean — many with New York-style permanently closed windows and centralised airconditioning.

Energy Insecurity, and hence Energy Security, may be notions mostly relevant to advanced Western economies. North American, European and Japanese homes, lifestyles, architectures and urban sprawls are all highly capital-intensive and inelastically dependant on domestic or imported energy. The reason a vague undefined notion of “Energy Security” tends to make New Delhi anxious is because many inside the Delhi Beltway live in dreamlands or fantasy-worlds where they would like to imitate Western lifestyles in their personal lives. But New Delhi is not Europe or America and certainly India is not New Delhi.

There are hundreds of millions of Indians in rural India. What is the appropriate National Energy Policy for them? It quite simply is for there to be genuine electrification of India’s 600,000 villages (where more than 70% of the rural Indian population still have no electric lighting even according to Government data), as well as better trains, better all-weather feeder-roads to reach bus routes and primary schools, and conditions to arise for technological change and normal prosperity among ordinary people, so those who are today transporting a whole family of four on a bicycle, are able in a few years to do so on a motor-scooter, and some years after that perhaps in a small private car. Economic theory speaks of preferences, resources and technologies. Preferences define and give rise to the demand-side; resources and technologies define and give rise to the supply-side. Relative prices (which include interest-rates, reflecting the force of the present relative to the future) tend to intermediate equilibria between demand and supply conditions. In policy-making, private preferences for public goods and services must somehow become translated through a tolerable political process into reasonable public preferences. It must have seemed a good idea privately to someone to create skyscrapers with closed windows in Honolulu forgetting the trade winds and ignoring the energy-dependence of the Hawaiian Islands, yet in retrospect that may seem to have been publicly unwise. Similarly, India is a coal-abundant coal-exporting and diesel-importing country yet we got rid of all our steam locomotives and replaced these with diesel engines – if there were enough reasons to do so, I at least remain ignorant of what they were. One problem with our energy policy-making that has emerged in the current nuclear deal-making with American businessmen and politicians, is that it has seemed to lack rational assessments being made of relative costs and benefits in the Indian case of nuclear/fossil fuel/renewable energy, especially hydroelectric energy. Indeed it reveals the same lack of transparency as other policy-making in this country – like the $12 billion worth of commercial aircraft from Boeing and Airbus bought for our bankrupt nationalized airlines.

Moving from preference-formation to resources and technologies, it will be recalled that no economist of any school of thought anywhere ever backed the Club of Rome/“Limits to Growth” idea a generation ago that mankind was doomed in some sense to run out of resources. There are always alternatives, each with a relative cost attached to it, and there are always new and unpredictable opportunities and ingenuities arising which dynamically change the set of alternatives on offer at a given time. Prices and costs tend to adjust when possible to make myriad individual decisions consistent with one another, and in fact, futures, forward and option markets for petroleum products are among the most active and well-traded that there are in the world. Design improvements in nuclear reactors will also improve productivity; e.g. “fast breeder” reactors “breed” more fissile material than they use, and may get 100 times as much energy from a kilogram of uranium as existing reactors do. We in India also have one innovatively designed thorium reactor under construction.

Coming to the nuclear deal, the plausible part of the Government of India’s official line on the Indo-US nuclear deal is that removing these international restrictions will — through importation of new technologies, inputs, fuel etc — improve the functioning of the 14 existing nuclear plants that are going to be designated as “civilian”. However, those purchasing decisions involved in enhancing India’s efficiency gains must be made by the Government’s nuclear scientists on technical grounds of improving the working of our existing nuclear infrastructure.

It would be a different animal altogether to be purchasing new nuclear reactors on a turnkey basis from American, French or any other foreign businessmen in a purported attempt to improve India’s “energy security”. The central question over such massive foreign purchases no longer would be the technical one of using the Indo-US deal to improve efficiency or productivity of our existing inefficient and even crippled nuclear infrastructure. Instead it would become a question of calculating social costs and benefits of our newly investing in nuclear power relative to other sources like hydroelectric power. The contribution of nuclear power to India’s electricity production has been close to negligible. Among India’s energy sources, the largest growth-potential has remained hydroelectric. Even if all other sources of electricity remained constant, and our civilian nuclear capacity alone was made to grow by 100% under the deal that Dr Manmohan Singh and Mr Montek Singh Ahluwalia have been promoting, that would still make up less than 8% of total Indian electricity produced.

In 2004, the International Energy Agency’s estimated that the new energy capacity required by rising economic growth in 2020 will derive 1400 GW from burning coal (half of it in China and India), 470 GW from burning oil, 430 GW from hydro, and 400 GW from renewable sources like solar or wind power. Because gas prices are expected to remain low worldwide, construction of new nuclear reactors for electricity will mostly remain unprofitable. By 2030, new energy expected to be required worldwide is 4700 GW, of which only 150 GW is expected from new nuclear plants which in any case will replacing existing plants due to be retired. I am afraid the thought cannot be avoided that a proper cost-benefit analysis may reveal that the reason why potential American, French and other sellers of new nuclear reactors to India are becoming so keen on India using civilian nuclear energy is that they are unable to sell these reactors under free market principles elsewhere in the world economy. There is enough circumstantial evidence that the current nuclear deal-making has been promoted mostly by big business lobbies and has had little to do with anything else. The nuclear deal was promoted by the US-India Business Council and the US-India CEO Forum. The Confederation of Indian Industry registered as an official lobbyist in Washington, and went about spending half a million dollars lobbying American politicians for the nuclear deal. After President Bush’s visit to India, the US Foreign Commercial Service reportedly said American engineering firms, equipment suppliers and contractors faced a $1,000 billion opportunity in India, and the US Chamber of Commerce said the nuclear deal can cause $100 billion worth of new American business in India’s energy-sector alone.

If the Indo-US nuclear deal helps India improve or maintain its existing nuclear infrastructure, well and good. If in fact the underlying motivation of the local and foreign business lobbies driving the deal has been to sell India nuclear reactors on a turnkey basis at a time when nuclear energy is uneconomical elsewhere in the world because of low gas prices, then India’s ordinary citizens may demand to know from the Government whether the deal is principally aimed at allowing such importation of new nuclear reactors, and if so, why such an expensive alternative is being considered. Thus must include a realisation that while the transactions, organisation and political costs of getting new hydroelectric power investments off the ground are high, it is hydroelectric and not nuclear power where India’s real future potential exists. As a general rule, I put it to you that we need to be less worried about “Energy Security” anywhere and more worried about thoughtless irresponsible corrupt governments everywhere. There is no shortage of energy or resources as such anywhere in the world; what should be making us feel insecure is the shortage of wisdom in political decision-making. That there is everywhere.

Posted in Asia and the West, Economic Policy, Economics and Energy, India's Energy, India's Foreign Policy, India's Foreign Trade, India's Industry, India-United States business, India-US Nuclear Deal, Manmohan Singh, Political Economy, US economy, USA, United States. 3 Comments »

Maharashtra’s Money

April 24, 2007 — drsubrotoroy

Maharashtra Govt Finance 2004 Table

Maharashtra’s Money: Those Who Are Part Of The Problem Are Unlikely To Be A Part Of Its Solution

first published in The Statesman April 24 2007, Editorial Page

by Subroto Roy

Mr Percy Mistry, according to the World Bank’s official chronology, worked there with Moeen Qureshi, and S Javed Burki. Mr Qureshi was doyen of Pakistani bureaucrats in Washington and something of a king-maker back home, briefly becoming Pakistan’s PM himself; Mr Burki briefly became Pakistan’s Finance Minister and is an author in the book Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy created by WE James and myself in the 1980s in the USA. Although Mr Mistry claims no special expertise about India’s monetary economy or public finances, he was appointed by Finance Minister P. Chidambaram to head an official committee that has given an opinion on a crucial monetary issue facing the country today, namely, the rupee’s convertibility. Mr Mistry apparently authored the report but resigned before its release, making it unclear who is responsible for its contents.

Mr Mistry has glossed over India’s present fiscal circumstances, said nothing of the limitless waste, fraud and abuse of the public purse the Sonia-Manmohan Government have been indulging in (like their Vajpayee-Advani predecessor) yet declared the rupee should be freed in 2008 ~ telling Business Standard a convertible rupee will allow people like “Ratan” and “Kumar” to raise capital in India for their foreign purchases, and not have to go to London as they must do now, poor things. All this in a report purporting to be a plan to make Mumbai an “international financial centre”, which is a different subject altogether.

Mr Mistry thus becomes a certifiable member of the “Dream Team” of Dr Singh, Mr Chidambaram, Mr Montek Ahluwalia, Mr Deepak Parekh and their big business/big labour/big media friends across political parties. Dreaming involves constructs in which normal logic and facts have no place. In the waking world, India is a labour-rich, capital-scarce country where wages are lower and interest-rates are higher respectively than in labour-scarce, capital-rich Western countries; hence India will be importing not exporting capital. In the real world too, Mumbai is not an off-shore island-resort outside India (like the so-called SEZs are going to be from a legal standpoint) but happens to be located in Maharashtra, whose public finances urgently require hard investigation and sober thought.

Now there used to be a “Bombay State” coinciding with the old Bombay Presidency plus “princely states” plus Marathi-majority districts of MP and Hyderabad and excluding Kannada-majority districts to Mysore. On May 1 1960, after much agitation, this became the new States of Gujarat and Maharashtra. There was talk of making Bombay city a Union Territory but the Marathis would have none of it. In fact, within a few weeks, Maharashtra reverted to calling itself “Bombay State” and it was not until the end of the year the Government of India officially declared it must be called Maharashtra.

The same quest for, or confusion about, cultural and political identity continues in recent times and may be at the root of the Shiv Sena’s erratic political behaviour which rocks Maharashtra politics so frequently. “Bombay” may be “Mumba Bai” or “Mumba Devi” but it had not been a Marathi town any more than Calcutta had been a Bengali town. Bombay’s traders and businessmen descended there while it developed after the decline of Surat, where the British initially came to trade in the 17th Century. Modern Bombay retains some of its “all-India” character and even today you cannot make money in its markets unless you speak Gujarati. Marathi-speakers have tended to wish Maharashtra was “Maratha-rashtra” reminiscent of the great Shivaji Bhonsla (1627-1680) but others have read the name only as “Great State”.

This continuing identity crisis had its most devastating costly impact through the Dabhol-Enron fiasco. As recently as March 4 2007, Chief Minister Vilasrao Deshmukh said frankly “We could not generate a single megawatt of electricity in the last 10 years due to the Enron issue”, adding demand for electric power had been growing in the State at 10% per annum.

Indeed, before the 2005-2006 nuclear or any other deal could be contemplated with the Americans, the US-India Business Council, the American business lobbyist (and recent guest and soon-to-be host of the CPI-M’s Buddhadeb Bhattacharya), insisted India pay up fully for the Dabhol-Enron fiasco. Maharashtra and its sovereign guarantor the Government of India, duly paid out at least $140-$160 million ($14-$16 crore) to each General Electric and Bechtel Corporation in “an amicable settlement”. It was only then that Dr Manmohan Singh could be hosted in the White House and in turn play host to President George W. Bush.

Without entering the intricacies of the fiasco, it may be still asked who was responsible. And in retrospect the finger must point both at the Mahajan-Munde BJP/ Thakeray-Joshi Shiv Sena, and at the Sharad Pawar Government and Manmohan-Montek Union Finance Ministry at the time. The BJP-Shiv Sena declared an intent to “throw Enron into the Arabian Sea” and thus vitiated the atmosphere with the Americans. Americans are shrewd and practical people in commercial matters and accounted for such contingencies in their deal-making, tidily earning their money anyway, winning the arbitration awards in due course. Maharashtra’s identity confusion was exemplified by Rebecca Mark having to visit Bal Thakeray before a policy flip-flop could be permitted.

If the basic technical cause Enron’s electricity became too expensive was that it was denominated in dollar prices and the rupee depreciated rapidly during and after the deal-making, then the financial responsibility for the fiasco must be ultimately traced to India’s Finance Minister in the early 1990s, namely Dr Singh, and his chief acolyte and Finance Secretary Mr Ahluwalia. Maharasthtra is not a sovereign country, and it was the Union Finance Ministry’s responsibility to oversee the necessary cost-benefit and project appraisal analyses, and these if properly done would have accounted for exchange-rate depreciation scenarios. It is no wonder the World Bank later refused to finance the project because they had done their studies better. The same kind of cavalier unprofessional attitude in spending scarce foreign moneys earned by India’s public has been displayed now more than a decade later by the Manmohan-Montek duo, though on a vastly larger scale, in regard to the planned purchase of nuclear reactors from Russia, the USA etc on a turnkey basis.

Maharashtra may be a Great State but its public finances are in as great a shambles as any other. The table for 2003-2004 (before the Enron payments were made) reveals the very high continuing public indebtedness, and the same pattern as the budgets of West Bengal and Uttar Pradesh described in these columns earlier. A closer look would reveal, e.g., that Rs 814.36 crore (Rs. 8.14 billion) were spent in collecting Rs1,205.97 crore. (Rs. 12.05 billion) of “Vehicle Tax”! There is much that Mumbai’s and Maharashtra’s and India’s citizens have to ponder over and act upon before serious thought can be put to restoring the integrity of India’s money. In that process, those who have been part of the problem are unlikely to be part of its solution.

Govt. of Maharashtra Finances 2003-04
EXPENDITURE ACTIVITIES: RsBn (Hundred Crore)
governance & local governance 18.19 2.58%
judiciary 2.96 0.42%
police (including vigilance etc) 19.81 2.81%
prisons 0.86 0.12%
bureaucracy 27.97 3.97%
collecting land revenue & taxes 42.25 6.00%
government employee pensions 26.36 3.74%
schools, colleges, universities, institutes 93.74 13.31%
health, nutrition & family welfare 23.42 3.33%
water supply & sanitation 10.22 1.45%
roads, bridges, transport etc. 12.96 1.84%
electricity 16.96 2.41%
irrigation, flood control, environ, ecology 70.79 10.05%
agricultural subsidies, rural development 41.30 5.86%
industrial subsidies 2.60 0.37%
capital city development 6.25 0.89%
social security, SC, ST, OBC, lab.welfare 25.40 3.61%
tourism 0.89 0.13%
arts, archaeology, libraries, museums 0.75 0.11%
miscellaneous -0.47 -0.07%
debt amortization & debt servicing 261.03 37.07%
total expenditure 704.22

INCOME SOURCES:
tax revenue 285.52
operational income 35.49
grants from Union 22.70
loans recovered 4.82
total income 348.53

GOVT. BORROWING REQUIREMENT (total expenditure minus total income) 355.70

financed by:
new public debt issued 317.02
use of Trust Funds etc 38.68
355.70
from author’s research and using C&AG data

Swindling India (2007)

April 2, 2007 — drsubrotoroy

SWINDLING INDIA

by

Subroto Roy

First published in slightly abbreviated form as “A scam in the making” in The Sunday Statesman April 1 2007, Front page comment

A gigantic financial scheme is in the making. Will it come to be seen in future years as having been in fact a scam – indeed India’s scam of the 21st Century for which India’s unknowing masses will be made to pay for many generations? The scheme is mind-boggling in size as well as its sheer audacity. Bofors, Quattrochi etc amount to peanuts in comparison.

No less a personage than the Finance Minister of India, P Chidambaram, has openly praised the potential of this financial scheme. And he has done so in no less an open and transparent place than his latest Budget Speech to Parliament last February.

It is a scheme openly advocated and currently being developed by our Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh’s closest acolytes, Planning Commission head Mr Montek Singh Ahluwalia and HDFC head Mr Deepak Parekh, in collaboration with Reserve Bank Governor Dr YV Reddy and the Finance Ministry’s top bureaucrats. The PM himself has come close to endorsing it explicitly. And this PM is not an elected member of the Lok Sabha but holds office and acts as the executive agent of the UPA Chairperson and Lok Sabha Member from Rae Bareilly, Sonia Gandhi.

I hasten to add nobody in the BJP has objected to this financial scheme — in fact had the BJP been in power today instead of Congress, they would have been likely even more agreeable to the scheme given their close proximity to business lobbies and organized capital. As for the Communists, none of their JNU economics professors is technically competent enough to comprehend or recognize what is going on.

The scheme involves private companies “borrowing” India’s foreign exchange reserves from the Reserve Bank of India, allegedly for purpose of “infrastructure” creation — in collaboration with the American bank Citigroup, the American financial business, Blackstone Group, and possibly the American giant, GE Capital too. Mr Chidambaram took the unprecedented step of naming Mr Deepak Parekh as well as Citigroup and Blackstone in the text of his Budget Speech.

To begin to comprehend the nature of this scheme, we need to recall an earlier case.

Foreign exchange reserves of countries typically include foreign currency holdings as well as gold stocks. One of the biggest Wall Street scams of the 1980s-1990s involved private companies borrowing not countries’ foreign currency reserves but their gold reserves.

In that scam, it was not the Reserve Bank of India that was cheated but the Central Banks of Poland, Malaysia, Portugal and Yugoslavia. The New York financial company involved was a subsidiary of the Drexel Burnham Lambert Group. The Drexel parent went bankrupt on February 13 1990 and its subsidiary followed on May 9 1990.

A report on June 4 1990 by Leah J. Nathans (now Leah Nathans Spiro) in New York’s highly respected Business Week magazine said: “Central banks, those pillars of monetary virtue, lost $219 million ($21.9 crore) to an obscure commodities subsidiary called Drexel Burnham Lambert Trading Corporation”. The sum was small by American standards but it was “a big, big number” for the countries involved at the time.

What had these national central banks done? They had been lured into becoming greedy. They had been sitting on stocks of gold as part of their national reserves which they felt “just collect dust”. So they yielded to the temptation offered by the Drexel subsidiary of leasing the gold to private parties.

In Ms. Nathans’ words, “By leasing gold, a central bank earns a modest interest rate, ranging from less than 0.5% to 2.5%. Typically, the central bank consigns the gold to a dealer – say, for 90 days. The dealer can then lend the gold to a customer, at a higher interest rate. It may be a speculator, who hopes to repay the borrowed gold when the price falls, or a gold mine that wants to repay the broker with gold produced later.”

But the Drexel parent and subsidiary went bankrupt through bad financial decisions. Drexel’s Michael Milken went to jail. The Central Banks of Poland, Malaysia, Portugal and Yugoslavia were left empty-handed – and had to sue as creditors in New York’s courts trying desperately to get back the gold they had been lured into parting with. It would be unwise to take bets on how much of their gold they ever got back.

All the present PM’s men — Messrs Chidambaram, Ahluwalia, Parekh, Reddy et al in collaboration with one or two American financial companies – now have a scheme that will use not the RBI’s gold but its foreign currency reserves.

Mr Ahluwalia and Mr Parekh have made the outlandish claim that “India needs US$320 billion” (US 32,000 crore) by way of “investment for physical infrastructure” during the so-called “Eleventh Five-Year Plan”. (How many so-called “Five Year Plans” is India going to have incidentally? We had our “First Plan” when Manmohan Singh was a student at Punjab University. Stalin, who invented the “Five Year Plan”, died during that time, and even his old USSR has ceased to exist, let alone its “Five Year Plans”.)

That vast amount of “investment for physical infrastructure” is what Mr Ahluwalia says he knows India needs for his purported “9% growth rate” to be achieved. Where are the macroeconomic models and time-series data sets from him or his friends to back such assertions? There are none. None of the PM’s men, no one in the Finance Ministry or RBI or Planning Commission, nor any of their JNU economics professor friends or anyone else in Delhi, Mumbai, Kolkata etc have any such models or data with which to back such assertions. Nor do the World Bank etc. It is all sheer humbug – all a lie. It is part of the mendacity and self-delusion that our capital city has been floating upon.

In any event, the RBI reportedly has “opposed the idea of deploying forex reserves for infrastructure development on the grounds that it will create monetary expansion”. But Mr Chidambaram’s Finance Ministry owns the RBI, and the Ministry has said “the RBI’s concerns had been taken care of, as the investments would be deployed only through a structured mechanism”. (Business Standard 23 March 2007, p. 3)

What is a “structured mechanism”? Mr Chidambaram, mentioning Citigroup and Blackstone Group specifically, said in his Budget Speech that Mr Deepak Parekh has “suggested the establishment of two wholly-owned overseas subsidiaries of India Infrastructure Finance Company Ltd with the following objectives: (i) to borrow funds from the RBI and lend to Indian companies implementing infrastructure projects in India, or to co-finance their External Commercial Borrowings for such projects, solely for capital expenditure outside India; and (ii) to borrow funds from the RBI, invest such funds in highly rated collateral securities, and provide ‘credit wrap’ insurance to infrastructure projects in India for raising resources in international markets. The loans by RBI to these two subsidiary companies will be guaranteed by the Government of India and the RBI will be assured of a return higher than the average rate of return on its incremental investment.”

You do not understand? Well, no one is supposed to. The most exquisite thievery occurs after all not in darkness but in broad daylight with everyone watching but no one able to see or comprehend anything. So let us return to elementary first principles.

What are foreign exchange reserves and why do countries hold them? It is quite simply answered. Consider the USA and Canada, each with its own dollar. Canadians want to purchase American goods and services, give gifts and make loans to American residents, and make investments in the USA. Americans want to do the same in Canada. Each has to use the domestic money of the other when it does so. If an American wishes to lend money to a Canadian or to purchase something from him, he receives Canadian dollar notes from the Canadian Government to make his Canadian transactions, handing over his American dollar notes instead. The American dollar notes he hands over become part of Canada’s foreign exchange reserves, held by its Central Bank. Roughly speaking, a country’s foreign exchange reserves are the residual foreign currency assets its central bank holds after all these transactions are carried out on both sides of the border.

In the US-Canada case, neither Government prevents its citizens from exchanging domestic money for foreign money. In India, our rupee has been inconvertible since about 1940. The average Indian cannot freely exchange his/her rupee-denominated assets for foreign exchange denominated ones even if he/she wished to. There has been some import-liberalisation in recent years but only someone with the political access of Mr Tata or Mr Birla can purchase foreign assets and foreign companies using their Indian money – because the rupee is inconvertible, any bad financial decisions they make in using their foreign assets will be implicitly paid for by the Indian public.

Now a country’s central bank, such as our Reserve Bank, is the custodian of its foreign exchange reserves. India’s reserves are supposed to have reached $195.96 Billion ($19,596 Crore) as of March 16 2007. Keep in mind we do not know why they have risen: they can rise merely because foreigners (including NRIs) have lent us more of their money, not because foreigners have bought more of our goods and services. In fact Business Standard yesterday 31 March 2007 said on its front page “external commercial borrowing” was “a major source of accretion” of India’s reserves.

Also keep in mind that the Reserve Bank has the duty to manage these foreign-denominated assets against which it has already issued Indian rupees. It might receive a small conservative income from the cash-management aspect of this but it may not risk them or place them in any jeopardy!

Yet the whole idea behind the Chidambaram-Ahluwalia-Parekh-Reddy scheme under discussion by the Sonia-Manmohan Government is that the RBI will “lend” some of the billions of Americans dollars in its custody to overseas subsidiaries of Indian companies – say, for example, to the Tatas who have now bought foreign “capital assets” of some US$ 12 Billion ($1200 Crore) from Corus without having anything near that kind of foreign income.

Such favoured Indian companies might then use these “borrowed” funds as collateral for other borrowings. In exchange, they will go about undertaking purported “infrastructure” projects in India. So much for the “structured mechanisms” being touted by Messrs Chidambaram, Ahluwalia, Parekh et al.

Before India’s public understands it, the schemers will shout (as they have done with the SEZ Act) that Parliament has passed it. The BJP will applaud with envy. The Communists might uncomprehendingly complain a little, and then be bought off with a sop or two that they do understand, like a little pro-China rhetoric or being let off lightly on Nandigram.

Now international institutions like the International Monetary Fund and the Bank of International Settlements officially exist to advise central banks to stay along the straight and narrow and to avoid all such mischief. Here is what the IMF explicitly warned about such schemes in its Guidelines for Foreign Exchange Reserve Management dated September 20 2001:

“Liquidity risk. The pledging of reserves as collateral with foreign financial institutions as support for loans to either domestic entities, or foreign subsidiaries of the reserve management entity, has rendered reserves illiquid until the loans have been repaid. Liquidity risks have also arisen from the direct lending of reserves to such institutions when shocks to the domestic economy led to the borrowers’ inability to repay their liabilities, and impairment of the liquidity of the reserve assets.
Credit risk. Losses have arisen from the investment of reserves in high-yielding assets that were made without due regard to the credit risk associated with the issuer of the asset. Lending of reserves to domestic banks, and overseas subsidiaries of reserve management entities, has also exposed reserve management entities to credit risk.”

Dostoevsky believed man could have evil intent. Socrates was more generous and said man does not do wrong knowingly. It is not impossible our Indian schemers have innocent intent and do not even realize how close they are to becoming scamsters, or are already in the grip of scamsters. But at least we are now forewarned: India faces a clear risk of being swindled of its foreign exchange reserves. Prevention is better than cure.

Posted in Accounting and audit, Banking, Bankruptcy, BJP, Communists, Congress Party, Dostoevsky, Economic Policy, Economic Theory, Economics of Exchange Rates, Financial markets, Good and Evil, Government accounting, Government Budget Constraint, Government of India, India's Big Business, India's stock and debt markets, India's balance of payments, India's Banking, India's bureaucracy, India's Capital Markets, India's currency history, India's Economy, India's Foreign Exchange Reserves, India's Foreign Trade, India's Government Budget Constraint, India's Government Expenditure, India's Industry, India's Macroeconomics, India's Monetary & Fiscal Policy, India's pork-barrel politics, India's Public Finance, India's Reserve Bank, International Law, Macroeconomics, Manmohan Singh, Monetary Theory, Socrates, Sonia Gandhi, Unorganised capital markets. 1 Comment »

Fallacious Finance: Congress, BJP, CPI-M et al may be leading India to hyperinflation (2007)

March 5, 2007 — drsubrotoroy

Fallacious Finance: **Congress, BJP, CPI-M et al may be leading India to hyperinflation**

by

Subroto Roy

first published in The Statesman, 5 March 2007

Editorial Page Special Article

It seems the Dream Team of the PM, Finance Minister, Mr. Montek Ahluwalia and their acolytes may take India on a magical mystery tour of economic hallucinations, fantasies and perhaps nightmares. I hasten to add the BJP and CPI-M have nothing better to say, and criticism of the Government or of Mr Chidambaram’s Budget does not at all imply any sympathy for their political adversaries.

It may be best to outline a few of the main fallacies permeating the entire Governing Class in Delhi, and their media and businessman friends:

1. “India’s Savings Rate is near 32%”. This is factual nonsense. Savings is indeed normally measured by adding financial and non-financial savings. Financial savings include bank-deposits. But India is not a normal country in this. Nor is China. Both have seen massive exponential growth of bank-deposits in the last few decades. Does this mean Indians and Chinese are saving phenomenally high fractions of their incomes by assiduously putting money away into their shaky nationalized banks? Sadly, it does not. What has happened is government deficit-financing has grown explosively in both countries over decades. In a “fractional reserve” banking system (i.e. a system where your bank does not keep the money you deposited there but lends out almost all of it immediately), government expenditure causes bank-lending, and bank-lending causes bank-deposits to expand. Yes there has been massive expansion of bank-deposits in India but it is a nominal paper phenomenon and does not signify superhuman savings behaviour. Indians keep their assets mostly in metals, land, property, cattle, etc., and as cash, not as bank deposits.

2. “High economic growth in India is being caused by high savings and intelligently planned government investment”. This too is nonsense. Economic growth in India as elsewhere arises not because of what politicians and bureaucrats do in capital cities, but because of spontaneous technological progress, improved productivity and learning-by-doing on part of the general population. Technological progress is a very general notion, and applies to any and every production activity or commercial transaction that now can be accomplished more easily or using fewer inputs than before. New Delhi still believes in antiquated Soviet-era savings-investment models without technological progress, and some non-sycophant must tell our top Soviet-era bureaucrat that such growth models have been long superceded and need to be scrapped from India’s policy-making too. Can politicians and bureaucrats assist India’s progress? Indeed they can: the telecom revolution in recent years was something in which they participated. But the general presumption is against them. Progress, productivity gains and hence economic growth arise from enterprise and effort of ordinary people — mostly despite not because of an exploitative, parasitic State.

3. “Agriculture is a backward sector that has been retarding India’s recent economic growth”. This is not merely nonsense it is dangerous nonsense, because it has led to land-grabbing by India’s rulers at behest of their businessman friends in so-called “SEZ” schemes. The great farm economist Theodore W. Schultz once quoted Andre and Jean Mayer: “Few scientists think of agriculture as the chief, or the model science. Many, indeed, do not consider it a science at all. Yet it was the first science – Mother of all science; it remains the science which makes human life possible”. Centuries before Europe’s Industrial Revolution, there was an Agricultural Revolution led by monks and abbots who were the scientists of the day. Thanks partly to American help, India has witnessed a Green Revolution since the 1960s, and our agriculture has been generally a calm, mature, stable and productive industry. Our farmers are peaceful hardworking people who should be paying taxes and user-fees normally but should not be otherwise disturbed or needlessly provoked by outsiders. It is the businessmen wishing to attack our farm populations who need to look hard in the mirror – to improve their accounting, audit, corporate governance, to enforce anti-embezzlement and shareholder protection laws etc.

4. “India’s foreign exchange reserves may be used for ‘infrastructure’ financing”. Mr Ahluwalia promoted this idea and now the Budget Speech mentioned how Mr Deepak Parekh and American banks may be planning to get Indian businesses to “borrow” India’s forex reserves from the RBI so they can purchase foreign assets. It is a fallacy arising among those either innocent of all economics or who have quite forgotten the little they might have been mistaught in their youth. Forex reserves are a residual in a country’s balance of payments and are not akin to tax revenues, and thus are not available to be borrowed or spent by politicians, bureaucrats or their businessman friends — no matter how tricky and shady a way comes to be devised for doing so. If anything, the Government and RBI’s priority should have been to free the Rupee so any Indian could hold gold or forex at his/her local bank. India’s vast sterling balances after the Second World War vanished quickly within a few years, and the country plunged into decades of balance of payments crisis – that may now get repeated. The idea of “infrastructure” is in any case vague and inferior to the “public goods” Adam Smith knew to be vital. Serious economists recommend transparent cost-benefit analyses before spending any public resources on any project. E.g., analysis of airport/airline industry expansion would have found the vast bulk of domestic airline costs to be forex-denominated but revenues rupee-denominated – implying an obvious massive currency-risk to the industry and all its “infrastructure”. All the PM’s men tell us nothing of any of this.

5. “HIV-AIDS is a major Indian health problem”. Government doctors privately know the scare of an AIDS epidemic is based on false assumptions and analysis. Few if any of us have met, seen or heard of an actual incontrovertible AIDS victim in India (as opposed to someone infected by hepatitis-contaminated blood supplies). Syringe-exchange by intravenous drug users is not something widely prevalent in Indian society, while the practise that caused HIV to spread in California’s Bay Area in the 1980s is not something depicted even at Khajuraho. Numerous real diseases do afflict Indians – e.g. 11 children died from encephalitis in one UP hospital on a single day in July 2006, while thousands of children suffer from “cleft lip” deformity that can be solved surgically for 20,000 rupees, allowing the child a normal life. Without any objective survey being done of India’s real health needs, Mr Chidamabaram has promised more than Rs 9.6 Billion (Rs 960 crore) to the AIDS cottage industry.

6. “Fiscal consolidation & stabilization has been underway since 1991”. There is extremely little reason to believe this. If you or I borrow Rs. 100,000 for a year, and one year later repay the sum only to borrow the same again along with another Rs 40,000, we would be said to have today a debt of Rs. 140,000 at least. Our Government has been routinely “rolling over” its domestic debt in this manner (in the asset-portfolios of the nationalised banking system) but displaying and highlighting only its new additional borrowing in a year as the “ Fiscal Deficit” (see graph, also “Fiscal Instability”, The Sunday Statesman, 4 February 2007). More than two dozen State Governments have been doing the same though, unlike the Government of India, they have no money-creating powers and their liabilities ultimately accrue to the Union as well. The stock of public debt in India may be Rs 30 trillion (Rs 30 lakh crore) at least, and portends a hyperinflation in the future. Mr Chidambaram’s announcement of a “Debt Management Office” yet to be created is hardly going to suffice to avert macroeconomic turmoil and a possible monetary collapse. The Congress, BJP, CPI-M and all their friends shall be responsible.

Of related interest: Mistaken Macroeconomics,
“The Indian Revolution”, “Against Quackery”, “The Dream Team: A Critique”, “India’s Macroeconomics”, “Indian Inflation”

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India in World Trade & Payments (2007)

February 12, 2007 — drsubrotoroy

Our Trade & Payments

by

SUBROTO ROY

First published in The Sunday Statesman, Feb 11 2007, The Statesman, Feb 12 2007

Editorial Page Special Article

TWO and a half millennia ago, the Greeks described how brightly coloured textiles imported from India were popular among the Persians. Five centuries later, the Roman historian Pliny complained that India every year “took from Italy a hundred million sesterces in return for spices, perfumes and ornaments”. Montesquieu observed in 1748: “All peoples who have traded with India have always taken metals there and brought back commodities. Indians need only our metals, which are the signs of value. In all times those who deal with India will take silver there and bring back none”.

During the British period, India remained a great trading nation. JM Keynes found Britain, the world’s largest exporter in 1913, exporting more to India than anywhere else, and Germany, the world’s fastest growing economy in 1913, receiving 5 percent of its imports from India and sending it 1.5 percent of exports, making India the sixth largest exporter to Germany (after the USA, Russia, Britain, Austria-Hungary, France) and eighth largest importer from it (after Britain, Austria-Hungary, Russia, France, the USA, Belgium, Italy). India’s share of world exports during 1870-1914 may have been about 3-4 per cent. As of 1917-1918, India’s balance of payments and fiscal budget appear idyllic: an export surplus of £61.42 million, official reserves of £66.53 million, total claims on the rest of the world of £127.5 million (or 32.85 million troy ozs of gold), and a 1916-1917 budget surplus of £6,594,885.

Even at mid-20th Century, India was still a trading power with 2 percent of world exports and a rank of 16 in the world economy after the USA, Britain, West Germany, France, Canada, Belgium, Holland, Japan, Italy, Australia, Sweden, Venezuela, Brazil, Malaya and Switzerland.

Yet during the second half of the 20th Century, the Indian subcontinent collapsed to near insignificance in world trade and payments. The traditional export surplus implied a high “treasure” demand for precious metals on capital account; this was reversed and the new India became a chronic trade-deficit country dependant on foreign borrowings and grants. Of world merchandise exports, the subcontinent’s share today is 0.8 of 1 per cent, and of Asia’s 6 percent (India accounting for two thirds); by contrast, Malaysia alone accounts for 0.9 of 1 percent of world exports and 6.5 percent of Asia’s. Most poignantly, among 11 major developing countries (Korea, Taiwan, Singapore, Hong Kong, Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, Israel, Yugoslavia), India’s share of manufactured exports to the world fell from 65 per cent in 1953 to 51 percent in 1960 to 31 per cent in 1966 to 10 per cent by 1973. Our legendary textiles lost ground steadily. As of 1962-1971, India held an average annual market-share of almost 20 percent of manufactured textile imports into the USA; this fell to 10 percent by 1972-1981 and less than 5 percent by 1982-1991. India’s share of Britain’s imports of textile manufactures fell from 16 per cent in the early 1960s to less than 4 per cent in the 1990s. India and Sri Lanka once dominated world tea exports but lost rapidly to Kenya, Indonesia and Malawi. Of total British tea imports, Sri Lanka’s market-share fell from 11 percent in 1980 to 7 per cent by 1991 while India’s fell from 33 percent in 1980 to 17 per cent by 1991. Today India may not be in the top thirty largest merchandise exporting countries of the world.

Several causes may be identified for our historical collapse in world trade and payments. These include Western protectionism e.g. of domestic textiles between 1965-2005, and emergence of new technologies like synthetic fibres, plastics, tea-bags etc as well as new competitors in the world marketplace willing to use these. Successful commerce depends on intangible quantities like trust, reliable information and contacts between individual contracting parties. Decline in our shares of world exports led to wastage of such informational capital and commercial trust. Foreign importers established new relations with India’s competitors, and for Indian entrepreneurs (now facing lessened foreign protectionism or newly liberalized domestic policies) to win new customers or win back old ones becomes doubly difficult.

But the most important cause of the decline was undoubtedly the political discord and trauma leading to economic disintegration of Old India into modern India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh. Partly as a result of their conflict, independent India and Pakistan deepened government requisitioning and rationing of foreign exchange purportedly as part of pseudo-socialist “planning”.

Trade policy followed the British pattern of import quotas imposed to conserve hard currency and save shipping space during war. Discretionary controls were in place by 1942 on grounds of “essentiality” and non-availability from indigenous sources. War needs over-rode others, and consumer goods banned ~ favouring their production by domestic business houses. In 1945 consumer goods were placed on open general license, as “the pattern of post-war trade should not be dictated by perpetuation of controls set up for purely war-time purposes”, and in 1946 there was further liberalization in view of India’s enormous sterling balances. But by March 1947 this ended, and import of gold and 200 “luxury” goods were banned. Only a few “essential” goods remained on the open list.

After the British left, political/bureaucratic control of imports and foreign exchange were extended, not removed. Intricate restrictions, subsidies, barriers and import-licensing (based on obsolete war-time “essentiality” and “actual user” criteria) continued, now in name of “import-substitution” and “planning”. Major industries were nationalized, and these became leading consumers of imports obtained by administrative rationing of the foreign exchange earned by export sectors. As consumer goods’ imports were most restricted, Indian businesses predictably diverted to produce these in the large highly protected domestic markets that resulted, causing monopolistic profits and financing of a vast parallel or “black” economy with its thriving hawala sector. Restriction of consumer goods’ and gold imports also caused smuggling and open corruption in Customs. The international price of the rupee was viewed not as reflecting demand for foreign relative to domestic moneys but as just another administered price to be used by politicians and bureaucrats. Foreign exchange earnings of exporters were confiscated in exchange for rupees at the administered rate. Foreign currency thus requisitioned was (and still mostly is) disbursed by rationing in the following order of precedence: first to meet Government debt repayments to international organizations, and Government expenditures abroad like maintenance of embassies and purchase of military imports, plus politicians’ and bureaucrats’ foreign travel etc; secondly, for import of food, fertilizers, petroleum; thirdly, for imported inputs required by Government firms; fourthly, for import demands of those private firms successful in obtaining import licenses; lastly, to satisfy demands of the public at large for purposes like travel or study abroad.

After devaluing with sterling in 1949, the rupee was maintained at the same value for 17 years despite weakening reserve positions and numerous shocks to the economy like the 1962 war with China, 1965 war with Pakistan, and droughts and food crises. Devaluation on June 6 1966 to Rs. 7.50 per US dollar met political opposition and contributed to Congress Party losses in the 1967 elections. The rupee did not respond to sterling’s devaluation in November 1967 and was not adjusted downwards though the economy continued to suffer shocks like the rise in petroleum prices, refugees from the Pakistan civil war, and domestic strikes and political instability. In August 1971, India pegged to the dollar and devalued with the dollar’s depreciation but in December again linked to sterling at Rs 18.97. When sterling depreciated after floating in June 1972, the rupee effectively devalued with it, and until July 1975 there were three small devaluations against sterling. In September 1975, India pegged (within margins) to an undisclosed basket of hard currencies including the dollar, yen and deutschmark, and between 1981-1985, the rupee was slowly managed downwards, without political resistance. From September 1985-July 1991, it followed a more rapid downward course depreciating 40 per cent, while the dollar depreciated as well against major currencies, suggesting the dollar weighed heavily in the basket to which the rupee was pegged.

1991 reforms

Narasimha Rao, P Chidambaram and others received from Rajiv Gandhi in his last months the results of a “perestroika-for-India” project, and started a process of economic liberalisation. Chidambaram said at the time the reforms “were not miraculous” but based on rewriting the Congress manifesto: “We were ready when we came back to power in 1991”.

On July 1 1991, the rupee devalued 9 percent and on July 3 a further 11 percent. The new Government’s March 1 1992 Budget placed the rupee experimentally on a dual rate, implicitly taxing exporters who had to surrender 40 percent of their forex at an officially determined rate and could sell 60 percent in an open market. On March 1 1993, the rupee began to be made convertible for current account transactions, i.e. for import and export of goods and services. Trade reforms included removing many import quotas and some export subsidies. But grave fiscal and monetary problems were not (and have never been) addressed with any seriousness.

Balance of payments

The “balance of payments” sums a country’s current and capital accounts. In Western countries, the capital account consists of net trading in long and short-term securities like private stock and government debt ~ domestic securities being bought and sold freely by foreign residents and foreign securities by domestic residents. Prices determined by competitive trading are very sensitive to interest-rate differences. In India (and Pakistan etc) genuine capital account transactions have not existed since the 1930s, and do so only in highly distorted form even today. The traditional export surplus and positive current account, balanced by net inflow of precious metals, had been wiped out and current account deficits were coupled with overvalued currencies and closed capital markets – along with repressive financial policies causing capital flight of an elite nomenklatura. The inherent risk of unproductive use of funds by borrowers and consumers of forex (mostly Government) were shifted to export and other hard-currency earning sectors.

In particular, a severe trade-deficit had followed petroleum-price rises in the late 1970s, which continues today. There has been some exploration, discovery and extraction of domestic supplies of oil and gas, but no significant move to conserve or find economical alternatives to use of imported energy. (Indeed a coal-exporting petroleum-importing nation with the most heavily used railways in the world made an unprovoked decision to abolish steam-locomotives in favour of diesel and electric. And now, very expensive foreign nuclear plants are planned to be imported on a turnkey basis under a false assumption these will help India’s energy sector.)

India gained from exporting temporary workers to the Gulf since the 1970s but that could hardly finance the increased oil bill. Instead there has been large growth of foreign debt since the 1970s, mostly owed by the Government (and recently by large private businesses) to Western financial markets via brokerage of Western governments and organizations they control. India’s foreign debt amounts to more than $100 being owed by each of our one billion citizens, each of us having to earn five or six dollars every year on average just to meet interest payments due to foreign creditors.

This has been accompanied in the last few years by foreign exchange reserves (the residual in the balance of payments) seeming to grow rapidly, and rising reserves have been perceived as a sign of optimism. Just as bad luck came by way of large oil-price increases, we have seen windfall gains from spread of American “information technology” ~ causing an even larger surplus on services as Indian computer-workers are exported, or new foreign investment is lured by low costs of “business process outsourcing” using our “reserve army” of labour and seemingly cheap real estate.

Rising forex reserves may or may not indicate a better financial position just as rising debt may or may not indicate a weaker financial position. A cash-rich person or company or country may have enough liquid resources to meet an immediate payments’ crisis ~ but may have become cash-rich merely by having borrowed more. A country’s forex reserves may be rising because foreigners have lent it more or have been exploiting arbitrage opportunities presented by multiple exchange-rates or interest-rates or other capital market inefficiencies, or even because reserve-assets have appreciated in world markets due to currency movements.

Similarly, it is not the absolute size of a debt that matters but productivity of the use to which it has been put. At a conference on a “perestroika-for-India” in May 1989 at the University of Hawaii, the late Milton Friedman remarked that one man can be heavily indebted yet have used his debt for investment in capital and hence real growth, while another man can be less heavily indebted but have used borrowed money for debauchery or other wasteful consumption.

For countries too, it is the use to which debt has been put ~ the nature of assets that have been created with the debt ~ that is fundamental. If our foreign debt has been used by Government to create roads and bridges or improve agricultural productivity, fertile capital assets have been invested in, which lead to economic growth and well-being.

If borrowed foreign money has been mostly spent on fancy tanks and bombers (or even passenger aircraft, which mostly earn domestic and not foreign currency) or on foreign trips for politicians and bureaucrats, it has likely gone on sterile consumption goods for the elite. Since Pakistan and India are armed with foreign weapons intended to be used mainly against one another, the arms’ merchants on both sides have been laughing all the way to their Swiss banks for decades. Pakistan and India’s weapons’ imports have been effectively paid by their Governments having borrowed what now constitutes the bulk of their enormous sovereign debts. Requisitioning forex has permitted military generals, politicians, bureaucrats and other lobbies to spend as they wish foreign monies earned by relatively meagre export sectors under conditions of severe international competition.

False convertibility

The RBI is presently engaged in a false convertibility whereby the organised private sector can purchase foreign assets, and the elite can transfer $50,000 annually to their adult children already exported abroad. Truly freeing the rupee today would involve allowing, overnight, any Indian to hold gold, foreign currency and foreign exchange bank accounts freely at his/her local bank (just like those glamorous NRIs). But some 50% or more of public expenditure is being financed by debt compulsorily held by nationalized banks, and this would leave Government with the problem of finding real resources to pay interest and amortisation on the sovereign debt. Moving towards convertibility may induce severe inflation and instability caused by exposure of the weakness of the banks, as their assets (especially Government debt) come to be valued at international prices. Yet without a convertible rupee, proper valuation at world prices is not possible of any paper assets in India (including shares), nor is there any incentive for a responsible fiscal and monetary policy to emerge, even while the nomenklatura continue in capital flight, and India’s masses unknowingly inherit large accumulating rupee and dollar-denominated public debts.

Hypocrisy of the CPI-M

January 9, 2007 — drsubrotoroy

Hypocrisy of the CPI-M

Political Collapse In Bengal: A Mid-Term Election/Referendum Is Necessary

First published in The Statesman, Editorial Page Special Article, January 9 2007,

By Subroto Roy

For the 1991 Assembly elections, I happened to draft the West Bengal Congress’s election manifesto although I was not then or ever a member of that or any other party. There was no Trinamul but its future leader had made her jibe of there being watermelons who were red inside and green outside, aptly in case of a few senior leaders. The manifesto quoted George Orwell’s denunciation of communist ruling classes, and was so hard-hitting that the CPI-M’s Sailen Dasgupta came out with a statement he had never read a Congress manifesto that had been so harsh on them; privately, I took that to be a compliment though the Congress of course lost the election. There is no one in Bengal who does not want to see Bengal prosper, and the most candid vigorous political conversation is necessary to discover what in fact is true and what ought or not to be done.

Democratic norms

The functioning of the Basu-Bhattacharjee CPI-M is quite utterly amazing. It deserves to be called such because of the seamless transfer of power that occurred between the two men in November 2000. The Chief Minister in a parliamentary democracy is supposed to have the confidence of the House, yet when Jyoti Basu stopped being CM and anointed Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee to succeed him, not even a perfunctory vote of confidence was asked for in the House ~ a fact I brought to the attention of the-then editor of The Statesman who agreed with me it signified the CPI-M’s contempt for the parliamentary institution they have been ruling over for decades. By contrast, there is already talk in Britain of an early general election as soon as Gordon Brown takes over from Tony Blair.

It is the same contempt for democratic parliamentary norms that Mr Bhattacharjee and company reveal today in pushing through their diabolical plan to acquire farmers’ lands on behalf of their businessmen friends.

All of 37% of those voting in the 2006 Assembly Elections voted for the CPI-M. By contrast, 41.2% voted for Trinamul and Congress together. Add also the 11.4% of those who voted for the Forward Bloc, RSP and CPI all of whom though part of the Left Front have been opposing the CPI-M on this cardinal issue. That constitutes prima facie evidence that a majority of 52.6% vs. 37% of voters may oppose the CPI-M’s present course of action. Mr Bhattacharjee heads a Government that is supposed to act not merely in the interest of members or groups of his own party or those who have flattered or financed it, but everyone in West Bengal including those who voted against the CPI-M as well as those who did not vote at all.

Gerhard Schröder dissolved the German Bundestag in 2005 though his own party held a majority there. He did so merely because his party lost a provincial election and he felt that indicated loss of confidence in it at the federal level also. Such is how genuine modern democracies work. In India to the contrary, we have had notorious misuse of the Constitution when State Governments were dissolved merely because they were ruled by parties opposed to that which had won a Union-level General Election. Even so, India remains a Parliamentary democracy at Union and State levels, and the Government of the day may advise the Head of State to dissolve the House and call for new elections to be held. It may do so even when there is no legal necessity to do so, i.e., even when it is secure with a majority of seats. It may do so because a political necessity has arisen for doing so.

If Mr Bhattacharjee is a genuine democrat, as he wishes to convey an impression of being, he should advise the Governor to dissolve the Assembly because the CPI-M wishes to go to the people to seek a mandate for its plans for the State’s industrialisation and forced acquisition of farm lands towards that end. The Trinamul, Congress, SUCI, Maoists and others including perhaps the CPI, FB, RSP and others will state their opposition, while he, Mr Nirupam Sen and their party will be able to articulate for West Bengal’s voters exactly what they propose to do and why. The CPI-M is adamant its cause is right while the Opposition have been agitating in the streets for months, and miniature civil war conditions now prevail in parts of rural Bengal; worse may be yet to come. There is only one way in a supposedly democratic society like ours to discover what should be done, and that is to dissolve the Assembly and call an election. Both sides will have a chance to articulate their positions to the public, and a vote will be held. There the matter would end. It is the one constructive way forward for the State, and indeed for the nation as a whole. (Alternatively, the Governor could be advised to request the Election Commission to administer India’s first referendum on a single agreed-upon question like “The West Bengal Government’s industrialisation and land-acquisition plan deserves citizens’ support: Yes/No”.)

If an Assembly election comes to be called and the CPI-M falls below a pre-set target of the vote-share, say 33%, or the Left Front below, say, 45%, then Mr Bhattacharjee, even if he commands a majority of seats again, will know he has no mandate and that he must stop and reconsider what he is doing. As I have said in these columns, West Bengal’s main economic problems are financial, having to do with Rs. 92 billion (Rs 9,200 crore) being paid as annual interest on the State Public Debt in 2004, and this may reach Rs 200 billion shortly. Economic development of the State has precious little to do with private businessmen making small cars or motorcycles or putting up buildings for information technology institutes, as Mr Bhattacharjee and his Government have deluded themselves into believing.

CPI-M 2003 statement
Besides its lack of democratic mandate, what surprises most about the modern CPI-M is its sheer hypocrisy. This is a party whose “Central Committee” in June 2003 in Kolkata condemned “non-Left State Governments” for allegedly “giving away thousands of hectares of land either on sale or on lease at throw-away prices to multinational companies and domestic monopolists”, and the Union Government for allegedly issuing “a circular calling for forcible eviction of lakhs of adivasis from the land”. The Basu-Bhattacharjee CPI-M is now clearly hoist with its own petard. Tilak said that what Bengal thinks today, India will think tomorrow. It was not for nothing that he said it. If the CPI-M refers the land-acquisition question to the people in a free and fair election or referendum today, it will set a positive precedent for other States and parties in the country. If instead it pushes forward its current diabolical plans, the example it will have set will be one of initiating a class war in reverse, where the poor shall become poorer and the rich richer. India’s poorest consist of those rural inhabitants without land, and Government would have deliberately contributed to their numbers swelling.

(Author’s Note March 2007: The original article in its first paragraph referred mistakenly to Promode Dasgupta when Sailen Dasgupta had been meant, an error corrected in the next day’s paper.)

Land, Liberty & Value

December 31, 2006 — drsubrotoroy

LAND, LIBERTY & VALUE

Government must act in good faith treating all citizens equally ~ not favouring organised business lobbies and organised labour over an unorganised peasantry

By SUBROTO ROY
First published in The Sunday Statesman Editorial Page Special Article, December 31 2006

EVERY farmer knows that two adjacent plots of land which look identical to the outsider may be very different in character, as different as two siblings of the same family. Adjacent plots may differ in access to groundwater and sunlight, in minerals and salts, in soil, fertilisers, parasites, weeds or a dozen other agronomic factors. Most of all, they will differ in the quality and ingenuity of thought and labour that has gone into their care and cultivation over the years, perhaps over generations.

John Locke said: “Whatsoever that (a man) removes out of the state that Nature hath provided and left it in, he hath mixed his labour with and joined to it something that is his own, and thereby makes it his property… For this labour being the unquestionable property of the labourer, no one but he can have a right to what that once joined to, at least where there is enough and as good left in common for others” (Second Treatise of Government). Plots of land are as specific as the families that have “mixed” their labour with them. Locke wrote of labour being something “unquestionably” the labourer’s own property; in the same libertarian vein, Robert Nozick opened Anarchy, State and Utopia saying “Individuals have rights, and there are things no person or group may do to them (without violating their rights)”.

But as we recognise the universal sanctity of the individual person and his/her private property, we have to start qualifying it. If you purchase a field, forest or estate through which runs a pathway traditionally used by the public to get from one side to the other then even as the new owner you may not have a right to forbid the public’s use of the pathway. By extension, it is clear the State, the community of which you are a citizen, may approach you and demand there should be and will be a public road or thoroughfare through your property in the common interest. Such is the sovereign’s right of “eminent domain” recognised throughout the world, not only in times of war or natural disaster but also in normal times where private property may be taken for public use. The individual’s right to free use of his/her property is circumscribed as a result.

What may be certainly expected though in all matters is that the State will act in good faith, i.e., that it has conducted proper technical surveys and cost-benefit analyses as well as transparent public hearings, and has honestly decided that the road must be constructed using this route and no other. The doctrine of eminent domain implies that while the right to private property may be basic, it is not absolute, as indeed no right is, not even the right to one’s own life. In India, one key difference between the landmark Golaknath (AIR 1967 SC 1643) and Kesavananda Bharati (AIR 1973 SC 1461) rulings had to do precisely with the former recognising the right to property being fundamental as in our original 1950 Constitution, while the latter consented to the Indira Parliament’s denial of this.

When private property is taken, fair compensation must be paid. For example, the American Constitution says “no private property may be taken for public use without just compensation”. What is just compensation? Typically it would be the “fair market value” — but that must be properly adjudged accounting for the best future use of the land, not merely the historical or traditional past use of the land.

Consider, in a mature urban real-estate market, a plot made vacant because a warehouse located on it has accidentally burned down. What is the value of the plot now? Another warehouse could be built, but other bids could come in too for construction of offices or residential flats or a multi-storey garage. The plot’s value would differ depending on which use it is ultimately put to. And this value would be ascertained by calculating the expected cash flows into the future from each of these possibilities, discounted appropriately to account for the fact the future is less valuable than the present, with the highest value alternative being chosen. That is how a mature private real-estate market works in theory, though in practice there would be zoning and environmental restrictions to account for the traditional nature of the neighbourhood as well as possible pollution by effluent waste etc.

In India, Government departments and ministries have inherited prime urban real estate from British times. Amidst the highest value real estate in Kolkata, Bangalore, Delhi etc. will be found a military camp or flats built for military personnel, having nothing whatsoever to do with furtherance of the nation’s defences today. The appalling state of government accounting and audit of our public property and institutions includes the fact that neither the Union nor State Governments and municipalities have the faintest idea of assets, including real estate, that they own. These public assets are frequently open to abuse by managerially uncontrolled government employees.

Fallacies even more curious seem to be currently at work in Indian policy-making, whether by this or that political party. The “eminent domain” doctrine requires a public purpose to exist for acquisition of private property by the State: e.g. construction of a road, bridge, dam, airport or some other traditional public good which is going to be used by the public. In India as elsewhere, “land reform” did involve taking an absentee landlord A’s land and distributing it to B, C, D and E who worked as peasants on it. But nowhere else outside formerly communist China has land been forcibly taken from peasants B, C, D and E and handed over to this or that private capitalist in name of economic development (in a reverse class war)!

Eminent domain doctrine requires good faith on part of the State with respect to its citizens and that implies treating all citizens’ interests equally – not e.g. favouring an organised business lobby or organised industrial labour over the unorganised peasantry uneducated in the wiles of city people.

Also, there is no reason why Government should be interested in a particular product-mix emerging out of a given private factory (such as the so-called inflation-unadjusted “Rs one lakh car” instead of telecom equipment or garments or textiles). Dr Manmohan Singh’s statement last week that he wishes to see “employment-intensive” industries merely added to Government confusion: from Henry Ford to Japanese “lean business” today, everyone knows the direction of change of technology in the automobile industry has been towards robotics, making modern manufacturing less and less manpower-intensive! The Tatas themselves underwent a major downsizing and restructuring in the last decade, hiving off industries not considered part of their “core competence”.

Traditional agriculture of Singur’s sort represents the most labour-intensive employment-generating kind of rural economy. While such rural life may appear unsatisfying to the urban outsider, there is, as Tolstoy, Rabindranath, Gandhi and others knew, subtle happiness, contentment and tranquility there absent in alienated industrial sprawls. “Surplus” labour occurs in agriculture because of technological improvements in quality and delivery of agricultural inputs as well as new education and awareness (Theodore W. Schultz,Transforming Traditional Agriculture). It is mostly seasonal and all hands are used during the harvest when even urban migrants flock back to help. Industry did not leave Bengal in the 1960s and 1970s because of Mamata Banerjee but because of urban unrest, the culture of gheraos and lockouts, and bad regulations of the labour and capital markets associated largely with Ms Banerjee’s Left Front adversaries.

The basic fiction the Union and State Governments have made themselves believe is that their idea of an industrialisation plan is necessary for economic development. It is not. Real economic problems in West Bengal and elsewhere are financial to do with State budgets. “Debt overhang is there” is how the RBI Governor apologetically put it last week. Interest payments on the West Bengal State public debt consume larger and larger fractions of the revenue: these payments were at Rs 13 Bn in 1995 but grew to Rs. 92 Bn by 2004, and may jump to Rs 200 Bn in the next decade. The communists have been in power thirty years and no one but they are responsible. Making the State’s budget healthy would require tackling the gargantuan bureaucracy, slashing ministerial extravagance (foreign trips, VIP security) etc. It is much easier to hobnob with the rich and powerful while tear-gassing the peasants.

Milton Friedman on the Mahalanobis-Nehru “Second Plan”

November 22, 2006 — drsubrotoroy

Note by Dr Subroto Roy: Milton Friedman, who died last week (obituary: page 7) , gave me this document (dated 15 February 1956) in 1984. I did not publish it in Hawaii in May 1989 in Foundations of India’s Political Economy along with his November 1955 Memorandum to the Government of India because it was rather more candid and personal in tone. The Berlin Wall had not yet fallen, and I was at the time being attacked by prominent Indian and foreign economists and political scientists for wanting to publish the 1955 Memorandum at all. Today, we in India are well on our way to making more objective studies of our intellectual and political history than was possible two decades ago. Friedman’s candid observations, from the Cold War era of Krushchev’s denunciation of Stalin, seem as fascinating as the tales of travellers from courts of olden times.

Mahalanobis’s Plan
by Milton Friedman

First published in The Statesman front page http://www.thestatesman.net November 22 2006

“I met PC Mahalanobis in 1946 and again at a meeting of the International Statistical Institute in September 1947, and I know him well by reputation. He was absent during most of my stay in New Delhi, but I met him at a meeting of the Indian Planning Commission, of which he is one of the strongest and most able members.

Mahalanobis began as a mathematician and is a very able one. Able mathematicians are usually recognized for their ability at a relatively early age. Realizing their own ability as they do and working in a field of absolutes, tends, in my opinion, to make them dangerous when they apply themselves to economic planning. They produce specific and detailed plans in which they have confidence, without perhaps realizing that economic planning is not the absolute science that mathematics is. This general characteristic of mathematicians is true of Mahalanobis but in spite of the tendency he is willing to discuss a problem and listen to a different point of view. Once his decision is reached, however, he has great confidence in it.

Mahalanobis was unquestionably extremely influential in drafting the Indian five-year plan. There were four key steps in the plan. The first was the so-called “Plan Frame” drafted by Mahalanobis himself. The second was a tentative plan based on the “Plan Frame”. The third step was a report by a committee of economists on the first two steps, and the fourth was a minority report by BR Shenoy on the economists’ report. The economists had no intention of drafting a definitive proposal but merely meant to comment on certain aspects of the first two steps. Shenoy’s minority report, however, had the effect of making the economists’ report official.

The scheme of the Five Year Plan attributed to Mahalanobis faces two problems; one, that India needs heavy industry for economic development; and two, that development of heavy industry uses up large amounts of capital while providing only small employment.

Based on these facts, Mahalanobis proposed to concentrate on heavy industry development on the one hand and to subsidize the hand production cottage industries on the other. The latter course would discriminate against the smaller manufacturers. In my opinion, the plan wastes both capital and labour and the Indians get only the worst of both efforts. If left to their own devices under a free enterprise system I believe the Indians would gravitate naturally towards the production of such items as bicycles, sewing machines, and radios. This trend is already apparent without any subsidy.

The Indian cottage industry is already cloaked in the same popular sort of mist as is rural life in the US. There is an idea in both places that this life is typical and the backbone of their respective countries. Politically, the Indian cottage industry problem is akin to the American farm problem. Mohandas Gandhi was a proponent of strengthening the cottage industry as a weapon against the British. This reason is now gone but the emotions engendered by Gandhi remain. Any move to strengthen the cottage industry has great political appeal and thus, Mahalanobis’ plan and its pseudo-scientific support for the industry also has great political appeal. I found many supporters for the heavy industry phase of the Plan but almost no one (among the technical Civil Servants) who really believes in the cottage industry aspects, aside from their political appeal.

In its initial form, the plan was very large and ambitious with optimistic estimates. My impression is that there is a substantial trend away from this approach, however, and an attempt to cut down. The development of heavy industry has slowed except for steel and iron. I believe that the proposed development of a synthetic petroleum plant has been dropped and probably wisely so. In addition, I believe that the proposed five year plan may be extended to six years. Other than his work on the plan, I am uncertain of Mahalanobis’ influence. The gossip is that he has Nehru’s ear and potentially he could be very influential, simply because of his intellectual ability and powers of persuasion. The question that occurs to me is how much difference Mahalanobis’ plan makes. The plan does not seem the important thing to me. I believe that the new drive and enthusiasm of the Indian nation will surmount any plan, good or bad. Then too, I feel a wide diversity in what is said and what is done. I believe that much of Nehru’s socialistic talk is simply that, just talk. Nehru has been trying to undermine the Socialist Party by this means and apparently the Congress Party’s adoption of a socialistic idea for industry has been successful in this respect.

One gets the impression, depending on whom one talks with, either that the Government runs business, or that two or three large businesses run the government. All that appears publicly indicates that the first is true, but a case can also be made for the latter interpretation. Favour and harassment are counterparts in the Indian economic scheme. There is no significant impairment of the willingness of Indian capitalists to invest in their industries, except in the specific industries where nationalization has been announced, but they are not always willing to invest and take the risks inherent in the free enterprise system. They want the Government to support their investment and when it refuses they back out and cry “Socialism”.”

Indian Money and Credit

August 6, 2006 — drsubrotoroy

Indian Money & Credit
by
Subroto Roy
First published in The Sunday Statesman, August 6 2006, Editorial Page Special Article

One rural household may lend another rural household 10 kg or 100 kg of grain or seed for a short time. When it does, it expects to receive back a little more than the amount lent ~ even if that little amount is in services or in plain goodwill among friends or neighbours. That extra amount is “real interest”, and the percentage of its value relative to the whole is the “real rate of interest”. So if 10 kg of grain are lent for two weeks and 11 kg are returned, an implicit real rate of interest of 10 per cent has been paid over that short period. The future is always less valuable than the present in the sense that 10 kg of grain today is worth something more than the prospect of the same 10 kg of grain tomorrow.

But loans may be made in terms of money rather than real units of grain, thus the change in the value of money over the period of the loan becomes relevant. If a loan of Rs 100,000 is made by a bank to a borrower for one year at a simple interest rate of 13 per cent per annum, and the value of money then declines at 8 per cent over the year, the debtor is paying real interest of just about 13 per cent-8 per cent = 5 per cent. The Yale economist Irving Fisher described how this monetary rate of interest equals the real rate of interest plus the rate of monetary inflation, while the great Swedish economist Knut Wicksell predicted inflation if the monetary rate fell below the real rate, and vice versa.

And there is another consideration too. A new cycle-rickshaw costs about Rs 5,000. A rickshaw driver who does not own his own machine has to pay the owner of the rickshaw a fixed rental of about Rs 15 per day. Now a government policy may want to see more cycle-rickshaw drivers owning their own machines, and allocate bank-credit accordingly. But some fraction of the drivers are alcoholics and hence are bad credit-risks, while others are industrious, have strong family lives and are good credit-risks. If a creditor is unable to distinguish between who is an alcoholic and who is not, credit terms will tend towards subsidising the alcoholic and taxing the industrious.

On the other hand, a creditor who knows each debtor individually will also know their credit-risks, and price individual loans to them accordingly. India’s credit markets, both rural and urban, have been segmented always into “formal” and “informal”, and remain so despite (or perhaps because of) much government intervention in recent decades.

Banks and the Reserve Bank of India operate in formal financial markets, but the informal credit market is where the real action is. For example, a mosaic-machine used in the construction business costs Rs 15,000 brand new and gets to be rented out at the rate of Rs 150 per day.

Someone with access to formal sector bank loans at say 13 per cent per annum, might borrow the Rs 15,000, buy a machine, rent it out, break-even within a few months and make a whopping profit afterwards. Everyone would thus hunger after subsidised formal sector bank loans, and these would be rationed quickly and then come to be allocated to people known to bank officials (like their own friends and relatives).

Rates of return on capital, i.e. real profits, are and always have been massively high in India, and that is what is to be expected because capital, both machinery and finance, is relatively scarce as a factor of production. Rates of return on labour, i.e. real wages, are on the other hand relatively low in India thanks to our vast population. For these reasons we have had for three centuries foreigners coming to India to invest their capital in enterprise and make a profit, while Indians have emigrated all over the world from Fiji to Britain to America in search of higher wages.

Now all of this is very elementary reasoning well known to serious monetary economists, yet it seems to have always escaped India’s monetary and fiscal decision-makers. For example, just the other day, the Finance Minister said in Parliament that all rural banks had been instructed to lend farmers credit at a 7 per cent (monetary) rate of interest, and failure to do so would lead to punishment. By the rickshaw example (in fact many cycle-rickshaw drivers are also marginal farmers), the FM did not wish to, and of course cannot in practice, distinguish between good and bad credit-risks among the recipients of such loans. If the value of money is declining by, say, 8 per cent per annum, a 7 per cent monetary rate is equivalent to a minus 1 per cent real rate. i.e., the FM would have done some Humpty Dumpty economics and caused the future prospect of holding Rs 1,000 tomorrow to be more and not less valuable than the certainty of holding Rs 1,000 today. It is inevitable there will be credit-rationing when credit is so massively subsidised, so the typical borrowing farmer will get some little fraction of his credit-needs at the official government price of 7 per cent per annum and then have to get the bulk of his credit-needs fulfilled in the informal market ~ at a price perhaps of 1 per cent-5 per cent PER DAY! The FM promising in his Budget to subsidise farm credit sounds nice on TV but may be wholly futile as a way of stopping farmers’ suicides.

The same kind of Humpty Dumpty monetary economics has been religiously pursued by the Reserve Bank of India for decades upon directions from its owner and master, the Finance Ministry ~ which in turn has always meekly followed the dictates of India’s unreasonable politicians of all parties. Formal sector interest rates in India have been for decades so artificially lowered that even if we use official figures measuring inflation, this leads to real interest rates being lower in capital-scarce India than in the capital-rich West! (See graphs). Negative or near-zero real interest rates in India’s formal financial sector coexisting with massively high profit rates in informal credit markets point to continuous processes of low risk profits being made by arbitrage between the two. That is why the organised private and public sectors seem so pleased with official credit policies ~ while every borrower in the informal credit markets always has suicide not far from his/her mind.

Other than Dr Rangarajan who once mentioned it, we have never had an RBI Governor who has wished to see the Reserve Bank of India constitutionally independent of the Government of the day, and hence dedicated to restoring the integrity of India’s money. Playing with the repo rate or other short term monetary rates is fun and makes the RBI think it is doing something as important as the US or UK central banks. Certainly the upward trend in such short term rates over the last few months is better than the nonsensical flip-flops previously. But it is small potatoes compared to the really giant variables which are all fiscal and not monetary in India. For example, Sonia Gandhi (as advised by another naturalized Indian, Jean Drèze, disciple of the Non-Resident Amartya Sen) insisted on a massive “Rural Employment Guarantee”; Manmohan Singh and Pranab Mukherjee have insisted on massive foreign weapons’ purchases and government wage increases; Praful Patel on massive foreign aircraft purchases; Arjun Sengupta on Scandinavian welfare benefits; Montek Ahluwalia on nuclear reactor purchases (so South Delhi will be able at least to run its ACs in 20 years’ time). All this adds endlessly to the stock of government paper being held as bank-assets, while the currency remains inconvertible (See e.g. The Statesman 30 October 2005, 6-8 January, 23 April 2006).The RSS/BJP and JNU/Left have been equally bereft of serious thought.

Tell any suicidal farmer that the Government of India has been borrowing larger and larger amounts every year just to pay interest on previously incurred debts; it may make him realise there are famous and powerful people who are even more unwise than himself and amount to effective suicide-prevention therapy. But do not tell him that they unlike himself have been playing with public money ~ or you may have the opposite effect.

Posted in Academic economics, Academic research, asymmetric information, Banking, BJP, C Rangarajan, Capital and labour, Communists, Congress Party, Credit markets, Economic Policy, Economic quackery, Economic Theory, Economic Theory of Growth, Economic Theory of Interest, Economic Theory of Value, Economics of housing markets, Economics of Public Finance, Enterprise and entrepeneurship, Financial markets, India's credit markets, India's stock and debt markets, India's Agriculture & Food, India's Banking, India's Budget, India's Capital Markets, India's corruption, India's currency history, India's Economy, India's Foreign Trade, India's Government Budget Constraint, India's Government Expenditure, India's Industry, India's inflation, India's Labour Markets, India's Macroeconomics, India's Monetary & Fiscal Policy, India's nomenclatura, India's political lobbyists, India's pork-barrel politics, India's poverty, India's Public Finance, India's Reserve Bank, Inflation, Interest rates, Irving Fisher, Knut Wicksell, Macroeconomics, Manmohan Singh, Microeconomics, Monetary Theory, Money and banking, Mumbai financial world, Sonia Gandhi, Unorganised capital markets. Leave a Comment »

The Dream Team: A Critique (2006)

January 8, 2006 — drsubrotoroy

The Dream Team: A Critique

by Subroto Roy

First published in The Statesman and The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page Special Article, January 6,7,8, 2006

(Author’s Note: Within a few weeks of this article appearing, the Dream Team’s leaders appointed the so-called Tarapore 2 committee to look into convertibility — which ended up recommending what I have since called the “false convertibility” the RBI is presently engaged in. This article may be most profitably read along with other work republished here: “Rajiv Gandhi and the Origins of India’s 1991 Economic Reform”, “Three Memoranda to Rajiv Gandhi”, “”Indian Money & Banking”, “Indian Money & Credit” , “India’s Macroeconomics”, “Fiscal Instability”, “Fallacious Finance”, “India’s Trade and Payments”, “Our Policy Process”, “Against Quackery”, “Indian Inflation”, etc)

1. New Delhi’s Consensus: Manmohantekidambaromics

Dr Manmohan Singh has spoken of how pleasantly surprised he was to be made Finance Minister in July 1991 by PV Narasimha Rao. Dr Singh was an academic before becoming a government economic official in the late 1960s, rising to the high office of Reserve Bank Governor in the 1980s. Mr Montek Singh Ahluwalia now refers to him as “my boss” and had been his Finance Secretary earlier. Mr Ahluwalia was a notable official in the MacNamara World Bank before being inducted a senior government official in 1984. Mr P Chidambaram was PVNR’s Commerce Minister, and later became Finance Minister in the Deve Gowda and Gujral Governments. Mr Chidamabaram is a Supreme Court advocate with an MBA from Harvard’s Business School. During 1998-2004, Dr Singh and Mr Chidambaram were in Opposition but Mr Ahluwalia was Member-Secretary of the Vajpayee Planning Commission. Since coming together again in Sonia Gandhi’s United Progressive Alliance, they have been flatteringly named the “Dream Team” by India’s pink business newspapers, a term originally referring to some top American basketball players.

Based on pronouncements, publications and positions held, other members or associates of the “Dream Team” include Reserve Bank Governor Dr YV Reddy; his predecessor Dr Bimal Jalan; former PMO official Mr NK Singh, IAS; Chief Economic Advisers Dr Shankar Acharya and Dr Ashok Lahiri; RBI Deputy Governor Dr Rakesh Mohan; and others like Dr Arvind Virmani, Dr Isher Ahluwalia, Dr Parthasarathi Shome, Dr Vijay Khelkar, Dr Ashok Desai, Dr Suman Bery, Dr Surjit Bhalla, Dr Amaresh Bagchi, Dr Govind Rao. Honorary members include Mr Jaswant Singh, Mr Yashwant Sinha, Mr KC Pant and Dr Arun Shourie, all economic ministers during the Vajpayee premiership. Institutional members include industry chambers like CII and FICCI representing “Big Business”, and unionised “Big Labour” represented by the CPI, CPI(M) and prominent academics of JNU. Mr Mani Shankar Aiyar joins the Dream Team with his opinion that a gas pipeline is “necessary for the eradication of poverty in India”. Mr Jairam Ramesh explicitly claimed authoring the 1991 reform with Mr Pranab Mukherjee and both must be members (indeed the latter as Finance Minister once had been Dr Singh’s boss). Dr Arjun Sengupta has claimed Indira Gandhi started the reforms, and he may be a member too. External members include Dr Jagdish Bhagwati, Dr. TN Srinivasan, Dr Meghnad Desai, Dr Vijay Joshi, Mr Ian Little, Dr Anne O. Krueger, Dr John Williamson, IMF Head Dr R Rato, and many foreign bank analysts who deal in Bombay’s markets. Harvard’s Dr Larry Summers joins with his statement while US Treasury Secretary in January 2000 that a 10% economic growth rate for India was feasible. His Harvard colleague Dr Amartya Sen — through disciples like Dr Jean Dreze (adviser to Sonia Gandhi on rural employment) — must be an ex officio member; as an old friend, the Prime Minister launched Dr Sen’s recent book while the latter has marked Dr Singh at 80% as PM. Media associates of the Dream Team include editors like Mr Aroon Purie, Mr Vinod Mehta, Dr Prannoy Roy, Mr TN Ninan, Mr Vir Sanghvi and Mr Shekhar Gupta, as well as the giddy young anchors of what passes for news and financial analysis on cable TV.

This illustrious set of politicians, government officials, economists, journalists and many others have come to define what may be called the “New Delhi Consensus” on contemporary India’s economic policy. While it is unnecessary everyone agree to the same extent on every aspect — indeed on economic policy the differences between the Sonia UPA and Vajpayee NDA have had to do with emphasis on different aspects, each side urging “consensus” upon the other — the main factual and evaluative claims and policy-prescriptions of the New Delhi Consensus may be summarised as follows:

A: “The Narasimha Rao Government in July 1991 found India facing a grave balance of payments crisis with foreign exchange reserves being very low.”

B: “A major cause was the 1990-1991 Gulf War, in its impact as an exogenous shock on Indian migrant workers and oil prices.”

C: “The Dream Team averted a macroeconomic crisis through “structural adjustment” carried out with help of the IMF and World Bank; hence too, India was unaffected by the 1997 ‘Asian crisis'”.

D: “The PVNR, Deve Gowda, Gujral and Vajpayee Governments removed the notorious license-quota-permit Raj.”

E: “India’s measurable real economic growth per capita has been raised from 3% or lower to 7% or more.”

F: “Foreign direct investment has been, relative to earlier times, flooding into India, attracted by lower wages and rents, especially in new industries using information technology.”

G: “Foreign financial investment has been flooding into India too, attracted by India’s increasingly liberalised capital markets, especially a liberalised current account of the balance of payments.”

H: “The apparent boom in Bombay’s stock market and relatively large foreign exchange reserves bear witness to the confidence foreign and domestic investors place in India’s prospects.”

I: “The critical constraint to India’s future prosperity is its “infrastructure” which is far below what foreign investors are used to in other countries elsewhere in Asia.”

J: “It follows that massive, indeed gargantuan, investments in highways, ports, airports, aircraft, city-flyovers, housing-estates, power-projects, energy exploration, gas pipelines, etc, out of government and private resources, domestic and foreign, is necessary to remove remaining “bottlenecks” to further prosperity for India’s masses, and these physical constructions will cause India’s economy to finally ‘take off’.”

K: “India’s savings rate (like China’s) is exceptionally high as is observable from vast expansion of bank-deposits, and these high (presumed) savings, along with foreign savings, will absorb the gargantuan investment in “infrastructure” without inflation.”

L: “Before the gargantuan macroeconomic investments bear the fruits of prosperity, equally large direct transfer payments also must be made from the Government to prevent mass hunger and/or raise nominal incomes across rural India, while existing input or other subsidies to producers, especially farmers, also must continue.”

M: “While private sector participants may increasingly compete via imports or as new entrants in industries where the public sector has been dominant, no bankruptcy or privatisation must be allowed to occur or be seen to occur which does not provide public sector workers and officials with golden parachutes.”

Overall, the New Delhi Consensus paints a picture of India’s economy on an immensely productive trajectory as led by Government partnered by Big Business and Big Labour, with the English-speaking intellectuals of the Dream Team in the vanguard as they fly between exotic conferences and international commercial deals. An endless flow of foreign businessmen and politicians streaming through Bangalore, Hyderabad, five-star hotels or photo-opportunities with the PM, followed by official visits abroad to sign big-ticket purchases like arms or aircraft, reinforce an impression that all is fine economically, and modern India is on the move. Previously rare foreign products have become commonplace in India’s markets, streets and television-channels, and a new materialist spirit, supposedly of capitalism, is captured by the smug slogan yeh dil mange more (this heart craves more) as well as the more plaintive cry pardesi jana nahin, mujhe chhorke (foreigner, please don’t leave me).

2. Money, Convertibility, Inflationary Deficit Financing

India’s Rupee became inconvertible in 1942 when the British imposed exchange controls over the Sterling-Area. After 1947 independent India and Pakistan, in name of “planned” economic development, greatly widened this war-time regime – despite the fact they were at war now only with one another over Jammu & Kashmir and, oddly enough, formed an economic union until 1951 with their currencies remaining freely convertible with each other.

On May 29 1984, the present author’s Pricing, Planning and Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India proposed in London that the Indian Rupee become a convertible hard currency again — the first time liberal economics had been suggested for India since BR Shenoy’s critique of the Second Five Year Plan (a fact attracting an editorial of The Times). The simple litmus test whether believers in the New Delhi Consensus have or have not the courage of their stated convictions – i.e., whether what they have been saying is, in its empirical fundamentals, more signal or noise, more reality or rhetorical propaganda – would be to carry through that proposal made 21 years ago. The Dream Team have had more than enough political power to undertake this, and it remains the one measure necessary for them to demonstrate to India’s people and the world that the exuberant confidence they have been promoting in their model of India’s economy and its prospects is not spurious.

What does convertibility entail? For a decade now, India has had limited ease of availability of foreign exchange for traders, students and tourists. Indeed some senior Government monetary economists believe there is convertibility already except forex dealers are being allowed “one-way” and not “two-way” quotes! That is wrong. The Government since 1942 has requisitioned at the border all foreign exchange earned by exporters or received as loans or investment — allocating these first to pay interest and amortisation on the country’s foreign debt, then to make its own weapons and other purchases abroad, then to release by ration what remains to private traders, students, tourists et al. Current account liberalisation has meant the last of these categories has been relaxed, especially by removal of some import quotas. What a convertible Rupee would mean is far more profound. It would allow any citizen to hold and save an Indian money that was exchangeable freely (i.e. without Government hindrance) into moneys of other countries. Full convertibility would mean all the paper money, bank deposits and rupee-denominated nominal assets held by ordinary people in India becomes, overnight, exchangeable without hindrance into dollars, yens, pounds or euros held anywhere (although not of course at the “one-way” rates quoted today).

Now money is a most peculiar human institution. Paper money is intrinsically worthless but all of India’s 1,000 million people (from street children onwards) have need to hold it temporarily to expedite their individual transactions of buying and selling real goods and services. Money also acts as a repository of value over time and unit of account or measure of economic value. While demand to hold such intrinsically worthless paper is universal, its supply is a Government monopoly. Because Government accepts obligations owed to it in terms of the fiat money it has itself issued, the otherwise worthless paper comes to possess value in exchange. Because Government controls its supply, money also can be abused easily enough as a technique of invisible taxation via inflation.

With convertibility in India, the quantity of currency and other paper assets like public debt instruments representing fiscal decisions of India’s Union and State Governments, will have to start to compete with those produced by other governments. Just as India’s long-jumpers and tennis-players must compete with the world’s best if they are to establish and sustain their athletic reputations, so India’s fiscal and monetary decisions (i.e. about government spending and revenues, interest-rates and money supply growth) will have to start competing in the world’s financial markets with those of the EU, USA, Japan, Switzerland, ASEAN etc.

The average family in rural Madhya Pradesh who may wish, for whatever personal reason, to liquidate rupee-denominated assets and buy instead Canadian, Swiss or Japanese Government debt, or mutual fund shares in New York, Frankfurt or Singapore, would not be hindered by India’s Government from doing so. They would become as free as the swankiest NRI jet-setters have been for years (like many members of the New Delhi Consensus and their grown children abroad). Scores of millions of ordinary Indians unconnected with Big Business or Big Labour, neither among the 18 million people in government nor the 12 million in the organised private sector, would become free to hold any portfolio of assets they chose in global markets (small as any given individual portfolio may be in value). Like all those glamorous NRIs, every Indian would be able to hold dollar or Swiss Franc deposit accounts at the local neighbourhood bank. Hawala operators worldwide would become redundant. Ordinary citizens could choose to hold foreign shares, real-estate or travellers’ cheques as assets just as they now choose jewellery before a wedding. The Indian Rupee, after more than 65 years, would once again become as good as all the proverbial gold in Fort Knox.

When added up, the new demand of India’s anonymous masses to hold foreign rather than Rupee-denominated assets will certainly make the Rupee decline in price in world markets. But — if the implicit model of India’s economy promoted by the Dream Team is based on correctly ascertained empirical facts — foreign and domestic investor confidence should suffice for countervailing tendencies to keep India’s financial and banking system stable under convertibility. Not only would India’s people be able to use and save a currency of integrity, the allocation of real resources would also improve in efficiency as distortions would be reduced in the signalling function of domestic relative prices compared to world relative prices. An honest Rupee freely priced in world markets at, say, 90 per dollar, would cause very different real microeconomic decisions of Government and private producers and consumers (e.g., with respect to weapons’ purchases or domestic transportation, given petroleum and jet fuel imports) than a semi-artificial Rupee at 45 per dollar which forcibly an inconvertible asset in global markets. A fully convertible Rupee will cause economic and political decisions in the country more consistent with word realities.

Why the Rupee is not going to be made convertible in the foreseeable future – or why, in India’s present fiscal circumstances if it was, it would be imprudent to do so – is because, contrary to the immense optimism promoted by the Dream Team about their own deeds since 1991, they have in fact been causing India’s monetary economy to skate on the thinnest of thin ice. Put another way, a house of cards has been constructed whose cornerstone constitutes that most unscientific anti-economic of assumptions, the “free lunch”: that something can be had for nothing, that real growth in average consumption levels of the masses of ordinary households of rural and urban India can meaningfully come about by nominal paper-money creation accompanied by verbal exhortation, hocus-pocus or abracadabra from policy-makers and their friends in Big Business, Big Labour and the media. (Lest half-remembered inanities about “orthodox economics” come to be mouthed, Maynard Keynes’s 1936 book was about specific circumstances in Western economies during the Depression and it is unwise to extend its presumptions to unintended situations.)

3. Rajiv Gandhi and Perestroika Project

On 25 May 2002, India’s newspapers reported “PV Narasimha Rao and Manmohan Singh lost their place in Congress history as architects of economic reforms as the Congress High Command sponsored an amendment to a resolution that had laid credit at the duo’s door. The motion was moved by…. Digvijay Singh asserting that the reforms were a brainchild of the late Rajiv Gandhi and that the Rao-Singh combine had simply nudged the process forward.”

Now Rajiv Gandhi was an airline-pilot and knew no economics. But the origins of the 1991 reform did come about because of an encounter he had, as Opposition Leader and Congress President from September 1990 onwards, with a “perestroika” project for India’s political economy occurring at an American university since 1986 (viz., The Statesman Editorial Page July 31-August 2 1991, now republished here; Freedom First October 2001). In being less than candid in acknowledging the origins of the reform, the Dream Team may have failed to describe accurately the main symptoms of illness that afflicted India before 1991, and have consequently failed to diagnose and prescribe for it correctly ever since.

The Government of India, like many others, has been sorely tempted to finance its extravagant expenditures by abusing its monopoly over paper-money creation. The British taught us how to do this, and in 1941-43 caused the highest inflation rates ever seen in India as a result. Fig. 1 shows this, and also that real growth in India follows as expected the trend-rate of technological progress (having little to do with government policy). Independent India has continually financed budget- deficits by money creation in a process similar to what the British and Americans did in wartime. This became most conspicuous after Indira Gandhi’s bank and insurance nationalisations of 1969-1970. Indeed, among current policy-makers, Pranab Mukherjee, Manmohan Singh, Arjun Sengupta, Montek Singh Ahluwalia, Bimal Jalan, NK Singh, Amaresh Bagchi and Shankar Acharya, were among those governing such macroeconomic processes before 1991 — albeit in absence of the equations that illustrate their nature. Why the Rupee cannot be made an honest, internationally convertible, stable money held with confidence by all Indians today, is because the Dream Team have continued with the same macroeconomics ever since. The personal and political ambitions of the tiniest super-elite that the New Delhi Consensus represent (both personal and political) have depended precisely on gargantuan unending deficit-financing backed by unlimited printing of paper-money, and hence the continuing destruction of the integrity of India’s banking system. A convertible Rupee would allow India’s ordinary people to choose to hold other stores of value available in the world today, like gold or monies issued by foreign governments, and thus force an end to such processes.

Two recent articles in The Statesman (Perspective Page 30 October 2005, Front Page 29 November 2005) outlined India’s financial repression and negative real interest rates (which suffice to explain the present stock market boom the way athletes perform better on steroids), and also how deficits get financed by money creation accompanied by wishful projections of economic growth in an upside down imitation of how macroeconomic policy gets done in the West.

“Narrow Money” consists mostly of hand-to-hand currency. “Broad Money” consists of Narrow Money plus bank-deposits. Modern banking is built on “fractional reserves”, i.e. a system of trust where your bank does not literally hold onto deposits you place there but lends these out again – which causes further deposit expansion because no individual banker can tell whether a new deposit received by it is being caused by the depositor having himself borrowed. As a general rule, bank lending causes further deposit expansion. Why India’s (and China’s) bank deposits have been expanding is not because Indians (or Chinese) are superhuman savers of financial assets in banks but because the Government of India (and China) has for decades compelled (the mostly nationalised) banks to hold vast sums of Government debt on the asset side of their balance-sheets. Thus there has been humongous lending by the banking system to pay for Government expenditures. The Dream Team’s macroeconomics relies entirely on this kind of unending recourse to deficit finance and money creation, causing dry rot to set into banks’ balance sheets (Figs. 2,3, 4). If the Rupee became convertible, those vast holdings of Government debt by banks would become valued at world prices. The crucial question would be how heavily New York, London and Hong Kong financial markets discounted Indian sovereign debt. If upon convertibility, the asset sides of domestic Indian banks get discounted very heavily by world financial markets, their insolvency upon being valued at international prices could trigger catastrophic repercussions throughout India’s economy. Hence the Rupee cannot be made convertible — and all our present inefficiencies and inequities will continue for ever with New Delhi’s rhetorical propaganda alongside. The capital flight of 10 out of 1000 million Indians will continue, leaving everyone else with the internal and foreign public debts to pay.

4. A Different Strategy had Rajiv Not Been Assassinated

Had Rajiv Gandhi not been assassinated and the perestroika project allowed to take its course, a different strategy would have been chosen. Honest money first demands honest Government and political leadership. It would at the outset have been recognised by Government (and through Government by all India’s people) that the asset-liability, income-expenditure and cash-flow positions of every public entity in the country without exception — of the Union Government, every State and local Government, every public undertaking and project – is abysmal. Due to entanglement with government financial loans, labour regulations, subsidies, price controls, protection and favouritism, the same holds for the financial positions of vast numbers of firms in the organised private sector. Superimpose on this dismal scene, the bleak situation of the Rule of Law in the country today – where Courts of Justice from highest to lowest suffer terrible abuse receiving pitiable amounts of public resources despite constituting a third and independent branch of India’s Government (while police forces, despite massive expenditure, remain incompetent, high-handed and brutal). What India has needed ever since 1991 is the Rule of Law, total transparency of public information, and the fiercest enforcement of rigorous accounting and audit standards in every government entity and public institution. It is only when budgets and financial positions become sound that ambitious goals can be achieved.

The Dream Team have instead made a fetish of physical construction of “infrastructure”, in some grandiose make-believe dreamworld which says the people of India wish the country to be a superpower. The Dream Team have failed to properly redefine for India’s masses the appropriate fiscal and monetary relationship between State and citizen – i.e. to demarcate public from private domains, and so enhance citizens’ sense of individual responsibility for their own futures, as well as explain and define what government and public institutions can and cannot do to help people’s lives. Grotesque corruption and inefficiency have thus continued to corrode practically all organs, institutions and undertakings of government. Corruption is the transmutation of publicly owned things into private property, while its mirror image, pollution, is the disposal of private wastes into the public domain. Both become vastly more prevalent where property rights between private and public domains remain ill demarcated. What belongs to the individual citizen and what to sovereign India –their rights and obligations to one another – remains fuzzy. Hence corruption and pollution run amuck. The irrational obsession with “infrastructure” is based on bad economics, and has led to profoundly wrong political and financial directions. The Rupee cannot be made an honest stable money because India’s fiscal and monetary situation remains not merely out of control but beyond New Delhi’s proper comprehension and grasp. If and when the Dream Team choose to wake up to India’s macroeconomic realities, a great deal of serious work will need to be done.

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Three Memoranda to Rajiv Gandhi 1990-1991

February 15, 1991 — drsubrotoroy

THREE MEMORANDA TO RAJIV GANDHI 1990-1991

I. PAKISTAN, SECULARISM AND HINDU COMMUNALISM

II. FOREIGN POLICY

III. ECONOMIC POLICY

SUBROTO ROY

Author’s Note, April 2007: As told elsewhere here, in September 1990 I was appointed by Rajiv Gandhi to advise on the long-term agenda for the country. These advisory memoranda were first written by me in that capacity. The Economic Policy Memo was written in September-October 1990; the Foreign Policy Memo was written in February 1991 (during and after the Gulf War); the one on Secularism was a compendium of several smaller ones written in late 1990. These were confidential at the time though were based on the work of the perestroika projects on India and Pakistan that I had been leading since 1986 at the University of Hawaii. As has been told elsewhere, I warned against Rajiv’s vulnerability to assassination. My warnings went in vain. When he was killed, I published these documents in The Statesman Editorial Pages of July 31, August 1, August 2 1991. The published subtitles were “Stronger Secular Middle”, “Saving India’s Prestige”, and “Salvation in Penny Capitalism” respectively. Needless to say, I do not today at age 52 agree with everything I wrote in these documents some 16 years ago at age 35-36, and my perspectives on the economy, Pakistan etc have matured further as may be seen from my current writings; but I am pleased to find I am today not embarrassed more than very slightly by any statement I made back then. My most recent writings relevant to the change in my thought since these documents include “What to tell Musharraf”, “Solving Kashmir”, “Law, Justice and J&K”, “India’s Macroeconomics”, “Fiscal Instability” and “India’s Trade and Payments”.

I. PAKISTAN, SECULARISM, AND HINDU COMMUNALISM (“Stronger Secular Middle”)

The world political order has seen immense structural changes recently. The most important of these are the result of the collapse of totalitarianism in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, and its replacement there by free and self-critical thought and debate, with all the risks and responsibilities that these carry. As a result, the world economy too is on the verge of major change. There may well be by 2000 a pact led by people of European descent from Australia via the Americas and Europe to Siberia, and a smaller pact of East Asian peoples from the Sea of Japan to the Straights of Malacca. Competition between the powers in such a world will be for new markets and cheap sources of labour, energy and natural resources. Given the fragmentation of the Islamic world and the overall weakness of Africa, it is China and our subcontinent which may be the only significant counterweights in this new balance of power. Both have long histories, resilient cultures, and vast populations, which make others apprehensive. But the future of China is far from clear to anyone. The collapse of totalitarianism seems certain after the passing of the present gerontocracy, but what will follow is anybody’s guess. At best, it may be the emergence after a power struggle of a Chinese Gorbachev who will free the domestic economy, restore political freedom, and restore Tibet’s self-governance. At worst, it may be a civil war between the remnants of the communists and some new Kuomingtang nationalists backed by Taiwan and Hong Kong. The one thing certain about China’s near term future is the oncoming uncertainty. This leaves our subcontinent, and here the key is India-Pakistan relations.

There is little doubt that the post-Partition configuration of India, Pakistan, and a divided and disputed Kashmir has been extremely detrimental to the welfare of all the people of the subcontinent, and has impoverished the general budgets and distorted the economies of both countries. If it has benefited important sections of the political and military elites of both countries, it has done so only at the expense of the general welfare of the masses. So long as the arms-race and elite-rivalry continues, the economies of both countries are likely to remain severely distorted, and there is little genuine prospect of improvements in mass welfare or the large-scale economic development of either country.

It seems hard to remember that little more than a generation or two ago, there was no problem of Kashmir on the subcontinent, or that, for the most part, the Muslims and Hindus lived in amity in undivided India. Partition came about because of the failure of the political dialogue between the Congress and Jinnah. This dialogue failed for three sets of reasons: the British role in the middle, the specific international context at the time, and the fact Congress and Jinnah were more often at cross-purposes than addressing the same issues. The proof they were largely at cross-purposes is indicated by the fact that Kashmir was never on the agenda of any serious discussion before Partition, yet ever since it has come to precisely symbolize the crisis over national identity in both India and Pakistan.
Now, in general, a country cannot have large land and naval forces at the same time. If it is assumed Pakistan and India must remain the perpetual military enemy of one another, both may have today more than adequate land and naval forces. But if that assumption is mistaken, then the real military weakness of the subcontinent taken as a whole becomes immediately apparent. This is made clear by the recent Gulf War, which is a defining event of the last half-century, and even perhaps of the whole century. If India and Pakistan are to protect themselves adequately in the modern world, they must do so by combined forces.

From a practical point of view, this cannot happen so long as each has its army trained at the other and calling it the “dushman”. On the other hand, the combination of both forces would immediately make the resulting force one of significant power, even though there would have to be further transition towards naval forces while infantries are transformed towards amphibious, airborne, reserve, and civil duties.

In the modern age, the defence of our subcontinent as a whole has to be naval and strategic, and such a defence cannot be made adequately so long as there are instead large rival armies facing one another in anger across a disputed border in Kashmir. The lesson of the Gulf War for the people of the subcontinent is that our bitter problems must be resolved, and resolved completely and permanently, in the way the bitter problems between France and Germany came to be resolved by De Gaulle and Adenauer.

Eventually, Kashmir (with or without Jammu and Ladakh) has to be united and demilitarized by both countries. But Kashmir cannot be independent any more than Punjab, Sind or Assam. Nor can a united Kashmir “go” to either India or Pakistan without further needless bloodshed. So the solution must be to try to mutually re-define the foundational basis of the sovereign states of our subcontinent after Partition. Indians and Pakistanis are free peoples who can voluntarily agree together to alter in their own interests the terms set hurriedly by Attlee or Mountbatten in the Indian Independence Act of 1947. Nobody but we ourselves keeps us prisoners of British or American definitions of who we are or might be.

For such a redefinition to take place, there has to be recognition that the configuration which occurred after Partition was a monumental mistake, which even Jinnah — the chain-smoking secular-minded Muslim nationalist — had not wanted at the time. (Jinnah’s cheerless speech to the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan is, incidentally, as secular a document as any.) The solution must be to reopen the dialogue where it failed almost fifty years ago, and to work towards a major constitutional revision for a new and stable configuration to emerge in all of our subcontinent. Fifty years is, after all, not a long time in the history of our peoples. This kind of a solution is further implied by an understanding of the nature of the three nationalist forces on the subcontinent: secular nationalism as is supposed to be represented by the Congress and its offshoots; Muslim nationalism as represented today by Pakistan; and Hindu nationalism as represented today by the BJP. For the whole of the present century, these have been the three permanent political forces on the subcontinent. Congress has been the most important and central force. But the fact Congress was started mostly by Hindus was enough for a Muslim political force in the form of the Muslim League to get created on one side of it. Muslim politicization had its own reaction of an explicitly Hindu politicization in the form of the Hindu Mahasabha on the other side of Congress. It is not long ago, relative to the length of our history, that the Muslim League and Hindu Mahasabha were just factions of the Congress in its struggle for independence, and many people like Jinnah had joint membership of both a communal and a secular organization.

The fact these three forces are permanent fixtures of our politics is of the highest importance. Each has changed in name, form and strength from time to time. The Muslim force went into the hands of Jinnah who, in course of bluffing his way with Congress and the British in the hope of gaining maximum advantage for his constituents, inadvertently created a moth-eaten Pakistan, which soon collapsed into military rule, foreign domination, civil war and secession. The Hindu political force became associated in the public mind with the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi, was eclipsed for a short while, then re-emerged in the form of the RSS, the Jana Sangha and now the BJP. Congress has stayed more or less in the middle. But with a frequent policy of expediency instead of a clear and convincing national philosophy, during decades of extreme economic and political crisis, Congress has been experiencing continuous factionalism and splintering into various disunited and opportunistic groups.

Nevertheless, a permanent configuration of political forces on the subcontinent can be identified of a secular middle, with Hindu and Muslim communal interests on either side of it. Each force is of such a size and importance that it must be respected and cannot be ignored. None of the three can be destroyed or converted by any one or combination of the other two. Congress and the BJP cannot destroy Muslim communalism as represented today by Pakistan. Congress and the Muslims cannot destroy Hindu communalism as represented today by the BJP. And the BJP and Pakistan will destroy one another and the whole of our subcontinent with them before they destroy secularism. Much as they might like to, neither can the RSS impose universal Hindu domination nor can the Pakistani ulema impose Islamic law over all parts of the subcontinent. Nor, for that matter, can Congress and its offshoots expect to spread secularism everywhere on the subcontinent.

These are the fundamental facts of political life on the subcontinent. They have not changed for 100 years, and, come what may, they are not likely to change for the next 50 years. If the forces are not recognised correctly and accomodated and reconciled properly, all that will happen is that the real and emotional resources of all sides will be drained against each other, until such a time as there is perhaps a break-up of the subcontinent and a repeat of the 18th century, with elites panicking and fleeing abroad if they can, mass blood-letting, while foreigners roam the country competitively in search of aluminium, manganese, coal, iron ore, oil, women, cheap labour, quick profits or whatever. Both the national movement for Independence from European rule and Jinnah’s desire to preserve the cultural identity of Indian Muslims will have become ghastly long-term failures. So long as the conflict between the Hindus and Muslims of the subcontinent continues, with secular forces caught in the middle, it is certain that the people of our subcontinent will not experience genuine mass economic improvement or be able to take their proper position in the world. Instead, we shall be completely vulnerable and defenceless with respect to predaory foreign powers in the post-Cold War world.

A genuine reconciliation between Pakistan and Hindu communalism is possible only via the revitalised leadership of a secular centre, with a clear-headed understanding of the facts and the way forward. It will require courage and calm statesmanship of a high order, of the kind shown by Willy Brandt, Sadat and Gorbachev in recent years. (Postscript: Rajiv Gandhi may have been able to show such statesmanship in his second term.)

II. FOREIGN POLICY (“Saving India’s Prestige”)
A key principle by which to guide the foreign policy of a large and potentially great nation like ours can be stated simply as follows:

An action of the Government of India outside the territory of India, i.e., an act of foreign policy, should be undertaken if and only if it protects or promotes Indian interests outside the territory of India.

Indian interests outside India encompass the private interests of Indian businessmen, Indian migrant workers and their descendants, Indian pilgrims, Indian students, Indian tourists etc, as well as the public interests of the Indian Republic such as the defence of the territory and property of India and the promotion overseas of the culture, languages and values of India.

It is a fact that Indian prestige on the world-stage has declined steadily since Independence. India’s share of world trade and finance used to be large in the 1750s, considerable in the 1850s, small but significant in the 1950s. It is close to insignificant today as we approach 2000. Accurately or not, we are perceived by those who think about us at all as a complex mess of a society, rife with caste, class and religious conflicts; moralistic and hypocritical beggars and braggarts on the world stage; very weak relative to our potential and our pretensions; with all talk and little ability. True or false, whether we like it or not, that is how we are perceived by many people outside India.

Repercussions of this view that the world has of us today are felt everywhere. A cynical Pakistani foreign minister once said about Non-Alignment: “Zero plus zero equals zero”. He was wrong then but would be right today. In public international circles, the Government of India is mostly ignored, and not even humoured or flattered the way some are because of their oil. Many Indians outside India face harrassment, hostility and discrimination of various degrees. This is related not only to the fact they are often competent and successful relative to local populations, but also to the perception that India is a weak and flabby country unable to protect her citizens abroad or offer them a proper life at home. If we are to formulate a new and effective foreign policy for India, we have to be first candid and realistic in our assessment of the facts and circumstances of the world situation and our present place in it.

Ideally, the foreign policy and defence of the subcontinent should be common. Differences between private Indians, Pakistanis, etc tend to disappear outside the subcontinent in face of common opportunities and adversities. If we are not able to persuade our neighbours about this in the short run, we may nevertheless act as far as possible as if we have a common policy, hoping to thereby persuade our neighbours by our example of the gains from such a policy. With this in mind, the broad aims of a new foreign policy may be formulated as follows:

A. Independence from so-called “foreign aid”. We do not ask for or accept public foreign aid from foreign Governments or international organizations at “concessional” terms. Requiring annual foreign aid is an indication of economic maladjustment, having to do with the structure of imports and exports and the international price of the Indian rupee. Receiving the so-called aid of others, e.g. the so-called Aid-India Consortium or the soft-loans of the World Bank, diminishes us drastically in the eyes of the donors, who naturally push their own agendas and gain leverage in the country in various ways in return. Self-reliance from so-called foreign aid would require making certain economic adjustments in commercial and exchange-rate policies, as well as austerity in foreign-exchange spending by the Government. Emergency aid from abroad (e.g. for disaster relief) or private voluntary aid need not be affected.

B. Promotion of amity and demilitarisation on the subcontinent. The idea would be to aim towards a more or less common foreign and military policy on the pattern of Western Europe within five or ten years. This will require some outstanding statesmanship and domestic political courage vis-a-vis Pakistan on the lines suggested in the previous memorandum.

C. Resolving the border-dispute with China by treaty. This too will require some clear-thinking statesmanship. The general trade-off between sectors may be a commonsensical way of breaking the impasse. Prima facie at least, Arunachal which we already have is probably more valuable to us than Aksai Chin which they already have, unless there are defence reasons to the contrary. A sound settlement should allow us to take a firm if quiet stand with them on Tibet. What they do at Tiannanmen may be not be our affair but what they do in Tibet is. Our position on Tibet has not been an altogether honourable one in the last 40 years. Also we should seek to protect those of Indian descent in Hong Kong from the chaos that is likely to occur in 1997.

D. Promotion of emigration and reverse migration to and from e.g. North America, Hong Kong, Africa etc. On the one hand, we should export our most exportable product, which is inexpensive good quality labour skills. At the same time, any Indian or descendant of an Indian living abroad should be encouraged to return at will. This is important for economic reasons, in effect adding value to the stock of human capital in the country. It is even more important for political reasons, as it will undercut to some extent the overseas financing of domestic terrorism. Nationality laws have to be amended giving Indian nationality to as many people as possible of Indian descent. Every Indian abroad who has taken a foreign passport but wishes to retain or re-acquire Indian nationality at the same time should be encouraged by us to do so. This may go to isolate extremist opinion, as thousands of moderate emigrants in Britain and North America will presumably prefer to maintain or freely re-acquire Indian nationality alongside their new nationalities. Many may rediscover patriotism for their homeland, where they now feel rootless in alien cultures which is what subconsciously motivates the demand for an abstract separatism.

E. Promotion of commerce, finance and investment abroad — exports, imports, capital flows in and out, tourism, contacts and exchanges. This is of fundamental importance for economic reasons. It will entail establishing as quickly as possible conditions favourable for the freeing of the rupee, as will be described in the next memorandum.

F. Achievement of tolerable standards in sports, music, and the arts. Our sporting prowess has become laughable. This contributes to our dismal image in the outside world. The present system is utterly hopeless, because of the heavy and completely unnecessary Government involvement in sports. Sports can be and must be privatized as completely as possible. Let commercial advertising and private sponsorship help our athletic development with minimum Government involvement. For example, Government can give tax breaks to sponsors who finance athletes for competitive international sport. There is plenty of black money in the economy which can be induced to come out to support sports in the country. To a lesser extent, the state of music and the arts and the culture in general have also become hopeless due to the unnecessary Government involvement.

For these six new objectives of an effective Indian foreign policy to be achieved, there must be a clear-headed and consistently formulated long-term view. The basic means would be to make a major and distinct move away from multilateralism towards bilateralism in international affairs. This would begin with Pakistan, on the lines discussed in the previous memorandum. Our most active foreign policy must be on the subcontinent, followed by South East Asia to where we once exported Buddhism, Islam, Sanskrit and Hinduism. South East Asia is today thriving economically and is quite stable politically. We have to learn what we can from them and offer whatever we have in exchange. Then there are the major powers: the United States, the Soviet Union, Germany, Japan, Britain and France. Then there is the Islamic crescent from Morocco to Indonesia. Then there are the countries where Indians have gone or can still go as emigrants or where there are significant Indian interests. These include Australia, Canada, South Africa, East Africa, Fiji and the West Indies. Then there are continental powers like Brazil, Argentina, Egypt and Nigeria. Then there are regional groups like the European Community and Scandinavia as collectivities.

On the subcontinent, the relationship should be made domestic and familiar with the aim of identifying common interests and forging a common policy as soon as possible. With the others, a rational bilateralism would involve starting with a thorough assessment of bilateral relations country-by-country. What are the principal components of imports and exports and their rates of expansion or contraction? What are Indian assets and liabilities in each of these countries and how liquid are these? How significant are private Indian interests in each — immigrants, tourists, students, businesses, etc.? What is the scope for expansion of ties in view of our objectives? Etc. Long-term foreign policy requires a constant stock of reliable information and also a continuous flow into and out of that stock. This may require overhauling some of the civil services. For good foreign policy to be made and implemented, there should be easy flow between the IFS and IAS, academia and the military and intelligence services. The aim would be to have a pool of highly qualified people voluntarily pursuing foreign languages and research of national importance with respect to the different countries of the world. The dozens of unthinking think-tanks in Delhi may have to be drastically overhauled to actually produce something useful after all.

Having determined what are the priorities and what are not, a reallocation of the foreign exchange resources of the Government of India will be called for to achieve stated foreign policy objectives. This has to accompany the process of economic reform, as well as the vigourous pursuit of reasonable solutions to the subcontinent’s continuing political problems. Obtaining a broad national consensus on the objectives is very important. Once the thinking has been clarified and the pieces put in place, this may not be so hard to achieve.

III. ECONOMIC POLICY (“Salvation in Penny Capitalism”)
Our economic problems have to do with the misdefinition which has occurred since Independence of the role of government in the economy. Partly under the influence of numerous domestic and foreign economists and pseudo-economists, our Government since the 1950s has frequently done things which need not or should not be done by government at the expense of things which have to be done or can only be done by government. The prime indicator of economic mismanagement today is not the annual deficit, but rather the vast public debt today of more than Rs. 273,000 crores. Our Government has borrowed something like Rs. 3500/- on behalf of each man, woman and child in the country — and spent it. A pile of rupee coins adding up to the public debt of India would stretch 4.55 million km into the sky, or be as long as six trips to the moon and back. That is the size of the problem.
Commonsense says that for the individual family or business or the nation as a whole, if you borrow funds for productive purposes which repay their worth, the size of the debt incurred is immaterial. If you borrow on the credit of the Government of India and then add to the country’s capital stock (whether human capital via better health and education or physical capital like roads and bridges), then the size of the debt does not matter, as long as the payments of interest on the debt are matched by increases in the capital stock. But if Government spends borrowed funds recklessly without a thought to rates of return, no capital gets created and instead the economy approaches technical bankruptcy at which time foreign creditors come knocking at the door.

The roots of the crisis may be traced to the following:

(A) Politicians in democratic systems make competitive soft promises of cash and immediate benefits, without thinking of where the revenue is going to come from. It is recognition of this which this has led to the turnaround in the Western economies since 1979, and made politics there much more sober from an economic point of view.
(B) Our closed economy with a captive Reserve Bank and credit market has caused any amount of the currency to be debased internally. To correct the problem at the roots, these two factors have to be faced squarely.

Short Run Policy (0-6 months) All political parties, national or regional, whether they have been in power or not, are mutually responsible for the crisis. It has been one of the unintended side-effects of the democratic system we have chosen. Therefore, all parties have a responsibility to set things right, and the way to do so was thoughtfully placed in the Constitution by its framers in Article 360: in a situation in which the “financial stability or credit” of India is threatened, the President is entitled to declare a financial emergency. This would permit freezing all levels and increases in Government spending outside essential functions (defence, law and order, roads, transport and comunications, basic education and health), initiate cost-cutting in all non-essential parts of the Government, and create the appropriate mood of seriousness in the country.
Next there will have to be an increase in revenue without increasing taxes. Can this be done? (Bush had once called this Reagan/Thatcher idea “voodoo economics”.) In our economy it may be possible via the appropriate use of two facts — the vast black economy of undeclared income of perhaps Rs. 43,000 crores, and the vast Government-owned industrial and services sector plus any amount of Government-owned land and capital. The black economy has made our businessmen waste their enterprise in trying to cheat or buy out the Government. The Government-owned sector has led our workers to waste their skills and learning abilities in overmanned and unproductive occupations. Any reform-minded Government must be prepared to tackle corrupt or lazy businessmen, union bosses and Government employees, while creating a system which rewards initiative, honesty, enterprise and effort on the part of business, labour and the bureaucracy.
As part of the financial emergency, every Government department can be instructed to reduce costs by 10-25% every year for the next five years. Much of this may be possible without layoffs but by internal economies and tough administration — freezing wages and benefits, saving office-space, more clatter and less chatter, etc.

More crucially, there must be an absolute moratorium on strikes in the public sector. Only if an industry is vital to the national interest should it be in the public sector, e.g. space research, defence production or oil. Strikes in such industries damage the whole country and not just the individual employer. Therefore, either there are no strikes, or the industry is not vital to the nation and can be safely placed in the private sector.

This will set the example for more fundamental changes in industrial relations. Labour laws have to be applied or amended to ensure unions are run for the benefit of their members and not of union bosses or political parties. Unions are vital in industrial society to protect individual workers from exploitation, discrimimation and safety hazards. They are not supposed to be empires for unelected union bosses, arenas for party politics, or excuses for overmanning. Our productivity is shockingly low relative to international standards, and without crucial improvements in it we shall be wiped out if and when the economy is opened as it will have to be for other reasons.

Increasing productivity per head throughout the economy is therefore a vital preparatory step, and must be tackled in the first few months. The device of a strike has to be made a last resort. Workers have to be free to elect their leaders by secret ballot without fear or intimidation. Political parties have to be removed from the workplace. The power of toughs and vandals has to be broken by the ballot box.

At the same time, employment can be made to increase by leaps and bounds by freeing all domestic enterprise from licensing, controls and permits. Freeing domestic enterprise from retrograde Central and State laws may be again most easily done via the Constitution. Subject only to local laws of safety, morality and environmental protection, all trade, commerce and enterprise throughout the territory of India should be made free from Government interference or restriction. That was what was envisioned by Articles 19 and 301 of the Constitution.

The increase may be incalculable in employment, wages and income, and hence the consumption of the masses of our people. Important side-benefits will be that urban discontent, political vandalism and communalism will be reduced. An idle mind is the devil’s workshop — with increased employment via enterprise, there will be less time and inclination for political or communal crimes.

Special notice has to be given to banking policy, as banks affect all other enterprises. Our nationalised banks are in disastrous shape. Private banks are responsible to their share-holders; if bad loans are made or bad risks taken, or if costs are too high or service poor, then managements get replaced by the power of share-holders. In public sector banks this does not happen. Costs are very high, profit rates low or negative, loans are not repaid or should not have been made in the first place, and service is appalling. Small depositors place their confidence in them because they have no other place to put their meagre savings, and because they believe the Government knows best and is not itself bankrupt. If a serious opening of the economy is to be planned in the medium and long-term, there has to be adequate preparation of the monetary system, else there may be a run on the banks and a collapse in public confidence in the currency.

It becomes essential that costs in the public sector banks are slashed, loans get repaid, loan melas stop, and banks are run as banks and not as public charities or employment agencies. At the same time, the Reserve Bank has to be made independent of the Ministry of Finance and of parliamentary pressure, and preferably made constitutionally independent like the UPSC or the Auditor-General. The task of any central bank is to maintain a currency in which the domestic public can have confidence in making their economic transactions, and to reflect a realistic price on international currency markets. The Reserve Bank’s role has been severely distorted by it being forced practically at gunpoint to hold massive amounts of the Government’s debt, and to finance this by printing more and more paper money. Instead, the currency has to reflect real economic transactions, and the Reserve Bank can be instructed (as its own 1985 report said) to follow a non-inflationary monetary rule of expanding the money-supply only relative to the rate of growth of real income and output in the economy.
Similarly, markets for insurance and life-insurance have to be rescued from the bankruptcy of nationalisation. Insurance is a highly complicated industry involving the correct assessment and sharing of business and personal risks. The present industry is in a shambles and will probably have to learn the modern business almost from scratch. Yet reforming it is vital to a new and invigorated economy, and also to laying the basis for heath-insurance for the masses.

Medium-Run Policy (6-18 months) Next, a concerted effort will have to be made to raise revenue without raising taxes. To the contrary, tax rates have to be simplified and reduced if possible, and especially the system of invisible indirect excise taxes (which tend to hurt the poor most heavily) gradually changed as far as possible to visible direct income and wealth taxes. If revenues are to be raised without increasing taxes, it is black money and the public sector which must be made to come to the rescue of the country. The public sector belongs to the public — not to the IAS, not to the public sector unions and certainly not to local politicians. Ideally, the most efficient and equitable means of share-holding of the public sector would be for every Indian adult to receive at the address of his or her domicile (or voter registration), upon a simple application and a processing fee, oe share-certificate in each enterprise being run by the Government of India. (An even better model would be to have a poverty-citerion, and give the shares to the poorest of the poor villages or village panchayats.) The shares would become tradeable; markets of penny-capitalism would spread throughout the villages of India, as each penny-capitalist decided whether to hold or sell the share-certificates thus received, and the Government would have safely handed over the ownership of the public sector to its rightful owners.

It would be a historic move for the distribution of national wealth, as scores perhaps hundreds of millions of new shareholders are created. The hidden hoards of black money would come out and become distributed equitably. Of course the shares of some public sector enterprises will not be worth much, but they will not be worth less than nothing. Nor would anyone be obliged to sell until it was privately profitable to do so. Future entrepreneurs (domestic or foreign) who wished to take over or turn around the fortunes of a bankrupt public sector firm would have to solicit the shares from a vast population of penny-capitalists.

Long-Run Policy (18+ months) Thus the key objective would be to control wasteful Government spending in order to place the Government in a position to redirect public resources towards the fundamental sources of economic growth for the common people of India. One further step would be necessary. This would be to make the rupee a hard currency of the world.
This will have to be done with utmost care and proper preparation of economic and political expectations. It will mean making every Indian — high or lowly, rich or poor — free to hold his or her assets, small as these may be, in any currency or precious metal of choice without Government intervention. Government would use its own reserves of foreign exchange and gold for its own purchases and obligations abroad — e.g. defence, diplomacy, or emergency reserves. Success or failure will depend squarely on the credibility and resolve of the Government that there will be no U-turn. If the Government is steadfast and is believed, the rupee will fall some distance for some months and then turn upwards and rise some lesser distance, at which point it would have become a hard currency. The initial fall will bring out black money and pent-up demand, and may reduce the present (October 26 1990) artificial price of Rs. 20 to the dollar to even Rs. 40 or Rs 50 to the dollar. The import bill will become enormous, and immediate relief will have to be given by cutting back on import duties and excise taxes on petroleum equivalently, leading to a fall in revenue from these sources. Export incentives should be immediately withdrawn, as Indian exporters will face an unprecedented boom as the dollar prices of their goods tumble, and goods which were previously high-cost and unexportable become very exportable. The export boom may be so huge as to be inflationary in the short term, requiring the same steady monetary policy plus corrective action by release of food and other stocks. The critical burden will fall on expansion of supply and production — it is here that the importance of first establishing domestic free enterprise and cooperative industrial relations is seen, as domestic enterprise must be in a position to respond to an export boom when the rupee becomes a hard currency. The rupee would become a hard currency the moment its initial fall comes to an end and it starts upwards at a new and steady equilibrium value. At this value, our credit-worthiness in the world would be firm, our export-led boom would have begun, capital owned by Indians abroad would have begun to flow freely in, and the Government would be in a position to embark on fundamental changes for long term economic growth and welfare of the masses — specifically, village-based economic development and school-based village development. Most important, as people gain more control over their own individual futures, the mood and momentum should make the position one of strong confidence.

Rajiv Gandhi and the Origins of India’s 1991 Economic Reform

September 18, 1990 — drsubrotoroy

Rajiv Gandhi and the Origins of India’s 1991 Economic Reform

Subroto Roy

Author’s Note May 2008: The family of Rajiv Gandhi received a copy of this when it was first written in July 2005. An earlier abbreviated version “Encounter with Rajiv Gandhi: On the Origins of India’s 1991 Economic Reform” was published in October 2001 in Freedom First, Bombay, a journal founded by the late Minoo Masani and now edited by S V Raju. A copy of that article was received by all Congress MPs of the 13th Lok Sabha. In May 2002, the Congress Party passed an official resolution stating Rajiv Gandhi and not Narasimha Rao or Manmohan Singh was to be credited with having originated the 1991 economic reforms. This article has now been published in print in The Statesman Festival Volume, October 2007. It may be profitably followed by “The Dream Team: A Critique”, “Solving Kashmir”, “Law, Justice & J&K”, “What to tell Musharraf”, “India’s Macroeconomics”, “Fiscal Instability”, “India’s Trade and Payments”, “Fallacious Finance”, “Against Quackery”, etc. My original advisory memoranda to Rajiv in 1990-1991 were published in The Statesman’s Editorial Pages July 31-August 2 1991, and now have been republished elsewhere here as well. See too https://independentindian.com/thoughts-words-deeds-my-work-1973-2010/rajiv-gandhi-and-the-origins-of-indias-1991-economic-reform/did-jagdish-bhagwati-originate-pioneer-intellectually-father-indias-1991-economic-reform-did-manmohan-singh-or-did-i-through-my-e/ https://independentindian.com/2014/08/07/haksar-manmohan-and-sonia/

I met Rajiv Gandhi for the first time on 18th September 1990 thanks to an introduction by S. S. Ray (see “I’m on my way out”: Siddhartha Shankar Ray (1920-2010)… | Independent Indian: Work & Life of Professor Subroto Roy) We met a half dozen or so times until his assassination in May 1991. Yet our encounter was intense and consequential, and resulted directly in the change of the Congress Party’s economic thinking prior to the 1991 elections. I had with me results of an interdisciplinary “perestroika-for-India” project I had led at the University of Hawaii since 1986. This manuscript (later published by Sage as Foundations of India’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s edited by myself and W. E. James) was given by me to Rajiv, then Leader of the Opposition, and was instrumental in the change of thinking that took place. In interests of fairness, I tried to get the work to V. P. Singh too because he was Prime Minister, but a key aide of his showed no interest in receiving it.

The Hawaii project manuscript contained inter alia a memorandum by Milton Friedman done at the request of the Government of India in November 1955, which had been suppressed for 34 years until I published it in May 1989. Milton and Rose Friedman refer to this in their memoirs Two Lucky People (Chicago 1998). Peter Bauer had told me of the existence of Friedman’s document during my doctoral work at Cambridge under Frank Hahn in the late 1970s, as did N. Georgescu-Roegen in America. Those were years in which Brezhnev still ruled in the Kremlin, Gorbachev was yet to emerge, Indira Gandhi and her pro-Moscow advisers were ensconced in New Delhi, and not even the CIA had imagined the Berlin Wall would fall and the Cold War would be over within a decade. It was academic suicide at the time to argue in favour of classical liberal economics even in the West. As a 22-year-old Visiting Assistant Professor at the Delhi School of Economics in 1977, I was greeted with uproarious laughter of senior professors when I spoke of a possible free market in foreign exchange. Cambridge was a place where Indian economists went to study the exploitation of peasants in Indian agriculture before returning to their friends in the well-known bastions of such matters in Delhi and Calcutta. It was not a place where Indian (let alone Bengali) doctoral students in economics mentioned the unmentionable names of Hayek or Friedman or Buchanan, and insisted upon giving their works a hearing.

My original doctoral topic in 1976 “A monetary theory for India” had to be altered not only due to paucity of monetary data at the time but because the problems of India’s political economy and allocation of resources in the real economy were far more pressing. The thesis that emerged in 1982 “On liberty and economic growth: preface to a philosophy for India” was a full frontal assault from the point of view of microeconomic theory on the “development planning” to which everyone routinely declared their fidelity, from New Delhi’s bureaucrats and Oxford’s “development” school to McNamara’s World Bank with its Indian staffers.

Frank Hahn protected my inchoate liberal arguments for India; and when no internal examiner could be found, Cambridge showed its greatness by appointing two externals, Bliss at Oxford and Hutchison at Birmingham, both Cambridge men. “Economic Theory and Development Economics” was presented to the American Economic Association in December 1982 in company of Solow, Chenery and other eminences, and then Pricing, Planning and Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India published by London’s Institute of Economic Affairs, provoking the lead editorial of The Times on May 29 1984. The Indian High Commission sent the editorial to the Finance Ministry where it caused a stir as the first classical liberal attack on post-Mahalonobis Indian economic thought since B. R. Shenoy’s original criticism decades earlier. The “perestroika-for-India” project was to follow at Hawaii starting in 1986. New Delhi was represented at the project’s conference held between May 22-27 1989 by the accredited Ambassador of India to the USA, the accredited Consul General of India to San Francisco, and by the founder-director of ICRIER (see photo).

All this I brought into that first meeting with Rajiv Gandhi on September 18 1990. That first day he came to the door to greet me. He was a handsome tall man with the most charming smile and manner, seemed pleased to see me and put me at ease at once. I gave him my books as well as the manuscript of the “perestroika for India” project. He gave me a celebratory volume that had just been published to mark his grandfather’s centenary. He began by talking about how important he felt panchayati raj was, and said he had been on the verge of passing major legislation on it but then lost the election. He asked me if I could spend some time thinking about it, and that he would get the papers sent to me. I said I would and remarked panchayati raj might be seen as decentralized provision of public goods, and gave the economist’s definition of public goods as those essential for the functioning of the market economy, like the Rule of Law, roads, fresh water, and sanitation, but which were unlikely to appear through competitive forces.

I distinguished between federal, state and local levels and said many of the most significant public goods were best provided locally. Rajiv had not heard the term “public goods” before, and he beamed a smile and his eyes lit up as he voiced the words slowly, seeming to like the concept immensely. It occurred to me he had been by choice a pilot of commercial aircraft. Now he seemed intrigued to find there could be systematic ways of thinking about navigating a country’s governance by common pursuit of reasonable judgement. I said the public sector’s wastefulness had drained scarce resources that should have gone instead to provide public goods. Since the public sector was owned by the public, it could be privatised by giving away its shares to the public, preferably to panchayats of the poorest villages. The shares would become tradable, drawing out black money, and inducing a historic redistribution of wealth while at the same time achieving greater efficiency by transferring the public sector to private hands. Rajiv seemed to like that idea too, and said he tried to follow a maxim of Indira Gandhi’s that every policy should be seen in terms of how it affected the common man. I wryly said the common man often spent away his money on alcohol, to which he said at once it might be better to think of the common woman instead. (This remark of Rajiv’s may have influenced the “aam admi” slogan of the 2004 election, as all Congress Lok Sabha MPs of the previous Parliament came to receive a previous version of the present narrative.)

Our project had identified the Congress’s lack of internal elections as a problem; when I raised it, Rajiv spoke of how he, as Congress President, had been trying to tackle the issue of bogus electoral rolls. I said the judiciary seemed to be in a mess due to the backlog of cases; many of which seemed related to land or rent control, and it may be risky to move towards a free economy without a properly functioning judicial system or at least a viable system of contractual enforcement. I said a lot of problems which should be handled by the law in the courts in India were instead getting politicised and decided on the streets. Rajiv had seen the problems of the judiciary and said he had good relations with the Chief Justice’s office, which could be put to use to improve the working of the judiciary.

The project had worked on Pakistan as well, and I went on to say we should solve the problem with Pakistan in a definitive manner. Rajiv spoke of how close his government had been in 1988 to a mutual withdrawal from Siachen. But Zia-ul-Haq was then killed and it became more difficult to implement the same thing with Benazir Bhutto, because, he said, as a democrat, she was playing to anti-Indian sentiments while he had found it somewhat easier to deal with the military. I pressed him on the long-term future relationship between the countries and he agreed a common market was the only real long-term solution. I wondered if he could find himself in a position to make a bold move like offering to go to Pakistan and addressing their Parliament to break the impasse. He did not say anything but seemed to think about the idea. Rajiv mentioned a recent Time magazine cover of Indian naval potential, which had caused an excessive stir in Delhi. He then talked about his visit to China, which seemed to him an important step towards normalization. He said he had not seen (or been shown) any absolute poverty in China of the sort we have in India. He talked about the Gulf situation, saying he did not disagree with the embargo of Iraq except he wished the ships enforcing the embargo had been under the U.N. flag. The meeting seemed to go on and on, and I was embarrassed at perhaps having taken too much time and that he was being too polite to get me to go. V. George had interrupted with news that Sheila Dixit (as I recall) had just been arrested by the U. P. Government, and there were evidently people waiting. Just before we finally stood up I expressed a hope that he was looking to the future of India with an eye to a modern political and economic agenda for the next election, rather than getting bogged down with domestic political events of the moment. That was the kind of hopefulness that had attracted many of my generation in 1985. I said I would happily work in any way to help define a long-term agenda. His eyes lit up and as we shook hands to say goodbye, he said he would be in touch with me again.

The next day I was called and asked to stay in Delhi for a few days, as Mr. Gandhi wanted me to meet some people. I was not told whom I was to meet but that there would be a meeting on Monday, 24th September. On Saturday, the Monday meeting was postponed to Tuesday because one of the persons had not been able to get a flight into Delhi. I pressed to know what was going on, and was told I was to meet former army chief K.V. Krishna Rao, former foreign secretary M. K. Rasgotra, V. Krishnamurty and Sam Pitroda.

The group met for the first time on September 25 in the afternoon. Rasgotra did not arrive. Krishna Rao, Pitroda, Krishnamurty and I gathered in the waiting room next to George’s office. The three of them knew each other but none knew me and I was happy enough to be ignored. It seemed mysterious while we were gathering, especially when the tall well-dressed General arrived, since none of us knew why we had been called by Rajiv, and the General remarked to the others he had responded at once to the call to his home but could not get a flight into Delhi for a day.

Rajiv’s residence as Leader of the Opposition had a vast splendid meeting room, lined with high bookshelves on one or two walls, a large handsome desk on one side, two spacious comfortable sofa sets arranged in squares, and a long conference table with leather chairs occupying most of the rest of the room. The entrance to it was via a small 10 ft by 10 ft air-conditioned anteroom, where George sat, with a fax machine, typewriters and a shredding machine, plus several telephones, and a used copy of parliamentary procedures on the shelf. Getting to George’s office was the final step before reaching Rajiv. There were several chairs facing George, and almost every prospective interviewee, no matter how senior or self-important, had to move from one chair to the next, while making small talk with George, as the appointment with Rajiv drew near. Opening into George’s office was a larger and shabbier waiting room, which is where we sat, which was not air-conditioned, and which opened to the outside of the building where a plainclothes policeman sometimes stood around with a walkie-talkie. There were large photographs of Mahatma Gandhi, Nehru and Indira Gandhi on the wall, and a modern print also hung incongruously. A dozen or more plastic chairs lined the walls. There were faded torn issues of a few old magazines on the plastic coffee-table, and on one occasion there was a television playing the new sporadic domestic cable news and weather information for the entertainment of the many visitors waiting. Via this waiting room went the vast majority of people who were to meet Rajiv in his office. To reach the waiting room, one had to walk a hundred yards along a path lined by splendid high hedges from the initial reception desk at the rear-gate, manned by Congress Seva Dal volunteers in khadi wearing Gandhi-caps. These persons were in touch with George’s office by telephone, and would check with George or his assistant Balasubramaniam before sending a visitor along. The visitor would then pass through a metal-detector manned by a couple of policemen. If someone’s face came to be known and had been cleared once, or if someone acted to the policemen like a sufficiently important political personage, such a person seemed to be waved through. Outside, the front-entrance of the premises were closed unless extremely important people were entering or exiting, while at the rear-entrance there were usually two or three jeeps and several plainclothes policemen, who might or might not challenge the prospective visitor with a kind of “Who goes there?” attitude before the visitor reached the Seva Dal reception desk. The whole arrangement struck me from the first as insecure and inefficient, open to penetration by professional assassins or a terrorist squad, let aside insiders in the way Indira Gandhi had been assassinated. I could not imagine counter-terrorist commandos would suddenly appear from the high hedges in the event of an emergency.

On that Tuesday when Rajiv finally called in our group, we entered hesitantly not knowing quite what the meeting was going to be about. Rajiv introduced me to the others and then spoke of why he had gathered us together. He wanted us to come up with proposals and recommendations for the direction the country should take on an assumption the Congress Party was returned to power in the near future. He said it would help him to have an outside view from specialists who were not party functionaries, though the others obviously had been closely involved with Congress governments before. Rajiv said we were being asked to write a draft of what may enter the manifesto for the next election, which we should assume to be forthcoming by April 1991. I asked what might have become of the “perestroika” manuscript I had given him at our previous meeting. He said he had gotten it copied and bound, and that along with my 1984 monograph, it had been circulated among a few of his party colleagues who included P. Chidambaram and Mani Shankar Aiyar.

The initial meeting left us breathless and excited. Yet within a few days, the others became extremely tied up for personal causes, and I found myself alone in getting on with doing what we had been explicitly asked to do. I felt I should get done what I could in the time I had while keeping the others informed. Rajiv had said to me at our first meeting that he felt the Congress was ready for elections. This did not seem to me to be really the case. He actually seemed very isolated in his office, with George seeming to be his conduit to the outside world. I decided to start by trying to write a definite set of general principles that could guide and inform thought about the direction of policy. I spent the evening of October 26 in the offices at Rajiv’s residence, preparing an economic policy memorandum on a portable Toshiba computer of his, the first laptop I ever used. After Rajiv’s assassination, this was part of what was published in The Statesmen’s center pages July 31-August 2, 1991.

Rajiv read the work and met me on October 30 or 31, even though he was down badly with a sore throat after his sadbhavana travels around the country; he looked odd clad in khadi with a muffler and gym shoes. He said he liked very much what I had written and had given it to be read by younger Congress leaders who would discuss it for the manifesto, for an election he again said, he expected early in 1991. I said I was grateful for his kind words and inquired whom he had shown the work to. This time he said Chidambaram and also mentioned another name that made me wince. In December 1990, I was back in Hawaii when I was called on the phone to ask whether I could come to Delhi. With the rise of Chandrashekhar as Prime Minister, Rajiv had called a meeting of the group. But I could not go.

In January 1991, the Gulf War brought an odd twist to my interaction with Rajiv. On January 15, the UN deadline for the withdrawal of Iraq from Kuwait passed without Iraqi compliance, and American-led forces started the heavy aerial bombardment of Iraq. The American media had built up the impending war as one of utter devastation and mass killing, especially when the American infantry became engaged. Estimated casualties on the American side alone were being wildly exaggerated by the number of “body-bags” being ordered by the Pentagon. An even larger conflagration was being imagined if Israel entered the fighting, while Saddam Hussein had vowed to set fire to Kuwait’s oil-fields before retreating. I like everyone else erroneously believed the media’s hyperbole about the impending regional catastrophe. On January 16, just after the bombing of Iraq had begun, I called an American family friend who had retired from a senior foreign policy role and who had known me from when I was an infant. In informal conversation, I mentioned to him that since other channels had by then become closed, an informal channel might be attempted via India, specifically via Rajiv who was still Leader of the Opposition but on whom the Chandrashekhar Government depended. The sole aim would be to compel an immediate Iraqi withdrawal without further loss of life. What transpired over the next few days was that a proposal to that effect was communicated at Rajiv’s decision to a high level of the Iraqis on the one hand, and evidently received their assent, while at the same time, it was mentioned to the authorities on the American side. But nothing came of it. Rajiv initiated a correspondence with Chandrashekhar beginning January 19, demanding a coherent formulation of Indian policy in the Gulf war, and faxed me copies of this. By February 8, the Times of India led by saying Rajiv’s stand “on the Gulf War demonstrates both his experience and perspicacity … in consonance with an enlightened vision of national interest”, and urged Rajiv to “give the nation some respite from [the] non-government” of Chandrashekhar. I taped my phone conversations with Rajiv during the Gulf War because notes could not be taken at the necessary speed; in late December 1991, I was to give his widow a copy of the tape for her personal record.

I returned to Delhi on Monday, March 18, 1991 as new elections had been announced. Rasgotra said I should be in touch with Krishna Rao, and the next day March 19 Krishna Rao met me for several hours. I told him what I thought were the roots and results of the Gulf war. He in turn generously told me what had happened while I had been away. He said the group had met Rajiv in December with the proposal that Rajiv better organize his time by having an “office manager” of larger political stature than George. The name of a UP Congressman of integrity had been put forward, but nothing had come of it. Rajiv had been advised to keep Chandrashekhar in power through the autumn of 1991, as Chandrashekhar was doing Rajiv’s work for him of sidelining V. P. Singh. The idea was to cooperate with Chandrashekhar until he could be pushed up to the Presidency when that fell vacant. Rajiv had been advised not to work in a Chandrashekhar cabinet, though in my opinion, had we been like the Scandinavians, it was not impossible for a former prime minister to enter another cabinet on the right terms in the national interest of providing stable government, which was imperative at the time. Things seem to have slipped out of control when Chandrashekhar resigned. At that point, Rajiv called the group together and instructed them to write a draft of the manifesto for the impending elections. I had advised readiness back in September but the lack of organization had prevented much tangible progress at the time. Our group was to now report to a political manifesto-committee of three senior party leaders who would report to Rajiv. They were Narasimha Rao, Pranab Mukherjee and Madhavsingh Solanki. Krishna Rao liased with Narasimha Rao, Krishnamurty with Mukherjee, Pitroda with Solanki. While Rajiv would obviously lead a new Congress Government, Mukherjee was the presumptive Finance Minister, while Narasimha Rao and Solanki would have major portfolios though Narasimha Rao was expected to retire before too long.

Krishna Rao said I should be in touch with Krishnamurty who was preparing the economic chapters of the draft of the manifesto. Krishnamurty told me he had brought in A. M. Khusro to the group, and there would be a 5 p.m. meeting at Khusro’s office at the Aga Khan Foundation. I arrived early and was delighted to meet Khusro, and he seemed pleased to meet me. Khusro seemed excited by my view that India and Pakistan were spending excessively on defence against each other, which resonated with his own ideas, and he remarked the fiscal disarray in India and Pakistan could start to be set right by mutually agreed cuts in military spending. (Khusro was eventually to accompany Prime Minister Vajpayee to Lahore in 1999).

Krishnamurty had prepared a draft dated March 18 of several pages of the economic aspects of the manifesto. After our discussions, Krishnamurty was hospitable enough to open the draft to improvement. That evening, the 19th, I worked through the night and the next morning to get by noon copies of a revised version with all the members of the group. At 4 p.m. on the 20th there was a meeting at Andhra Bhavan of the whole group except Pitroda, which went on until the night. The next day the 21st , Krishnamurty, Khusro and I met again at Andhra Bhavan for a few hours on the economic aspects of the draft. Then in mid-afternoon I went to Rasgotra’s home to work with him and Krishna Rao. They wanted me to produce the economic draft which they could then integrate as they wished into the material they were dictating to a typist. I offered instead to absorb their material directly on to my laptop computer where the economic draft was. Rasgotra was reluctant to let go control, and eventually I gave in and said I would get them a hard copy of the economic draft, which they then planned to re-draft via a stenographer on a typewriter. At this, Rasgotra gave in and agreed to my solution. So the work began and the three of us continued until late.

That night Krishna Rao dropped me at Tughlak Road where I used to stay with friends. In the car I told him, as he was a military man with heavy security cover for himself as a former Governor of J&K, that it seemed to me Rajiv’s security was being unprofessionally handled, that he was vulnerable to a professional assassin. Krishna Rao asked me if I had seen anything specific by way of vulnerability. With John Kennedy and De Gaulle in mind, I said I feared Rajiv was open to a long-distance sniper, especially when he was on his campaign trips around the country.

This was one of several attempts I made since October 1990 to convey my clear impression to whomever I thought might have an effect that Rajiv seemed to me extremely vulnerable. Rajiv had been on sadhbhavana journeys, back and forth into and out of Delhi. I had heard he was fed up with his security apparatus, and I was not surprised given it seemed at the time rather bureaucratized. It would not have been appropriate for me to tell him directly that he seemed to me to be vulnerable, since I was a newcomer and a complete amateur about security issues, and besides if he agreed he might seem to himself to be cowardly or have to get even closer to his security apparatus. Instead I pressed the subject relentlessly with whomever I could. I suggested specifically two things: (a) that the system in place at Rajiv’s residence and on his itineraries be tested, preferably by some internationally recognized specialists in counter-terrorism; (b) that Rajiv be encouraged to announce a shadow-cabinet. The first would increase the cost of terrorism, the second would reduce the potential political benefit expected by terrorists out to kill him. On the former, it was pleaded that security was a matter being run by the V. P. Singh and then Chandrashekhar Governments at the time. On the latter, it was said that appointing a shadow cabinet might give the appointees the wrong idea, and lead to a challenge to Rajiv’s leadership. This seemed to me wrong, as there was nothing to fear from healthy internal contests for power so long as they were conducted in a structured democratic framework. I pressed to know how public Rajiv’s itinerary was when he travelled. I was told it was known to everyone and that was the only way it could be since Rajiv wanted to be close to the people waiting to see him and had been criticized for being too aloof. This seemed to me totally wrong and I suggested that if Rajiv wanted to be seen as meeting the crowds waiting for him then that should be done by planning to make random stops on the road that his entourage would take. This would at least add some confusion to the planning of potential terrorists out to kill him. When I pressed relentlessly, it was said I should probably speak to “Madame”, i.e. to Mrs. Rajiv Gandhi. That seemed to me highly inappropriate, as I could not be said to be known to her and I should not want to unduly concern her in the event it was I who was completely wrong in my assessment of the danger. The response that it was not in Congress’s hands, that it was the responsibility of the V. P. Singh and later the Chandrashekhar Governments, seemed to me completely irrelevant since Congress in its own interests had a grave responsibility to protect Rajiv Gandhi irrespective of what the Government’s security people were doing or not doing. Rajiv was at the apex of the power structure of the party, and a key symbol of secularism and progress for the entire country. Losing him would be quite irreparable to the party and the country. It shocked me that the assumption was not being made that there were almost certainly professional killers actively out to kill Rajiv Gandhi — this loving family man and hapless pilot of India’s ship of state who did not seem to have wished to make enemies among India’s terrorists but whom the fates had conspired to make a target. The most bizarre and frustrating response I got from several respondents was that I should not mention the matter at all as otherwise the threat would become enlarged and the prospect made more likely! This I later realized was a primitive superstitious response of the same sort as wearing amulets and believing in Ptolemaic astrological charts that assume the Sun goes around the Earth — centuries after Kepler and Copernicus. Perhaps the entry of scientific causality and rationality is where we must begin in the reform of India’s governance and economy. What was especially repugnant after Rajiv’s assassination was to hear it said by his enemies that it marked an end to “dynastic” politics in India. This struck me as being devoid of all sense because the unanswerable reason for protecting Rajiv Gandhi was that we in India, if we are to have any pretensions at all to being a civilized and open democratic society, cannot tolerate terrorism and assassination as means of political change. Either we are constitutional democrats willing to fight for the privileges of a liberal social order, or ours is truly a primitive and savage anarchy concealed beneath a veneer of fake Westernization.

The next day, Friday March 22, I worked from dawn to get the penultimate draft to Krishna Rao before noon as planned the night before. Rasgotra arrived shortly, and the three of us worked until evening to finish the job. I left for an hour to print out copies for a meeting of the entire group, where the draft we were going to submit would come to be decided. When I got back I found Rasgotra had launched an extended and quite unexpected attack on what had been written on economic policy. Would someone like Manmohan Singh, Rasgotra wanted to know, agree with all this talk we were putting in about liberalization and industrial efficiency? I replied I did not know what Manmohan Singh’s response would be but I knew he had been in Africa heading something called the South-South Commission for Julius Nyrere of Tanzania. I said what was needed was a clear forceful statement designed to restore India’s credit-worthiness, and the confidence of international markets. I said that the sort of thing we should aim for was to make clear, e.g. to the IMF’s man in Delhi when that person read the manifesto, that the Congress Party at least knew its economics and was planning to make bold new steps in the direction of progress. I had argued the night before with Rasgotra that on foreign policy we should “go bilateral” with good strong ties with individual countries, and drop all the multilateral hogwash. But I did not wish to enter into a fight on foreign policy which he was writing, so long as the economic policy was left the way we said. Krishnamurty, Khusro and Pitroda came to my defence saying the draft we had done greatly improved on the March 18 draft. For a bare half hour or so with all of us present, the draft was agreed upon. Later that night at Andhra Bhavan, I gave Krishna Rao the final copy of the draft manifesto which he was going to give Narasimha Rao the next day, and sent a copy to Krishnamurty who was liaising with Pranab Mukherjee. Pitroda got a copy on a floppy disc the next day for Solanki.

In its constructive aspects, the March 22 1991 draft of the Congress manifesto went as follows with regard to economic policy: “CHAPTER V AGENDA FOR ECONOMIC ACTION 1. Control of Inflation …. The Congress believes the inflation and price-rise of essential commodities… is a grave macroeconomic problem facing the country today. It has hit worst the poorest and weakest sections of our people and those with fixed incomes like pensioners. The Congress will give highest priority to maintaining the prices of essential commodities, increasing their production and supply using all appropriate economic instruments. 2. Macroeconomic Policy Framework To control inflation of the general price-level, the Congress will provide a predictable long-term policy framework. The average Indian household and business will not have their lives and plans disrupted by sudden changes in economic policy. Coherent monetary policy measures will be defined as called for by the Report of Experts of the Reserve Bank of India in 1985. The Long-Term Fiscal Policy introduced by the Congress Government of 1984-1989 will be revived. Medium and long-term export-import policies will be defined. The basis for a strong India must be a strong economy. The Congress believes a high rate of real growth is essential for securing a strong national defence, social justice and equity, and a civilized standard of living for all. As the party of self-reliance, Congress believes resources for growth must be generated from within our own economy. This means all wasteful and unproductive Government spending has to be cut, and resources transferred from areas of low priority to areas of high national priority. Subsidies have to be rationalized and reduced, and productivity of investments already made has to be improved. The widening gap between revenue receipts and revenue expenditure must be corrected through fiscal discipline, and the growing national debt brought under control as a matter of high priority. These policies in a consistent framework will create the environment for the freeing of the rupee in due course, making it a hard currency of the world of which our nation can be proud. Public resources are not unlimited. These have to be allocated to high priority areas like essential public services, poverty-reduction, strategic sectors, and protection of the interests of the weaker sections of society. Government has to leave to the initiative and enterprise of the people what can be best done by themselves. Government can now progressively vacate some areas of activity to the private, cooperative and non-government sectors. Black money in the parallel economy has become the plague of our economic and political system. This endangers the social and moral fabric of our nation. Artificial price controls, excessive licensing, capacity restrictions, outmoded laws on rent control and urban ceiling, and many other outdated rules and regulations have contributed to pushing many honest citizens into dishonest practices. The Congress will tackle the problem of black money at its roots by attacking all outmoded and retrograde controls, and simplifying procedures in all economic spheres. At the same time, the tax-base of the economy must be increased via simplification and rationalization of tax-rates and coverage, user-fees for public goods, and reduction of taxes wherever possible to improve incentives and stimulate growth. 3. Panchayati Raj India’s farmers and khet mazdoors are the backbone of our economy. Economic development is meaningless until their villages provide them a wholesome rural life. The Congress will revitalize Panchayat Raj institutions to decentralize decision-making, so development can truly benefit local people most effectively. 4. Rural Development Basic economic infrastructure like roads, communications, fresh drinking water, and primary health and education for our children must reach all our villages. The Congress believes such a policy will also relieve pressures from migration on our towns and cities…… Through the Green Revolution which the Congress pioneered over 25 years, our farmers have prospered. Now our larger farmers must volunteer to contribute more to the national endeavour, and hence to greater equity and overall economic development. Equity demands land revenue should be mildly graduated so that small farmers holding less than one acre pay less land revenue per acre…. 9. Education and Health The long-run prosperity of our nation depends on the general state of education, health and well-being of our people. Small families give themselves more choice and control over their own lives. Improving female literacy, promoting the welfare of nursing mothers and reducing infant mortality will have a direct bearing on reducing the birth-rate and improving the health and quality of all our people. Primary and secondary education has high social returns and is the best way in the long-run for achievement of real equality. Efforts will be made to reduce the cost of education for the needy through concessional supply of books and other study materials, scholarships and assistance for transportation and residential facilities. The Congress Party pledges to dedicate itself to promoting education, especially in rural areas and especially for girls and the weaker sections of society. The next Congress Government will prepare and launch a 10-year programme for introduction of free and compulsory primary education for all children of school age. It will continue to emphasize vocational bias in education, integrating it closely with employment opportunities…. 11. Industrial Efficiency Our industrial base in the private and public sectors are the core of our economy. What we have achieved until today has been creditable, and we are self-reliant in many areas. Now the time has come for industry to provide more efficiency and better service and product-quality for the Indian consumer. The public sector has helped the Indian economy since Independence and many national goals have been achieved. Now it has become imperative that the management of public sector units is made effective, and their productivity increased. Major steps must be taken for greater accountability and market-orientation. Failure to do this will make our country lose more and more in the international economy. Budgetary support will be given only for public sector units in the core and infrastructure sectors. Emphasis will be on improving performance and productivity of existing investments, not on creating added organizations or over manning. Units not in the core sector will be privatised gradually. Even in core sectors like Telecommunications, Power, Steel and Coal, incremental needs can be taken care of by the private sector. The Government-Enterprise interface must be properly defined in a White Paper. The Congress believes privatisation must distribute the profits equitably among the people of India. In order to make our public enterprises truly public, it is essential that the shares of many such enterprises are widely held by the members of the general public and workers. Congress pledges to allot a proportion of such shares to the rural Panchayats and Nagarpalikas. This will enhance their asset-base and yield income for their development activities, as well as improve income-distribution. 12. Investment and Trade Indian industry, Government and professional managers are now experienced enough to deal with foreign companies on an equal footing, and channel direct foreign investment in desired directions. Foreign companies often bring access to advanced technological know-how, without which the nation cannot advance. The Congress Government will formulate a pragmatic policy channelling foreign investment into areas important to the national interest. Every effort must be made also to encourage Indians who are outside India to invest in the industry, trade and real estate of their homeland. Because of the protected and inflationary domestic market, Indian industry has become complacent and the incentive for industrial exports has been weakened. When all production is comfortably absorbed at home, Indian industry makes the effort to venture into exports only as a last resort. This must change. A Congress Government will liberalize and deregulate industry to make it competitive and export-oriented, keeping in mind always the interests of the Indian consumer in commercial policy. Export-oriented and predictable commercial policies will be encouraged. Existing procedural constraints and bottlenecks will be removed. Quotas and tariffs will be rationalized. Thrust areas for export-development will be identified and monitored. Efforts will be made to develop a South Asian Community. Trade and economic cooperation among South Asian countries must be increased and simplified.”

This March 22 1991 draft of the Congress’s intended economic policies got circulated and discussed, and from it rumours and opinions appeared that Congress was planning to launch a major economic reform in India. Economic Times said the manifesto “is especially notable for its economic agenda” and Business Standard said “if party manifestos decide election battles” Congress must be “considered home and dry”. A senior IMF official told me three years later the manifesto had indeed seemed a radical and bold move in the direction of progress, which had been exactly our intended effect. When I met Manmohan Singh at the residence of S. S. Ray in September 1993 in Washington, Ray told him and his senior aides the Congress manifesto had been written on my computer. Manmohan Singh smiled and said that when Arjun Singh and other senior members of the Congress had challenged him in the cabinet, he had pointed to the manifesto. Yet, oddly enough, while the March 22 draft got discussed and circulated, and the Indian economic reform since July 1991 corresponded in fundamental ways to its contents as reproduced above, the actual published Congress manifesto in April 1991 was as tepid and rhetorical as usual, as if some party hack had before publication put in the usual nonsense about e.g. bringing down inflation via price-controls. Certainly the published manifesto was wholly undistinguished in its economic aspects, and had nothing in it to correspond to the bold change of attitude towards economic policy that actually came to be signalled by the 1991 Government.

On March 23, our group was to meet Rajiv at noon. There was to be an event in the inner lawns of Rajiv’s residence in the morning, where he would launch Krishna Rao’s book on India’s security. Krishna Rao had expressly asked me to come but I had to wait outside the building patiently, not knowing if it was a mistake or if it was deliberate. This was politics after all, and I had ruffled feathers during my short time there. While I waited, Rajiv was speaking to a farmers’ rally being held at grounds adjoining his residence, and there appeared to be thousands of country folk who had gathered to hear him. When it was over, Rajiv, smiling nervously and looking extremely uncomfortable, was hoisted atop people’s shoulders and carried back to the residence by his audience. As I watched, my spine ran cold at the thought that any killer could have assassinated him with ease in that boisterous crowd, right there in the middle of Delhi outside his own residence. It was as if plans for his security had been drawn up without any strategic thinking underlying them.

Krishna Rao arrived and graciously took me inside for his book launch. The event was attended by the Congress’s top brass, including Narasimha Rao whom I met for the first time, as well as foreign military attaches and officers of the Indian armed forces. The attaché of one great power went about shaking hands and handing out his business card to everyone. I stood aside and watched. Delhi felt to me that day like a sieve, as if little could be done without knowledge of the embassies. One side wanted to sell arms, aircraft or ships, while the other wanted trips abroad or jobs or green cards or whatever for their children. And I thought Islamabad would be worse — could India and Pakistan make peace in this fetid ether?

Proceedings began when Rajiv arrived. This elite audience mobbed him just as the farmers had mobbed him earlier. He saw me and beamed a smile in recognition, and I smiled back but made no attempt to draw near him in the crush. He gave a short very apt speech on the role the United Nations might have in the new post-Gulf War world. Then he launched the book, and left for an investiture at Rashtrapati Bhavan. We waited for our meeting with him, which finally happened in the afternoon. Rajiv was plainly at the point of exhaustion and still hard-pressed for time. He seemed pleased to see me and apologized for not talking in the morning. Regarding the March 22 draft, he said he had not read it but that he would be doing so. He said he expected the central focus of the manifesto to be on economic reform, and an economic point of view in foreign policy, and in addition an emphasis on justice and the law courts. I remembered our September 18 conversation and had tried to put in justice and the courts into our draft but had been over-ruled by others. I now said the social returns of investment in the judiciary were high but was drowned out again. Rajiv was clearly agitated that day by the BJP and blurted out he did not really feel he understood what on earth they were on about. He said about his own family, “We’re not religious or anything like that, we don’t pray every day.” I felt again what I had felt before, that here was a tragic hero of India who had not really wished to be more than a happy family man until he reluctantly was made into a national leader against his will. We were with him for an hour or so. As we were leaving, he said quickly at the end of the meeting he wished to see me on my own and would be arranging a meeting. One of our group was staying back to ask him a favour. Just before we left, I managed to say to him what I felt was imperative: “The Iraq situation isn’t as it seems, it’s a lot deeper than it’s been made out to be.” He looked at me with a serious look and said “Yes I know, I know.” It was decided Pitroda would be in touch with each of us in the next 24 hours. During this time Narasimha Rao’s manifesto committee would read the draft and any questions they had would be sent to us. We were supposed to be on call for 24 hours. The call never came. Given the near total lack of system and organization I had seen over the months, I was not surprised. Krishna Rao and I waited another 48 hours, and then each of us left Delhi. Before going I dropped by to see Krishnamurty, and we talked at length. He talked especially about the lack of the idea of teamwork in India. Krishnamurty said he had read everything I had written for the group and learned a lot. I said that managing the economic reform would be a critical job and the difference between success and failure was thin.

I got the afternoon train to Calcutta and before long left for America to bring my son home for his summer holidays with me. In Singapore, the news suddenly said Rajiv Gandhi had been killed. All India wept. What killed him was not merely a singular act of criminal terrorism, but the system of humbug, incompetence and sycophancy that surrounds politics in India and elsewhere. I was numbed by rage and sorrow, and did not return to Delhi. Eleven years later, on 25 May 2002, press reports said “P. V. Narasimha Rao and Manmohan Singh lost their place in Congress history as architects of economic reforms as the Congress High command sponsored an amendment to a resolution that had laid credit at the duo’s door. The motion was moved by…. Digvijay Singh asserting that the reforms were a brainchild of the late Rajiv Gandhi and that the Rao-Singh combine had simply nudged the process forward.” Rajiv’s years in Government, like those of Indira Gandhi, were in fact marked by profligacy and the resource cost of poor macroeconomic policy since bank-nationalisation may be as high as Rs. 125 trillion measured in 1994 rupees. Certainly though it was Rajiv Gandhi as Leader of the Opposition in his last months who was the principal architect of the economic reform that came to begin after his passing.

My review of Sukhamoy Chakravarty’s Development Planning 1987

November 5, 1987 — drsubrotoroy

Preface August 2008 : In the summer of 1977, I had run out of money completely after my first year as a Research Student at Cambridge; I was offered a job to teach at a renowned girls’ school at Cambridge (the Perse School for Girls) but when I returned to India, I was offered a Junior Research Fellowship at the Indian Statistical Institute, New Delhi, by Professor VK Chetty (author of some excellent work on Indian monetary economics) which I accepted for a few months.

(It was all vegetarian by way of cuisine at ISI so I used to cycle to the Jawaharlal Nehru University campus for some non-vegetarian food — only to encounter at the restaurant there some of those who run the CPI-M party today! They did not quite know what to make of a libertarian!)

From the ISI, I moved for most of 1977-78 to the Delhi School of Economics as Visiting Assistant Professor, thanks to an invitation from Mrinal Datta-Chaudhuri and Dharma Kumar, where I was given the office of Sukhamoy Chakravarty as he was on sabbatical leave. Professor Chakravarty and I met and talked for the first time then; ten years later on July 14 1987 at his Planning Commission offices, he signed and gifted me his last personal copy of the famous Reserve Bank report by the committee he had chaired. I tried strenuously without success to invite him to the perestroika-for-India project I had been leading at the University of Hawaii , Manoa, but he could not come due to ill health

Sukhamoy's @RBI report (authored he told me mostly by C Rangarajan) was the first attempt in 🇮🇳 to comprehend monetary and fiscal policy together… @DasShaktikanta @nsitharaman @PMOIndia https://t.co/xZD0lkAPux pic.twitter.com/10LtbbaZ0T
— Dr Subroto Roy (@subyroy) November 4, 2021

(see https://independentindian.com/thoughts-words-deeds-my-work-1973-2010/rajiv-gandhi-and-the-origins-of-indias-1991-economic-reform/did-jagdish-bhagwati-originate-pioneer-intellectually-father-indias-1991-economic-reform-did-manmohan-singh-or-did-i-through-my-e/  https://independentindian.com/2013/08/23/did-jagdish-bhagwati-originate-pioneer-intellectually-father-indias-1991-economic-reform-did-manmohan-singh-or-did-i-through-my-encounter-with-rajiv-gandhi-just-as-siddhartha-shan/  )

This review of his 1987 book Development Planning was written at Manoa on November 5 1987 for the journal “Economic Affairs” in London, and must have been published sometime in 1988.

“A Review of Sukhamoy Chakravarty, Development Planning, The Indian Experience, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987, First published in Economic Affairs, London, 1988.
by
Subroto Roy

Sukhamoy Chakravarty is perhaps the foremost economist in India today. He has been a principal student of the theory of development planning as well as instrumental in the formulation of economic policy in the country. The work under review derives from his Radhakrishnan Memorial Lectures given at All Souls College, Oxford, in 1985. It is a critical and yet sympathetic assessment of Indian experience, which offers critics of planning a more formidable foil than has been available thus far.

The key decisions which have shaped the present state of India’s economy and polity were taken in the mid 1950s by Jawaharlal Nehru on the advice of PC Mahalanobis. Both had been impressed with what they supposed to be Soviet experience and disillusioned with what they supposed to be the experience of the relatively decentralized market economies of the West. The decisions taken entailed, among other things, widespread and detailed regulation of private industry, large-scale industrial investments by the government, widespread and detailed control of foreign trade and payments, an assumption of inflows of foreign aid, and a neglect of agriculture.

Chakravarty suggests these decisions may have been rational at the time. In other words, whatever we might think of them now, given the circumstances and the state of knowledge then, India did what India should have done.

The present reviewer disagrees. The grounds for disagreement briefly are (a) a liberal alternative had been clearly expressed in India even in the 1950s (by B.R. Shenoy, Milton Friedman and Peter Bauer) but was for all practical purposes forcibly silenced; (b) this alternative has had at least as strong a claim, if not a much stronger claim, to economic reasoning and evidence than what came to be accepted.

Be this as it may, Chakravarty is a serious, scholarly, and undogmatic planner, and it so happens that several of his strongest opinions in the book are ones with which the liberal critic will have no disagreement at all. For example, he stresses the great importance of providing infrastructure in agriculture, and of “the need to upgrade the quality of human agents through appropriate investment in health, education and nutrition” (p. 75). T. W. Schultz of the University of Chicago has argued precisely the same for several decades now, and in fact received the Nobel Prize in recognition of it. So had Milton Friedman in a Memorandum to the Government of India in 1955. Then Chakravarty decries mere stimulation of monetary demand through what is called deficit financing, which amounts to little more than printing money” (p. 76), and points further to the government monopoly over the banking system, which gives it “command over financial savings of the community at largely negative real rates of interest” (p. 79). Here Chakravarty draws upon his experience as chairman of a very important commission of the Reserve Bank of India, which, in an excellent report, made a candid assessment of the politicization of the money supply in India (Report of the Committee to Review the Working of the Monetary System, Bombay: Reserve Bank of India, 1985).

Then Chakravarty speaks of the “level of efficiency in the operation and maintenance of the public sector”, and says “the type of managerial culture that is needed to realize a higher level of productivity of capital and labour cannot be reached with the present style of running public enterprises” (p. 79).

Critics of development planning can hardly be in disagreement with such statements. They might add perhaps that a major way to improve competitiveness and raise revenues which could then go towards provision of public goods and investment in agriculture draw out the huge volumes of black money in the underground economy would be to sell most if not all of the non-defence public sector. Combined with optimal provision of public goods, the deregulation of private industry and the encouragement of competition in all spheres, such a policy would go far towards a commonsensical approach at home, even while the economy remained relatively closed to the outside or opened only slowly.

Chakravarty expresses a considerable scepticism with respect to current beliefs in India that the importation of the latest industrial technologies will somehow swiftly turn the economy outward to export-led growth (pp.72-73). His argument is sobering, as when he points to balance of payments problems in a transition and also to possible external constraints on the growth of exports. This too the critic of Indian planning may find plausible. And besides, if shallow liberalization fails, then there is danger that the real thing will never come to be tried.

In general, Chakravarty advocates a method of careful and undogmatic assessment of facts and given circumstances, followed by measured and incremental responses. His splendid essays will be useful to friends and critics of development planning alike.”

My response to The Times’ editorial of May 29 1984

June 16, 1984 — drsubrotoroy

In August 1980, I went to Blacksburg in Virginia from Cambridge to work with James M. Buchanan’s Center for Study of Public Choice and to be Visiting Assistant Professor and later Assistant Professor at the Economics Department. When The Times editorial appeared in London on May 29 1984, I did not come to know of it for several days until foreign newspapers reached the Virginia Tech library and a friend phoned me with having seen it there. The Times (then under the editorship of Charles Douglas-Home) had been laudatory but also inaccurate as to what I did or did not have to say. My letter dated June 16 1984 corrected what was said about my work. The editorial is republished elsewhere here.

Posted in Cambridge Univ Economics, Economic Policy, India's 1991 Economic Reform, India's Agriculture & Food, India's Capital Markets, India's Caste/Ethnic Problems, India's Economy, India's Foreign Policy, India's Foreign Trade, India's Industry, India's Labour Markets, India's Monetary & Fiscal Policy, Institute of Economic Affairs, James M Buchanan, Liberalism/Libertarianism, Public Choice/Public Finance, The Times (London), Virgnia Tech. Leave a Comment »

Pricing, Planning & Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India (1984)

May 29, 1984 — drsubrotoroy

Pricing, Planning & Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India Subroto Roy

First published on May 29 1984 as Occasional Paper No. 69 of the Institute of Economic Affairs, London

Preface March 2007

A quarter century has passed since my 1982 doctoral thesis at Cambridge University under Frank Hahn, examined by Christopher Bliss and Terence Hutchison, and titled “On liberty and economic growth: preface to a philosophy for India.” I wrote what follows shortly afterwards in Blacksburg, Virginia, and Ithaca, New York, and it was published on May 29 1984 in London by the Institute of Economic Affairs as Occasional Paper No. 69, ISBN: 0-255 36169-6. The day it was published it turned out to be the subject of the main editorial of The Times, then London’s leading newspaper. (I learnt later this had been due to Peter Bauer, and also that 700 copies sold in the first month, a record for the publisher.) The Times editorial though laudatory was misleading, and I had to clarify the contents of the monograph in a letter published on June 16 1984; both documents are available elsewhere at this site.

This work was the first explicit critique of post-Mahalanobis Indian economic thought from a classical liberal perspective since B. R. Shenoy’s initial criticism decades previously. I was 29 when it was published, I am 52 now. I do not agree with everything I wrote back then and find the tone a little puffed up as young men tend to be; it was five years before publication of my main “theoretical” work Philosophy of Economics: On the Scope of Reason in Economic Inquiry (Routledge: London & New York, 1989, also now republished here). My experience of life in the years since has also made me far less sanguine both about human nature and about America than I was then. But I am glad to find I am not embarrassed by what I said as a young man, indeed I am pleased I said what I did in favour of classical liberalism and against statism and totalitarianism well before it became popular to do so after the Berlin Wall fell. (In India as elsewhere, former communist apparatchiks and fellow-travellers became pseudo-liberals overnight.)

The famous November 1955 Milton Friedman memorandum is referred to herein for the first time as “unpublished” in note 1; I was to meet Milton and Rose Friedman at the Mont Pelerin Society meetings held at Cambridge later that year, where I gave them a copy of this monograph; when Milton returned to Stanford he sent to me in Blacksburg his original 1955-56 documents on Indian planning. I published the 1955 document for the first time in May 1989 during the University of Hawaii perestroika-for-India project that I was then leading, it appeared later in the 1992 volume Foundations of India’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s, edited by myself and WE James. The results of the Hawaii project reached Rajiv Gandhi through my hand in September 1990, as told elsewhere in “Rajiv Gandhi and the Origins of India’s 1991 Economic Reform”. The 1956 document was published in November 2006 on the front page of The Statesman, on the same day my obituary of Milton appeared in the inside pages (both are republished here too).

It is apparent from this monograph that I knew almost nothing then about Pakistan or Islam; that has changed as may be seen especially from the other book I created with WE James at the University of Hawaii, Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s, as well as my more recent work on Pakistan and Islam. It is of course impossible to understand India without understanding Pakistan and vice versa.

In general, this monograph had to do with India’s microeconomics and theory of value and resource allocation while my latest work – “India’s Macroeconomics”, “Fiscal Instability”, “India’s Trade and Payments”, “Our Policy Process”, “Fallacious Finance”, “The Dream Team: A Critique” . “Against Quackery”, “Growth & Government Delusion” etc – has to do with India’s macroeconomics and monetary and fiscal theory and policy. Part of the criticism of “distorted incentives” prevailing in Indira Gandhi’s India may still be relevant to India today, while the discussion of ethnic problems, agriculture, the “public choice” factors that stymie Indian progress, misgovernance etc will almost certainly be found so.

Pricing, Planning and Politics:

A Study of Economic Distortions in India

First published on May 29 1984 as Occasional Paper No. 69 of the Institute of Economic Affairs, London

“The economic laws which operate in India are the same as in other countries of the world; the causes which lead to wealth among other nations lead to prosperity in India; the causes which impoverish other nations impoverish the people of India. Therefore, the line of enquiry which the economist will pursue in respect of India is the same which he adopts in inquiring into the wealth or poverty of other nations.” Romesh Chunder Dutt, 1906, The Economic History of India

“Satyameva Jayathe” (“Let truth be victorious”), Motto of the Indian Republic

I. INTRODUCTION

IN THE last 15 years, considerable evidence has accumulated to suggest that the most important policies pursued by successive governments of independent India have not been conducive to economic development, and have indeed gone against some of the most basic lessons that political economy has to offer. Forewarnings of the present predicament of India had come from a few economists in the late 1950s and early 1960s, but their arguments were either ignored or maligned as dogmatic and motivated by`ideology’.[1] My thesis in this Occasional Paper will be that, if the basic and commonsensical lessons of political economy had been acknowledged early on in the history of the Indian Republic, we might have found today a much more prosperous economy and a much healthier body politic than is the case.

To argue this, it is first necessary to describe an economy where the pursuit of the individual good by rational agents is conducted within some set of orderly political institutions which is conducive to both civil peace and sustained mass prosperity. Accordingly, Part I of this short Paper begins by describing the broad and familiar features of what may be called a neo-classical or liberal model, and then proceeds briefly to contrast it with a model in which individual incentives and public institutions have been distorted from their efficient characterizations.

The practical question that arises is: Where in practice have independent India’s policies led most conspicuously to distorted incentives and institutions? This will be the subject of Part III. Part II places the discussion in context by briefly describing a few relevant aspects of the political history of the Indian Republic.

I have argued elsewhere that every normative proposal for action is, in principle, open to question and criticism on the logical and factual grounds upon which it is founded. Whenever two people disagree about what ought to be done, it will be found either that at least one of them has made a mistake of logic or that they are also in disagreement about the facts of the case.[2] In Part IV, a tentative manifesto for political and economic reform in India is proposed, and I hope these proposals too will be subjected to critical scrutiny on the positive grounds upon which I shall seek to establish them.

Part I: Theory

2. EFFICIENT INCENTIVES AND INSTITUTIONS

A `FACT’ may be understood as the opposite of that which could have been the case but is not. A basic fact of the study of men and society – one which was acknowledged first by Aristotle and then, very importantly, by Adam Smith, and which has been emphasized in modern times by Friedrich Hayek – is that, while we are able to study and speak of the nature of human decision and action in general terms, we do not and cannot have a knowledge of how particular actions are moved by particular causes and circumstances.[3]

We might certainly know, for instance, that every household in an economy views some horizons, wants to fulfill some aspirations, and faces some constraints. But if we were asked to specify what all these characteristics happened to be as a matter of fact at any one moment, we would certainly not be able to do so. Men are concerned almost wholly with (and are experts at) living their own lives as best they can – foraging for food, shelter and work, celebrating weddings and births, rearing children, and mourning deaths. For the most part, they are neither interested in, nor competent at judging, what others happen to be doing in their private lives. Neither benevolence nor envy extends much beyond a man’s immediate vicinity, and, certainly, neither can extend to people he does not know or come to know of in the course of a lifetime.

This fact is also acknowledged in modern microeconomics, when it is said that, for the individual agent to be able to make decisions and act upon them, it is sufficient for him to know (besides his own desires, abilities and constraints) only of the relative prices prevailing locally of the goods and skills he wishes to trade.`Efficient incentive’ defined We might then provisionally define an `efficient incentive’ as a set of relative prices and wages such that, when economic agents act upon them, three conditions are fulfilled:(i) the difference between the total demand for and the total supply of every good and skill is zero; (ii) every consumer succeeds in trading the amounts of different goods that he desires, and so obtains the highest utility he can within the constraint of his budget; (iii) every private enterprise maximizes the difference between its total revenues and total costs, that is, its profits. [4]

Rational action, however, occurs within a particular institutional context. Which action is rational and which is not will depend on what institutions there are and how well or poorly they function. As both classical liberals and Marxists argue, the neo-Walrasian tradition in modern economics – as exemplified by the Arrow-Debreu model – is practically devoid of any explicit institutional description, and so may best be regarded as a useful but grossly incomplete metaphor in the economist’s inquiry.

The institutions most relevant to economic activity are those of government. We might therefore add a fourth condition to characterize an efficient economy, namely, that government institutions work in such a way as to allocate tax revenues towards providing public goods in the amounts desired by citizens. This must be an institutional assumption implicit in the general equilibrium construction, without which it would be impossible to see the sense of that model.

The question that follows is how we are to ascertain the composition of the set of public goods to be provided. As is commonly known, this seems to confront the economist with numerous conceptual and practical problems. I propose here to circumvent all the typical difficulties of how to discover and combine individual preferences for public goods, or how to prevent free-riders, and to take a somewhat different route.

Functions of civil government: protection, public goods, education

To answer the question `What should be public goods first and foremost? I suggest we look for the kind of answer Adam Smith or Jeremy Bentham or J. S. Mill might have given to a related but different question : `What should be the functions of government in a large civil society, regardless of whether or not it is constituted democratically?’ This was the relevant question before the modern era of mass democracy. And it is still interesting because, first, it probably remains the appropriate question for the many countries today which either do not have democratic governments or do not have long histories of democracy, and, secondly, because the kinds of answer given by classical authors were very similar to those we might expect from individual citizens in modern democracies as well.

The most important practical functions of civil government include defence against external aggression, the dispensing of civil and criminal justice, the protection of life, property and trade – broadly, the Rule of Law – and the pursuit of a judicious foreign policy. All are different aspects of the same broad objective of ensuring the survival of the community and the security of individual life.

Yet no pretext has been more common than that an imminent danger to the security of the community requires the government to take despotic measures. The guarantee by a civil government of the freedom of inquiry, discourse, criticism, and historical research should take precedence, therefore, even over ensuring security and survival, for it is probably the only final check there can be on whether what a government says is or is not in fact the case. Where this freedom is forcibly denied, or where it exists but people are too apathetic, ignorant or busy with their daily lives to exercise it, public life soon becomes self deceptive and absurd, with propaganda taking the place of discourse, and pretensions and appearances diverging more and more from attainments and reality. Wherever the questions `What is true?’ or `What is the case?’ are not asked frequently enough, there will be fewer and fewer correct answers as to what the case happens to be.[5]
After collective and individual security, the functions of government include the building of dams, embankments, bridges and canals, the provision of roads and fresh water, and so on – activities which, as Adam Smith put it, “. . . though they may be in the highest degree advantageous to a great society, are, however, of such a nature that the profit could never repay the expence to any individual or small number of individuals, and which it, therefore, cannot be expected that any individual or small number of individuals should erect or maintain.” [6]

Each may be more or less a “pure” public good in the modern sense :“that each individual’s consumption of such a good leads to no subtraction from any other individual’s consumption of that good”.[7]

Such a list could be extended to include activities as diverse as: the prevention of soil erosion; the public finance of school education, and’ of measures of basic public health such as vaccinations against contagious diseases; the issuing of currency; sewage disposal; population censuses; the standardization of weights and measures; and so on. It is unnecessary to be more specific here since some people will find even this list controversial. Dogmatists will deny the need for free inquiry; pacifists will dispute that defence is a public good; communists will protest against the public protection of private property; `anarcho-capitalists’ will contest the public dispensation of justice; and so on. To these critics, I would offer merely the following short and incomplete reply.

First, a sound argument can be made that what functions civil government should have can be ascertained, without prejudice, by reasonable citizens, though which particular functions these are may well vary according to circumstances. Secondly, if we could spend time in thoughtful and leisured conversation with every citizen of a large community, it might be predicted – as a matter of cold, empirical fact – that practically everyone would agree with the suggestion that the first destinations of tax revenues should indeed be activities like defence, civil protection and the Rule of Law, the provision of roads, and so on. If such a prediction is correct, my thesis is plainly much more democratic than it might appear to modern economists, though I shall later claim that an objective defence of democratic institutions can be made on quite different grounds as well.

If there is a clear family resemblance between classical liberal authors – from Smith and Mill through to Hayek, Robbins, Friedman, Buchanan, Bauer and many others – it has to do, not so much with the denunciation of government activity in the market-place, as with the recognition of the existence of certain duties of government outside it, the fulfillment of which are indispensable to civil life, let alone the pursuit of economic prosperity. Their protest is at the high opportunity cost of the alternatives foregone.

This raises the question of how we might tell whether government is working well or badly in a particular country at a particular time, or, generally, how we might tell whether different public goods are provided in too small or large amounts. For present purposes it will again be sufficient to suggest a very rough and common sense way of proceeding: let us look first, and think second.

For example, the Iran-Iraq war has clearly been a perfect public bad as far as the ordinary citizenry in either country are concerned. Similarly, if there happen to be millions of cases queuing outside the courts waiting to be heard, or if crime is rampant and police protection ineffective, that may constitute prima facie evidence that too few public resources have been devoted to civil order and justice. Or, if heavy rainfall annually causes landslides in the hills and floods in the plains, devastating crops and leaving innumerable citizens destitute, that also might prompt us to ask whether sufficient public resources have gone towards precautions against such havoc. And so on.[8]

Which goods happen to be public goods depends on the circumstances and the level of government being discussed. For similar circumstances and levels, similar goods will most likely be public goods in different countries. The state ordinarily consists not only of the national government but also of several provincial governments and a myriad of local governments. In particular, a premise of the liberal state would be that public goods should in fact be provided by various levels of government, financed through taxes paid respectively at those levels. The citizen is a taxpayer at a variety of levels, and accordingly public goods are due to be provided at a variety of levels. Just as the national government may not usurp the power to tax for, or spend money on, a public good which is best provided by a provincial government to the citizens of a province, so a provincial government may not tax for, or spend on, a public good best provided by a local government to the citizens of a locality.

The broad principle involved has two aspects: first, a recognition that knowledge of particular circumstances – and hence the ability to act – is infinitesimally dispersed within a population; and, secondly, as direct and visible a matching as possible of the benefits a citizen receives from a particular public good with the taxes he pays towards it, thereby perhaps reducing his incentive to be a free rider on the contributions of others.8Uncertainty and ignoranceProvisionally, therefore, efficient incentives may be thought to consist of a set of market-clearing relative prices and wages, occurring within an institutional context in which the basic and indispensable functions of government have been adequately performed at a variety of appropriate levels.

Such a definition would still be seriously incomplete in one major respect. For we must now recognise: (i) that history is unique and irretrievable, that the present consists only of the fleeting moment, and that the future, by its very nature, cannot be fully known; (ii) that such a thing as human freedom exists; and (iii) that, as a consequence, uncertainty and ignorance are ubiquitous.

Some of the uncertainty derives from the unfolding of natural events (like the rains) over which man has little or no control. The rest derives from the fact that the individual is a free agent who is affected by the actions of others but who cannot predict those actions completely because they too are free agents like himself. Game theory would have had no appeal for the economist if the existence of human freedom had not been a fact. It is this which makes it impossible to read everything in another person’s mind and thus makes it impossible to predict everything he might do. The lasting contribution of Keynesian economics could be its emphasis that such uncertainty and ignorance are important to the economist’s inquiry.

Mathematical economists have been saying for several years that what is required if we are to be realistic are models which reflect the sequential character of actual decision-making and account for the past being immutable and the future uncertain.[9] However, they have proceeded to write even more complex mathematics than we already have – disregarding Aristotle’s advice not to seek more precision from the subject of an inquiry than it may be capable of yielding.[10] My question is the more mundane one of what becomes of the classical liberals’ concept of efficient incentives and institutions in a dynamic world. I shall answer it too in a pedestrian way.

The single overwhelming reason why uncertainty and ignorance are relevant to the economist’s descriptions is that they make real the possibility of mistakes by economic agents. To extend the previous discussion to a dynamic context, what we can do is to ask which institutions are most likely to reduce or mitigate the social consequences of mistaken decisions, whether made by private agents or by those in public office. And it is here that the classical liberals advocate two important institutional features: competition and the decentralisation of decision-making.

The major value of democratic institutions over authoritarian ones is that they encourage these two principles to be put into effect. Because, in a large economy, particular knowledge is infinitesimally dispersed, it may be better for adjustments to a multitude of variables to be made continuously in response to changing circumstances by a vast number of small economic agents, rather than for adjustments to a few variables to be made at political intervals by a small group of very powerful agents. The concentration of power to make major decisions among a few fallible men is a much more ominous prospect than the distribution of power in small amounts among a large number of fallible men. It is much more dangerous for a monopoly of ideas to be claimed about where the political good of a country lies than for there to be free and open competition among such ideas at the bar of reason.

D. H. Robertson put it well when he warned “that all the eggs should not be in the same basket – that in this highly uncertain world the fortunes of a whole trade, or a whole area, should not depend on the foresight and judgement of a single centre of decision”.[11] The presumption in favour of democratic institutions is that they reduce the potential damage from wrong political decisions damage which can be rationally expected in an uncertain world.[12] Elections, in the liberal understanding, are then not so much the means to promote the interests of one’s confederates as to remove from office without bloodshed rulers who fail to do what they are entrusted with, and to replace them by those from whom better is expected. Economic efficiency in an uncertain worldThe economic notion of efficient incentives is also modified by uncertainty and ignorance. In the theory, a set of prices is market clearing only relative to unchanging preferences, resources and technologies. In a dynamic world, however, demand and supply functions are themselves changing and the notion of efficient incentives must accordingly be adapted to one in which relative prices move in the direction of the excess demand: that is, if the parameters change so that the total demand for a good or skill comes to exceed the total supply, we should want to see its relative price rising (and, conversely, if total supply exceeds total demand, we should want to see its relative price falling). During such a process of adjustment, many people may suffer very considerable hardship – something which reasonable Keynesians do well to emphasise.

If changing preferences, resources or technologies cause the demand for a product to diminish, we should want to see the firms which manufacture it either entering different markets, or improving its quality by technological innovation, or lowering prices. Similarly, we should want to see workers in these firms whether blue- or white-collar – who have skills specific to a product whose price is falling either increasing their productivity or retraining themselves in different skills more specific to the manufacture of goods whose prices are rising. Numerous enterprises can go bankrupt, and numerous workers can find themselves unable to sell the skills they possess, if they fail to adapt quickly enough to changing market conditions. The more specialised the product and the more specific the skill, the more hardship there may be. There could well be orthodox Keynesian consequences whereby laid-off workers reduce their consumption expenditures and firms on the verge of bankruptcy reduce their investment expenditures, leading to lower incomes for others, and thus to lower expenditures by them too, and so on. An anti-Keynesian who denied the existence of such hardship would be closed to the facts. He might also not be doing his own theory justice: for it is not unreasonable to argue that, while adjustments are inevitable in an uncertain world, the classical response of prices moving in the direction of excess demand probably minimises the hardship in the transition from one equilibrium to the next.

In a dynamic world, therefore, in which supply and demand functions are shifting continually and unpredictably (though probably incrementally, and not drastically), efficient incentives are better thought of as relative prices which are not stagnant but which are moving – and moving quickly – in the direction of excess demand. It should, in general, be continually profitable at the margin for firms and workers to be innovating technologically and improving productivity. As everyone knows from experience, the principle goad to such activity is fair and free competition. If a job or contract is sought badly enough, and if better quality or lower price are known to be the only criteria of selection, the expected outcome is a differentiation and improvement by competitors of the individual quality or price of what is sold.

In broad summary, the liberal understanding of how material well-being can be improved rests on the assumption that the basic functions of civil government are performed satisfactorily. Government provides the backdrop of civil order and protection necessary for private citizens freely and fairly to conduct their own lives and their transactions with one another. It is a theory which acknowledges a fundamental fact in the study of society, namely, that the individual household : (a) most commonly defines its own horizons; (b) knows the particular opportunities available to it to produce, trade and consume; (c) recognises the particular constraints which prevent it from doing all that it may desire; and(d) perceives how these opportunities and constraints may be changing. Where, as in the liberal picture, there are large numbers of producers and consumers, sellers and buyers – each family acting more or less independently – the efforts of one family do not directly make for other than its own success, while at the same time the repercussions of its mistakes are felt by itself and do not reverberate throughout the whole community. Such has been, as I see it, the American secret to mass prosperity.

3. DISTORTED INCENTIVES AND INSTITUTIONS

DISTORTED INCENTIVES are the logical opposites of efficient ones. Relative prices and wages send distorted signals to individual economic agents when they do not move in the direction of excess demand, so that there is no general tendency for markets to clear. A long-run or endemic excess demand for a good reveals itself in rationing, queueing and black markets. The price at which trade nominally takes place is too low and shows no tendency to move upwards.

Conversely, in a product market, a long-run or endemic excess supply reveals itself in surpluses and spoilages. In a labour market, it reveals itself, on the one hand, in armies of tenured employees who have no incentive to improve productivity, and, on the other hand, in lines of involuntarily or disguised unemployed who cannot sell all the skill they possess and have to settle for selling their less-specialised ones. The price at which trade nominally takes place is too high and shows no tendency to move downwards. In practical terms, firms do not find it profitable to be continually entering new markets or improving quality or enhancing technology or reducing price in order to attract and retain customers. Farmers in particular may face output and input prices which make technological improvements unprofitable.

In politics, distorted incentives are ones which make it profitable for politicians and government officials to be corruptible and taxpayers to be evasive. Because corruption is not penalised and honesty not rewarded, the pursuit of private interest may make it rational to be corrupt and irrational to be honest.

Individualism and statism

A neo-classical economic model like the one outlined above presupposes among citizens a political attitude of individualism. This may be defined as a condition in which citizens have the idea (a) that it is the individual household itself which is principally responsible for improvements in its own well-being, and (b) that government merely “is, or ought to be, instituted for the common benefit, protection and security of the people …”, and that government officials are merely the citizens’ “trustees and servants, and at all times amenable to them.” [13]

Its logical opposite may be called an attitude of statism – defined as prevailing when various classes of citizens have the idea that it is government which is and should be principally responsible for improvements in individual and public well-being. A good sense in which `power’ can be defined in political and economic contexts is as “the capacity to restrict the choices open to other men”.[14] An attitude of statism entails a willingness, or at least an acquiescence, on the part of citizens to relinquish to those in government, with little or no questioning, the power to make decisions which may affect their lives intimately. At the same time, responsibility for relapses or lack of progress in individual well-being is also thought to be the consequence of governmental and not private decision-making. Whereas individualism is a self-assertive attitude, statism is a self abnegating one. For those in government to have a statist mentality is the same as saying they are paternalistic, that is, making the presumption that the citizen is often incapable of judging for himself what is for his own good.

The suggestion that government should have the principal responsibility for improvements in individual and collective economic well-being – in the sense that the collectivity can and should satisfy the material aspirations of every individual – appears straightaway to be self contradictory. An individual can have enough difficulty trying to articulate his own horizons, aspirations and constraints, let alone trying to do the same for others. For a politician (or economist) to claim (or imply) not only that he knows(or can know) the relevant characteristics of everyone at once, but also that he knows how to ameliorate the condition of humanity at a stroke, as if by magic, would have been considered ridiculous in more candid times than ours. If we understand `collective effort’ to mean the sum of individual labours engaged in a common pursuit or endeavour, then for the collectivity to try materially to satisfy every individual would amount to imposing a duty on everyone to try materially to satisfy everyone else – an absurd state of affairs, flying in the face of the fact that most people most of the time do not wish to, or cannot, cope with much else except their private lives.

Exhorting government directly to improve the material wellbeing of `the people’ cannot mean what it seems to because it cannot refer to literally all the people but only to some of them perhaps only a majority, or only the well-organised. That the state is endogenous to the polity implies that no government has resources of its own out of which to disburse the amounts a politician may promise or an economist recommend. To fulfil new promises, given an initial condition of budgetary equilibrium, a government is only able either to print more fiat money or to tax the resources of individual citizens more heavily. Leaving aside the first alternative, fulfillment of the exhortation amounts to using public institutions to transfer resources from some people in order to keep promises made to others.

When the attitude spreads that, in politics, one man’s gain is another man’s loss, and where political control is to be had by winning majorities in elections, the citizen comes to face a perverse incentive to try to coalesce with more and more others in the hope of capturing the public revenues in his favour – instead of thinking critically about the nature of the political good as the institutions of democracy require him to. Political power becomes less dispersed, and the size of the polity diminishes in the sense that it comes to have fewer and fewer constituent agents, each of which is a larger and larger coalition of like-minded confederates intent on acquiring control for its own benefit.

Perhaps the worst consequence of a general attitude of statism, however, is that the basic, commonsensical functions of government are obscured, ignored, and neglected. Instead of requiring politicians and government officials to fulfill these functions, a citizenry allows its public agents to become brokers and entrepreneurs – trading not only in the products of government controlled industries but also in an array of positions of power and privilege, all in the name of directing a common endeavour to help the poor. The state places itself at every profitable opportunity between private citizens who might otherwise have conducted their transactions themselves perfectly well. The result is that governments do, or try to do, what either does not need to be done or ought not to be done by government, while they neglect that which only governments can do and which therefore they ought to be doing.

Part II: History

4. INDIVIDUALISM AND STATISM IN INDIA

AN ATTITUDE of statism has probably been present in India since Mughal times at least. If anything, it spread during the British period since the raison d’être of British rule in India would have vanished without paternalism (as in the course of time it did) and the existence of British rule was the raison d’être of the nationalist movement. Paternalism towards India was espoused even by those Englishmen known for their liberal views at home. Thomas Macaulay, for instance, declared to the House of Commons in 1833: “It may be that the public mind of India may expand under our system till it has outgrown that system; that by good government we may educate our subjects into a capacity for better government; that having become instructed in European knowledge, they may, in some future stage, demand European institutions. Whether such a day will ever come I know not. But never will I attempt to avert or retard it. Whenever it comes, it will be the proudest day in English history.”[15]

Less than a hundred years later, in 1930-31, the Indian National Congress – to the considerable chagrin of the British Government – resolved to bring about an independent India in which every citizen would have the right to free speech, to profess and practise his faith freely, and to move and practise his profession anywhere in the country. There would be universal adult suffrage and no-one would be unjustly deprived of his liberty or have his property entered, sequestered or confiscated. In particular, all citizens in the future republic would be `equal before the law, irrespective of religion, caste, creed or sex’, and no disability would attach`to any citizen by reason of his or her religion, caste, creed or sex, in regard to public employment, office of power or honour, and in the exercise of any trade or calling’.[16]

These resolutions were made in the thick of the battle for independence, and underscored the fundamental argument of the nationalists that, in spite of the infinitely diverse characteristics of the inhabitants of the sub-continent, a free and secular India was possible in which all would be ruled by a common law. That argument had been in contradistinction to the frequent taunt from British Conservatives that an
India without Britain would disintegrate in internecine bloodshed, and also to the later `two nations’ theory of the Muslim League which led eventually to the creation of
Pakistan. With the departure of the British and the Pakistanis, in 1950 the Constitution of the first Indian Republic was finally able to bring into force the idea of secularity which had inspired the nationalist cause. Thus, among the Fundamental Rights established by the Constitution, Article 14 provided that the state `shall not deny to any person equality before the law or the equal protection of the laws within the territory of
India’. Articles 15.1, 15.2, 16.1, 16.2 and 29.2 went on to prohibit discrimination on the arbitrary grounds of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth in matters of public employment or access to publicly-funded education.

The century between Macaulay and the resolutions for independence was by far the most important to the country’s intellectual history since earliest antiquity. While it took its turbulent course, long severed since the time of the early Greeks – came to be re-established. The common interest and the common contribution became one of admiring and learning from Europe and from India’s own past what there was to be admired and learnt, whilst forsaking and resisting what was self contradictory or base. The maxim for a century might have been : learn the good and let the evil be buried in history. As Tagore wrote :`The lamp of Europe is still burning; we must rekindle our old and extinguished lamp at that flame and start again on the road of time. We must fulfill the purpose of our connection with the English. This is the task we face in the building up of a great India.’[17]

The ideal aspired to was swaraj, or `self rule’. It literally meant not only a government of India by Indians accountable to Indians, but also the governance of the individual by himself. Not only was the country to be sovereign vis-à-vis other states; its individual citizens were to be free vis-à-vis each other and equal before its laws. Swaraj meant, in other words, a condition of political autonomy where the citizen constrained his own free actions so as not to harm others, and where the Rule of Law would protect him when he acted autonomously and resist him when he did not. Given a backdrop of civil order, the infinite number of ways to individual happiness and prosperity in an infinitely diverse sub-continent could then be pursued. Statism all pervading

An attitude of statism, however, has pervaded all public discourse in independent India, and has been reinforced by the social and economic policies pursued by successive governments.

In the first place, a ghost from earlier controversies with the British was to remain in the 1950 Constitution. Immediately after the provisions establishing equality before the law and equality of opportunity in public employment and publicly funded education, the following caveats appeared. Article 15.3 said that the state could make “any special provision for women and children”; and then, of more significance, Article 15.4 allowed the state to make “any special provisions for the advancement of any socially and educationally backward classes of citizens or for the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes”.

Article 16.4 allowed it to make “any provision for the reservation of appointments or posts in favour of any backward class of citizens which, in the opinion of the State, is not adequately represented in the services under the State.” Lastly, Article 335 said that “the claims of the members of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes shall be taken into consideration, consistently with the maintenance of efficiency of administration, in the making of appointments to services and posts [under the State] . . .” Who was to decide who was `backward’ and who was not, or which group was to be `scheduled’ and which not? Article 341.1 said that `The President may . . . by public notification specify the castes, races or tribes which shall for the purposes of this Constitution be deemed to be Scheduled Castes’, and Article 341.2 added that `Parliament may by law include in or exclude from the list of Scheduled Castes specified under 341.1 any caste, race or tribe or part of or any group within any caste, race or tribe . . .’ Articles 342.1 and 342.2 said the same for the Scheduled Tribes.

Subsequently, two Presidential Orders named no fewer than 1,181 different groups in the country as `Scheduled Castes’ and more than 583 other groups as `Scheduled Tribes’. Roughly a sixth of the population thus came to be termed `backward’ by executive decree and were segregated by statute from the rest of the citizenry.

The direct precursor of these provisions was the `Communal Award’ by the British Government in 1932, who had taken it to be their duty “to safeguard what we believe to be the right of Depressed Classes to a fair proportion in Legislatures ”.[18] (`Depressed Classes’ was the official name for those misleadingly called `untouchables’ outside the Hindu fold.)

The complex customs of the Hindus call for endogamy and commensality among members of the same caste, thus making anyone outside a caste somewhat `untouchable’ for its members. In marriage and dining habits, many orthodox Hindus would hold foreigners, Muslims, and even Hindus of other castes at the same distance as those formally classified as `Depressed Classes’. Indeed, non-Hindus in India -including the British often maintained social protocols that were equally as strict.

No serious Indian historian would doubt that members of the `Depressed Classes’ had been oppressed and had suffered countless indignities throughout Indian history at the hands of so-called`caste Hindus’. At various times, persecution had led to mass conversions to the more secular faiths. But the ancient wrongs of the Hindu practices had to do not so much with the lack of physical contact in personal life which the word `untouchability’ connotes for Indian society has always consisted of a myriad of voluntarily segregated groups – but rather with open and obvious inequities such as the denial of equal access to temples, public wells, baths and schools.

Gandhi, who by his personal example probably did more for the cause of the `Depressed Classes’ than anyone else, protested against the Communal Award with one of his most famous fasts. Privately, he suspected that `…the communal question [was] being brought deliberately to the forefront and magnified by the government because they did not intend to part with power’.[19] Publicly, he argued that the pernicious consequence would be a further exacerbation of the apartheid under which the `Depressed Classes’ had suffered for so long, when the important thing was for their right to be within the Hindu fold to be acknowledged by `caste’ Hindus.[20]

The Fundamental Rights in the 1950 Constitution establishing the equality of all citizens before the law evidently had the 1930-31 resolutions as their precursors; while Article17 – which specifically declared `untouchability’ to be `abolished’ and its practice `forbidden’ – was part of Gandhi’s legacy, placing those who had for centuries been denigrated and persecuted on exactly the same footing in the eyes of the laws of the Republic as their denigrators and persecutors. The subsequent clauses authorizing the state to discriminate in favour of `Scheduled Castes’, and allowing it to define by executive decree who was to be so called, were evidently the remnants of the Communal Award of 1932. Discrimination by the state was initially to last for a period of 10 years only. It has, however, been extended three times -for another 10 years on each occasion – and so continues to the present day. We shall examine a few of the consequences in Part III.‘A socialistic pattern of society’As for economic policy, while the original 1950 Constitution had ambiguously stated certain ends – such as that government was `to strive to promote the welfare of the people’ – it made no mention at all of any specific economic institutions, statist or liberal, which the new Republic was to nurture as means towards those ends. In spite of this omission, successive governments have explicitly avowed their espousal of` socialism’ as the means to the good and prosperous society.

For instance, a “socialistic pattern of society where the principal means of production are under social ownership or control” was declared to be a national objective at the ruling Congress Party’s convention in 1955; and, in 1976, the notorious 42nd Amendment purported to change the very description of the country in the preamble to the original Constitution from the sober `Sovereign, Democratic Republic’ to the awkward `Sovereign, Secular, Socialist Democratic Republic’. It is an open and important issue of constitutional practice whether a temporary majoritarian government can change the legal description of a republic so fundamentally that it necessarily begs every question now and in the future about the efficacy of socialism as the route to mass prosperity.[21]

Even so, `socialism’ is a vague and equivocal word, meaning different things to different people. Briefly, what happened in the Indian context seems to have been that the Nationalist Government explicitly took upon itself the responsibility of becoming the prime mover of the economic growth of the country. This was in addition to its other fundamental and urgent political responsibilities at the time, namely, to establish peace and civil order in the aftermath of a bloody partition, re-settle several million destitute refugees, integrate into the Republic the numerous principalities and fiefdoms run by the princes and potentates, re-draw provincial boundaries on a sensible linguistic criterion, and generally educate people about their rights and responsibilities as individual citizens in a new and democratic republic.

In a poor country which had just ended a long period of alien rule, it was understandable, if in advisable, that a nationalist government led by cultured, educated men among unlettered masses should take upon itself the responsibility for economic growth. Part of the nationalists’ critique of British rule had been precisely that it had worked to the considerable detriment of the Indian economy. And, certainly, whatever the exact calculation of the benefits and costs of the British presence in India, while there had been obvious benefits, there had also been obvious costs such as iniquitous taxes and overt racial discrimination in employment. [22]Thus, when the nationalists practically swore themselves to provide better government for the economy, it was certainly a very praiseworthy aim; 1947 would indeed be the year of India’s `tryst with destiny’.

Better government not necessarily more government
What the Nehru Government came to believe, however, was that better government for the economy necessarily meant more government activity in the economy. A similar nationalist government led by cultured, educated men among an unlettered public had chosen differently in 1776 at Philadelphia, but the times and circumstances were very different. The Indian nationalists, and most especially Prime Minister Nehru, had just witnessed what they took to be, on the one hand, the collapse of the market economy in the Great Depression and, on the other, the rapid growth to greatness of Bolshevik Russia. In his presidential address to the Congress in 1936, for instance, Nehru spoke of the immediate past in these terms: `Everywhere conflicts grew, and a great depression overwhelmed the world and there was a progressive deterioration, everywhere except in the wide flung Soviet territories of the USSR, where, in marked contrast with the rest of the world, astonishing progress was made in every direction . . .’ Thus, it seemed to him, there was`. . . no way of ending the poverty, the vast unemployment, the degradation, and the subjection of the Indian people except through Socialism”. Socialism meant, inter alia, ` the ending of private property, except in a restricted sense, and ttte repla emenr of the ,private profit system by a higher ideal of co-operative service. It means ultimately a change in our instincts and habits and desires. In short, it means a new civilisation, radically different from the present capitalist order. Some glimpse we can have of this new civilisation in the territories of the USSR. Much has happened there which has pained me greatly and with which I disagree, but I look upon that great and fascinating unfolding of anew order and a new civilisation as the most promising feature of our dismal age. If the future is full of hope it is largely because of Soviet Russia and what it has done, and I am convinced that, if some world catastrophe does not intervene, this new civilisation will spread to other lands and put an end to the wars and conflicts on which capitalism feeds’.[23]
Equally as certain and deep as his admiration for the liberal values of the West was Nehru’s evident misunderstanding of the causes and consequences of Stalin’s Russia. The political and economic history of India in the past 30 years cannot be understood without regard to her most powerful leader’s ambivalence about the nature of the political and economic good.
By the mid-1950s, many of India’s other prominent statesmen had died or retired from public life, and there was hardly a public figure of’ stature left (with the exception of Rajagopalachari) to challenge Nehru’s socialist vision of the country’s future. Moreover, men who were ostensibly `expert economists’, but whose writings revealed no knowledge of prices or markets or the concept of feasibility, were encouraged to endorse and embellish this vision, which they did without hesitation in the secure knowledge that they were shielded from critics by the intellectual patronage of a charismatic and elected leader.[24]
The choice between alternative models of mass economic prosperity must have seemed quite clear at the time. The cold fact did not, however, vanish that one of the oldest objective lessons of political economy has been that more government is not necessarily better government. It is to the consequences of ignoring this lesson that we now turn.

Part III: Practice
ECONOMIC POLICIES IN INDEPENDENT INDIA

INDIA TODAY is a bizarre maze of distorted incentives, which I (and no doubt others) have found very difficult to untangle and understand. I shall, however, list and discuss the most significant of them as methodically as I can.

(i) Industry
The Indian Government has declared a large `public sector’ in commerce and industry to be a national objective. Towards this end, it has therefore progressively acquired numerous enterprises, large and small, so that it now has either a full monopoly in an industry or is one of a few oligopolists. These industries range from banking, insurance, railways, airlines, cement, steel, chemicals, fertilisers and ship-building to making beer, soft drinks, telephones and wrist-watches. There are no explicit penalties for indefinite loss-making; indeed, bankrupt private enterprises have often been nationalised to serve politicians’ ends. And, certainly, there has been no general rule of marginal-cost pricing. In public utilities, like electricity generation and distribution or city buses and trams, prices appear to be well below marginal cost, leading to severe rationing and queueing. Sudden stoppages of electricity for hours at a time and monumental congestion on buses and trams have become endemic facts of life for millions of urban Indians.
At the same time, private industry in India has been made to face labyrinthine controls. The government has continually exhorted private firms to work in the `national interest’ – which means accepting the constraints of centralised planning. It has left no doubt that, while there is a `role’ for the min the growth of the economy, they exist at the sufferance of government and had better realise it, otherwise the dark forces of revolution which have so far been kept at bay will inevitably sweep them away altogether, as happened in Russia and China.
The constraints imposed on the operation of a private business are legion, and would make a businessman from the West or Far East reach for a psychiatrist or a pistol. An entrepreneur may not enter numerous industries without government approval of the `technical’ viability of his project; once it is approved, he cannot find credit except from a government bank; and he cannot buy raw materials and machinery of the highest quality at the lowest price since, if they are produced in India, he will be denied a licence to import better and/or cheaper foreign substitutes. The onus is on him to satisfy the government that no production occurs within India of the input he requires; only then will an import licence conceivably be granted, subject to periodic review by the government. He may be compelled to export a specified proportion of his output as a condition for the renewal of his import licence, which therefore places him at a disadvantage with foreign buyers who, of course, are aware of this restraint. He may be unable to compete internationally because the rupee is priced above its likely equilibrium and some of the inputs he uses are high-cost, low-quality domestic substitutes. As a result, he may be compelled practically to dump his output abroad at whatever price it will fetch.

The entrepreneur’s factory may be subject to random cuts in electricity for hours at a time. He may require government approval before he can increase his fixed capacity, modernise his plant, change a product-line, or even change the number of labour shifts. He may face minimum-wage and stringent unfair dismissal laws on the one hand, and price controls on the other. If he fails to meet credit obligations to the nationalised banks, he may be penalised by the appointment of one or more government directors to his board – a form of `creeping’ nationalisation. Further, he may be subjected to a constant threat of full nationalisation as and when the government decides that his industry should be in the public sector in the interests of national planning.[25]

The consequence of all these controls has been a monumental distortion of incentives away from encouraging private firms to try to attract customers by improving technology and quality or reducing prices towards encouraging them to concentrate on `rent-seeking’, in the term made familiar by Professors Gordon Tullock and James Buchanan.[26]

As Anne Krueger says in her excellent study of the automobile ancillary industry, the very notion of entrepreneurial efficiency changes in such circumstances: `Under conditions in India, the most important problem confronting entrepreneurs is that of assuring that production will continue. The combined effects of import licensing and investment licensing give virtually every firm a monopoly or quasi-monopoly position. The entrepreneur who is most successful in getting licences of greater value and/or in getting licences more quickly than his fellow producers will have higher profits. `The producer who does not compete successfully for licences cannot produce at all, no matter how skilled he is in achieving engineering efficiency, unless he enters the “open market” and pays a premium to the successful licence applicant for some materials . . . Successful entrepreneurs are therefore those who are best at obtaining the greatest number of licences most expeditiously . . .’ [27]

Moreover, firms which are low-cost and efficient (in the free market sense) and which are successful at rent-seeking as high-cost, inefficient firms may still not be able to compete the latter out of business because government will not usually allow a particular firm to expand – regardless of its efficiency – if there is excess capacity in the industry of which it is a part. High-cost firms can thereby rationally count on staying in business simply by maintaining significant excess capacity.

(ii) Foreign trade
The Government of India has always claimed that foreign exchange is a `scarce’ resource which must be rationed by fiat in the national interest. The total foreign-exchange revenue (at an exchange rate which was fixed until 1971 and has since been on a managed `peg’) has been allocated in the following order of priorities: first, to meet foreign debt repayments and government expenditures in the conduct of foreign policy, such as the maintenance of embassies (G1); secondly, to pay for imports of defence equipment, food, fertilisers and petroleum (G2); thirdly, to meet ear-marked payments for the imported inputs of public sector industries so that they may achieve projected production targets (G3); fourthly, to pay for the imported inputs of private sector firms which are
successful in obtaining import licences (P1); and, lastly, to satisfy the demands of the public at large for purposes such as travel abroad (P2).
Foreign exchange is `scarce’ in India, or elsewhere, in precisely the same sense that rice or petrol or cloth is scarce. Just as there exists some positive price for rice, petrol or cloth which, at any moment, will match total supplies with total demands, so there exists some positive price for rupees relative to dollars which, at any moment, will match the transaction and asset demands of Indians for dollars with the transaction and asset demands of foreigners for rupees. Underlying that market-clearing price would be (a) the demands of Indians for foreign goods whose f.o.b. prices were lower than those of domestic substitutes, and, similarly, the demands of foreigners for goods in which India has had a comparative advantage; and (b) the expectations of Indians and foreigners about the future purchasing power of the rupee relative to the dollar, using as a proxy, say, the difference between interest rates in India and abroad.

A free market in foreign exchange would first have encouraged India’s traditional exports, like jute manufactures and textiles, and then (if the positive theory of international trade is broadly correct)progressively encouraged the export of other non traditional goods which used India’s relatively inexpensive labour relatively intensively and thereby enabled Indian entrepreneurs to compete successfully in foreign markets. At the same time, capital flows into and out of India would have given the monetary authorities an incentive to keep domestic interest rates in line with the real opportunity cost of forgoing consumption in favour of savings.

Thus, the case against a free market in foreign exchange has always been, to say the least, far from obvious.[28] But even if, for the sake of argument, we accept the presumed superiority of rationing, the elementary theory of optimisation which underlies the so-called theory of `planning’ dictates that the government should allocate dollars between alternative uses such that the marginal dollar yields the same increase in social utility in any use. The Indian Government, however, appears to have allocated foreign exchange simply on the basis of giving a higher priority to its own foreign expenditures (categories Gl, G2 and G3) than to private foreign expenditures (categories Pl and P2). That is to say, regardless of how much social utility might have been derived from a particular increase in private-sector imports, it would not be considered until after the government had met all its own expenditures abroad.[29]
Jagdish Bhagwati and T. N. Srinivasan put it as follows : `The allocation of foreign exchange among alternative claimants and users in a direct control system . . .would presumably be with reference to a well-defined set of principles and criteria based on a system of priorities. In point of fact, however, there seem to have been few such criteria, if any, followed in practice.’[30]
With respect to imported inputs for private- and public-sector industries, a rule of `essentiality’ (that is, the input must be technically `essential’ to the production process) and a rule of `indigenous availability’(that is, there must be absolutely no domestically-produced physical substitutes, regardless of cost and quality)seem to have been followed. But, as Bhagwati and Srinivasan report, `. . . the sheer weight of numbers made any meaningful listing of priorities extremely difficult. The problem was Orwellian: all industries had priority and how was each sponsoring authority to argue that some industries had more priority than others? It is not surprising, therefore, that the agencies involved in determining allocations by industry fell back on vague notions of “fairness”, implying pro rata allocations with reference to capacity installed or employment, or shares defined by past import allocations or similar rules of thumb’. [31]

Clearly, in abjuring the free market and claiming a monopoly over foreign-exchange transactions, government planners have accepted certain premises as unquestionable: (a) that government sponsored industrialisation is the best means to mass prosperity; (b) that a policy of indefinite import-substitution is the best means to industrialisation; and (c) that such a policy requires all foreign expenditures by government to take precedence over all private foreign expenditures. The trade and foreign-exchange policies pursued cannot be understood except by reference to domestic economic policies and, in particular, to the view held about the proper functions of government in and out of the market-place.

In addition to a plethora of controls, tariffs and outright bans on imports, there have been erratic policies, subsidising the export of `new’, non-traditional manufactures like engineering goods, and taxing- and even banning – the export of goods in which India has traditionally enjoyed a comparative advantage.[32]

Moreover, the rupee has been continuously over-valued. From 1949 to 1959, the official exchange rate of Rs. 4.76 to the US dollar was, on average, 12..3 percent above the black-market rate, a figure which rose to 61 per cent between 1960 and 1965. From 1966 to 1970, the devalued official rate of Rs. 7.50 to the dollar was above the black-market rate by an average of 47.6 per cent, while from 1971 onwards the managed-peg rate has been above the black-market rate by an average of 24.3 per cent.[33]

Simple economics suggests that a free-market equilibrium rate would be somewhere between the black-market and official rates. An official exchange rate for the rupee fixed above that warranted by underlying relative demands for Indian and foreign goods, as well as by relative degrees of confidence in the rupee and the dollar, subsidises imports at the expense of exports. By discriminating in favour of its own foreign expenditures and against those of the private sector, the government has been the principal beneficiary of an over-valued rupee. If capital-intensive goods are the main imports and labour-intensive ones the main exports, an over-valued rupee further distorts incentives so as to favour the use of capital-intensive production processes over labour intensive ones – in a country with a demonstrable abundance of relatively inexpensive labour!
With an eye to India, Krueger has argued the general issue in these terms:`Subsidies can make any industry an export industry, even one that would not produce at all in an efficient allocation. Similarly, taxes can be levied on an industry that has comparative advantage which will penalize it enough to render domestic production entirely unprofitable. When taxes and subsidies are used, therefore, it is possible not only to distort the structure of production, but to distort it so much that the “wrong” commodities are exported.”[34]

The Indian Government’s planners have had the idea of forcibly effecting a reversal in the comparative advantage of the country, as if by magic overnight. The hope might have been that a forced pace of industrialisation would somehow allow economies of scale to be reaped and thus soon make Indian industrial goods competitive enough in international markets to be the country’s principal source of foreign exchange, displacing traditional manufactures like jute and textiles. In practice, however, as the evidence given by Bela Balassa
and other economists demonstrates, such a policy has not succeeded to date and is most unlikely ever to do so.
India’s import bill has risen continuously, most drastically after the 1973-74 quadrupling of petroleum prices; non-traditional manufactures have hardly been able to compete successfully in foreign markets; and the traditional exports of jute and textiles have suffered very severe setbacks. Balassa contrasts the consequences of the freer, outward-looking trade policies of South Korea, Singapore and Taiwan with those of the inward-looking, controlled regime of India as part of a study of 11 countries(including Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, Mexico, Chile, Israel and Yugoslavia) which, along with Hong Kong, account for most of the manufactured exports of developing countries. India’s share of the total manufactured exports of these countries has fallen steadily from 65.4 per cent in 1953 to 50.7 per cent in1960, to 31.2 per
cent in 1966 and to a mere 10.3 per cent in 1973. The proportion exported of India’s total manufactured output fell from 9.7 per cent in 1960 to 9.4 per cent in 1966 and to 8.6 per cent in1973. In contrast, during the same two periods, the proportion of manufactured output exported rose from1 to 14 to 41 per cent in South Korea, from 11 to 20 to 43 per cent in Singapore, and from 9 to 19 to 50 per cent in Taiwan.[35]
Balassa cogently argues that the adverse effects of a sudden change in external factors, such as the quadrupling of petroleum prices in 1973-74 or the 1974-75 Western recession, were absorbed much more easily by developing countries with large foreign-trade sectors than by those like India with relatively small ones: `Outward orientation is associated with high export and import shares that permit reduction in non-essential imports without serious adverse effects on the functioning of the economy. By contrast, continued inward orientation involves limiting imports to an unavoidable minimum, so that any further reduction will impose a considerable cost in terms of growth. Furthermore, the greater flexibility of the national economies of countries pursuing an outward-oriented strategy, under which firms learn to live with foreign competition, makes it possible to change the product composition of exports in response to changes in world market conditions, whereas inward orientation entails establishing a more rigid economic structure.’[36]
In other words, if imports are both high in total value and diverse in composition, a rise in the relative price of a particular import for which home demand is relatively inelastic (like petroleum and its products) can be accommodated by a substitution of expenditure towards it and away from inessential imports for which demand is relatively elastic. A similar argument had typically been advanced by advocates of import-substitution when they maintained that the exports of a small country should be diverse and not concentrated on only a few goods since a decline in world prices would otherwise lead to serious falls in export revenues. This suggests that both critics and advocates of import substitution might agree that, for a country which is a price-taker in world markets, the encouragement of a large foreign-trade sector is a way of diversifying the risk of adverse effects from changes in world prices. The question remains as to whether the positive theory of trade is correct in saying that the encouragement of comparative advantage is superior to import-substitution as a means of achieving a large foreign sector. From the contrasting experiences of, say, South Korea on the one hand and India on the other, the answer seems overwhelmingly to be that it is.

(iii) Agriculture
The Indian Government has instituted a multiple-pricing system for the major food-grains, especially rice and wheat. Farmers are compelled to sell a specified fraction of their output to the government, at a price fixed by the government which is significantly lower than that warranted by underlying supply and demand conditions. Farmers may sell the remainder of their output freely. The quantities the government acquires in this way, plus any it imports (imports being subsidised by the over-valuation of the exchange rate), are sold by ration at lower than free-market prices in the so-called `fair-price’ shops – which happen to be mainly in urban areas. Urban consumers may purchase part of their requirements from such shops and the remainder on the open market at higher prices. Astute middle-class urban housewives know that rationed grain is often of poorer quality than that sold on the open market. Accordingly, the former often constitutes part of the wages of the domestic servants of the urban household, while the family consumes the latter. Insofar as this is true, it suggests that farmers distinguish quality much better than do government officials, and that they use this advantage somewhat to partition their output into low- and high-quality, selling the first under compulsion to the government and the second on the open market.
While such is the general food policy of India, the compulsory procurement of grains and their distribution to the ration-shops is implemented by individual State governments and not by the Union Government. There have usually been numerous restrictions on inter-State movements of grain, so the States do not form a full customs union; instead, the Union Government tries to be a central clearing-house, matching the desired imports of one State with the desired exports of another.[37]

Economic effects of ban on futures contracts
Furthermore, futures contracts in grains have been banned by law, in the belief that futures trading is conducive to speculation and that speculation is undesirable. A futures contract in grain consists simply of a promise by a seller to deliver an amount of grain to a buyer at some specified date in the future in return for payment at a price agreed today. The seller’s incentive to enter into the contract is the guarantee of a certain sale, and the availability of funds now; the buyer’s incentive is the guarantee of a certain price for future deliveries. The contract may be entered into because buyer and seller have different expectations about what the spot price will be in the future. The buyer minimises his expected costs and the seller maximises his expected revenues; both are able to balance their budgets inter-temporally. Even if they have the same expectations about future spot prices, buyer and seller may still find it mutually profitable to enter into a futures contract as a way of insuring against risk. Forbidding such contracts by decree thus forces more risk onto both buyer and seller than they would normally be prepared to carry, and also induces them to balance their accounts in each period rather than it inter-temporally. Alternative kinds of credit markets become it relatively more lucrative, with the potential seller and buyer of futures wheat respectively borrowing and lending more than they would otherwise have done.[38]
The government has also expressed its determination to keep prices in ration-shops low. It has accordingly stockpiled large inventories of grain, apparently regardless of the costs of storage and spoilage or the alternative of holding larger foreign-exchange reserves to permit increased imports when necessary.

The ostensible, declared objective of all such policies has been to ensure that the poor do not suffer severe adverse income effects from sudden rises in the price of food resulting (it has been thought) from the contingencies of rainfall and the actions of speculative traders. It is, however, an open secret that the policies have really been a means of (a) taxing farmers, who pay a smaller percentage of their income in direct and indirect taxes than do urban dwellers, and (b) subsidising urban consumers, who broadly comprise the industrial working class and the middle in classes.
At the same time, however, the government and its advisers — after the considerable hesitation recorded by David Hopper [39]- have also accepted that the best long-run prospects for increasing agricultural productivity lie in modernising traditional farming techniques. Given the outstanding results of the Green Revolution in wheat, they could hardly have arrived at any other conclusion. The problem from the government’s point of view has been, as a sympathetic economist puts it “…how to procure a sufficient quantity of food grains at reasonable prices without jeopardising the farmers’ incentives to produce more”.[40]

Thus, while taxing farmers de facto on their output, on the one hand, the government has tried, on the other, to promote the use of modern inputs by subsidizing them both directly and through low-interest loans from the banks for such investment.
Distortions of incentives in agriculture
The distortions of efficient incentives caused by such policies are not difficult to see. First, the low output prices of wheat and rice have, in effect, been discriminatory taxes on wheat. As Edward Schuh remarks, these discourage the production of `. . . the very crops that policy-makers believe the vulnerable groups should have greater access to . . .’[41]

Vasant Sukhatme and Theodore Schultz have argued that, even between wheat and rice, there has been severe discrimination in favour of the former. At the official over-valued exchange rate, the price of domestic wheat has been significantly higher than imported, while at open-market rates for the rupee, the domestic price approximated the import price. For rice, however, the domestic price has been consistently below the import price. Sukhatme estimated that the dead weight loss in welfare from the under pricing of rice amounted to 8.5 per cent of total agricultural income in 1967-68 and to 2.2 per cent in 1970-71. He also calculated effective rates of protection, which were strongly negative for rice whether at official or open-market exchange rates and positive for wheat at the official exchange rate. Both he and Schultz conclude that the discrimination against rice has been a major factor in explaining the absence of a Green Revolution in rice on the scale of that in wheat.[42]
Secondly, the main beneficiaries of government subsidies for modern inputs have evidently been not the many small farmers but the fewer relatively large ones. As Gilbert Brown reports :`Large-scale farmers buy most subsidised inputs. Poorer farmers usually lack the money to buy adequate amounts of fertiliser and pesticides, and are commonly unable to get credit except at near-prohibitive rates of often 60% to 100% per year. Even in countries with subsidised bank credit for agriculture, rich farmers get most of the credit because of legal or administrative restrictions and/ or through open or disguised bribery. Credit and subsidy programmes for tractors, tube wells and other fixed investments also go mostly to the largest and richest farmers . . .Water is also a subsidised input . . . The farmers who receive this subsidised water generally have substantially higher incomes (because of the water) than farmers without access to public irrigation. Thus, claims that water should be subsidised to help small farmers misses the point that most farmers with irrigation have higher incomes than those who do not.’[43]
Brown argues that subsidies for inputs have been made necessary only to offset the forced depression of output prices. Moreover, the social benefit from subsidising inputs is limited to when the input is first introduced: ‘Once the benefits and technique of using the input are widely known, however, the continuation of such subsidies serves largely to increase the benefit-cost ratio of using the input . . .’.
Whether it is better to continue with artificially low input and output prices or to adjust towards a free market in both must take into account that the subsidies have encouraged more capital-intensity in production, and also that the `. . . low prices of certain inputs, particularly water, are often associated with widespread waste and inefficient use of the resource’.[44]
Thirdly, the farmer who is too small to find investment in storage facilities profitable may also consider it not worth his while to hold any of his output for sale on the open market. He will then sell it all to the government – at a below-market price.
A general conclusion would seem to be that, if the combined effect of input subsidies and forced grain sales to government has been a net subsidy to agriculture, then it has been a progressive subsidy; whereas if the combined effect has been a net tax on agriculture, then it has been a regressive tax. The Marxists may be quite right to protest that what gains there have been in agriculture have accrued to the relatively larger farmers, while smaller peasants and farmers are becoming landless labourers in growing numbers as a result of bankruptcy (that is, there has been increasing `rural proletarianisation’, to use the Marxists’ picturesque phrase). But if this is true, the cause can be traced unambiguously to the Indian Government’s belief – vociferously shared by the Marxists – that the way towards the declared objective of helping the poor is by extensive interference in the price system. Besides, the industrial working class demonstrably benefits from low food prices, so the honest Marxist must face up to being torn by divided loyalties between the rural and the urban proletariats.

Srinivasan put it as follows in a 1974 survey article :`The public distribution system with respect to foodgrains . . . operated to the benefit of all those living in metropolitan cities and other large urban concentrations while all others, including rich and poor in relatively small urban and almost all rural areas, did not benefit at all. When one recalls that the rural population includes the most abject among the poor, namely landless workers, the inequity of the system becomes glaring. And in urban areas, the existence of the system and the fact that the ration is often inadequate provides incentives for a household to falsify the data on its size and age composition given to the rationing authorities, as well as to create bogus or ghost ration-cards, not to speak of the corruption of the personnel manning the rationing administration.’[45]

The history of the extensive control of agriculture – which has included a partial government monopsony, forcibly-depressed output prices, inter-State restrictions on grain movements, and urban ration-shops – can be traced to the last years of British rule, as an attempt to bolster the popularity of the imperial regime. [46] The continuation and reinforcement of statism in agriculture in independent India has evidently rested on certain premises, namely, that the private market would be grossly inefficient and would be dominated by a few traders continually reaping large speculative profits, with both the small farmer and the ordinary consumer suffering in consequence.

Uma Lele’s fine study of the private grain trade, however, shows the real picture to be quite different. She found that the trade was highly competitive, that individual traders were rational agents (given the constraints of technology and government policy), that location price differences closely reflected transport costs, and that temporal price differences closely reflected storage costs. She argued that, while there was considerable scope for government activity, it should be in the form, not of interfering in the competitive market, but rather of encouraging the market to work – by, for example, disseminating relevant information such as crop forecasts, standardising weights and measures, constructing or improving roads and encouraging efficiency in the market for the transport of grain, etc.[47]

The evident neglect of such findings as these, and the continued application of policies inimical to competition and the free market, suggest that successive governments of independent India have been hardly more concerned for the rural poor – whether as farmer or consumer – and hardly less concerned with bolstering their popularity in the urban areas than were the British.

(iv) Employment
An obvious consequence of the economic policies described above has been the distortion of the individual citizen’s calculation of the expected benefits and costs of living and working in urban areas compared with the rural countryside. The forced depression of output prices in agriculture and the plethora of foreign-trade policies which discriminate against agriculture certainly seem to have artificially depressed the expected incomes of farmers. At the same time, a large `public sector’ in industry, plus the array of foreign-trade policies which have protected private industry, plus the indirect subsidisation of food sold in urban ration-shops certainly seem to have artificially raised expected urban incomes. Predictably, the reaction has been a vast and continuing net migration from the villages to the towns and cities, even after adjusting for the seasonal nature of agriculture. This drift has been the subject of much inquiry and discussion by development economists.[48] I propose to set it aside and examine instead a different aspect of employment policy which has not received nearly as much attention, namely, the consequences of putting into effect the clauses in the 1950 Indian Constitution mentioned above which authorised discrimination in employment and public education in favour of the `Scheduled’ castes and tribes, as well as other policies which discriminate on grounds of ethnic origin.

The consequences have been similar in several respects to those in America of `affirmative action’ towards so-called `racial minorities’, and it will be useful to draw out the analogy a little. As Thomas Sowell has cogently argued in recent years, the racial composition of contemporary American society is a complex mosaic, and no-one can say with certainty how it has come to be what it is today. In such circumstances, for the government to try to isolate a single contingent characteristic like `race’, partition society on the basis of census data according to this characteristic, and then construct public policies accordingly, is to introduce an enormous arbitrariness into economic life. By merely defining a group by reference to a single contingent characteristic, which all its members seem to possess, the intrinsic complexity of the individual person is lost or overlooked. Two members of the same race may be very different from each other in every relevant characteristic (income, education, political preference, and so on), and indeed resemble members of other races more closely in them. A policy which introduces a citizen’s race as a relevant factor in the assignment of jobs or college places partitions the citizenry into vague groups : members of groups who are very different from members of other groups in characteristics other than race rarely competing with each other anyway, while the burden and beneficence of the state’s policies fall on members of groups who are not very different from members of other groups in characteristics other than race: `. . . costs are borne disproportionately by those members of the general population who meet those standards with the least margin and are therefore most likely to be the ones displaced to make room for minority applicants. Those who meet the standards by the widest margin are not directly affected – that is, pay no costs. They are hired, admitted or promoted as if blacks did not exist. People from families with the most general ability to pay also have the most ability to pay for the kind of education and training that makes such performance possible. The costs of special standards are paid by those who do not. Among the black population, those most likely to benefit from the lower standards are those closest to meeting the normal standards. It is essentially an implicit transfer of wealth among people least different in non-racial characteristics. For the white population it is a regressively graduated tax in kind, imposed on those who are rising but not on those already on top.’[49]
At the same time, there is, in effect, a progressively graduated subsidy for members of the `minority’ group in favour of those who are already closest to meeting the general standards. Those in the mainstream of each group are largely unaffected; it is at the margins of competition that the bitterness caused by such policies will be felt and will manifest itself. It would seem that the situation in India – where the racial mosaic is if anything more complex than in America – is somewhat analogous. In recent years there has been civil tension and violence in the streets as poor Muslims, `caste’ Hindus, Sikhs and others have protested at being edged out of jobs and promotions by equally poor, or wealthier, members of the `Scheduled Castes’. In March-April 1981, for instance, there was widespread civil tension and violence in Gujarat over the reservation of places in the State’s medical colleges. A quarter of these places were statutorily reserved for members of the `Scheduled Castes’, with any not taken up by qualified candidates from these groups accruing to them in the future, thereby rapidly excluding from general competition as many as half the total number of places.[50]

The cruel paradox is that, while the position of many members (perhaps the vast majority) of the `Scheduled Castes’ vis-à-vis `caste’ Hindus remains one of degradation and persecution – quite regardless of the constitutional guarantees of equality in the eyes of the law – the relatively few who have succeeded in taking advantage of the discriminatory statutes have aroused the indignation of those who have not -causing even more animosity towards the `Scheduled Castes’ in general. One commentator observes the emergence of a `new elite’ among the `Scheduled Castes’ which `ceases to identify with its caste brethren’; while, at the same time, the law on equality `is so widely flouted precisely because the Scheduled Castes have not the means or courage to seek its protection . . .’ He concludes :`Contrived gestures such as are now popular will either not benefit [the Scheduled Castes] . . . or will do so only by further lowering already deplorable academic and administrative standards’. [51]
Moreover, when all government posts are advertised with a caveat that 10 or 15 per cent of themare reserved for members of the `Scheduled Castes’ and `Scheduled Tribes’, there is a considerable incentive for people to persuade Parliament to declare them as being such. And that also has happened. Discrimination in employment on the ground of caste has not been the only kind of discrimination practised by the Indian state. In what may be the most thorough study currently available on the origins, consequences and legal history of official discrimination in India, Weiner, Katzenstein and Rao have described the plethora of policies pursued by the central and state governments which have used not caste but ethnic origin as a criterion for public employment (with the private sector also often being `encouraged’ to follow suit) :`Preferences are given to those who belong to the “local” community, with “local” understood as referring to the numerically dominant linguistic group in the locality.’ [52] The authors conclude that what is emerging in India is`. . . a government-regulated labour market in which various ethnic groups are given a reserved share of that market. Competition for employment is thus not among all Indians, but within specified linguistic, caste, and tribal groups.`. . . various ethnic groups, therefore, fight politically for a share of that labour market. The major political struggles are often over who should get reservations, how the boundaries of the ethnic groups should be defined, and how large their share should be. There are also political struggles over whether there should be reservations in both education and employment, in private as well as in public employment, and in promotions as well as hiring. The preferential policies themselves have thus stimulated various ethnic groups to assert their “rights” to reservations.’[53]

It is not difficult to understand the general economic argument against discrimination on grounds such as caste or ethnic origin. If a private employer indulges a personal preference to hire only people of an kind A when there are more able or better qualified candidates of other ethnic kinds B, C, D, . . . ,available, and if the product of his firm is subject to competition in the market from other enterprises which do not discriminate on criteria which are irrelevant to economic efficiency, we may confidently expect the discriminating employer’s product to become uncompetitive and his profits to fall. The best and most obvious example of this would be in the professional sports industry in the USA : a `whites-only’ basketball or football team would be immediately vanquished on the games-field into bankruptcy. If government pursues employment policies which discriminate according to economically irrational criteria such as caste or ethnic origin, or if it forces all private firms to do likewise, there will certainly be inefficiency resulting in a loss of real aggregate output in the economy. In the terms of modern economics, a vector of total outputs which would be feasible given the parameters of the economy, and which would leave everyone either better off or at least no worse off, would not be achieved. In sum, the consequence of direct and widespread government interference in the labour market in India appears to have been, not only a disregard for the principle of equality before the law for every citizen (in a nascent republic of immensely diverse peoples), but also a loss of real output and an enormous `politicisation’ of economic life whereby individual success becomes increasingly tied to political power and increasingly removed from personal merit, enterprise and effort. In addition, the composition of occupations in the economy has been indirectly distorted by the set of industrial, agricultural and foreign-trade policies pursued by successive governments.

6. THE MALFUNCTIONING OF GOVERNMENT

IT MIGHT be thought that a large and flabby `public sector’ in industry and commerce, labyrinthine controls on private industry, a government monopoly of foreign-exchange dealings, the overvaluation of the currency, indefinite import-substitution, forcibly depressed output and input prices in agriculture, enormous politicization of the labour market, disregard for equality before the law, and distortion of the composition of occupations would constitute a sufficient catalogue of symptoms of grave illness in the political economy of a nation. Sadly, however, there are in modern India other symptoms too which I can mention only briefly here.
An opinion frequently encountered among urban Indians (as well as among the majority of Western development economists) is that government control over the size of the population is a necessary condition for economic development, and indeed that it is the failure of government to do this that has dissipated the economic growth that would otherwise have resulted from the economic policies pursued. The urban Indian witnesses the hovels and shanty-towns inhabited by migrant families from the countryside attracted by the policies discussed previously, and he experiences the resulting congestion. So does the Western development economist when he ventures out of his hotel into the city streets. Very often, that is his only personal experience of the legendary `poor masses’ of India. It is understandable that such princely discomfiture should lead him to the opinion that the poor are mindless in their breeding habits and that they must be persuaded, bullied or compelled to change. If this opinion were true, it would seem to point to a neat and simple solution to many of the woes of poor countries, and India in particular. But if the opinion is false and yet widely believed, it would cause governments to be, as it were, barking up the wrong tree.
It is, however, far from established, and certainly not at all obvious, that demographic control is either necessary or desirable in India or elsewhere. In the first place, when the rate of infant mortality is known and experienced by rural people to be high, there will be mare births than there would have been otherwise. Secondly, it is perfectly clear that children are an investment good in traditional societies such as those of rural India. Even young children are a source of family income, either directly by working outside the home or indirectly by working at domestic chores and thereby releasing adult members of the family for outside work. For a child to be absent from primary school or to drop out within a few years is not necessarily truancy; it may be the outcome of a rational economic calculation about where his time may be better spent towards increasing the household’s income. Furthermore, in traditional societies adult children are the principal source of support for elderly and retired parents.
To know of the existence of artificial measures of contraception certainly enlarges the alternatives open to a couple. Assuming that such knowledge is not in itself a cause of unhappiness (as it can be if there are conflicting religious commitments), a couple may certainly be better off with that knowledge because of their ability to control the number and timing of their children. The couple might also have fewer children – though there is no necessary or causal connection between a knowledge of contraception and the number of children born to a couple. Rational calculation may produce the same number of children as the caprice of nature, the implication being that in general there is no causal connection between the availability of contraceptives and the rate of growth of the population. The value of a public policy which encourages the use of artificial contraception is not so much that it reduces the number of births as that it may allow couples more control over their own lives. Whether or not artificial contraception should be publicly subsidised is quite another question.
The Indian Government has expended considerable resources in propagating and subsidizing artificial birth control. The results appear to have been, at best, indifferent (coupled as birth control has been with indirect incentives for large families and, at worst, cruel – as when frenetic zeal spilled over into demands for, and the implementation of, compulsory sterilisation. For this author, however, the important consideration would seem to be not so much the exact costs and benefits of the demographic policies pursued as the critical acknowledgement that they have little or nothing to do with the fundamental causes of mass economic development.[54]
It remains a stark paradox that, with a general literacy rate of perhaps 30 per cent [NB: In 2007, this has grown to 73% for males and 48% for females] India still produces the third largest absolute number of science and engineering graduates in the world. This reflects the lopsidedness of the educational system, continued from British times, in which higher education is enormously subsidised relative to primary education. In addition, entry into the civil services requires a college or university education, which in turn requires a good private secondary school education, which in turn requires a good preparatory school education. Strenuously competing to enter prep. school, with the help of outside tutoring, is the unhappy fate of many a five- or six-year-old in the towns and cities, followed by strenuous competition in secondary school, college and university, and finally at the doorstep of government (or a foreign university).
A job in government – any job in government – has carried prestige since Mughal times. In addition to the prestige and the obvious benefits of tenure where ether `decent’ jobs are scarce, there has been in recent times the inner satisfaction from a belief that a person can truly do his best for his country only by being in government. Tens of thousands of youths spend significant personal resources (such as whole years in cramming schools) to compete for a few annual openings in government. It is only to be expected that the competent, ambitious, patriotic youth who succeeds will mature into a respected mandarin with an unshakeable conviction in the good his government has done for the masses, and in the further good yet in prospect.
Failure to anticipate monsoon damage and disarray of the judicial system
The most serious examples of the malfunctioning of civil government in India are probably the failure to take feasible public precautions against the monsoons and the disarray of the judicial system. Official estimates, for instance, of the damage caused by flooding to homes, crops and public utilities in a few weeks of July-August 1981 alone amounted to over Rs 1 billion, with 10.8 million people `affected’, 35,000 head of cattle lost, and 195,000 homes damaged. The full magnitude of the devastation which annually visits vast areas can be understood perhaps only by those in rural India, although the towns and cities also regularly suffer considerable chaos. [55] [NB 2007: Monsoon prediction appears far better today than it was when these words were written.]
As for the disarray of the judicial system, The Statesman lamented in July 1980:`The simplest matter takes an inordinate amount of time, remedies seldom being available to those without means or influence. Of the more than 16,000 cases pending in the Supreme Court, about 5,000 were introduced more than five years ago; while nearly 16,000 of the backlog of more than 600,000 cases in our high courts have been hanging fire for over a decade. Allahabad is the worst offender but there are about 75,000 uncleared cases in the Calcutta High Court in addition to well over a million in West Bengal’s lower courts.”[56] Such a state of affairs has been caused not only by lazy and corrupt policemen, court clerks and lawyers, but also by the paucity of judges and magistrates. In addition, however,`. . . a vast volume of laws provokes endless litigation as much because of poor drafting which leads to disputes over interpretation as because they appear to violate particular rights and privileges. Land legislation offers an example of radical zeal running away with legal good sense, giving rise to thousands of suits against the Government . . .’ [57] When governments determinedly do what they need not or should not do, it may be expected that they will fail to do what civil government positively should be doing. In a sentence, that has been the tragedy of modern India.

Part IV : Reform
A LIBERAL AGENDA

IT WILL by now have become evident to the reader from the descriptions and arguments given above that, in the judgement of the present author, only a set of radical changes in policy can put the Indian economy on a path to higher mass prosperity within a free and healthy body politic. I shall therefore put forward a tentative manifesto for reform, adding some predictions about which classes of citizens would be most likely to support or oppose a particular proposal. The scope and intention of such a manifesto should be made clear at the outset. As Aristotle taught, a set of actions which are the means towards certain ends may themselves be the ends towards which other prior means have to be taken.[58]
The ultimate ends of economic advice in India are to seek to bring about mass prosperity under conditions of individual freedom. The proposals I which follow are to be construed as means towards those ultimate ends. But they also constitute a set of intermediate ends, and their implementation would require further judgement about the best means towards achieving them. In economic policy, for instance, a firm but gradual phasing-in over a period of three or four years may be the best way to minimise the hardships entailed by the adjustment. For reasons which will become clear, however, I shall not here try to answer the question as to how the proposals might best be implemented.

(a) Effects of foreign policy on the domestic economy
It will be useful to begin with a short and very incomplete consideration of foreign policy insofar as it may bear upon domestic economic policies. It is a settled fact of international politics that, while there is no obvious connection between a nation’s economic and political institutions and the choice of strategic allies it faces, people’s subjective perceptions and opinions of the social arrangements in a foreign country can be deeply influenced by whether that country is seen as a potential ally or adversary. A related and equally settled fact is that war, or the fear of war, can make for the most incongruous of bed-fellows. In contemporary India, it is quite evident that the antipathy and pessimism towards market institutions found among the urban public, and the sympathy and optimism to be found for collectivist or statist ones, has been caused to a very significant extent by the perception that the United States is relatively hostile towards India while the Soviet Union is relatively friendly. This was not always so. The official affection between the United States and India in the early years of the Republic was grounded in sincerity and goodwill. The roots of its demise are probably to be found in the split between the Soviet Union and China in the late 1950s which, in a short period of time, made the latter a valuable strategically for the United States against the former. By the early 1970s, the spectre of a joint military threat to India from a totalitarian China and a militarist Pakistan – and especially a threat which it was perceived democratic America would do little or nothing to thwart – made it prudent for democratic India to become the virtual ally of totalitarian Russia.
Such a configuration on the international chess-board need not have been detrimental to India’s economic development. It is possible to imagine a liberal state allied to a totalitarian one for strategic reasons, yet maintaining liberal economic policies domestically and internationally. In practice[58], however, the extent of `economic collaboration’, bilateral trading arrangements, `joint ventures’, barter agreements, `cultural exchanges’, and the like into which the Indian Government has entered with the Soviet bloc, appears significantly to exceed what it has achieved with the Western powers. In particular, Soviet arms have in recent years been purchased more often and then manufactured under licence. This too need not have been economically detrimental if the Soviet products had in practice been competitive on international markets in terms of price and quality. As is common knowledge, however, this is often not so. It therefore appears that part of the price India has had to pay for the strategic support of the Soviet Union has been the foisting on her of low-quality, high-priced Soviet goods, whether arms or steel mills or technical know-how. At the same time, for reasons which are partly historical and partly related to these considerations, direct foreign investment by private Western firms has been treated with, at best, coolness and, at worst, open hostility.

A change in India’s foreign policy
If the economic liberalisation that will be proposed here for India is to be effective, a truly independent yet prudent foreign policy may be required to accompany it. A change in the present strategic configuration – in which the United States is perceived in India to be virtually the ally of both China and Pakistan, while India is perceived in the United States to be virtually the ally of the Soviet Union – is unlikely until and unless the United States finds it in her best interests in the region to distance herself from China and Pakistan, which is unlikely to happen without a rapprochement between the Soviet Union and China. A drastic alternative way for India to reduce her dependence upon the Soviet Union would be the kind of divorce Egypt effected some years ago, followed by an alliance with the Western powers. This might, however, undermine once more the independence of foreign policy and be perceived in India as a move from the devil to the deep sea. The prudent remaining alternative would appear to be an earnest and vigorous pursuit of serious no-war pacts with Pakistan and China, combined with an appropriately small independent nuclear deterrent. It seems to the author that the reasons which commend this course are closely analogous to those offered by the present American and British governments for pursuing serious no-war negotiations with the Soviet bloc whilst simultaneously improving the Western nuclear deterrent.
(b) Liberalisation of foreign trade
Not only would the truly independent foreign policy proposed in the preceding paragraph allow India to distance herself from the Soviet Union; it would probably also prompt the Western powers to end the intergovernmental transfers which go by the name of `foreign aid’. For reasons that Peter Bauer has emphasised over many years, an end to such transfers might be a boon in disguise for India.[59] In particular, it would require the government to seek to balance the foreign-exchange accounts without becoming obligated to the Western powers, and this in turn would require a major economic transformation from a closed and protectionist economy to an open one which harnessed India’s comparative advantages.
An initial liberalisation of foreign trade, involving a transition from quotas to tariffs, would probably be supported by private industry as a whole. It would, however, be opposed by incumbent politicians and government officials since it would dissipate the rents they receive under the closed regime. A subsequent reduction in tariffs, a withdrawal of export subsidies, and the free floating of the rupee would be opposed by those private firms (and their labour unions) which would be uncompetitive internationally – probably those in `non-traditional’ industries. The measures would, however, be supported by ordinary consumers, by private firms in traditional industries like jute manufactures and textiles, and particularly by farmers.
Once private industry became subject to the strict discipline of international competition again, there would be no reason whatsoever for government-imposed internal controls which were not conducive to free and fair competition among firms for the consumer’s rupee. The repeal of the plethora of licensing policies would dissipate the large rents attached to the controls under the present regime. Since these rents are paid by private industry and received, directly or indirectly, by incumbent politicians and government officials, the former could be expected to welcome repeal and the latter to oppose it vigorously.

(c) Privatisation of `public-sector’ industries
At the same time, for the so-called `public-sector’ industries to face international competition, when they are currently monopolists or oligopolists, would demand such an improvement in economic discipline as probably to require the shares of most of them to be sold on the open market, with marginal-cost pricing imposed on the remainder. There is no economic reason why the Government of India shouldbe engaged in commercial or merchant banking and insurance, or in industries from steel, machine-tools, ship-building and fertilisers to wrist-watches, hotels and beer. Nor is there any cogent reason why it should be a major producer, let alone a monopolist, in the road, rail, air and sea transport industries. Large-scale privatisation would be supported by private citizens in general, and would also draw out the reputedly vast private funds which circulate in the untaxable underground economy. But such measures would probably be opposed vigorously by the government officials who currently manage these industries, aswell as by the public-sector labour unions.

(d) Free-market pricing in agriculture
With the repudiation of the mistaken premise that government sponsored industrialisation is the best means to mass economic development, the free-market pricing of agricultural outputs and the removal of all controls that are not conducive to free competition among farmers should follow. This would be welcomed by all farmers and perhaps by the rural population in general. It could also be expected to provide much encouragement to the technological transformation of traditional agriculture. The abolition of ration-shops in urban areas would be opposed by the industrial working class, by the urban middle classes in general, and by government officials and employees engaged in the present regime of public distribution. Further, farmers, especially relatively large ones, might be expected to oppose the concomitant free-market pricing of agricultural inputs, including credit and fertilisers, as would those government employees presently charged with distributing these inputs.
The ending of the distortions in agricultural output and input prices would establish a conclusive case for uniform systems of taxation in the economy, and especially for income from agriculture to be treated on a par with income from other occupations. These systems could locally include direct subsidies to those (whether in rural or urban areas) who are unable to provide any income for themselves, such as the insane and the severely disabled – all of whom are currently cared for, if at all, by private charity, and none of whom, strangely enough, appears to enter the moral calculations of socialist and Marxist economists.

(e) Tax revenues for public goods
The first and most important destination of tax revenues, whether raised centrally, provincially or locally, must be the provision of public goods – central, provincial and local. In an earlier section, we have seen what kinds of goods these should be. Among the most urgent in India are more effective precautions against the monsoons and improvements in the efficiency of the systems of civil and criminal justice. The former might include measures to prevent soil erosion and the building of better dams, embankments, canals and roads. Such programmes would be likely to command practically unanimous support in the localities in which they were implemented.
Reforms of the judicial system might include raising the salaries of judges and policemen, as well as the penalties for their misconduct; improving the training and morale of the police, with the object of increasing public confidence in them (especially in the villages); and expanding the number of courts, at least temporarily until the monumental backlog of cases has been reduced and brought under control. A general reduction in the political and administrative direction of economic life would lead to fewer lawsuits being brought against the government itself, and thus provide further relief for the judiciary. Widespread prison reform may also be required if the reports are true that a large proportion of those held prisoner for a number of years have yet to be brought to trial, and that potential prosecution witnesses, if they are poor and uneducated, are themselves sometimes kept in jail until a case comes to court. Such reforms would command the support of everyone except criminals, capricious litigants and corrupt or incompetent members of the police and judiciary, none of which groups, it must be supposed, comprises apolitical constituency.

Together with improvements in the system of justice, the principle of equality before the law would have to be taken seriously. This would require the dispensation of justice by the state to be, as it were, a process blind to the infinitely diverse caste and ethnic characteristics of the citizenry, which in turn would imply the repeal of all laws – whether central, provincial or local – permitting governmental authorities to discriminate in favour of a particular politically-specified caste or ethnic group. Merely to have written `equality before the law’ into the Constitution without really believing it either possible or desirable is to allow the mutual caste and ethnic bigotry of private citizens to be exploited for political ends. That innumerable members of a caste, or religious or ethnic community have suffered at the hands of another, and that members of the `Scheduled Castes’ in particular have been victims of enormous cruelty, should not prevent acknowledgement of the sober fact that the past is irretrievable, or that it is similar cruelty in the present and future against any citizen at the hands of any other, or the state, that the declaration of Fundamental Rights was intended to prevent.

(f) Other reforms
Other proposals could also be suggested : the introduction of vouchers for primary and secondary education; a serious assessment of the benefits from and costs of subsidies to higher education; an end to the government monopoly of radio and television; a revision of government pay-scales to make them competitive with the private sector, together with equivalent reductions in non pecuniary benefits; a decentralisation of public spending decisions from New Delhi to the State capitals and from there to the districts; and so on. However, it is hardly necessary to go further, since even a limited liberal agenda would appear doomed to be still-born.
Incumbent politicians, government officials, and the public sector unions in general would vigorously oppose any reduction in government intervention in the economy for fear of losing the rents and sinecures of the status quo. Indeed, professional politicians in general could be expected to be averse to any lessening of the politicisation of economic life.
In other countries, a political party proposing such a reduction in government intervention would usually enjoy the backing of private industry. In India, however, private industry in general would probably see it in its own interest to support only the reduction of internal controls, whilst vigorously opposing reductions in the neo-mercantilist external controls. In July 1981, for example, I asked a prominent industrialist to imagine first a free-market regime at home : `That would be very welcome indeed’, he replied enthusiastically. I then asked him to imagine a policy of free trade : `That would wipe us out’, he replied gravely. His answers indicate very well what is perhaps the single most important feature of the equilibrium that has emerged in India: by accepting without significant protest the constraints and costs imposed upon it by the government and its `planners’, the private corporate sector has traded the freedom of enterprise for mercantilist monopoly profits in the home market.
When Indian Marxists rail about collusion between the `national bourgeoisie’ (that is, the governmental class) and the `comprador bourgeoisie’ (that is, the private sector), they make a cogent point as old as Adam Smith’s critique of mercantilism.[60] But, again, they fail to see that the fortunes of the industrial working-class have also risen with those of the private and public industries that have gained from the present regime. Moreover, a large proportion of industrial workers and blue-collar government employees are migrants with families left behind in rural areas; these rural families might also oppose reductions in the transfers currently received by their migrant relatives. Finally, while joining other farmers in welcoming a free market in grain, the politically influential larger farmers could be expected to oppose the direct taxation of agricultural incomes and the elimination of subsidies for inputs.

Who is left who would gain from the kinds of reforms proposed here? Only the ordinary citizen qua consumer, the rural poor and the residuum of severely disabled citizens unable to create any income for themselves. None of these has been or is likely to become an effective political force.

India’s `unhappy equilibrium’
The economy of the first Indian Republic has tended towards a broad and increasingly unhappy equilibrium. Distortions of efficient relative prices and wages lead to both substitution and income effects. Those who lose from one distortion rationally seek another from which they may gain; those who lose from the second seek a third; and so on ad infinitum until a maze of distorted incentives are in place and a60Adam Smith, host of income transfers are in progress – sometimes offsetting losses, sometimes not. Tullock has emphasised that the problem is not only that there are dead-weight losses in welfare, but also that people are led `. . . to employ resources in attempting to obtain or prevent such transfers.’[61] In modern India, the waste of productive resources put to the pursuit of such transfers has been incalculable. The reforms pro-posed here would cut through the maze of distorted incentives and institutions all at once – for which very reason it seems unlikely they can come to be implemented.

The economic significance of a political attitude of individualism is that it clearly recognises the relationship between individual effort and reward, and the relationship between cause and consequence generally. An attitude of statism obscures or obliterates this relationship. In republican India, statism has pervaded all public discourse and prompted most public policy. Successive groups of politicians and government officials seem never to have recognised the fundamental nature of those functions of government which are the indispensable prerequisites of civil peace and mass prosperity. Nor have they understood that it is no part of government’s agenda to be the driving force to mass prosperity, and that this can come (if it will) only from innumerable individual efforts in the pursuit of private rewards. This is not at all to say that those in government have been ill-intentioned. On the contrary, they may have sincerely sought the public good whilst introducing a Leviathan government into the market-place and neglecting the proper duties of government outside it. As Bauer has remarked in a related context :`Their financial benefits may appear to be fortuitous, as if Adam Smith’s invisible hand were to work in reverse, so that those who sought the public good achieve what was no part of their intention, namely personal prosperity.’[62] It is indeed possible that the basic fact of human nature that individual households every where ordinarily know most about, and are only concerned with, their own well-being has never been acknowledged in modern India. The simple secret of a stable and prosperous polity is to create institutions which harness the universal pursuit of individual self interest, and not ones which pretend that men are selfless saints. A polity where this fact is acknowledged would not have to depend for the viability of its institutions on mere exhortation, as the institutions of the Indian Republic seem perpetually fated to do, even while the competitive pursuit of self interest is everywhere manifest.

The logic of economic reasoning and the adducement of economic evidence have in the past had little effect in India because the distribution of gains and losses from the policies pursued has been closely matched by the distribution of effective political power. This distribution seems most likely to continue, and so the prospects of significant and sustained endogenous reform seem, to this author at least, very small. Changes in external constraints seem to be the only likely source of a major disturbance to the equilibrium, and there can be no guarantee that the results will be for the better. This is a sad and troubling conclusion to come to, for a citizen of India or anyone else who has loved the country. It places this author in the paradoxical position of believing his arguments to be broadly correct – while hoping they are not.

ENDNOTES (The original monograph in 1984 had footnotes, which have had to be transformed since pages, in this new HTML age, no longer have to be linear as in a book nor have to be turned in order to be read).

[1] The early studies notably include: B. R. Shenoy, `A note of dissent’, Papers relating to the formulation of the Second Five-Year Plan, Government of India Planning Commission, Delhi, 1955; Indian Planning and Economic Development, Asia Publishing, Bombay, 1963, especially pp. 17-53; P. T. Bauer, Indian Economic Policy and Development, George Allen & Unwin, London, 1961; M. Friedman, unpublished memorandum to the Government of India, November 1955 (referred to in Bauer, op. cit., p. 59 ff.); and, some years later, Sudha Shenoy, India : Progress or Poverty?, Research Monograph 27, Institute of Economic Affairs, London, 1971. Some of the most relevant contemporary studies are: B. Balassa, `Reforming the system of incentives in World Development, 3 (1975), pp. 365-82; `Export incentives and export performance in developing countries: a comparative analysis’, Weltwirtschaftliches Archiv, 114 (1978), pp. 24-61; The process of industrial development and alternative development strategies, Essays in International Finance No. 141, Princeton University, 1980; J. N. Bhagwati & P. Desai, India: Planning for Industrialisation, OECD, Paris : Oxford University Press, 1970; `Socialism and Indian Economic Policy’, World Development, 3 (1975), pp. 213-21; J. N. Bhagwati & T. N. Srinivasan, Foreign-trade Regimes and Economic Development: India, National Bureau of Economic Research, New York, 1975; Anne O. Krueger, `Indian planning experience’, in T. Morgan et al. (eds.), Readings in Economic Development, Wadsworth, California, 1963, pp. 403-20; `The political economy of the rent-American Economic Review, 64 (June 1974); The Benefits and Costs of Import-Substitution in India : a Microeconomic Study, University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, 1975; Growth, distortions and patterns of trade among many countries, Studies in International Finance, Princeton University, 1977; Uma Lele, Food grain marketing in India : private performance and public policy, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, 1971; T. W. Schultz (ed.), Distortions in agricultural incentives, Indiana University Press, Bloomington, 1978; V. Sukhatme, “The utilization of high-yielding rice and wheat varieties in India: an economic assessment”, University of Chicago PhD thesis, 1977.

[2] S. Roy, “On liberty and economic growth: preface to a philosophy for India”, University of Cambridge PhD thesis, 1982a, Chapters I and II; “Knowledge and freedom in economic theory: Parts I and II”, Centre for Study of Public Choice, Virginia Tech, working papers, 1982b. My epistemological arguments have closely followed those of Renford Bambrough, Moral Scepticism and Moral Knowledge, Routledge and Kegan Paul, London, 1979.

[3] Aristotle, Ethica Nicomachea, in Richard McKeon (ed.), The Basic Works of Aristotle, Random House, New York, 1941. We read: `. . . the whole account of matters of conduct must be given in outline and not precisely, as we said at the very beginning that the accounts we demand must be in accordance with the subject matter; matters concerned with conduct and questions of what is good for us have no fixity, any more than matters of health. The general account being of this nature, this account of particular cases is yet more lacking in exactness; for they do not fall under any art or precept but the agents themselves must in each case consider what is appropriate to the occasion, as happens also in the art of medicine or of navigation.’ (1,104a2-a9.)`. . . we do not deliberate even about all human affairs; for instance, no Spartan deliberates about the best constitution for the Scythians. For none of these things can be brought about by our own efforts. We deliberate about things that are in our power and can be done.’ (1,112a28-30.) Adam Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations(1776), eds. R. H. Campbell et al., Liberty Classics, Indianapolis, 1981. We read: `What is the species of domestick industry which his capital can employ, and of which the produce is likely to be of the greatest value, every individual, it is evident, can, in hislocal situation, judge much better than any statesman or lawgiver can do for him.’ (Book IV. ii. 10, p. 456.) In modern times, Friedrich Hayek has always kept this fact in the foreground of his thinking. In his Individualism and Economic Order, Routledge and Kegan Paul, London, 1949, we read, for example, of `. . . the constitutional limitation of man’s knowledge and interests, the fact the he cannot know more than a tiny part of the whole of society and that therefore all that can enter into his motives are the immediate effects which his actions will have in the sphere he knows . . .’ (p. 14.) The individual agent has a `special knowledge of circumstances of the; thus `. . . practically every individual has some advantage over all others because he possesses unique information of which beneficial use might be made, but of which use can be made only if the decisions depending on it are left to him or are made with his active co-operation.’ (p. 80.)

[4] The mathematical economist will recognise these three conditions as the characteristics which define a multi-market general equilibrium in the Arrow-Debreu model: Gerard Debreu, Theory of Value, Yale University Press, New Haven, 1959; K. J. Arrow and F. H. Hahn, General Competitive Analysis, Oliver and Boyd, Edinburgh, 1971.

[5] This argument is discussed further in Roy (1982a), pp. 96-107, pp. 133-43.

[6] Adam Smith, op. cit., Book V. i. c., p. 723.

[7] P. A. Samuelson, `A pure theory of public expenditures’, Review of Economics & Statistics, 36, 1954,reprinted in K. J. Arrow & T. Scitovsky (eds.), Readings in Welfare Economics, R. D. Irwin, Homewood, Ill., 1969.

[8] The idea I have in the background is of some implicit public goods function endorsed more or less unanimously by citizens – but not necessarily by those with political power – with commonsense dictating the elements it should contain. Thus Let U = U (π1, π2 , …, πn) be such a function with δU/δπi > 0, δ2U/δπi2 < 0 i=1,2,…,n, where πi = 1,2,…n, is a lateral index of a public good or service like defence, civil protection, roads, dams, or the finance of basic education. Each of these is “produced” by an expenditure of public resources: πi = πi (τi ), δπi/δτi > 0, δ2πi /δτi2 < 0 i=1,2,…,k, Σ i=1,2,…,n τi = τ* where τ* is the total level of public resources available (whether by taxation or borrowing). An efficient condition, i.e., one in which given public resources are efficiently allocated among alternative public goods or services, would be δU/δπi/ δπi/δτi = δU/δπj / δπj/δτj for every i,j = 1,2,. .,n. So, if the marginal tax-rupee was put towards the production of any public good, the increase in social utility should be the same; otherwise we would find an excess supply of some public goods (e.g. bureaucrats) and an excess demand for others (e.g. courts, dams, police protection, etc.).

[9] Two examples are F. H. Hahn, On the notion of equilibrium in economics : an inaugural lecture, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1973, and J. M. Grandmont, “Temporary general equilibrium theory : a survey”, Econometrica, vol. 46, 1977.

[10] Aristotle, op. cit., 1,094b12-1,094b27

[11] D. H. Robertson, `The Economic Outlook’, in his Utility and All That, Allen & Unwin, London, 1952, pp.51-52.

[12] Karl Popper made a similar point in The Open Society and its Enemies, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1950, when he suggested that Plato’s question `who should rule?’ should be discarded for the question:`How can we so organise political institutions that bad or incompetent rulers can be prevented from doing too muchdamage?’ (p. 120). There is relevant discussion by Renford Bambrough in `Plato’s modern friends and enemies’, Philosophy, 37, 1962, reprinted in R.Bambrough (ed.), Plato, Popper and Politics : some contributions to a modern controversy, Barnes and Noble, New York, 1967. I have discussed the relationship of expertise to democracy in Roy (1982a), pp 80-95.

[13] Virginia Bill of Rights, 1776, in The Constitution of the United States, ed. E. C. Smith, Barnes & Noble, New York, 1979, p. 21.

[14] P. T. Bauer, Dissent on Development, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass., 1971, p. 72, n. 2. The term `statism’ suggested itself to the author after he read M. R. Masani, “Post-Sanjay outlook: where salvation does not lie” The Statesman, 9 July 1980.

[15]G. M. Young (ed.), Macaulay: Prose and Poetry, London: Macmillan, 1952, p. 718. Some 20 years later, in Considerations on Representative Government, ed. H. B. Acton (London: J. M. Dent), J. S. Mill claimed that rule by`a superior people . . . is often of the greatest advantage to a people, carrying them rapidly through several stages of progress’ (Ch. IV, p. 224). Ironically, a few years ago a distinguished retired member of the Indian civil service (who happens to be a recipient of the Lenin Peace Prize) used very similar words in a newspaper article – in defence of the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan!

[16] Resolution of the Indian National Congress, August 1931, reprinted in B. N. Pandey (ed.), The IndianNationalist Movement : 1885-1947, Macmillan, London, 1979, p. 67.

[17] S. Radhakrishnan, The philosophy of Rabindranath Tagore, Macmillan, London, 1918, p. 232. For an excellent account of the intercourse between ancient India and ancient Greece, H. G. Rawlinson, `Early contacts between India and Europe’, in A. L. Basham (ed.), A Cultural History of India, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1975. For excellent accounts of the growth of liberalism in India in the l9th and carly 20th centuries : Anil Seal, The Emergence of Indian Nationalism : Competition and Collaboration in the later l9th Century, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1971, Chs. 1, 3-6; J. R. McLane, Indian Nationalism and the Early Congress, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1977; Gordon Johnson, Provincial Politicsand Indian Nationalism,Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1973, Ch. 1.

[18] Ramsay Macdonald’s letter to M. K. Gandhi, 8 September 1932, reprinted in Pandey (ed.), op. cit., p. 74.

[19] Devdas Gandhi’s letter to Jawaharlal Nehru, 2 October 1931, reprinted in Pandey (ed.), op. cit., p. 71

[20] Gandhi’s protest succeeded to the extent that the Award itself was superseded; and in unusual, euphoric displays of fraternity, `caste’ Hindus threw open temples to members of the `Depressed Classes’ and embraced them with
garlands. The compromise Pact which replaced the Communal Award removed separate electorates but still guaranteed special political representation for some years following the agreement. For an account of Gandhi’ s position on the Communal Award, Judith M. Brown, Gandhi and Civil Disobedience, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1977, pp. 313-21.

[21] For an eminent lawyer’s commentary, N. A. Palkhivala, The Light of the Constitution, Forum of Free Enterprise, Bombay, 1976.

[22] There is reason to think the Mughals before the British had done no better and had probably done much worse. T. Raychaudhuri, `The State and the Economy: the Mughal Empire’, in T. Raychaudhuri & I. Habib (eds.), The Cambridge Economic History of India, vol. I, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1982.

[23] V. B. Singh (ed.), Nehru on Socialism, Government of India, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Publications Division, Delhi, 1977, pp. 56-57, 67.

[24] `Draft recommendations for the formulation of the Second Five Year Mahalanobis;`The Second Five-Year Plan – A tentative framework’, drafted by the economic ministries; and a `Memorandum’ written by a panel of prominent Indian economists – all contained in Papers relating to the formulation of the SecondFive Year Plan, Government of India: Planning Commission, 1955 – were the principal influences on the actual Second Plan. No significant understanding of markets, prices or the concept of feasibility is evident on the part of any of the authors. Shenoy’s lonely dissent has already been noted (note 1).

[25] The best descriptions of Indian industrial policy are still to be found in Bhagwati and Desai (1970), op. cit. Also C. Wadhwa, `New Industrial Licensing Policy: An Appraisal’, in C. Wadhwa (ed.), Some problems of India’seconomic policy, Tata-McGraw Hill, Delhi, 1977, pp. 290-324.

[26] Gordon Tullock is generally credited with introducing the notion of rent-seeking in `The welfare costs of tariffs, monopolies and theft’, Western Economic, Journal, 5 (June 1967), while Krueger (1974), op. cit., introduced the term itself. The collection edited by J. M. Buchanan et al., Toward a theory of the rent-seeking society, Texas A&M Press, College Station, 1980, contains reprints of both papers as well as other studies.

[27] Krueger (1975), op. cit., p. 108 ff.

[28] The classic argument for a free market is in M. Friedman, `The case for flexible exchange rates’, in his Essays in Positive Economics, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1953, pp. 157-203. Also V. S. Vartikar,Commercial policy and economic development in India, Praeger, New York, 1969, based on his PhD at Wayne State University; and D. Lal, A liberal international economic order : the international monetary system and economic development, Essays in International Finance No. 139, Princeton University, October 1980.

[29] An additive sub-utility function might be defined within each set of categories UG= ∑ ai vi (Gi) a1 ≥ a2 ≥ a3, ∑ ai= 1UP= ∑ bj wj (Pj) b1 ≥ b2 ∑ bj= 1where the vi (.) and the wj (.) are further sub-utility functions defined on each category, etc. None of these has ever been spelt out by the Indian Government and certainly no amount of UP has seemed substitutable for an iota of UG.

[30] Bhagwati and Srinivasan, op. cit., p. 38.

[31] Ibid.,p. 38

[32] In 1980, for example, exports of pig-iron and of sheep- and goat-meat were banned; an export duty on jute manufactures was imposed on 18 February and lifted on 8 September. (Annual Report on Exchange Controls, International Monetary Fund, 1981, pp. 205-13.) The Import and Export Policy (April 1982, March 1983)announced by the Commerce Ministry reported the banning of exports of cane, paraffin wax, mustard and rape-seedoil, and `certain
wild-life items’, including lizards and robins. An embargo on the export of CTC (cut, tear and curl) tea was announced by the Ministry of Commerce on 24December 1983. CTC is high-quality tea which accounts for about three-quarters of India’s tea exports. The ban followed a doubling of domestic prices over the previous year, compulsory registration of tea dealers holding more than 1,000 kg. to prevent hoarding, and agreement by manufacturers to reduce their profit margins and cut prices ofpackaged tea by about 20 per cent (Financial Times, 14 December 1983). The Indian Government apparently feared that the supply of tea for the domestic market was going to run out (The Times, 5 January 1984). The effect of thesemeasures is artificially to depress prices in the domestic market whilst raising them overseas (The Economist, 14 January 1984).

[33] Pick’s Currency Year-book, various editions

[34] Krueger (1977), op. cit., pp. 27-28.

[35] Balassa (1978), op. cit., p. 39; Balassa (1980), op. cit., p. 16.

[36] Ibid.,p. 22.

[37] Short surveys of the relevant practices can be found in Lele, op. cit.,Appendix 1, pp. 225-37, and Sukhatme, op. cit., pp. 29-37. Also Gilbert Brown, `Agricultural pricing policies in developing countries’, and G. E.Schuh, `Approaches to “basic needs” and to “equity” that distort incentives in agriculture’, in Schultz (ed.), op. cit.,pp. 84-113 and pp. 307-27 respectively.

[38] Theoretical economists have long recognised that a fundamental flaw in, for example, the Arrow-Debreu model is its assumption that all conceivable futures contracts are practicable. The longest futures price actually quoted at
the Chicago Board of Trade, however, would be for silver, at about two years; for grains, the longest would be only about three months. Since the natural market outcome is a far-cry from the theory, the Indian Government’s fears about the effects of speculation appear to be much exaggerated. To see the risk-dispersing character of a futures contract, let us suppose that both buyer and seller place a probability of one-half on prices being either in 8 or 2; if they are risk-averse, they may prefer to trade at a certain futures price of 5 now, rather than wait for the future to unfold.

[39] David Hopper, `Distortions of agricultural development resulting from Government prohibitions,’ Schultz (ed.), op. cit., p. 69 ff.

[40] K. Prasad, `Foodgrains policy 1966-1976′, in Wadhwa (ed.), op. cit., p.479.

[41] Schultz (ed.), op. cit., p. 309.

[42] Sukhatme, op. cit., pp. 74-86; T. W. Schultz, `On the economics and politics of agriculture’, in Schultz(ed.), op. cit., p. 15 ff.

[43] Schultz (ed.), op. cit., pp. 92-93.

[44] Ibid.,p. 95.

[45] T. N. Srinivasan, `Income Distribution: A survey of policy-aspects’, in Wadhwa (ed.), op. cit., p. 265. That the small farmer may not find it profitable to invest in storage, and that (if it has been taxed) agriculture has been taxed regressively, are also remarked upon by Srinivasan.

[46] Lele, op. cit., p. 2, where reference is made to Sir Henry Knight, Food Administration in India, Stanford University Press, Stanford, 1954.

[47] Lele, op. cit., pp. 214-24

[48] For example, M. Todaro, `A model of labor migration and urban unemployment in less developed countries’, American Economic Review, March 1969, 59, pp. 138-48; J. P. Harris & M. Todaro, `Migration,unemployment and development: a two-sector analysis’, American Economic Review, March 1970 60, pp. 126-42.The best paper known to the author is by Jerome Rothenberg, `On the economics of internal migration’, Working Paper No. 189, Dept. of Economics, MIT, July 1976.

[49] Thomas Sowell, Knowledge and Decisions, Basic Books, New York, 1980, pp. 268-69.

[50] `The logic of protection’, The Statesman, Editorial, 19 March 1981; also the Editorial, `Danger of caste ethnic

[51] S. K. Datta Ray, `Backlash to protection: fancy gifts ignore real reform’, The Statesman Weekly, 21 March 1981.

[52]M. Weiner, M. F. Katzenstein, K.V.N. Rao, India’s preferential policies : migrants, the middle classes and ethnic equality, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1981, pp. 16-17.

[53] Ibid. p. 5

[54] P. T. Bauer, `Population explosion: myths and realities’, in Equality, the Third World and Economic Delusion, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass., 1981, pp. 42-65, contains some of the clearest arguments known to the author about this question; also M. Weiner, India at the Polls : the Parliamentary Election of 1977, American Enterprise Institute, Washington DC, 1978, pp. 35-39.

[55] 10 8 million people affected by floods’, The Statesman Weekly, 22 August 1981; also `Down the drain’, Editorial in The Statesman, 8 July 1981.

[56] Justice with speed’, Editorial in The Statesman, Calcutta and New Delhi, 21 July, 1980

[57] Aristotle, op. cit., 1,094a1-1, 094b11.

[58] There are few thorough studies known to the author that are relevant. One such is Asha L. Dattar, India’s Economic Relations with the USSR and Eastern Europe 1953-1969, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1972.

[59] Bauer (1981) op. cit. Chapters 5 & 6.

[60]. Adam Smith op cit Book IV; also B. Baysinger et al.,`Mercantilism as a rent-seeking society’, in Buchanan et al (eds) op. cit. pp. 235-68.

[61] G. Tullock in Buchanan et al. (eds.), op. cit., p. 48.

[62] Bauer (1981), op. cit., p. 144.

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Bibliography, Books, Public Lectures, Memoranda, Memoirs

Some Recent Work

My Recent Tweets

Index of Names and Subjects

[See also “I’m on my way out”: Siddhartha Shankar Ray (1920-2010)…An Economist’s Tribute”; “Rajiv Gandhi and the Origins of India’s 1991 Economic Reform”; “Three Memoranda to Rajiv Gandhi 1990-1991″

Contents

Part I: Facts vs Fiction, Flattery, Falsification, etc

1. Problem

2. Rajiv Gandhi, Siddhartha Shankar Ray, Milton Friedman & Myself

3. Jagdish Bhagwati & Manmohan Singh? That just don’t fly!

4. Amartya Sen’s Half-Baked Communism: “To each according to his need”?

Part II: India’s Right Road Forward Now: Some Thoughtful Analysis for Grown Ups

5. Transcending a Left-Right/Congress-BJP Divide in Indian Politics

6. Budgeting Military & Foreign Policy

7. Solving the Kashmir Problem & Relations with Pakistan

8. Dealing with Communist China

9. Towards Coherence in Public Accounting, Public Finance & Public Decision-Making

10. India’s Money: Towards Currency Integrity at Home & Abroad

Part I: Facts vs Fiction, Flattery, Falsification, etc

1. Problem

Arvind Panagariya says in the Times of India of 27 July 2013

“…if in 1991 India embraced many of the Track-I reforms, writings by Sen played no role in it… The intellectual origins of the reforms are to be found instead in the writings of Bhagwati, both solely and jointly with Padma Desai and T N Srinivasan….”

Now Amartya Sen has not claimed involvement in the 1991 economic reforms so we are left with Panagariya claiming

“The intellectual origins of the reforms are to be found instead in the writings of Bhagwati…”

Should we suppose Professor Panagariya’s master and co-author Jagdish Bhagwati himself substantially believes and claims the same? Three recent statements from Professor Bhagwati suffice by way of evidence:

(A) Bhagwati said to parliamentarians in the Lok Sabha on 2 December 2010 about the pre-1991 situation:

(B) Bhagwati said to Economic Times on 28 July 2013:

(C) And Bhagwati said in Business Standard of 9 August 2013:

Bhagwati’s opponent in current debate, Amartya Sen, has been in agreement with him that Manmohan, their common friend during college days at Cambridge in the 1950s, was a principal originating the 1991 reforms, saying to Forbes in 2006:

“When Manmohan Singh came to office in the early 1990s as the newly appointed finance minister, in a government led by the Congress Party, he knew these problems well enough, as someone who had been strongly involved in government administration for a long time.”

You can decide for yourself where the truth, ever such an elusive and fragile thing, happens to be and what is best done about it. Here is some evidence.

2. Rajiv Gandhi, Siddhartha Shankar Ray, Milton Friedman & Myself

Professor Arvind Panagariya is evidently an American economics professor of Indian national origin who holds the Jagdish Bhagwati Chair of Indian Political Economy at Columbia University. I am afraid I had not known his name until he mentioned my name in Economic Times of 24 October 2001. He said

In mentioning the volume “edited by Subroto Roy and William E James”, Professor Panagariya did not appear to find the normal scientific civility to identify our work by name, date or publisher. So here that is now:

In 1981-1982 my doctoral thesis emerged, titled “On liberty & economic growth: preface to a philosophy for India”,

The Times had said

I felt there were inaccuracies in this and so replied dated 4 June which The Times published on 16 June 1984:

I published Milton’s document for the first time on 21 May 1989 at the conference of the Hawaii project over the loud objection of assorted leftists…

Manmohan Singh was not there as he precisely represented the Indian economic policy establishment I had been determined to reform! In any case, he had left India about 1987 on his last assignment before retirement, with Julius Nyerere of Tanzania relating to the “South-South Commission”.

Besides, and most important of all, neither Bhagwati nor Sen had done work in the areas we were centrally interested in, namely, India’s macroeconomic and foreign trade framework and fiscal and monetary policies.

Bhagwati, after his excellent 1970 work with Padma Desai for the OECD on Indian industry and trade, also co-authored with TN Srinivasan a fine 1975 volume for the NBER Foreign Trade Regimes and Economic Development: India.

Along with Milton Friedman’s suppressed 1955 memorandum which I was publishing for the first time in 1989, TN Srinivasan and Amaresh Bagchi authored the three main economic policy chapters that we felt we wanted.

Milton himself said this about his experience with me in his memoirs:

And Milton wrote on my behalf when I came to be attacked, being Indian, at the very University that had sponsored us:

In August 1990 in Delhi I came to tell Siddhartha Shankar Ray about the unpublished India-manuscript resulting from the Hawaii project that was in my possession as it headed to its publisher.

Ray was involved in daily political parlays at his Delhi home with other Congress Party personages led by PV Narasimha Rao. These senior regional figures seemed to me to be keeping their national leader, Rajiv Gandhi, aloof in splendid isolation at 10 Jan Path.

“Congress manifesto was written on his computer”.

This was accurate enough to the extent that the 22 March 1991 draft as asked for by Rajiv and that came to explicitly affect policy had been and remains on my then-new NEC laptop.

On 28 December 2009, Rajiv’s widow in an official Congress Party statement finally declared her late husband

“left his personal imprint on the (Congress) party’s manifesto of 1991.″

Siddhartha Shankar Ray and I met last in July 2009, when I gave him a copy of this 2005 volume I had created, which pleased him much.

“I will call her and her people to a meeting here so you can meet them and tell them that directly”.

It never transpired. In our last phone conversation I mentioned to him my plans of creating a Public Policy Institute — an idea he immediately and fully endorsed as being essential though adding “I can’t be part of it, I’m on my way out”.

“I’m on my way out”. That was Siddhartha Shankar Ray — always intelligent, always good-humoured, always public-spirited, always a great Indian, my only friend among politicians other than the late Rajiv Gandhi himself.

3. Jagdish Bhagwati & Manmohan Singh? That just don’t fly!

Jagdish would have had to say yes, since not only had he received a copy of the proofs of my 1984 IEA work Pricing, Planning and Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India, he was kind enough to write in a letter dated 15 May 1984 that I had

“done an excellent job of setting out the problems afflicting our economic policies, unfortunately government-made problems!”

**(B) Bhagwati said to Economic Times on 28 July 2013:**

**(C) And Bhagwati said in Business Standard of 9 August 2013:**

**I felt there were inaccuracies in this and so replied dated 4 June which The Times published on 16 June 1984:**