My article “India’s Money” in the *Cayman Financial Review*, July 2012, is linked here.
My article “India’s Money” in the *Cayman Financial Review*, July 2012
July 21, 2012 — drsubrotoroyInterview by the BBC of Dr Subroto Roy at Oxford after Sonia Gandhi’s May 2004 victory
April 21, 2012 — drsubrotoroyRevisiting “On Hindus and Muslims” in 2011…
June 28, 2011 — drsubrotoroyFrom Facebook June 28 2011:
Hindus hear and enjoy the Azan as dusk falls, Muslims walk past and enjoy the smells of Hindu flowers and incense and the sounds of chants and temple bells — that is India, that is Kolkata, that is Indian secularism…
Revisiting “On Hindus and Muslims” (2009)
November 3, 2009
It is four years exactly since I published “On Hindus and Muslims”. I have had cause to revisit it today while saying at Facebook:
“Subroto Roy does not mind at all that 150 million Muslim Indians have been forbidden by their clergy from singing Vande Mataram — in fact rather sees their point of view. The Supreme Court of India also once upheld the right of two Jehovah’s Witnesses children who declined to sing Jana Gana Mana at school. India is a free country in such respects.
The Muslim point of view is that Muslim patriotism can be one of *love* for India without having to be one of *worship* of India — worship having to be reserved for Allah alone.
Hindus, for their part, do not take their own worship quite so seriously, and there is a lot of it — being happy enough to worship the mountains, the seas, the rivers, the birds and beasts and even sometimes other humans too…Or, for that matter, nothing at all…”
“Subroto Roy feels that if he had been Muslim by faith and a believer he may have preferred to live in a society where Muslims are a minority rather than one where almost everyone is Muslim. A Muslim believer allowed to freely practise among a majority of non-Muslims constantly finds faith reaffirmed within every day, whereas in a society where everyone is Muslim the problem always arises as to who is a bad, good or better Muslim.”
On Hindus and Muslims
November 6, 2005
On Hindus and Muslims
by
Subroto Roy
First published in The Statesman, Perspective Page, Nov 6 2005, www.thestatesman.net
The one practical contribution made to India’s polity by the Hindu Mahasabha was to thwart the Sarat Bose/Suhrawardy idea in 1946-1947 of a “United Bengal”, which inevitably would have led to Kolkata andWest Bengal becoming part of Pakistan. The one practical contribution made to India’s polity by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh was to help defend against the Pakistani attack upon Jammu & Kashmir which commenced on 22 October 1947 and included the Rape of Baramulla a few days later. The RSS contribution may have been more than what Sheikh Abdullah and the National Conference or Jawaharlal Nehru and the Government of India cared to admit because it had had an offensive aspect as well; RSS attacks on Muslim civilians in the Mirpur-Pooncharea later formed the basis of Pakistan’s justification for the October 1947 attack and the origins of the “Azad Kashmir” idea. Practical contributions were also made by individuals like Shyama Prosad Mookerjee, who, for example, as a member of Nehru’s Cabinet, responded immediately to information received from a young Government of India officer in Karachi in September 1947, sending ships and Navy frigates from Bombay to retrieve thousands of Hindu refugees in danger of being massacred. The one theoretical contribution made by the Hindutvadi organisations in India has been to establish that it is not a matter of shame and can be a matter of pride to be a Hindu, or, more generally, to be an Indian in the modern world. This is important, even though most RSS and BJP members today may have altogether failed themselves to understand its nature and significance. Indeed, the small handful of Muslims who have been part of their organisations may have understood it rather better.
To be Muslim, a person has only to believe that God is One and Muhammad is the last of the prophets, i.e. to pronounce the Kalma. Nothing else is either necessary or sufficient. Praying daily, facing Mecca (or Jerusalem before it), going on pilgrimage, fasting during Ramzan, giving to the poor, circumcising boys, polygamy, inducing the modesty of women though seclusion or the veil, have all been part of Muslim practice for ever because they were aspects of the Prophet’s life. But if a Muslim did not pronounce the Kalma, everything else he/she might do is rendered meaningless. The Kalma is necessary and sufficient for Islamic belief. All else is incidental and logically superfluous.
The first half of the Kalma is a commitment to an austere monotheistic ontology; the second half is an oath of fidelity to the Prophet because he was the original exponent of this ontology (in Arabic). Muhammad (572-632 AD) was without a doubt among the greatest of men, as may be measured by his vast impact on human history. His total self-effacement and abhorrence of adulation was signified when at his death it was famously said “If you are worshippers of Muhammad, know that he is dead. If you are worshippers of God, know that God is living and does not die”.
Abul Kalam Azad understood well that there was no contradiction between being Muslim by faith and Indian by nationality. “My ancestors came to India from Herat in Babar’s time…” is how he began his autobiography. No one could think Azad anything but a proud Indian nationalist. No one ~ certainly not MA Jinnah ~ could think of Azad as anything but a Muslim and a scholar of Islam. Yet Azad’s respect and admiration (like that of Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan) knew no bounds for the only reformer since Vivekananda that Hinduism has seen in the 20th century: a Congress politician by the name of MK Gandhi,who came to be murdered by Hindu fanatics. By contrast, Jinnah, the political founder of Pakistan, could see Congress only as a Hindu party and Gandhi the Hindu leader using Hindu symbols against whom he was juxtaposed in a struggle for power after the British left: “Congress leaders may shout as much as they like that the Congress is a national body. But …(the) Congress is nothing but a Hindu body,” he declared in 1938. Jinnah’s ambition, and that of the separatist Muslim elite, demanded that they rule themselves in isolation in corners of India.
Throughout the period of Hindu Westernisation in response to the opening to the world presented by the British Raj, the Muslim elite were instead chafing under the idea that an India free of British rule could possibly have Muslims living under governments composed of people who were not “People of the Book” mentioned in the Muslim scriptures. Even if British rule had been almost intolerable in Muslim eyes ~ rendering India’s territory dar-ul-harb at worst or dar-ul-aman at best ~ the British were at least “People of the Book”. After a British departure, rule over Muslims by a Hindu majority, supported by the much-feared Sikhs (“kaffirs with beards” in Muslim popular perception), was felt to be psychologically intolerable. Not only were Hindus, in Muslim eyes, polytheistic believers in idol-worship and practitioners of a caste-system, but everyone knew that the vast majority of India’s Muslims had been themselves converts from the same Hindu social and cultural origins, and there would be constant danger of relapse of Muslims into Hindu beliefs and practices if the country was governed by a Hindu majority. The slogan “Islam in danger” has always had substance in the sense that the faithful have constantly had to mind the dangers of yielding to temptations around them, including scepticism, syncretism and pantheism. Hence, insularity and communalism ~ a psychological circling of the wagons in terms of the American Wild West ~ was a natural political response of Muslims to the Hindu (and Parsee and Christian) modernisation of India in the 19th and 20th centuries.
Such were the implicit unspoken premises driving the Pakistan Movement which Iqbal and Jinnah came to lead in the 20th century. The origins lay in the thoughts and deeds of Shah Wali Allah (1703-1762) and his Arab contemporary in Nejd, Mohammad Ibn Abdal Wahhab, the founder of Wahhabism. It continued with men like Sayyid Ahmed Barelvi(1786-1831), and Titu Mir (1782-1831), until we reach the Islamic “moderniser” Sayyid Ahmed Khan who, while being the founder of Muslim higher education at Aligarh, was also the fountainhead of the separatism that led to the Muslim League’s creation in 1906. “We are an Arab people whose fathers have fallen in exile in the country of Hindustan, and Arabic genealogy and Arabic language are our pride,” Wali Allah had said. Barelvi after him declared: “We must repudiate all those Indian, Persian and Roman customs which are contrary to the Prophet’s teaching.” “In the later 1820s, (Barelvi’s) movement became militant, regarding jihad as one of the basic tenets of faith. Possibly encouraged by the British, with whom the movement did not feel powerful enough to come to grips at the outset, it chose as the venue of jihad the NW frontier of the subcontinent, where it was directed against the Sikhs. Barelvi temporarily succeeded in carving out a small theocratic principality which collapsed owing to the friction between his Pathan and North Indian followers; and he was finally defeated and slain by the Sikhs (at the battle of Balakot) in 1831,” points out Aziz Ahmed, in AL Basham’s A Cultural History of India. Barelvi’s jihadi proto-Pakistan state near Peshawar was named Tariqa-yi Muhammadiya; it may have survived at Sittana until the First World War. Leaving to one side Rahmat Ali’s lonely scheming from England and invention on the top floor of a London bus of the name “PAKSTAN”, such was the genesis of Iqbal and Jinnah’s Muslim state.
Azad, on behalf of scores of millions of Muslim Indians including Sheikh Abdullah and Zakir Hussain and Ghaffar Khan among the most prominent, candidly raised objections to this entire exercise: “I must confess that the very term Pakistan goes against my grain. It suggests that some portions of the world are pure while others are impure. Such a division of territories into pure and impure is un-Islamic and is more in keeping with orthodox Brahmanism which divides men and countries into holy and unholy – a division which is a repudiation of the very spirit of Islam. Islam recognises no such division and the Prophet says `God made the whole world a mosque for me’.”
Azad had seen that India is or can be dar-ul-Islam or at least dar-ul-aman and not dar-ul-harb, because the Muslim in this land of ours –bounded by the mountains and the seas, with the rivers in between them, all of which the Hindu finds sacred and imagines to be the home of the Hindu pantheon – is in fact able to practise his/her faith freely despite the majority culture superficially being or seeming to be one which is polytheistic and pantheistic. The majority culture in India has had no theoretical or practical difficulty with the recitation of the Kalma anywhere or anytime in the country. The handful of Muslims in the RSS and BJP today may have understood something of the same. Visiting Pakistanis today are amazed by two things in India: the presence of women in public life and the fact that Muslims are free to practise Islam. Muslims may privately believe their Hindu compatriots or cousins to be hopelessly ignorant of the truth, and vice-versa, but nothing in public life needs to hinge on such mutual beliefs people have aboutone another. That is what was meant when the present author said in the Introduction to Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy that Jinnah’s address to Pakistan’s Constituent Assembly was as secular as any that may be found.
Silver Jubilee of “Pricing, Planning & Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India”
May 29, 2011 — drsubrotoroyMay 29 2009:
It is a quarter century precisely today since my monograph Pricing, Planning and Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India was first published in London by the Institute of Economic Affairs.
Its text is now available (in slightly rough form) at this site here.
Now in May 1984, Indira Gandhi ruled in Delhi, and the ghost of Brezhnev was still fresh in Moscow. The era of Margaret Thatcher in Britain and Ronald Reagan in America was at its height. Pricing, Planning & Politics emerged from my 1976-1982 doctoral thesis at Cambridge though it came to be written in Blacksburg and Ithaca in 1982-1983. It was the first critique after BR Shenoy of India’s Sovietesque economics since Jawaharlal Nehru’s time.
The Times, London’s most eminent paper at the time, wrote its lead editorial comment about it on the day it was published, May 29 1984.
It used to take several days for the library at Virginia Tech in Blacksburg to receive its copy of The Times of London and other British newspapers. I had not been told of the date of publication and did not know of what had happened in London on May 29 until perhaps June 2 — when a friend, Vasant Dave of a children’s charity, who was on campus, phoned me and congratulated me for being featured in The Times which he had just read in the University Library. “You mean they’ve reviewed it?” I asked him, “No, it’s the lead editorial.” “What?” I exclaimed. There was worse. Vasant was very soft-spoken and said “Yes, it’s titled ‘India’s Bad Example’” — which I misheard on the phone as “India’s Mad Example” 
Drat! I thought (or words to that effect), they must have lambasted me, as I rushed down to the Library to take a look.
The Times had said
“When Mr. Dennis Healey in the Commons recently stated that Hongkong, with one per cent of the population of India has twice India’s trade, he was making an important point about Hongkong but an equally important point about India. If Hongkong with one per cent of its population and less than 0.03 per cert of India’s land area (without even water as a natural resource) can so outpace India, there must be something terribly wrong with the way Indian governments have managed their affairs, and there is. A paper by an Indian economist published today (Pricing, Planning and Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India by Subroto Roy, IEA £1.80) shows how Asia’s largest democracy is gradually being stifled by the imposition of economic policies whose woeful effect and rhetorical unreality find their echo all over the Third World. As with many of Britain’s former imperial possessions, the rot set in long before independence. But as with most of the other former dependencies, the instrument of economic regulation and bureaucratic control set up by the British has been used decisively and expansively to consolidate a statist regime which inhibits free enterprise, minimizes economic success and consolidates the power of government in all spheres of the economy. We hear little of this side of things when India rattles the borrowing bowl or denigrates her creditors for want of further munificence. How could Indian officials explain their poor performance relative to Hongkong? Dr Roy has the answers for them. He lists the causes as a large and heavily subsidized public sector, labyrinthine control over private enterprise, forcibly depressed agricultural prices, massive import substitution, government monopoly of foreign exchange transactions, artificially overvalued currency and the extensive politicization of the labour market, not to mention the corruption which is an inevitable side effect of an economy which depends on the arbitrament of bureaucrats. The first Indian government under Nehru took its cue from Nehru’s admiration of the Soviet economy, which led him to believe that the only policy for India was socialism in which there would be “no private property except in a restricted sense and the replacement of the private profit system by a higher ideal of cooperative service.” Consequently, the Indian government has now either a full monopoly or is one of a few oligipolists in banking, insurance, railways, airlines, cement, steel, chemicals, fertilizers, ship-building, breweries, telephones and wrist-watches. No businessman can expand his operation while there is any surplus capacity anywhere in that sector. He needs government approval to modernize, alter his price-structure, or change his labour shift. It is not surprising that a recent study of those developing countries which account for most manufactured exports from the Third World shows that India’s share fell from 65 percent in 1953 to 10 per cent in 1973; nor, with the numerous restrictions on inter-state movement of grains, that India has over the years suffered more from an inability to cope with famine than during the Raj when famine drill was centrally organized and skillfully executed without restriction. Nehru’s attraction for the Soviet model has been inherited by his daughter, Mrs. Gandhi. Her policies have clearly positioned India more towards the Soviet Union than the West. The consequences of this, as Dr Roy states, is that a bias can be seen in “the antipathy and pessimism towards market institutions found among the urban public, and sympathy and optimism to be found for collectivist or statist ones.” All that India has to show for it is the delivery of thousands of tanks in exchange for bartered goods, and the erection of steel mills and other heavy industry which help to perpetuate the unfortunate obsession with industrial performance at the expense of agricultural growth and the relief of rural poverty.”…..
I felt this may have been intended to be laudatory but it was also inaccurate and had to be corrected. I replied dated June 4 which The Times published in their edition of June 16 1984:
I was 29 when Pricing, Planning and Politics was published, I am 54 now. I do not agree with everything I said in it and find the tone a little puffed up as young men tend to be; it was also five years before my main “theoretical” work Philosophy of Economics would be published. My experience of life in the years since has also made me far less sanguine both about human nature and about America than I was then. But I am glad to find I am not embarrassed by what I said then, indeed I am pleased I said what I did in favour of classical liberalism and against statism and totalitarianism well before it became popular to do so after the Berlin Wall fell. (In India as elsewhere, former communist apparatchiks and fellow-travellers became pseudo-liberals overnight.)
The editorial itself may have been due to a conversation between Peter Bauer and William Rees-Mogg, so I later heard. The work sold 700 copies in its first month, a record for the publisher. The wife of one prominent Indian bureaucrat told me in Delhi in December 1988 it had affected her husband’s thinking drastically. A senior public finance economist told me he had been deputed at the Finance Ministry when the editorial appeared, and the Indian High Commission in London had urgently sent a copy of the editorial to the Ministry where it caused a stir. An IMF official told me years later that he saw the editorial on board a flight to India from the USA on the same day, and stopped in London to make a trip to the LSE’s bookshop to purchase a copy. Professor Jagdish Bhagwati of Columbia University had been a critic of aspects of Indian policy; he received a copy in draft just before it was published and was kind enough to write I had “done an excellent job of setting out the problems afflicting our economic policies, unfortunately government-made problems!”
Siddhartha Shankar Ray told me when we first met that he had been in London when the editorial appeared and had seen it there; it affected his decision to introduce me to Rajiv Gandhi as warmly as he came to do a half dozen years later.
Within a few months though, by the Fall of 1984, I was under attack by the “gang of inert game theorists” who had come to Blacksburg following the departure of James Buchanan. By mid 1985 I had moved to Provo, Utah, really rather wishing, as I recall, to have left my India-work behind me. But by late 1986, I was at the University of Hawaii, Manoa, where the perestroika-for-India and Pakistan projects that I and WE James led, had come to be sponsored by the University and the East West Center.
The unpublished results of the India-project reached Rajiv Gandhi by my hand on September 18 1990 as has been told elsewhere. A week later, on September 25 1990, Rajiv appointed a small group that included myself, to advise him. It was that encounter with Rajiv Gandhi that sparked the origins of the 1991 economic reform. Yet in 2007 one member of the group, declaring himself close to Sonia Gandhi, brazenly lied in public saying it was Manmohan Singh and not I who had been part of the group — a group of which I had been in fact the first member! Manmohan Singh himself has never claimed to have been present and in fact was not even in India at the time it was formed.
I have explained elsewhere here why I believe this specific lie came to be told by this specific liar who shared membership with me in the group that Rajiv had formed: because I had also pleaded with many and especially within this group that Rajiv had seemed, to my layman’s eyes, very vulnerable to assassination, and none of them had lifted a finger to do anything about it! Such is how duplicity, envy and greed for power make people mendacious and venal in politics!
As for Pricing, Planning and Politics, Dr Manmohan Singh received a personal copy from my father whom he had long known through the Kaul brothers, Brahma and Madan, both of whom were dear friends of my father since the War and Independence. From a letter Dr Singh wrote to my father, he would have received his copy in late 1986 when he was heading the Planning Commission in his penultimate appointment before retirement from the bureaucracy.
Readers of Pricing, Planning and Politics today, 25 years after it was published, may judge for themselves what if any part of it may be still relevant to the new government that Dr Singh is now prime minister of. The work was mostly one of applied microeconomics or the theory of value; in recent years I have written much also of applied macroeconomics or the theory of money as it relates to India. My great professor at Cambridge, Frank Hahn, was kind enough to say in 1985 that he thought my “critique of Development Economics was powerful not only on methodological but also on economic theory grounds”; that to me has been a special source of delight.
Subroto Roy, Kolkata
“I’m on my way out”: Siddhartha Shankar Ray (1920-2010)
November 7, 2010 — drsubrotoroy
I am grieved to hear of the death of Siddhartha Shankar Ray last night.
I was introduced to him by an uncle who had been his college-buddy, and he took up a grave personal matter of mine in the Supreme Court of India in 1990 with great kindness, charging me not a penny, being impressed by a little explicit “civil disobedience” I had had to show at the time towards Judge Evelyn Lance.
He also told me he and his wife had been in London on May 29 1984 and had seen *The Times*’s leader that day about my critique of Indian economic policy. He invited me to his Delhi home where I told him about the perestroika-for-India project I had led at the University of Hawaii since 1986, at which he, of his own accord, declared
“You must meet Rajiv Gandhi. I will arrange a meeting”.
That led to my meeting with Rajiv Gandhi, then Congress President & Leader of the Opposition, on September 18 1990, which contributed to the origins of India’s 1991 economic reform as has been told elsewhere. Rajiv’s assistant George told me Rajiv had said he had not heard more fulsome praise.
In Bengal, he took me as a guest to visit the Legislative Assembly in session when he was Leader of the Opposition; it was the legislature of which my great grandfather, Surendranath Roy, had been a founder, being the first Deputy President and acting President too; Surendranath had been friends with his maternal grandfather, CR Das, leader of the Congress Party before MK Gandhi, and he said to me in the car heading to the legislature about that relationship in Bengal’s politics some seven decades earlier “They were friends”.
He introduced me to all the main leaders of the Bengal Congress at the time (except Mamata Banerjee who could not come) and I was tasked by him to write the manifesto for the State elections that year, which I did (in English, translated into Bangla by Professor Manjula Bose); the Communists won handily again but one of their leaders (Sailen Dasgupta) declared there had never been a State Congress manifesto of the sort before, being as it was an Orwell-like critique of Bengal’s Stalinism.
In a later conversation, I said to him I wished he be appointed envoy to Britain, he instead came to be appointed envoy to the USA.
In Washington in September 1993, he said “You must meet Manmohan Singh”, and invited me to a luncheon at the Ambassador’s Residence where, to Manmohan Singh and all his aides, he declared pointing at me
“The Congress manifesto (of 1991) was written on his (laptop) computer”.
In later years I kept him informed of developments and gave him my publications. We last met in July last year where I gave him a copy, much to his delight, of *Margaret Thatcher’s Revolution: How it Happened and What it Meant*.
I said to him Bengal’s public finances were in abysmal condition, calling for emergency measures financially, and that Mamata Banerjee seemed to me to be someone who knew how to and would dislodge the Communists from their entrenched misgovernance of decades but not quite aware that dislodging a bad government politically was not the same thing as knowing how to govern properly oneself.
He, again of his own accord, said immediately,
“I will call her and her main people to a meeting here so you can meet them and tell them that directly”.
It never transpired.
He and I were supposed to meet a few months ago but could not due to his poor health; on the phone in our last conversation I mentioned to him my plans of creating a Public Policy Institute — an idea he immediately and fully endorsed as being essential though adding
“I can’t be part of it, I’m on my way out”.
“I’m on my way out”. 
That was Siddhartha Shankar Ray — always intelligent, always good-humoured, always public-spirited, always a great Indian.
I shall miss a good friend, indeed my only friend among politicians other than the late Rajiv Gandhi himself.
Kolkata, November 7 2010
Memo to Mr Chidambaram: On the Existence of a Unique and Stable Solution to the Jammu & Kashmir Problem that is Lawful, Just and Economically Efficient
October 15, 2009 — drsubrotoroyThe Honourable P. Chidambaram
Home Minister of India
Respected Sir,
You may recall our brief interaction at the residence of the late Shri Rajiv Gandhi in September-October 1990, and also my visit to you in July 1995 when you were a member of the late Shri Narasimha Rao’s Government.
I am delighted to read in today’s paper that you believe a “unique solution” exists to the grave mortal problem of Jammu & Kashmir. I write to say that almost four years ago, I published in The Statesman my discovery of the existence of precisely such a unique solution in the three-part article “Solving Kashmir”.
This came to be followed by “Law, Justice and J&K”, “History of Jammu & Kashmir”, “Pakistan’s Allies”, “What to tell Musharraf” and a few others. The purpose of this open letter is to describe that solution which provides, I believe, the only just and lawful path available to the resolution of what has been known universally as the Kashmir problem.
Very briefly, it involves recognizing that the question of lawful territorial sovereignty in J&K is logically distinct from the question of the choice of nationality by individual inhabitants. The solution requires
(a) acknowledging that the original legal entity in the world system of nations known as Jammu & Kashmir arose on March 16 1846 and ceased to exist on or about October 22 1947; that the military contest that commenced on the latter date has in fact resulted, given all particular circumstances of history, in the lawful and just outcome in international law;
(b) offering all who may be Indian nationals or stateless and who presently live under Article 370, a formal choice of nationality between the Republics of India, Iran, Afghanistan and Pakistan: citizen-by-citizen, without fear or favour, under conditions of full information, individual privacy and security; any persons who voluntarily choose to renounce Indian nationality in such private individual decisions would be nevertheless granted lawful permanent residence in the Indian Republic and J&K in particular.
In other words, the dismemberment of the original J&K State and annexation of its territories by the entities known today as the Republic of Pakistan and Republic of India that occurred since October 22 1947, as represented first by the 1949 Ceasefire Line and then by the 1972 Line of Control, is indeed the just and lawful outcome prevailing in respect of the question of territorial sovereignty and jurisdiction. The remaining democratic question has to do with free individual choice of nationality by inhabitants, under conditions of full information and privacy, citizen-by-citizen, with the grant of permanent residency rights by the Indian Republic to persons under its jurisdiction in J&K who might wish to choose, for deeply personal individual reasons, not to remain Indian nationals but become Afghan, Iranian or Pakistani nationals instead (or remain stateless). Pakistan has said frequently its sole concern has been the freedom of Muslims of J&K under Indian rule, and any such genuine concern shall have been thereby fully met by India. Indeed if Pakistan agreed to act similarly this entire complex mortal problem of decades shall have begun to be resolved most appropriately. Pakistan and India are both wracked by corruption, poverty and bad governance, and would be able to mutually draw down military forces pit against one another everywhere, so as to begin to repair the grave damage to their fiscal health caused over decades by the deleterious draining away of vast public resources.
The full reasoning underlying this, which I believe to be the only lawful, just, efficient and stable solution that exists, is thoroughly explained in the following six articles. The first five, “Solving Kashmir”, “Law, Justice & J&K”, “History of J&K”, and “Pakistan’s Allies”, “What to Tell Musharraf” were published in The Statesman in 2005-2006 and are marked ONE, TWO, THREE, FOUR and FIVE below, and are also available elsewhere here. The sixth “An Indian Reply to President Zardari”, marked SIX, was published for the first time here following the Mumbai massacres.
I believe careful reflection upon this entire body of reasoning may lead all reasonable men and women to a practically unanimous consensus about this as the appropriate course of action; if such a consensus happened to arise, the implementation of the solution shall only be a matter of (relatively) uncomplicated procedural detail.
Cordially yours
Subroto Roy, PhD (Cantab.), BScEcon (London)
Kolkata, October 15 2009
“ONE
SOLVING KASHMIR: ON AN APPLICATION OF REASON by Subroto Roy First published in three parts in The Statesman, Editorial Page Special Article, December 1,2,3 2005, http://www.thestatesman.net
(This article has its origins in a paper “Towards an Economic Solution for Kashmir” which circulated in Washington DC in 1992-1995, including at the Indian and Pakistani embassies and the Carnegie Endowment, and was given as an invited lecture at the Heritage Foundation on June 23 1998. It should be read along with other articles also republished here, especially “History of J&K”, “Law, Justice and J&K” , “Understanding Pakistan”, “Pakistan’s Allies” and “What to Tell Musharraf”. The Washington paper and lecture itself originated from my ideas in the Introduction to Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy, edited by WE James and myself in the University of Hawaii project on Pakistan 1986-1992.)
I. Give Indian `Green Cards’ to the Hurriyat et al
India, being a liberal democracy in its constitutional law, cannot do in Jammu & Kashmir what Czechoslovakia did to the “Sudeten Germans” after World War II. On June 18 1945 the new Czechoslovakia announced those Germans and Magyars within their borders who could not prove they had been actively anti-fascist before or during the War would be expelled — the burden of proof was placed on the individual, not the State. Czechoslovakia “transferring” this population was approved by the Heads of the USA, UK and USSR Governments at Potsdam on August 2 1945. By the end of 1946, upto two million Sudeten Germans were forced to flee their homes; thousands may have died by massacre or otherwise; 165,000 remained who were absorbed as Czechoslovak citizens. Among those expelled were doubtless many who had supported Germany and many others who had not — the latter to this day seek justice or even an apology in vain. Czechoslovakia punished none of its nationals for atrocities, saying it had been revenge for Hitler’s evil (”badla” in Bollywood terms) and the post Cold War Czech Government too has declined to render an apology. Revenge is a wild kind of justice (while justice may be a civilised kind of revenge).
India cannot follow this savage precedent in international law. Yet we must recognise there are several hundred and up to several hundred thousand persons on our side of the boundary in the State of Jammu & Kashmir who do not wish to be Indian nationals. These people are presently our nationals ius soli, having been born in territory of the Indian Republic, and/or ius sanguinis, having been born of parents who are Indian nationals; or they may be “stateless” whom we must treat in accordance with the 1954 Convention on Stateless Persons. The fact is they may not wish to carry Indian passports or be Indian nationals.
In this respect their juridical persons resemble the few million “elite” Indians who have in the last few decades freely placed their hands on their hearts and solemnly renounced their Indian nationality, declaring instead their individual fidelity to other nation-states — becoming American, Canadian or Australian citizens, or British subjects or nationals of other countries. Such people include tens of thousands of the adult children of India’s metropolitan “elite”, who are annually visited abroad in the hot summer months by their Indian parents and relatives. They are daughters and sons of New Delhi’s Government and Opposition, of retired generals, air marshals, admirals, ambassadors, cabinet secretaries, public sector bureaucrats, private sector businessmen, university professors, journalists, doctors and many others. India’s most popular film-actress exemplified this “elite” capital-flight when, after a tireless search, she chose a foreign husband and moved to California.
The difference in Jammu & Kashmir would be that those wishing to renounce Indian nationality do not wish to move to any other place but to stay as and where they are, which is in Kashmir Valley or Jammu. Furthermore, they may wish, for whatever reason, to adopt, if they are eligible to do so, the nationality of e.g. the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan or the Islamic Republic of Iran or the Islamic Republic of Pakistan.
They may believe themselves descended from Ahmad Shah Abdali whose Afghans ruled or mis-ruled Kashmir Valley before being defeated by Ranjit Singh’s Sikhs in 1819. Or they may believe themselves of Iranian descent as, for example, are the Kashmiri cousins of the late Ayatollah Khomeini. Or they may simply have wished to be, or are descended from persons who had wished to be on October 26 1947, citizens of the then-new British Dominion of Pakistan — but who came to be prevented from properly expressing such a desire because of the war-like conditions that have prevailed ever since between India and Pakistan. There may be even a few persons in Laddakh who are today Indian nationals but who wish to be considered Tibetans instead; there is, however, no Tibetan Republic and it does not appear there is going to be one.
India, being a free and self-confident country, should allow, in a systematic lawful manner, all such persons to fulfil their desires, and furthermore, should ensure they are not penalised for having expressed such “anti-national” desires or for having acted upon them. Sir Mark Tully, the British journalist, is an example of someone who has been a foreign national who has chosen to reside permanently in the Republic of India — indeed he has been an exemplary permanent resident of our country. There are many others like him. There is no logical reason why all those persons in Jammu & Kashmir who do wish not to be Indians by nationality cannot receive the same legal status from the Indian Republic as has been granted to Sir Mark Tully. There are already thousands of Sri Lankan, Bangladeshi and Nepalese nationals who are lawful permanent residents in the Indian Republic, and who travel back and forth between India and their home countries. There is no logical reason why the same could not be extended to several hundred or numerous thousand people in Jammu & Kashmir who may wish to not accept or to renounce their Indian nationality (for whatever personal reason) and instead become nationals, if they are so eligible, of the Islamic Republics of Afghanistan, Iran or Pakistan, or, for that matter, to remain stateless. On the one hand, their renunciation of Indian nationality is logically equivalent to the renunciation of Indian nationality by the adult children of India’s “elite” settled in North America and Western Europe. On the other hand, their wish to adopt, if they are eligible, a foreign nationality, such as that of Afghanistan, Iran or Pakistan, and yet remain domiciled in Indian territory is logically equivalent to that of many foreign nationals domiciled in India already like Sir Mark Tully.
Now if you are a permanent resident of some country, you may legally have many, perhaps most, but certainly not all the rights and duties of nationals of that country. e.g., though you will have to pay all the same taxes, you may not be allowed to (or be required to) vote in national or provincial elections but you may in local municipal elections. At the same time, permanently residing foreign nationals are supposed to be equal under the law and have equal access to all processes of civil and criminal justice. (As may be expected though from human frailty, even the federal courts of the USA can be notorious in their injustice and racism towards “Green Card” holders relative to “full” American citizens.) Then again, as a permanently resident foreigner, while you will be free to work in any lawful trade or profession, you may not be allowed to work in some or perhaps any Government agencies, certainly not the armed forces or the police. Many Indians in the USA were engineering graduates, and because many engineering jobs or contracts in the USA are related to the US armed forces and require US citizens only, it is commonplace for Indian engineers to renounce their Indian nationality and become Americans because of this. Many Indian-American families have one member who is American, another Indian, a third maybe Canadian, a fourth Fijian or British etc.
The same can happen in the Indian State of Jammu & Kashmir if it evolves peacefully and correctly in the future. It is quite possible to imagine a productive family in a peaceful Kashmir Valley of the future where one brother is an officer in the Indian Armed Forces, another brother a civil servant and a sister a police officer of the J&K State Government, another sister being a Pakistani doctor, while cousins are Afghan or Iranian or “stateless” businessmen. Each family-member would have made his/her choice of nationality as an individual given the circumstances of his/her life, his/her personal comprehension of the facts of history, his/her personal political and/or religious persuasions, and similar deeply private considerations. All would have their children going to Indian schools and being Indian citizens ius soli and/or ius sanguinis. When the children grow up, they would be free to join, if they wished, the existing capital flight of other Indian adult children abroad and there renounce their Indian nationality as many have come to do.
II Revealing Choices Privately with Full Information
For India to implement such a proposal would be to provide an opportunity for all those domiciled in Kashmir Valley, Jammu and Laddakh to express freely and privately as individuals their deepest wishes about their own identities, in a confidential manner, citizen by citizen, case by case. This would thereby solve the fundamental democratic problem that has been faced ever since the Pakistani attack on the original State of Jammu & Kashmir commenced on October 22 1947, which came to be followed by the Rape of Baramulla — causing the formal accession of the State to the then-new Dominion of India on October 26 1947.
A period of, say, 30 months may be announced by the Government of India during which full information would be provided to all citizens affected by this change, i.e. all those presently governed by Article 370 of the Indian Constitution. The condition of full information may include, for example, easy access to Afghan, Iranian and Pakistani newspapers in addition to access to Indian media. Each such person wishing to either remain with Indian nationality (by explicitly requesting an Indian passport if he/she does not have one already — and such passports can be printed in Kashmiri and Urdu too), or to renounce Indian nationality and either remain stateless or adopt, if he/she is so eligible, the nationality of e.g. Afghanistan, Iran, or Pakistan, should be administratively assisted by the Government of India to make that choice.
In particular, he/she should be individually, confidentially, and without fear or favour assured and informed of his/her new rights and responsibilities. For example, a resident of Kashmir Valley who chooses to become a Pakistani citizen, such as Mr Geelani, would now enjoy the same rights and responsibilities in the Indian Republic that Mr Tully enjoys, and at the same time no longer require a visa to visit Pakistan just as Mr Tully needs no visa to enter Britain. In case individual participants in the Hurriyat choose to renounce Indian nationality and adopt some other, they would no longer be able to legally participate in Indian national elections or J&K’s State elections. That is something which they say they do not wish to do in any case. Those members of the Hurriyat who chose e.g. Pakistani nationality while still residing in Jammu & Kashmir, would be free to send postal ballots or cross the border and vote in Pakistan’s elections if and when these occur. There are many Canadians who live permanently in the USA who cross home to Canada in order to cast a ballot.
After the period of 30 months, every person presently under Article 370 of the Indian Constitution would have received a full and fair opportunity to privately and confidentially reveal his/her preference or choice under conditions of full information. “Partition”, “Plebiscite”, and “Military Decision” have been the three alternatives under discussion ever since the National Conference of Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah and his then-loyal Deputy, Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad, helped the Indian Army and Air Force in 1947-1948 fight off the savage attack against Jammu & Kashmir State that had commenced from Pakistan on October 22 1947. When, during the Pakistani attack, the Sheikh and Bakshi agreed to the Muslim Conference’s demand for a plebiscite among the people, the Pakistanis balked — the Sheikh and Bakshi then withdrew their offer and decisively and irrevocably chose to accede to the Indian Union. The people of Jammu & Kashmir, like any other, are now bound by the sovereign political commitments made by their forebears. Even so, given the painful mortal facts of the several decades since, the solution here proposed if properly implemented would be an incomparably more thorough democratic exercise than any conceivable plebiscite could ever have been.
Furthermore, regardless of the outcome, it would not entail any further “Partition” or population “transfer” which inevitably would degenerate into a savage balkanization, and has been ruled out as an unacceptable “deal-breaker” by the Indian Republic. Instead, every individual person would have been required, in a private and confidential decision-making process, to have chosen a nationality or to remain stateless — resulting in a multitude of cosmopolitan families in Jammu & Kashmir. But that is something commonplace in the modern world. Properly understood and properly implemented, we shall have resolved the great mortal problem we have faced for more than half a century, and Jammu & Kashmir can finally settle into a period of peace and prosperity. The boundary between India and Pakistan would have been settled by the third alternative mentioned at the time, namely, “Military Decision”.
III. Of Flags and Consulates in Srinagar and Gilgit
Pakistan has demanded its flag fly in Srinagar. This too can happen though not in the way Pakistan has been wishing to see it happen. A Pakistan flag might fly in the Valley just as might an Afghan and Iranian flag as well. Pakistan has wished its flag to fly as the sovereign over Jammu & Kashmir. That is not possible. The best and most just outcome is for the Pakistani flag to fly over a recognised Pakistani consular or visa office in Srinagar, Jammu and Leh. In diplomatic exchange, the Indian tricolour would have to fly over a recognised Indian consular or visa office in Muzaffarabad, Gilgit and Skardu.
Pakistan also may have to act equivalently with respect to the original inhabitants of the territory of Jammu & Kashmir that it has been controlling — allowing those people to become Indian nationals if they so chose to do in free private decisions under conditions of full information. In other words, the “Military Decision” that defines the present boundary between sovereign states must be recognised by Pakistan sincerely and permanently in a Treaty relationship with India — and all of Pakistan’s official and unofficial protégés like the Hurriyat and the “United Jehad Council” would have to do the same. Without such a sovereign commitment from the Government of Pakistan, as shown by decisive actions of lack of aggressive intent (e.g. as came to be implemented between the USA and USSR), the Government of India has no need to involve the Government of Pakistan in implementing the solution of enhancing free individual choice of nationality with regard to all persons on our side of the boundary.
The “Military Decision” regarding the sovereign boundary in Jammu & Kashmir will be so recognised by all only if it is the universally just outcome in international law. And that in fact is what it is.
The original Jammu & Kashmir State began its existence as an entity in international law long before the present Republics of India and Pakistan ever did. Pakistan commences as an entity on August 14 1947; India commences as an entity of international law with its signing of the Treaty of Versailles on June 20 1918. Jammu & Kashmir began as an entity on March 16 1846 — when the Treaty of Amritsar was signed between Gulab Singh Dogra and the British, one week after the Treaty of Lahore between the British and the defeated Sikh regency of the child Daleep Singh.
Liaquat Ali Khan and Zafrullah Khan both formally challenged on Pakistan’s behalf the legitimacy of Dogra rule in Jammu & Kashmir since the Treaty of Amritsar. The Pakistani Mission to the UN does so even today. The Pakistanis were following Sheikh Abdullah and Jawaharlal Nehru himself, who too had at one point challenged Dogra legitimacy in the past. But though the form of words of the Pakistan Government and the Nehru-Abdullah position were similar in their attacks on the Treaty of Amritsar, their underlying substantive reasons were as different as chalk from cheese. The Pakistanis attacked the Dogra dynasty for being Dogra — i.e. because they were Hindus and not Muslims governing a Muslim majority. Nehru and Abdullah denounced monarchic autocracy in favour of mass democracy, and so attacked the Dogra dynasty for being a dynasty. All were wrong to think the Treaty of Amritsar anything but a lawful treaty in international law.
Furthermore, in this sombre political game of great mortal consequence, there were also two other parties who were, or appeared to be, in favour of the dynasty: one because the dynasty was non-Muslim, the other, despite it being so. Non-Muslim minorities like many Hindus and Sikhs in the business and governmental classes, saw the Dogra dynasty as their protector against a feared communalist tyranny arising from the Sunni Muslim masses of Srinagar Valley, whom Abdullah’s rhetoric at Friday prayer-meetings had been inciting or at least awakening from slumber. At the same time, the communalists of the Muslim Conference who had broken away from Abdullah’s secular National Conference, sought political advantage over Abdullah by declaring themselves in favour of keeping the dynasty — even elevating it to become an international sovereign, thus flattering the already pretentious potentate that he would be called “His Majesty” instead of merely “His Highness”. The ancestry of today’s Hurriyat’s demands for an independent Jammu & Kashmir may be traced precisely to those May 21-22 1947 declarations of the Muslim Conference leader, Hamidullah Khan.
Into this game stumbled the British with all the mix of cunning, indifference, good will, impatience, arrogance and pomposity that marked their rule in India. At the behest of the so-called “Native Princes”, the 1929 Butler Commission had hinted that the relationship of “Indian India” to the British sovereign was conceptually different from that of “British India” to the British sovereign. This view was adopted in the Cabinet Mission’s 12 May 1946 Memorandum which in turn came to be applied by Attlee and Mountbatten in their unseemly rush to “Divide and Quit” India in the summer of 1947.
It created the pure legal illusion that there was such a thing as “Lapse of Paramountcy” at which Jammu & Kashmir or any other “Native State” of “Indian India” could conceivably, even for a moment, become a sovereign enjoying the comity of nations — contradicting Britain’s own position that only two Dominions, India and Pakistan, could ever be members of the British Commonwealth and hence members of the newly created UN. British pusillanimity towards Jammu & Kashmir’s Ruler had even extended to making him a nominal member of Churchill’s War Cabinet because he had sent troops to fight in Burma. But the legal illusion had come about because of a catastrophic misunderstanding on the part of the British of their own constitutional law.
The only legal scholar who saw this was B R Ambedkar in a lonely and brilliant technical analysis released to the press on June 17 1947. No “Lapse of Paramountcy” over the “Native Princes” of Indian India could occur in constitutional law. Paramountcy over Indian India would be automatically inherited by the successor state of British India at the Transfer of Power. That successor state was the new British Dominion of India as well as (when it came to be finalised by Partition from India) the new British Dominion of Pakistan (Postscript: the deleted words represent a mistake made in the original paper, corrected in “Law, Justice & J&K” in view of the fact the UN in 1947 deemed India alone the successor state of British India and Pakistan a new state in the world system). A former “Native Prince” could only choose to which Dominion he would go. No other alternative existed even for a single logical moment. Because the British had catastrophically failed to comprehend this aspect of their own constitutional law, they created a legal vacuum whereby between August 15 and October 22-26 1947, Jammu & Kashmir became a local and temporary sovereign recognised only by the Dominion of Pakistan (until October 22) and the Dominion of India (until October 26). But it was not a globally recognised sovereign and was never going to be such in international law. This was further proved by Attlee refusing to answer the J&K Prime Minister’s October 18 1947 telegram.
All ambiguity came to end with the Pakistani attack of October 22 1947, the Rape of Baramulla, the secession of an “Azad Kashmir”declared by Sardar Ibrahim, and the Pakistani coup détat in Gilgit on October 31 1947 followed by the massacre of Sikh soldiers of the J&K Army at Bunji. With those Pakistani actions, Gulab Singh’s Jammu & Kashmir State, founded on March 16 1846 by the Treaty of Amritsar, ceased to logically exist as an entity in international law and fell into a state of ownerless anarchy. The conflict between Ibrahim’s Muslim communalists backed by the new Dominion of Pakistan and Abdullah’s secularists backed by the new Dominion of India had become a civil war within a larger intra-Commonwealth war that itself was almost a civil war between forces of the same military.
Jammu & Kashmir territory had become ownerless. The Roman Law which is at the root of all municipal and international law in the world today would declare that in the ownership of such an ownerless entity, a “Military Decision” was indeed the just outcome. Sovereignty over the land, waters, forests and other actual and potential resources of the erstwhile State of Jammu & Kashmir has become divided by “Military Decision” between the modern Republics of India and Pakistan. By the proposal made herein, the people and their descendants shall have chosen their nationality and their domicile freely across the sovereign boundary that has come to result.
TWO
LAW, JUSTICE AND J&K by Subroto Roy First published in two parts in The Sunday Statesman, July 2 2006 and The Statesman July 3 2006 http://www.thestatesman.net Editorial Page Special Article
I.
For a solution to J&K to be universally acceptable it must be seen by all as being lawful and just. Political opinion in Pakistan and India as well as all people and parties in J&K ~ those loyal to India, those loyal to Pakistan, and any others ~ will have to agree that, all things considered, such is the right course of action for everyone today in the 21st Century, which means too that the solution must be consistent with the facts of history as well as account reasonably for all moral considerations.
On August 14, 1947, the legal entity known as “British India”, as one of its final acts, and based on a sovereign British decision made only two months earlier, created out of some of its territory a new State defined in international law as the “Dominion of Pakistan”. British India extinguished itself the very next day, and the newly independent “Dominion of India” succeeded to all its rights and obligations in international law. As the legal successor of the “India” which had signed the Treaty of Versailles in 1919 and the San Francisco Declaration of 1945, the Dominion of India was already a member of the new UN as well as a signatory to many international treaties. By contrast, the Dominion of Pakistan had to apply afresh to sign treaties and become a member of international organisations. The theory put forward by Argentina that two new States, India and Pakistan, had been created ab initio, came to be rejected and was withdrawn by Argentina. Instead, Pakistan with the wholehearted backing of India was made a member of the UN, with all except Afghanistan voting in favour. (Afghanistan’s exceptional vote signalled presence of conflict over the Durand Line and idea of a Pashtunistan; Dr Khan Sahib and Abdul Ghaffar Khan were imprisoned by the Muslim League regime of NWFP which later supported the tribesmen who attacked J&K starting October 22, 1947; that conflict remains unresolved to this day, even after the American attack on the Taliban, the restart of a constitutional process in Afghanistan, and the purported mediation of US Secretary of State Condoleeza Rice.)
Zafrullah Khan, Pakistan’s distinguished first ambassador to the UN, claimed in September 1947: “Pakistan is not a new member of UNO but a successor to a member State which was one of the founders of the Organisation.” He noted that he himself had led India to the final session of the League of Nations in Geneva in 1939, and he wished to say that Pakistan had been present “as part of India… under the latter name” as a signatory to the Treaty of Versailles. This was, however, logically impossible. The Treaty of Versailles long predated (1) Mohammad Iqbal’s Allahabad Address which conceptualised for the first time in the 20th Century a Muslim State in Northwest India; (2) Rahmat Ali’s invention of the word “PAKSTAN” on the top floor of a London omnibus; (3) M. A. Jinnah and Fazlul Haq’s Lahore Resolution; and (4) the final British decision of June 3, 1947 to create by Partition out of “British India” a Dominion named Pakistan. Pakistan could not have acted in international law prior to having come into being or been created or even conceived itself. Zafrullah Khan would have been more accurate to say that the history of Pakistanis until August 14, 1947 had been one in common with that of their Indian cousins ~ or indeed their Indian brothers, since innumerable North Indian Muslim families came to be literally partitioned, with some brothers remaining Indians while other brothers became Pakistanis.
Pakistan was created at the behest of Jinnah’s Muslim League though with eventual agreement of the Indian National Congress (a distant ancestor of the political party going by the same name today). Pakistan arose not because Jinnah said Hindus and Muslims were “two nations” but because he and his League wished for a State where Muslims would find themselves ruled by fellow-Muslims and feel themselves part of a pan-Islamic culture. Yet Pakistan was intended to be a secular polity with Muslim-majority governance, not an Islamic theocracy. That Pakistan failed to become secular was exemplified most poignantly in the persecution Zafrullah himself later faced in his personal life as an Ahmadiya, even while he was Pakistan’s Foreign Minister. (The same happened later to Pakistan’s Nobel-winning physicist Abdus Salaam.) Pakistan was supposed to allow the genius of Indo-Muslim culture to flourish, transplanted from places like Lucknow and Aligarh which would never be part of it. In fact, the areas that are Pakistan today had in the 1937 provincial elections shown scant popular Muslim support for Jinnah’s League. The NWFP had a Congress Government in the 1946 elections, and its supporters boycotted the pro-Pakistan referendum in 1947. The imposition of Urdu culture as Pakistan’s dominant ethos might have come to be accepted later in West Punjab, Sindh and NWFP but it was not acceptable in East Bengal, and led inevitably to the Pakistani civil war and creation of Bangladesh by Sheikh Mujib in 1971.
In August 1947, the new Dominions of India and Pakistan were each supposed to protect their respective minority populations as their first political duty. Yet both palpably failed in this, and were reduced to making joint declarations pleading for peace and an end to communal killings and the abduction of women. The Karachi Government, lacking the wherewithal and administrative machinery of being a nation-state at all, and with only Liaquat and an ailing Jinnah as noted leaders, may have failed more conspicuously, and West Punjab, the Frontier and Sindh were soon emptied of almost all their many Sikhs and Hindus. Instead, the first act of the new Pakistan Government in the weeks after August 14, 1947 was to arrange for the speedy and safe transfer of the North Indian Muslim elite by air from Delhi using chartered British aeroplanes. The ordinary Muslim masses of UP, Delhi and East Punjab were left in danger from or were subjected to Sikh and Hindu mob attacks, especially as news and rumours spread of similar outrages against Pakistan’s departing minorities.
In this spiral of revenge attacks and counter-attacks, bloodshed inevitably spilled over from West and East Punjab into the northern Punjabi plains of Jammu, though Kashmir Valley remained conspicuously peaceful. Zafrullah and Liaquat would later claim it was this communal civil war which had caused thousands of newly decommissioned Mirpuri soldiers of the British Army, and thousands of Afridi and other Frontier tribesmen, to spontaneously act to “liberate” J&K’s Muslims from alleged tyranny under the Hindu Ruler or an allegedly illegal Indian occupation.
But the main attack on J&K State that began from Pakistan along the Manshera-Muzaffarabad road on October 22, 1947 was admittedly far too well-organised, well-armed, well-planned and well-executed to have been merely a spontaneous uprising of tribesmen and former soldiers. In all but name, it was an act of undeclared war of the new Dominion of Pakistan first upon the State of J&K and then upon the Indian Dominion. This became obvious to Field Marshall Auchinlek, who, as Supreme Commander of the armed forces of both India and Pakistan, promptly resigned and abolished the Supreme Command in face of the fact that two parts of his own forces were now at war with one another.
The invaders failed to take Srinagar solely because they lost their military purpose while indulging in the Rape of Baramula. Thousands of Kashmiri women of all communities ~ Muslim, Sikh and Hindu ~ were violated and transported back to be sold in markets in Peshawar and elsewhere. Such was standard practice in Central Asian tribal wars from long before the advent of Islam, and the invading tribesmen shared that culture. India’s Army and Air Force along with the militias of the secular democratic movement led by Sheikh Abdullah and those remaining loyal units of J&K forces, fought off the invasion, and liberated Baramula, Naushera, Uri, Poonch etc. Gilgit had a British-led coup détat against it bringing it under Pakistan’s control. Kargil was initially taken by the Pakistanis and then lost by them. Leh could have been but was not taken by Pakistani forces. But in seeking to protect Leh and to retake Kargil, the Indian Army lost the siege of Skardu ~ which ended reputedly with the infamous communication from the Pakistani commander to his HQ: “All Sikhs killed; all women raped.”
Legal theory
Now, in this grave mortal conflict, the legal theory to which both the Indian and Pakistani Governments have been wedded for sixty years is one that had been endorsed by the British Cabinet Mission in 1946 and originated with the Butler Commission of 1929. Namely, that “Lapse of Paramountcy” over the “Indian India” of the “Native States” could and did occur with the extinction of British India on August 15, 1947. By this theory, Hyderabad, J&K, Junagadh and the several other States which had not acceded to either Dominion were no longer subject to the Crown’s suzerainty as of that date. Both Dominions drew up “Instruments of Accession” for Rulers to sign upon the supposed “Lapse” of Paramountcy that was to occur with the end of British India.
Ever since, the Pakistan Government has argued that Junagadh’s Ruler acceded to Pakistan and Hyderabad’s had wished to do so but both were forcibly prevented by India. Pakistan has also argued the accession to India by J&K’s Ruler was “fraudulent” and unacceptable, and Sheikh Abdullah was a “Quisling” of India and it was not his National Conference but the Muslim Conference of Ibrahim, Abbas and the Mirwaiz (precursor of the Hurriyat) which represented J&K’s Muslims.
India argued that Junagadh’s accession to Pakistan or Hyderabad’s independence were legal and practical impossibilities contradicting the wills of their peoples, and that their integration into the Indian Dominion was carried out in an entirely legitimate manner in the circumstances prevailing.
On J&K, India has argued that not only had the Ruler requested Indian forces to fight off the Pakistani attack, and he acceded formally before Indian forces were sent, but also that democratic principles were fully adhered to in the unequivocal endorsement of the accession by Sheikh Abdullah and the National Conference and further by a duly called and elected J&K Constituent Assembly, as well as generations of Kashmiris since. In the Indian view, it is Pakistan which has been in illegal occupation of Indian territory from Mirpur, Muzaffarabad and Gilgit to Skardu all the way to the Khunjerab Pass, Siachen Glacier and K2, some of which it illegally ceded to its Communist Chinese ally, and furthermore that it has denied the peoples of these areas any democratic voice.
Roman law
In June 1947, it was uniquely and brilliantly argued by BR Ambedkar in a statement to the Press that the British had made a catastrophic error in comprehending their own constitutional law, that no such thing as “Lapse” of Paramountcy existed, and that suzerainty over the “Native States” of “Indian India” would be automatically transferred in international law to the successor State of British India. It was a legal illusion to think any Native State could be sovereign even for a single logical moment. On this theory, if the Dominion of India was the sole successor State in international law while Pakistan was a new legal entity, then a Native State which acceded to Pakistan after August 15, 1947 would have had to do so with the consent of the suzerain power, namely, India, as may be said to have happened implicitly in case of Chitral and a few others. Equally, India’s behaviour in integrating (or annexing) Junagadh and Hyderabad, would become fully explicable ~ as would the statements of Mountbatten, Nehru and Patel before October 1947 that they would accept J&K going to Pakistan if that was what the Ruler and his people desired. Pakistan unilaterally and by surprise went to war against J&K on October 22, declared the accession to India “fraudulent”, and to this day has claimed the territory of the original State of J&K is “disputed”. Certainly, even if the Ambedkar doctrine is applied that no “Lapse” was possible under British law, Pakistan did not recognise India’s jurisdiction there as the suzerain power as of August 15, 1947. Altogether, Pakistan’s sovereign actions from October 22 onwards amounted to acting to annex J&K to itself by military force ~ acts which came to be militarily resisted (with partial success) by India allied with Sheikh Abdullah’s National Conference and the remaining forces of J&K. By these military actions, Pakistan revealed that it considered J&K territory to have descended into a legal state of anarchy as of October 22, 1947, and hence open to resolution by “Military Decision” ~ as is indeed the just outcome under Roman Law, the root of all municipal and international law today, when there is a contest between claimants over an ownerless entity.
Choice of nationality
Hence, the present author concluded (“Solving Kashmir”, The Statesman December 1-3, 2005) that the dismemberment of the original J&K State and annexation of its territories by India and Pakistan that has occurred since 1947, as represented first by the 1949 Ceasefire Line and then by the 1972 Line of Control, is indeed the just and lawful outcome prevailing in respect of the question of territorial sovereignty and jurisdiction. The remaining “democratic” question described has to do with free individual choice of nationality by the inhabitants, under conditions of full information and privacy, citizen-by-citizen, with the grant of permanent residency rights by the Indian Republic to persons under its jurisdiction in J&K who may choose not to remain Indian nationals but become Afghan, Iranian or Pakistani nationals instead. Pakistan has said frequently its sole concern has been the freedom of the Muslims of J&K under Indian rule, and any such genuine concern shall have been thereby fully met by India. Indeed, if Pakistan agreed to act similarly, this entire complex mortal problem of decades shall have begun to be peacefully resolved. Both countries are wracked by corruption, poverty and bad governance, and would be able to mutually draw down military forces pit against one another everywhere, so as to begin to repair the grave damage to their fiscal health caused by the deleterious draining away of vast public resources.
THREE
HISTORY OF JAMMU & KASHMIR by Subroto Roy First published in two parts in The Sunday Statesman, Oct 29 2006 and The Statesman Oct 30 2006, Editorial Page Special Article, http://www.thestatesman.net
At the advent of Islam in distant Arabia, India and Kashmir in particular were being visited by Chinese Buddhist pilgrims during Harsha’s reign. The great “Master of Law” Hiuen Tsiang visited between 629-645 and spent 631-633 in Kashmir (”Kia-chi-mi-lo”), describing it to include Punjab, Kabul and Kandahar. Over the next dozen centuries, Buddhist, Hindu, Muslim, Sikh and again Hindu monarchs came to rule the 85 mile long 40 mile wide territory on the River Jhelum’s upper course known as Srinagar Valley, as well as its adjoining Jammu in the upper plains of the Punjab and “Little Tibet” consisting of Laddakh, Baltistan and Gilgit.
In 1344, a Persian adventurer from Swat or Khorasan by name of Amir or Mirza, who had “found his way into the Valley and in time gained great influence at the Raja’s court”, proclaimed himself Sultan Shamsuddin after the death of the last Hindu monarchs of medieval Kashmir. Twelve of his descendants formed the Shamiri dynasty including the notorious Sikander and the just and tolerant Zainulabidin. Sikander who ruled 1386-1410 “submitted himself” to the Uzbek Taimur the Lame when he approached Kashmir in 1398 “and thus saved the country from invasion”. Otherwise, “Sikander was a gloomy ferocious bigot, and his zeal in destroying temples and idols was so intense that he is remembered as the Idol-Breaker. He freely used the sword to propagate Islam and succeeded in forcing the bulk of the population to conform outwardly to the Muslim religion. Most of the Brahmins refused to apostatise, and many of them paid with their lives the penalty for their steadfastness. Many others were exiled, and only a few conformed.”
Zainulabidin who ruled 1417-1467 “was a man of very different type”. “He adopted the policy of universal toleration, recalled the exiled Brahmins, repealed the jizya or poll-tax on Hindus, and even permitted new temples to be built. He abstained from eating flesh, prohibited the slaughter of kine, and was justly venerated as a saint. He encouraged literature, painting and music, and caused many translations to be made of works composed in Sanskrit, Arabic and other languages.” During his “long and prosperous reign”, he “constructed canals and built many mosques; he was just and tolerant”.
The Shamiri dynasty ended in 1541 when “some fugitive chiefs of the two local factions of the Makri and the Chakk invited Mirza Haidar Dughlat, a relation of Babar, to invade Kashmir. The country was conquered and the Mirza held it (nominally in name of Humayan) till 1551, when he was killed in a skirmish. The line… was restored for a few years, until in 1559 a Chakk leader, Ghazi Shah, usurped the throne; and in the possession of his descendants it remained for nearly thirty years.” This dynasty marks the origins of Shia Islam in Srinagar though Shia influence in Gilgit, Baltistan and Laddakh was of longer standing. Constant dissensions weakened the Chakks, and in 1586, Akbar, then at Attock on the Indus, sent an army under Raja Bhagwan Das into Srinagar Valley and easily made it part of his Empire.
Shivaism and Islam both flourished, and Hindu ascetics and Sufi saints were revered by all. Far from Muslims and Hindus forming distinct nations, here they were genetically related kinsmen living in proximity in a small isolated area for centuries. Indeed Zainulabidin may have had a vast unspoken influence on the history of all India insofar as Akbar sought to attempt in his empire what Zainulabidin achieved in the Valley. Like Zainulabidin, Akbar’s governance of India had as its “constant aim” “to conciliate the Hindus and to repress Muslim bigotry” which in modern political parlance may be seen as the principle of secular governance ~ of conciliating the powerless (whether majority or minority) and repressing the bigotry of the powerful (whether minority or majority). Akbar had made the Valley the summer residence of the Mughals, and it was Jahangir, seeing the Valley for the first time, who apparently said the words agar behest baushad, hamee in hast, hamee in hast, hamee in hast: “if Heaven exists, it is here, it is here, it is here”. Yet like other isolated paradises (such as the idyllic islands of the Pacific Ocean) an accursed mental ether can accompany the magnificent beauty of people’s surroundings. As the historian put it: “The Kashmiris remained secure in their inaccessible Valley; but they were given up to internal weakness and discord, their political importance was gone…”
After the Mughals collapsed, Iran’s Turkish ruler Nadir Shah sacked Delhi in 1739 but the Iranian court fell in disarray upon his death. In 1747 a jirga of Pashtun tribes at Kandahar “broke normal tradition” and asked an old Punjabi holy man and shrine-keeper to choose between two leaders; this man placed young wheat in the hand of the 25 year old Ahmed Shah Saddozai of the Abdali tribe, and titled him “Durrani”. Five years later, Durrani took Kashmir and for the next 67 years the Valley was under Pashtun rule, a time of “unmitigated brutality and widespread distress”. Durrani himself “was wise, prudent and simple”, never declared himself king and wore no crown, instead keeping a stick of young wheat in his turban. Leaving India, he famously recited: “The Delhi throne is beautiful indeed, but does it compare with the mountains of Kandahar?”
Kashmir’s modern history begins with Ranjit Singh of the Sikhs who became a soldier at 12, and in 1799 at age 19 was made Lahore’s Governor by Kabul’s Zaman Shah. Three years later “he made himself master of Amritsar”, and in 1806 crossed the River Sutlej and took Ludhiana. He created a fine Sikh infantry and cavalry under former officers of Napoleon, and with 80,000 trained men and 500 guns took Multan and Peshawar, defeated the Pashtuns and overran Kashmir in 1819. The “cruel rule” of the Pashtuns ended “to the great relief of Kashmir’s inhabitants”.
The British Governor-General Minto (ancestor of the later Viceroy), seeing advantage in the Sikhs staying north of the Sutlej, sent Charles Metcalfe, “a clever young civilian”, to persuade the Khalsa; in 1809, Ranjit Singh and the British in the first Treaty of Amritsar agreed to establish “perpetual amity”: the British would “have no concern” north of the Sutlej and Ranjit Singh would keep only minor personnel south of it. In 1834 and 1838 Ranjit Singh was struck by paralysis and died in 1839, leaving no competent heir. The Sikh polity collapsed, “their power exploded, disappearing in fierce but fast flames”. It was “a period of storm and anarchy in which assassination was the rule” and the legitimate line of his son and grandson, Kharak Singh and Nao Nihal Singh was quickly extinguished. In 1845 the Queen Regent, mother of the five-year old Dalip Singh, agreed to the Khalsa ending the 1809 Treaty. After bitter battles that might have gone either way, the Khalsa lost at Sobraon on 10 February 1846, and accepted terms of surrender in the 9 March 1846 Treaty of Lahore. The kingdom had not long survived its founder: “created by the military and administrative genius of one man, it crumbled into powder when the spirit which gave it life was withdrawn; and the inheritance of the Khalsa passed into the hands of the English.”
Ranjit Singh’s influence on modern J&K was even greater through his having mentored the Rajput Gulab Singh Dogra (1792-1857) and his brothers Dhyan Singh and Suchet Singh. Jammu had been ruled by Ranjit Deo until 1780 when the Sikhs made it tributary to the Lahore Court. Gulab Singh, a great grand nephew of Ranjit Deo, had left home at age 17 in search of a soldierly fortune, and ended up in 1809 in Ranjit Singh’s army, just when Ranjit Singh had acquired for himself a free hand to expand his domains north of the River Sutlej.
Gulab Singh, an intrepid soldier, by 1820 had Jammu conferred upon him by Ranjit Singh with the title of Raja, while Bhimber, Chibal, Poonch and Ramnagar went to his brothers. Gulab Singh, “often unscrupulous and cruel, was a man of considerable ability and efficiency”; he “found his small kingdom a troublesome charge but after ten years of constant struggles he and his two brothers became masters of most of the country between Kashmir and the Punjab”, though Srinagar Valley itself remained under a separate Governor appointed by the Lahore Court. Gulab Singh extended Jammu’s rule from Rawalpindi, Bhimber, Rajouri, Bhadarwah and Kishtwar, across Laddakh and into Tibet. His General Zorawar Singh led six expeditions into Laddakh between 1834 and 1841 through Kishtwar, Padar and Zanskar. In May 1841, Zorawar left Leh with an army of 5000 Dogras and Laddakhis and advanced on Tibet. Defeating the Tibetans at Rudok and Tashigong, he reached Minsar near Lake Mansarovar from where he advanced to Taklakot (Purang), 15 miles from the borders of Nepal and Kumaon, and built a fort stopping for the winter. Lhasa sent large re-inforcements to meet him. Zorawar, deciding to take the offensive, was killed in the Battle of Toyu, on 11-12 December 1841 at 16,000 feet.
A Laddakhi rebellion resulted against Jammu, aided now by the advancing Tibetans. A new army was sent under Hari Chand suppressing the rebellion and throwing back the Tibetans, leading to a peace treaty between Lhasa and Jammu signed on 17 September 1842: “We have agreed that we have no ill-feelings because of the past war. The two kings will henceforth remain friends forever. The relationship between Maharajah Gulab Singh of Kashmir and the Lama Guru of Lhasa (Dalai Lama) is now established. The Maharajah Sahib, with God (Kunchok) as his witness, promises to recognise ancient boundaries, which should be looked after by each side without resorting to warfare. When the descendants of the early kings, who fled from Laddakh to Tibet, now return they will not be stopped by Shri Maharajah. Trade between Laddakh and Tibet will continue as usual. Tibetan government traders coming into Laddakh will receive free transport and accommodations as before, and the Laddakhi envoy will, in turn, receive the same facilities in Lhasa. The Laddakhis take an oath before God (Kunchok) that they will not intrigue or create new troubles in Tibetan territory. We have agreed, with God as witness, that Shri Maharajah Sahib and the Lama Guru of Lhasa will live together as members of the same household.” The traditional boundary between Laddakh and Tibet “as recognised by both sides since olden times” was accepted by the envoys of Gulab Singh and the Dalai Lama.
An earlier 1684 treaty between Laddakh and Lhasa had said that while Laddakh would send tribute to Lhasa every three years, “the king of Laddakh reserves to himself the village of Minsar in Ngarees-khor-sum, that he may be independent there; and he sets aside its revenue for the purpose of meeting the expense involved in keeping up the sacrificial lights at Kangree (Kailas), and the Holy Lakes of Mansarovar and Rakas Tal”. The area around Minsar village near Lake Mansarovar, held by the rulers of Laddakh since 1583, was retained by Jammu in the 1842 peace-treaty, and its revenue was received by J&K State until 1948.
After Ranjit Singh’s death in 1839, Gulab Singh was alienated from the Lahore Court where the rise of his brothers and a nephew aroused enough Khalsa jealousy to see them assassinated in palace intrigues. While the Sikhs imploded, Gulab Singh had expanded his own dominion from Rawalpindi to Minsar ~ everywhere except Srinagar Valley itself. He had apparently advised the Sikhs not to attack the British in breach of the 1809 Treaty, and when they did so he had not joined them, though had he done so British power in North India might have been broken. The British were grateful for his neutrality and also his help in their first misbegotten adventure in Afghanistan. It was Gulab Singh who was now encouraged by both the British and the Sikhs to mediate between them, indeed “to take a leading part in arranging conditions of peace”, and he formally represented the Sikh regency in the negotiations. The 9 March 1846 Treaty of Lahore “set forth that the British Government having demanded in addition to a certain assignment of territory, a payment of a crore and a half of rupees, and the Sikh Government being unable to pay the whole”, Dalip Singh “should cede as equivalent to one crore the hill country belonging to the Punjab between the Beas and the Indus including Kashmir and the Hazara”.
For the British to occupy the whole of this mountainous territory was judged unwise on economic and military grounds; it was not feasible to occupy from a military standpoint and the area “with the exception of the small Valley of Kashmir” was “for the most part unproductive”. “On the other hand, the ceded tracts comprised the whole of the hereditary possessions of Gulab Singh, who, being eager to obtain an indefeasible title to them, came forward and offered to pay the war indemnity on condition that he was made the independent ruler of Jammu & Kashmir.
A separate treaty embodying this arrangement was thus concluded between the British and Gulab Singh at Amritsar on 16 March 1846.” Gulab Singh acknowledged the British Government’s supremacy, and in token of it agreed to present annually to the British Government “one horse, twelve shawl goats of approved breed and three pairs of Kashmir shawls. This arrangement was later altered; the annual presentation made by the Kashmir State was confined to two Kashmir shawls and three romals (handkerchiefs).” The Treaty of Amritsar “put Gulab Singh, as Maharaja, in possession of all the hill country between the Indus and the Ravi, including Kashmir, Jammu, Laddakh and Gilgit; but excluding Lahoul, Kulu and some areas including Chamba which for strategic purposes, it was considered advisable (by the British) to retain and for which a remission of Rs 25 lakhs was made from the crore demanded, leaving Rs 75 lakhs as the final amount to be paid by Gulab Singh.” The British retained Hazara which in 1918 was included into NWFP. Through an intrigue emanating from Prime Minister Lal Singh in Lahore, Imamuddin, the last Sikh-appointed Governor of Kashmir, sought to prevent Gulab Singh taking possession of the Valley in accordance with the Treaty’s terms. By December 1846 Gulab Singh had done so, though only with help of a British force which included 17,000 Sikh troops “who had been fighting in the campaign just concluded”. (Contemporary British opinion even predicted Sikhism like Buddhism “would become extinct in a short time if it were not kept alive by the esprit de corps of the Sikh regiments”.)
The British in 1846 may have been glad enough to allow Gulab Singh take independent charge of the new entity that came to be now known as the “State of Jammu & Kashmir”. Later, however. they and their American allies would grow keen to control or influence the region vis-à-vis their new interests against the Russian and Soviet Empires.
FOUR
PAKISTAN’S ALLIES by Subroto Roy First published in two parts in The Sunday Statesman, June 4 2006, The Statesman June 5 2006, Editorial Page Special Article, http://www.thestatesman.net
From the 1846 Treaty of Amritsar creating the State of Jammu & Kashmir until the collapse of the USSR in 1991, Britain and later the USA became increasingly interested in the subcontinent’s Northwest. The British came to India by sea to trade. Barren, splendid, landlocked Afghanistan held no interest except as a home of fierce tribes; but it was the source of invasions into the Indian plains and prompted a British misadventure to install Shah Shuja in place of Dost Mohammad Khan leading to ignominious defeat. Later, Afghanistan was seen as the underbelly of the Russian and Soviet empires, and hence a location of interest to British and American strategic causes.
In November 1954, US President Dwight Eisenhower authorized 30 U-2 spy aircraft to be produced for deployment against America’s perceived enemies, especially to investigate Soviet nuclear missiles which could reach the USA. Reconnaissance balloons had been unsuccessful, and numerous Western pilots had been shot down taking photographs from ordinary military aircraft. By June 1956, U-2 were making clandestine flights over the USSR and China. But on May 1 1960, one was shot or forced down over Sverdlovsk, 1,000 miles within Soviet territory. The Americans prevaricated that it had taken off from Turkey on a weather-mission, and been lost due to oxygen problems. Nikita Kruschev then produced the pilot, Francis Gary Powers, who was convicted of spying, though was exchanged later for a Soviet spy. Powers had been headed towards Norway, his task to photograph Soviet missiles from 70,000 ft, his point of origin had been an American base 20 miles from Peshawar.
America needed clandestine “forward bases” from which to fly U-2 aircraft, and Pakistan’s ingratiating military and diplomatic establishment was more than willing to offer such cooperation, fervently wishing to be seen as a “frontline state” against the USSR. “We will help you defeat the USSR and we are hopeful you will help us defeat India” became their constant refrain. By 1986, the Americans had been permitted to build air-bases in Balochistan and also use Mauripur air-base near Karachi.
Jammu & Kashmir and especially Gilgit-Baltistan adjoins the Pashtun regions whose capital has been Peshawar. In August-November 1947, a British coup d’etat against J&K State secured Gilgit-Baltistan for the new British Dominion of Pakistan.
The Treaty of Amritsar had nowhere required Gulab Singh’s dynasty to accept British political control in J&K as came to be exercised by British “Residents” in all other Indian “Native States”. Despite this, Delhi throughout the late 19th Century relentlessly pressed Gulab Singh’s successors Ranbir Singh and Partab Singh to accept political control. The Dogras acquiesced eventually. Delhi’s desire for control had less to do with the welfare of J&K’s people than with protection of increasing British interests in the area, like European migration to Srinagar Valley and guarding against Russian or German moves in Afghanistan. “Sargin” or “Sargin Gilit”, later corrupted by the Sikhs and Dogras into “Gilgit”, had an ancient people who spoke an archaic Dardic language “intermediate between the Iranian and the Sanskritic”. “The Dards were located by Ptolemy with surprising accuracy on the West of the Upper Indus, beyond the headwaters of the Swat River (Greek: Soastus) and north of the Gandarae (i.e. Kandahar), who occupied Peshawar and the country north of it. This region was traversed by two Chinese pilgrims, Fa-Hsien, coming from the north about AD 400 and Hsuan Tsiang, ascending from Swat in AD 629, and both left records of their journeys.”
Gilgit had been historically ruled by a Hindu dynasty called Trakane; when they became extinct, Gilgit Valley “was desolated by successive invasions of neighbouring rulers, and in the 20 or 30 years ending with 1842 there had been five dynastic revolutions. The Sikhs entered Gilgit about 1842 and kept a garrison there.” When J&K came under Gulab Singh, “the Gilgit claims were transferred with it, and a boundary commission was sent” by the British. In 1852 the Dogras were driven out with 2,000 dead. In 1860 under Ranbir Singh, the Dogras “returned to Gilgit and took Yasin twice, but did not hold it. They also in 1866 invaded Darel, one of the most secluded Dard states, to the south of the Gilgit basin but withdrew again.”
The British appointed a Political Agent in Gilgit in 1877 but he was withdrawn in 1881. “In 1889, in order to guard against the advance of Russia, the British Government, acting as the suzerain power of Kashmir, established the Gilgit Agency”. The Agency was re-established under control of the British Resident in Jammu & Kashmir. “It comprised the Gilgit Wazarat; the State of Hunza and Nagar; the Punial Jagir; the Governorships of Yasin, Kuh-Ghizr and Ishkoman, and Chilas”. In 1935, the British demanded J&K lease to them for 60 years Gilgit town plus most of the Gilgit Agency and the hill-states Hunza, Nagar, Yasin and Ishkuman. Hari Singh had no choice but to acquiesce. The leased region was then treated as part of British India, administered by a Political Agent at Gilgit responsible to Delhi, first through the Resident in J& K and later a British Agent in Peshawar. J& K State no longer kept troops in Gilgit and a mercenary force, the Gilgit Scouts, was recruited with British officers and paid for by Delhi. In April 1947, Delhi decided to formally retrocede the leased areas to Hari Singh’s J& K State as of 15 August 1947. The transfer was to formally take place on 1 August.
On 31 July, Hari Singh’s Governor arrived to find “all the officers of the British Government had opted for service in Pakistan”. The Gilgit Scouts’ commander, a Major William Brown aged 25, and his adjutant, a Captain Mathieson, planned openly to engineer a coup détat against Hari Singh’s Government. Between August and October, Gilgit was in uneasy calm. At midnight on 31 October 1947, the Governor was surrounded by the Scouts and the next day he was “arrested” and a provisional government declared.
Hari Singh’s nearest forces were at Bunji, 34 miles from Gilgit, a few miles downstream from where the Indus is joined by Gilgit River. The 6th J& K Infantry Battalion there was a mixed Sikh-Muslim unit, typical of the State’s Army, commanded by a Lt Col. Majid Khan. Bunji controlled the road to Srinagar. Further upstream was Skardu, capital of Baltistan, part of Laddakh District where there was a small garrison. Following Brown’s coup in Gilgit, Muslim soldiers of the 6th Infantry massacred their Sikh brothers-at-arms at Bunji. The few Sikhs who survived escaped to the hills and from there found their way to the garrison at Skardu.
On 4 November 1947, Brown raised the new Pakistani flag in the Scouts’ lines, and by the third week of November a Political Agent from Pakistan had established himself at Gilgit. Brown had engineered Gilgit and its adjoining states to first secede from J&K, and, after some talk of being independent, had promptly acceded to Pakistan. His commander in Peshawar, a Col. Bacon, as well as Col. Iskander Mirza, Defence Secretary in the new Pakistan and later to lead the first military coup détat and become President of Pakistan, were pleased enough. In July 1948, Brown was awarded an MBE (Military) and the British Governor of the NWFP got him a civilian job with ICI~ which however sent him to Calcutta, where he came to be attacked and left for dead on the streets by Sikhs avenging the Bunji massacre. Brown survived, returned to England, started a riding school, and died in 1984. In March 1994, Pakistan awarded his widow the Sitara-I-Pakistan in recognition of his coup détat.
Gilgit’s ordinary people had not participated in Brown’s coup which carried their fortunes into the new Pakistan, and to this day appear to remain without legislative representation. It was merely assumed that since they were mostly Muslim in number they would wish to be part of Pakistan ~ which also became Liaquat Ali Khan’s assumption about J&K State as a whole in his 1950 statements in North America. What the Gilgit case demonstrates is that J&K State’s descent into a legal condition of ownerless anarchy open to “Military Decision” had begun even before the Pakistani invasion of 22 October 1947 (viz. “Solving Kashmir”, The Statesman, 1-3 December 2005). Also, whatever else the British said or did with respect to J & K, they were closely allied to the new Pakistan on the matter of Gilgit.
The peak of Pakistan’s Anglo-American alliance came with the enormous support in the 1980s to guerrilla forces created and headquartered in Peshawar, to battle the USSR and Afghan communists directly across the Durand Line. It was this guerrilla war which became a proximate cause of the collapse of the USSR as a political entity in 1991. President Ronald Reagan’s CIA chief William J. Casey sent vast sums in 1985-1988 to supply and train these guerrillas. The Washington Post and New Yorker reported the CIA training guerrillas “in the use of mortars, rocket grenades, ground-to-air missiles”. 200 hand-held Stinger missiles were supplied for the first time in 1986 and the New Yorker reported Gulbudin Hikmatyar’s “Hizbe Islami” guerrillas being trained to bring down Soviet aircraft. “Mujahideen had been promised two Stingers for every Soviet aircraft brought down. Operators who failed to aim correctly were given additional training… By 1986, the United States was so deeply involved in the Afghan war that Soviet aircraft were being brought down under the supervision of American experts”. (Raja Anwar, The Tragedy of Afghanistan, 1988, p. 234).
The budding US-China détente brokered by Pakistan came into full bloom here. NBC News on 7 January 1980 said “for the first time in history (a senior State Department official) publicly admitted the possibility of concluding a military alliance between the United States and China”. London’s Daily Telegraph reported on 5 January 1980 “China is flying large supplies of arms and ammunition to the insurgents in Afghanistan. According to diplomatic reports, supplies have arrived in Pakistan from China via the Karakoram Highway…. A major build-up of Chinese involvement is underway ~ in the past few days. Scores of Chinese instructors have arrived at the Shola-e-Javed camps.”
Afghan reports in 1983-1985 said “there were eight training camps near the Afghan border operated by the Chinese in Sinkiang province” and that China had supplied the guerrillas “with a variety of weapons including 40,000 RPG-7 and 20,000 RPG-II anti tank rocket launchers.” Like Pakistan, “China did not publicly admit its involvement in the Afghan conflict: in 1985 the Chinese Mission at the UN distributed a letter denying that China was extending any kind of help to the Afghan rebels” (Anwar, ibid. p. 234). Support extended deep and wide across the Arab world. “The Saudi and Gulf rulers … became the financial patrons of the Afghan rebels from the very start of the conflict”. Anwar Sadat, having won the Nobel Peace Prize, was “keen to claim credit for his role in Afghanistan…. by joining the Afghanistan jihad, Sadat could re-establish his Islamic credentials, or so he believed. He could thus not only please the Muslim nations but also place the USA and Israel in his debt.” Sadat’s Defence Minister said in January 1980: “Army camps have been opened for the training of Afghan rebels; they are being supplied with weapons from Egypt” and Sadat told NBC News on 22 September 1981 “that for the last twenty-one months, the USA had been buying arms from Egypt for the Afghan rebels. He said he had been approached by the USA in December 1979 and he had decided to `open my stores’. He further disclosed that these arms were being flown to Pakistan from Egypt by American aircraft. Egypt had vast supplies of SAM-7 and RPG-7 anti-aircraft and anti-tank weapons which Sadat agreed to supply to Afghanistan in exchange for new American arms. The Soviet weapons, being light, were ideally suited to guerrilla warfare. … the Mujahideen could easily claim to have captured them from Soviet and Afghan troops in battle.… Khomeini’s Iran got embroiled in war (against Iraq) otherwise Kabul would also have had to contend with the full might of the Islamic revolutionaries.” (Anwar ibid. p. 235).
Afghanistan had been occupied on 26-27 December 1979 by Soviet forces sent by the decrepit Leonid Brezhnev and Yuri Andropov to carry out a putsch replacing one communist, Hafizullah Amin, with a rival communist and Soviet protégé, Babrak Karmal. By 1985 Brezhnev and Andropov were dead and Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev had begun his attempts to reform the Soviet system, usher in openness, end the Cold War and in particular withdraw from Afghanistan, which by 1986 he had termed “a bleeding wound”. Gorbachev replaced Karmal with a new protégé Najibullah Khan, who was assigned the impossible task of bringing about national reconciliation with the Pakistan-based guerrillas and form a national government. Soviet forces withdrew from Afghanistan in February 1989 having lost 14,500 dead, while more than a million Afghans had been killed since the invasion a decade earlier.
Not long after Russia’s Bolshevik Revolution, Gregory Zinoviev had said that international communism “turns today to the peoples of the East and says to them, `Brothers, we summon you to a Holy War first of all against British imperialism!’ At this there were cries of Jehad! Jehad! And much brandishing of picturesque Oriental weapons.” (Treadgold, Twentieth Century Russia, 1990, p. 213). Now instead, the Afghan misadventure had contributed to the collapse of the Soviet Empire itself, the USSR ceasing to be a political entity by 1991, and even Gorbachev being displaced by Boris Yeltsin and later Vladimir Putin in a new Russia.
What resulted for the people of the USA and Britain and the West in general was that they no longer had to live under threat of hostile Soviet tanks and missiles, while the people of Russia, Ukraine and the other erstwhile Soviet republics as well as Eastern Europe were able to throw off the yoke of communism that had oppressed them since the Bolshevik Revolution and instead to breathe the air of freedom.
What happened to the people of Afghanistan, however, was that they were plunged into further ghastly civil war for more than ten years. And what happened to the people of Pakistan was that their country was left resembling a gigantic Islamist military camp, awash with airfields, arms, ammunition and trained guerrillas, as well as a military establishment enlivened as always by perpetual hope that these supplies, provisions and personnel of war might find alternative use in attacks against India over J& K. “We helped you when you wished to see the Soviet Union defeated and withdrawing in Afghanistan”, Pakistan’s generals and diplomats pleaded with the Americans and British, “now you must help us in our wish to see India defeated and withdrawing in Kashmir”. Pakistan’s leaders even believed that just as the Soviet Union had disintegrated afterwards, the Indian Union perhaps might be made to do the same. Not only were the two cases as different as chalk from cheese, Palmerstone’s dictum there are no permanent allies in the politics of nations could not have found more apt use than in what actually came to take place next.
Pakistan’s generals and diplomats felt betrayed by the loss of Anglo-American paternalism towards them after 1989.
Modern Pakistanis had never felt they subscribed to the Indian nationalist movement culminating in independence in August 1947. The Pakistani state now finally declared its independence in the world by exploding bombs in a nuclear arsenal secretly created with help purchased from China and North Korea. Pakistan’s leaders thus came to feel in some control of Pakistan’s destiny as a nation-state for the first time, more than fifty years after Pakistan’s formal creation in 1947. If nothing else, at least they had the Bomb.
Secondly, America and its allies would not be safe for long since the civil war they had left behind in Afghanistan while trying to defeat the USSR now became a brew from which arose a new threat of violent Islamism. Osama bin Laden and the Taliban, whom Pakistan’s military and the USA had promoted, now encouraged unprecedented attacks on the American mainland on September 11 2001 ~ causing physical and psychological damage which no Soviet, Chinese or Cuban missiles ever had been allowed to do. In response, America attacked and removed the Taliban regime in Afghanistan, once again receiving the cooperative use of Pakistani manpower and real estate ~ except now there was no longer any truck with the Pakistani establishment’s wish for a quid pro quo of Anglo-American support against India on J&K. Pakistan’s generals and diplomats soon realised their Anglo-American alliance of more than a half-century ended on September 11 2001. Their new cooperation was in killing or arresting and handing over fellow-Muslims and necessarily lacked their earlier feelings of subservience and ingratiation towards the Americans and British, and came to be done instead under at least some duress. No benefit could be reaped any more in the fight against India over Jammu & Kashmir. An era had ended in the subcontinent.
WHAT TO TELL MUSHARRAF: PEACE IS IMPOSSIBLE WITHOUT NON-AGGRESSIVE PAKISTANI INTENTIONS by Subroto Roy, First published in The Statesman December 15 2006 Editorial Page Special Article, www.thestatesman.net
In June 1989 a project at an American university involving Pakistani and other scholars, including one Indian, led to the book Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s published in Karachi, New Delhi and elsewhere. The book reached Nawaz Sharif and the Islamabad elite, and General Musharraf’s current proposal on J&K, endorsed warmly by the US State Department last week, derives from the last paragraph of its editorial introduction: “Kashmir… must be demilitarised and unified by both countries sooner or later, and it must be done without force. There has been enough needless bloodshed on the subcontinent… Modern Pakistanis and Indians are free peoples who can voluntarily agree in their own interests to alter the terms set hurriedly by Attlee or Mountbatten in the Indian Independence Act 1947. Nobody but we ourselves keeps us prisoners of superficial definitions of who we are or might be. The subcontinent could evolve its political identity over a period of time on the pattern of Western Europe, with open borders and (common) tariffs to the outside world, with the free movement of people, capital, ideas and culture. Large armed forces could be reduced and transformed in a manner that would enhance the security of each nation. The real and peaceful economic revolution of the masses of the subcontinent would then be able to begin.”
The editors as economists decried the waste of resources involved in the Pakistan-India confrontation, saying it had “greatly impoverished the general budgets of both Pakistan and India. If it has benefited important sections of the political and military elites of both countries, it has done so only at the expense of the general welfare of the masses.”
International law
Such words may have been bold in the early 1990s but today, a decade and a half later, they seem incomplete and rather naïve even to their author, who was myself, the only Indian in that project. Most significantly, the position in international law in the context of historical facts had been wholly neglected. So had been the manifest nature of the contemporary Pakistani state.
Jammu & Kashmir became an entity in international law when the Treaty of Amritsar was signed between Gulab Singh and the British on March 16 1846. British India itself became an entity in international law much later, possibly as late as June 1919 when it signed the Treaty of Versailles. As for Pakistan, it had no existence in world history or international law until August 14 1947, when the British created it as a new entity out of certain demarcated areas of British India and gave it the status of a Dominion. British India dissolved itself on August 15 1947 and the Dominion of India became its successor-state in international law on that date. As BR Ambedkar pointed out at the time, the new India automatically inherited British India’s suzerainty over any and all remaining “princely” states of so-called “Indian India”. In case of J&K in particular, there never was any question of it being recognised as an independent entity in global international law.
The new Pakistan, by entering a Standstill Agreement with J&K as of August 15 1947, did locally recognise J&K’s sovereignty over its decision whether to join Pakistan or India. But this Pakistani recognition lasted only until the attack on J&K that commenced from Pakistani territory as of October 22 1947, an attack in which Pakistani forces were complicit (something which, in different and mutating senses, has continued ever since). The Dominion of India had indicated it might have consented if J&K’s Ruler had decided to accede to Pakistan in the weeks following the dissolution of British India. But no such thing happened: what did happen was the descent of J&K into a condition of legal anarchy.
Beginning with the Pakistani attack on J&K as of October 22 upto and including the Rape of Baramulla and the British-led Pakistani coup détat in Gilgit on one side, and the arrival of Indian forces as well as mobilization by Sheikh Abdullah and Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad of J&K’s civilians to repel the Pakistani invaders on the other side, the State of Jammu & Kashmir became an ownerless entity in international law. In Roman Law, from which all modern international and municipal law ultimately derives, the ownership of an ownerless entity is open to be determined by “military decision”. The January 1949 Ceasefire Line that came to be renamed the Line of Control after the 1971 Bangladesh War, demarcates the respective territories that the then-Dominions and later Republics of India and Pakistan acquired by “military decision” of the erstwhile State of J&K which had come to cease to exist.
What the Republic of India means by saying today that boundaries cannot be redrawn nor any populations forcibly transferred is quite simply that the division of erstwhile J&K territory is permanent, and that sovereignty over it is indivisible. It is only sheer ignorance on the part of General Musharraf’s Indian interviewer the other day which caused it to be said that Pakistan was willing to “give up” its claim on erstwhile J&K State territory which India has held: Pakistan has never had nor even made such a claim in international law. What Pakistan has claimed is that India has been an occupier and that there are many people inhabiting the Indian area who may not wish to be Indian nationals and who are being compelled against their will to remain so ~ forgetting to add that precisely the same could be said likewise of the Pakistani-held area.
Accordingly, the lawful solution proposed in these pages a year ago to resolve that matter, serious as it is, has been that the Republic of India invite every person covered under Article 370, citizen-by- citizen, under a condition of full information, to privately and without fear decide, if he/she has not done so already, between possible Indian, Iranian, Afghan or Pakistani nationalities ~ granting rights and obligations of permanent residents to any of those persons who may choose for whatever private reason not to remain Indian nationals. If Pakistan acted likewise, the problem of J&K would indeed come to be resolved. The Americans, as self- appointed mediators, have said they wish “the people of the region to have a voice” in a solution: there can be no better expression of such voice than allowing individuals to privately choose their own nationalities and their rights and responsibilities accordingly. The issue of territorial sovereignty is logically distinct from that of the choice of nationality by individual inhabitants.
Military de-escalation
Equally significant though in assessing whether General Musharraf’s proposal is an anachronism, is Pakistan’s history since 1947: through Ayub’s 1965 attack, the civil war and secession of Bangladesh, the Afghan war and growth of the ISI, the Kargil incursion, the 1999 coup détat, and, once or twice removed, the 9/11 attacks against America. It is not a history that allows any confidence to arise in Indians that we are not dealing with a country misgoverned by a tiny arrogant exploitative military elite who remain hell-bent on aggression against us. Like the USA and USSR twenty years ago, what we need to negotiate about, and negotiate hard about, is an overall mutual military drawdown and de-escalation appropriate to lack of aggressive intent on both sides. Is General Musharraf willing to discuss that? It would involve reciprocal verifiable assessment of one another’s reasonable military requirements on the assumption that each was not a threatening enemy of the other. That was how the USA-USSR drawdown and de-escalation occurred successfully. If General Musharraf is unwilling to enter such a discussion, there is hardly anything to talk about with him. We should wait for democracy to return.
SIX
by Subroto Roy, December 17 2008
Pakistan President Asif Ali Zardari’s recent argument in the New York Times resembles closely the well-known publications of his ambassador to the United States, Mr Husain Haqqani. Unfortunately, this Zardari-Haqqani thesis about Pakistan’s current predicament in the world and the world’s predicament with Pakistan is shot through with clear factual and logical errors. These need to be aired because true or useful conclusions cannot be reached from mistaken premises or faulty reasoning.
1. Origins of Pakistan, India, J&K, and their mutual problems
Mr Zardari makes the following seemingly innocuous statement:
“…. the two great nations of Pakistan and India, born together from the same revolution and mandate in 1947, must continue to move forward with the peace process.”
Now as a matter of simple historical fact, the current entities in the world system known as India and Pakistan were not “born together from the same revolution and mandate in 1947”. It is palpably false to suppose they were and Pakistanis indulge in wishful thinking and self-deception about their own political history if they suppose this.
India’s Republic arose out of the British Dominion known as “India” which was the legal successor of the entity known previously in international law as “British India”. British India had had secular governance and so has had the Indian Republic.
By contrast, the Islamic Republic of Pakistan arose out of a newly created state in international law known as the British Dominion of Pakistan, consisting of designated territory carved out of British India by a British decision and coming into existence one day before British India extinguished itself. (Another new state, Bangladesh, later seceded from Pakistan.)
The British decision to create territory designated “Pakistan” had nothing to do with any anti-British “revolution” or “mandate” supported by any Pakistani nationalism because there was none. (Rahmat Ali’s anti-Hindu pamphleteering in London could be hardly considered Pakistani nationalism against British rule. Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan’s Pashtun patriots saw themselves as Indian, not Pakistani.)
To the contrary, the British decision had to do with a small number of elite Pakistanis — MA Jinnah foremost among them — demanding not to be part of the general Indian nationalist movement that had been demanding a British departure from power in the subcontinent. Jinnah’s separatist party, the Muslim League, was trounced in the 1937 provincial elections in all the Muslim-majority areas of British India that would eventually become Pakistan. Despite this, in September 1939, Britain, at war with Nazi Germany, chose to elevate the political power of Jinnah and his League to parity with the general Indian nationalist movement led by MK Gandhi. (See, Francis Robinson, in William James and Subroto Roy (eds), Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s.) Britain needed India’s mostly Muslim infantry-divisions — the progenitors of the present-day Pakistan Army — and if that meant tilting towards a risky political idea of “Pakistan” in due course, so it would be. The thesis that Pakistan arose from any kind of “revolution” or “mandate” in 1947 is fantasy — the Muslim super-elite that invented and endorsed the Pakistan idea flew from Delhi to Karachi in chartered BOAC Dakotas, caring not a hoot about the vulnerability of ordinary Muslim masses to Sikh and Hindu majority wrath and retaliation on the ground.
Modern India succeeded to the rights and obligations of British India in international law, and has had a recognized existence as a state since at least the signing of the Armistice and Treaty of Versailles in 1918-1919. India was a founding member of the United Nations, being a signatory of the 1945 San Francisco Declaration, and an original member of the Bretton Woods institutions. An idea put forward by Argentina that as of 1947 India and Pakistan were both successor states of British India was rejected by the UN (Argentina withdrew its own suggestion), and it was universally acknowledged India was already a member of the UN while Pakistan would have to (and did) apply afresh for membership as a newly created state in the UN. Pakistan’s entry into the UN had the enthusiastic backing of India and was opposed by only one existing UN member, Afghanistan, due to a conflict that continues to this day over the legitimacy of the Durand Line that bifurcated the Pashtun areas.
Such a review of elementary historical facts and the position in law of Pakistan and India is far from being of merely pedantic interest today. Rather, it goes directly to the logical roots of the conflict over the erstwhile State of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) — a state that itself originated as an entity in the world system a full century before Pakistan was to do so and more than half a century before British India did, but which would collapse into anarchy and civil war in 1947-1949.
Britain (or England) had been a major nation-state in the world system recognized since Grotius first outlined modern international law. On March 16 1846, Britain entered into a treaty, the Treaty of Amritsar, with one Gulab Singh, and the “State of Jammu & Kashmir” came to arise as a recognizable entity in international law for the first time. (See my “History of Jammu and Kashmir” published in The Statesman, Oct 29-30 2006, available elsewhere here.)
Jammu & Kashmir continued in orderly existence as a state until it crashed into legal and political anarchy and civil war a century later. The new Pakistan had entered into a “Standstill Agreement” with the State of Jammu & Kashmir as of August 15 1947. On or about October 22 1947, Pakistan unilaterally ended that Standstill Agreement and instead caused military forces from its territory to attack the State of Jammu & Kashmir along the Mansehra Road towards Baramula and Srinagar, coinciding too with an Anglo-Pakistani coup d’etat in Gilgit and Baltistan (see my “Solving Kashmir”; “Law, Justice & J&K”; “Pakistan’s Allies”, all published in The Statesman in 2005-2006 and available elsewhere here).
The new Pakistan had chosen, in all deliberation, to forswear law, politics and diplomacy and to resort to force of arms instead in trying to acquire J&K for itself via a military decision. It succeeded only partially. Its forces took and then lost both Baramula and Kargil; they may have threatened Leh but did not attempt to take it; they did take and retain Muzaffarabad and Skardu; they were never near taking the summer capital, Srinagar, though might have threatened the winter capital, Jammu.
All in all, a Ceasefire Line came to be demarcated on the military positions as of February 1 1949. After a war in 1971 that accompanied the secession of Bangladesh from Pakistan, that Ceasefire Line came to be renamed the “Line of Control” between Pakistan and India. An ownerless entity may be acquired by force of arms — the erstwhile State of Jammu & Kashmir in 1947-1949 had become an ownerless entity that had been dismembered and divided according to military decision following an armed conflict between Pakistan and India. The entity in the world system known as the “State of Jammu & Kashmir” created on March 16 1846 by Gulab Singh’s treaty with the British ceased to exist as of October 22 1947. Pakistan had started the fight over J&K but there is a general rule of conflicts that he who starts a fight does not get to finish it.
Such is the simplest and most practical statement of the history of the current problem. The British, through their own compulsions and imperial pretensions, raised all the talk about a “Lapse of Paramountcy” of the British Crown over the “Native Princes” of “Indian India”, and of how, the “Native Princes” were required to “accede” to either India or Pakistan. This ignored Britain’s own constitutional law. BR Ambedkar pointed out with unsurpassed clarity that no “Lapse of Paramountcy” was possible even for a single logical moment since “Paramountcy” over any “Native Princes” who had not joined India or Pakistan as of August 15 1947, automatically passed from British India to its legal successor, namely, the Dominion of India. It followed that India’s acquiescence was required for any subsequent accession to Pakistan – an acquiescence granted in case of Chitral and denied in case of Junagadh.
What the Republic of India means by saying today that boundaries cannot be redrawn nor any populations forcibly transferred is quite simply that the division of erstwhile J&K territory is permanent, and that sovereignty over it is indivisible. What Pakistan has claimed is that India has been an occupier and that there are many people inhabiting the Indian area who may not wish to be Indian nationals and who are being compelled against their will to remain so ~ forgetting to add that precisely the same could be said likewise of the Pakistani-held area. The lawful solution I proposed in “Solving Kashmir, “Law, Justice and J&K” and other works has been that the Republic of India invite every person covered under its Article 370, citizen-by-citizen, under a condition of full information, to privately and without fear decide, if he/she has not done so already, between possible Indian, Iranian, Afghan or Pakistani nationalities ~ granting rights and obligations of permanent residents to any of those persons who may choose for whatever private reason not to remain Indian nationals. If Pakistan acted likewise, the problem of J&K would indeed come to be resolved. The Americans, as self-appointed mediators, have said they wish “the people of the region to have a voice” in a solution: there can be no better expression of such voice than allowing individuals to privately choose their own nationalities and their rights and responsibilities accordingly. The issue of territorial sovereignty is logically distinct from that of the choice of nationality by individual inhabitants.
2. Benazir’s assassination falsely compared to the Mumbai massacres
Secondly, President Zardari draws a mistaken comparison between the assassination last year of his wife, Benazir Bhutto, and the Mumbai massacres a few weeks ago. Ms Bhutto’s assassination may resemble more closely the assassinations in India of Indira Gandhi in 1984 and Rajiv Gandhi in 1991.
Indira Gandhi died in “blowback” from the unrest she and her younger son and others in their party had opportunistically fomented among Sikh fundamentalists and sectarians since the late 1970s. Rajiv Gandhi died in “blowback” from an erroneous imperialistic foreign policy that he, as Prime Minister, had been induced to make by jingoistic Indian diplomats, a move that got India’s military needlessly involved in the then-nascent Sri Lankan civil war. Benazir Bhutto similarly may be seen to have died in “blowback” from her own political activity as prime minister and opposition leader since the late 1980s, including her own encouragement of Muslim fundamentalist forces. Certainly in all three cases, as in all assassinations, there were lapses of security too and imprudent political judgments made that contributed to the tragic outcomes.
Ms Bhutto’s assassination has next to nothing to do with the Mumbai massacres, besides the fact the perpetrators in both cases were Pakistani terrorists. President Zardari saying he himself has lost his wife to terrorism is true but not relevant to the proper diagnosis of the Mumbai massacres or to Pakistan-India relations in general. Rather, it serves to deflect criticism and condemnation of the Pakistani state’s pampered handing of Pakistan’s terrorist masterminds, as well as the gross irresponsibility of Pakistan’s military scientists (not AQ Khan) who have been recently advocating a nuclear first strike against India in the event of war.
3. Can any religious nation-state be viable in the modern world?
President Zardari’s article says:
“The world worked to exploit religion against the Soviet Union in Afghanistan by empowering the most fanatic extremists as an instrument of destruction of a superpower. The strategy worked, but its legacy was the creation of an extremist militia with its own dynamic.”
This may be overly simplistic. As pointed out in my article “Pakistan’s Allies”, Gregory Zinoviev himself after the Bolshevik Revolution had declared that international communism “turns today to the peoples of the East and says to them, ‘Brothers, we summon you to a Holy War first of all against British imperialism!’ At this there were cries of Jehad! Jehad! And much brandishing of picturesque Oriental weapons.” (Treadgold, Twentieth Century Russia, 1990, p. 213). For more than half of the 20th century, orthodox Muslims had been used by Soviet communists against British imperialism, then by the British and Americans (through Pakistan) against Soviet communism. Touché! Blowback and counter-blowback! The real question that arises from this today may be why orthodox Muslims have allowed themselves to be used either way by outside forces and have failed in developing a modern nation-state and political culture of their own. Europe and America only settled down politically after their religious wars were over. Perhaps no religious nation-state is viable in the modern world.
4. Pakistan’s behaviour leads to schizophrenia in international relations
President Zardari pleads for, or perhaps demands, resources from the world:
“the best response to the Mumbai carnage is to coordinate in counteracting the scourge of terrorism. The world must act to strengthen Pakistan’s economy and democracy, help us build civil society and provide us with the law enforcement and counterterrorism capacities that will enable us to fight the terrorists effectively.”
Six million pounds from Mr Gordon Brown, so much from here or there etc – President Zardari has apparently demanded 100 billion dollars from America and that is the price being talked about for Pakistan to dismantle its nuclear weapons and be brought under an American “nuclear umbrella” instead.
I have pointed out elsewhere that what Pakistan seems to have been doing in international relations for decades is send out “mixed messages” – i.e. contradictory signals, whether in thought, word or deed. Clinical psychologists following the work of Gregory Bateson would say this leads to confusion among Pakistan’s interlocutors (a “double bind”) and the symptoms arise of what may be found in schizophrenic relationships. (See my article “Do President-elect Obama’s Pakistan specialists believe…”; on the “double bind” theory, an article I chanced to publish in the Journal of Genetic Psychology, 1986, may be of interest).
Here are a typical set of “mixed messages” emanating from Pakistan’s government and opinion-makers:
“We have nuclear weapons
“We keep our nuclear weapons safe from any misuse or unauthorized use
“We are willing to use nuclear weapons in a first strike against India
“We do not comprehend the lessons of Hiroshima-Nagasaki
“We do not comprehend the destruction India will visit upon us if we strike them
“We are dangerous so we must not be threatened in any way
“We are peace-loving and want to live in peace with India and Afghanistan
“We love to play cricket with India and watch Bollywood movies
“We love our Pakistan Army as it is one public institution that works
“We know the Pakistan Army has backed armed militias against India in the past
“We know these militias have caused terrorist attacks
“We are not responsible for any terrorist attacks
“We do not harbour any terrorists
“We believe the world should pay us to not use or sell our nuclear weapons
“We believe the world should pay us to not encourage the terrorists in our country
“We believe the world should pay us to prevent terrorists from using our nuclear weapons
“We hate India and do not want to become like India
“We love India and want to become like India
“We are India and we are not India…”
Etc.
A mature rational responsible and self-confident Pakistan would have said instead:
“We apologise to India and other countries for the outrageous murders our nationals have committed in Mumbai and elsewhere
“We ask the world to watch how our professional army is deployed to disarm civilian and all “non-state” actors of unauthorized firearms and explosives
“We do not need and will not demand or accept a dollar in any sort of foreign aid, military or civilian, to solve our problems
“We realize our economic and political institutions are a mess and we must clean them up
“We will strive to build a society imbued with what Iqbal described as the spirit of modern times..”
As someone who created at great personal cost at an American university twenty years ago the book Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s, I have a special interest in hoping that Pakistan shall find the path of wisdom.”
Finally, a dozen years late, the Sonia-Manmohan Congress takes a small Rajivist step: Yes Prime Minister, our Judiciary is indeed a premier public good (or example of “infrastructure” to use that dreadful bureaucratic term)
August 18, 2009 — drsubrotoroyI was very harsh and did not beat about the bush in my Sep 23-24 2007 article in The Statesman “Against Quackery” when I said in its subtitle
“Manmohan and Sonia have violated Rajiv Gandhi’s intended reforms”.
I said inter alia
“WASTE, fraud and abuse are inevitable in the use and allocation of public property and resources in India as elsewhere, but Government is supposed to fight and resist such tendencies. The Sonia-Manmohan Government have done the opposite, aiding and abetting a wasteful anti-economics ~ i.e., an economic quackery. Vajpayee-Advani and other Governments, including Narasimha-Manmohan in 1991-1996, were just as complicit in the perverse policy-making. So have been State Governments of all regional parties like the CPI-M in West Bengal, DMK/ AIADMK in Tamil Nadu, Congress/NCP/ BJP/Sena in Maharashtra, TDP /Congress in Andhra Pradesh, SP/BJP/BSP in Uttar Pradesh etc. Our dismal politics merely has the pot calling the kettle black while national self-delusion and superstition reign in the absence of reason. The general pattern is one of well-informed, moneyed, mostly city-based special interest groups (especially including organised capital and organised labour) dominating government agendas at the cost of ill-informed, diffused anonymous individual citizens ~ peasants, small businessmen, non-unionized workers, old people, housewives, medical students etc….Rajiv Gandhi had a sense of noblesse oblige out of remembrance of his father and maternal grandfather. After his assassination, the comprador business press credited Narasimha Rao and Manmohan Singh with having originated the 1991 economic reform. In May 2002, however, the Congress Party itself passed a resolution proposed by Digvijay Singh explicitly stating Rajiv and not either of them was to be so credited. The resolution was intended to flatter Sonia Gandhi but there was truth in it too. Rajiv, a pilot who knew no political economy, was a quick learner with intelligence to know a good idea when he saw one and enough grace to acknowledge it. …Rajiv was entirely convinced when the suggestion was made to him in September 1990 that an enormous infusion of public resources was needed into the judicial system for promotion and improvement of the Rule of Law in the country, a pre-requisite almost for a new market orientation. Capitalism without the Rule of Law can quickly degenerate into an illiberal hell of cronyism and anarchy which is what has tended to happen since 1991. The resources put since Independence to the proper working of our judiciary from the Supreme Court and High Courts downwards have been abysmal, while the state of prisons, borstals, mental asylums and other institutions of involuntary detention is nothing short of pathetic. Only police forces, like the military, paramilitary and bureaucracies, have bloated in size….Neither Sonia-Manmohan nor the BJP or Communists have thought promotion of the Rule of Law in India to be worth much serious thought ~ certainly less important than attending bogus international conclaves and summits to sign expensive deals for arms, aircraft, reactors etc. Yet Rajiv Gandhi, at a 10 Janpath meeting on 23 March 1991 when he received the liberalisation proposals he had authorized, explicitly avowed the importance of greater resources towards the Judiciary. Dr Singh and his acolytes were not in that loop, indeed they precisely represented the bureaucratic ancien regime intended to be changed, and hence have seemed quite uncomprehending of the roots of the intended reforms ever since 1991.”
Days after the article appeared there were press reports Dr Singh was murmuring about quitting, and then came a fierce speech in Hindi from the Congress President saying “enemies” would receive their dues or whatever – only to be retracted a few days later saying that no more had been meant than a local critique of the BJP in Haryana politics! (Phew! I said to myself in relief…)
All this is constructive and positive, late as it is since Sonia Gandhi and Manmohan Singh both became heavy-duty Congress Party politicians for the first time a dozen years ago.
I was privileged to advise a previous Congress President in his last months from September 1990 as has been told elsewhere. And six years before that I had said:
“….….The most serious examples of the malfunctioning of civil government in India are probably the failure to take feasible public precautions against the monsoons and the disarray of the judicial system. …The Statesman lamented in July 1980:`The simplest matter takes an inordinate amount of time, remedies seldom being available to those without means or influence. Of the more than 16,000 cases pending in the Supreme Court, about 5,000 were introduced more than five years ago; while nearly 16,000 of the backlog of more than 600,000 cases in our high courts have been hanging fire for over a decade. Allahabad is the worst offender but there are about 75,000 uncleared cases in the Calcutta High Court in addition to well over a million in West Bengal’s lower courts.” Such a state of affairs has been caused not only by lazy and corrupt policemen, court clerks and lawyers, but also by the paucity of judges and magistrates. . . . a vast volume of laws provokes endless litigation as much because of poor drafting which leads to disputes over interpretation as because they appear to violate particular rights and privileges…. When governments determinedly do what they need not or should not do, it may be expected that they will fail to do what civil government positively should be doing.” A few months ago was the 25th anniversary of this statement… !
Yes Prime Minister, having an effective and efficient judiciary is indeed a premier public good and one that has failed to be provided to India’s people from Nehru’s time and through Indira’s. I managed to persuade Rajiv about it completely. Might I next be so bold as to draw attention as well to the paragraphs of the 2007 article that followed?
“Similarly, Rajiv comprehended when it was said to him that the primary fiscal problem faced by India is the vast and uncontrolled public debt, interest payments on which suck dry all public budgets leaving no room for provision of public goods. Government accounts: Government has been routinely “rolling over” its domestic debt in the asset-portfolios of the nationalised banks while displaying and highlighting only its new additional borrowing in a year as the “Fiscal Deficit”. More than two dozen States have been doing the same and their liabilities ultimately accrue to the Union too. The stock of public debt in India is Rs 30 trillion (Rs 30 lakh crore) at least, and portends a hyperinflation in the future. There has been no serious recognition of this since it is political and bureaucratic actions that have been causing the problem. Proper recognition would entail systematically cleaning up the budgets and accounts of every single governmental entity in the country: the Union, every State, every district and municipality, every publicly funded entity or organisation, and at the same time improving public decision-making capacity so that once budgets and accounts recover from grave sickness over decades, functioning institutions exist for their proper future management. All this would also stop corruption in its tracks, and release resources for valuable public goods and services like the Judiciary, School Education and Basic Health. Institutions for improved political and administrative decision-making are needed throughout the country if public preferences with respect to raising and allocating common resources are to be elicited and then translated into actual delivery of public goods and services. Our dysfunctional legislatures will have to do at least a little of what they are supposed to. When public budgets and accounts are healthy and we have functioning public goods and services, macroeconomic conditions would have been created for the paper-rupee to once more become a money as good as gold ~ a convertible world currency for all of India’s people, not merely the metropolitan special interest groups that have been controlling our governments and their agendas.”
Subroto Roy
Kolkata
Why did Manmohan Singh and LK Advani apologise to one another? Is Indian politics essentially collusive, not competitive, aiming only to preserve and promote the post-1947 Dilli Raj at the expense of the whole of India? We seem to have no Churchillian repartee (except perhaps from Bihar occasionally)
June 18, 2009 — drsubrotoroyYesterday the PM is reported to have been asked by someone travelling on his aeroplane from Moscow “whether he had forgiven Advani for calling him a ‘weak Prime Minister’”.
The question was absurd, almost ridiculous, typical of our docile ingratiating rather juvenile English-language press and media, as if any issue of forgiveness arises at all about what one politician says during an election campaign about another politician’s performance in office.
Dr Manmohan Singh’s answer was surprising too: “I was compelled to reply to what Advani said…On May 16 when (Advani) telephoned me, he told me that he was hurt by some of my statements. He said he was hurt and regretted his statements… I apologised to him if I have hurt him. I am looking forward to a close relationship with the Leader of the Opposition.”
So LK Advani appears to have apologised to Manmohan Singh and Manmohan Singh to LK Advani for what they said about each other during the recent general election campaign! What is going on? Were they schoolboys exchanging fisticuffs in a school playground or elderly men battling over power and policy in modern Indian politics?
What would we have done if there was a Churchill in Indian politics today – hurling sarcastic insults at domestic opponents and foreign leaders while guiding a nation on its right course during turbulent times?
Churchill once famously said his parents had not shown him “The Boneless Wonder” in PT Barnum’s circus because it was too horrible a sight but now he had finally seen such a “Boneless Wonder” in his opponent on the Treasury Benches, namely, Ramsay MacDonald. Of the same opponent he said later “He has the gift of compressing the largest number of words into the smallest amount of thought”.
When accused of being drunk by a woman MP he replied “And you are very ugly, but tomorrow I’ll be sober”. Today’s politically correct world would scream at far less. Field Marshall Montgomery told Churchill, “I neither drink nor smoke and am 100% fit,” to which Churchill replied, “I drink and smoke and I am 200% fit”. That too would be politically incorrect today.
Churchill described Prime Minister Clement Attlee as “a modest man with much to be modest about”; also about Attlee: “If any grub is fed on Royal Jelly it turns into a Queen Bee”. Yet Attlee had enough dignity and self-knowledge and self-confidence to brush it all off and instead respect and praise him. In the 1954 volume Winston Spencer Churchill Servant of Crown and Commonwealth Attlee added his own tribute to his great opponent: “I recall…the period when he was at odds with his own party and took a seat on the Bench below the Gangway on the Government side. Here he was well placed to fire on both parties. I remember describing him as a heavily armed tank cruising in No Man’s Land. Very impressive were the speeches he delivered as the international horizon grew darker. He became very unpopular with the predominant group in his own party, but he never minded fighting a lone battle.”
Stanley Baldwin, who as PM first appointed Churchill as Chancellor of the Exchequer, once said “There comes Winston with his hundred horsepower mind”. Yet Churchill was to later say harshly “I wish Stanley Baldwin no ill, but it would have been much better had he never lived.”
Of Lenin, Churchill said, he was “transported in a sealed truck like a plague bacillus from Switzerland into Russia”. Of Molotov: “I have never seen a human being who more perfectly represented the modern concept of a robot.” Of Hitler, “If [he] invaded hell I would at least make a favourable reference to the devil in the House of Commons”. Of De Gaulle, “He was a man without a country yet he acted as if he was head of state”.” Of John Foster Dulles, “[He] is the only bull who carries his china shop with him”. Of Stafford Cripps, British Ambassador to the USSR, “…a lunatic in a country of lunatics”; and also “There but for the Grace of God, goes God”.
Decades later, that great neo-Churchillian Margaret Thatcher was on the receiving end of a vast amount of sarcasm. “President Mitterrand once famously remarked that Thatcher had ‘the eyes of Caligula and the lips of Marilyn Monroe’. Rather less flatteringly, Dennis Healey described her as Attila the Hen. She probably took both descriptions as compliments.” (Malcolm Rifkind in Margaret Thatcher’s Revolution: How it Happened and What it Meant edited by Subroto Roy and John Clarke, 2005).
Politics is, and should be, grown up stuff because it deals with human lives and national destinies, and really, if you can’t take the heat please do not enter the kitchen. The slight Churchillian sarcasm that does arise within modern Indian politics comes very occasionally from Bihar but nowhere else, e.g. about the inevitability of aloo in samosas and of bhaloos in the jungle but no longer of Laloo being in the seat of power. In general, everyone seems frightfully sombre and self-important though may be in fact short of self-knowledge and hence self-confidence.
What had Manmohan Singh said about LK Advani that he felt he had to apologise for? That Advani had no substantial political achievement to his credit and did not deserve to be India’s PM. Manmohan was not alone in making the charge – Sonia Gandhi, Rahul Gandhi and numerous other spokesmen and representatives of their party said the same. Has Manmohan’s apology to Advani been one on behalf of the whole Congress Party itself?
Was Advani’s apology to Manmohan one on behalf of the whole BJP too?
What had the BJP charged Manmohan with that Advani felt he had to apologise for? Being a “weak PM”.
Hmmm. Frankly, thinking about it, it is hard to count who has not been weak as a PM in India’s modern history.
Certainly Vallabhai Patel as a kind of co-PM was decisive and far from weak back in 1947-48.
Lal Bahadur Shastri was not weak when he told Pakistan that a Pakistani attack on Kashmir would result in an Indian attack on Pakistan.
Indira Gandhi was not weak when she resisted the Yahya Khan-Tikka Khan tyranny against Bangladesh.
Had he not been assassinated, Rajiv Gandhi in a second term would have been decisive and not weak in facing up to and tackling the powerful lobbies and special interest groups that have crippled our domestic economic policy for decades.
But the number of such examples may be counted by hand. Perhaps VP Singh might count, riding in an open jeep to Amritsar, as might AB Vajpayee’s Pokhran II and travelling on a bus to Lahore. In general, the BJP’s charge that Manmohan was “weak” may have constructively led to serious discussion in the country about the whole nature of the Prime Ministership in modern India, which means raising a whole gamut of issues about Indian governance – about India being the softest of “soft states”, with the softest of “soft government budget constraints” (i.e., endless deficit finance and paper money creation) etc.
Instead, what we have had thus far is apologies being exchanged for no real political reason between the leaderships of the Government and the Opposition. If two or three sellers come to implicitly carve up a market between themselves they are said by economic theory to be colluding rather than being in competition. Indian politics may be revealing such implicit collusive behaviour. The goal of this political oligopoly would seem to be to preserve and promote the status quo of the post-1947 Dilli Raj with its special hereditary nomenclatura, at the expense of anonymous diffused teeming India.
Subroto Roy, Kolkata
Postscript July 15 2009: Churchill’s mature opinion of Baldwin was one of the fullest praise at the 20 May 1950 unveiling of a memorial to him. See his In the Balance, edited by Randolph S Churchill, 1951, p. 281
Parliament is supposed to control the Government, not be bullied or intimidated by it: Will Rahul Gandhi be able to lead the Backbenches in the 15th Lok Sabha?
June 1, 2009 — drsubrotoroyAny Lok Sabha MP who neither sits with the Opposition nor is a sworn-in member of the Government is a Backbench MP of the Government party or its coalition.
Shrimati Sonia Gandhi is the most prominent of such Backbench MPs in the 15th Lok Sabha, just as she was of the 14th Lok Sabha, and has chosen to be in a most peculiar position from the point of view of parliamentary law. As the leader of the largest parliamentary party, she could have been not merely a member of the Government but its Prime Minister. She has in fact had a decisive role in determining the composition of the Manmohan Government as well as its policies. She in fact sits on the Frontbenches in the Lok Sabha along with the Manmohan Government. But she is not a member of the Government and is, formally speaking, a Backbench MP who is choosing to sit in the Frontbenches.
(Dr Manmohan Singh himself, not being a member of the Lok Sabha, may, formally speaking, sit or speak from among the Frontbenches of his own Government only by invitation of the Lok Sabha Speaker as a courtesy – such would have been the cardinal reason why Alec Douglas-Home resigned from being Lord Home and instead stood for a House of Commons seat when he was appointed British Prime Minister.)
Sonia Gandhi’s son, Mr Rahul Gandhi, is also a Backbench MP. From all accounts, including that of Dr Singh himself, he could have been a member of Dr Singh’s Government but has specifically chosen not to be. He has appeared to have had some much lesser role than Sonia Gandhi in determining the composition of the Government and its policies but he is not a member of it. He is, formally speaking, a Backbench MP, indeed the most prominent to actually sit in the Backbenches, as he had done in the 14th Lok Sabha, which, it is to be hoped, he does in the 15th Lok Sabha too.
Now Rahul Gandhi, Sonia Gandhi and their 541 other fellow 15th Lok Sabha MPs were declared winners by May 16 2009 having won the Indian people’s vote.
(Incidentally, I predicted the outcome here two hours before polls closed on May 13 – how I did so is simply by having done the necessary work of determining that some 103 million people had voted for Congress in 2004 against some 86 million for the BJP; in my assessment Congress had done more than enough by way of political rhetoric and political reality to maintain if not extend that difference in 2009, i.e., the BJP had not done nearly enough to even begin to get enough of a net drift in its favour. I expect when the data are out it shall be seen that the margin of the raw vote between them has been much enlarged from 2004.)
As I have pointed out here over the last fortnight, there was no legal or logical reason why the whole 15th Lok Sabha could not have been sworn in latest by May 18 2009.
Instead, Dr Manmohan Singh on May 18 held a purported “Cabinet” meeting of the defunct 14th Lok Sabha – an institution that had been automatically dissolved when Elections had been first announced! The Government then went about forming itself over two weeks despite the 15th Lok Sabha, on whose confidence it depended for its political legitimacy, not having been allowed to meet. Everyone – the Congress Party’s Supreme Court advocates, the Lok Sabha Secretariat, the Election Commission, Rashtrapati Bhavan too – seems to have gotten it awfully wrong by placing the cart before the horse.
In our system it is Parliament that is sovereign, not the Executive Government. In fact the Executive is accountable to Parliament, specifically the Lok Sabha, and is supposed to be guided by it as well as hold its confidence at all times.
What has happened instead this time is that Government ministers have been busy taking oaths and entering their offices and making policy-decisons days before they have taken their oaths and their seats as Lok Sabha MPs! The Government has thus started off by diminishing Parliament’s sovereignty and this should not be allowed to happen again.
(Of course why it took place is because of the peculiarity of the victory relative to our experience in recent decades – nobody could remember parliamentary traditions from Nehru’s time in the 1950s. Even so, someone, e.g. the former Speaker, should have known and insisted upon explaining the relevant aspect of parliamentary law and hence avoided this breach.)
A central question now is whether a Government which has such a large majority, and which is led by someone in and has numerous ministers from the Rajya Sabha, is going to be adequately controlled and feel itself accountable to the Lok Sabha.
Neither of the Lok Sabha’s most prominent Backbenchers, Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi, have thus far distinguished themselves as Parliamentarians on the floor of the Lok Sabha. In the 14th Lok Sabha, Sonia Gandhi, sitting in the Frontbenches, exercised the enormous control that she did over the Government not on the floor of the House itself but from outside it.
It would be best of all if she chose in the 15th Lok Sabha to actually physically sit in the Congress’s Backbenches because that would ensure best that the Government Party’s ministers in the Frontbenches will keep having to seek to be accountable to the Backbenches!
But this seems unlikely to happen in view of the fact she herself seems to have personally influenced the choice of a Speaker for the 15th Lok Sabha and it may be instead expected that she continues to sit on the Frontbenches with the Government without being a member of it.
That leaves Rahul Gandhi. If he too comes to be persuaded by the sycophants to sit on the Frontbenches with the Government, that will not be a healthy sign.
On the other hand, if he continues to sit on the Backbenches, he may be able to have a salubrious influence on the 15th Lok Sabha fulfilling its responsibility of seeking to seriously control and hold accountable the Executive Government, and not be bullied or intimidated by it. His paternal grandfather, Feroze Gandhi, after all, may have been India’s most eminent and effective Backbench MP yet.
Subroto Roy, Kolkata
Why does India not have a Parliament ten days after the 15th Lok Sabha was elected? Nehru and Rajiv would both have been appalled
May 27, 2009 — drsubrotoroyThere are at least three Supreme Court lawyers, all highly voluble, among the higher echelons of Congress Party politicians; it is surprising that not one of them has been able to get the top Party leadership of Sonia Gandhi and Manmohan Singh to see the apparent breach of normal constitutional law in Parliament not having met more than 10 days after it was elected.
A Government has been formed, Ministers have entered their offices and have been holding press-conferences and taking executive decisions, wannabe-Ministers continue to be wrangling night-and-day for the plums of office — BUT THERE IS NO PARLIAMENT!
Today is the death-anniversary of Jawaharlal Nehru and last week was the death anniversary of Rajiv Gandhi.
Nehru, whatever his faults and infirmities, was an outstanding parliamentarian and a believer in the Westminster model in particular. He was intimately familiar with its unpoken customs and unwritten laws. He would have been completely appalled by the situation today where luminaries of the party that goes by the same name as the one he had led are paying obeisance to his memory 45 years after his death but have failed to see the absurdity in having a Government in office with no new Parliament ten days after a month-long General Election was over! (Incidentally, had he not left explicit instructions against any hero-worship taking place of himself too?)
Rajiv knew his grandfather and had acquired a sense of noblesse oblige from him. He too would have been appalled that the procedural business of government had been simply procrastinated over like this.
It surprises me that Dr Manmohan Singh, having been a post-graduate of Cambridge, having earned a doctorate from Oxford, and more recently having been awarded honorary doctorates from both Ancient Universities, should seem so unaware of the elements of the Westminster model of constitutional jurisprudence which guides our polity too.
It is too late now and the mistakes have been made. I hope his new Government will come to realise at some point and then keep in mind that our Executive receives political legitimacy from Parliament, not vice versa. An Executive can hardly be legitimately in office until the Parliament that is supposed to elect it has been sworn in.
As for our putative Opposition in the Parliament-yet-to-meet, it seems to have drawn a blank too, and eo ipso revealed its own constitutional backwardness and lethargy.
Subroto Roy, Kolkata
Parliament’s sovereignty has been diminished by the Executive: A record for future generations to know
May 25, 2009 — drsubrotoroySad to say, Parliament’s sovereignty has been diminished, indeed usurped, by the new Executive Government.
Here is a brief record for future generations to know.
India’s people completed their voting in the 15th General Elections on Wednesday May 13 2009.
The results of how they had spoken, what was their will, were known and declared by Saturday May 16 2009.
There was no legal or logical reason why the 543 members of the 15th Lok Sabha could not have been sworn in as new MPs by the close-of-business on Monday May 18 at the latest.
On Tuesday May 19 the 15th Lok Sabha could have and should have met to elect itself a pro tem or even a permanent Speaker.
The Speaker would have divided the new House into its Government Party and its Opposition.
There would have been a vote of confidence on the floor of the House, which in the circumstances would have been in favour of the Government Party.
Observing this to have taken place, the Hon’ble President of India as the Head of State would have sent for the leader of the Government Party and invited her to form the new Government.
In this particular case, the leader of the largest political party, namely Sonia Gandhi, would have been accompanied perhaps by the Leader of the Lok Sabha, Pranab Mukherjee, as well as her personal nominee for the position of PM, namely, Manmohan Singh.
Sonia Gandhi would have respectfully declined the invitation of the President to be the new Prime Minister, and she would have also explained that she wanted Manmohan Singh to have the position instead.
The President would have said “Very well, Dr Singh, can you please form the Government?”
He would have said, “Yes Madame President it shall be a privilege and an honour to do so”.
The President would have added, “Thank you, and I notice you are not a member of the Lok Sabha at the moment but I am sure you are taking steps towards becoming one.”
End of visit.
Manmohan Singh would have been sworn in as PM and would have gone about adding Ministers at a measured pace. Later, he would have resigned his Rajya Sabha seat and sought election to the Lok Sabha on the parliamentary precedent set by Alec Douglas-Home.
What has happened instead?
On May 18 2009, instead of 543 members of the 15th Lok Sabha taking their oaths as required by parliamentary law and custom, Dr Singh held a purported “Cabinet” meeting of the 14th Lok Sabha — a long-since dead institution!
Some of the persons attending this meeting as purported “Cabinet ministers” had even lost their seats in the elections decided a few days earlier and so had absolutely zero democratically legitimate status left. All these persons then submitted their purported resignations which Dr Singh carried to the President, stating his Government had resigned. The President then appointed him a caretaker PM and he, along with Sonia Gandhi, then went about “staking claim” to form the next Government — turning up at the President’s again with “letters of support” signed by some 322 persons who were MP-elects but were yet to become MPs formally by not having been sworn in.
The President appeared satisfied the party Sonia Gandhi and Manmohan Singh belonged to would command a majority in prospect in the Lok Sabha and invited him to be PM. Some major public wrangling then took place with at least one of his allies about cabinet berths — and that is the situation as of the present moment except that Dr Singh and several others have been sworn in as the Council of Ministers even though the new 15th Lok Sabha of 543 members has still not convened! It has been all rather sloppy and hardly uplifting.
Parliament is supposed to be sovereign in India.
Not the Executive Government or the largest political party or its leader.
The sovereignty of Parliament required Sonia Gandhi and Dr Singh to have realised
first, that the 14th Lok Sabha stood automatically dissolved when elections were announced;
secondly, that the 15th Lok Sabha could have and should have been sworn in by Monday May 18;
thirdly, that there should have been a vote of confidence in the Lok Sabha immediately which would have gone in favour of the Government Party;
fourthly, that only then should the Executive Government have been sought to be formed;
and of course fifthly, that if that Executive Government was to be led by someone who happened to be a member of the Rajya Sabha and not the Lok Sabha, parliamenary law and custom required him to follow the Douglas-Home precedent of resigning from the former and seeking election to the latter at the earliest opportunity.
Let future generations know that as of today, May 25, the 543 persons whom the people of India voted to constitute the 15th Lok Sabha still remain in limbo without having been sworn in though we already have an Executive Government appointed!
The sovereignty of Parliament, specifically that of the Lok Sabha, has come to be diminished, indeed usurped, by the Executive. It is the Executive that receives its political legitimacy from Parliament, not vice versa. Nehru and his generation knew all this intimately well and would have been appalled at where we in the present have been taking it.
Subroto Roy, Kolkata
Shouldn’t Dr Singh’s Cabinet begin with a small apology to the President of India for discourtesy? May we have reviews and reforms of protocols and practices to be followed at Rashtrapati Bhavan and elsewhere?
May 23, 2009 — drsubrotoroyThe Hon’ble President of India has invited you to join the Council of Ministers and has invited you to Rashtrapati Bhavan to be sworn in by an oath she shall administer. You are awaiting your name to be called. Your name is called and what do you do? You stand up and do a namaste to the PM and then walk a bit to do another namaste to Sonia Gandhi sitting in the audience opposite the President, and then you move towards the microphone ignoring or turning your back on the President herself and then you suddenly remember where you are and realize it is the President who has invited you and shall be administering your oath so you turn around and do a small namaste to her smiling apologetically for having made her an afterthought, and then you go about taking your oath, and then you perhaps do another namaste or two to the President more deeply because you want to make up for having forgotten her last time and finally you feel so happy and pleased with yourself you do another big namaste to Sonia Gandhi in the audience and finally get back to your seat! Phew!
Such was how several of Dr Singh’s new and senior-most cabinet members behaved yesterday at their swearing-in. Dr Singh himself walked straight to the President and did a very gracious bow to her before taking his oath, though on the way back he may have started the ball rolling by doing an exceptionally glad namaste to Sonia Gandhi sitting in the audience. AK Antony was the first and the most senior on the list who most blatantly ignored the President herself initially and turned his back on her momentarily before correcting himself, though he did not fail to do an initial namaste to Shrimati Gandhi. By contrast, Sharad Pawar may have got the whole thing right by walking straight to the President and doing a proper namaste, followed by his oath fluently spoken in Hindi followed by a small acknowledgment of the audience as a whole before returning to his seat.
But in half a dozen cases it all seemed a little sloppy, and even though the President seemed game and sportsmanlike about it, a discourtesy was noticeable to her high office as Head of State which needs to be apologized for and corrected. After all, these were the senior-most ministers, what might lesser ministers do next week?
In fact, a strong case might exist for a rational review nationwide of all such practices and protocols in Delhi and the State capitals, some of which have become so ossified from ancient times that they look bizarre today. Why do we have to have such an elaborate ceremony at all for a mere swearing in, which gets repeated too in each of the states with the Governors and State Governments? Yes perhaps the Head of State did administer the oath to the PM back in 1947 but it is not really necessary for the Head of State to do so now – it could be, for example, the Chief Justice of India who does so, at least to the Prime Minister. The Prime Minister could then himself/herself administer the oath to everyone else in his/her Cabinet, while someone, even the Cabinet Secretary perhaps, could administer the oath to everyone else. The oath itself is what is important, not so much the status of the person administering it. There need not be any such elaborate ceremony at all in Rashtrapati Bhavan that risks the dignity of the President like this and spends everyone’s time.
(And did anyone else notice the private sector lobbyists and public sector fixers seated in the audience? Precisely what were they doing there? Is this just another New Delhi social occasion for people to put on a show of showing their presence?)
For that matter, why was the National Anthem apparently played twice not by any live or noticeable orchestra or band but as a rather grainy recording? It is all a bit depressing when it should have been uplifting. Imagine instead some splendid soprano or tenor leading the singing of the Anthem in that splendid Hall accompanied by a first-class band.
I have long thought we need a National Commission to review all such matters and much more.
It would need to start with the 15th August Red Fort speech by the PM. 15th August was a date chosen by Mountbatten and its auspiciousness was diminished by all the bloodshed that flowed with it. It has become quite unseemly in recent decades to hear our PMs read out party-slogans or government propaganda statements from behind a bullet-proof barrier there. If I was a perceptive school-child being compelled to wait for hours in front of the Red Fort on a hot and muggy August morning to hear such dreary stuff, I might be justifiably upset, and of course many schoolchildren faint every year from exhaustion at being forced to do such things across the country. My own recommendation would be that August 15 be renamed Martyrs’ Day and be a solemn holiday marked only by a long five-minute nationwide silence, say at noon, in memory of all those who have died for India to be what it is today.
Then there is 26 January, going all the way to the “Beating of the Retreat”. Why on earth do we feel a need in this modern age to have such a display in the capital city once a year? Marching bands and parades and floats and fireworks can be great fun for all citizens but they can be and should be spread year-round all across the country’s many cities and towns, and the occasion need not be made a pompous one only in Delhi once a year (with some pale imitations in the State capitals). Republic Day can be a happy holiday for everyone in January when the weather is splendid around the country, with fireworks and fun for everyone, not merely New Delhi’s already delusional Ruling Class.
Then there is the oh-so-common ceremony all over the country from Parliament downwards of standing before the portrait or statue of someone long dead and throwing flowers at it along with a namaste (or in the case of communists, a clenched-fist Black Panther salute). Have we so lost our secular ethos that we do not realize that, for example, a Muslim or Jewish believer might find throwing flowers and doing namaste to a portrait something awkward to do? Both Ariel Sharon and Pervez Musharraf seemed to feel awkward when we took them to the Mahatma Gandhi memorial and said right, now, this is what we expect you to do, throw flowers and walk around it in this manner… it is not enough for you as a visiting dignitary to merely place a bouquet… ! We need to chill out a bit about all this ritualism.
And so it goes. To their considerable credit, neither Nehru nor Indira or Rajiv stood on ceremony much, and the same seems to apply to Sonia Gandhi and her children. The time may be opportune for all such matters to be reviewed calmly and soberly by a National Commission– in the meantime, the PM needs to send a small apology to the President for any unintended discourtesy from his Council of Ministers that may have occurred yesterday or at least a promise that it will not get repeated.
Subroto Roy, Kolkata
Postscript: Then there is the matter of Presidents, Prime Ministers, Governors, Chief Ministers et al taking salutes from the uniformed armed forces or the paramilitary — if you are not yourself a commissioned officer or have never been one, do not respond to a salute from uniformed men and women by saluting or trying to salute them back yourself. What is required is instead to perhaps stand to attention when they salute you, and perhaps bow your head slightly to acknowledge their salute. Salutes are exchanged only within the uniformed services. We instead have civilian leaders seeming to greatly enjoying trying to return salutes themselves….
Why has the Sonia Congress done something that the Congress under Nehru-Indira-Rajiv would not have done, namely, exaggerate the power of the Rajya Sabha and diminish the power of the Lok Sabha?
May 21, 2009 — drsubrotoroyWe in India did not invent the idea of Parliament, the British did. Even the British did not invent the idea of a “Premier Ministre”, the French did that, though the British came to develop its meaning most. Because these are not our own inventions, when something unusual happens in contemporary India to political entities and offices known as “Parliament”, “Prime Minister” etc, contrast and comparison is inevitable with standards and practices that have prevailed around the world in other parliamentary democracies.
Indeed we in India did not even fully invent the idea of our own Parliament though the national struggle led by the original Indian National Congress caused it to come to be invented. The Lok Sabha is the outcome of a long and distinguished constitutional and political history from the Morley-Minto reforms a century ago to the Montagu-Chelmsford reforms and Government of India Act of 1919 to the Government of India Act of 1935 and the first general elections of British India in 1937 (when Jawaharlal Nehru briefly became PM for the first time) and in due course the 1946 Constituent Assembly. Out of all this emerged the 1950 Constitution of India, drafted by that brilliant jurist BR Ambedkar as well as other sober intelligent well-educated and dedicated men and women of his time, and thence arose our first Lok Sabha following the 1951 General Elections.
About the Lok Sabha’s duties, I said in my March 30 2006 article “Logic of Democracy” in The Statesman
“What are Lok Sabha Members and State MLAs legitimately required to be doing in caring for their constituents? First of all, as a body as a whole, they need to elect the Government, i.e. the Executive Branch, and to hold it accountable in Parliament or Assembly. For example, the Comptroller and Auditor General submits his reports directly to the House, and it is the duty of individual legislators to put these to good use in controlling the Government’s waste, fraud or abuse of public resources. Secondly, MPs and MLAs are obviously supposed to literally represent their individual constituencies in the House, i.e. to bring the Government and the House’s attention to specific problems or contingencies affecting their constituents as a whole, and call for the help, funds and sympathy of the whole community on their behalf. Thirdly, MPs and MLAs are supposed to respond to pleas and petitions of individual constituents, who may need the influence associated with the dignity of their office to get things rightly done. For example, an impoverished orphan lad once needed surgery to remove a brain tumour; a family helping him was promised the free services of a top brain surgeon if a hospital bed and operating theatre could be arranged. It was only by turning to the local MLA that the family were able to get such arrangements made, and the lad had his tumour taken out at a public hospital. MPs and MLAs are supposed to vote for and create public goods and services, and to use their moral suasion to see that existing public services actually do get to reach the public.”
What about the Rajya Sabha? I said in the same article:
“Rajya Sabha Members are a different species altogether. Most if not all State Legislative Councils have been abolished, and sadly the present nature of the Rajya Sabha causes similar doubts to arise about its utility. The very idea of a Rajya Sabha was first mooted in embryo form in an 1888 book A History of the Native States of India, Vol I. Gwalior, whose author also advocated popular constitutions for the “Indian India” of the “Native States” since “where there are no popular constitutions, the personal character of the ruler becomes a most important factor in the government… evils are inherent in every government where autocracy is not tempered by a free constitution.” When Victoria was declared India’s “Empress” in 1877, a “Council of the Empire” was mooted but had remained a non-starter even until the 1887 Jubilee. An “Imperial Council” was now designed of the so-called “Native Princes”, which came to evolve into the “Chamber of Princes” which became the “Council of the States” and the Rajya Sabha. It was patterned mostly on the British and not the American upper house except in being not liable to dissolution, and compelling periodic retirement of a third of members. The American upper house is an equal if not the senior partner of the lower house. Our Rajya Sabha follows the British upper house in being a chamber which is duty-bound to oversee any exuberance in the Lok Sabha but which must ultimately yield to it if there is any dispute. Parliament in India’s democracy effectively means the Lok Sabha — where every member has contested and won a direct vote in his/her constituency. The British upper house used to have an aristocratic hereditary component which Tony Blair’s New Labour Government has now removed, so it has now been becoming more like what the Rajya Sabha was supposed to have been like.”
The Canadian upper house is similar to ours in intent: a place for “sober second thought” intended to curb the “democratic excesses” of the lower house. In the Canadian, British, Australian, Irish and our own cases, the Prime Minister, as the chief executive of the lower house has immense indirect power over the upper house, whether in appointing members or even, in the Australian case, dissolving the entire upper house if he/she wishes.
Now yesterday apparently Shrimati Sonia Gandhi, as the duly elected leader of the largest political party in the 15th Lok Sabha, accompanied by Dr Manmohan Singh, as her party’s choice for the position of Prime Minister, went to see the President of India where the Hon’ble President apparently appointed Dr Singh to be the Prime Minister of India – meaning the Prime Minister of the 15th Lok Sabha, except that Dr Singh is not a member of the Lok Sabha and apparently has had no intent of becoming one.
In 2004 Shrimati Gandhi had declined to accept an invitation to become PM and instead effectively recommended Dr Singh to be PM despite his not being a member of the Lok Sabha nor intending to be so. This exploited a constitutional loophole to the extent that the drafters of our 1950 Constitution happened not to have explicitly stated that the PM must be from the Lok Sabha. But the reason the founders of our democratic polity such as BR Ambedkar and Jawaharlal Nehru did not specify that the PM must be from the Lok Sabha was quite simply that it was a matter of complete obviousness to them and to their entire generation that this must be so — it would have been appalling to them and something beyond their wildest imagination that a later generation, namely our own, would exploit such a loophole and allow a PM to be appointed who is not a member of the Lok Sabha and intends not to be so.
Ambedkar, Nehru and all others of their time knew fully well that the history and intended purpose of the Lok Sabha was completely different from the history and intended purpose of the Rajya Sabha. They knew too fully well that Lord Curzon had been explicitly denied the leadership of Britain’s Tory Party in 1922 because that would have made him a potential PM when he was not prepared to be a member of the House of Commons. That specific precedent culminated a centuries’-old democratic trend of political power flowing from monarchs to lords to commoners, and has governed all parliamentary democracies worldwide ever since — until Dr Singh’s appointment in 2004.
When such an anomalous situation once arose in Britain, Lord Home resigned his membership of the House of Lords to contest a House of Commons seat as Sir Alec Douglas Home so that he could be PM in a manner consistent with parliamentary law.
Dr Singh instead for five years remained PM of India while not being a member of the Lok Sabha. Even if reasons and exigencies of State could have been cited for such an anomalous situation during his first term, there was really no such reason for him not to contest the 2009 General Election if he wished to be the Congress Party’s prime ministerial candidate a second time. Numerous Rajya Sabha members alongside him have contested Lok Sabha seats this time, and several have won.
As of today, Dr Singh is due to be sworn in tomorrow as Prime Minister for a second term while still having no declared intention of resigning from the Rajya Sabha and contesting a Lok Sabha seat instead. What the present-day Congress has done is elect him the leader of the “Congress Parliamentary Party” and claim that it is in such a capacity that he received the invitation to be Prime Minister of India. But surely if the question had been asked to the Congress Party under Nehru or Indira or Rajiv: “Can you foresee a circumstance ever in which the PM of India is not a member of the Lok Sabha?” their answer in each case would have been a categorical and resounding “no”.
So the question does arise why the Congress under Sonia Gandhi has with deliberation allowed such an anomalous situation to develop. Its effect is to completely distort the trends of relative political power between the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha. On the one hand, the Lok Sabha’s power is deliberately made to diminish as the chief executive of the Government of India shall not be from the Lok Sabha but from “the other place” despite the Lok Sabha having greater political legitimacy by having been directly elected by India’s people. This sets a precedent that might get repeated in India in the future but which contradicts the worldwide trend in parliamentary democracies over decades and centuries in precisely the opposite direction – of power flowing in the direction of the people not away from them. On the other hand, the fact this anomalous idea has been pioneered by the elected leader of the largest political party in the Lok Sabha while her PM is in the Rajya Sabha causes a member of the lower house to have unexpected control over the upper house when the latter is supposed to be something of an independent check on the former!
It all really seems an unnecessary muddle and a jumbling up of normal constitutional law and parliamentary procedure. The Sonia-Manmohan Government at the outset of its second term should hardly want to be seen by history as having set a poor precedent using brute force. The situation can be corrected with the utmost ease by following the Alec Douglas Home example, with Dr Singh being given a relatively safe seat to contest as soon as possible, if necessary by some newly elected Congress MP resigning and allowing a bye-election to be called.
Subroto Roy, Kolkata
What’s all this business about political parties “staking a claim” to Government? Can there not be more dignified behaviour towards the President of India?
May 20, 2009 — drsubrotoroyPress reports today say “With a comfortable majority in the Lok Sabha, UPA Chairperson Sonia Gandhi and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh will meet President Pratibha Patil to stake claim (sic) to form the new government. This was decided unanimously at a meeting of the leaders of the United Progressive Alliance in which Gandhi was re-elected its Chairperson.” (emphasis added)
“Stake claim”?
“To stake a claim” is to show that you believe something is yours or to declare that something belongs to you.
Is that what Jawaharlal Nehru did with Dr Rajendra Prasad or Dr Radhakrishnan? He went and said something like “Now look here Mr President, I would like to stake my claim to be Prime Minister of India now that this here General Election is over and I won”?
Is anyone else at present submitting any competing “claims” to the President? Of course not. Is the President unaware of the fact the General Elections are now over, or that she has a solemn duty to perform of inviting the leader of the largest political party in the new Lok Sabha to Rashtrapati Bhavan for an important chat? Why does it have to be said that someone has to “stake a claim” to be asked to form the Government when the field is open and there is no sign of any other “claimant”? Besides there has been the rush of political parties shooting off letters to the President declaring their support of Shrimati Gandhi and Dr Singh when they “stake claim” to the Government. What does the President of India do with such letter-carriers when they turn up at her doorstep uninvited? Offer each of them a cup of tea and a smile?
It is all hardly sober or uplifting — in fact, it is all rather undignified.
Perhaps a President of India might someday murmur something to the politicians like “Really, why do we need such talk about “staking claims”; I was going to invite you anyway.”
Subroto Roy, Kolkata
Starting with Procedural Error: Why has the “Cabinet” of the 14th Lok Sabha been meeting today AFTER the results of the Elections to the 15th Lok Sabha have been declared?!
May 18, 2009 — drsubrotoroyThe 14th Lok Sabha stood automatically dissolved when General Elections to the 15th Lok Sabha were first announced. A fortiori so did its Council of Ministers and its “Cabinet”.
Yet this morning Dr Manmohan Singh has held a purported “Cabinet Meeting” of the 14th Lok Sabha where its “members” (some of whom lost their seats!) purportedly submitted their “resignations” which he will then convey to the President with a request that the 14th Lok Sabha be dissolved!
Nyet!
The 14th Lok Sabha was dissolved and came to end eo ipso with the calling of the General Elections and any Council of Ministers and Cabinet that continued in existence was necessarily of a caretaker nature.
The 15th Lok Sabha has been elected as soon as the Election Commission has certified its final results. There can be no legitimate “Cabinet” of the 14th Lok Sabha subsisting alongside the 15th Lok Sabha even for one logical moment.
It is surprising we must begin perhaps with such a simple procedural error. It suggests there may be more to come. We must be sorry to see the steady corrosion of parliamentary law and custom.
Subroto Roy, Kolkata
Postscript: In the interregnum between the dissolution of the 14th Lok Sabha when General Elections are announced and the actual declaration of the results of the 15th, which has in fact taken a month or more, there is no functioning legislative branch of Government — though I would not disagree that if a national emergency like a war occurred during that period, the President in her wisdom would have a right to recall the 14th Lok Sabha if necessary as a kind of “caretaker” body for the duration of the emergency.
Inviting a new Prime Minister of India to form a Government: Procedure Right and Wrong
May 18, 2009 — drsubrotoroyBetter Procedure
The Hon’ble President of India invites the leader of the single largest political party in the 15th Lok Sabha to visit Rashtrapati Bhavan.
The leader does so, bringing with her, her own nominee for the Prime Ministership of India as she herself wishes to decline the invitation to be PM.
The President meets the leader alone and extends the invitation.
The invitation is respectfully declined with the recommendation that the Hon’ble President may perhaps consider instead the name of the person nominated by the leader.
The President agrees and extends the invitation to the latter in the presence of the leader. The latter accepts with thanks.
The President observes that since the PM-elect in this case happens not to be a member of the Lok Sabha, she hopes that he shall soon become one.
The meeting ends.
Worse Procedure
The leader of the single largest political party in the 15th Lok Sabha publicly announces her nominee for the position of Prime Minister.
The Hon’ble President of India comes to learn of this from the newspapers or television and extends an invitation to the latter.
The latter visits Rashtrapati Bhavan, receives and accepts the President’s invitation to form a Government.
Of related interest:
Parliament’s sovereignty has been diminished by the Executive
India’s 2009 General Elections: Provisional Results from the EC as of 1400 hours Indian Standard Time May 16 2009
May 16, 2009 — drsubrotoroyConst. PC NAME Leading/Winning Candidate Leading Party Trailing Candidate Name Trailing Party Margin of Votes Result Declared
1 AP ADILABAD Rathod Ramesh Telugu Desam Kotnak Ramesh Indian National Congress 115752 NO
2 AP PEDDAPALLE Dr.G.Vivekanand Indian National Congress Gomasa Srinivas Telangana Rashtra Samithi 48503 NO
3 AP KARIMNAGAR Ponnam Prabhakar Indian National Congress Vinod Kumar Boinapally Telangana Rashtra Samithi 50179 NO
4 AP NIZAMABAD Madhu Yaskhi Goud Indian National Congress Bigala Ganesh Gupta Telangana Rashtra Samithi 59007 NO
5 AP ZAHIRABAD Syed Yousuf Ali Telangana Rashtra Samithi Suresh Kumar Shetkar Indian National Congress 12423 NO
6 AP MEDAK Vijaya Shanthi .M Telangana Rashtra Samithi Narendranath .C Indian National Congress 7513 NO
7 AP MALKAJGIRI Sarvey Sathyanarayana Indian National Congress Bheemsen.T Telugu Desam 45684 NO
8 AP SECUNDRABAD Anjan Kumar Yadav M Indian National Congress Bandaru Dattatreya Bharatiya Janata Party 143695 NO
9 AP HYDERABAD Asaduddin Owaisi All India Majlis-E-Ittehadul Muslimeen Zahid Ali Khan Telugu Desam 74507 NO
10 AP CHELVELLA Jaipal Reddy Sudini Indian National Congress A.P.Jithender Reddy Telugu Desam 18032 NO
11 AP MAHBUBNAGAR Devarakonda Vittal Rao Indian National Congress K. Chandrasekhar Rao Telangana Rashtra Samithi 4782 NO
12 AP NAGARKURNOOL Dr. Manda Jagannath Indian National Congress Guvvala Balaraju Telangana Rashtra Samithi 31833 NO
13 AP NALGONDA Gutha Sukender Reddy Indian National Congress Suravaram Sudhakar Reddy Communist Party of India 68461 NO
14 AP BHONGIR Komatireddy Raj Gopal Reddy Indian National Congress Nomula Narsimhaiah Communist Party of India (Marxist) 75636 NO
15 AP WARANGAL Rajaiah Siricilla Indian National Congress Ramagalla Parameshwar Telangana Rashtra Samithi 97708 NO
16 AP MAHABUBABAD P. Balram Indian National Congress Kunja Srinivasa Rao Communist Party of India 67553 NO
17 AP KHAMMAM Nama Nageswara Rao Telugu Desam Renuka Chowdhury Indian National Congress 102505 NO
18 AP ARUKU Kishore Chandra Suryanarayana Deo Vyricherla Indian National Congress Midiyam Babu Rao Communist Party of India (Marxist) 90318 NO
19 AP SRIKAKULAM Killi Krupa Rani Indian National Congress Yerrnnaidu Kinjarapu Telugu Desam 49013 NO
20 AP VIZIANAGARAM Jhansi Lakshmi Botcha Indian National Congress Appalanaidu Kondapalli Telugu Desam 41954 NO
21 AP VISAKHAPATNAM Daggubati Purandeswari Indian National Congress Palla Srinivasa Rao Praja Rajyam Party 21581 NO
22 AP ANAKAPALLI Sabbam Hari Indian National Congress Allu Aravind Praja Rajyam Party 30239 NO
23 AP KAKINADA M.M.Pallamraju Indian National Congress Chalamalasetty Sunil Praja Rajyam Party 32934 NO
24 AP AMALAPURAM G.V.Harsha Kumar Indian National Congress Pothula Prameela Devi Praja Rajyam Party 30060 NO
25 AP RAJAHMUNDRY Aruna Kumar Vundavalli Indian National Congress M. Murali Mohan Telugu Desam 15135 NO
26 AP NARSAPURAM Bapiraju Kanumuru Indian National Congress Gubbala Tammaiah Praja Rajyam Party 71888 NO
27 AP ELURU Kavuri Sambasiva Rao Indian National Congress Maganti Venkateswara Rao(Babu) Telugu Desam 36019 NO
28 AP MACHILIPATNAM Konakalla Narayana Rao Telugu Desam Badiga Ramakrishna Indian National Congress 1866 NO
29 AP VIJAYAWADA Lagadapati Raja Gopal Indian National Congress Vamsi Mohan Vallabhaneni Telugu Desam 30685 NO
30 AP GUNTUR Rayapati Sambasiva Rao Indian National Congress Madala Rajendra Telugu Desam 18978 NO
31 AP NARASARAOPET Balashowry Vallabhaneni Indian National Congress Modugula Venugopala Reddy Telugu Desam 3988 NO
32 AP BAPATLA Panabaka Lakshmi Indian National Congress Malyadri Sriram Telugu Desam 43089 NO
33 AP ONGOLE Magunta Srinivasulu Reddy Indian National Congress Madduluri Malakondaiah Yadav Telugu Desam 38947 NO
34 AP NANDYAL S.P.Y.Reddy Indian National Congress Nasyam Mohammed Farook Telugu Desam 16735 NO
35 AP KURNOOL Kotla Jaya Surya Prakash Reddy Indian National Congress B.T.Naidu Telugu Desam 61274 NO
36 AP ANANTAPUR Anantha Venkata Rami Reddy Indian National Congress Kalava Srinivasulu Telugu Desam 59410 NO
37 AP HINDUPUR Kristappa Nimmala Telugu Desam P Khasim Khan Indian National Congress 13186 NO
38 AP KADAPA Y.S. Jagan Mohan Reddy Indian National Congress Palem Srikanth Reddy Telugu Desam 156168 NO
39 AP NELLORE Mekapati Rajamohan Reddy Indian National Congress Vanteru Venu Gopala Reddy Telugu Desam 42407 NO
40 AP TIRUPATI Chinta Mohan Indian National Congress Varla Ramaiah Telugu Desam 17462 NO
41 AP RAJAMPET Annayyagari Sai Prathap Indian National Congress Ramesh Kumar Reddy Reddappagari Telugu Desam 62762 NO
42 AP CHITTOOR Naramalli Sivaprasad Telugu Desam Thippeswamy M Indian National Congress 8806 NO
1 AR ARUNACHAL WEST Takam Sanjoy Indian National Congress Kiren Rijiju Bharatiya Janata Party 20798 NO
2 AR ARUNACHAL EAST Ninong Ering Indian National Congress Lowangcha Wanglat Arunachal Congress 57975 NO
1 AS KARIMGANJ Rajesh Mallah Assam United Democratic Front Lalit Mohan Suklabaidya Indian National Congress 37542 NO
2 AS SILCHAR Kabindra Purkayastha Bharatiya Janata Party Badruddin Ajmal Assam United Democratic Front 15243 NO
3 AS AUTONOMOUS DISTRICT Biren Singh Engti Indian National Congress Elwin Teron Autonomous State Demand Committee 71819 NO
4 AS DHUBRI Badruddin Ajmal Assam United Democratic Front Anwar Hussain Indian National Congress 161394 NO
5 AS KOKRAJHAR Sansuma Khunggur Bwiswmuthiary Bodaland Peoples Front Urkhao Gwra Brahma Independent 165034 NO
6 AS BARPETA Ismail Hussain Indian National Congress Bhupen Ray Asom Gana Parishad 2974 NO
7 AS GAUHATI Bijoya Chakravarty Bharatiya Janata Party Capt. Robin Bordoloi Indian National Congress 2092 NO
8 AS MANGALDOI Ramen Deka Bharatiya Janata Party Madhab Rajbangshi Indian National Congress 40759 NO
9 AS TEZPUR Joseph Toppo Asom Gana Parishad Moni Kumar Subba Indian National Congress 22778 NO
10 AS NOWGONG Rajen Gohain Bharatiya Janata Party Anil Raja Indian National Congress 54992 NO
11 AS KALIABOR Dip Gogoi Indian National Congress Gunin Hazarika Asom Gana Parishad 115587 NO
12 AS JORHAT Bijoy Krishna Handique Indian National Congress Kamakhya Tasa Bharatiya Janata Party 63749 NO
13 AS DIBRUGARH Sima Ghosh Independent Lakhi Charan Swansi Independent 13171 NO
14 AS LAKHIMPUR Ranee Narah Indian National Congress Dr. Arun Kr. Sarma Asom Gana Parishad 22689 NO
1 BR VALMIKI NAGAR Baidyanath Prasad Mahto Janata Dal (United) Fakhruddin Independent 92894 NO
2 BR PASCHIM CHAMPARAN Dr. Sanjay Jaiswal Bharatiya Janata Party Prakash Jha Lok Jan Shakti Party 27380 NO
3 BR PURVI CHAMPARAN Radha Mohan Singh Bharatiya Janata Party Akhilesh Prasad Singh Rashtriya Janata Dal 16852 NO
4 BR SHEOHAR Rama Devi Bharatiya Janata Party Sitaram Singh Rashtriya Janata Dal 20138 NO
5 BR SITAMARHI Arjun Roy Janata Dal (United) Samir Kumar Mahaseth Indian National Congress 58330 NO
6 BR MADHUBANI Hukmadeo Narayan Yadav Bharatiya Janata Party Abdulbari Siddiki Rashtriya Janata Dal 14813 NO
7 BR JHANJHARPUR Mangani Lal Mandal Janata Dal (United) Devendra Prasad Yadav Rashtriya Janata Dal 15645 NO
8 BR SUPAUL Vishwa Mohan Kumar Janata Dal (United) Ranjeet Ranjan Indian National Congress 156716 NO
9 BR ARARIA Pradeep Kumar Singh Bharatiya Janata Party Zakir Hussain Khan Lok Jan Shakti Party 990 NO
10 BR KISHANGANJ Mohammad Asrarul Haque Indian National Congress Syed Mahmood Ashraf Janata Dal (United) 23819 NO
11 BR KATIHAR Nikhil Kumar Choudhary Bharatiya Janata Party Shah Tariq Anwar Nationalist Congress Party 25043 NO
12 BR PURNIA Uday Singh Alias Pappu Singh Bharatiya Janata Party Shanti Priya Independent 45055 NO
13 BR MADHEPURA Sharad Yadav Janata Dal (United) Prof. Ravindra Charan Yadav Rashtriya Janata Dal 63004 NO
14 BR DARBHANGA Kirti Azad Bharatiya Janata Party Md. Ali Ashraf Fatmi Rashtriya Janata Dal 10506 NO
15 BR MUZAFFARPUR Captain Jai Narayan Prasad Nishad Janata Dal (United) Bhagwanlal Sahni Lok Jan Shakti Party 22358 NO
16 BR VAISHALI Raghuvansh Prasad Singh Rashtriya Janata Dal Vijay Kumar Shukla Janata Dal (United) 16884 NO
17 BR GOPALGANJ Purnmasi Ram Janata Dal (United) Anil Kumar Rashtriya Janata Dal 14206 NO
18 BR SIWAN Om Prakash Yadav Independent Hena Shahab Rashtriya Janata Dal 46540 NO
19 BR MAHARAJGANJ Prabhu Nath Singh Janata Dal (United) Uma Shanaker Singh Rashtriya Janata Dal 3826 NO
20 BR SARAN Lalu Prasad Rashtriya Janata Dal Rajiv Pratap Rudy Bharatiya Janata Party 12043 NO
21 BR HAJIPUR Ram Sundar Das Janata Dal (United) Ram Vilas Paswan Lok Jan Shakti Party 25499 NO
22 BR UJIARPUR Aswamedh Devi Janata Dal (United) Alok Kumar Mehta Rashtriya Janata Dal 3919 NO
23 BR SAMASTIPUR Maheshwar Hazari Janata Dal (United) Ram Chandra Paswan Lok Jan Shakti Party 16617 NO
24 BR BEGUSARAI Dr. Monazir Hassan Janata Dal (United) Shatrughna Prasad Singh Communist Party of India 7134 NO
25 BR KHAGARIA Dinesh Chandra Yadav Janata Dal (United) Ravindar Kr. Rana Rashtriya Janata Dal 111954 NO
26 BR BHAGALPUR Syed Shahnawaz Hussain Bharatiya Janata Party Shakuni Choudhary Rashtriya Janata Dal 51019 NO
27 BR BANKA Digvijay Singh Independent Jai Prakesh Narain Yadav Rashtriya Janata Dal 1717 NO
28 BR MUNGER Rajiv Ranjan Singh Alias Lalan Singh Janata Dal (United) Ram Badan Roy Rashtriya Janata Dal 93963 NO
29 BR NALANDA Kaushalendra Kumar Janata Dal (United) Satish Kumar Lok Jan Shakti Party 57221 NO
30 BR PATNA SAHIB Shatrughan Sinha Bharatiya Janata Party Vijay Kumar Rashtriya Janata Dal 149553 NO
31 BR PATALIPUTRA Ranjan Prasad Yadav Janata Dal (United) Lalu Prasad Rashtriya Janata Dal 18071 NO
32 BR ARRAH Meena Singh Janata Dal (United) Rama Kishore Singh Lok Jan Shakti Party 32291 NO
33 BR BUXAR Lal Muni Choubey Bharatiya Janata Party Jagada Nand Singh Rashtriya Janata Dal 5884 NO
34 BR SASARAM Meira Kumar Indian National Congress Muni Lal Bharatiya Janata Party 7236 NO
35 BR KARAKAT Mahabali Singh Janata Dal (United) Kanti Singh Rashtriya Janata Dal 15062 NO
36 BR JAHANABAD Jagdish Sharma Janata Dal (United) Surendra Prasad Yadav Rashtriya Janata Dal 9210 NO
37 BR AURANGABAD Sushil Kumar Singh Janata Dal (United) Shakil Ahmad Khan Rashtriya Janata Dal 27551 NO
38 BR GAYA Hari Manjhi Bharatiya Janata Party Ramji Manjhi Rashtriya Janata Dal 58906 NO
39 BR NAWADA Bhola Singh Bharatiya Janata Party Veena Devi Lok Jan Shakti Party 4582 NO
40 BR JAMUI Bhudeo Choudhary Janata Dal (United) Shyam Rajak Rashtriya Janata Dal 19419 NO
1 GA NORTH GOA Shripad Yesso Naik Bharatiya Janata Party Jitendra Raghuraj Deshprabhu Nationalist Congress Party 6353 NO
2 GA SOUTH GOA Cosme Francisco Caitano Sardinha Indian National Congress Adv. Narendra Keshav Sawaikar Bharatiya Janata Party 12516 YES
1 GJ KACHCHH Jat Poonamben Veljibhai Bharatiya Janata Party Danicha Valjibhai Punamchandra Indian National Congress 69187 NO
2 GJ BANASKANTHA Gadhvi Mukeshkumar Bheiravdanji Indian National Congress Chaudhary Haribhai Parathibhai Bharatiya Janata Party 10317 NO
3 GJ PATAN Jagdish Thakor Indian National Congress Rathod Bhavsinhbhai Dahyabhai Bharatiya Janata Party 27015 NO
4 GJ MAHESANA Patel Jayshreeben Kanubhai Bharatiya Janata Party Patel Jivabhai Ambalal Indian National Congress 22003 YES
5 GJ SABARKANTHA Chauhan Mahendrasinh Bharatiya Janata Party Mistry Madhusudan Indian National Congress 17160 NO
6 GJ GANDHINAGAR L.K.Advani Bharatiya Janata Party Patel Sureshkumar Chaturdas (Suresh Patel) Indian National Congress 134558 NO
7 GJ AHMEDABAD EAST Harin Pathak Bharatiya Janata Party Babaria Dipakbhai Ratilal Indian National Congress 89547 NO
8 GJ AHMEDABAD WEST Dr. Solanki Kiritbhai Premajibhai Bharatiya Janata Party Parmar Shailesh Manharlal Indian National Congress 91127 NO
9 GJ SURENDRANAGAR Mer Laljibhai Chaturbhai Bharatiya Janata Party Koli Patel Somabhai Gandalal Indian National Congress 1273 NO
10 GJ RAJKOT Kuvarjibhai Mohanbhai Bavalia Indian National Congress Kirankumar Valjibhai Bhalodia (Patel) Bharatiya Janata Party 13362 NO
11 GJ PORBANDAR Radadiya Vitthalbhai Hansrajbhai Indian National Congress Khachariya Mansukhbhai Shamjibhai Bharatiya Janata Party 38342 NO
12 GJ JAMNAGAR Ahir Vikrambhai Arjanbhai Madam Indian National Congress Mungra Rameshbhai Devrajbhai Bharatiya Janata Party 2463 NO
13 GJ JUNAGADH Solanki Dinubhai Boghabhai Bharatiya Janata Party Barad Jashubhai Dhanabhai Indian National Congress 13759 NO
14 GJ AMRELI Kachhadia Naranbhai Bharatiya Janata Party Nilaben Virjibhai Thummar Indian National Congress 37317 NO
15 GJ BHAVNAGAR Rajendrasinh Ghanshyamsinh Rana (Rajubhai Rana) Bharatiya Janata Party Gohilmahavirsinhbhagirathsinh Indian National Congress 13964 NO
16 GJ ANAND Solanki Bharatbhai Madhavsinh Indian National Congress Patel Dipakbhai Chimanbhai Bharatiya Janata Party 67318 NO
17 GJ KHEDA Chauhan Devusinh Jesingbhai Bharatiya Janata Party Dinsha Patel Indian National Congress 4973 NO
18 GJ PANCHMAHAL Chauhan Prabhatsinh Pratapsinh Bharatiya Janata Party Vaghela Shankarsinh Laxmansinh Indian National Congress 2081 NO
19 GJ DAHOD Dr. Prabha Kishor Taviad Indian National Congress Damor Somjibhai Punjabhai Bharatiya Janata Party 58536 NO
20 GJ VADODARA Balkrishna Khanderao Shukla (Balu Shukla) Bharatiya Janata Party Gaekwad Satyajitsinh Dulipsinh Indian National Congress 136028 YES
21 GJ CHHOTA UDAIPUR Rathwa Ramsingbhai Patalbhai Bharatiya Janata Party Rathwa Naranbhai Jemlabhai Indian National Congress 13493 NO
22 GJ BHARUCH Mansukhbhai Dhanjibhai Vasava Bharatiya Janata Party Umerji Ahmed Ugharatdar (Aziz Tankarvi) Indian National Congress 31846 NO
23 GJ BARDOLI Chaudhari Tusharbhai Amrasinhbhai Indian National Congress Vasava Riteshkumar Amarsinh Bharatiya Janata Party 59463 NO
24 GJ SURAT Shrimati Darshana Vikram Jardosh Bharatiya Janata Party Gajera Dhirubhai Haribhai Indian National Congress 74798 NO
25 GJ NAVSARI C. R. Patil Bharatiya Janata Party Dhansukha Rajput Indian National Congress 118558 NO
26 GJ VALSAD Kishanbhai Vestabhai Patel Indian National Congress Patel Dhirubhai Chhaganbhai (Dr. D.C.Patel) Bharatiya Janata Party 7169 NO
1 HR AMBALA Selja Indian National Congress Rattan Lal Kataria Bharatiya Janata Party 14925 NO
2 HR KURUKSHETRA Naveen Jindal Indian National Congress Ashok Kumar Arora Indian National Lok Dal 118729 NO
3 HR SIRSA Ashok Tanwar Indian National Congress Dr. Sita Ram Indian National Lok Dal 35877 NO
4 HR HISAR Bhajan Lal S/O Kheraj Haryana Janhit Congress (BL) Sampat Singh Indian National Lok Dal 24443 NO
5 HR KARNAL Arvind Kumar Sharma Indian National Congress Maratha Virender Verma Bahujan Samaj Party 62190 NO
6 HR SONIPAT Jitender Singh Indian National Congress Kishan Singh Sangwan Bharatiya Janata Party 148409 NO
7 HR ROHTAK Deepender Singh Indian National Congress Nafe Singh Rathee Indian National Lok Dal 445736 NO
8 HR BHIWANI-MAHENDRAGARH Shruti Choudhry Indian National Congress Ajay Singh Chautala Indian National Lok Dal 25647 NO
9 HR GURGAON Inderjit Singh Indian National Congress Zakir Hussain Bahujan Samaj Party 86438 NO
10 HR FARIDABAD Avtar Singh Bhadana Indian National Congress Ramchander Bainda Bharatiya Janata Party 49661 NO
1 HP KANGRA Dr. Rajan Sushant Bharatiya Janata Party Chander Kumar Indian National Congress 24368 NO
2 HP MANDI Virbhadra Singh Indian National Congress Maheshwar Singh Bharatiya Janata Party 13997 YES
3 HP HAMIRPUR Anurag Singh Thakur Bharatiya Janata Party Narinder Thakur Indian National Congress 72732 NO
4 HP SHIMLA Virender Kashyap Bharatiya Janata Party Dhani Ram Shandil Indian National Congress 29568 NO
1 JK BARAMULLA Sharief Ud Din Shariq Jammu & Kashmir National Conference Mohammad Dilawar Mir Jammu & Kashmir Peoples Democratic Party 46361 NO
2 JK SRINAGAR Farooq Abdullah Jammu & Kashmir National Conference Iftikhar Hussain Ansari Jammu & Kashmir Peoples Democratic Party 30242 NO
3 JK ANANTNAG Mirza Mehboob Beg Jammu & Kashmir National Conference Peer Mohd Hussain Jammu & Kashmir Peoples Democratic Party 373 NO
4 JK LADAKH Hassan Khan Independent Asgar Ali Karbalaie Independent 7513 NO
5 JK UDHAMPUR Ch. Lal Singh Indian National Congress Dr. Nirmal Singh Bharatiya Janata Party 13394 NO
6 JK JAMMU Madan Lal Sharma Indian National Congress Lila Karan Sharma Bharatiya Janata Party 118165 NO
1 KA CHIKKODI Katti Ramesh Vishwanath Bharatiya Janata Party Prakash Babanna Hukkeri Indian National Congress 55287 YES
2 KA BELGAUM Angadi Suresh Channabasappa Bharatiya Janata Party Amarsinh Vasantrao Patil Indian National Congress 118687 NO
3 KA BAGALKOT Gaddigoudar P.C. Bharatiya Janata Party J.T.Patil Indian National Congress 35446 NO
4 KA BIJAPUR Ramesh Chandappa Jigajinagi Bharatiya Janata Party Prakash Kubasing Rathod Indian National Congress 42404 YES
5 KA GULBARGA Mallikarjun Kharge Indian National Congress Revunaik Belamgi Bharatiya Janata Party 13404 NO
6 KA RAICHUR Pakkirappa.S. Bharatiya Janata Party Raja Venkatappa Naik Indian National Congress 30636 YES
7 KA BIDAR N.Dharam Singh Indian National Congress Gurupadappa Nagmarpalli Bharatiya Janata Party 19342 NO
8 KA KOPPAL Shivaramagouda Shivanagouda Bharatiya Janata Party Basavaraj Rayareddy Indian National Congress 81789 NO
9 KA BELLARY J. Shantha Bharatiya Janata Party N.Y. Hanumanthappa Indian National Congress 2243 YES
10 KA HAVERI Udasi Shivkumar Chanabasappa Bharatiya Janata Party Saleem Ahamed Indian National Congress 87920 NO
11 KA DHARWAD Pralhad Joshi Bharatiya Janata Party Kunnur Manjunath Channappa Indian National Congress 137376 NO
12 KA UTTARA KANNADA Anantkumar Hegde Bharatiya Janata Party Alva Margaret Indian National Congress 22769 YES
13 KA DAVANAGERE Mallikarjuna S.S. Indian National Congress Siddeswara G.M. Bharatiya Janata Party 6103 NO
14 KA SHIMOGA B.Y. Raghavendra Bharatiya Janata Party S. Bangarappa Indian National Congress 52694 NO
15 KA UDUPI CHIKMAGALUR D.V.Sadananda Gowda Bharatiya Janata Party K.Jayaprakash Hegde Indian National Congress 17154 NO
16 KA HASSAN H. D. Devegowda Janata Dal (Secular) K. H. Hanume Gowda Bharatiya Janata Party 191514 NO
17 KA DAKSHINA KANNADA Nalin Kumar Kateel Bharatiya Janata Party Janardhana Poojary Indian National Congress 40420 YES
18 KA CHITRADURGA Janardhana Swamy Bharatiya Janata Party Dr. B Thippeswamy Indian National Congress 107373 NO
19 KA TUMKUR G.S. Basavaraj Bharatiya Janata Party Muddahanumegowda S.P. Janata Dal (Secular) 59288 NO
20 KA MANDYA N Cheluvaraya Swamy @ Swamygowda Janata Dal (Secular) M H Ambareesh Indian National Congress 23437 NO
21 KA MYSORE Adagur H Vishwanath Indian National Congress C.H.Vijayashankar Bharatiya Janata Party 7691 YES
22 KA CHAMARAJANAGAR R.Dhruvanarayana Indian National Congress A.R.Krishnamurthy Bharatiya Janata Party 11470 NO
23 KA BANGALORE RURAL H.D.Kumaraswamy Janata Dal (Secular) C. P. Yogeeshwara Bharatiya Janata Party 130275 NO
24 KA BANGALORE NORTH D. B. Chandre Gowda Bharatiya Janata Party C. K. Jaffer Sharief Indian National Congress 49448 NO
25 KA BANGALORE CENTRAL P. C. Mohan Bharatiya Janata Party H.T.Sangliana Indian National Congress 24385 NO
26 KA BANGALORE SOUTH Ananth Kumar Bharatiya Janata Party Krishna Byre Gowda Indian National Congress 37612 NO
27 KA CHIKKBALLAPUR M.Veerappa Moily Indian National Congress C.Aswathanarayana Bharatiya Janata Party 17697 NO
28 KA KOLAR K.H.Muniyappa Indian National Congress D.S.Veeraiah Bharatiya Janata Party 23006 YES
1 KL KASARAGOD P Karunakaran Communist Party of India (Marxist) Shahida Kamal Indian National Congress 64427 NO
2 KL KANNUR K. Sudhakaran Indian National Congress K.K Ragesh Communist Party of India (Marxist) 43151 YES
3 KL VADAKARA Mullappally Ramachandran Indian National Congress Adv. P. Satheedevi Communist Party of India (Marxist) 56186 YES
4 KL WAYANAD M.I. Shanavas Indian National Congress Advocate. M. Rahmathulla Communist Party of India 153439 NO
5 KL KOZHIKODE M.K. Raghavan Indian National Congress Adv. P.A. Mohamed Riyas Communist Party of India (Marxist) 838 NO
6 KL MALAPPURAM E. Ahamed Muslim League Kerala State Committee T.K. Hamza Communist Party of India (Marxist) 115569 NO
7 KL PONNANI E.T. Muhammed Basheer Muslim League Kerala State Committee Dr. Hussain Randathani Independent 84478 NO
8 KL PALAKKAD M.B. Rajesh Communist Party of India (Marxist) Satheesan Pacheni Indian National Congress 1820 NO
9 KL ALATHUR P.K Biju Communist Party of India (Marxist) N.K Sudheer Indian National Congress 20960 NO
10 KL THRISSUR P C Chacko Indian National Congress C N Jayadevan Communist Party of India 25421 NO
11 KL CHALAKUDY K.P. Dhanapalan Indian National Congress Adv. U.P Joseph Communist Party of India (Marxist) 71679 NO
12 KL ERNAKULAM Prof. K V Thomas Indian National Congress Sindhu Joy Communist Party of India (Marxist) 11790 NO
13 KL IDUKKI Adv. P.T Thomas Indian National Congress Adv. K. Francis George Kerala Congress 74796 NO
14 KL KOTTAYAM Jose K.Mani (Karingozheckal) Kerala Congress (M) Adv. Suresh Kurup Communist Party of India (Marxist) 66170 NO
15 KL ALAPPUZHA K.C Venugopal Indian National Congress Dr. K.S Manoj Communist Party of India (Marxist) 57791 NO
16 KL MAVELIKKARA Kodikkunnil Suresh Indian National Congress R.S Anil Communist Party of India 48240 NO
17 KL PATHANAMTHITTA Anto Antony Punnathaniyil Indian National Congress Adv.K.Anantha Gopan Communist Party of India (Marxist) 111206 NO
18 KL KOLLAM N.Peethambarakurup Indian National Congress P.Rajendran Communist Party of India (Marxist) 17531 NO
19 KL ATTINGAL Adv. A Sampath Communist Party of India (Marxist) Prof.G Balachandran Indian National Congress 17660 NO
20 KL THIRUVANANTHAPURAM Shashi Tharoor Indian National Congress Adv. P Ramachandran Nair Communist Party of India 100045 NO
1 MP MORENA Narendra Singh Tomar Bharatiya Janata Party Ramniwas Rawat Indian National Congress 96255 NO
2 MP BHIND Ashok Argal Bharatiya Janata Party Dr. Bhagirath Prasad Indian National Congress 8086 NO
3 MP GWALIOR Yashodhara Raje Scindia Bharatiya Janata Party Ashok Singh Indian National Congress 21923 NO
4 MP GUNA Jyotiraditya Madhavrao Scindia Indian National Congress Dr.Narottam Mishra Bharatiya Janata Party 189578 NO
5 MP SAGAR Bhupendra Singh Bharatiya Janata Party Aslam Sher Khan Indian National Congress 131168 NO
6 MP TIKAMGARH Virendra Kumar Bharatiya Janata Party Ahirwar Vrindavan Indian National Congress 41862 NO
7 MP DAMOH Shivraj Bhaiya Bharatiya Janata Party Chandrabhan Bhaiya Indian National Congress 55747 NO
8 MP KHAJURAHO Jeetendra Singh Bundela Bharatiya Janata Party Raja Paterya Indian National Congress 28332 NO
9 MP SATNA Ganesh Singh Bharatiya Janata Party Sukhlal Kushwaha Bahujan Samaj Party 377 NO
10 MP REWA Deoraj Singh Patel Bahujan Samaj Party Sunder Lal Tiwari Indian National Congress 3644 NO
11 MP SIDHI Govind Prasad Mishra Bharatiya Janata Party Indrajeet Kumar Indian National Congress 44915 NO
12 MP SHAHDOL Rajesh Nandini Singh Indian National Congress Narendra Singh Maravi Bharatiya Janata Party 13415 NO
13 MP JABALPUR Rakesh Singh Bharatiya Janata Party Advocate Rameshwar Neekhra Indian National Congress 106003 YES
14 MP MANDLA Basori Singh Masram Indian National Congress Faggan Singh Kulaste Bharatiya Janata Party 62726 NO
15 MP BALAGHAT K. D. Deshmukh Bharatiya Janata Party Vishveshwar Bhagat Indian National Congress 40898 NO
16 MP CHHINDWARA Kamal Nath Indian National Congress Marot Rao Khavase Bharatiya Janata Party 74134 NO
17 MP HOSHANGABAD Uday Pratap Singh Indian National Congress Rampal Singh Bharatiya Janata Party 17542 NO
18 MP VIDISHA Sushma Swaraj Bharatiya Janata Party Choudhary Munabbar Salim Samajwadi Party 375074 NO
19 MP BHOPAL Kailash Joshi Bharatiya Janata Party Surendra Singh Thakur Indian National Congress 30764 NO
20 MP RAJGARH Narayansingh Amlabe Indian National Congress Lakshman Singh Bharatiya Janata Party 24856 NO
21 MP DEWAS Sajjan Singh Verma Indian National Congress Thavarchand Gehlot Bharatiya Janata Party 16084 NO
22 MP UJJAIN Guddu Premchand Indian National Congress Dr. Satyanarayan Jatiya Bharatiya Janata Party 15841 NO
23 MP MANDSOUR Meenakshi Natrajan Indian National Congress Dr. Laxminarayan Pandey Bharatiya Janata Party 26817 NO
24 MP RATLAM Kantilal Bhuria Indian National Congress Dileepsingh Bhuria Bharatiya Janata Party 57668 NO
25 MP DHAR Gajendra Singh Rajukhedi Indian National Congress Mukam Singh Kirade Bharatiya Janata Party 2012 NO
26 MP INDORE Sumitra Mahajan (Tai) Bharatiya Janata Party Satynarayan Patel Indian National Congress 11365 NO
27 MP KHARGONE Makansingh Solanki (Babuji) Bharatiya Janata Party Balaram Bachchan Indian National Congress 34175 NO
28 MP KHANDWA Arun Subhashchandra Yadav Indian National Congress Nandkumar Sing Chauhan Nandu Bhaiya Bharatiya Janata Party 49081 NO
29 MP BETUL Jyoti Dhurve Bharatiya Janata Party Ojharam Evane Indian National Congress 97317 NO
1 MH NANDURBAR Gavit Manikrao Hodlya Indian National Congress Gavit Sharad Krushnrao Samajwadi Party 13952 NO
2 MH DHULE Amarishbhai Rasiklal Patel Indian National Congress Sonawane Pratap Narayanrao Bharatiya Janata Party 4220 NO
3 MH JALGAON A.T. Nana Patil Bharatiya Janata Party Adv. Vasantrao Jivanrao More Nationalist Congress Party 96020 NO
4 MH RAVER Haribhau Madhav Jawale Bharatiya Janata Party Adv. Ravindra Pralhadrao Patil Nationalist Congress Party 28692 NO
5 MH BULDHANA Jadhav Prataprao Ganpatrao Shivsena Shingane Dr.Rajendra Bhaskarrao Nationalist Congress Party 30565 NO
6 MH AKOLA Dhotre Sanjay Shamrao Bharatiya Janata Party Ambedkar Prakash Yashwant Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha 59331 NO
7 MH AMRAVATI Adsul Anandrao Vithoba Shivsena Gawai Rajendra Ramkrushna Republican Party of India 33563 NO
8 MH WARDHA Datta Meghe Indian National Congress Suresh Ganpatrao Waghmare Bharatiya Janata Party 121938 NO
9 MH RAMTEK Wasnik Mukul Balkrishna Indian National Congress Tumane Krupal Balaji Shivsena 16465 NO
10 MH NAGPUR Muttemwar Vilasrao Baburaoji Indian National Congress Purohit Banwarilal Bhagwandas Bharatiya Janata Party 7078 NO
11 MH BHANDARA – GONDIYA Patel Praful Manoharbhai Nationalist Congress Party Nanabhau Falgunrao Patole Independent 119604 NO
12 MH GADCHIROLI-CHIMUR Kowase Marotrao Sainuji Indian National Congress Ashok Mahadeorao Nete Bharatiya Janata Party 4795 NO
13 MH CHANDRAPUR Ahir Hansaraj Gangaram Bharatiya Janata Party Pugalia Naresh Indian National Congress 7044 NO
14 MH YAVATMAL-WASHIM Bhavana Gawali (Patil) Shivsena Harising Rathod Indian National Congress 114 NO
15 MH HINGOLI Subhash Bapurao Wankhede Shivsena Suryakanta Jaiwantrao Patil Nationalist Congress Party 73569 NO
16 MH NANDED Khatgaonkar Patil Bhaskarrao Bapurao Indian National Congress Sambhaji Pawar Bharatiya Janata Party 74975 NO
17 MH PARBHANI Adv. Dudhgaonkar Ganeshrao Nagorao Shivsena Warpudkar Suresh Ambadasrao Nationalist Congress Party 30356 NO
18 MH JALNA Danve Raosaheb Dadarao Bharatiya Janata Party Dr. Kale Kalyan Vaijinathrao Indian National Congress 9143 NO
19 MH AURANGABAD Chandrakant Khaire Shivsena Uttamsingh Rajdharsingh Pawar Indian National Congress 18142 NO
20 MH DINDORI Chavan Harishchandra Deoram Bharatiya Janata Party Zirwal Narhari Sitaram Nationalist Congress Party 37347 YES
21 MH NASHIK Sameer Bhujbal Nationalist Congress Party Godse Hemant Tukaram Maharashtra Navnirman sena 22032 NO
22 MH PALGHAR Jadhav Baliram Sukur Bahujan Vikas Aaghadi Adv. Chintaman Vanga Bharatiya Janata Party 12360 NO
23 MH BHIWANDI Taware Suresh Kashinath Indian National Congress Patil Jagannath Shivram Bharatiya Janata Party 41364 YES
24 MH KALYAN Anand Prakash Paranjape Shivsena Davkhare Vasant Shankarrao Nationalist Congress Party 21049 NO
25 MH THANE Dr.Sanjeev Ganesh Naik Nationalist Congress Party Chaugule Vijay Laxman Shivsena 49020 NO
26 MH MUMBAI NORTH Sanjay Brijkishorlal Nirupam Indian National Congress Ram Naik Bharatiya Janata Party 10054 NO
27 MH MUMBAI NORTH WEST Ad.Kamat Gurudas Vasant Indian National Congress Gajanan Kirtikar Shivsena 33261 NO
28 MH MUMBAI NORTH EAST Sanjay Dina Patil Nationalist Congress Party Kirit Somaiya Bharatiya Janata Party 2415 NO
29 MH MUMBAI NORTH CENTRAL Dutt Priya Sunil Indian National Congress Mahesh Ram Jethmalani Bharatiya Janata Party 157401 NO
30 MH MUMBAI SOUTH CENTRAL Eknath M. Gaikwad Indian National Congress Suresh Anant Gambhir Shivsena 69714 NO
31 MH MUMBAI SOUTH Deora Milind Murli Indian National Congress Bala Nandgaonkar Maharashtra Navnirman sena 54220 NO
32 MH RAIGAD Anant Geete Shivsena Barrister A.R. Antulay Indian National Congress 115119 NO
33 MH MAVAL Babar Gajanan Dharmshi Shivsena Pansare Azam Fakeerbhai Nationalist Congress Party 60796 NO
34 MH PUNE Kalmadi Suresh Indian National Congress Anil Shirole Bharatiya Janata Party 20225 NO
35 MH BARAMATI Supriya Sule Nationalist Congress Party Kanta Jaysing Nalawade Bharatiya Janata Party 188399 NO
36 MH SHIRUR Adhalrao Shivaji Dattatray Shivsena Vilas Vithoba Lande Nationalist Congress Party 140719 NO
37 MH AHMADNAGAR Gandhi Dilipkumar Mansukhlal Bharatiya Janata Party Kardile Shivaji Bhanudas Nationalist Congress Party 42474 NO
38 MH SHIRDI Wakchaure Bhausaheb Rajaram Shivsena Athawale Ramdas Bandu Republican Party of India (A) 132640 NO
39 MH BEED Munde Gopinathrao Pandurang Bharatiya Janata Party Kokate Ramesh Baburao (Adaskar) Nationalist Congress Party 70369 NO
40 MH OSMANABAD Patil Padamsinha Bajirao Nationalist Congress Party Gaikwad Ravindra Vishwanath Shivsena 17017 NO
41 MH LATUR Awale Jaywant Gangaram Indian National Congress Gaikwad Sunil Baliram Bharatiya Janata Party 241 NO
42 MH SOLAPUR Shinde Sushilkumar Sambhajirao Indian National Congress Adv. Bansode Sharad Maruti Bharatiya Janata Party 99585 NO
43 MH MADHA Pawar Sharadchandra Govindrao Nationalist Congress Party Deshmukh Subhash Sureshchandra Bharatiya Janata Party 243142 NO
44 MH SANGLI Pratik Prakashbapu Patil Indian National Congress Ajitrao Shankarrao Ghorpade Independent 43746 NO
45 MH SATARA Bhonsle Shrimant Chh. Udyanraje Pratapsinhmaharaj Nationalist Congress Party Purushottam Bajirao Jadhav Shivsena 297515 NO
46 MH RATNAGIRI – SINDHUDURG Dr.Nilesh Narayan Rane Indian National Congress Suresh Prabhakar Prabhu Shivsena 46750 NO
47 MH KOLHAPUR Sadashivrao Dadoba Mandlik Independent Chhatrapati Sambhajiraje Shahu Nationalist Congress Party 36524 NO
48 MH HATKANANGLE Shetti Raju Alias Devappa Anna Swabhimani Paksha Mane Nivedita Sambhajirao Nationalist Congress Party 63028 NO
1 MN INNER MANIPUR Dr. Thokchom Meinya Indian National Congress Moirangthem Nara Communist Party of India 33321 NO
2 MN OUTER MANIPUR Thangso Baite Indian National Congress Mani Charenamei Peoples Democratic Alliance 10586 NO
1 ML SHILLONG Vincent H Pala Indian National Congress John Filmore Kharshiing United Democratic Party 107832 NO
2 ML TURA Agatha K. Sangma Nationalist Congress Party Debora C. Marak Indian National Congress 17945 NO
1 MZ MIZORAM C.L.Ruala Indian National Congress Dr. H. Lallungmuana Independent 96238 NO
1 NL NAGALAND C.M. Chang Nagaland Peoples Front K. Asungba Sangtam Indian National Congress 422134 NO
1 OR BARGARH Sanjay Bhoi Indian National Congress Dr. Hamid Hussain Biju Janata Dal 39632 NO
2 OR SUNDARGARH Jual Oram Bharatiya Janata Party Hemanand Biswal Indian National Congress 6161 NO
3 OR SAMBALPUR Amarnath Pradhan Indian National Congress Rohit Pujari Biju Janata Dal 26282 NO
4 OR KEONJHAR Yashbant Narayan Singh Laguri Biju Janata Dal Dhanurjaya Sidu Indian National Congress 49221 NO
5 OR MAYURBHANJ Laxman Tudu Biju Janata Dal Sudam Marndi Jharkhand Mukti Morcha 17259 NO
6 OR BALASORE Srikant Kumar Jena Indian National Congress Arun Dey Nationalist Congress Party 10300 NO
7 OR BHADRAK Arjun Charan Sethi Biju Janata Dal Ananta Prasad Sethi Indian National Congress 24187 NO
8 OR JAJPUR Mohan Jena Biju Janata Dal Amiya Kanta Mallik Indian National Congress 36000 NO
9 OR DHENKANAL Tathagata Satpathy Biju Janata Dal Chandra Sekhar Tripathi Indian National Congress 87929 NO
10 OR BOLANGIR Kalikesh Narayan Singh Deo Biju Janata Dal Narasingha Mishra Indian National Congress 24022 NO
11 OR KALAHANDI Bhakta Charan Das Indian National Congress Subash Chandra Nayak Biju Janata Dal 59795 NO
12 OR NABARANGPUR Pradeep Kumar Majhi Indian National Congress Domburu Majhi Biju Janata Dal 25904 NO
13 OR KANDHAMAL Rudramadhab Ray Biju Janata Dal Ashok Sahu Bharatiya Janata Party 57091 NO
14 OR CUTTACK Bhartruhari Mahtab Biju Janata Dal Bibhuti Bhusan Mishra Indian National Congress 94756 NO
15 OR KENDRAPARA Baijayant Panda Biju Janata Dal Ranjib Biswal Indian National Congress 27810 NO
16 OR JAGATSINGHPUR Bibhu Prasad Tarai Communist Party of India Rabindra Kumar Sethy Indian National Congress 30229 NO
17 OR PURI Pinaki Misra Biju Janata Dal Braja Kishore Tripathy Bharatiya Janata Party 81737 NO
18 OR BHUBANESWAR Prasanna Kumar Patasani Biju Janata Dal Santosh Mohanty Indian National Congress 96043 NO
19 OR ASKA Nityananda Pradhan Biju Janata Dal Ramachandra Rath Indian National Congress 94869 NO
20 OR BERHAMPUR Sidhant Mohapatra Biju Janata Dal Chandra Sekhar Sahu Indian National Congress 23753 NO
21 OR KORAPUT Jayaram Pangi Biju Janata Dal Giridhar Gamang Indian National Congress 42161 NO
1 PB GURDASPUR Partap Singh Bajwa Indian National Congress Vinod Khanna Bharatiya Janata Party 1998 NO
2 PB AMRITSAR Navjot Singh Sidhu Bharatiya Janata Party Om Parkash Soni Indian National Congress 9057 NO
3 PB KHADOOR SAHIB Dr. Rattan Singh Ajnala Shiromani Akali Dal Rana Gurjeet Singh Indian National Congress 28869 NO
4 PB JALANDHAR Mohinder Singh Kaypee Indian National Congress Hans Raj Hans Shiromani Akali Dal 36445 NO
5 PB HOSHIARPUR Santosh Chowdhary Indian National Congress Som Parkash Bharatiya Janata Party 643 NO
6 PB ANANDPUR SAHIB Ravneet Singh Indian National Congress Dr. Daljit Singh Cheema Shiromani Akali Dal 50363 NO
7 PB LUDHIANA Manish Tewari Indian National Congress Gurcharan Singh Galib Shiromani Akali Dal 89676 NO
8 PB FATEHGARH SAHIB Sukhdev Singh Indian National Congress Charanjit Singh Atwal Shiromani Akali Dal 34299 NO
9 PB FARIDKOT Paramjit Kaur Gulshan Shiromani Akali Dal Sukhwinder Singh Danny Indian National Congress 68461 NO
10 PB FEROZPUR Sher Singh Ghubaya Shiromani Akali Dal Jagmeet Singh Brar Indian National Congress 30853 NO
11 PB BATHINDA Harsimrat Kaur Badal Shiromani Akali Dal Raninder Singh Indian National Congress 99521 NO
12 PB SANGRUR Vijay Inder Singla Indian National Congress Sukhdev Singh Dhindsa Shiromani Akali Dal 42789 NO
13 PB PATIALA Preneet Kaur Indian National Congress Prem Singh Chandumajra Shiromani Akali Dal 95502 NO
1 RJ GANGANAGAR Bharat Ram Meghwal Indian National Congress Nihal Chand Bharatiya Janata Party 140668 NO
2 RJ BIKANER Arjun Ram Meghwal Bharatiya Janata Party Rewat Ram Panwar Indian National Congress 19575 NO
3 RJ CHURU Ram Singh Kaswan Bharatiya Janata Party Rafique Mandelia Indian National Congress 9525 NO
4 RJ JHUNJHUNU Sheesh Ram Ola Indian National Congress Dr Dasrath Singh Shekhawat Bharatiya Janata Party 65321 NO
5 RJ SIKAR Mahadev Singh Indian National Congress Subhash Maharia Bharatiya Janata Party 33819 NO
6 RJ JAIPUR RURAL Lal Chand Kataria Indian National Congress Rao Rajendra Singh Bharatiya Janata Party 45487 NO
7 RJ JAIPUR Mahesh Joshi Indian National Congress Ghanshyam Tiwari Bharatiya Janata Party 3628 NO
8 RJ ALWAR Jitendra Singh Indian National Congress Dr.Kiran Yadav Bharatiya Janata Party 149251 NO
9 RJ BHARATPUR Ratan Singh Indian National Congress Khemchand Bharatiya Janata Party 80625 NO
10 RJ KARAULI-DHOLPUR Khiladi Lal Bairwa Indian National Congress Dr Manoj Rajoria Bharatiya Janata Party 27752 NO
11 RJ DAUSA Kirodi Lal Independent Qummer Rubbani Independent 23539 NO
12 RJ TONK-SAWAI MADHOPUR Namo Narain Indian National Congress Kirori Singh Bainsla Bharatiya Janata Party 472 NO
13 RJ AJMER Sachin Pilot Indian National Congress Kiran Maheshwari Bharatiya Janata Party 76135 YES
14 RJ NAGAUR Dr. Jyoti Mirdha Indian National Congress Bindu Chaudhary Bharatiya Janata Party 155185 NO
15 RJ PALI Badri Ram Jakhar Indian National Congress Pusp Jain Bharatiya Janata Party 171757 NO
16 RJ JODHPUR Chandresh Kumari Indian National Congress Jaswant Singh Bisnoi Bharatiya Janata Party 98259 YES
17 RJ BARMER Harish Choudhary Indian National Congress Manvendra Singh Bharatiya Janata Party 119106 NO
18 RJ JALORE Devji Patel Bharatiya Janata Party Buta Singh Independent 29177 NO
19 RJ UDAIPUR Raghuvir Singh Meena Indian National Congress Mahaveer Bhagora Bharatiya Janata Party 165021 NO
20 RJ BANSWARA Tarachand Bhagora Indian National Congress Hakaru Maida Bharatiya Janata Party 199418 YES
21 RJ CHITTORGARH (Dr.)girija Vyas Indian National Congress Shrichand Kriplani Bharatiya Janata Party 65731 NO
22 RJ RAJSAMAND Gopal Singh Indian National Congress Rasa Singh Rawat Bharatiya Janata Party 38178 NO
23 RJ BHILWARA Dr. C. P. Joshi Indian National Congress Vijayendra Pal Singh Bharatiya Janata Party 135368 NO
24 RJ KOTA Ijyaraj Singh Indian National Congress Shyam Sharma Bharatiya Janata Party 68106 NO
25 RJ JHALAWAR-BARAN Dushyant Singh Bharatiya Janata Party Urmila Jain “bhaya” Indian National Congress 25503 NO
1 SK SIKKIM Prem Das Rai Sikkim Democratic Front Kharananda Upreti Indian National Congress 48955 NO
1 TN THIRUVALLUR Venugopal.P All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Gayathri.S Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 27607 NO
2 TN CHENNAI NORTH Elangovan T.K.S Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Pandian. D Communist Party of India 28385 NO
3 TN CHENNAI SOUTH Rajendran C All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Bharathy R.S. Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 12962 NO
4 TN CHENNAI CENTRAL Dayanidhi Maran Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Mogamed Ali Jinnah S.M.K. All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 24352 NO
5 TN SRIPERUMBUDUR Baalu T R Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Moorthy A K Pattali Makkal Katchi 8222 NO
6 TN KANCHEEPURAM Viswanathan.P Indian National Congress Ramakrishnan.Dr.E All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 7297 NO
7 TN ARAKKONAM Jagathrakshakan Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Velu R Pattali Makkal Katchi 103407 NO
8 TN VELLORE Abdulrahman Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Vasu L K M B All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 107393 NO
9 TN KRISHNAGIRI Sugavanam. E.G. Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Nanjegowdu. K. All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 45858 NO
10 TN DHARMAPURI Thamaraiselvan. R Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Senthil. R. Dr. Pattali Makkal Katchi 107130 NO
11 TN TIRUVANNAMALAI Venugopal.D Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Guru (A) Gurunathan. J Pattali Makkal Katchi 110998 NO
12 TN ARANI Krishnasamy M Indian National Congress Subramaniyan N All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 78457 NO
13 TN VILUPPURAM Anandan M All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Swamidurai K Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katch 9108 NO
14 TN KALLAKURICHI Sankar Adhi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Dhanaraju K Pattali Makkal Katchi 105958 NO
15 TN SALEM Semmalai S All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Thangkabalu K V Indian National Congress 41509 NO
16 TN NAMAKKAL Gandhiselvan.S Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Vairam Tamilarasi.V All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 87495 NO
17 TN ERODE Ganeshamurthi.A. Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Elangovan.E.V.K.S. Indian National Congress 45254 NO
18 TN TIRUPPUR Sivasami C All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Kharventhan S K Indian National Congress 85966 NO
19 TN NILGIRIS Raja A Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Krishnan C Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 75810 NO
20 TN COIMBATORE Prabhu.R Indian National Congress Natarajan.P.R. Communist Party of India (Marxist) 41048 NO
21 TN POLLACHI Sugumar.K All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Shanmugasundaram.K Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 45431 NO
22 TN DINDIGUL Chitthan N S V Indian National Congress Baalasubramani P All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 54347 YES
23 TN KARUR Tambidurai.M All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Pallanishamy. K.C. Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 31070 NO
24 TN TIRUCHIRAPPALLI Kumar.P All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Sarubala.R.Thondaiman Indian National Congress 5681 NO
25 TN PERAMBALUR Napoleon,D. Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Balasubramanian,K.K. All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 66551 NO
26 TN CUDDALORE Alagiri S Indian National Congress Sampath M C All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 23136 NO
27 TN CHIDAMBARAM Thirumaavalavan, Thol Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katch Ponnuswamy,E Pattali Makkal Katchi 86277 NO
28 TN MAYILADUTHURAI Manian O.S All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Mani Shankar Aiyar Indian National Congress 36854 NO
29 TN NAGAPATTINAM Vijayan A K S Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Selvaraj M Communist Party of India 30273 NO
30 TN THANJAVUR Palanimanickam.S.S Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Durai.Balakrishnan Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 101124 NO
31 TN SIVAGANGA Raja Kannappan R.S. All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Chidambaram P Indian National Congress 490 NO
32 TN MADURAI Alagiri M.K Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Mohan P Communist Party of India (Marxist) 140985 NO
33 TN THENI Aaron Rashid.J.M Indian National Congress Thanga Tamilselvan All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 5503 NO
34 TN VIRUDHUNAGAR Manicka Tagore Indian National Congress Vaiko Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 15764 NO
35 TN RAMANATHAPURAM Sivakumar @ J.K. Ritheesh. K Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Sathiamoorthy. V All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 56352 NO
36 TN THOOTHUKKUDI Jeyadurai.S.R Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Cynthia Pandian.Dr All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 76671 NO
37 TN TENKASI Lingam P Communist Party of India Vellaipandi G Indian National Congress 34677 NO
38 TN TIRUNELVELI Ramasubbu S Indian National Congress Annamalai K All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 20948 NO
39 TN KANNIYAKUMARI Helen Davidson J Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam Radhakrishnan P Bharatiya Janata Party 63826 NO
1 TR TRIPURA WEST Khagen Das Communist Party of India (Marxist) Sudip Roy Barman Indian National Congress 241235 NO
2 TR TRIPURA EAST Baju Ban Riyan Communist Party of India (Marxist) Diba Chandra Hrangkhawl Indian National Congress 291209 NO
1 UP SAHARANPUR Jagdish Singh Rana Bahujan Samaj Party Rasheed Masood Samajwadi Party 36681 NO
2 UP KAIRANA Tabassum Begum Bahujan Samaj Party Hukum Singh Bharatiya Janata Party 14047 NO
3 UP MUZAFFARNAGAR Kadir Rana Bahujan Samaj Party Anuradha Chaudhary Rashtriya Lok Dal 21002 NO
4 UP BIJNOR Sanjay Singh Chauhan Rashtriya Lok Dal Shahid Siddiqui Bahujan Samaj Party 10372 NO
5 UP NAGINA Yashvir Singh Samajwadi Party Ram Kishan Singh Bahujan Samaj Party 11920 NO
6 UP MORADABAD Mohammed Azharuddin Indian National Congress Kunwar Sarvesh Kumar Alias Rakesh Bharatiya Janata Party 24445 NO
7 UP RAMPUR Jaya Prada Nahata Samajwadi Party Begum Noor Bano Urf Mehtab Zamani Begum Indian National Congress 12093 NO
8 UP SAMBHAL Dr. Shafiqur Rahman Barq Bahujan Samaj Party Iqbal Mehmood Samajwadi Party 19762 NO
9 UP AMROHA Devendra Nagpal Rashtriya Lok Dal Mehboob Ali Samajwadi Party 39398 NO
10 UP MEERUT Rajendra Agarwal Bharatiya Janata Party Malook Nagar Bahujan Samaj Party 3674 NO
11 UP BAGHPAT Ajit Singh Rashtriya Lok Dal Mukesh Sharma Bahujan Samaj Party 63382 NO
12 UP GHAZIABAD Rajnath Singh Bharatiya Janata Party Surendra Prakash Goel Indian National Congress 43627 NO
13 UP GAUTAM BUDDH NAGAR Surendra Singh Nagar Bahujan Samaj Party Mahesh Kumar Sharma Bharatiya Janata Party 26730 NO
14 UP BULANDSHAHR Kamlesh Samajwadi Party Ashok Kumar Pradhan Bharatiya Janata Party 14776 NO
15 UP ALIGARH Zafar Alam Samajwadi Party Raj Kumari Chauhan Bahujan Samaj Party 12277 NO
16 UP HATHRAS Sarika Singh Rashtriya Lok Dal Rajendra Kumar Bahujan Samaj Party 20754 NO
17 UP MATHURA Jayant Chaudhary Rashtriya Lok Dal Shyam Sunder Sharma Bahujan Samaj Party 35239 NO
18 UP AGRA Kunwar Chand (Vakil) Bahujan Samaj Party Dr. Ramshankar Bharatiya Janata Party 3836 NO
19 UP FATEHPUR SIKRI Raj Babbar Indian National Congress Seema Upadhyay Bahujan Samaj Party 10025 NO
20 UP FIROZABAD Akhilesh Yadav Samajwadi Party Prof. S.P. Singh Baghel Bahujan Samaj Party 52555 NO
21 UP MAINPURI Mulayam Singh Yadav Samajwadi Party Vinay Shakya Bahujan Samaj Party 93137 NO
22 UP ETAH Kalyan Singh R O Madholi Independent Kunwar Devendra Singh Yadav Bahujan Samaj Party 102812 NO
23 UP BADAUN Dharmendra Yadav Samajwadi Party Dharam Yadav Urf D. P. Yadav Bahujan Samaj Party 12579 NO
24 UP AONLA Menka Gandhi Bharatiya Janata Party Dharmendra Kumar Samajwadi Party 1217 NO
25 UP BAREILLY Praveen Singh Aron Indian National Congress Santosh Gangwar Bharatiya Janata Party 9439 NO
26 UP PILIBHIT Feroze Varun Gandhi Bharatiya Janata Party V. M. Singh Indian National Congress 224196 NO
27 UP SHAHJAHANPUR Mithlesh Samajwadi Party Sunita Singh Bahujan Samaj Party 43831 NO
28 UP KHERI Zafar Ali Naqvi Indian National Congress Ajay Kumar Bharatiya Janata Party 16020 NO
29 UP DHAURAHRA Kunwar Jitin Prasad Indian National Congress Rajesh Kumar Singh Alias Rajesh Verma Bahujan Samaj Party 96823 NO
30 UP SITAPUR Kaisar Jahan Bahujan Samaj Party Mahendra Singh Verma Samajwadi Party 19638 NO
31 UP HARDOI Usha Verma Samajwadi Party Ram Kumar Kuril Bahujan Samaj Party 87402 NO
32 UP MISRIKH Ashok Kumar Rawat Bahujan Samaj Party Shyam Prakash Samajwadi Party 22999 NO
33 UP UNNAO Annutandon Indian National Congress Arunshankarshukla Bahujan Samaj Party 195269 NO
34 UP MOHANLALGANJ Sushila Saroj Samajwadi Party Jai Prakash Bahujan Samaj Party 66348 NO
35 UP LUCKNOW Lal Ji Tandon Bharatiya Janata Party Rita Bahuguna Joshi Indian National Congress 31090 NO
36 UP RAE BARELI Sonia Gandhi Indian National Congress R.S.Kushwaha Bahujan Samaj Party 276054 NO
37 UP AMETHI Rahul Gandhi Indian National Congress Asheesh Shukla Bahujan Samaj Party 157511 NO
38 UP SULTANPUR Dr.Sanjay Singh Indian National Congress Mohd.Tahir Bahujan Samaj Party 69185 NO
39 UP PRATAPGARH Rajkumari Ratna Singh Indian National Congress Prof. Shivakant Ojha Bahujan Samaj Party 6346 NO
40 UP FARRUKHABAD Naresh Chandra Agrawal Bahujan Samaj Party Salman Khursheed Indian National Congress 5472 NO
41 UP ETAWAH Premdas Samajwadi Party Gaurishanker Bahujan Samaj Party 43513 NO
42 UP KANNAUJ Akhilesh Yadav Samajwadi Party Dr. Mahesh Chandra Verma Bahujan Samaj Party 110828 NO
43 UP KANPUR Sri Prakash Jaiswal Indian National Congress Satish Mahana Bharatiya Janata Party 14161 NO
44 UP AKBARPUR Rajaram Pal Indian National Congress Anil Shukla Warsi Bahujan Samaj Party 30075 NO
45 UP JALAUN Ghansyam Anuragi Samajwadi Party Tilak Chandra Ahirwar Bahujan Samaj Party 7332 NO
46 UP JHANSI Pradeep Kumar Jain (Aditya) Indian National Congress Ramesh Kumar Sharma Bahujan Samaj Party 7228 NO
47 UP HAMIRPUR Vijay Bahadur Singh Bahujan Samaj Party Siddha Gopal Sahu Indian National Congress 13663 NO
48 UP BANDA R. K. Singh Patel Samajwadi Party Bhairon Prasad Mishra Bahujan Samaj Party 26245 NO
49 UP FATEHPUR Rakesh Sachan Samajwadi Party Mahendra Prasad Nishad Bahujan Samaj Party 22816 NO
50 UP KAUSHAMBI Shailendra Kumar Samajwadi Party Girish Chandra Pasi Bahujan Samaj Party 16569 NO
51 UP PHULPUR Kapil Muni Karwariya Bahujan Samaj Party Shyama Charan Gupta Samajwadi Party 13881 NO
52 UP ALLAHABAD Kunwar Rewati Raman Singh Alias Mani Ji Samajwadi Party Ashok Kumar Bajpai Bahujan Samaj Party 17435 NO
53 UP BARABANKI P.L.Punia Indian National Congress Kamala Prasad Rawat Bahujan Samaj Party 147335 NO
54 UP FAIZABAD Nirmal Khatri Indian National Congress Mitrasen Samajwadi Party 41691 NO
55 UP AMBEDKAR NAGAR Rakesh Pandey Bahujan Samaj Party Shankhlal Majhi Samajwadi Party 8227 NO
56 UP BAHRAICH Kamal Kishor Indian National Congress Lal Mani Prasad Bahujan Samaj Party 41205 NO
57 UP KAISERGANJ Brijbhushan Sharan Singh Samajwadi Party Dr Lalta Prasad Mishra Alias Dr L P Mishra Bharatiya Janata Party 27873 NO
58 UP SHRAWASTI Vinay Kumar Alias Vinnu Indian National Congress Rizvan Zaheer Bahujan Samaj Party 38796 NO
59 UP GONDA Beni Prasad Verma Indian National Congress Kirti Vardhan Singh (Raja Bhaiya) Bahujan Samaj Party 22898 NO
60 UP DOMARIYAGANJ Jagdambika Pal Indian National Congress Jai Pratap Singh Bharatiya Janata Party 21356 NO
61 UP BASTI Arvind Kumar Chaudhary Bahujan Samaj Party Raj Kishor Singh Samajwadi Party 77981 NO
62 UP SANT KABIR NAGAR Bhisma Shankar Alias Kushal Tiwari Bahujan Samaj Party Bhal Chandra Yadav Samajwadi Party 17218 NO
63 UP MAHARAJGANJ Harsh Vardhan Indian National Congress Ganesh Shanker Pandey Bahujan Samaj Party 52122 NO
64 UP GORAKHPUR Adityanath Bharatiya Janata Party Vinay Shankar Tiwari Bahujan Samaj Party 70171 NO
65 UP KUSHI NAGAR Ku. Ratanjeet Pratap Narayan Singh Indian National Congress Swami Prasad Maurya Bahujan Samaj Party 10593 NO
66 UP DEORIA Gorakh Prasad Jaiswal Bahujan Samaj Party Shri Prakash Mani Tripathi Bharatiya Janata Party 16718 NO
67 UP BANSGAON Kamlesh Paswan Bharatiya Janata Party Shree Nath Ji Bahujan Samaj Party 22382 NO
68 UP LALGANJ Dr. Baliram Bahujan Samaj Party Neelam Sonkar Bharatiya Janata Party 38531 NO
69 UP AZAMGARH Ramakant Yadav Bharatiya Janata Party Akbar Ahmad Dumpy Bahujan Samaj Party 36914 NO
70 UP GHOSI Dara Singh Chauhan Bahujan Samaj Party Arshad Jamal Ansari Samajwadi Party 17965 NO
71 UP SALEMPUR Ramashankar Rajbhar Bahujan Samaj Party Dr. Bhola Pandey Indian National Congress 4923 NO
72 UP BALLIA Neeraj Shekhar Samajwadi Party Sangram Singh Yadav Bahujan Samaj Party 41103 NO
73 UP JAUNPUR Dhananjay Singh Bahujan Samaj Party Paras Nath Yadava Samajwadi Party 53859 NO
74 UP MACHHLISHAHR Tufani Saroj Samajwadi Party Kamla Kant Gautam (K.K. Gautam) Bahujan Samaj Party 19050 NO
75 UP GHAZIPUR Radhey Mohan Singh Samajwadi Party Afzal Ansari Bahujan Samaj Party 50237 NO
76 UP CHANDAULI Ramkishun Samajwadi Party Kailash Nath Singh Yadav Bahujan Samaj Party 10919 NO
77 UP VARANASI Dr. Murli Manohar Joshi Bharatiya Janata Party Mukhtar Ansari Bahujan Samaj Party 5750 NO
78 UP BHADOHI Gorakhnath Bahujan Samaj Party Chhotelal Bind Samajwadi Party 12980 NO
79 UP MIRZAPUR Bal Kumar Patel Samajwadi Party Anil Kumar Maurya Bahujan Samaj Party 8519 NO
80 UP ROBERTSGANJ Pakauri Lal Samajwadi Party Ram Chandra Tyagi Bahujan Samaj Party 46930 NO
1 WB COOCH BEHAR Nripendra Nath Roy All India Forward Bloc Arghya Roy Pradhan All India Trinamool Congress 37085 NO
2 WB ALIPURDUARS Manohar Tirkey Revolutionary Socialist Party Paban Kumar Lakra All India Trinamool Congress 112516 NO
3 WB JALPAIGURI Mahendra Kumar Roy Communist Party of India (Marxist) Barma Sukhbilas Indian National Congress 67529 NO
4 WB DARJEELING Jaswant Singh Bharatiya Janata Party Jibesh Sarkar Communist Party of India (Marxist) 271267 NO
5 WB RAIGANJ Deepa Dasmunsi Indian National Congress Bireswar Lahiri Communist Party of India (Marxist) 68682 NO
6 WB BALURGHAT Prasanta Kumar Majumdar Revolutionary Socialist Party Biplab Mitra All India Trinamool Congress 1610 NO
7 WB MALDAHA UTTAR Mausam Noor Indian National Congress Sailen Sarkar Communist Party of India (Marxist) 18758 NO
8 WB MALDAHA DAKSHIN Abu Hasem Khan Choudhury Indian National Congress Abdur Razzaque Communist Party of India (Marxist) 126935 NO
9 WB JANGIPUR Pranab Mukherjee Indian National Congress Mriganka Sekhar Bhattacharya Communist Party of India (Marxist) 61761 NO
10 WB BAHARAMPUR Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury Indian National Congress Pramothes Mukherjee Revolutionary Socialist Party 68254 NO
11 WB MURSHIDABAD Abdul Mannan Hossain Indian National Congress Anisur Rahaman Sarkar Communist Party of India (Marxist) 11288 NO
12 WB KRISHNANAGAR Tapas Paul All India Trinamool Congress Jyotirmoyee Sikdar Communist Party of India (Marxist) 50892 NO
13 WB RANAGHAT Sucharu Ranjan Haldar All India Trinamool Congress Basudeb Barman Communist Party of India (Marxist) 48444 NO
14 WB BANGAON Gobinda Chandra Naskar All India Trinamool Congress Asim Bala Communist Party of India (Marxist) 15248 NO
15 WB BARRACKPORE Dinesh Trivedi All India Trinamool Congress Tarit Baran Topdar Communist Party of India (Marxist) 36729 NO
16 WB DUM DUM Saugata Ray All India Trinamool Congress Amitava Nandy Communist Party of India (Marxist) 3651 NO
17 WB BARASAT Kakali Ghosh Dastidar All India Trinamool Congress Sudin Chattopadhyay All India Forward Bloc 29999 NO
18 WB BASIRHAT Sk. Nurul Islam All India Trinamool Congress Ajay Chakraborty Communist Party of India 4259 NO
19 WB JOYNAGAR Dr. Tarun Mondal Independent Nimai Barman Revolutionary Socialist Party 41657 NO
20 WB MATHURAPUR Choudhury Mohan Jatua All India Trinamool Congress Animesh Naskar Communist Party of India (Marxist) 6717 NO
21 WB DIAMOND HARBOUR Somendra Nath Mitra All India Trinamool Congress Samik Lahiri Communist Party of India (Marxist) 69116 NO
22 WB JADAVPUR Kabir Suman All India Trinamool Congress Sujan Chakraborty Communist Party of India (Marxist) 24147 NO
23 WB KOLKATA DAKSHIN Mamata Banerjee All India Trinamool Congress Rabin Deb Communist Party of India (Marxist) 137046 NO
24 WB KOLKATA UTTAR Sudip Bandyopadhyay All India Trinamool Congress Md. Salim Communist Party of India (Marxist) 64971 NO
25 WB HOWRAH Ambica Banerjee All India Trinamool Congress Swadesh Chakrabortty Communist Party of India (Marxist) 10672 NO
26 WB ULUBERIA Sultan Ahmed All India Trinamool Congress Hannan Mollah Communist Party of India (Marxist) 53703 NO
27 WB SRERAMPUR Kalyan Banerjee All India Trinamool Congress Santasri Chatterjee Communist Party of India (Marxist) 92670 NO
28 WB HOOGHLY Dr. Ratna De(Nag) All India Trinamool Congress Rupchand Pal Communist Party of India (Marxist) 56711 NO
29 WB ARAMBAGH Malik Sakti Mohan Communist Party of India (Marxist) Sambhu Nath Malik Indian National Congress 144361 NO
30 WB TAMLUK Adhikari Suvendu All India Trinamool Congress Lakshman Chandra Seth Communist Party of India (Marxist) 16735 NO
31 WB KANTHI Adhikari Sisir Kumar All India Trinamool Congress Prasanta Pradhan Communist Party of India (Marxist) 36085 NO
32 WB GHATAL Gurudas Dasgupta Communist Party of India Nure Alam Chowdhury All India Trinamool Congress 62938 NO
33 WB JHARGRAM Pulin Bihari Baske Communist Party of India (Marxist) Amrit Hansda Indian National Congress 109497 NO
34 WB MEDINIPUR Prabodh Panda Communist Party of India Dipak Kumar Ghosh All India Trinamool Congress 32890 NO
35 WB PURULIA Narahari Mahato All India Forward Bloc Shantiram Mahato Indian National Congress 5978 NO
36 WB BANKURA Acharia Basudeb Communist Party of India (Marxist) Subrata Mukherjee Indian National Congress 44697 NO
37 WB BISHNUPUR Susmita Bauri Communist Party of India (Marxist) Seuli Saha All India Trinamool Congress 54371 NO
38 WB BARDHAMAN PURBA Anup Kumar Saha Communist Party of India (Marxist) Ashoke Biswas All India Trinamool Congress 52048 NO
39 WB BURDWAN – DURGAPUR Sk. Saidul Haque Communist Party of India (Marxist) Nargis Begam Indian National Congress 79822 NO
40 WB ASANSOL Bansa Gopal Chowdhury Communist Party of India (Marxist) Ghatak Moloy All India Trinamool Congress 46638 NO
41 WB BOLPUR Doctor Ram Chandra Dome Communist Party of India (Marxist) Asit Kumar Mal Indian National Congress 76596 NO
42 WB BIRBHUM Satabdi Roy All India Trinamool Congress Braja Mukherjee Communist Party of India (Marxist) 15936 NO
1 CG SARGUJA Murarilal Singh Bharatiya Janata Party Bhanu Pratap Singh Indian National Congress 113866 NO
2 CG RAIGARH Vishnu Deo Sai Bharatiya Janata Party Hridayaram Rathiya Indian National Congress 41920 NO
3 CG JANJGIR-CHAMPA Shrimati Kamla Devi Patle Bharatiya Janata Party Dr.Shivkumar Dahariya Indian National Congress 35284 NO
4 CG KORBA Charan Das Mahant Indian National Congress Karuna Shukla Bharatiya Janata Party 10348 NO
5 CG BILASPUR Dilip Singh Judev Bharatiya Janata Party Dr.Renu Jogi Indian National Congress 18186 NO
6 CG RAJNANDGAON Madhusudan Yadav Bharatiya Janata Party Devwrat Singh Indian National Congress 91638 NO
7 CG DURG Saroj Pandey Bharatiya Janata Party Pradeep Choubey Indian National Congress 3397 NO
8 CG RAIPUR Ramesh Bais Bharatiya Janata Party Bhupesh Baghel Indian National Congress 28680 NO
9 CG MAHASAMUND Chandulal Sahu (Chandu Bhaiya) Bharatiya Janata Party Motilal Sahu Indian National Congress 12100 NO
10 CG BASTAR Baliram Kashyap Bharatiya Janata Party Shankar Sodi Indian National Congress 63828 NO
11 CG KANKER Sohan Potai Bharatiya Janata Party Smt. Phoolo Devi Netam Indian National Congress 18247 NO
1 JH RAJMAHAL Devidhan Besra Bharatiya Janata Party Hemlal Murmu Jharkhand Mukti Morcha 3694 NO
2 JH DUMKA Shibu Soren Jharkhand Mukti Morcha Sunil Soren Bharatiya Janata Party 8319 NO
3 JH GODDA Nishikant Dubey Bharatiya Janata Party Furkan Ansari Indian National Congress 18747 NO
4 JH CHATRA Inder Singh Namdhari Independent Dhiraj Prasad Sahu Indian National Congress 16178 NO
5 JH KODARMA Babulal Marandi Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik) Raj Kumar Yadav Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation) 38742 NO
6 JH GIRIDIH Ravindra Kumar Pandey Bharatiya Janata Party Saba Ahmad Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik) 61580 NO
7 JH DHANBAD Chandrashekhar Dubey Indian National Congress Pashupati Nath Singh Bharatiya Janata Party 4456 NO
8 JH RANCHI Ram Tahal Choudhary Bharatiya Janata Party Subodh Kant Sahay Indian National Congress 9420 NO
9 JH JAMSHEDPUR Arjun Munda Bharatiya Janata Party Suman Mahato Jharkhand Mukti Morcha 57892 NO
10 JH SINGHBHUM Madhu Kora Independent Barkuwar Gagrai Bharatiya Janata Party 84088 NO
11 JH KHUNTI Karia Munda Bharatiya Janata Party Neil Tirkey Indian National Congress 29812 NO
12 JH LOHARDAGA Chamra Linda Independent Sudarshan Bhagat Bharatiya Janata Party 2916 NO
13 JH PALAMAU Kameshwar Baitha Jharkhand Mukti Morcha Ghuran Ram Rashtriya Janata Dal 4812 NO
14 JH HAZARIBAGH Yashwant Sinha Bharatiya Janata Party Saurabh Narain Singh Indian National Congress 9161 NO
1 UK TEHRI GARHWAL Vijay Bahuguna Indian National Congress Jaspal Rana Bharatiya Janata Party 45804 NO
2 UK GARHWAL Satpal Maharaj Indian National Congress Lt. Gen(Retd) Tejpal Singh Rawat P.V.S.M, V.S.M Bharatiya Janata Party 17257 NO
3 UK ALMORA Pradeep Tamta Indian National Congress Ajay Tamta Bharatiya Janata Party 6848 NO
4 UK NAINITAL-UDHAMSINGH NAGAR K.C. Singh Baba Indian National Congress Bachi Singh Rawat Bharatiya Janata Party 78365 NO
5 UK HARDWAR Harish Rawat Indian National Congress Swami Yatindranand Giri Bharatiya Janata Party 85040 NO
1 AN ANDAMAN & NICOBAR ISLANDS Shri. Bishnu Pada Ray Bharatiya Janata Party Shri. Kuldeep Rai Sharma Indian National Congress 3618 NO
1 CH CHANDIGARH Pawan Kumar Bansal Indian National Congress Satya Pal Jain Bharatiya Janata Party 58967 YES
1 DN DADAR & NAGAR HAVELI Patel Natubhai Gomanbhai Bharatiya Janata Party Delkar Mohanbhai Sanjibhai Indian National Congress 618 YES
1 DD DAMAN & DIU Lalubhai Patel Bharatiya Janata Party Dahyabhai Vallabhbhai Patel Indian National Congress 24838 YES
1 DL CHANDNI CHOWK Kapil Sibal Indian National Congress Vijender Gupta Bharatiya Janata Party 200710 YES
2 DL NORTH EAST DELHI Jai Prakash Agarwal Indian National Congress B.L.Sharma Prem Bharatiya Janata Party 138816 NO
3 DL EAST DELHI Sandeep Dikshit Indian National Congress Chetan Chauhan Bharatiya Janata Party 129779 NO
4 DL NEW DELHI Ajay Makan Indian National Congress Vijay Goel Bharatiya Janata Party 134979 NO
5 DL NORTH WEST DELHI Krishna Tirath Indian National Congress Meera Kanwaria Bharatiya Janata Party 176846 NO
6 DL WEST DELHI Mahabal Mishra Indian National Congress Prof. Jagdish Mukhi Bharatiya Janata Party 129010 NO
7 DL SOUTH DELHI Ramesh Kumar Indian National Congress Ramesh Bidhuri Bharatiya Janata Party 75232 NO
1 LD LAKSHADWEEP Muhammed Hamdulla Sayeed A.B Indian National Congress Dr. P. Pookunhikoya Nationalist Congress Party 2198 YES
1 PY PUDUCHERRY Narayanasamy Indian National Congress Ramadass. M Pattali Makkal Katchi 86301 NO
Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee must dissolve the West Bengal Assembly if he is an honest democrat: Please try to follow Gerard Schröder’s example even slightly!
May 16, 2009 — drsubrotoroyIn my January 9 2007 article “Hypocrisy of the CPI-M” in The Statesman, I urged that West Bengal Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee should dissolve the West Bengal Assembly and go to the people. I said then:
“All of 37% of those voting in the 2006 Assembly Elections voted for the CPI-M. By contrast, 41.2% voted for Trinamul and Congress together. Add also the 11.4% of those who voted for the Forward Bloc, RSP and CPI all of whom though part of the Left Front have been opposing the CPI-M on this cardinal issue. That constitutes prima facie evidence that a majority of 52.6% vs. 37% of voters may oppose the CPI-M’s present course of action. Mr Bhattacharjee heads a Government that is supposed to act not merely in the interest of members or groups of his own party or those who have flattered or financed it, but everyone in West Bengal including those who voted against the CPI-M as well as those who did not vote at all.
Gerhard Schröder dissolved the German Bundestag in 2005 though his own party held a majority there. He did so merely because his party lost a provincial election and he felt that indicated loss of confidence in it at the federal level also. Such is how genuine modern democracies work. In India to the contrary, we have had notorious misuse of the Constitution when State Governments were dissolved merely because they were ruled by parties opposed to that which had won a Union-level General Election. Even so, India remains a Parliamentary democracy at Union and State levels, and the Government of the day may advise the Head of State to dissolve the House and call for new elections to be held. It may do so even when there is no legal necessity to do so, i.e., even when it is secure with a majority of seats. It may do so because a political necessity has arisen for doing so. If Mr Bhattacharjee is a genuine democrat, as he wishes to convey an impression of being, he should advise the Governor to dissolve the Assembly because the CPI-M wishes to go to the people to seek a mandate for its plans for the State’s industrialisation and forced acquisition of farm lands towards that end. The Trinamul, Congress, SUCI, Maoists and others including perhaps the CPI, FB, RSP and others will state their opposition, while he, Mr Nirupam Sen and their party will be able to articulate for West Bengal’s voters exactly what they propose to do and why. The CPI-M is adamant its cause is right while the Opposition have been agitating in the streets for months, and miniature civil war conditions now prevail in parts of rural Bengal; worse may be yet to come. There is only one way in a supposedly democratic society like ours to discover what should be done, and that is to dissolve the Assembly and call an election. Both sides will have a chance to articulate their positions to the public, and a vote will be held. There the matter would end. It is the one constructive way forward for the State, and indeed for the nation as a whole…”
With the results of the 15th General Elections to the Lok Sabha now proving the general unpopularity of the CPI(M) to be true, Mr Bhattacharjee has no moral alternative but to dissolve the Assembly and seek new State elections. Anything else would permanently brand him and his party as less than honest in their commitment to democracy. Gerard Schröeder dissolved a national parliament because of a provincial result — the least that Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee can do is dissolve the State-legislature because of a national result.
Subroto Roy, Kolkata
Of related interest: “Once upon a time, not very long ago, there was something called “Brand Buddha”…See Anarchy in Bengal
India’s 2009 General Elections: 2004 Distribution of the Raw Vote by Parliamentary Constituency in the 14th Lok Sabha
May 9, 2009 — drsubrotoroyAs the countdown begins to the end of the 2009 General Elections, those bored by the unending waffle from the talking-heads on TV may find of more interest some hard numbers from the previous General Elections in 2004 to the 14th Lok Sabha.
Excluding five constituencies, viz.,
ANDAMAN NICOBAR ISLANDS-AN
CHANDIGARH-CH DADRA NAGAR HAVELI -DN
DAMAN AND DIU-DD LAKSHADWEEP -LD
total valid votes for the remaining 538 Constituencies have been graphed and tabulated below:
SRIKAKULAM-AP 723,774
PARVATHIPURAM -AP 660,923
BOBBILI-AP 746,725
VISAKHAPATNAM-AP 965,740
BHADRACHALAM -AP 823,415
ANAKAPALLI-AP 782,106
KAKINADA-AP 832,284
RAJAHMUNDRY-AP 816,125
AMALAPURAM -AP 704,224
NARASAPUR-AP 768,537
ELURU-AP 896,946
MACHILIPATNAM-AP 755,314
VIJAYAWADA-AP 945,550
TENALI-AP 673,462
GUNTUR-AP 821,478
BAPATLA-AP 735,462
NARASARAOPET-AP 899,784
ONGOLE-AP 799,109
NELLORE -AP 836,502
TIRUPATHI -AP 850,787
CHITTOOR-AP 875,992
RAJAMPET-AP 691,329
CUDDAPAH-AP 819,201
HINDUPUR-AP 868,063
ANANTAPUR-AP 875,135
KURNOOL-AP 818,809
NANDYAL-AP 829,976
NAGARKURNOOL -AP 883,350
MAHABUBNAGAR-AP 866,550
HYDERABAD-AP 986,737
SECUNDERABAD-AP 973,288
SIDDIPET -AP 1,119,814
MEDAK-AP 901,015
NIZAMABAD-AP 782,439
ADILABAD-AP 831,337
PEDDAPALLI -AP 939,450
KARIMNAGAR-AP 874,498
HANAMKONDA-AP 831,926
WARANGAL-AP 921,872
KHAMMAM-AP 1,023,177
NALGONDA-AP 1,047,866
MIRYALGUDA-AP 962,599
ARUNACHAL WEST-AR 221,554
ARUNACHAL EAST-AR 163,374
KARIMGANJ -AS 671,491
SILCHAR-AS 608,233
AUTONOMOUS DIRICT -AS 401,377
DHUBRI-AS 863,592
KOKRAJHAR -AS 966,987
BARPETA-AS 762,681
GAUHATI-AS 881,775
MANGALDOI-AS 848,938
TEZPUR-AS 719,768
NOWGONG-AS 786,069
KALIABOR-AS 763,083
JORHAT-AS 666,835
DIBRUGARH-AS 631,240
LAKHIMPUR-AS 800,020
BAGAHA -BR 570,822
BETTIAH-BR 569,909
MOTIHARI-BR 679,090
GOPALGANJ-BR 694,492
SIWAN-BR 637,549
MAHARAJGANJ-BR 664,434
CHAPRA-BR 446,101
HAJIPUR -BR 773,597
VAISHALI-BR 748,759
MUZAFFARPUR-BR 784,096
SITAMARHI-BR 690,851
SHEOHAR-BR 666,398
MADHUBANI-BR 695,146
JHANJHARPUR-BR 704,243
DARBHANGA-BR 762,657
ROSERA -BR 713,798
SAMASTIPUR-BR 864,746
BARH-BR 864,102
BALIA-BR 632,343
SAHARSA-BR 738,280
MADHEPURA-BR 695,674
ARARIA -BR 652,439
KISHANGANJ-BR 813,315
PURNEA-BR 709,015
KATIHAR-BR 704,449
BANKA-BR 713,888
BHAGALPUR-BR 757,287
KHAGARIA-BR 676,017
MONGHYR-BR 838,216
BEGUSARAI-BR 678,667
NALANDA-BR 895,116
PATNA-BR 901,616
ARRAH-BR 787,399
BUXAR-BR 649,158
SASARAM -BR 697,268
BIKRAMGANJ-BR 733,986
AURANGABAD-BR 767,238
JAHANABAD-BR 863,843
NAWADA -BR 1,010,037
GAYA -BR 883,403
PANAJI-GA 254,819
MORMUGAO-GA 297,678
KUTCH-GJ 459,043
SURENDRANAGAR-GJ 455,554
JAMNAGAR-GJ 433,441
RAJKOT-GJ 538,626
PORBANDAR-GJ 490,480
JUNAGADH-GJ 658,706
AMRELI-GJ 475,646
BHAVNAGAR-GJ 444,831
DHANDHUKA -GJ 516,553
AHMEDABAD-GJ 548,559
GANDHINAGAR-GJ 845,576
MEHSANA-GJ 695,407
PATAN -GJ 538,157
BANASKANTHA-GJ 642,355
SABARKANTHA-GJ 654,471
KAPADVANJ-GJ 595,314
DOHAD -GJ 517,845
GODHRA-GJ 537,381
KAIRA-GJ 450,929
ANAND-GJ 591,240
CHHOTA UDAIPUR -GJ 556,516
BARODA-GJ 652,409
BROACH-GJ 680,795
SURAT-GJ 896,276
MANDVI -GJ 644,812
BULSAR -GJ 689,982
AMBALA -HR 847,725
KURUKSHETRA-HR 850,858
KARNAL-HR 818,927
SONEPAT-HR 737,119
ROHTAK-HR 662,049
FARIDABAD-HR 844,718
MAHENDRAGARH-HR 849,305
BHIWANI-HR 871,144
HISSAR-HR 769,851
SIRSA -HR 841,682
SIMLA -HP 528,655
MANDI-HP 669,552
KANGRA-HP 643,177
HAMIRPUR-HP 654,102
BARAMULLA-JK 334,770
SRINAGAR-JK 194,425
ANANTNAG-JK 150,219
LADAKH-JK 128,931
UDHAMPUR-JK 608,074
JAMMU-JK 821,670
BIDAR -KA 815,792
GULBARGA-KA 827,894
RAICHUR-KA 825,096
KOPPAL-KA 894,082
BELLARY-KA 950,328
DAVANGERE-KA 910,398
CHITRADURGA-KA 918,905
TUMKUR-KA 863,743
CHIKBALLAPUR-KA 931,128
KOLAR -KA 909,264
KANAKAPURA-KA 1,552,416
BANGALORE NORTH-KA 1,156,845
BANGALORE SOUTH-KA 800,649
MANDYA-KA 857,564
CHAMARAJANAGAR -KA 853,214
MYSORE-KA 957,267
MANGALORE-KA 791,572
UDUPI-KA 780,356
HASSAN-KA 912,195
CHIKMAGALUR-KA 819,254
SHIMOGA-KA 887,290
KANARA-KA 833,932
DHARWAD SOUTH-KA 864,810
DHARWAD NORTH-KA 810,552
BELGAUM-KA 893,902
CHIKKODI -KA 838,005
BAGALKOT-KA 868,472
BIJAPUR-KA 789,734
KASARAGOD-KL 901,603
CANNANORE-KL 860,998
BADAGARA-KL 828,533
CALICUT-KL 781,184
MANJERI-KL 907,283
PONNANI-KL 730,339
PALGHAT-KL 820,856
OTTAPALAM -KL 806,835
TRICHUR-KL 687,705
MUKUNDAPURAM-KL 723,009
ERNAKULAM-KL 658,916
MUVATTUPUZHA-KL 745,871
KOTTAYAM-KL 705,776
IDUKKI-KL 729,426
ALLEPPEY-KL 730,096
MAVELIKARA-KL 644,614
ADOOR -KL 684,434
QUILON-KL 705,482
CHIRAYINKIL-KL 669,639
TRIVANDRUM-KL 763,829
MORENA -MP 487,443
BHIND-MP 606,358
GWALIOR-MP 564,692
GUNA-MP 668,393
SAGAR -MP 479,443
KHAJURAHO-MP 772,442
DAMOH-MP 591,218
SATNA-MP 610,602
REWA-MP 630,747
SIDHI -MP 457,209
SHAHDOL -MP 509,340
BALAGHAT-MP 609,321
MANDLA -MP 588,269
JABALPUR-MP 571,395
SEONI-MP 599,553
CHHINDWARA-MP 754,637
BETUL-MP 547,702
HOSHANGABAD-MP 634,343
BHOPAL-MP 858,463
VIDISHA-MP 656,555
RAJGARH-MP 599,229
SHAJAPUR -MP 720,241
KHANDWA-MP 605,295
KHARGONE-MP 652,254
DHAR -MP 703,372
INDORE-MP 854,503
UJJAIN -MP 720,780
JHABUA -MP 628,903
MANDSAUR-MP 776,538
RAJAPUR-MH 480,535
RATNAGIRI-MH 560,976
KOLABA-MH 793,445
MUMBAI SOUTH-MH 274,358
MUMBAI SOUTH CENTRAL-MH 347,972
MUMBAI NORTH CENTRAL-MH 514,593
MUMBAI NORTH EAST-MH 925,659
MUMBAI NORTH WEST-MH 747,687
MUMBAI NORTH-MH 1,119,342
THANE-MH 1,313,252
DAHANU -MH 683,353
NASHIK-MH 656,525
MALEGAON -MH 590,772
DHULE -MH 455,571
NANDURBAR -MH 639,907
ERANDOL-MH 609,800
JALGAON-MH 616,969
BULDHANA -MH 761,264
AKOLA-MH 735,372
WASHIM-MH 720,723
AMRAVATI-MH 676,421
RAMTEK-MH 647,483
NAGPUR-MH 792,451
BHANDARA-MH 680,476
CHIMUR-MH 775,523
CHANDRAPUR-MH 841,144
WARDHA-MH 626,105
YAVATMAL-MH 663,978
HINGOLI-MH 728,325
NANDED-MH 800,145
PARBHANI-MH 675,985
JALNA-MH 756,365
AURANGABAD-MH 912,571
BEED-MH 884,234
LATUR-MH 822,355
OSMANABAD -MH 637,933
SHOLAPUR-MH 656,801
PANDHARPUR -MH 689,127
AHMEDNAGAR-MH 687,722
KOPARGAON-MH 668,700
KHED-MH 732,045
PUNE-MH 769,018
BARAMATI-MH 893,331
SATARA-MH 675,012
KARAD-MH 714,523
SANGLI-MH 692,999
ICHALKARANJI-MH 791,087
KOLHAPUR-MH 813,344
INNER MANIPUR-MN 416,406
OUTER MANIPUR -MN 619,151
SHILLONG-ML 367,780
TURA-ML 311,113
MIZORAM -MZ 348,546
NAGALAND-NL 954,719
MAYURBHANJ -OR 695,997
BALASORE-OR 947,569
BHADRAK -OR 932,276
JAJPUR -OR 876,208
KENDRAPARA-OR 836,265
CUTTACK-OR 820,302
JAGATSINGHPUR-OR 926,511
PURI-OR 888,955
BHUBANESWAR-OR 853,005
ASKA-OR 680,381
BERHAMPUR-OR 719,379
KORAPUT -OR 735,667
NOWRANGPUR -OR 780,728
KALAHANDI-OR 754,128
PHULBANI -OR 787,293
BOLANGIR-OR 728,378
SAMBALPUR-OR 810,601
DEOGARH-OR 823,301
DHENKANAL-OR 790,367
SUNDARGARH -OR 732,351
KEONJHAR -OR 814,662
GURDASPUR-PB 785,834
AMRITSAR-PB 711,820
TARN TARAN-PB 717,375
JULLUNDUR-PB 741,739
PHILLAUR -PB 722,537
HOSHIARPUR-PB 655,691
ROPAR -PB 790,221
PATIALA-PB 874,131
LUDHIANA-PB 869,927
SANGRUR-PB 836,818
BHATINDA -PB 763,195
FARIDKOT-PB 893,144
FEROZEPUR-PB 866,640
GANGANAGAR -RJ 722,938
BIKANER-RJ 1,077,364
CHURU-RJ 833,976
JHUNJHUNU-RJ 681,505
SIKAR-RJ 779,471
JAIPUR-RJ 881,075
DAUSA-RJ 716,901
ALWAR-RJ 542,876
BHARATPUR-RJ 576,987
BAYANA -RJ 490,633
SAWAI MADHOPUR -RJ 665,594
AJMER-RJ 529,549
TONK -RJ 594,358
KOTA-RJ 580,105
JHALAWAR-RJ 567,611
BANSWARA -RJ 666,098
SALUMBER -RJ 629,834
UDAIPUR-RJ 759,698
CHITTORGARH-RJ 672,477
BHILWARA-RJ 619,696
PALI-RJ 542,738
JALORE -RJ 655,868
BARMER-RJ 1,048,698
JODHPUR-RJ 864,927
NAGAUR-RJ 631,471
SIKKIM-SK 219,648
MADRAS NORTH-TN 915,865
MADRAS CENTRAL-TN 512,820
MADRAS SOUTH-TN 934,548
SRIPERUMBUDUR -TN 843,101
CHENGALPATTU-TN 759,076
ARAKKONAM-TN 775,439
VELLORE-TN 746,914
TIRUPPATTUR-TN 776,085
VANDAVASI-TN 703,269
TINDIVANAM-TN 726,923
CUDDALORE-TN 760,180
CHIDAMBARAM -TN 743,410
DHARMAPURI-TN 709,991
KRISHNAGIRI-TN 738,737
RASIPURAM -TN 695,976
SALEM-TN 741,437
TIRUCHENGODE-TN 864,451
NILGIRIS-TN 780,890
GOBICHETTIPALAYAM-TN 680,103
COIMBATORE-TN 878,866
POLLACHI -TN 642,999
PALANI-TN 695,442
DINDIGUL-TN 690,231
MADURAI-TN 739,680
PERIYAKULAM-TN 700,534
KARUR-TN 743,592
TIRUCHIRAPPALLI-TN 708,137
PERAMBALUR -TN 707,028
MAYILADUTURAI-TN 695,627
NAGAPATTINAM -TN 751,436
THANJAVUR-TN 708,724
PUDUKKOTTAI-TN 820,271
SIVAGANGA-TN 667,208
RAMANATHAPURAM-TN 674,387
SIVAKASI-TN 830,643
TIRUNELVELI-TN 633,782
TENKASI -TN 712,150
TIRUCHENDUR-TN 631,008
NAGERCOIL-TN 673,555
TRIPURA WEST-TR 701,159
TRIPURA EAST -TR 623,094
BIJNOR -UP 705,737
AMROHA-UP 885,159
MORADABAD-UP 655,175
RAMPUR-UP 810,596
SAMBHAL-UP 759,384
BUDAUN-UP 590,009
AONLA-UP 536,458
BAREILLY-UP 822,848
PILIBHIT-UP 677,107
SHAHJAHANPUR-UP 633,853
KHERI-UP 706,718
SHAHABAD-UP 579,629
SITAPUR-UP 596,569
MISRIKH -UP 550,849
HARDOI -UP 522,103
LUCKNOW-UP 578,556
MOHANLALGANJ -UP 571,879
UNNAO-UP 547,566
RAE BARELI-UP 643,560
PRATAPGARH-UP 572,548
AMETHI-UP 589,596
SULTANPUR-UP 721,049
AKBARPUR -UP 741,572
FAIZABAD-UP 686,599
BARA BANKI -UP 540,251
KAISERGANJ-UP 569,950
BAHRAICH-UP 549,537
BALRAMPUR-UP 698,106
GONDA-UP 606,654
BASTI -UP 576,404
DOMARIAGANJ-UP 643,129
KHALILABAD-UP 700,715
BANSGAON -UP 632,109
GORAKHPUR-UP 689,248
MAHARAJGANJ-UP 746,622
PADRAUNA-UP 790,050
DEORIA-UP 729,788
SALEMPUR-UP 669,623
BALLIA-UP 619,762
GHOSI-UP 721,582
AZAMGARH-UP 711,430
LALGANJ -UP 763,618
MACHHLISHAHR-UP 676,371
JAUNPUR-UP 713,014
SAIDPUR -UP 711,340
GHAZIPUR-UP 869,184
CHANDAULI-UP 704,435
VARANASI-UP 633,077
ROBERTSGANJ -UP 724,824
MIRZAPUR-UP 728,015
PHULPUR-UP 755,222
ALLAHABAD-UP 656,498
CHAIL -UP 555,376
FATEHPUR-UP 506,699
BANDA-UP 526,335
HAMIRPUR-UP 604,099
JHANSI-UP 819,646
JALAUN -UP 579,777
GHATAMPUR -UP 504,766
BILHAUR-UP 641,397
KANPUR-UP 618,721
ETAWAH-UP 703,946
KANNAUJ-UP 758,627
FARRUKHABAD-UP 665,435
MAINPURI-UP 719,918
JALESAR-UP 650,356
ETAH-UP 587,118
FIROZABAD -UP 531,363
AGRA-UP 642,719
MATHURA-UP 602,187
HATHRAS -UP 492,135
ALIGARH-UP 633,685
KHURJA -UP 600,704
BULANDSHAHR-UP 685,261
HAPUR-UP 799,736
MEERUT-UP 697,484
BAGHPAT-UP 656,900
MUZAFFARNAGAR-UP 862,408
KAIRANA-UP 816,726
SAHARANPUR-UP 990,415
COOCH BEHAR -WB 952,563
ALIPURDUARS -WB 840,836
JALPAIGURI-WB 890,105
DARJEELING-WB 888,083
RAIGANJ-WB 917,582
BALURGHAT -WB 925,631
MALDA-WB 849,111
JANGIPUR-WB 883,128
MURSHIDABAD-WB 1,007,221
BERHAMPORE-WB 991,515
KRISHNAGAR-WB 930,294
NABADWIP -WB 1,177,771
BARASAT-WB 1,153,160
BASIRHAT-WB 907,585
JOYNAGAR -WB 806,334
MATHURAPUR -WB 907,785
DIAMOND HARBOUR-WB 836,540
JADAVPUR-WB 1,022,315
BARRACKPORE-WB 794,426
DUM DUM-WB 1,248,360
CALCUTTA NORTH WEST-WB 360,117
CALCUTTA NORTH EAST-WB 568,885
CALCUTTA SOUTH-WB 772,742
HOWRAH-WB 911,632
ULUBERIA-WB 851,546
SERAMPORE-WB 946,248
HOOGHLY-WB 924,919
ARAMBAGH-WB 964,840
PANSKURA-WB 874,554
TAMLUK-WB 1,035,269
CONTAI-WB 926,774
MIDNAPORE-WB 908,499
JHARGRAM -WB 795,312
PURULIA-WB 696,219
BANKURA-WB 695,487
VISHNUPUR -WB 806,624
DURGAPUR -WB 847,616
ASANSOL-WB 725,198
BURDWAN-WB 997,024
KATWA-WB 966,263
BOLPUR-WB 770,059
BIRBHUM -WB 724,061
SURGUJA -CG 676,699
RAIGARH -CG 648,435
JANJGIR-CG 717,698
BILASPUR -CG 621,425
SARANGARH -CG 587,907
RAIPUR-CG 689,517
MAHASAMUND-CG 771,432
KANKER -CG 553,888
BAAR -CG 450,425
DURG-CG 761,815
RAJNANDGAON-CG 665,935
RAJMAHAL -JH 691,123
DUMKA -JH 625,118
GODDA-JH 831,356
CHATRA-JH 435,504
KODARMA-JH 825,710
GIRIDIH-JH 714,378
DHANBAD-JH 941,478
RANCHI-JH 695,754
JAMSHEDPUR-JH 776,519
SINGHBHUM -JH 520,155
KHUNTI -JH 490,772
LOHARDAGA -JH 466,464
PALAMAU -JH 641,543
HAZARIBAGH-JH 705,439
TEHRI GARHWAL-UK 561,428
GARHWAL-UK 503,240
ALMORA-UK 505,223
NAINITAL-UK 616,628
HARDWAR -UK 486,352
NEW DELHI-DL 202,557
SOUTH DELHI-DL 478,876
OUTER DELHI-DL 1,553,849
EAST DELHI-DL 1,190,814
CHANDNI CHOWK-DL 179,007
DELHI SADAR-DL 271,544
KAROL BAGH -DL 249,185
PONDICHERRY-PY 483,816
389,183,922
The outliers top and bottom reveal some oddities. E.g., Outer Delhi and East Delhi are among the highest yet New Delhi, Delhi Sadar, Chandni Chowk among the lowest; Mumbai North among the highest, Mumbai South among the lowest; Dum Dum and Barasat among the highest, Calcutta North West among the lowest.
And who would have thought the Rajasthan desert would yield not one but two top outliers?
Hmmmmm. Discontinuous behaviour is always curious.
We might wonder if the new constituencies after delimitation might show similar oddities.
SR
India’s 2009 General Elections: The Mapping of Votes into Assembly Segments Won into Parliamentary Seats Won in the 2004 Election
May 7, 2009 — drsubrotoroyWe in India shall soon be hearing the talking-heads on TV, mostly in New Delhi, jabbering away about “swings” and “anti-incumbency” and “mandates” and “fractured mandates” etc. Most of it will be waffle without any basis in hard facts because nobody wants to actually do any of the work necessary to acquire a serious opinion.
Just as you cannot win at cricket unless you bowl out the other side and you cannot win at soccer unless you score more goals than the other side, you are not going to win a General Election in India unless you win more Assembly Segments of Parliamentary Constituencies than your competitors.
It is not logically impossible but it is factually unlikely that you can lose, say, five out of six Assembly Segments and still win the Parliamentary Constituency by winning the sixth with a sufficiently large margin. Raw votes generally translate into winning Assembly Segments and winning Assembly Segments generally translate into winning Lok Sabha seats.
In 2004, the top five winners were as follows, where the first number is raw votes won, the second the number of Assembly Segments won, and the third the number of Lok Sabha seats won:
INC 103,118,475 1,157 145
BJP 86,181,116 1,076 138
CPM 22,065,283 322 43
BSP 21,037,968 107 17
SP 16,822,902 167 39
Notice the BSP won some 4 million more raw votes than the SP but fewer Assembly Segments and fewer Lok Sabha Seats. And the CPM won barely a million more raw votes than did the BSP but 215 more Assembly Segments and 26 more Lok Sabha seats. Clearly Uttar Pradesh voting patterns need a lot more detailed analysis — my ex ante hypothesis would be that the BSP’s results are affected by the policy of some constituencies being “reserved”.
More significantly, at the head of the race, notice that the BJP lost the raw vote to the Indian National Congress by a margin of almost 17 million votes which translated into winning 81 Assembly Segments fewer than the INC which translated into winning 7 fewer Lok Sabha seats — and hence ended up sitting in the Opposition in the Lok Sabha for five years.
A central question is whether the BJP has or has not done enough over the last five years to get in its favour a net change in the raw vote — and that too by a sufficient amount to change the number of Assembly Segments won in its favour.
Putting it differently, has the INC done enough to at least maintain its share of the raw-vote and its leading position, and hence be likely to win the largest number of Assembly Segments and Lok Sabha seats again?
Here is the overall picture:
And yes, of course, there have been demographic changes over five years so those changed parameters shall have affected the new outcome too (notice the INC’s emphasis on the “youth vote”).
This is original research which could come to be published in a scientific journal if I find the time to send it, so please try not to steal and instead acknowledge its source properly if you want to discuss it elsewhere.
Subroto Roy, Kolkata
India’s 2009 General Elections: And now finally, all 8,070 Candidates across all 543 Lok Sabha Constituencies
May 5, 2009 — drsubrotoroyS01-1-AP-Adilabad 1-ADE TUKARAM-M-55 BJP
— 2-KOTNAK RAMESH-M-39 INC
— 3-RATHOD RAMESH-M-43 TDP
— 4-RATHOD SADASHIV NAIK-M-50 BSP
— 5-MESRAM NAGO RAO-M-59 PRAP
— 6-ATHRAM LAXMAN RAO-M-47 IND
— 7-GANTA PENTANNA-M-36 IND
— 8-NETHAVAT RAMDAS-M-39 IND
— 9-BANKA SAHADEVU-M-55 IND
S01-2-AP-Peddapalle 1-GAJJELA SWAMY-M-49 BSP
— 2-GOMASA SRINIVAS-M-41 TRS
— 3-MATHANGI NARSIAH-M-64 BJP
— 4-DR.G.VIVEKANAND-M-51 INC
— 5-AREPELLI DAVID RAJU-M-36 PRAP
— 6-KRISHNA SABBALI-M-39 MCPI(S)
— 7-AMBALA MAHENDAR-M-38 IND
— 8-A. KAMALAMMA-F-36 IND
— 9-GORRE RAMESH-M-42 IND
— 10-NALLALA KANUKAIAH-M-39 IND
— 11-B. MALLAIAH-M-32 IND
— 12-K. RAJASWARI-F-38 IND
— 13-D. RAMULU-M-51 IND
— 14-G.VINAY KUMAR-M-51 IND
— 15-S.LAXMAIAH-M-33 IND
S01-3-AP-Karimnagar 1-CHANDUPATLA JANGA REDDY-M-75 BJP
— 2-PONNAM PRABHAKAR-M-41 INC
— 3-VINOD KUMAR BOINAPALLY-M-49 TRS
— 4-VIRESHAM NALIMELA-M-58 BSP
— 5-RAGULA RAMULU-M-40 RPI(A)
— 6-LINGAMPALLI SRINIVAS REDDY-M-39 MCPI(S)
— 7-VELICHALA RAJENDER RAO-M-46 PRAP
— 8-T. SRIMANNARAYANA-M-68 PPOI
— 9-K. PRABHAKAR-M-43 IND
— 10-KORIVI VENUGOPAL-M-46 IND
— 11-BARIGE GATTAIAH YADAV-M-32 IND
— 12-GADDAM RAJI REDDY-M-48 IND
— 13-PANAKANTI SATISH KUMAR-M-46 IND
— 14-PEDDI RAVINDER-M-29 IND
— 15-B. SURESH-M-32 IND
S01-4-AP-Nizamabad 1-DR. BAPU REDDY-M-59 BJP
— 2-BIGALA GANESH GUPTA-M-39 TRS
— 3-MADHU YASKHI GOUD-M-50 INC
— 4-YEDLA RAMU-M-53 BSP
— 5-DUDDEMPUDI SAMBASIVA RAO CHOUDARY-M-62 LSP
— 6-P.VINAY KUMAR-M-51 PRAP
— 7-DR. V.SATHYANARAYANA MURTHY-M-51 PPOI
— 8-S. SUJATHA-F-43 TPPP
— 9-AARIS MOHAMMED-M-46 IND
— 10-KANDEM PRABHAKAR-M-44 IND
— 11-GADDAM SRINIVAS-M-47 IND
— 12-RAPELLY SRINIVAS-M-34 IND
S01-5-AP-Zahirabad 1-CHENGAL BAGANNA-M-66 BJP
— 2-M.VISHNU MUDIRAJ-M-35 BSP
— 3-SYED YOUSUF ALI-M-54 TRS
— 4-SURESH KUMAR SHETKAR-M-46 INC
— 5-BENJAMIN RAJU-M-39 IJP
— 6-MALKAPURAM SHIVA KUMAR-M-43 PRAP
— 7-MALLESH RAVINDER REDDY-M-39 LSP
— 8-CHITTA RAJESHWAR RAO-M-45 IND
— 9-POWAR SINGH HATTI SINGH-M-36 IND
— 10-BASAVA RAJ PATIL-M-39 IND
S01-6-AP-Medak 1-NARENDRANATH .C-M-45 INC
— 2-P. NIROOP REDDY-M-50 BJP
— 3-VIJAYA SHANTHI .M-F-43 TRS
— 4-Y. SHANKAR GOUD-M-44 BSP
— 5-KOVURI PRABHAKAR-M-51 PPOI
— 6-KHAJA QUAYUM ANWAR-M-43 PRAP
— 7-D. YADESHWAR-M-46 BSP(AP)
— 8-K. SUDHEER REDDY-M-37 LSP
— 9-KUNDETI RAVI-M-32 IND
S01-7-AP-Malkajgiri 1-NALLU INDRASENA REDDY-M-56 BJP
— 2-M.BABU RAO PADMA SALE-M-52 BSP
— 3-BHEEMSEN.T-M-60 TDP
— 4-SARVEY SATYANARAYANA-M-54 INC
— 5-S.D.KRISHNA MURTHY-M-51 TPPP
— 6-T.DEVENDER GOUD-M-56 PRAP
— 7-NARENDER KUMBALA-M-39 BPD
— 8-PRATHANI RAMAKRISHNA-M-42 RKSP
— 9-LION C FRANCIS MJF-M-56 SP
— 10-N V RAMA REDDY-M-54 PPOI
— 11-DR.LAVU RATHAIAH-M-56 LSP
— 12-KANTE KANAKAIAH GANGAPUTHRA-M-63 IND
— 13-KOYAL KAR BHOJARAJ-M-35 IND
— 14-CHENURU VENKATA SUBBA RAO-M-52 IND
— 15-JAJULA BHASKAR-M-34 IND
— 16-LT.COL. (RETD). DUSERLA PAPARAIDU-M-62 IND
— 17-MD.MANSOORALI-M-31 IND
— 18-S.VICTOR-M-40 IND
— 19-K.SRINIVASA RAJU-M-44 IND
S01-8-AP-Secundrabad 1-ANJAN KUMAR YADAV M-M-47 INC
— 2-BANDARU DATTATREYA-M-61 BJP
— 3-M. D. MAHMOOD ALI-M-55 TRS
— 4-M. VENKATESH-M-32 BSP
— 5-SRINIVASA SUDHISH RAMBHOTLA-M-40 TDP
— 6-ABDUS SATTAR MUJAHED-M-41 MUL
— 7-IMDAD JAH-M-64 ANC
— 8-P. DAMODER REDDY-M-48 PPOI
— 9-DR. DASOJU SRAVAN KUMAR-M-41 PRAP
— 10-S. DEVAIAH-M-59 TPPP
— 11-C.V.L. NARASIMHA RAO-M-51 LSP
— 12-DR .POLISHETTY RAM MOHAN-M-57 SAP
— 13-MOHD. OSMAN QURESHEE-M-35 AJBP
— 14-SHIRAZ KHAN-F-39 UWF
— 15-ASEERVADAM LELLAPALLI-M-51 IND
— 16-AMBATI KRISHNA MURTHY-M-50 IND
— 17-B. GOPALA KRISHNA-M-42 IND
— 18-DEVI DAS RAO GHODKE-M-63 IND
— 19-BABER ALI KHAN-M-51 IND
— 20-M. BHAGYA MATHA-F-38 IND
— 21-CH. MURAHARI-M-49 IND
— 22-G. RAJAIAH-M-48 IND
— 23-K. SRINIVASA CHARI-M-49 IND
S01-9-AP-Hyderabad 1-ZAHID ALI KHAN-M-66 TDP
— 2-P. LAXMAN RAO GOUD-M-55 INC
— 3-SATISH AGARWAL-M-38 BJP
— 4-SAMY MOHAMMED-M-29 BSP
— 5-ASADUDDIN OWAISI-M-41 AIMIM
— 6-S. GOPAL SINGH-M-34 ABJS
— 7-TAHER KAMAL KHUNDMIRI-M-52 JD(S)
— 8-FATIMA .A-F-41 PRAP
— 9-P. VENKATESWARA RAO-M-58 PPOI
— 10-D. SURENDER-M-36 TPPP
— 11-AL-KASARY MOULLIM MOHSIN HUSSAIN-M-33 IND
— 12-ALTAF AHMED KHAN-M-43 IND
— 13-M.A. QUDDUS GHORI-M-43 IND
— 14-ZAHID ALI KHAN-M-26 IND
— 15-M.A. BASITH-M-55 IND
— 16-MD. OSMAN-M-43 IND
— 17-B. RAVI YADAV-M-33 IND
— 18-N.L. SRINIVAS-M-31 IND
— 19-M.A. SATTAR-M-29 IND
— 20-D. SADANAND-M-45 IND
— 21-SYED ABDUL GAFFTER-M-51 IND
— 22-SARDAR SINGH-M-62 IND
— 23-M.A. HABEEB-M-31 IND
S01-10-AP-Chelvella 1-JAIPAL REDDY SUDINI-M-67 INC
— 2-A.P.JITHENDER REDDY-M-54 TDP
— 3-BADDAM BAL REDDY-M-64 BJP
— 4-C.SRINIVAS RAO-M-39 BSP
— 5-KASANI GNANESHWAR-M-54 MANP
— 6-KUMMARI GIRI-M-28 PPOI
— 7-DASARA SARALA DEVI-F-39 MCPI(S)
— 8-DR.B.RAGHUVEER REDDY-M-42 LSP
— 9-SAMA SRINIVASULU-M-34 GRIP
— 10-S.MALLA REDDY-M-43 IND
— 11-G.MALLESHAM GOUD-M-32 IND
— 12-RAMESHWARAM JANGAIAH-M-58 IND
— 13-LAXMINARAYANA-M-27 IND
— 14-VENKATRAM NAIK-M-27 IND
— 15-SAYAMOOLA NARSIMULU-M-30 IND
S01-11-AP-Mahbubnagar 1-KUCHAKULLA YADAGIRI REDDY-M-51 BJP
— 2-K. CHANDRASEKHAR RAO-M-55 TRS
— 3-DEVARAKONDA VITTAL RAO-M-57 INC
— 4-PALEM SUDARSHAN GOUD-M-42 BSP
— 5-ABDUL KAREEM KHAJA MOHAMMAD-M-50 LSP
— 6-ASIRVADAM-M-35 GRIP
— 7-KOLLA VENKATESH MADIGA-M-37 TPPP
— 8-GUNDALA VIJAYALAKSHMI-F-61 PPOI
— 9-B. BALRAJ GOUD-M-44 MANP
— 10-MUNISWAMY.C.R-M-32 SJP(R)
— 11-USHAN SATHYAMMA-F-32 IND
— 12-USAIN RANGAMMA-F-50 IND
— 13-YETTI CHINNA YENKAIAH-M-47 IND
— 14-YETTI LINGAIAH-M-52 IND
— 15-KANDUR KURMAIAH-M-56 IND
— 16-KARRE JANGAIAH-M-29 IND
— 17-GANGAPURI RAVINDAR GOUD-M-28 IND
— 18-GAJJA NARSIMULU-M-35 IND
— 19-CHENNAMSETTY DASHARATHA RAMULU HOLEA DASARI-M-31 IND
— 20-M.A. JABBAR-M-39 IND
— 21-DEPALLY MAISAIAH-M-27 IND
— 22-DEPALLY SAYANNA-M-47 IND
— 23-K. NARSIMULU-M-52 IND
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— 28-MALA JANGILAMMA-F-50 IND
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— 32-B. SEENAIAH GOUD-M-62 IND
S01-12-AP-Nagarkurnool 1-GUVVALA BALARAJU-M-31 TRS
— 2-TANGIRALA PARAMJOTHI-M-50 BSP
— 3-DR. MANDA JAGANNATH-M-57 INC
— 4-DR. T. RATNAKARA-M-50 BJP
— 5-DEVANI SATYANARAYANA-M-39 PRAP
— 6-S.P.FERRY ROY-M-27 PPOI
— 7-G. VIDYASAGAR-M-60 LSP
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— 13-HANUMANTHU-M-28 IND
S01-13-AP-Nalgonda 1-GUTHA SUKENDER REDDY-M-55 INC
— 2-NAZEERUDDIN-M-55 BSP
— 3-VEDIRE SRIRAM REDDY-M-39 BJP
— 4-SURAVARAM SUDHAKAR REDDY-M-67 CPI
— 5-A. NAGESHWAR RAO-M-59 PPOI
— 6-PADURI KARUNA-F-58 PRAP
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— 14-SHAIK AHMED-M-57 IND
S01-14-AP-Bhongir 1-KOMATIREDDY RAJ GOPAL REDDY-M-41 INC
— 2-CHINTHA SAMBA MURTHY-M-50 BJP
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S01-15-AP-Warangal 1-JAYAPAL. V-M-63 BJP
— 2-DOMMATI SAMBAIAH-M-45 TDP
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— 4-RAMAGALLA PARAMESHWAR-M-55 TRS
— 5-LALAIAH P-M-65 BSP
— 6-ONTELA MONDAIAH-M-58 PPOI
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— 14-PAKALA DEVADANAM-M-74 IND
— 15-D. SREEDHAR RAO-M-37 IND
S01-16-AP-Mahabubabad 1-KUNJA SRINIVASA RAO-M-31 CPI
— 2-GUMMADI PULLAIAH-M-58 BSP
— 3-B. DILIP-M-35 BJP
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— 5-D.T. NAIK-M-61 PRAP
— 6-PODEM SAMMAIAH-M-31 PPOI
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S01-17-AP-Khammam 1-KAPILAVAI RAVINDER-M-45 BJP
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— 4-RENUKA CHOWDHURY-F-54 INC
— 5-JALAGAM HEMAMALINI-F-40 PRAP
— 6-JUPELLI SATYANARAYANA-M-61 LSP
— 7-MANUKONDA RAGHURAM PRASAD-M-55 PPOI
— 8-SHAIK MADAR SAHEB-M-40 TPPP
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— 10-CHANDA LINGAIAH-M-58 IND
— 11-DANDA LINGAIAH-M-59 IND
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— 13-MALLAVARAPU JEREMIAH-M-63 IND
S01-18-AP-Aruku 1-KISHORE CHANDRA SURYANARAYANA DEO VYRICHERLA-M-62 INC
— 2-KURUSA BOJJAIAH-M-56 BJP
— 3-GADUGU BALLAYYA DORA-M-38 RJD
— 4-MIDIYAM BABU RAO-M-58 CPM
— 5-LAKE RAJA RAO-M-50 BSP
— 6-MEENAKA SIMHACHALAM-M-43 PRAP
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S01-19-AP-Srikakulam 1-YERRNNAIDU KINJARAPU-M-50 TDP
— 2-KILLI KRUPA RANI-F-47 INC
— 3-TANKALA SUDHAKARA RAO-M-57 BSP
— 4-DUPPALA RAVINDARA BABU-M-38 BJP
— 5-KALYANI VARUDU-F-29 PRAP
— 6-NANDA PRASADA RAO-M-37 PPOI
S01-20-AP-Vizianagaram 1-APPALA NAIDU KONDAPALLI-M-41 TDP
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— 4-SANYASI RAJU PAKALAPATI-M-51 BJP
— 5-KIMIDI GANAPATHI RAO-M-52 PRAP
— 6-LUNKARAN JAIN-M-60 PPOI
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— 8-VENKATA SATYA NARAYANA RAGHUMANDA-M-28 BSSP
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S01-21-AP-Visakhapatnam 1-I.M.AHMED-M-41 BSP
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— 3-DR.M.V.V.S.MURTHI-M-70 TDP
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— 15-RANGARAJU KALIDINDI-M-46 IND
S01-22-AP-Anakapalli 1-APPA RAO KIRLA-M-57 BJP
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S01-23-AP-Kakinada 1-DOMMETI SUDHAKAR-M-51 BSP
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S01-25-AP-Rajahmundry 1-ARUNA KUMAR VUNDAVALLI-M-54 INC
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S01-27-AP-Eluru 1-KAVURI SAMBASIVA RAO-M-65 INC
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S01-29-AP-Vijayawada 1-LAGADAPATI RAJA GOPAL-M-45 INC
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S01-31-AP-Narasaraopet 1-BALASHOWRY VALLABHANENI-M-43 INC
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S01-32-AP-Bapatla 1-DARA SAMBAIAH-M-62 BSP
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S01-33-AP-Ongole 1-MANDAVA VASUDEVA-M-56 BJP
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S01-34-AP-Nandyal 1-NASYAM MOHAMMED FAROOK-M-57 TDP
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S01-35-AP-Kurnool 1-KOTLA JAYA SURYA PRAKASH REDDY-M-57 INC
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— 11-RAJU-M-45 IND
S01-36-AP-Anantapur 1-ANANTHA VENKATA RAMI REDDY-M-52 INC
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S01-37-AP-Hindupur 1-KRISTAPPA NIMMALA-M-52 TDP
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S01-38-AP-Kadapa 1-JAMBAPURAM MUNI REDDY-M-31 BSP
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S01-39-AP-Nellore 1-S. PADMA NAGESWARA RAO-M-58 BSP
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— 6-VEMURI BHASKARA RAO-M-36 LSP
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S01-40-AP-Tirupati 1-CHINTA MOHAN-M-54 INC
— 2-VARLA RAMAIAH-M-57 TDP
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— 5-DEGALA SURYANARAYANA-M-34 PPOI
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— 10-YALAVADI MUNIKRISHNAIAH-M-64 IND
S01-41-AP-Rajampet 1-ANNAYYAGARI SAI PRATHAP-M-64 INC
— 2-ALLAPUREDDY. HARINATHA REDDY-M-69 BJP
— 3-RAMESH KUMAR REDDY REDDAPPAGARI-M-44 TDP
— 4-SUNKARA SREENIVAS-M-42 BSP
— 5-DR. ARAVA. VENKATA SUBBA REDDY MBBS,DCH-M-38 PPOI
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S01-42-AP-Chittoor 1-JAYARAM DUGGANI-M-60 BSP
— 2-THIPPESWAMY M-M-55 INC
— 3-NARAMALLI SIVAPRASAD-M-57 TDP
— 4-B.SIVAKUMAR-M-40 BJP
— 5-A. AMARNADH-M-37 RKSP
— 6-TALARI MANOHAR-M-54 PRAP
— 7-G. VENKATACHALAM-M-29 LSP
S02-1-AR-Arunachal West 1-KIREN RIJIJU-M-37 BJP
— 2-TAKAM SANJOY-M-42 INC
— 3-TABA TAKU-M-25 LB
— 4-SUBU KECHI-M-36 IND
S02-2-AR-Arunachal East 1-LOWANGCHA WANGLAT-M-66 AC
— 2-NINONG ERING-M-50 INC
— 3-TAPIR GAO-M-48 BJP
— 4-DR. SAMSON BORANG-M-33 PPA
S03-1-AS-Karimganj 1-RAJESH MALLAH-M-43 AUDF
— 2-LALIT MOHAN SUKLABAIDYA-M-68 INC
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— 4-UTTAM NOMOSUDRA-M-34 IND
— 5-JOY DAS-M-37 IND
— 6-DEBASISH DAS-M-36 IND
— 7-PROBHASH CH. SARKAR-M-36 IND
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— 10-MALATI ROY-F-42 IND
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— 15-HIMANGSHU KUMAR DAS-M-28 IND
S03-2-AS-Silchar 1-KABINDRA PURKAYASTHA-M-74 BJP
— 2-DIPAK BHATTACHARJEE-M-69 CPM
— 3-BADRUDDIN AJMAL-M-54 AUDF
— 4-SONTOSH MOHAN DEV-M-75 INC
— 5-KANTIMOY DEB-M-60 IND
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S03-3-AS-Autonomous District 1-KULENDRA DAULAGUPU-M-36 BJP
— 2-BIREN SINGH ENGTI-M-64 INC
— 3-HIDDHINATH RONGPI-M-45 NCP
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— 6-KABON TIMUNGPI-F-56 IND
S03-4-AS-Dhubri 1-ANWAR HUSSAIN-M-62 INC
— 2-BADRUDDIN AJMAL-M-54 AUDF
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— 10-MINHAR ALI MANDAL-M-61 IND
S03-5-AS-Kokrajhar 1-SABDA RAM RABHA-M-39 AGP
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— 3-URKHAO GWRA BRAHMA-M-45 IND
S03-6-AS-Barpeta 1-ABDUS SAMAD AHMED-M-41 AUDF
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— 4-DURGESWAR DEKA-M-54 CPM
— 5-BHUPEN RAY-M-49 AGP
— 6-ABU CHAND MAHMMAD-M-63 RPI(A)
— 7-ABDUL KADDUS-M-35 SP
— 8-KANDARPA LAHKAR-M-53 RVNP
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— 10-MUIJ UDDIN MAHMUD-M-51 LJP
— 11-ABDUL KADER-M-41 IND
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S03-7-AS-Gauhati 1-AKSHAY RAJKHOWA-M-49 NCP
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— 3-CAPT. ROBIN BORDOLOI-M-67 INC
— 4-SONABOR ALI-M-58 AUDF
— 5-AMBU BORA-M-78 RCPI(R)
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— 3-RAMEN DEKA-M-55 BJP
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— 7-RATUL KUMAR CHOUDHURY-M-38 SP
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S03-9-AS-Tezpur 1-JITEN SUNDI-M-64 CPM
— 2-DEBA ORANG-M-54 AUDF
— 3-MONI KUMAR SUBBA-M-51 INC
— 4-JOSEPH TOPPO-M-60 AGP
— 5-ARUN KUMAR MURMOO-M-33 BVM
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S03-10-AS-Nowgong 1-ANIL RAJA-M-51 INC
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S03-12-AS-Jorhat 1-KAMAKHYA TASA-M-34 BJP
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S03-13-AS-Dibrugarh 1-SRI PABAN SINGH GHATOWAR-M-60 INC
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S04-3-BR-Purvi Champaran 1-AKHILESH PRASAD SINGH-M-40 RJD
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S04-6-BR-Madhubani 1-ABDULBARI SIDDIKI-M-62 RJD
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S04-7-BR-Jhanjharpur 1-KRIPANATH PATHAK-M-65 INC
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S04-8-BR-Supaul 1-ASHOK MAHTO-M-42 BSP
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S04-9-BR-Araria 1-ZAKIR HUSSAIN KHAN-M-44 LJP
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S04-11-BR-Katihar 1-AHMAD ASHFAQUE KARIM-M-53 LJP
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S04-12-BR-Purnia 1-UDAY SINGH ALIAS PAPPU SINGH-M-57 BJP
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S04-14-BR-Darbhanga 1-AJAY KUMAR JALAN-M-49 INC
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S04-15-BR-Muzaffarpur 1-CAPTAIN JAI NARAYAN PRASAD NISHAD-M-78 JD(U)
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S04-16-BR-Vaishali 1-RAGHUVANSH PRASAD SINGH-M-62 RJD
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— 4-HIND KESRI YADAV-M-58 INC
— 5-PUNAMRI DEVI-F-37 UWF
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— 7-BADRI PASWAN-M-39 RKSP
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S04-33-BR-Buxar 1-KAMLA KANT TIWARY-M-67 INC
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S04-34-BR-Sasaram 1-GANDHI AZAD-M-62 BSP
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S04-35-BR-Karakat 1-AWADHESH KUMAR SINGH-M-53 INC
— 2-UPENDRA KUMAR SHARMA-M-47 BSP
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S04-36-BR-Jahanabad 1-DR. ARUN KUMAR-M-49 INC
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S04-37-BR-Aurangabad 1-ARCHANA CHANDRA-F-32 BSP
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S04-38-BR-Gaya 1-KALAWATI DEVI-F-27 BSP
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S04-39-BR-Nawada 1-GANESH SHANKAR VIDYARTHI-M-85 CPM
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S04-40-BR-Jamui 1-ASHOK CHOUDHARY-M-42 INC
— 2-GAJADHAR RAJAK-M-63 CPI
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S05-1-GA-North Goa 1-CHRISTOPHER FONSECA-M-55 CPI
— 2-JITENDRA RAGHURAJ DESHPRABHU-M-53 NCP
— 3-RAUT PANDURANG DATTARAM-M-62 MAG
— 4-SHRIPAD YESSO NAIK-M-56 BJP
— 5-UPENDRA CHANDRU GAONKAR-M-48 SHS
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— 7-MARTHA D’ SOUZA-F-55 IND
S05-2-GA-South Goa 1-COSME FRANCISCO CAITANO SARDINHA-M-62 INC
— 2-ADV. NARENDRA KESHAV SAWAIKAR-M-42 BJP
— 3-ADV. RAJU MANGESHKAR ALIAS RAJENDRA NAIK-M-52 CPI
— 4-ROHIDAS HARICHANDRA BORKAR-M-63 SGF
— 5-MATANHY SALDANHA-M-60 UGDP
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— 7-DERICK DIAS-M-41 IND
— 8-FRANCISCO ANTONIO JOAO DE PHILOMENO FERNANDES-M-66 IND
— 9-MULLA SALIM-M-25 IND
— 10-SALUNKE SMITA PRAVEEN-F-38 IND
— 11-HAMZA KHAN-M-57 IND
S06-1-GJ-Kachchh 1-JAT POONAMBEN VELJIBHAI-F-37 BJP
— 2-DANICHA VALJIBHAI PUNAMCHANDRA-M-62 INC
— 3-NAMORI MOHANBHAI LADHABHAI-M-55 BSP
— 4-CHAUHAN MOTILAL DEVJIBHA-M-54 LPSP
— 5-DR. TINA MAGANBHAI PARMAR-F-26 BNJD
— 6-DUNGARIYA BHARMALBHAI NARANBHAI-M-51 SP
— 7-PARMAR MUKESHBHAI MANDANBHAI-M-27 IJP
— 8-BADIYA RAMESH GANGJI-M-26 RKSP
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— 13-MAHESHWARI DHANJIBHAI KARSHANBHAI-M-38 IND
— 14-MANGALIYA LILBAI JIVANBHAI-F-28 IND
— 15-MUNSHI BHURALAL KHIMJIBHAI-M-46 IND
— 16-VANZARA HIRABEN DALPATBHAI-F-38 IND
— 17-SARESA NANJI BHANJIBHAI-M-55 IND
S06-2-GJ-Banaskantha 1-GADHVI MUKESHKUMAR BHAIRAVDANJI-M-47 INC
— 2-CHETANBHAI KALABHAI SOLANKI-M-28 BSP
— 3-CHAUDHARI HARIBHAI PARATHIBHAI-M-54 BJP
— 4-AMRUTBHAI LAKHUBHAI PATEL(FOSI)-M-49 MJP
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— 6-PATEL NARANBHAI PRAGDASBHAI-M-55 MJP
— 7-RAVAL BHURABHAI MOTIBHAI-M-45 BNJD
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— 9-CHAUDHARY KIRTIKUMAR JESANGBHAI-M-30 IND
— 10-CHAUDHARY MANSINHBHAI MANABHAI-M-32 IND
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— 13-PATEL MANORBHAI VIRAMDAS-M-68 IND
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— 15-BRAHMAKSHATRIY NIRUPABEN NATVARLAL-F-35 IND
— 16-RAJPUT JAGATSINH SAMANTSING-M-29 IND
S06-4-GJ-Mahesana 1-ZALA RUDRADATTSINH VANRAJSINH-M-27 BSP
— 2-PATEL JAYSHREEBEN KANUBHAI-F-50 BJP
— 3-PATEL JIVABHAI AMBALAL-M-70 INC
— 4-THAKOR AMARSINH RAMSINH (BABUJI)-M-40 MJP
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— 11-PATEL MANOJKUMAR BAHECHARDAS-M-58 IND
— 12-PATEL LALJIBHAI KESHAVLAL-M-48 IND
S06-5-GJ-Sabarkantha 1-CHAUHAN MAHENDRASINH-M-55 BJP
— 2-MISTRY MADHUSUDAN-M-63 INC
— 3-RAMLAVAT VIKRAMSINH LAXMANSINH-M-31 BSP
— 4-KADARI MOLANA RIYAZ-M-46 SP
— 5-PARMAR MINABA DIPSINH-F-30 IJP
— 6-SINHALI DASHRATH CHANDULAL-M-55 CPI(ML)(L)
— 7-CHAUHAN MAHENDRASINH PADAMSINH-M-36 IND
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— 9-PATEL KANTIBHAI KHUSHALBHAI-M-73 IND
— 10-PATEL DANABHAI BECHARBHAI-M-65 IND
— 11-RATHOD SABIRMIYA AMIRMIYA-M-51 IND
— 12-SOLANKI CHHAGANBHAI KEVALABHAI-M-63 IND
S06-6-GJ-Gandhinagar 1-L.K.ADVANI-M-81 BJP
— 2-PATEL SURESHKUMAR CHATURDAS (SURESH PATEL)-M-57 INC
— 3-RAKESH PANDEY-M-31 BSP
— 4-ASHOKKUMAR ISHVARBHAI PATEL-M-33 BNJD
— 5-KHALIFA SAMSUDDIN NASIRUDDIN (JUGNU)-M-46 LSWP
— 6-TRIVEDI SUNILBHAI MANUBHAI-M-47 MJP
— 7-FIROZ DEHLVI-M-41 AIMF
— 8-MEMON FATAMABEN FARUKBHAI-F-42 IJP
— 9-KALPESHKUMAR RAJANIKANT MODI-M-42 IND
— 10-THAKUR RAKESHBHAI RAJDEVSINGH-M-36 IND
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— 14-MAKWANA ANILKUMAR SOMABHAI-M-44 IND
— 15-DR.MALLIKA SARABHAI-F-55 IND
— 16-MAHANTSHRI DHARAMDASBAPU-M-45 IND
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S06-7-GJ-Ahmedabad East 1-PATEL BHOLABHAI VALJIBHAI (KAKDIYA)-M-62 NCP
— 2-BABARIYA DIPAKBHAI RATILAL-M-57 INC
— 3-VIRUBHAI N. VANZARA-M-52 BSP
— 4-HARIN PATHAK-M-62 BJP
— 5-PATEL PRAVIN RAMBHAI-M-45 MJP
— 6-PREMHARI RAMESHCHANDRA SHARMA-M-36 NLHP
— 7-BHATT SANJIV INDRAVADAN-M-38 BNJD
— 8-RAJPUT RANJEETSINGH RAMSHANKARSINH-M-37 IJP
— 9-RAJPUT SANJITKUMAR RADHAKRISHNASINH-M-29 SP
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— 12-KHODABHAI LALJIBHAI DESAI-M-42 IND
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— 15-BUDHDHPRIYA JASVANT SOMABHAI-M-64 IND
— 16-MAURYA RAJESH HARIRAM-M-33 IND
— 17-SHARMA ANILKUMAR BRIJENDRABHAI-M-51 IND
— 18-SHARMA BRIJESHKUMAR UJAGARLAL-M-28 IND
S06-8-GJ-Ahmedabad West 1-PARMAR SHAILESH MANHARLAL-M-39 INC
— 2-DR. PRAVIN S. SOLANKI-M-44 BSP
— 3-DR. SOLANKI KIRITBHAI PREMJIBHAI-M-59 BJP
— 4-PARMAR MOHANBHAI KARSHANBHAI-M-53 LPSP
— 5-MAKWANA ISHWARBHAI DHANABHAI-M-58 LJP
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— 16-SOLANKI VITTHALBHAI MAGANBHAI-M-49 IND
S06-9-GJ-Surendranagar 1-KOLI PATEL SOMABHAI-M-68 INC
— 2-PATEL MOHANBHAI DAHYABHAI-M-56 BSP
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— 14-BHARATBHAI RAMNIKLAL MAKWANA-M-43 IND
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S06-10-GJ-Rajkot 1-KIRANKUMAR VALJIBHAI BHALODIA (PATEL)-M-56 BJP
— 2-KUVARJIBHAI MOHANBHAI BAVALIA-M-54 INC
— 3-DHEDHI DALEECHANDBHAI LIRABHAI (PATEL)-M-54 BSP
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— 8-JADEJA SATUBHA AMARSANG-M-41 NSCP
— 9-NARENDRASINH TAPUBHA JADEJA-M-35 RKSP
— 10-BABULAL DEVJIBHAI GHAVA-M-42 LJP
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— 26-HARSODA MAHESH HIRABHAI-M-25 IND
— 27-HIRABHAI GORDHANBHAI CHANGELA-M-58 IND
S06-11-GJ-Porbandar 1-KHACHARIYA MANSUKHBHAI SHAMJIBHAI-M-49 BJP
— 2-CHANDRAVADIYA MEHULKUMAR KARSANBHAI-M-25 BSP
— 3-RADADIYA VITTHALBHAI HANSRAJBHAI-M-51 INC
— 4-JADEJA NATHABHAI JIVABHAI-M-33 IJP
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— 7-RAJENDRA AMRUTLAL PARMAR-M-31 IND
S06-12-GJ-Jamnagar 1-AHIR VIKRAMBHAI ARJANBHAI MADAM-M-51 INC
— 2-CHAVDA JAYSUKHBHAI TRIKAMBHAI-M-38 BSP
— 3-MUNGRA RAMESHBHAI DEVRAJBHAI-M-55 BJP
— 4-CHAUHAN DINESHBHAI KALABHAI-M-63 RPI(A)
— 5-JADEJA HITENDRASINH JAYVANTSINH-M-32 RKSP
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— 22-SAGATHIYA VINODBHAI VIRJIBHAI-M-38 IND
S06-13-GJ-Junagadh 1-BARAD JASHUBHAI DHANABHAI-M-54 INC
— 2-SOLANKI DINUBHAI BOGHABHAI-M-51 BJP
— 3-KUNJADIYA VALLABHBHAI RAMBHAI-M-46 ABMSD
— 4-CHANDULAL BHANUBHAI DHADUK (CHANDRESHBHAI)-M-42 MJP
— 5-DANGAR BRIJESH RAMBHAI-M-31 RWS
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S06-14-GJ-Amreli 1-KACHHADIA NARANBHAI-M-53 BJP
— 2-NILABEN VIRJIBHAI THUMMAR-F-48 INC
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— 4-MADHUBHAI BHUVA-M-61 NCP
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S06-15-GJ-Bhavnagar 1-GOHILMAHAVIRSINHBHAGIRATHSINH-M-52 INC
— 2-RANA RAJENDRASINH GHANSHYAMSINH-M-53 BJP
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— 4-ATUL HARSHADRAI PANDYA-M-46 BNJD
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— 7-DABHI DEVJIBHAI MEGHABHAI-M-29 SJP(R)
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— 15-M.I.SOLANKI-M-50 IND
— 16-HARIN RAMNIKLAL MAKWANA-M-37 IND
S06-16-GJ-Anand 1-PATEL DIPAKBHAI CHIMANBHAI-M-61 BJP
— 2-PARMAR BABUBHAI BECHARBHAI-M-65 NCP
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— 4-PARMAR HITENDRASINH MOHANSINH-M-54 SP
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— 6-SAMIRBHAI GIRISHBHAI PATEL-M-32 SVPP
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— 14-SAIYED MAHEBUBALI HUSAINMIYA-M-56 IND
— 15-SOLANKI BHARAT BABUBHAI-M-25 IND
S06-17-GJ-Kheda 1-CHAUHAN DEVUSINH JESINGBHAI-M-44 BJP
— 2-CHAUHAN RATANSINH UDESINH-M-61 BSP
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— 4-DODIYA HEMALSINH DAJIBHAI ALIAS DODIYA BATUKSINH-M-40 MJP
— 5-ALPESHSINH SURUBHA VAGHELA-M-31 IND
— 6-CHRISTI VASANTBHAI OTABHAI-M-38 IND
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— 8-PATEL BHARATKUMAR VISHNUBHAI-M-33 IND
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S06-18-GJ-Panchmahal 1-CHAUHAN PRABHATSINH PRATAPSINH-M-67 BJP
— 2-BAROT PRAKASHKUMAR MANEKLAL-M-53 BSP
— 3-VAGHELA SHANKERSINH LAXMANSINH-M-68 INC
— 4-MANSURI MUKHTYAR MOHAMAD-M-49 ABMSD
— 5-SHAIKH KALIM A.LATIF-M-42 LJP
S06-19-GJ-Dahod 1-KATARA SINGJIBHAI JALJIBHAI-M-62 CPM
— 2-KALARA RAMSINGBHAI NANJIBHAI-M-37 BSP
— 3-DAMOR SOMJIBHAI PUNJABHAI-M-70 BJP
— 4-DR. PRABHA KISHOR TAVIAD-F-54 INC
— 5-MEDA KALSINHBHAI TAJSINHBHAI-M-57 NCP
— 6-PARMAR DINESHBHAI NAGJIBHAI-M-28 IJP
— 7-K.C.MUNIA ADVOCATE-M-61 SP
S06-20-GJ-Vadodara 1-GAEKWAD SATYAJITSINH DULIPSINH-M-46 INC
— 2-PUROHIT VINAYKUMAR RAMANBHAI-M-36 BSP
— 3-BALKRISHNA KHANDERAO SHUKLA (BALU SHUKLA)-M-45 BJP
— 4-GIRISHBHAI MADHAVLAL BHAVSAR-M-42 IND
— 5-THAVARDAS AMULRAI CHOITHANI-M-63 IND
— 6-TAPAN DASGUPTA (TAPANBHAI)-M-45 IND
— 7-VASAVA HARILAL SHANABHAI-M-46 IND
S06-21-GJ-Chhota Udaipur 1-BHIL PRAKASHBHAI SOMABHAI-M-36 BSP
— 2-RATHWA NARANBHAI JEMLABHAI-M-55 INC
— 3-RATHWA RAMSINGBHAI PATALBHAI-M-57 BJP
— 4-VASAVA(BHIL) VITTHALBHAI VENIBHAI-M-63 IND
S06-22-GJ-Bharuch 1-UMERJI AHMED UGHARATDAR (AZIZ TANKARVI)-M-64 INC
— 2-PANDEY SANATKUMAR RAJARAM-M-32 BSP
— 3-BALVANTSINH VIJAYSINH PARMAR-M-53 NCP
— 4-MANSUKHBHAI DHANJIBHAI VASAVA-M-52 BJP
— 5-KANAKSINH MANGROLA-M-58 SP
— 6-NARENDRASINH RANDHIRSINH VASHI-M-37 LSWP
— 7-PATEL NARESHKUMAR BHAGVANBHAI (NARESH PATEL)-M-48 MJP
— 8-PATEL MEHRUNNISHA VALLI ADAM-F-40 LJP
— 9-VASAVA CHHOTUBHAI AMARSINHBHAI-M-62 JD(U)
— 10-SURESHBHAI GORDHANBHAI VASAVA-M-40 ABJS
— 11-GOHIL HEMANTKUMAR JERAMBHAI-M-31 IND
— 12-DILIPKUMAR GULSINGBHAI VASAVA-M-32 IND
— 13-PATEL THAKORBHAI CHANDULAL-M-58 IND
— 14-LAKDAWALA SHAKIL AHEMAD-M-43 IND
— 15-LAD MAHIPATBHAI MAGANBHAI-M-52 IND
S06-23-GJ-Bardoli 1-GAMIT RANJANBEN CHIMANBHAI-F-38 BSP
— 2-CHAUDHARI TUSHARBHAI AMRASINHBHAI-M-43 INC
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— 10-SHIVAKUMAR . KOLLUR-M-44 IND
S10-6-KA-Raichur 1-K.DEVANNA NAIK-M-56 JD(S)
— 2-PAKKIRAPPA.S.-M-51 BJP
— 3-RAJA VENKATAPPA NAIK-M-52 INC
— 4-SHIVAKUMAR-M-42 BSP
— 5-COM II. V.H.MASTER-M-73 IND
— 6-COMRADE V.MUDUKAPPA NAYAK-M-36 IND
— 7-R.MUDUKAPPA NAYAK-M-44 IND
— 8-K.SOMASHEKHAR-M-43 IND
S10-7-KA-Bidar 1-GURUPADAPPA NAGMARPALLI-M-67 BJP
— 2-JAGANNATH.R.JAMADAR-M-49 BSP
— 3-N.DHARAM SINGH-M-73 INC
— 4-SUBHASH TIPPANNA NELGE-M-49 JD(S)
— 5-ADVOCATE MOULVI ZAMEERUDDIN-M-55 NDEP
— 6-BHASKAR BABU PATERPALLI-M-53 ICSP
— 7-SHRAVAN SANGONDA BHANDE-M-42 RSPS
— 8-SUBHASH CHANDRA G.KHAPATE-M-58 LJP
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— 10-MD ARSHAD AHMED ANSARI-M-35 IND
— 11-KHAJA SAMEEUDDIN KHAJA MOINUDDIN-M-29 IND
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— 15-NARSAPPA MUTHANGI-M-69 IND
— 16-PARMESHWAR RAMCHANDRA-M-41 IND
— 17-PASHAMIYA ESMAIL SAB-M-57 IND
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— 20-MD OSMAN ALI LAKHPATI-M-58 IND
— 21-MUFTI SHAIKH ABDUL GAFFAR QASMI-M-32 IND
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— 26-SURESH SWAMY TALGHATKER-M-55 IND
— 27-SYED QUBUL ULLA HUSSIANI (SAJID)-M-45 IND
S10-8-KA-Koppal 1-ANSARI IQBAL-M-50 JD(S)
— 2-BASAVARAJ RAYAREDDY-M-53 INC
— 3-SHIVAPUTRAPPA GUMAGERA-M-42 BSP
— 4-SHIVARAMAGOUDA SHIVANAGOUDA-M-56 BJP
— 5-ZAKEER-M-30 LJP
— 6-BASAVARAJ KARADI WADDARAHATTI-M-27 JD(U)
— 7-BHARADWAJ-M-63 CPI(ML)(L)
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— 9-UPPAR HANUMANTAPPA VEERAPPA KESARAHATTI-M-33 IND
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— 11-T.CHAKRAVARTI NAYAK-M-70 IND
— 12-CHANDRASHEKAR-M-37 IND
— 13-NAJEER HUSAIN-M-41 IND
— 14-COMRADE D.H.PUJAR-M-42 IND
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— 16-SHARABHAYYA HIREMATH-M-27 IND
— 17-SHIVAKUMAR NAVALI SIDDAPPA TONTAPUR-M-44 IND
— 18-HANDI RAFIQ SAB-M-53 IND
S10-9-KA-Bellary 1-T. NAGENDRA-M-44 BSP
— 2-J. SHANTHA-F-35 BJP
— 3-N.Y. HANUMANTHAPPA-M-69 INC
— 4-CHOWDAPPA-M-29 CPI(ML)(L)
— 5-D. GANGANNA-M-59 IND
— 6-B. RAMAIAH-M-60 IND
— 7-A. RAMANJANAPPA-M-41 IND
S10-10-KA-Haveri 1-ASHOKAPPA MALLAPPA JAVALI-M-43 NCP
— 2-UDASI SHIVAKUMAR CHANABASAPPA-M-42 BJP
— 3-IGAL DILLPPA KARIYAPPA-M-52 BSP
— 4-SHIVAKUMARGOUDA SHIDDALINGANGOUDA PATIL-M-42 JD(S)
— 5-SALEEM AHAMAD-M-45 INC
— 6-KRISHNAJI RAGHAVENDRARAO OMKAR-M-32 ABHM
— 7-PRABHU K PATIL-M-31 JD(U)
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— 12-BASAVARAJ SHANKRAPPA DESAI-M-38 IND
S10-11-KA-Dharwad 1-KASHIMSAB MULLA-M-57 BSP
— 2-KUNNUR MANJUNATH CHANNAPPA-M-55 INC
— 3-TALAKALLAMATH MAHESH GURUPADAYYA-M-52 NCP
— 4-PRALHAD JOSHI-M-46 BJP
— 5-HANMANTSA CHANDRAKANTSA NIRANJAN-M-40 JD(U)
— 6-ALI M.SANDIMANI-M-30 IND
— 7-ASHOK VISHNUSA BADDI-M-38 IND
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— 15-RAMACHANDRA KALINGAPPA MAHAR-M-59 IND
— 16-SHANKARAPPA GURUSHIDDAPPA YADAVANNAVAR-M-50 IND
S10-12-KA-Uttara Kannada 1-ANANTKUMAR HEGDE-M-40 BJP
— 2-ALVA MARGARET-F-67 INC
— 3-HADAPAD BASAVARAJ DUNDAPPA-M-28 BSP
— 4-V D HEGADE-M-68 JD(S)
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— 6-D M GURAV-M-49 SHS
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— 9-KHAZI RAHMATULLA ABDUL WAHAB-M-60 IND
— 10-L P M NAIK-M-39 IND
— 11-YASHWANT TIMMANNA NIPPANIKAR-M-58 IND
S10-13-KA-Davanagere 1-K.B. KALLERUDRESHAPPA-M-49 JD(S)
— 2-MALLIKARJUN S.S.-M-42 INC
— 3-SIDDESWARA G.M.-M-56 BJP
— 4-DR. HIDAYATHUR RAHMAN KHAN-M-36 BSP
— 5-IDLI RAMAPPA-M-46 CPI(ML)(L)
— 6-SUDESH G.M.-M-31 AIJMK
— 7-ARUNDI NINGAPPA-M-77 IND
— 8-ALUR M.G. SWAMY-M-62 IND
— 9-INAYAT ALI KHAN-M-31 IND
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— 14-JAYANNA ITAGI-M-38 IND
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— 18-MARUTHI H.-M-51 IND
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— 20-RAMESH HULI-M-35 IND
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— 22-DR.RAJU C.-M-44 IND
— 23-LOKANAGOWDA PATIL-M-41 IND
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— 26-G. N. SIDDESH-M-42 IND
— 27-SUBHAN KHAN-M-45 IND
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S10-14-KA-Shimoga 1-J. JAYAPPA-M-40 BSP
— 2-S. BANGARAPPA-M-76 INC
— 3-B.Y. RAGHAVENDRA-M-36 BJP
— 4-C. MURUGAN-M-29 AIJMK
— 5-AKHIL AHMED-M-45 IND
— 6-D.S. ESHWARAPPA-M-41 IND
— 7-UMESHKUMAR S-M-38 IND
— 8-N DINESH KUMAR-M-40 IND
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— 11-M.P. SRIDHAR. BYNDOOR-M-44 IND
— 12-H.S. SHEKARAPPA-M-47 IND
S10-15-KA-Udupi Chikmagalur 1-K.JAYAPRAKASH HEGDE-M-57 INC
— 2-RADHA SUNDARESH-F-49 CPI
— 3-D.V.SADANANDA GOWDA-M-56 BJP
— 4-J.STEVEN MENEZES-M-43 BSP
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— 7-VINAYAK MALLYA-M-26 IND
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S10-16-KA-Hassan 1-A. P. AHAMED-M-66 BSP
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— 4-K. H. HANUME GOWDA-M-78 BJP
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— 7-KODIHALLI CHANDRASHEKAR-M-51 IND
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— 9-DANDORA VIJAYAKUMAR-M-33 IND
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— 12-K. D. REVANNA-M-34 IND
— 13-B. C. VIJAYAKUMARA-M-43 IND
S10-17-KA-Dakshina Kannada 1-ALEKKADI GIRISH RAI-M-47 BSP
— 2-JANARDHANA POOJARY-M-71 INC
— 3-NALIN KUMAR KATEEL-M-42 BJP
— 4-B.MADHAVA-M-71 CPM
— 5-VICHARAWADI ANANDA GATTY-M-59 IND
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— 11-SUBRAHMANYA KUMAR KUNTIKANAMATA-M-36 IND
S10-18-KA-Chitradurga 1-JANARDHANA SWAMY-M-41 BJP
— 2-M JAYANNA-M-58 BSP
— 3-DR. B THIPPESWAMY-M-37 INC
— 4-M RATHNAKAR-M-42 JD(S)
— 5-SHASHISHEKAR NAIK-M-46 RJD
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— 9-RAMACHANDRA-M-49 IND
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S10-19-KA-Tumkur 1-ASHOK-M-59 BSP
— 2-P. KODANDARAMAIAH-M-69 INC
— 3-G.S. BASAVARAJU-M-67 BJP
— 4-S.P. MUDDAHANUMEGOWDA-M-55 JD(S)
— 5-SREE GOWRISHANKARA SWAMIGALU-M-63 SP
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— 8-NIRANJANA C.S-M-29 IND
— 9-MOHAMED KHASIM-M-47 IND
— 10-SHASIBHUSHANA-M-34 IND
S10-20-KA-Mandya 1-M H AMBAREESH-M-57 INC
— 2-M KRISHNAMURTHY-M-35 BSP
— 3-N CHELUVARAYA SWAMY @ SWAMYGOWDA-M-49 JD(S)
— 4-L R SHIVARAMEGOWDA-M-53 BJP
— 5-KOWDLE CHANNAPPA-M-60 JD(U)
— 6-JOHNSON CHINNAPPAN-M-32 AIJMK
— 7-K S PUTTANNAIAH-M-60 SKP
— 8-H S RAMANNA-M-45 PPOI
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— 10-VENKATESH R-M-37 IND
— 11-SHAKUNTHALA-F-29 IND
— 12-SHAMBHULINGEGOWDA-M-48 IND
S10-21-KA-Mysore 1-ADAGUR H VISHWANATH-M-59 INC
— 2-B.A.JIVIJAYA-M-71 JD(S)
— 3-C.H.VIJAYASHANKAR-M-53 BJP
— 4-SYED NIZAM ALI-M-51 BSP
— 5-ARSHADULLA SHARIFF-M-40 BPJP
— 6-DR.E.KESHAMMA-F-32 RDMP
— 7-P.PARASHIVAMURTHY-M-41 RKSP
— 8-LEELAVATHI.M-F-51 PPOI
— 9-RAFEEQ-M-27 IND
— 10-P.N.SRINATH-PATHRIKE-M-39 IND
— 11-SANTHOSH KUMAR.P-M-35 IND
— 12-M.V.SANTHOSH KUMAR-M-27 IND
S10-22-KA-Chamarajanagar 1-A.R.KRISHNAMURTHY-M-48 BJP
— 2-R.DHRUVANARAYANA-M-48 INC
— 3-N.MAHESH-M-53 BSP
— 4-M.SHIVANNA(KOTE)-M-55 JD(S)
— 5-M.K.KEMPASIDDAIAH-M-74 SP
— 6-CHOWDAHALLY JAVARAIAH-M-37 CPI(ML)(L)
— 7-R.JAGADISH NAIK-M-32 BSC
— 8-K.C.SHIVANANDA-M-37 JD(U)
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— 10-BHEEMAIAH-M-60 IND
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— 12-RAMESH.M-M-32 IND
— 13-M.C.RAJANNA-M-62 IND
— 14-SUBBAIAH-M-41 IND
S10-23-KA-Bangalore Rural 1-H.D.KUMARASWAMY-M-49 JD(S)
— 2-TEJASVINI GOWDA-F-42 INC
— 3-MOHAMED HAFEEZ ULLAH-M-54 BSP
— 4-C. P. YOGEESHWARA-M-45 BJP
— 5-C.THOPAIAH-M-56 JD(U)
— 6-I VENKATESWARA REDDY-M-55 PPOI
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— 8-D.KUMARASWAMY-M-43 IND
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— 11-Y.CHINNAPPA-M-33 IND
— 12-A CHOWRAPPA-M-44 IND
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— 14-K.PUTTAMADEGOWDA-M-40 IND
— 15-T.M.MANCHEGOWDA-M-62 IND
S10-24-KA-Bangalore North 1-D. B. CHANDRE GOWDA-M-73 BJP
— 2-C. K. JAFFER SHARIEF-M-75 INC
— 3-PADMAA K. BHAT-F-43 BSP
— 4-R. SURENDRA BABU-M-48 JD(S)
— 5-M. TIPPUVARDHAN-M-39 BPJP
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— 7-KANYA KUMAR-M-36 IND
— 8-G S KUMAR-M-68 IND
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— 17-H. PILLAIAH-M-46 IND
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— 26-K. SATHYANARAYANA-M-57 IND
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— 28-N. HARISH GOWDA-M-33 IND
S10-25-KA-Bangalore central 1-ZAMEER AHMED KHAN. B.Z-M-43 JD(S)
— 2-P. C. MOHAN-M-45 BJP
— 3-VIJAY RAJA SINGH-M-37 BSP
— 4-H.T.SANGLIANA-M-67 INC
— 5-IFTHAQUAR ALI BHUTTO-M-37 ANC
— 6-J.D.ELANGOVAN-M-64 IJP
— 7-S M KRISHNA-M-44 BPJP
— 8-B KRISHNA PRASAD-M-55 PTSS
— 9-A.S. PAUL-M-60 AIJMK
— 10-D.C. PRAKASH-M-41 KTMK
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— 16-UMASHANKAR-M-42 IND
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— 28-R. RAJ-M-49 IND
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— 35-SHASHIKUMAR A.R-M-43 IND
— 36-K.SHIVARAMANNA-M-55 IND
— 37-SHAIK BAHADUR-M-54 IND
S10-26-KA-Bangalore South 1-ANANTH KUMAR-M-49 BJP
— 2-KRISHNA BYRE GOWDA-M-36 INC
— 3-NAHEEDA SALMA S-F-47 BSP
— 4-PROF.RADHAKRISHNA-M-63 JD(S)
— 5-B.M.GOVINDRAJ NAIK-M-38 ABHM
— 6-P.JOHNBASCO-M-37 AIJMK
— 7-VATAL NAGARAJ-M-60 KCVP
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— 18-RAVI KUMARA.T.-M-26 IND
— 19-SUGANDHARAJE URS-M-59 IND
— 20-SANTHOSH MIN.B-M-33 IND
S10-27-KA-Chikkballapur 1-C.ASWATHANARAYANA-M-59 BJP
— 2-C.R.MANOHAR-M-29 JD(S)
— 3-M.VEERAPPA MOILY-M-69 INC
— 4-HENNURU LAKSHMINARAYANA-M-49 BSP
— 5-M.RAMAKRISHNAIAH-M-40 PPOI
— 6-M.VENKATESH-M-55 BPJP
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— 18-K.VENKATAREDDY-M-36 IND
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— 20-Y.A.SIDDALINGEGOWDA-M-42 IND
S10-28-KA-Kolar 1-G.CHANDRANNA-M-56 JD(S)
— 2-K.H.MUNIYAPPA-M-61 INC
— 3-N.MUNISWAMY-M-57 BSP
— 4-LAKSHMI SHANMUGAM-F-56 NCP
— 5-D.S.VEERAIAH-M-60 BJP
— 6-K.R.DEVARAJA-M-51 RDMP
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— 8-M.R.GANTAPPA-M-46 IND
— 9-P.V.CHANGALARAYAPPA-M-38 IND
— 10-P.CHANDRAPPA-M-42 IND
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— 18-M.RAVI KUMAR-M-36 IND
— 19-M.VENKATASWAMY-M-55 IND
— 20-K.VENKATESH-M-40 IND
— 21-SRINIVASA T.O.-M-37 IND
— 22-SRINIVASA P.-M-42 IND
S11-1-KL-Kasaragod 1-P KARUNAKARAN-M-64 CPM
— 2-K.H.MADHAVI-F-35 BSP
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— 4-K. SURENDRAN-M-37 BJP
— 5-ABBAS MUTHALAPPARA-M-47 IND
— 6-MOHAN NAYAK-M-73 IND
— 7-P.K. RAMAN-M-48 IND
S11-2-KL-Kannur 1-P.P KARUNAKARAN MASTER-M-61 BJP
— 2-K.K BALAKRISHNAN NAMBIAR-M-52 BSP
— 3-K.K RAGESH-M-38 CPM
— 4-K. SUDHAKARAN-M-60 INC
— 5-P.I. CHANDRASEKHARAN-M-53 THPI
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— 8-PATTATHIL RAGHAVAN-M-82 IND
— 9-K. SUDHAKARAN KAVINTE ARIKATH-M-39 IND
S11-3-KL-Vadakara 1-ADV.K. NOORUDHEEN MUSALIAR-M-56 BSP
— 2-MULLAPPALLY RAMACHANDRAN-M-64 INC
— 3-K.P SREESAN-M-49 BJP
— 4-ADV. P. SATHEEDEVI-F-52 CPM
— 5-T.P CHANDRASEKHARAN-M-47 IND
— 6-NAROTH RAMACHANDRAN-M-58 IND
— 7-P.SATHIDEVI PALLIKKAL-F-36 IND
— 8-SATHEEDEVI-F-42 IND
S11-4-KL-Wayanad 1-K. MURALEEDHARAN-M-51 NCP
— 2-RAJEEV JOSEPH-M-40 BSP
— 3-C. VASUDEVAN MASTER-M-65 BJP
— 4-M.I. SHANAVAS-M-57 INC
— 5-ADVOCATE. M. RAHMATHULLA-M-48 CPI
— 6-KALLANGODAN ABDUL LATHEEF-M-46 IND
— 7-CLETUS-M-52 IND
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— 9-ADVOCATE. SHANAVAS MALAPPURAM-M-36 IND
— 10-SHANAVAS MANAKULANGARA PARAMBIL-M-29 IND
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S11-5-KL-Kozhikode 1-A.K. ABDUL NASAR-M-35 BSP
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S11-6-KL-Malappuram 1-ADV.E.A. ABOOBACKER-M-52 BSP
— 2-ADV. N. ARAVINDAN-M-43 BJP
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— 4-T.K. HAMSA-M-71 CPM
S11-7-KL-Ponnani 1-K. JANACHANDRAN MASTER-M-57 BJP
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S11-8-KL-Palakkad 1-ABDUL RAZAK MOULAVI-M-47 NCP
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S11-10-KL-Thrissur 1-P C CHACKO-M-62 INC
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S11-11-KL-Chalakudy 1-ADV. U.P JOSEPH-M-45 CPM
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S11-12-KL-Ernakulam 1-PROF. K V THOMAS-M-61 INC
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S11-13-KL-Idukki 1-ADV. P.T THOMAS-M-59 INC
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S11-16-KL-Mavelikkara 1-R.S ANIL-M-34 CPI
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S11-17-KL-Pathanamthitta 1-ANANTHA GOPAN-M-61 CPM
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S11-18-KL-Kollam 1-ADVT. K M JAYANANDAN-M-52 BSP
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S11-19-KL-Attingal 1-PROF.G BALACHANDRAN-M-63 INC
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S11-20-KL-Thiruvananthapuram 1-P K KRISHNA DAS-M-45 BJP
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S12-4-MP-GUNA 1-JYOTIRADITYA MADHAVRAO SCINDIA-M-38 INC
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S12-5-MP-SAGAR 1-ASLAM SHER KHAN-M-55 INC
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S12-6-MP-TIKAMGARH 1-AHIRWAR VRINDAVAN-M-48 INC
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S12-9-MP-SATNA 1-GANESH SINGH-M-46 BJP
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S12-10-MP-REWA 1-CHANDRA MANI TRIPATHI-M-62 BJP
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S12-11-MP-SIDHI 1-ASHOK KUMAR SHAH-M-34 BSP
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S12-12-MP-SHAHDOL 1-CHANDRA PRATAP SINGH (BABA SAHAB)-M-51 SP
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S12-13-MP-JABALPUR 1-AZIZ QURESHI-M-64 BSP
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— 4-ADVOCATE RAMESHWAR NEEKHRA-M-61 INC
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S12-14-MP-MANDLA 1-JALSO DHURWEY-F-25 BSP
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— 8-MANESHWARI NAIK-F-65 RPI(A)
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— 13-SHIVCHARAN UIKEY-M-26 IND
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S12-15-MP-BALAGHAT 1-AJAB LAL-M-35 BSP
— 2-KISHOR SAMRITE-M-42 SP
— 3-KANKAR MUNJARE-M-52 RJD
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— 5-VISHVESHWAR BHAGAT-M-57 INC
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— 7-DARBU SINGH UIKEY-M-37 GMS
— 8-BHAIYA BALKRISHNA-M-53 GGP
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— 17-SANDEEP SANTRAM-M-31 IND
— 18-SHRIRAM THAKUR-M-58 IND
S12-16-MP-CHHINDWARA 1-KAMAL NATH-M-62 INC
— 2-MAROT RAO KHAVASE-M-59 BJP
— 3-RAO SAHEB SHINDE-M-46 BSP
— 4-JOGILAL IRPACHI-M-48 JMM
— 5-PARDHESHI HARTAPSAH TIRKAM-M-40 GMS
— 6-BALVEER SINGH YADAV-M-30 RKSP
— 7-RAMKISHAN PAL-M-62 RPI(A)
— 8-SATAP SHA UIKEY-M-35 GGP
— 9-ABDUL SHAMAD KHAN-M-45 IND
— 10-AMRITLAL PATHAK RAGHUVAR-M-70 IND
— 11-ASHARAM DEHARIYA-M-33 IND
— 12-KAMALNATH (MAYAWADI-PARASIA)-M-31 IND
— 13-GANARAM UIKEY-M-53 IND
— 14-AZAD CHANDRASHEKHER PANDOLE SAMAJ SEVAK-M-42 IND
— 15-JAGDISH BAIS-M-35 IND
— 16-TULSIRAM SURYAWANSHI-M-62 IND
— 17-DUARAM UIKEY-M-40 IND
— 18-DHANPAL BHALAVI-M-35 IND
— 19-DHANRAJ JAMBHATKAR-M-37 IND
— 20-NARESH KUMAR YUVNATI-M-33 IND
— 21-NIKHILESH DHURVEY-M-30 IND
— 22-PITRAM UIKEY-M-48 IND
— 23-PRAVINDRA NAURATI-M-37 IND
— 24-MANMOHAN SHAH BATTI-M-46 IND
— 25-R.K. MARKAM-M-28 IND
— 26-SHOAIB KHAN-M-44 IND
— 27-SUKMAN INVATI-M-42 IND
— 28-SUBHASH SHUKLA-M-40 IND
S12-17-MP-HOSHANGABAD 1-UDAY PRATAP SINGH-M-44 INC
— 2-ADV.B.M.KAUSHIK-M-35 BSP
— 3-HAJAEE SYID MUEEN UDDIN-M-47 SP
— 4-RAMPAL SINGH-M-53 BJP
— 5-DINESH KUMAR AHIRWAR-M-42 IND
— 6-BHARAT KUMAR CHOUREY-M-29 IND
— 7-MOHAMMD ABDULLA-M-54 IND
— 8-RAKHI GUPTA-F-31 IND
— 9-RAMPAL-M-62 IND
— 10-SUDAMA PRASAD-M-55 IND
S12-18-MP-VIDISHA 1-DR.PREMSHANKAR SHARMA-M-44 BSP
— 2-CHOUDHARY MUNABBAR SALIM-M-50 SP
— 3-SUSHMA SWARAJ-F-57 BJP
— 4-BHAI MUNSHILAL SILAWAT-M-25 RPI(A)
— 5-RAMGOPAL MALVIYA-M-35 RDMP
— 6-HARBHAJAN JANGRE-M-33 LJP
— 7-GANESHRAM LODHI-M-44 IND
— 8-RAJESHWAR SINGH YADAV (RAO)-M-39 IND
S12-19-MP-BHOPAL 1-ER. ASHOK NARAYAN SINGH-M-53 BSP
— 2-KAILASH JOSHI-M-79 BJP
— 3-MHOD. MUNAWAR KHAN KAUSAR-M-44 SP
— 4-SURENDRA SINGH THAKUR-M-55 INC
— 5-ASHOK PAWAR-M-47 PRSP
— 6-AHIRWAR LAKHANLAL PURVI-M-42 RPI(A)
— 7-KARAN KUMAR KAROSIA URF KARAN JEEJA-M-41 GGP
— 8-RADHESHYAM KULASTE-M-38 GMS
— 9-RAMDAS GHOSLE-M-54 RPI(D)
— 10-SANJEEV SINGHAL-M-42 SVSP
— 11-ANIL SINGH-M-30 IND
— 12-AMAR SINGH-M-72 IND
— 13-KAPIL DUBEY-M-37 IND
— 14-D. C. GUJARKAR-M-52 IND
— 15-DARSHAN SINGH RATHORE-M-53 IND
— 16-BRAJENDRA CHATURVEDI URF GAPPU CHATURVEDI-M-35 IND
— 17-DR. MAHESH YADAV ‘AMAN GANDHI’-M-40 IND
— 18-MUKESH SEN-M-32 IND
— 19-MEHDI SIR-M-30 IND
— 20-RAJESH KUMAR YADAV-M-42 IND
— 21-RAM SAHAY YATRI (SHRIVASTAVA) URF RASHTRAVADI YATRI-M-79 IND
— 22-SHAHNAWAZ-M-59 IND
— 23-SHIV NARAYAN SINGH BAGWARE-M-60 IND
S12-20-MP-RAJGARH 1-NARAYANSINGH AMLABE-M-58 INC
— 2-LAKSHMAN SINGH-M-54 BJP
— 3-SHIVNARAYAN AHIRWAR-M-33 BSP
— 4-RAJESH RATELIYA-M-27 LJP
— 5-SHYAM SUNDER RATHI-M-50 SHS
— 6-INDER SING LODHI-M-34 IND
— 7-BALBIR CHOUDHARY PATRAKAR-M-52 IND
— 8-LAXMAN VERMA-M-64 IND
— 9-LAXMANSINGH AAMDOR-M-28 IND
S12-21-MP-DEWAS 1-THAVARCHAND GEHLOT-M-61 BJP
— 2-BHAGIRATH PARIHAR-M-56 BSP
— 3-SAJJAN SINGH VERMA-M-57 INC
— 4-DR. GANGARAM JOGCHAND-M-34 LJP
— 5-JORAVAR SINGH DUDI-M-66 PRSP
— 6-BALRAM SUKHRAM KALYANE-M-57 RWS
— 7-JAYRAM SOLANKI-M-33 IND
— 8-THAVARSINGH-M-48 IND
— 9-PRO. B.S. MALVIYA-M-66 IND
— 10-MOHAN SIH MALVIYA-M-28 IND
S12-22-MP-UJJAIN 1-GUDDU PREMCHAND-M-41 INC
— 2-BABOOLAL THAWALIYA-M-43 BSP
— 3-DR. SATYANARAYAN JATIYA-M-63 BJP
— 4-MADANLAL RAJORA-M-44 LJP
— 5-ASHOK NARAYAN-M-30 IND
— 6-INDARALAL VARMA-M-58 IND
— 7-DINESH JATWA-M-30 IND
— 8-LALCHAND BERWA GOME-M-52 IND
— 9-SHIVKUMAR GAUR-M-41 IND
S12-23-MP-MANDSOUR 1-BHERULAL MALVIY (BALAI)-M-56 BSP
— 2-MEENAKSHI NATRAJAN-F-36 INC
— 3-DR. LAXMINARAYAN PANDEY-M-80 BJP
— 4-SHAIKH AZIZUDDEN QURAISHI-M-62 AIFB
— 5-BANO BEE-F-61 BMSM
— 6-KAILASH NARAYAN RATNAWAT-M-54 IND
— 7-P. DINESH NAGAR-M-36 IND
— 8-HAJI NISAR AHMED CHOUDHARY-M-75 IND
— 9-MOINUDDIN KHAN PATHAN-M-31 IND
— 10-RAJENDRA SINGH GAUTAM-M-55 IND
— 11-RAM DAYAL GUJRATI-M-62 IND
— 12-LAXMINARAYAN BHAGIRATH PATIDAR-M-30 IND
S12-24-MP-RATLAM 1-KANTILAL BHURIA-M-59 INC
— 2-JEEVANLAL-M-38 SP
— 3-DILEEPSINGH BHURIA-M-63 BJP
— 4-RAMESH SOLANKI-M-35 BSP
— 5-UDAYSINGH MACHAR-M-38 RPI(A)
— 6-KALUSINGH BHABHR-M-27 SHS
— 7-JALAMSINGH PATEL-M-40 RDMP
— 8-BHERUSING DAMOR-M-63 JD(U)
— 9-BHADIYA DABAR-M-49 IND
— 10-RAMESHWOR SINGAR-M-32 IND
S12-25-MP-DHAR 1-AJAY RAWAT-M-27 BSP
— 2-GAJENDRASINGH RAJUKHEDI-M-45 INC
— 3-MUKAMSINGH KIRADE-M-39 BJP
— 4-JITENDRASINGH BAGHEL-M-31 GGP
— 5-BAPUSINGH BAGHEL-M-31 RPI(A)
— 6-RAM SINGH PATEL-M-65 SHS
— 7-KARANSINGH-M-45 IND
— 8-KHUMANSINGH BARIYA-M-48 IND
— 9-BHIMA BHURIYA-M-54 IND
— 10-MADAN BHAI AMLAWAR-M-49 IND
— 11-HARIRAM PATEL DELMIWALA-M-39 IND
S12-26-MP-INDORE 1-DR. ANITA YADAV-F-38 SP
— 2-RAHIM KHAN-M-35 BSP
— 3-SATYNARAYAN PATEL-M-41 INC
— 4-SUMITRA MAHAJAN (TAI)-F-65 BJP
— 5-SANJAY SINGH BHADORIYA (PAPPU)-M-45 RJD
— 6-MOHAN CHOUHAN MALVIYA-M-39 PRSP
— 7-RADHESHYAM MUKATI-M-38 LPSP
— 8-RAMSINGH-M-61 RPIE
— 9-SAMADHAN NAIK-M-59 RPI(A)
— 10-AJIT KUMAR JAIN (PATWA)-M-60 IND
— 11-GAJENDRA SINGH GAUR-M-26 IND
— 12-GHANSHYAM CHANDEL-M-50 IND
— 13-CHINTAN TRIVEDI-M-27 IND
— 14-NAND KISHORE SONI-M-48 IND
— 15-PARMANAND METHARAM TOLANI-M-48 IND
— 16-S. R. MANDLOI-M-27 IND
— 17-VISHNU DAS-M-54 IND
— 18-SHIKHAR CHAND PATODI (JAIN)-M-52 IND
S12-27-MP-KHARGONE 1-BHAI KIRNSINGH BADOLE (KIRESH)-M-29 CPI
— 2-D.R.BARDE-M-51 BSP
— 3-BALARAM BACHCHAN-M-42 INC
— 4-MAKNSINGH SOLANKI (BABUJI)-M-55 BJP
— 5-SAKHARAM VERMA-M-61 GGP
— 6-GAJANAN AAPSING BRAHMANE-M-34 IND
— 7-DONGER-M-39 IND
— 8-DAYARAM GHISYA-M-35 IND
— 9-FIFASINGH THAKUR-M-42 IND
— 10-BHAGWAN CHOTHIYA-M-31 IND
— 11-RAMESHVAR DOGAREEYA RAWAT-M-27 IND
S12-28-MP-KHANDWA 1-ARUN SUBHASHCHANDRA YADAV-M-36 INC
— 2-HAJI ZAKIR HUSSAIN DURRANY ENGINEER-M-46 CPI
— 3-NANDKUMAR SING CHAUHAN NANDU BHAIYA-M-56 BJP
— 4-DADA SAHEB WAMANRAO SASANE-M-43 BSP
— 5-NARGIS MOUSI-M-38 IJP
— 6-HAJI NOORULLA-M-46 LJP
— 7-MOHAN OJHA PARTE-M-38 GMS
— 8-HABIB SURUR-M-54 MUL
— 9-ABDUL GAFUR GUDDU PIRJI-M-56 IND
— 10-NATHUSINGH CHAUHAN-M-66 IND
— 11-NAHARSINH BHAI-M-38 IND
— 12-RAVINDRA LAL PARE-M-61 IND
— 13-BABA ABDUL HAMEED-M-64 IND
S12-29-MP-BETUL 1-OJHARAM EVANE-M-54 INC
— 2-JYOTI DHURVE-F-43 BJP
— 3-RAMA KAKODIA-M-50 BSP
— 4-DR. SUKHDEV SINGH CHOUHAN-M-42 SP
— 5-KALLUSINGH UIKEY-M-59 GMS
— 6-KADMU SINGH KUMARE (K.S.KUMARE)-M-59 GGP
— 7-GULABRAV-M-53 RDMP
— 8-MANGAL SINGH LOKHANDE-M-51 SWJP
— 9-SUSHILKUMAR ALIS BALUBHAIYYA-M-39 RPI(A)
— 10-IMRATLAL MARKAM-M-58 IND
— 11-KAMAL SING-M-45 IND
— 12-KADAKSHING VADIVA-M-27 IND
— 13-KRISHNA GOPAL PARTE-M-35 IND
— 14-MOTIRAM MAVASE-M-48 IND
— 15-ADHIVAKTA SHANKAR PENDAM-M-66 IND
— 16-SUNIL KUMAR KAWADE-M-27 IND
S13-1-MH-Nandurbar 1-GAVIT MANIKRAO HODLYA-M-75 INC
— 2-NATAWADKAR SUHAS JYANT-M-48 BJP
— 3-PADVI BABITA KARMSINGH-F-36 BSP
— 4-KOKANI MANJULABAI SAKHARAM-F-59 BBM
— 5-GAVIT SHARAD KRUSHNRAO-M-46 SP
— 6-ABHIJIT AATYA VASAVE-M-30 IND
— 7-KOLI RAJU RAMDAS-M-34 IND
S13-2-MH-Dhule 1-AMARISHBHAI RASIKLAL PATEL-M-56 INC
— 2-RIZWAN MO.AKBAR-M-34 BSP
— 3-SONAWANE PRATAP NARAYANRAO-M-60 BJP
— 4-ANIL ANNA GOTE-M-61 LKSGM
— 5-ANSARI MOHD. ISMAIL MOHD. IBRAHIM-M-37 BMSM
— 6-ARIF AHMED SHAIKH JAFHAR-M-99 NNP
— 7-KAVAYATRI-SONKANYA THAKUR RAJANI BAGWAN-F-49 BBM
— 8-NIHAL AHMED MOLVI. MOHAMMED USMAN-M-81 JD(S)
— 9-MD. ISMAIL JUMMAN-M-49 IND
— 10-KISHOR PITAMBAR AHIRE-M-28 IND
— 11-GAZI ATEZAD AHMED MUBEEN AHMED KHAN-M-57 IND
— 12-GAIKWAD PATIL BHUSHAN BAJIRAO-M-28 IND
— 13-DADASO. PANDITRAO PATIL KOKALEKAR-M-55 IND
— 14-SHEVALE PATIL SANDEEP JIBHAU-M-31 IND
— 15-SONAWANE PANDIT UTTAMRAO-M-42 IND
S13-3-MH-Jalgaon 1-A.T. NANA PATIL-M-47 BJP
— 2-ADV. MATIN AHMED-M-38 BSP
— 3-ADV. VASANTRAO JIVANRAO MORE-M-63 NCP
— 4-ATMARAM SURSING JADHAV (ENGG.)-M-33 KKJHS
— 5-JADHAV NATTHU SHANKAR-M-56 BBM
— 6-JANGALU DEVRAM SHIRSATH-M-65 HJP
— 7-NANNAWARE CHAITANYA PANDIT-M-33 PRCP
— 8-LAXMAN SHIVAJI SHIRSATH (PATIL)-M-42 KM
— 9-ANIL PITAMBAR WAGH (SIR)-M-38 IND
— 10-KANTILAL CHHAGAN NAIK (BANJARA)-M-39 IND
— 11-WAGH SUDHAKAR ATMARAM-M-26 IND
— 12-SHALIGRAM SHIVRAM MAHAJAN (DEORE)-M-49 IND
— 13-SALIMODDIN ISAMODDIN SHE.(MISTARI)-M-56 IND
S13-4-MH-Raver 1-PATIL SURESH CHINDHU-M-48 BSP
— 2-ADV. RAVINDRA PRALHADRAO PATIL-M-54 NCP
— 3-HARIBHAU MADHAV JAWALE-M-55 BJP
— 4-TELI SHAIKH ISMAIL HAJI HASAN-M-57 BBM
— 5-BAPU SAHEBRAO SONAWANE-M-45 PRCP
— 6-MARATHE BHIMRAO PARBAT-M-51 KM
— 7-SHIVAVEER DNYANESHWAR VITTHAL AMALE URPH AMALE SARKAR-M-26 SVRP
— 8-IQBAL ALAUDDIN TADVI-M-41 IND
— 9-UTTAM KASHIRAM INGALE-M-36 IND
— 10-KOLI SANTOSH GOKUL-M-25 IND
— 11-FIRKE SURESH KACHARU EX ACP (CRPF)-M-58 IND
— 12-MAKBUL FARID SK.-M-36 IND
— 13-MOHD. MUNAWWAR MOHD. HANIF-M-45 IND
— 14-MORE HIRAMAN BHONAJI-M-41 IND
— 15-D.D. WANI (PHOTOGRAPHER) (DYNESHWAR DIWAKAR WANI)-M-43 IND
— 16-VIVEK SHARAD PATIL-M-41 IND
— 17-SHAIKH RAMJAN SHAIKH KARIM-M-40 IND
— 18-SUJATA IBRAHIM TADAVI-F-45 IND
— 19-SANJAY PRALADH KANDELKAR-M-34 IND
S13-5-MH-Buldhana 1-JADHAV PRATAPRAO GANPATRAO-M-49 SHS
— 2-DANDGE VASANTRAO SUGDEO-M-55 BSP
— 3-SHINGNE DR.RAJENDRA BHASKARRAO-M-48 NCP
— 4-AMARDEEP BALASAHEB DESHMUKH-M-27 KM
— 5-QURRASHI SK.SIKANDAR SK. SHAUKAT-M-33 DESEP
— 6-GAJANAN RAJARAM SIRSAT-M-27 RSPS
— 7-DHOKNE RAVINDRA TULSHRAMJI-M-44 BBM
— 8-FERAN CHADRAHAS JAGDEO-M-54 ABHM
— 9-GANESH ARJUN ZORE-M-25 IND
— 10-TAYDE VITTHAL PANDHARI-M-56 IND
— 11-DEVIDAS PIRAJI SARKATE-M-35 IND
— 12-SY. BILAL SY. USMAN-M-38 IND
— 13-BHARAT PUNJAJI SHINGANE-M-40 IND
— 14-RAJESH NILKANTHRAO TATHE-M-52 IND
— 15-RATHOD CHHAGAN BABULAL-M-29 IND
S13-6-MH-Akola 1-DHOTRE SANJAY SHAMRAO-M-50 BJP
— 2-BABASAHEB DHABEKAR-M-78 INC
— 3-ATIK AHAMAD GU. JILANI-M-34 DESEP
— 4-AMBEDKAR PRAKASH YASHWANT-M-56 BBM
— 5-GANESH TULSHIRAM TATHE-M-49 KKJHS
— 6-DIPAK SHRIRAM TIRAKE-M-33 RSPS
— 7-AJABRAO UTTAMRAO BHONGADE-M-36 IND
— 8-THAKURDAS GOVIND CHOUDHARI-M-39 IND
— 9-MUJAHID KHAN CHAND KHAN-M-42 IND
— 10-RAUT DEVIDAS ANANDRAO-M-45 IND
— 11-WASUDEORAO KHADE GURUJI-M-68 IND
S13-7-MH-Amravati 1-ADSUL ANANDRAO VITHOBA-M-61 SHS
— 2-GANGADHAR GADE-M-62 BSP
— 3-UGLE SUNIL NAMDEV-M-32 PRBP
— 4-UBALE SHRIKRISHNA CHAMPATRAO-M-62 ARP
— 5-KESHAV DASHARATH WANKHADE-M-38 KKJHS
— 6-GAWAI RAJENDRA RAMKRUSHNA-M-46 RPI
— 7-PRINCIPAL GOPICHAND SURYABHAN MESHRAM-M-52 RP(K)
— 8-BARSE MANOHAR DAULATRAO-M-53 IUML
— 9-SAU MAMATA VINAYAK KANDALKAR-F-31 AUDF
— 10-DR. HEMANTKUMAR RAMBHAU MAHURE-M-34 BBM
— 11-AMOL DEVIDASRAO JADHAV-M-25 IND
— 12-UMAK SHRIKRUSHNA SHYAMRAO-M-57 IND
— 13-BANDU SAMPATRAO SANE (BANDYA L.S.)-M-43 IND
— 14-BHAURAO SHRIRAM CHHAPANE-M-38 IND
— 15-MITHUN HIRAMAN GAIKWAD-M-51 IND
— 16-PROF. MUKUND VITTHALRAO KHAIRE-M-51 IND
— 17-DR. RAJIV GULABRAO JAMTHE-M-53 IND
— 18-RAJU MAHADEVRAO SONONE-M-38 IND
— 19-VISHWANATH GOTUJI JAMNEKAR-M-60 IND
— 20-SUDHAKAR VYANKAT RAMTEKE (MAJI SAINIK)-M-25 IND
— 21-ADV. SUDHIR HIRAMAN TAYADE-M-42 IND
— 22-SUNIL PRABHU RAMTEKE-M-37 IND
S13-8-MH-Wardha 1-KANGALE BIPIN BABASAHEB-M-32 BSP
— 2-DATTA MEGHE-M-72 INC
— 3-SURESH GANPATRAO WAGHMARE-M-48 BJP
— 4-DIWATE RAMESH MADHAORAO-M-46 KM
— 5-NARAYANRAO RAMJI CHIDAM-M-68 GGP
— 6-DR. NITIN KESHORAO CHAVAN-M-46 PRBP
— 7-PYARE SAHAB SHEIKH KARIM-M-41 DESEP
— 8-BHOSE KAILAS VISHWASRAO-M-36 GMS
— 9-ADV. SURESH SHINDE-M-42 IJP
— 10-SANGITA SUNIL ALIAS SONU KAMBLE-F-33 ARP
— 11-ISHWARKUMAR SHANKARRAO GHARPURE-M-50 IND
— 12-GUNWANT TUKARAMJI DAWANDE-M-70 IND
— 13-JAGANNATH NILKANTHRAO RAUT-M-54 IND
— 14-TAGADE VISHWESHWAR AWADHUTRAO-M-47 IND
— 15-RAMTEKE PRAKASH BAKARAM-M-60 IND
— 16-SARANG PRAKASHRAO YAWALKAR-M-31 IND
S13-9-MH-Ramtek 1-TUMANE KRUPAL BALAJI-M-43 SHS
— 2-PRAKASHBHAU KISHAN TEMBHURNE-M-34 BSP
— 3-WASNIK MUKUL BALKRISHNA-M-49 INC
— 4-KUMBHARE SULEKHA NARAYAN-F-49 BREM
— 5-DESHPANDE SANJAY SAOJI-M-44 HJP
— 6-NAGARKAR PRASHANT HANSRAJ-M-34 BBM
— 7-NANDKISHOR SADHUJI DONGRE-M-34 GGP
— 8-BAGDE SUJEET WASUDEORAO-M-43 JD(S)
— 9-PROF. BORKAR PRADIP DARYAV-M-48 RP(K)
— 10-MAYATAI CHAWRE (UTWAL)-F-37 SP
— 11-VIKAS RAJARAM DAMLE-M-41 RPI(KH)
— 12-SEEMA JEEVAN RAMTEKE-F-36 DESEP
— 13-SANDIP SHESHRAO GAJBHIYE-M-36 GMS
— 14-ASHISH ARUN NAGARARE-M-28 IND
— 15-KHUSHAL UDARAMJI TUMANE-M-53 IND
— 16-DHONE ANIL-M-43 IND
— 17-ADV. DUPARE ULHAS SHALIKRAM-M-42 IND
— 18-BARWE MADHUKAR DOMAJI-M-43 IND
— 19-ADV. YUVRAJ ANANDRAOJI BAGDE-M-34 IND
— 20-SURESH MANGALDAS BORKAR-M-33 IND
S13-10-MH-Nagpur 1-PUROHIT BANWARILAL BHAGWANDAS-M-69 BJP
— 2-ENGINEER MANIKRAO VAIDYA-M-56 BSP
— 3-MUTTEMWAR VILASRAO BABURAOJI-M-60 INC
— 4-ARUN SHAMRAO JOSHI-M-58 ABHM
— 5-KUMBHARE SULEKHA NARAYAN-F-49 BREM
— 6-ADV. GAJANAN SADASHIV KAWALE-M-51 RP(K)
— 7-DILIP MANGAL MADAVI-M-44 GGP
— 8-MEHMOOD KHAN RAHEEM KHAN-M-27 DESEP
— 9-DR. YASHWANT MANOHAR-M-66 BBM
— 10-RAUT RAMESHCHANDRA-M-56 PRCP
— 11-RAJESH SUKHDEV GAIKWAD-M-32 KKJHS
— 12-ADV. VASANTA UMRE-M-50 DPI
— 13-SOMKUWAR VIJAY SITARAM-M-41 ARP
— 14-AZIZUR REHMAN SHEIKH-M-46 IND
— 15-ASHISH ARUN NAGRARE-M-28 IND
— 16-ADV. UPASHA BANSI TAYWADE-M-67 IND
— 17-JAGDISH RAGHUNATH AMBADE-M-44 IND
— 18-PRATIBHA UDAY KHAPARDE-F-35 IND
— 19-PREMDAS RAMCHANDRA RAMTEKE-M-48 IND
— 20-BARAPATRE CHANDRABHAN SOMAJI-M-48 IND
— 21-BALASAHEB ALIAS PRAMOD RAMAJI SHAMBHARKAR-M-40 IND
— 22-MOHAMAD HABIB REEZAVI-M-50 IND
— 23-RAJESHKUMAR MOHANLAL PUGALIA-M-37 IND
— 24-RAHUL MADHUKAR DESHMUKH-M-34 IND
— 25-VIJAY DEVRAO DHAKATE-M-26 IND
— 26-SUNIL GAYAPRASAD MISHRA-M-41 IND
— 27-PROF. DNYANESH WAKUDKAR-M-52 IND
S13-11-MH-Bhandara – gondiya 1-GANVIR SHIVKUMAR NAGARCHI-M-56 CPI
— 2-JAISWAL VIRENDRAKUMAR KASTURCHAND-M-53 BSP
— 3-PATLE SHISHUPAL NATTHUJI-M-42 BJP
— 4-PATEL PRAFUL MANOHARBHAI-M-52 NCP
— 5-UNDIRWADE HEMANT JAGIVAN-M-45 PRCP
— 6-JAMAIWAR SUNIL PARASRAM-M-38 RSPS
— 7-PATHAN MUSHTAK LATIF-M-32 DESEP
— 8-PRATIBHA VASANT PIMPALKAR-F-38 BBM
— 9-WASNIK SUNIL MANIRAM-M-38 RP(K)
— 10-UKEY CHINDHUJI LAKHAJI-M-50 IND
— 11-GAJBHIYE BRAMHASWARUP BABURAO-M-33 IND
— 12-GAJBHIYE RAJENDRA MAHADEO-M-35 IND
— 13-ADV. DHANANJAY SHAMLALJI RAJABHOJ-M-50 IND
— 14-NANABHAU FALGUNRAO PATOLE-M-47 IND
— 15-PATLE AKARSING SITARAM-M-36 IND
— 16-PROF. DR. BHASKARRAO MAHADEORAO JIBHAKATE-M-63 IND
— 17-MIRZA WAHIDBEG AHAMADBEG-M-33 IND
— 18-YELE GANESHRAM SUKHRAM-M-54 IND
— 19-RAHANGADALE MULCHAND OLGAN-M-56 IND
— 20-DR. RAMSAJIVAN KAWDU LILHARE-M-60 IND
— 21-SADANAND SHRAWANJI GANVIR-M-40 IND
S13-12-MH-Gadchiroli-Chimur 1-ASHOK MAHADEORAO NETE-M-45 BJP
— 2-ATRAM RAJE SATYAWANRAO-M-58 BSP
— 3-KOWASE MAROTRAO SAINUJI-M-59 INC
— 4-NAMDEO ANANDRAO KANNAKE-M-50 CPI
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— 11-DINESH TUKARAM MADAVI-M-28 IND
S13-13-MH-Chandrapur 1-AHIR HANSARAJ GANGARAM-M-54 BJP
— 2-PUGALIA NARESH-M-60 INC
— 3-ADV. HAZARE DATTABHAU KRUSHNARAO-M-52 BSP
— 4-KHARTAD LOMESH MAROTI-M-55 RWS
— 5-KHOBRAGADE DESHAK GIRISHBABU-M-38 BBM
— 6-CHATAP WAMAN SADASHIVRAO-M-58 STBP
— 7-JAWED ABDUL KURESHI ALIAS PROF. JAWED PASHA-M-47 JMM
— 8-JITENDRA ADAKU RAUT-M-32 ABMP
— 9-DANGE NATTHU BHAURAO-M-41 ARP
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— 13-QURESHI IKHALAQ MOHD. YUSUF-M-51 IND
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— 17-MESHRAM CHARANDAS JANGLUJI-M-65 IND
— 18-RAMESH RAGHOBAJI TAJNE-M-45 IND
— 19-VINOD DINANATH MESHRAM-M-34 IND
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— 21-SHATRUGHN VYANKATRAO SONPIMPLE-M-37 IND
— 22-SANJAY NILKANTH GAWANDE-M-45 IND
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S13-14-MH-Yavatmal-Washim 1-YEDATKAR DILIP LAXMANRAO-M-50 BSP
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— 4-UTTAM BHAGAJI KAMBLE-M-41 PRCP
— 5-KURESHI SK. MEHBUB SK.FATTU-M-44 BBM
— 6-KWAJA NASIRODDINE KHAN-M-29 DESEP
— 7-GAJANAN KASHIRAM PATIL (HEMBADE)-M-26 KM
— 8-DHAGE VITTHAL MAHADEV-M-45 RSPS
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— 13-NETAJI SITARAMJI KINAKE-M-58 IND
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— 15-PAWAR RAMESH GORSING-M-53 IND
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— 17-MADHUKAR SHIVDASPPA GORATE-M-67 IND
— 18-MANOJ JANARDAN PATIL-M-38 IND
— 19-MUKHADE SAU. LALITARAI SUBHASHRAO-F-32 IND
— 20-MESHRAM BANDU GANPAT-M-40 IND
— 21-MOHD. INAMURRAHIM MOHD. MUSA-M-51 IND
— 22-RAVINDRA ALIAS RAVIPAL MADHUKARRAO GANDHE-M-32 IND
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— 24-RATHOD DEVISING RAMA-M-56 IND
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— 26-VISHNU KASINATH TAWKAR-M-47 IND
— 27-SURESH BABAN PEDEKAR-M-33 IND
— 28-SURESH BHIVA TARAL-M-29 IND
S13-15-MH-Hingoli 1-DR. B.D. CHAVHAN-M-45 BSP
— 2-SUBHASH BAPURAO WANDHEDE-M-46 SHS
— 3-SURYAKANTA JAIWANTRAO PATIL-F-63 NCP
— 4-UTTAMRAO DAGADUJI BHAGAT-M-65 PRCP
— 5-AJAS NOORMINYA-M-32 DESEP
— 6-NAIK MADHAVRAO BAHENARAO-M-65 BBM
— 7-VINAYAK SHRIRAM BHISE-M-27 KM
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— 9-PATHAN SATTAR KASIMKHAN-M-38 IND
— 10-PACHPUTE RAMPRASAD KISHANRAO-M-41 IND
— 11-MD. A. MUJIM ANSARI A.-M-33 IND
S13-16-MH-Nanded 1-KHATGAONKAR PATIL BHASKARRAO BAPURAO-M-65 INC
— 2-MD. MAKBUL SALIM HAJI MD. KHAJA-M-60 BSP
— 3-SAMBHAJI PAWAR-M-60 BJP
— 4-ALTAF AHMAD EAKBAL AHMAD-M-43 BBM
— 5-KHADE SANJAY WAMANRAO-M-29 PRCP
— 6-TIWARI RAMA BHAGIRAT-F-40 RSPS
— 7-ADV. C.S. BAHETI-M-56 JP
— 8-MORE RAJESH EKNATHRAO-M-34 KM
— 9-A. RAEES A. JABBAR-M-36 ANC
— 10-SHINDE PREETI MADHUKAR-F-27 JSS
— 11-SHUDHIR YASHWANT SURVE-M-40 KKJHS
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— 13-ANAND JADHAV HOTALKAR-M-42 IND
— 14-KOREWAR BALAJI NARSING-M-38 IND
— 15-JADHAV VISHNU MAROTI-M-35 IND
— 16-NAVGHARE ANAND PANDURANG-M-48 IND
— 17-NARAYAN SURYAVANSHI DOANGONKAR-M-63 IND
— 18-PATHAN ZAFAR ALI KHAN MAHEMUD ALI KHAN-M-63 IND
— 19-AIDS MAN’ PRAKASH TATERAO LANDGE-M-40 IND
— 20-BHARANDE RAMCHANDRA GANGARAM-M-31 IND
— 21-ADV. RAMRAO PANDURANG WAGHMARE-M-52 IND
— 22-HANMANTE VIJAY CHANDRAO-M-35 IND
S13-17-MH-Parbhani 1-ADV. DUDHGAONKAR GANESHRAO NAGORAO-M-64 SHS
— 2-RAJSHRI BABASAHEB JAMAGE-F-46 BSP
— 3-WARPUDKAR SURESH AMBADASRAO-M-60 NCP
— 4-AJIM AHMED KHAN AJIJ KHAN-M-32 DESEP
— 5-ASHOKRAO BABARAO AMBHORE-M-46 ANC
— 6-KACHOLE MANAVENDRA SAWALARAM-M-65 STBP
— 7-KALE VYANKATRAO BHIMRAO-M-31 KM
— 8-NAMDEV LIMBAJI KACHAVE-M-68 KKJHS
— 9-BHAND GANGADHAR SAKHARAM-M-70 BBM
— 10-MULE BABAN DATTARAO-M-41 RSPS
— 11-RUMALE TUKARAM DHONDIBA-M-51 PRCP
— 12-SAYYAD EKRAMODDIN SAYYAD MUNIRODDIN-M-58 LVKP
— 13-ASAD BIN ABDULLAHA BIN-M-43 IND
— 14-JAMEEL AHMED SK. AHMED-M-44 IND
— 15-DR. DESHMUKH KISHANRAO JANARDHANRAO (EX-SERVICEMAN)-M-74 IND
— 16-RATHOD RAMRAO DHANSING SIR-M-58 IND
— 17-SHINDE LAXMAN EKANATH-M-36 IND
— 18-SAMAR GORAKHNATH PAWAR-M-41 IND
— 19-SALVE SUDHAKAR UMAJI-M-47 IND
S13-18-MH-Jalna 1-DR. KALE KALYAN VAIJINATHRAO-M-46 INC
— 2-DANVE RAOSAHEB DADARAO-M-56 BJP
— 3-RATHOD RAJPALSINH GABRUSINH-M-35 BSP
— 4-AAPPASAHEB RADHAKISAN KUDHEKAR-M-29 KM
— 5-KISAN BALVANTA BORDE-M-61 PRCP
— 6-KHARAT ASHOK RAMRAO-M-51 BBM
— 7-TAWAR KAILAS BHAUSAHEB-M-45 STBP
— 8-DR. DILAWAR MIRZA BAIG-M-29 IUML
— 9-BHOJNE BABASAHEB SANGAM-M-37 RSPS
— 10-MISAL TUKARAM BABURAOJI-M-48 SP
— 11-RATNAPARKHE ARCHANA SUDHAKAR-F-31 RPIE
— 12-SUBHASH FAKIRA SALVE-M-43 ANC
— 13-SAYYAD MAKSUD NOOR-M-42 LJP
— 14-KOLTE MANOJ NEMINATH-M-26 IND
— 15-KHANDU HARISHCHANDRA LAGHANE-M-30 IND
— 16-NADE DNYANESHWAR DAGDU-M-41 IND
— 17-BABASAHEB PATIL SHINDE-M-53 IND
— 18-SONWANE ASHOK VITTHAL-M-45 IND
— 19-S. HUSAIN AHEMAD-M-37 IND
S13-19-MH-Aurangabad 1-UTTAMSINGH RAJDHARSINGH PAWAR-M-58 INC
— 2-CHANDRAKANT KHAIRE-M-57 SHS
— 3-SAYYED SALIM SAYYED YUSUF-M-56 BSP
— 4-JAHAGIRDAR MOHMAD AYUB GULAM-M-55 SP
— 5-JYOTI RAMCHANDRA UPADHAYAY-F-35 BBM
— 6-PANDURANG WAMANRAO NARWADE-M-39 PRCP
— 7-BHIMSEN RAMBHAU KAMBLE-M-44 RPIE
— 8-MANIK RAMU SHINDE-M-34 KM
— 9-SHAIKH HARUN MALIK SAHEB-M-50 RSPS
— 10-UTTAM MANIK KIRTIKAR-M-30 IND
— 11-EJAZ KHAN BISMILLAH KHAN-M-33 IND
— 12-KAZI MUSHIRODDIN TAJODDIN-M-63 IND
— 13-KRISHNA DEVIDAS JADHAV-M-25 IND
— 14-JADHAV TOTARAM GANPAT-M-51 IND
— 15-JADHAV VISHNU SURYABHAN-M-50 IND
— 16-JADHAV SUBHASH RUPCHAND-M-33 IND
— 17-BANKAR MILIND RANUJI-M-38 IND
— 18-SHANTIGIRIJI MOUNGIRIJI MAHARAJ-M-50 IND
— 19-SHAIKH RAFIQ SHAIKH RAZZAK-M-30 IND
— 20-SHAIKH SALIM PATEL WAHEGAONKAR-M-38 IND
— 21-SAYYED RAUF SAYYED ZAMIR-M-54 IND
— 22-SUBHASH KISANRAO PATIL (JADHAV)-M-47 IND
S13-20-MH-Dindori 1-GAVIT JEEVA PANDU-M-60 CPM
— 2-GANGURDE DIPAK SHANKAR-M-36 BSP
— 3-CHAVAN HARISHCHANDRA DEORAM-M-57 BJP
— 4-ZIRWAL NARHARI SITARAM-M-50 NCP
— 5-PAWAR SAMPAT WAMAN-M-30 BBM
— 6-GANGURDE BALU KISAN-M-37 IND
— 7-BHIKA HARISING BARDE-M-75 IND
— 8-VIJAY NAMDEO PAWAR-M-45 IND
— 9-SHANKAR DEORAM GANGUDE-M-51 IND
S13-21-MH-Nashik 1-GAIKWAD DATTA NAMDEO-M-47 SHS
— 2-SAMEER BHUJBAL-M-35 NCP
— 3-SHRIMAHANT SUDHIRDAS MAHARAJ-M-43 BSP
— 4-KAILAS MADHUKAR CHAVAN-M-28 IJP
— 5-GODSE HEMANT TUKARAM-M-38 MNS
— 6-JADHAV NAMDEO BHIKAJI-M-57 BBM
— 7-RAYATE VIJAY SAKHARAM ( RAYATE SIR)-M-52 HJP
— 8-AD. GULVE RAMNATH SANTUJI-M-42 IND
— 9-DATTU GONYA GAIKWAD-M-50 IND
— 10-PRAVINCHANDRA DATTARAM DETHE-M-42 IND
— 11-BHARAT HIRMAN PARDESHI-M-37 IND
— 12-RAJENDRA SAMPATRAO KADU-M-35 IND
S13-22-MH-Palghar 1-KOM LAHANU SHIDVA-M-71 CPM
— 2-ADV. CHINTAMAN NAVSHA VANGA-M-58 BJP
— 3-DALAVI BHASKAR LADKU-M-44 BSP
— 4-SHINGADA DAMODAR BARKU-M-54 INC
— 5-CHANDRAKANT BALU PHUPANE-M-42 BBM
— 6-JADHAV BALIRAM SUKUR-M-55 BVA
— 7-DR. KASHIRAM MAHADU DHONDAGHA-M-28 IND
— 8-PANDURANG JETHYA PARADHI-M-49 IND
S13-23-MH-Bhiwandi 1-TAWARE SURESH KASHINATH-M-51 INC
— 2-PATIL JAGANNATH SHIVRAM-M-64 BJP
— 3-V.G.PATIL-M-60 BSP
— 4-AJIM GANI SHEKH-M-36 RKSP
— 5-ISMAIL SHAIKH LATIF-M-32 KKJHS
— 6-DEVRAJ KISAN MHATRE-M-49 MNS
— 7-R.R. PATIL-M-67 SP
— 8-MURTUZA MUZAFFAR SHAIKH-M-53 NNP
— 9-SHASHIKANT MOTIRAM KATHORE-M-30 RSPS
— 10-SHAIKH MEHBOOB BASHA VALI-M-42 BBM
— 11-GURUNATH UNDRYA NAIK-M-32 IND
— 12-DATTU GANAPAT BHOIR-M-53 IND
— 13-MAHENDRA KERU WADHVINDE-M-54 IND
— 14-MAHENDRA R. MOHITE-M-43 IND
— 15-VIKAS SAKHARAM NIKAM-M-30 IND
— 16-VISHWANATH R. PATIL-M-54 IND
S13-24-MH-Kalyan 1-ANAND PRAKASH PARANJAPE-M-36 SHS
— 2-KHAN KAMRUDDIN A. GANI-M-50 BSP
— 3-DAWKHARE VASANT SHANKARRAO-M-59 NCP
— 4-AZAMI MUHAMMAD MAROOF NASIM-M-42 RSPS
— 5-KHAN AYAD MOHAMMAD NEBAS ALI-M-72 IUML
— 6-NARENDRA WAMAN MORE-M-45 PRBP
— 7-VAISHALI DAREKAR-RANE-F-34 MNS
— 8-ADV.S.S.SALVE RETIRED JUDGE-M-63 BBM
— 9-SAYYAD HASINA MOHAMMED NASEEM-F-45 NBNP
— 10-HRUDHAYNATH BAPU WAGHODE ALIAS BALABHAU-M-29 KM
— 11-ALOK SINGH CHOTELAL-M-34 IND
— 12-GOVARDHAN CHANGO BHAGAT-M-64 IND
— 13-DHANANJAY BAPPASAHEB JOGDAND-M-28 IND
— 14-COM. BABAN KAMBLE-M-40 IND
— 15-BHANUSHALI LAXMINDAS VELJI-M-49 IND
— 16-MOHHAMAD YUSUF FAROOKH KHAN-M-32 IND
— 17-VADHVINDE MAHENDRA KERU-M-54 IND
— 18-SHIRSE RAMSINGH UKHAJI-M-35 IND
— 19-SIDDIQUE ASFAQUE ALI-M-46 IND
— 20-SURESH RAM PANDAGALE-M-35 IND
S13-25-MH-Thane 1-AVANINDRA KUMAR TRIPATHI-M-28 BSP
— 2-CHAUGULE VIJAY LAXMAN-M-47 SHS
— 3-DR.SANJEEV GANESH NAIK-M-37 NCP
— 4-KAMLAKAR ANAND TAYDE-M-44 BBM
— 5-JAIN SEEMA MAHENDRA-F-36 PRBP
— 6-PATHAN JAVEED KAMIL KHAN-M-28 NNP
— 7-PARAG HANUMANT NEWALKAR-M-32 KKJHS
— 8-BERNARDSHAW DAVID NADAR-M-50 RP(K)
— 9-MAHESH RATHI “CHANAKYA”-M-49 RVNP
— 10-RAJAN RAJE-M-51 MNS
— 11-SINGH RAJESH MUNNILAL-M-33 RSPS
— 12-AHMAD AFJAL SHAIKH-M-34 IND
— 13-KAMBLE SACHIN SHIRPAT-M-29 IND
— 14-KUMAR K.-M-42 IND
— 15-KHAN FIROZ YUSUFKHAN-M-33 IND
— 16-GAUD FAUJDAR RANGI-M-61 IND
— 17-CHETAN PRAKASH JADHAV-M-27 IND
— 18-JAIPRAKASH NARAYAN BHANDE-M-34 IND
— 19-R.D. TAMBE-M-66 IND
— 20-PARANJAPE DIPSHREE DEEPAK-F-37 IND
— 21-PRAMOD INGALE-M-44 IND
— 22-FREDI ALBERT BHANGA-M-45 IND
— 23-MURLIDHAR KRUSNA PAWAR-M-68 IND
— 24-MANGESH BHARAT KHADE-M-30 IND
— 25-MOH. RIZWAN ABDULLA PATEL-M-54 IND
— 26-VIJAY CHAUGULE-M-35 IND
— 27-VIDYADHAR LAXMAN JOSHI-M-44 IND
— 28-VILAS DIPAK KHAMBE-M-51 IND
— 29-SAYED SHAFIQ AHMED ZOIDI-M-31 IND
— 30-SWATANTRA KUMAR PARMANAND ANAND-M-57 IND
S13-26-MH-Mumbai North 1-RAM NAIK-M-74 BJP
— 2-LAKHMENDRA KHURANA-M-51 BSP
— 3-SANJAY BRIJKISHORLAL NIRUPAM-M-44 INC
— 4-USMAN THIM-M-41 SP
— 5-KAILAS KATHAJI CHAVAN-M-36 PRCP
— 6-PARKAR SHIRISH LAXMAN-M-45 MNS
— 7-RAMESH KUMAR R. SINGH-M-40 SBSP
— 8-RAJENDRA J. THACKER-M-51 PRPI
— 9-DR. LEO REBELLO-M-58 BBM
— 10-SANGEETA SHETTY LOKHANDE-F-38 PPIS
— 11-AD ARUN R. KEJRIWAL-M-36 IND
— 12-KALYAN BHIMA GALPHADE-M-37 IND
— 13-GOPAL RAGHUNATH JAMSANDEKAR-M-63 IND
— 14-JAMNA PRASAD GANGAPRASAD PATEL-M-49 IND
— 15-JAHIR HUSSEIN ABDUL GANI HAVALDAR-M-30 IND
— 16-BHANDARI RAMESH SUKUR-M-50 IND
— 17-MAHENDRA TUKARAM AHIRE-M-41 IND
— 18-RAKESH D. KUMAR-M-33 IND
— 19-VASHRAMBHAI MOHANBHAI PATEL-M-54 IND
— 20-SHYAM TIPANNA KURADE-M-43 IND
— 21-SUBODH GIRDHARI RANJAN-M-35 IND
— 22-SUBHASH PARSHURAM KHANVILKAR-M-44 IND
— 23-SURENDRA AMBALAL PATEL-M-53 IND
S13-27-MH-Mumbai North West 1-ATHAR SIDDIQUI-M-51 BSP
— 2-AD.KAMAT GURUDAS VASANT-M-54 INC
— 3-GAJANAN KIRTIKAR-M-65 SHS
— 4-AGGARWAL RISHI DHARAMPAL-M-34 JGP
— 5-ABU ASIM AZMI-M-53 SP
— 6-JADHAV BHIKAJI GANGARAM-M-48 KKJHS
— 7-THAKARE SHALINI JITENDRA-F-40 MNS
— 8-TAWADE DILIP NARAYAN-M-51 AIFB
— 9-PAWAR SUBHASH PANDURANG-M-37 PRCP
— 10-VAIJANATH SANGRAM GAIKWAD-M-37 BBM
— 11-ANITA RAMKRUSHAN RUPAWATE-F-35 IND
— 12-KAMBLE SATISH KISAN-M-45 IND
— 13-DAYANAND NIVRUTI KAMBLE-M-41 IND
— 14-DHOTRE MARUTI YAMNAPPA-M-47 IND
— 15-NINAD MANJARDEKAR-M-34 IND
— 16-PRAMOD SITARAM KASURDE-M-37 IND
— 17-BHATIA RIPUDAMAN SINGH-M-66 IND
— 18-MOHAMMED RAFIQ ABDUL RAZAK SHAIKH-M-54 IND
— 19-MAHADEV LIMBAJI GALPHADE-M-38 IND
— 20-DR. VIJAY BHAVE-M-48 IND
— 21-SANTOSH PANDURANG CHAIKE-M-35 IND
S13-28-MH-Mumbai North East 1-ASHOK CHANDRAPAL SINGH-M-45 BSP
— 2-KIRIT SOMAIYA-M-55 BJP
— 3-SANJAY DINA PATIL-M-40 NCP
— 4-KOKARE SANJAY DHAKU-M-43 BBM
— 5-MANISHA MUKESH GADE-F-34 KKJHS
— 6-VISHWANATH DATTU PATIL-M-43 RSPS
— 7-SHISHIR SHINDE-M-55 MNS
— 8-JAYESH C. MIRANI-M-48 IND
— 9-TATVASAHEB REVDEKAR-M-47 IND
— 10-DIKSHA JITENDRA JAGTAP-F-38 IND
— 11-DHARMPAL BHAGWAN MESHRAM-M-47 IND
— 12-NAMDEV TUKARAM SATHE-M-34 IND
— 13-NARAYAN ANAND ROKADE-M-37 IND
— 14-PANKAJBHAI SOMCHAND SHAH-M-55 IND
— 15-PRAKASH D. KAMBLE-M-33 IND
— 16-SUNITA MOHAN TUPSOUNDARYA-F-38 IND
S13-29-MH-Mumbai North central 1-EBRAHIM SHAIKH-M-61 BSP
— 2-DUTT PRIYA SUNIL-F-42 INC
— 3-MAHESH RAM JETHMALANI-M-52 BJP
— 4-JAYESH JASHWANTRAI BHAYANI-M-45 THPI
— 5-BHOSALE NITIN GANGARAM-M-35 RPIE
— 6-MOHAMAND RAFIQ QURESHI-M-28 NNP
— 7-MOHD. SHAHID-M-37 IBSP
— 8-SHILPA ATUL SARPOTDAR-F-41 MNS
— 9-SUREKHA PEVEKAR-F-38 RSPS
— 10-ARORA RAKESH VISHWANATH-M-48 IND
— 11-ASLAM HANIF KHOT-M-43 IND
— 12-CHELJI S. PATEL-M-43 IND
— 13-TULSIDAS KRISHNADAS NAIR-M-36 IND
— 14-COM. DEVCHAND RANDIVE-M-44 IND
— 15-MOHAMAD YAHIYA SIDDHIQUE-M-27 IND
— 16-RAJKAMAL JAISINGH YADAV-M-25 IND
— 17-WAGHMARE AATISH RAMCHANDRA-M-35 IND
— 18-SUDHIR SHANKAR PARDESHI-M-36 IND
— 19-SUHAS BHIKURAM TAMBE-M-34 IND
S13-30-MH-Mumbai South central 1-IQBAL MOHAMMAD SAYYAD-M-54 RJD
— 2-EKNATH M. GAIKWAD-M-69 INC
— 3-BARVE PRAVIN RAMCHANDRA-M-62 BSP
— 4-SURESH ANANT GAMBHIR-M-65 SHS
— 5-DR. AKALPITA PARANJPE-F-61 BUDM
— 6-AD. ANARYA PUNDALIK PAWAR-M-32 BBM
— 7-KAMAL NARAYAN WAGHDARE-F-41 RP(K)
— 8-KARAM HUSSAIN KHAN-M-36 NLHP
— 9-KISHOR BHAGWAN JAGTAP-M-41 RSPS
— 10-GARUD MILIND MADHAV (M.G.)-M-44 RPIE
— 11-MOHHAMMED USMAN SHAIKH-M-36 BMSM
— 12-RAJENDRA GANPAT JADHAV-M-34 PRCP
— 13-SHWETA VIVEK PARULKAR-F-42 MNS
— 14-KISHORKUMAR VASANTRAO JADHAV-M-36 IND
— 15-TRIYOGINATH DUBEY-M-42 IND
— 16-DILIP RAMCHANDRA GANDHI-M-45 IND
— 17-MANOJ G. SINGH-M-39 IND
— 18-RAJU SAHEBRAO DALVI-M-38 IND
— 19-ROHAN GAWRU TAMBE-M-42 IND
— 20-LAYEEK AHMED ANSARI-M-38 IND
— 21-VIKAS KUMAR-M-36 IND
— 22-SHAHAJIRAO DHONDIBA THORAT-M-46 IND
— 23-DR. SAILEN KUMAR GHOSH-M-60 IND
S13-31-MH-Mumbai South 1-DEORA MILIND MURLI-M-33 INC
— 2-MOHAN RAWALE-M-60 SHS
— 3-MOHAMMAD ALI ABUBAKAR SHAIKH-M-48 BSP
— 4-AVDHUT RAMCHANDRA BHISE-M-46 JD(S)
— 5-CHIRAG KANTILAL JETHAVA-M-28 KKJHS
— 6-FIROZ USMAN TINVALA-M-43 DESEP
— 7-BALA NANDGAONKAR-M-51 MNS
— 8-DR.MONA KARTIK SHAH-F-38 PRPI
— 9-MOHAMMED AMIR SHAIKH (MONTU)-M-35 RPI(D)
— 10-AD. RAJESH YASHVANT BHOSALE-M-41 PPOI
— 11-SAYYED ATHER ALI-M-56 SP
— 12-ASHOK SHANKAR AMBULKAR-M-42 IND
— 13-KHIMJI CHIMAN MAKWANA-M-62 IND
— 14-ADVOCATE FIROZ AHMED ANSARI-M-52 IND
— 15-MIRA H. SANYAL-F-47 IND
— 16-MUKESH NEMICHAND JAIN-M-38 IND
— 17-DR. SHAIKH SHAHID AHMED-M-48 IND
— 18-SAYYED SALIM SAYYED RAHIM-M-58 IND
— 19-SURYAKANT KESHAV SHINGE-M-41 IND
— 20-ZNYOSHO RASHTRAPATI-M-62 IND
S13-32-MH-Raigad 1-ANANT GEETE-M-58 SHS
— 2-BARRISTER A.R. ANTULAY-M-80 INC
— 3-MOHITE KIRAN BABURAO-M-34 BSP
— 4-EKANATH ARJUN PATIL-M-48 RSPS
— 5-ADV. PRAVIN MADHUKAR THAKUR-M-39 IND
— 6-DR. SIDDHARTH PATIL-M-54 IND
— 7-SUNIL BHASKAR NAIK-M-51 IND
S13-33-MH-Maval 1-PANSARE AZAM FAKEERBHAI-M-48 NCP
— 2-BABAR GAJANAN DHARMSHI-M-66 SHS
— 3-MISHRA UMAKANT RAMESHWAR-M-36 BSP
— 4-AYU. DEEPALI NIVRUTTI CHAVAN-F-35 PRCP
— 5-PRADIP PANDURANG KOCHAREKAR-M-49 RSPS
— 6-ADV.SHIVSHANKAR DATTATRAY SHINDE-M-31 KM
— 7-ISHWAR DATTATRAY JADHAV-M-46 IND
— 8-JAGANNATH PANDURANG KHARGE-M-38 IND
— 9-DOLE BHIMRAJ NIVRUTTI-M-38 IND
— 10-ADVOCATE TUKARAM WAMANRAO BANSODE-M-64 IND
— 11-TANTARPALE GOPAL YASHWANTRAO-M-43 IND
— 12-ADVOCATE PRAMOD MAHADEV GORE-M-56 IND
— 13-BHAPKAR MARUTI SAHEBRAO-M-38 IND
— 14-MAHENDRA PRABHAKAR TIWARI-M-41 IND
— 15-BRO. MANUAL DESOZA-M-45 IND
— 16-YASHWANT NARAYAN DESAI-M-42 IND
— 17-SHAKEEL RAJBHAI SHAIKH-M-38 IND
— 18-HARIBHAU DADAJI SHINDE-M-70 IND
S13-34-MH-Pune 1-ANIL SHIROLE-M-59 BJP
— 2-KALMADI SURESH-M-64 INC
— 3-D S K ALIAS D.S.KULKARNI-M-58 BSP
— 4-ARUN BHATIA-M-66 PG
— 5-GULAB TATYA WAGHMODE-M-47 BBM
— 6-BAGBAN JAVED KASIM-M-26 IUML
— 7-VIKRAMADITYA OMPRAKASH DHIMAN-M-40 RSPS
— 8-VINOD ANAND SINH-M-55 PTSS
— 9-SHIROLE RANJEET SHRIKANT-M-32 MNS
— 10-SAVITA HAJARE-F-46 PPOI
— 11-SANGHARSH ARUN APTE-M-28 PRCP
— 12-AJAY VASANT PAITHANKAR-M-49 IND
— 13-ADAGALE BHAUSAHEB RAMCHANDRA-M-48 IND
— 14-ASHOK GANPAT PALKHE ALIAS SUTAR-M-45 IND
— 15-KAMTAM ISWAR SAMBHAYYA-M-67 IND
— 16-KULKARNI KAUSTUBH SHASHIKANT-M-26 IND
— 17-KHAN AMANULLA MOHMOD AL-M-55 IND
— 18-KHAN NISSAR TAJ AHMAD-M-44 IND
— 19-P. K. CHAVAN-M-80 IND
— 20-CHOUDHARI SUNIL GULABRAO-M-41 IND
— 21-CHOURE VILAS CHINTAMAN-M-45 IND
— 22-TATYA ALIAS NARAYAN SHANKAR WAMBHIRE-M-51 IND
— 23-TAMBOLI SHABBIR SAJJANBHAI-M-52 IND
— 24-DATTATRAYA GANESH TALGERI-M-61 IND
— 25-BAGADE SACHIN MARUTI-M-29 IND
— 26-BALU ALIAS ANIL SHIROLE-M-28 IND
— 27-BHARAT MANOHAR GAVALI-M-65 IND
— 28-BHAGWAT RAGHUNATH KAMBLE-M-35 IND
— 29-RAJENDRA BHAGAT ALIAS JITU BHAI-M-29 IND
— 30-VIKRAM NARENDRA BOKE-M-53 IND
— 31-SHINDE RAJENDRA BABURAO-M-44 IND
— 32-SHAIKH ALTAF KARIM-M-48 IND
— 33-SHRIKANT MADHUSUDAN JAGTAP-M-33 IND
— 34-SARDESAI KISHORKUMAR RAGHUNATH-M-42 IND
— 35-ADV.SUBHASH NARHAR GODSE-M-59 IND
— 36-SANTOSH ALIAS SOMNATH KALU PAWAR-M-38 IND
S13-35-MH-Baramati 1-KUDALEPATIL VIVEK ANANT-M-40 BSP
— 2-KANTA JAYSING NALAWADE-F-56 BJP
— 3-SUPRIYA SULE-F-39 NCP
— 4-MAYAWATI AMAR CHITRE-F-31 BMSM
— 5-SHELAR SANGEETA PANDURANG-F-33 KM
— 6-SACHIN VITTHAL AHIRE-M-29 PRCP
— 7-SAMPAT MARUTI TAKALE-M-54 RSPS
— 8-GHORPADE SAVEETA ASHOK-F-29 IND
— 9-TATYA ALIAS NARAYAN SHANKAR WAMBHIRE-M-51 IND
— 10-TANTARPALE GOPAL YESHWANTRAO-M-43 IND
— 11-DEEPAK SHANKAR BHAPKAR-M-26 IND
— 12-BHIMA ANNA KADALE-M-31 IND
— 13-MRUNALEENI JAYRAJ KAKADE-F-34 IND
— 14-YOGESH SONABA RANDHEER-M-39 IND
— 15-SHIVAJI JAYSING KOKARE-M-58 IND
— 16-SURESH BABURAO VEER-M-62 IND
— 17-SANGITA SHRIMAN BHUMKAR-F-30 IND
S13-36-MH-Shirur 1-ADHALRAO SHIVAJI DATTATRAY-M-52 SHS
— 2-ZAGADE YASHWANT SITARAM-M-35 BSP
— 3-VILAS VITHOBA LANDE-M-47 NCP
— 4-PALLAVI MOHAN HARSHE-F-27 PRCP
— 5-SHELAR DNYANOBA SHRIPATI-M-57 RPPI
— 6-SURESH MULCHAND KANKARIA (MAMA)-M-57 RSPS
— 7-ABHANG KONDIBHAU BHIMAJI-M-48 IND
— 8-KARANDE CHANGDEO NAMDEO-M-43 IND
— 9-KALURAM RAGHUNATH TAPKIR-M-52 IND
— 10-RAM DHARMA DAMBALE-M-37 IND
— 11-LANDE VILAS MHATARBA-M-37 IND
S13-37-MH-Ahmadnagar 1-KARDILE SHIVAJI BHANUDAS-M-50 NCP
— 2-KARBHARI WAMAN SHIRSAT ALIAS K.V. SHIRSAT-M-65 CPI
— 3-GADAKH TUKARAM GANGADHAR-M-55 BSP
— 4-GANDHI DILIPKUMAR MANSUKHLAL-M-59 BJP
— 5-KAZI SAJID MUJIR-M-41 RPIE
— 6-HAKE BHANUDAS KISAN-M-55 RSPS
— 7-HOLE BHANUDAS NAMDEO-M-48 BBM
— 8-ARUN KAHAR-M-45 IND
— 9-AVINASH MALHARRAO GHODAKE-M-40 IND
— 10-KHAIRE ARJUN DEORAO-M-39 IND
— 11-GAIKWAD BALASAHEB RAMCHANDRA-M-35 IND
— 12-NAUSHAD ANSAR SHAIKH-F-39 IND
— 13-PROF. MAHENDRA DADA SHINDE-M-29 IND
— 14-RAUT EKNATH BABASAHEB-M-56 IND
— 15-RAJIV APPASAHEB RAJALE-M-39 IND
S13-38-MH-Shirdi 1-KACHARU NAGU WAGHMARE-M-60 BSP
— 2-WAKCHOURE BHAUSAHEB RAJARAM-M-59 SHS
— 3-ATHAWALE RAMDAS BANDU-M-52 RPI
— 4-DHOTRE SUCHIT CHINTAMANI-M-25 KM
— 5-SATISH BALASAHEB PALGHADMAL-M-26 PRCP
— 6-ADHAGALE RAJENDRA NAMDEV-M-39 IND
— 7-KAMBALE RAMESH ANKUSH-M-32 IND
— 8-GAIKWAD APPASAHEB GANGADHAR-M-64 IND
— 9-BAGUL BALU DASHARATH-M-34 IND
— 10-MEDHE PRAFULLAKUMAR MURLIDHAR-M-46 IND
— 11-RAKSHE ANNASAHEB EKNATH-M-43 IND
— 12-RUPWATE PREMANAND DAMODHAR-M-65 IND
— 13-LODHE SHARAD LAXAMAN-M-42 IND
— 14-WAGH GANGADHAR RADHAJI-M-60 IND
— 15-VAIRAGHAR SUDHIR NATHA-M-38 IND
— 16-SABALE ANIL DAMODHAR-M-40 IND
— 17-SANDIP BHASKAR GOLAP-M-29 IND
S13-39-MH-Beed 1-KOKATE RAMESH BABURAO (ADASKAR)-M-42 NCP
— 2-MASKE MACHHINDRA BABURAO-M-54 BSP
— 3-MUNDE GOPINATHRAO PANDURANG-M-59 BJP
— 4-KHALGE KACHRU SANTRAMJI-M-48 BBM
— 5-GURAV KALYAN BHANUDAS-M-62 RKSP
— 6-TATE ASHOK SANTRAM-M-50 ARP
— 7-NIKALJE SHEELATAI MAHENDRA-F-34 PRCP
— 8-PRAMOD ALIAS PARMESHWAR SAKHARAM MOTE-M-32 KM
— 9-BABURAO NARAYANRAO KAGADE-M-63 ANC
— 10-DR. SHIVAJIRAO KISANRAO SHENDGE-M-39 RSPS
— 11-KAMAL KONDIRAM NIMBALKAR-F-39 IND
— 12-KAMBLE DEEPAK DYANOBA-M-32 IND
— 13-KHAN SIKANDAR KHAN HUSSAIN KHAN-M-58 IND
— 14-GUJAR KHAN MIRZA KHAN-M-28 IND
— 15-ADV.NATKAR RAMRAO SHESHRAO-M-61 IND
— 16-PATHAN GAFARKHAN JABBARKHAN-M-42 IND
— 17-MAHAMMAD AKARAM MAHAMMAD SALIMUDDIN BAGWAN-M-34 IND
— 18-RAMESH VISHVANATH KOKATE-M-32 IND
— 19-SAYYED MINHAJ ALI WAJED ALI (PENDKHJUR WALE)-M-34 IND
— 20-SAYYED SALIM FATTU-M-47 IND
— 21-SARDAR KHAN SULTANABABA-M-26 IND
S13-40-MH-Osmanabad 1-GAIKWAD RAVINDRA VISHWANATH-M-49 SHS
— 2-DIVAKAR YASHWANT NAKADE-M-35 BSP
— 3-PATIL PADAMSINHA BAJIRAO-M-68 NCP
— 4-JAGTAP BHAGWAN DADARAO-M-70 BBM
— 5-TARKASE DHANANJAY MURLIDHAR-M-34 ABHM
— 6-TAWADE PRAKASH TANAJIRAO-M-28 KM
— 7-BANSODE GUNDERAO SHIVRAM-M-73 RSPS
— 8-BABA FAIJODDIN SHAIKH-M-28 NELU
— 9-BHOSLE REVAN VISHWANATH-M-45 JD(S)
— 10-MUJAWAR SHAHABUDDIN NABIRASUL-M-37 PRCP
— 11-RAJENDRA RANDITRAO HIPPERGEKAR-M-38 KKJHS
— 12-ANGARSHA SALIM BABULAL-M-62 IND
— 13-GAIKWAD UMAJI PANDURANG-M-39 IND
— 14-CHAVAN BABU VITHOBA-M-40 IND
— 15-CHANDANE PINTU PANDURANG-M-35 IND
— 16-DADASAHEB SHANKARRAO JETITHOR-M-50 IND
— 17-NITURE ARUN BHAURAO-M-38 IND
— 18-PATEL HASHAM ISMAIL-M-55 IND
— 19-PAWAR HARIDAS MANIKRAO-M-35 IND
— 20-PATIL MAHADEO DNYANDEO-M-50 IND
— 21-BALAJI BAPURAO TUPSUNDARE-M-37 IND
— 22-ADV. BHAUSAHEB ANIL BELURE (BEMBLIKAR)-M-29 IND
— 23-MUNDHE PATRIL PADAMSINHA VIJAYSINHA-M-29 IND
— 24-YEVATE-PATIL SHRIMANT-M-55 IND
— 25-SANDIPAN RAMA ZOMBADE-M-41 IND
S13-41-MH-Latur 1-AAWALE JAYWANT GANGARAM-M-68 INC
— 2-GAIKWAD SUNIL BALIRAM-M-38 BJP
— 3-ADV. BABASAHEB SADSHIVRAO GAIKWAD-M-49 BSP
— 4-ARAK ASHOK VIKRAM-M-34 KM
— 5-V.K. ACHARYA-M-57 PRCP
— 6-T.M. KAMBLE-M-52 RPI(D)
— 7-GANNE TUKARAM RAMBHAU-M-59 JSS
— 8-BANSODE RAGHUNATH WAGHOJI-M-41 PRBP
— 9-BABURAO SATYAWAN POTBHARE-M-42 BBM
— 10-RAMKUMAR RAIWADIKAR-M-41 SWJP
— 11-SHRIKANT RAMRAO JEDHE-M-61 RSPS
— 12-SASANE ATUL GANGARAM-M-36 ARP
— 13-SAHEBRAO HARIBHAU WAGHMARE-M-46 KKJHS
— 14-AAWCHARE VIJAYKUMAR BABRUWAN-M-26 IND
— 15-KAMBLE BANSILAL RAMCHANDRA-M-51 IND
— 16-NILANGEKAR AVINASH MADHUKARRAO-M-30 IND
— 17-MANE GAJANAN PANDURANG-M-41 IND
— 18-SANJAY KABIRDAS GAIKWAD-M-35 IND
S13-42-MH-Solapur 1-GAIKWAD PRAMOD RAMCHANDRA-M-48 BSP
— 2-ADV. BANSODE SHARAD MARUTI-M-41 BJP
— 3-SHINDE SUSHILKUMAR SAMBHAJIRAO-M-67 INC
— 4-ADV. KASABEKAR SHRIDHAR LIMBAJI-M-59 RSPS
— 5-RAJGURU NARAYAN YEDU-M-60 BBM
— 6-LAXMIKANT CHANDRAKANT GAIKWAD-M-37 KKJHS
— 7-NARAYANKAR RAJENDRA BABURAO-M-44 IND
— 8-NITINKUMAR RAMCHANDRA KAMBLE ALIAS NITIN BANPURKAR-M-37 IND
— 9-BANSODE UTTAM BHIMSHA-M-50 IND
— 10-BANSODE RAHUL DATTU-M-33 IND
— 11-MILIND MAREPPA MULE-M-49 IND
— 12-VIKRAM UTTAM KASABE-M-33 IND
— 13-VIJAYKUMAR BHAGWANRAO UGHADE-M-38 IND
S13-43-MH-Madha 1-DESHMUKH SUBHASH SURESHCHANDRA-M-50 BJP
— 2-PAWAR SHARADCHANDRA GOVINDRAO-M-68 NCP
— 3-RAHUL VITTHAL SARWADE-M-49 BSP
— 4-AYU GAIKWAD SATISH SUGRAV-M-28 PRCP
— 5-CHAVAN SUBHASH VITTHAL-M-34 BBM
— 6-MAHADEO JAGANNATH JANKAR-M-40 RSPS
— 7-RAMCHANDRA NARAYAN KACCHAVE-M-40 KKJHS
— 8-SASTE KAKASAHEB MAHADEO-M-48 KM
— 9-SOU. NAGMANI KISAN JAKKAN-F-45 IND
— 10-DR.M. D. PATIL-M-50 IND
— 11-BANSODE BALVEER DAGADU-M-42 IND
— 12-BHANUDAS BHAGAWAN DEVAKATE-M-70 IND
— 13-DR. MAHADEO ABAJI POL-M-56 IND
— 14-SURESH SHAMRAO GHADGE-M-36 IND
— 15-DNYANESHWAR VITTHAL AMALE-M-26 IND
S13-44-MH-Sangli 1-PATEL M.JAVED M. YUSUF-M-38 BSP
— 2-PRATIK PRAKASHBAPU PATIL-M-35 INC
— 3-ASHOK DNYANU MANE(BHAU)-M-37 STBP
— 4-MANOHAR BALKRISHNA KHEDKAR-M-58 BBM
— 5-MAHADEV ANNA WAGHAMARE-M-65 RSPS
— 6-AJITRAO SHANKARRAO GHORPADE-M-56 IND
— 7-ANSARI SHABBIR AHEMED-M-61 IND
— 8-GANPATI TUKARAM KAMBLE ALIAS G.T. KAMBLE-M-70 IND
— 9-PANDHARE DATTATRAYA PANDURANG-M-51 IND
— 10-KAVTHEKAR PRAVIN BHAGWAN KAVTHEKAR ALIAS JIVA MAHALE-M-47 IND
— 11-MULANI BALEKHAN USMAN-M-46 IND
— 12-VAGARE MARUTI MURA-M-34 IND
— 13-SHAMRAO PIRAJI KADAM-M-64 IND
— 14-SIDDESHWAR SHIVAPPA BHOSALE-M-36 IND
S13-45-MH-Satara 1-CHAVAN PRASHANT VASANT-M-34 BSP
— 2-PURUSHOTTAM BAJIRAO JADHAV-M-45 SHS
— 3-BHONSLE SHRIMANT CHH. UDYANRAJE PRATAPSINHMAHARAJ-M-43 NCP
— 4-BHAUSAHEB GANGARAM WAGH-M-51 RSPS
— 5-ALANKRITA ABHIJIT AWADE-BICHUKALE-F-29 IND
S13-46-MH-Ratnagiri – sindhudurg 1-DR.NILESH NARAYAN RANE-M-28 INC
— 2-PARULEKAR JAYENDRA SHRIPAD-M-43 BSP
— 3-SURESH PRABHAKAR PRABHU-M-55 SHS
— 4-AJAY ALIAS AABA DADA JADHAV-M-28 KKJHS
— 5-RAJESH PUSUSHOTTAM SURVE-M-41 RSPS
— 6-VILASRAO KHANVILKAR-M-54 ABHM
— 7-SIRAJ ABDULLA KAUCHALI-M-60 BBM
— 8-KHALAPE AKBAR MAHAMMAD-M-55 IND
— 9-SURENDRA BORKAR-M-62 IND
S13-47-MH-Kolhapur 1-KAMBLE SUHAS NIVRUTI-M-41 BSP
— 2-CHHATRPATI SAMBHAJIRAJE SHAHU-M-38 NCP
— 3-DEVANE VIJAY SHAMRAO-M-50 SHS
— 4-KAMBLE MARUTI RAVELU-M-34 BBM
— 5-CHOUGULE BHAI P.T.-M-64 IND
— 6-DR. NEELAMBARI RAMESH MANDAPE-F-49 IND
— 7-S.R. TATYA PATIL-M-70 IND
— 8-BAJRANG KRISHNA PATIL-M-39 IND
— 9-MAHAMMADGOUS GULAB NADAF-M-57 IND
— 10-SADASHIVRAO MANDLIK DADOBA-M-74 IND
S13-48-MH-Hatkanangle 1-KANADE ANILKUMAR MAHADEV-M-37 BSP
— 2-MANE NIVEDITA SAMBHAJIRAO-F-45 NCP
— 3-RAGHUNATH RAMCHANDRA PATIL-M-58 SHS
— 4-PATIL UDAY PANDHARINATH-M-39 KM
— 5-BABURAO OMANNA KAMBLE-M-61 RSPS
— 6-MANE ARVIND BHIVA-M-43 BBM
— 7-SHETTI RAJU ALIAS DEVAPPA ANNA-M-41 SWP
— 8-ARUN ALIAS SHAM BAJARNAG BUCHADE-M-28 IND
— 9-THORAT ANANDRAO TUKARAM-M-46 IND
— 10-SURNIKE ANANDRAO VASANTRAO (FOUJI BAPU)-M-48 IND
S14-1-MN-Inner manipur 1-DR. THOKCHOM MEINYA-M-58 INC
— 2-THOUNAOJAM CHAOBA-M-70 MPP
— 3-MOIRANGTHEM NARA-M-58 CPI
— 4-WAHENGBAM NIPAMACHA SINGH-M-78 BJP
— 5-L. KSHETRANI DEVI-F-50 RBCP
— 6-ABDUL RAHMAN-M-58 IND
— 7-NONGMAITHEM HOMENDRO SINGH-M-45 IND
S14-2-MN-Outer manipur 1-THANGSO BAITE-M-56 INC
— 2-D. LOLI ADANEE-M-56 BJP
— 3-L.B. SONA-M-58 NCP
— 4-M. JAMKHONGAM @ M. YAMKHONGAM HAOKIP-M-49 RJD
— 5-THANGKHANGIN-M-53 LJP
— 6-MANI CHARENAMEI-M-50 PDA
— 7-VALLEY ROSE HUNGYO-F-53 IND
— 8-MANGSHI (ROSE MANGSHI HAOKIP)-F-63 IND
— 9-LAMLALMOI GANGTE-M-33 IND
S15-1-ML-Shillong 1-DALINGTON DYMPEP-M-78 CPI
— 2-JOHN FILMORE KHARSHIING-M-46 UDP
— 3-VINCENT H PALA-M-41 INC
— 4-P. B. M. BASAIAWMOIT-M-60 HSPDP
— 5-MARTLE N.MUKHIM-M-59 MDP
— 6-DENIS SIANGSHAI-M-44 IND
— 7-TIEROD PASSAH-M-45 IND
S15-2-ML-Tura 1-AGATHA K. SANGMA-F-28 NCP
— 2-DEBORA C. MARAK-F-43 INC
— 3-BOSTON MARAK-M-28 ACNC
— 4-ARLENE N. SANGMA-F-53 IND
S16-1-MZ-MIZORAM 1-LALAWMPUIA CHHANGTE-M-42 NCP
— 2-C.L.RUALA-M-72 INC
— 3-DR. H. LALLUNGMUANA-M-65 IND
— 4-RUALPAWLA-M-54 IND
S17-1-NL-Nagaland 1-K. ASUNGBA SANGTAM-M-62 INC
— 2-C.M. CHANG-M-65 NPF
— 3-DR. RILANTHUNG ODYUO-M-39 AITC
S18-1-OR-Bargarh 1-RADHARANI PANDA-F-48 BJP
— 2-SANJAY BHOI-M-35 INC
— 3-SUNIL KUMAR AGRAWAL-M-37 BSP
— 4-DR. HAMID HUSSAIN-M-54 BJD
— 5-NILADRI BEHARI PANDA-M-29 KOKD
— 6-SURENDRA KUMAR AGRAWAL-M-37 IND
S18-2-OR-Sundargarh 1-JUAL ORAM-M-48 BJP
— 2-JEROM DUNGDUNG-M-39 BSP
— 3-LIVNUS KINDO-M-64 JMM
— 4-SALOMI MINZ-F-48 CPM
— 5-HEMANANDA BISWAL-M-67 INC
— 6-RAMA CHANDRA EKKA-M-61 JDP
— 7-SAGAR SING MANKEE-M-60 KOKD
— 8-DALESWAR MAJHI-M-58 IND
— 9-MANSID EKKA-M-63 IND
S18-3-OR-Sambalpur 1-AMARNATH PRADHAN-M-51 INC
— 2-GOBINDA RAM AGARWAL-M-59 BSP
— 3-ROHIT PUJARI-M-35 BJD
— 4-SURENDRA LATH-M-59 BJP
— 5-ASHOK KUMAR NAIK-M-53 KOKD
— 6-BIJAYA KUMAR MAHANANDA-M-35 RPI
— 7-MD. ALI HUSSAIN-M-37 IND
S18-4-OR-Keonjhar 1-ANANTA NAYAK-M-39 BJP
— 2-DHANURJAYA SIDU-M-43 INC
— 3-YASHBANT NARAYAN SINGH LAGURI-M-38 BJD
— 4-LACHHAMAN MAJHI-M-42 JMM
— 5-DR SUDARSHAN LOHAR-M-59 BSP
— 6-CHITTA RANJAN MUNDA-M-37 IND
— 7-DR. FAKIR MOHAN NAIK-M-34 IND
S18-5-OR-Mayurbhanj 1-GAMHA SINGH-M-57 BSP
— 2-DROUPADI MURMU-F-50 BJP
— 3-LAXMAN TUDU-M-47 BJD
— 4-LAXMAN MAJHI-M-62 INC
— 5-SUDAM MARNDI-M-43 JMM
— 6-LAXMISWAR TAMUDIA-M-68 SP
— 7-SUNDAR MOHAN MAJHI-M-65 JDP
— 8-DEVI PRASANNA BESRA-M-61 IND
— 9-NARENDRA HANSDA-M-26 IND
— 10-RAMESWAR MAJHI-M-29 IND
S18-6-OR-Balasore 1-ARUN JENA-M-47 JMM
— 2-ARUN DEY-M-63 NCP
— 3-MAHAMEGHA BAHAN AIRA KHARABELA SWAIN-M-55 BJP
— 4-SHRADHANJALI PRADHAN-F-40 BSP
— 5-SRIKANTA KUMAR JENA-M-58 INC
— 6-DEBASISH RANJAN DASH-M-37 SAMO
— 7-RAKESH RANJAN PATRA-M-27 JHKP
— 8-GHASIRAM MOHANTA-M-66 IND
— 9-LAXIMIKANTA BEHERA-M-51 IND
S18-7-OR-Bhadrak 1-ANANTA PRASAD SETHI-M-58 INC
— 2-ARJUN CHARAN SETHI-M-68 BJD
— 3-NITYANANDA JENA-M-29 BSP
— 4-RATH DAS-M-54 BJP
— 5-GOLAK PRASAD MALLIK-M-60 IND
— 6-SUSANTA KUMAR JENA-M-31 IND
S18-8-OR-Jajpur 1-AMIYA KANTA MALLIK-M-50 INC
— 2-PARAMESWAR SETHI-M-40 BJP
— 3-MOHAN JENA-M-52 BJD
— 4-AJIT KUMAR JENA-M-42 SAMO
— 5-BABULI MALLIK-M-36 OMM
— 6-BHIMSEN BEHERA-M-44 JHKP
— 7-UDAYA NATH JENA-M-29 IND
— 8-KALANDI MALLIK-M-28 IND
S18-9-OR-Dhenkanal 1-KRISHNA CHANDRA SAHOO-M-48 BSP
— 2-CHANDRA SEKHAR TRIPATHY-M-60 INC
— 3-TATHAGATA SATPATHY-M-53 BJD
— 4-RUDRANARAYAN PANY-M-49 BJP
— 5-PRIYABRATA GARNAIK-M-28 KS
S18-10-OR-Bolangir 1-KALIKESH NARAYAN SINGH DEO-M-34 BJD
— 2-NARASINGHA MISHRA-M-68 INC
— 3-BALHAN SAGAR-M-51 BSP
— 4-SANGITA KUMARI SINGH DEO-F-47 BJP
— 5-DINGAR KUMBHAR-M-41 SAMO
S18-11-OR-Kalahandi 1-NAKULA MAJHI-M-66 BSP
— 2-BIKRAM KESHARI DEO-M-57 BJP
— 3-BHAKTA CHARAN DAS-M-52 INC
— 4-SUBASH CHANDRA NAYAK-M-62 BJD
— 5-PARAMESWAR KAND-M-47 SP
— 6-BALARAM HOTA-M-33 CPI(ML)(L)
— 7-DAMBARUDHARA SUNANI-M-34 IND
— 8-MAHESWAR BHOI-M-36 IND
S18-12-OR-Nabarangpur 1-CHANDRADHWAJ MAJHI-M-49 BSP
— 2-DOMBURU MAJHI-M-68 BJD
— 3-PARSURAM MAJHI-M-49 BJP
— 4-PRADEEP KUMAR MAJHI-M-33 INC
S18-13-OR-Kandhamal 1-ASHOK SAHU-M-57 BJP
— 2-PAULA BALIARSING-M-52 BSP
— 3-RUDRAMADHAB RAY-M-71 BJD
— 4-SUZIT KUMAR PADHI-M-49 INC
— 5-NAKUL NAYAK-M-46 SP
— 6-AJIT KUMAR NAYAK-M-26 IND
— 7-KAMALA KANTA PANDEY-M-64 IND
— 8-GHORABANA BEHERA-M-42 IND
— 9-DEENABANDHU NAIK-M-45 IND
S18-14-OR-Cuttack 1-ANADI SAHU-M-68 BJP
— 2-GOPAL CHANDRA KAR-M-63 BSP
— 3-BIBHUTI BHUSAN MISHRA-M-57 INC
— 4-BHARTRUHARI MAHTAB-M-51 BJD
— 5-KAPILA CHARAN MALL-M-72 BOP
— 6-PRADIP ROUTRAY-M-40 KS
— 7-DEBANANDA SINGH-M-33 IND
S18-15-OR-Kendrapara 1-JNANDEV BEURA-M-44 BJP
— 2-RANJIB BISWAL-M-38 INC
— 3-LENIN LENKA-M-46 BSP
— 4-BAIJAYANT PANDA-M-45 BJD
— 5-PRATAP CHANDRA JENA-M-60 SAMO
— 6-PRAVAKAR NAYAK-M-48 KS
— 7-RAMA KRUSHNA DASH-M-44 CPI(ML)(L)
— 8-SARAT CHANDRA SWAIN-M-49 IND
S18-16-OR-Jagatsinghpur 1-BAIDHAR MALLICK-M-46 BJP
— 2-BIBHU PRASAD TARAI-M-42 CPI
— 3-BIBHUTI BHUSAN MAJHI-M-37 BSP
— 4-RABINDRA KUMAR SETHY-M-54 INC
— 5-AKSHAYA KUMAR SETHI-M-25 SAMO
S18-17-OR-Puri 1-JITENDRA KUMAR SAHOO-M-35 BSP
— 2-DEBENDRA NATH MANSINGH-M-59 INC
— 3-PINAKI MISRA-M-49 BJD
— 4-BRAJA KISHORE TRIPATHY-M-62 BJP
— 5-KSHITISH BISWAL-M-80 CPI(ML)(L)
— 6-SABYASACHI MOHAPATRA-M-35 KS
— 7-PRABHAT KUMAR BADAPANDA-M-42 IND
S18-18-OR-Bhubaneswar 1-AKSHAYA KUMAR MOHANTY-M-46 BSP
— 2-ARCHANA NAYAK-F-43 BJP
— 3-PRASANNA KUMAR PATASANI-M-66 BJD
— 4-SANTOSH MOHANTY-M-58 INC
— 5-UMA CHARANA MISHRA-M-60 JHKP
— 6-NABAGHAN PARIDA-M-66 BOP
— 7-PRAFUL KUMAR SAHOO-M-38 RPI(A)
— 8-BASANTA KUMAR BEHERA-M-47 KS
— 9-BIJAYANANDA MISHRA-M-51 LJP
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— 13-SASTHI PRASAD SETHI-M-47 IND
S18-19-OR-Aska 1-NITYANANDA PRADHAN-M-65 BJD
— 2-RAMACHANDRA RATH-M-63 INC
— 3-SHANTI DEVI-F-71 BJP
— 4-KRISHNA DALABEHERA-M-43 KS
— 5-BIJAYA KUMAR MAHAPATRO-M-56 RSP
— 6-SURJYA NARAYAN SAHU-M-37 SAMO
— 7-KALICHARAN NAYAK-M-53 IND
— 8-DEBASIS MISRA-M-48 IND
— 9-K. SHYAM BABU SUBUDHI-M-73 IND
S18-20-OR-Berhampur 1-CHANDRA SEKHAR SAHU-M-58 INC
— 2-PABITRA GAMANGO-M-35 BSP
— 3-BHARAT PAIK-M-50 BJP
— 4-SIDHANT MAHAPATRA-M-42 BJD
— 5-NIRAKAR BEHERA-M-35 KS
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— 7-KISHORE CHANDRA MAHARANA-M-61 IND
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S18-21-OR-Koraput 1-UPENDRA MAJHI-M-29 BJP
— 2-GIRIDHAR GAMANG-M-56 INC
— 3-JAYARAM PANGI-M-53 BJD
— 4-PAPANNA MUTIKA-M-65 BSP
— 5-KUMUDINI DISARI-F-34 SAMO
— 6-MEGHANADA SABAR-M-40 CPI(ML)(L)
S19-1-PB-Gurdaspur 1-SWARAN SINGH THAKUR-M-53 BSP
— 2-PARTAP SINGH BAJWA-M-52 INC
— 3-VINOD KHANNA-M-62 BJP
— 4-SUKRIT SHARDA-M-44 SP
— 5-GURPREET SINGH KHANNA-M-41 BGTD
— 6-YOG RAJ SHARMA-M-40 SHS
— 7-RAGHVIR KAUR-F-50 LJP
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S19-2-PB-Amritsar 1-OM PRAKASH SONI-M-52 INC
— 2-B.K.N. CHHIBER-M-72 BSP
— 3-NAVJOT SINGH SIDHU-M-45 BJP
— 4-ANIL SINGH-M-44 RSP
— 5-DR.SURINDER SINGH-M-54 DCP
— 6-HARMEET SINGH-M-31 LJP
— 7-MAJOR G.S. GILL-M-61 RRD
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— 9-SHAM LAL-M-26 IND
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— 14-LAVINDER KUMAR-M-41 IND
S19-3-PB-Khadoor Sahib 1-SURINDER SINGH SHAHI-M-51 BSP
— 2-DR. RATTAN SINGH AJNALA-M-65 SAD
— 3-RANA GURJEET SINGH-M-57 INC
— 4-DARSHAN SINGH-M-44 AIDWC
— 5-BALKAR SINGH-M-55 BGTD
— 6-MOHINDER SINGH-M-43 LJP
— 7-SUKHWANT SINGH-M-49 IND
— 8-HARJIT SINGH-M-37 IND
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— 15-RAJINDER RIKHI-M-34 IND
S19-4-PB-Jalandhar 1-SURJIT SINGH-M-63 BSP
— 2-HANS RAJ HANS-M-47 SAD
— 3-MOHINDER SINGH KAYPEE-M-53 INC
— 4-ASHOK KUMAR-M-51 BGTD
— 5-JAGJIVAN RAM BHARTI-M-39 RPI
— 6-NAV VIKAS-M-28 LJP
— 7-RAJINDER SINGH-M-41 LTSD
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— 14-MOHINDER SINGH GILL-M-61 IND
— 15-RAKESH KUMAR BHAGAT-M-43 IND
S19-5-PB-Hoshiarpur 1-SANTOSH CHOWDHARY-F-66 INC
— 2-SUKHWINDER KUMAR-M-48 BSP
— 3-SOM PARKASH-M-60 BJP
— 4-PRINCIPAL MOHAN LAL KHOSLA-M-65 DBSP
— 5-LAL CHAND BHATTI-M-63 BGTD
— 6-VARINDER BHARTI-M-59 LJP
— 7-SARWAN SINGH-M-66 IND
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S19-6-PB-Anandpur Sahib 1-KEWAL KRISHAN-M-49 BSP
— 2-DR. DALJIT SINGH CHEEMA-M-47 SAD
— 3-MAHAN SINGH-M-61 CPM
— 4-RAVNEET SINGH-M-33 INC
— 5-BACHAN LAL-M-49 LJP
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S19-7-PB-Ludhiana 1-KEHAR SINGH-M-65 BSP
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— 4-SANJEEV KUMAR ATWAL-M-34 DBSP
— 5-SURINDER SINGH SODHI-M-62 LJP
— 6-HARISH KUMAR-M-39 RWS
— 7-GIRDHARI LAL-M-58 LBP
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S19-8-PB-Fatehgarh Sahib 1-SUKHDEV SINGH-M-76 INC
— 2-CHARANJIT SINGH ATWAL-M-72 SAD
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S19-9-PB-Faridkot 1-SUKHWINDER SINGH DANNY-M-32 INC
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— 4-RESHAM SINGH-M-56 BSP
— 5-GURMEET SINGH RANGHRETA-M-39 PLP
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S19-10-PB-Ferozpur 1-SHER SINGH GHUBAYA-M-46 SAD
— 2-GURDEV SINGH-M-55 BSP
— 3-JAGMEET SINGH BRAR-M-52 INC
— 4-SAHAB SINGH-M-42 LJP
— 5-JINDER PAL SINGH-M-32 AIDWC
— 6-DHIAN SINGH MAND-M-43 SAD(M)
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S19-11-PB-Bathinda 1-HARSIMRAT KAUR BADAL-F-42 SAD
— 2-HARDEV SINGH ARSHI-M-59 CPI
— 3-NEM CHAND-M-38 BSP
— 4-RANINDER SINGH-M-41 INC
— 5-KIRANJIT SINGH GEHRI-M-40 LJP
— 6-GEETA RANI-F-45 ABSR
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S19-12-PB-Sangrur 1-SUKHDEV SINGH DHINDSA-M-73 SAD
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S19-13-PB-Patiala 1-DEEPAK JOSHI-M-52 BSP
— 2-PRENEET KAUR-F-64 INC
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S20-1-RJ-Ganganagar 1-NIHAL CHAND-M-37 BJP
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S20-2-RJ-Bikaner 1-ARJUN RAM MEGHWAL-M-55 BJP
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S20-3-RJ-Churu 1-BUDH RAM SAINI-M-43 BSP
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S20-4-RJ-Jhunjhunu 1-KHATRI MUSTAQ-M-65 BSP
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S20-5-RJ-Sikar 1-AMARA RAM-M-54 CPM
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S20-6-RJ-Jaipur Rural 1-RAJESH SHARMA-M-41 BSP
— 2-RAO RAJENDRA SINGH-M-51 BJP
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— 4-KESHAV RAM SHARMA-M-36 BSSPA
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S20-7-RJ-Jaipur 1-GHANSHYAM TIWARI-M-62 BJP
— 2-MAHESH JOSHI-M-54 INC
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— 25-SITA RAM BAIRWA-M-52 IND
S20-8-RJ-Alwar 1-DR.KIRAN YADAV-F-53 BJP
— 2-JITENDRA SINGH-M-38 INC
— 3-JAGEDISH-M-31 BHBP
— 4-DEVENDRA-M-26 JGP
— 5-S.NEHRA-M-74 SP
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— 16-RAM LAL MEENA-M-34 IND
S20-9-RJ-BHARATPUR 1-KHEMCHAND-M-35 BJP
— 2-MUHAR SINGH-M-62 BSP
— 3-RATAN SINGH-M-62 INC
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— 4-ASHOKAN. G-M-35 KNMK
— 5-ANNADURAI. K-M-40 UMK
— 6-ELANGOVAN. V-M-59 DMDK
— 7-GUNASEKARAN. D-M-38 MMKA
— 8-ARIVAZHAGAN. P-M-38 IND
— 9-ANANDKUMAR. K-M-41 IND
— 10-KARUPPUSAMY. S-M-25 IND
— 11-GOVINDARAJ. S.-M-48 IND
— 12-SAMPATHKUMAR. R.-M-30 IND
— 13-SARAVANAN. S.-M-36 IND
— 14-SIVAN. K-M-37 IND
— 15-PADMARAJAN. K. DR.-M-50 IND
— 16-MANI. R-M-66 IND
— 17-MURUGAN. G.-M-40 IND
— 18-RADHAKRISHNAN. R-M-53 IND
— 19-RAJA. A-M-47 IND
— 20-VELMURUGAN. P.-M-39 IND
— 21-SRIRAMACHANDRAN-M-28 IND
S22-11-TN-Tiruvannamalai 1-GURU (A) GURUNATHAN. J-M-48 PMK
— 2-GOVINDASAMY. P-M-62 BSP
— 3-VENUGOPAL.D-M-73 DMK
— 4-AFROZ HUSNA. K.S-F-38 LJP
— 5-SELVARAJ.P-M-61 SP
— 6-MANIKANDAN.S-M-29 DMDK
— 7-RAJARAM S.A-M-39 PNK
— 8-ARUMUGAM A.A-M-39 IND
— 9-RAVI R-M-37 IND
— 10-ERSHAD B-M-34 IND
— 11-KUMAR M.M-M-55 IND
— 12-GURU C-M-32 IND
— 13-GURUSAMY P-M-61 IND
— 14-GURU (A) GURUMOORTHY S-M-31 IND
— 15-SHANMUGARAJAN A-M-44 IND
— 16-SHANMUGAVEL M-M-33 IND
— 17-SAMPATH A-M-39 IND
— 18-SINGARAVELAN P-M-28 IND
— 19-SIVADEVAN N-M-27 IND
— 20-SENTHIL M-M-29 IND
— 21-SELVAM A-M-33 IND
— 22-SELVARAJU J-M-26 IND
— 23-DHAYANITHI S-M-29 IND
— 24-NAGAMALAI R-M-32 IND
— 25-BALASUNDAR S-M-33 IND
— 26-MANIKANDAN P-M-30 IND
— 27-MURUGAN S-M-36 IND
— 28-RAVINDIRAN A-M-37 IND
— 29-VENUGOPAL S.R-M-38 IND
— 30-HARI KRISHNAN S-M-41 IND
S22-12-TN-Arani 1-KRISHNASAMY M-M-68 INC
— 2-SHANKAR A-M-47 BSP
— 3-SUBRAMANIYAN N-M-50 ADMK
— 4-ARIRAJ T.V-M-50 SP
— 5-SARAVANAKUMAR K-M-42 PNK
— 6-MOHANAM RA-M-46 DMDK
— 7-SHANMUGAM S-M-27 IND
— 8-SUBRAMANI G-M-38 IND
— 9-SUBRAMANI P-M-46 IND
— 10-DURAI RAJ M-M-50 IND
— 11-MURUGAN V-M-33 IND
— 12-LOKESH G-M-28 IND
— 13-VELAUDHAM M-M-49 IND
S22-13-TN-Viluppuram 1-ANANDAN M-M-58 ADMK
— 2-POYYATHU S-M-39 BSP
— 3-GANAPATHI P M-M-48 DMDK
— 4-SWAMIDURAI K-M-77 VCK
— 5-DEVARAJ G-M-28 LJP
— 6-PANCHANATHAN R-M-44 JMM
— 7-VENKATESAN S S-M-39 AIVP
— 8-VENKATESAN M-M-37 CPI(ML)(L)
— 9-ANBALAGAN V-M-32 IND
— 10-ANANDAN P-M-28 IND
— 11-KUMAR M-M-27 IND
— 12-CHANDRALEGA M-F-27 IND
— 13-SAMIDURAI M-M-47 IND
— 14-SHETT M-M-37 IND
— 15-MASILAMANI R-M-65 IND
— 16-MURUGAVEL A-M-41 IND
— 17-RAMESH K-M-31 IND
— 18-LAKSHMANAN R-M-49 IND
— 19-VISWANATHAN S A-M-32 IND
S22-14-TN-Kallakurichi 1-SANKAR ADHI-M-52 DMK
— 2-SENTHILKUMAR K-M-35 BSP
— 3-DHANARAJU K-M-52 PMK
— 4-ANANDHADASS C-M-27 LJP
— 5-KESAVAN ANNA-M-63 JMM
— 6-GOVINDARAJAN K M-M-73 AIVP
— 7-SUDHISH L K-M-41 DMDK
— 8-RAMESH S-M-32 KNMK
— 9-ARUN KENNEDI A-M-44 IND
— 10-INIYADAYALAN G-M-55 IND
— 11-GANESAN K-M-32 IND
— 12-SADEESH A-M-30 IND
— 13-SATHISH BABU S-M-35 IND
— 14-SIVARAMAN G-M-33 IND
— 15-SELVAM K-M-39 IND
— 16-SELVARAJU J-M-26 IND
— 17-DHANARAJ T-M-35 IND
— 18-DINESH M-M-32 IND
— 19-NALLATHAMBI C-M-31 IND
— 20-NAVARATTHINAM A-F-31 IND
— 21-MANNAN M P-M-48 IND
— 22-MANICKAM V-M-57 IND
— 23-YUVARAJ R-M-34 IND
— 24-RAMAJAYAM P M-M-52 IND
— 25-RAJAMANICKAM K-M-52 IND
— 26-RAJENTHREN D-M-50 IND
— 27-RAJENTHREN M-M-38 IND
— 28-VASU V-M-50 IND
— 29-VIJAYA RAJENDHAR T-M-52 IND
S22-15-TN-Salem 1-SEMMALAI S-M-63 ADMK
— 2-THANGKABALU K V-M-59 INC
— 3-BALASUBRAMANI R-M-37 BSP
— 4-ASHOK SAMRAJ M-M-39 KNMK
— 5-ANNADURAI M-M-42 AIVP
— 6-ALAGAAPURAM R MOHANRAJ-M-55 DMDK
— 7-ANDHRAPRAKASH A-M-56 PPOI
— 8-GANESH M.A.S.S-M-46 AITC
— 9-KRISHNAN M-M-48 IND
— 10-GOVANAM THANGAVEL K S-M-50 IND
— 11-KOWSALYA C-F-39 IND
— 12-CHANDRASEKARAN G-M-25 IND
— 13-CHINNAN N-M-52 IND
— 14-SELLADURAI C-M-32 IND
— 15-DHAMODHARAN N B-M-32 IND
— 16-NANDAGOPAL K-M-60 IND
— 17-NALLATHAMBI PO-M-48 IND
— 18-PERIYASAMY T-M-45 IND
— 19-MAHESWARAN V-M-28 IND
— 20-MUTHUSAMY P-M-34 IND
— 21-MUNIYAPPAN A-M-37 IND
— 22-JAYAVENUGOPAL C D-M-58 IND
— 23-SHAHJAHAN M A-M-38 IND
S22-16-TN-Namakkal 1-GANDHISELVAN.S-M-45 DMK
— 2-SURESH GANDHI.K-M-26 BJP
— 3-VAIRAM TAMILARASI.V-F-52 ADMK
— 4-HARIGARA SIVAM.T.A-M-34 BSP
— 5-SELVARAJ.K-M-30 SP
— 6-DEVARASAN.R-M-68 KNMK
— 7-MAHESWARAN.N-M-30 DMDK
— 8-LINGAPPAN.V-M-62 UMK
— 9-KARTHIKEYAN.P-M-29 IND
— 10-KUMAR-M-50 IND
— 11-SUBRAMANI.S-M-39 IND
— 12-SUBRAMANIAM.R.P-M-55 IND
— 13-SENGODAN.P-M-61 IND
— 14-THANGAVEL.S-M-56 IND
— 15-THARMALINGAM.M-M-26 IND
— 16-THANIYARASU.U-M-42 IND
— 17-NAVALMANI.A.N-M-48 IND
— 18-PANNEERSELVAM.S-M-44 IND
— 19-MATHIYALAGAN.N-M-41 IND
— 20-MURALI.V-M-41 IND
— 21-YOGARAJ.R-M-35 IND
— 22-RAVI.A-M-28 IND
— 23-RAVI.R-M-35 IND
— 24-RAMASAMY.N-M-59 IND
— 25-VIVEKANANDHAM.K.S-M-39 IND
S22-17-TN-Erode 1-ELANGOVAN.E.V.K.S.-M-60 INC
— 2-GANESHAMURTHI.A.-M-61 MDMK
— 3-SHIVAKUMARI-F-41 BSP
— 4-PALANISAMY.N.P.-M-48 BJP
— 5-DEVI.M.-F-26 LJP
— 6-BALASUBRAMANIAM.C-M-47 KNMK
— 7-MUTHUVENKATESHWARAN.K.G.-M-29 DMDK
— 8-RAVICHANDRAN.M.-M-41 IND
— 9-ELANGOVAN.K.K.S-M-37 IND
— 10-KATHIRVEL.A-M-45 IND
— 11-CHRISTHURAJ.M.-M-48 IND
— 12-KUPPUSAMY.R.-M-61 IND
— 13-GOVANAM THANGAVEL.K.S.-M-50 IND
— 14-GOVINDHASAMY.P.-M-45 IND
— 15-SANMUGASUNDRAM.N.-M-39 IND
— 16-SHANMUGAM.P.N.-M-60 IND
— 17-SIVASANKAR.S.-M-27 IND
— 18-SUKUMARAN.E.R-M-62 IND
— 19-SUBRAMANIAM.K-M-41 IND
— 20-SENTHIL RAJA.M-M-34 IND
— 21-PERUMAL.S-M-54 IND
— 22-MANOHARAN.V.-M-57 IND
— 23-MINNAL MURUGESH.R.-M-42 IND
— 24-VIMALADEVI.S.-F-33 IND
— 25-JOE DAVID.D.-M-33 IND
S22-18-TN-Tiruppur 1-KHARVENTHAN S K-M-60 INC
— 2-SIVAKUMAR M-M-31 BJP
— 3-SIVASAMI C-M-51 ADMK
— 4-SIVAKUMAR N-M-30 UMK
— 5-THANGAVEL M-M-48 LJP
— 6-DINESH KUMAR N-M-30 DMDK
— 7-BALASUBRAMANIAN K-M-61 KNMK
— 8-GANESHKUMAR C-M-40 IND
— 9-KARUNAGARAN I-M-38 IND
— 10-KARTHIKKEYEAN A M-M-43 IND
— 11-SELVARAJ S-M-26 IND
— 12-DOMNIC BABU A-M-28 IND
— 13-PANDIAN R ALAIS KALAIMAGAL PANDIAN-M-39 IND
— 14-BALASUBRAMANIAN P-M-46 IND
— 15-MALARVIZHI P-F-47 IND
— 16-MOHAMED SALIKA A-M-56 IND
— 17-MUTHUSWAMY N-M-50 IND
— 18-RATHINASWAAMY K-M-35 IND
— 19-RAJAKUMAR W-M-31 IND
— 20-VENKATACHALAM K-M-40 IND
— 21-SHEIK DAVOOD A M-M-46 IND
S22-19-TN-Nilgiris 1-RAJA A-M-45 DMK
— 2-KRISHNAN C-M-72 MDMK
— 3-KRISHNAN M-M-57 BSP
— 4-GURUMURTHY S-M-29 BJP
— 5-SELVARAJ S-M-46 DMDK
— 6-BHADIRAN S-M-40 KNMK
— 7-VIJAYARAJ M-M-35 RPI(A)
— 8-ARUMUGAM P-M-33 IND
— 9-SIVARAJ P-M-27 IND
— 10-SUJITH KUMAR C-M-32 IND
— 11-SELVAM K-M-47 IND
— 12-THANGA PANDIAN R-M-38 IND
— 13-NAGARAJU G-M-38 IND
— 14-VELMURUGAN C-M-59 IND
S22-20-TN-Coimbatore 1-RAMASUBRAMANIAN.K-M-41 BSP
— 2-SELVAKUMAR.G.K.S-M-47 BJP
— 3-NATARAJAN.P.R.-M-59 CPM
— 4-PRABHU.R-M-61 INC
— 5-ESWARAN E R-M-48 KNMK
— 6-KATHIRMANI P-M-36 SP
— 7-SELVAM M-M-51 SHS
— 8-PANDIAN R-M-52 DMDK
— 9-RAJAN S K-M-60 PPOI
— 10-STEPHEN GANESHAN S-M-45 AIJMK
— 11-ARUNACHALAM K V-M-55 IND
— 12-ESWARAN-M-38 IND
— 13-KATHIRESAN C-M-38 IND
— 14-SIVARAJ V-M-40 IND
— 15-NATARAJAN L-M-43 IND
— 16-NOORMUHAMAD A-M-51 IND
— 17-PREM ANAND J-M-31 IND
— 18-MARKANDAN N-M-72 IND
— 19-MURUGAN M-M-50 IND
— 20-MURUGESAN K-M-33 IND
— 21-RAMASAMY P-M-43 IND
— 22-RAJAPPAN N-M-49 IND
— 23-RAJKIRAN-M-52 IND
— 24-VIJAYAKUMAR C-M-37 IND
— 25-VENKATACHALAM A-M-69 IND
S22-21-TN-Pollachi 1-SHANMUGASUNDARAM.K-M-38 DMK
— 2-SUGUMAR.K-M-48 ADMK
— 3-BABA RAMESH.V.S-M-43 BJP
— 4-MURTHY.T-M-31 BSP
— 5-UMMAR.E-M-47 MAMAK
— 6-KRISHNAKUMAR.S-M-26 TDK
— 7-SURESH.P-M-26 SP
— 8-THANGAVEL.K.P-M-47 DMDK
— 9-RAMEJA BAGAM.S.T-F-50 SAP
— 10-BEST S.RAMASAMY-M-63 KNMK
— 11-VELMURUGAN.V-M-32 AIVP
— 12-APPAS.K.S-M-34 IND
— 13-SHANMUGASUNDARAM.K-M-45 IND
— 14-SHANMUGASUNDARAM.P-M-45 IND
— 15-SATHASIVAMOORTHY.R-M-36 IND
— 16-SUKUMAR.P-M-42 IND
— 17-NOOR MUHAMAD.A-M-51 IND
— 18-RAMASAMY.M-M-54 IND
— 19-RAMAMOORTHY.P.M-M-54 IND
— 20-RAJAN.P-M-38 IND
— 21-RAJENDRAN.M-M-42 IND
— 22-VENKATESH.R-M-38 IND
S22-22-TN-Dindigul 1-CHITTHAN N S V-M-75 INC
— 2-SRINIVASA BABU M-M-31 BSP
— 3-BAALASUBRAMANI P-M-53 ADMK
— 4-SELLAMUTHU K M-M-38 KNMK
— 5-SELVARAJ I-M-40 AIJMK
— 6-DAISY RANI S-F-46 RKSP
— 7-MUTHUVELRAJ P-M-59 DMDK
— 8-LOGANATHAN V-M-29 SP
— 9-KARUPPUSAMY P-M-45 IND
— 10-SADHASIVAM N-M-59 IND
— 11-SUBRAMANIAN R-M-58 IND
— 12-THANGAPANDIAN R-M-38 IND
— 13-DHANASEELI K-F-33 IND
— 14-DURAI K-M-27 IND
— 15-MAHAMUNI S-M-26 IND
— 16-MANIKANDA PRABU G-M-28 IND
— 17-MOTILAL K.A-M-53 IND
— 18-RAMARAJ P-M-28 IND
— 19-SHEIK AYUB KHAN S-M-42 IND
S22-23-TN-Karur 1-TAMBIDURAI.M-M-62 ADMK
— 2-DHARMALINGAM.R-M-33 BSP
— 3-PALLANISHAMY. K.C.-M-74 DMK
— 4-NATARAJAN.R-M-50 KNMK
— 5-PRABAHARAN. P-M-37 LJP
— 6-RAMANATHAN.R-M-53 DMDK
— 7-LOGANATHAN. S-M-32 SAP
— 8-ANNADURAI. V.M-M-32 IND
— 9-AMALRAJ.M-M-33 IND
— 10-ARUN. G-M-28 IND
— 11-ARULRAJKUMAR. R-M-33 IND
— 12-INNASI. A-M-44 IND
— 13-KANAGARAJ. T-M-36 IND
— 14-KARVENTHAN. T-M-30 IND
— 15-KRISHNAN.R.-M-54 IND
— 16-SHANKAR. K-M-37 IND
— 17-SHANMUGAM,M-M-36 IND
— 18-SHARFUDEEN. M-M-46 IND
— 19-SIVASAMY. P-M-26 IND
— 20-SRINIVASAN. L-M-41 IND
— 21-SENTHILKUMAR. N.-M-33 IND
— 22-SELVAKUMAR. L.K.-M-40 IND
— 23-SELVARAJ. K-M-42 IND
— 24-DANIYA. P.-F-29 IND
— 25-NACHIMUTHU. V-M-37 IND
— 26-PALANISAMY. M-M-34 IND
— 27-PANDIAN. A-M-36 IND
— 28-MANAVAN. P.K.-M-42 IND
— 29-MANIKANDAN.M-M-33 IND
— 30-MANIVANNAN. S-M-36 IND
— 31-MARUTHAIVEERAN.V-M-43 IND
— 32-MUTHUKUMAR.G-M-36 IND
— 33-YOGENDRAN.M-M-28 IND
— 34-RAMAMOORTHY.R-M-48 IND
— 35-VEERAMANI.T-M-29 IND
— 36-VENKATACHALAM. SIVA. AZHA.-M-62 IND
— 37-VETRIVEL. R-M-33 IND
— 38-VENUGOPAL. T.-M-55 IND
S22-24-TN-Tiruchirappalli 1-KALYANASUNDARAM. N-M-56 BSP
— 2-KUMAR.P-M-37 ADMK
— 3-SARUBALA.R.THONDAIMAN-F-51 INC
— 4-LALITHA KUMARAMANGALAM.R-F-51 BJP
— 5-ASAITHAMBI.P-M-37 CPI(ML)(L)
— 6-RAVI.P-M-54 MMKA
— 7-GUNASEKARAN.K-M-59 AIVP
— 8-NEELAMEGAM.M-M-51 SP
— 9-PATHINATHAN.P-M-56 CDF
— 10-RAGHAVAN.R-M-52 ABHM
— 11-VIJAYKUMAR.AMG-M-41 DMDK
— 12-ANANTHA RAJA.V-M-43 IND
— 13-URUMAIYAH.N-M-54 IND
— 14-SARAVANAN.V-M-32 IND
— 15-SAMUEL SWAMIDOSS MANOJKUMAR.E-M-38 IND
— 16-CHINNADURAI.A-M-46 IND
— 17-THIRUMAVALAVAN.M-M-30 IND
— 18-NAGENDRAN.A-M-44 IND
— 19-PALANI.P-M-57 IND
— 20-BABY KAMITHA BANU.M-F-35 IND
— 21-MANSOOR ALI KHAN.A-M-46 IND
— 22-MOHAMMED IQBAL. A. K. S-M-42 IND
— 23-VELMANI. P-M-29 IND
— 24-JAFARUNNISHA. A-F-42 IND
S22-25-TN-Perambalur 1-SELVARAJ,G.-M-47 BSP
— 2-NAPOLEON,D.-M-46 DMK
— 3-BALASUBRAMANIAN,K.K.-M-58 ADMK
— 4-ARULMANI,C.-M-52 AIVP
— 5-KAMARAJ, DURAI.-M-35 DMDK
— 6-SRINIVASAN, V.-M-65 MMKA
— 7-SUNDARAVIJAYAN, R.-M-35 SP
— 8-SENTHIL KUMAR, N.-M-31 RKSP
— 9-STALIN, R.-M-38 LJP
— 10-ANNALAKSHMI, S.-F-42 IND
— 11-ERAMASAMY, K.-M-44 IND
— 12-ILANGOVAN, R.-M-62 IND
— 13-KANDASAMY, S.-M-62 IND
— 14-GUNASEKARAN, A.-M-36 IND
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— 16-GNANAPRAGASHAM, P.S.-M-46 IND
— 17-THANGAMANI, K.-M-67 IND
— 18-PRINCE BUCKTHA SINGH, D.-M-57 IND
— 19-PONNAMMAL, S.-F-27 IND
— 20-RENGARASU, M.-M-49 IND
— 21-JAYARAMAN, A.-M-42 IND
S22-26-TN-Cuddalore 1-ALAGIRI S-M-56 INC
— 2-AROKIYADOSS C-M-60 BSP
— 3-SAMPATH M C-M-51 ADMK
— 4-KAMARAJ A-M-36 LJP
— 5-DAMOTHARAN M C-M-57 DMDK
— 6-KANNAN K-M-33 IND
— 7-CHANDRA P-F-47 IND
— 8-SENRAYAN A D-M-33 IND
— 9-PARTHIBAN R-M-48 IND
— 10-RAYAR K-M-50 IND
— 11-VASANTHI S-F-39 IND
S22-27-TN-Chidambaram 1-RAJENDIRAN, N.R-M-52 BSP
— 2-PONNUSWAMY,E-M-72 PMK
— 3-SASIKUMAR, S-M-32 DMDK
— 4-SELVAKUMAR, C-M-31 RKSP
— 5-THIRUMAAVALAVAN, THOL-M-46 VCK
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— 7-KANAGASABAI, R-M-43 IND
— 8-SAKTHIVEL,P-M-36 IND
— 9-SUSILA , L-F-44 IND
— 10-SENTHAMIL SELVI , K-F-46 IND
— 11-DHARMALINGAM, C-M-40 IND
— 12-MANIKANDAN, V-M-32 IND
— 13-MARUDHAMUTHU, V-M-61 IND
S22-28-TN-Mayiladuthurai 1-KARTHIKEYAN S-M-47 BJP
— 2-SAPTHARISHI L.V-M-63 BSP
— 3-MANI SHANKAR AIYAR-M-68 INC
— 4-MANIAN O.S-M-52 ADMK
— 5-GANESAN S-M-68 AIVP
— 6-GUNASEKARAN N-M-47 CPI(ML)(L)
— 7-PANDIAN K-M-37 DMDK
— 8-ZAWAHIRULLAH DR M.H-M-49 MAMAK
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— 10-ARIVALAGAN S-M-33 IND
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— 14-TIMOTHY T-M-46 IND
— 15-DHAKSHINAMOORTHY M-M-39 IND
— 16-NAGARAJAN K-M-45 IND
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— 18-PRABUDHASAN S.M-M-30 IND
— 19-RAJAKUMAR P-M-45 IND
— 20-RAJAMANI M-M-52 IND
— 21-VENKATRAMANI R-M-28 IND
— 22-JAYAKUMAR K.N-M-40 IND
— 23-JAYARAMAN V-M-61 IND
S22-29-TN-Nagapattinam 1-SELVARAJ M-M-51 CPI
— 2-VIJAYAN A K S-M-47 DMK
— 3-VEERAMUTHU G-M-36 BSP
— 4-MUTHUKUMAR M-M-36 DMDK
— 5-DEVADOSS R-M-49 IND
— 6-MUNUSAMY V-M-40 IND
— 7-VEERASAMY P-M-29 IND
S22-30-TN-Thanjavur 1-SARAVANAN.S-M-40 BSP
— 2-DURAI.BALAKRISHNAN-M-64 MDMK
— 3-PALANIMANICKAM.S.S-M-58 DMK
— 4-RAMANATHAN.P.DR-M-38 DMDK
— 5-VEERAMANI.S-M-42 SP
— 6-KARTHIKEYAN.K-M-38 IND
— 7-SIVAKUMAR.S-M-31 IND
— 8-SOZHAMANNAR KANAKARAJA.K-M-63 IND
— 9-BALU (A) BALAN-M-37 IND
— 10-PRASANNA.S-M-26 IND
— 11-MURUGARAJ.D-M-30 IND
— 12-RAJAMANI.K-F-54 IND
— 13-VIJAYALAKSHMI.S-F-36 IND
S22-31-TN-Sivaganga 1-CHIDAMBARAM P-M-63 INC
— 2-DEVAR M.G.-M-53 BSP
— 3-RAJA KANNAPPAN R.S.-M-60 ADMK
— 4-SAKTHIVEL K-M-49 MMKA
— 5-BARWATHA REGINA PAPA-F-65 DMDK
— 6-RAMASAMY R.A.-M-51 PT
— 7-ABUPACKER SITHIK J-M-38 IND
— 8-ALAGAPPAN ARU.-M-71 IND
— 9-ALAGAPPAN PL-M-46 IND
— 10-AANANDAN V.S.K.S.-M-46 IND
— 11-SAMUDRAM KALAIMANI K-M-53 IND
— 12-KARMEGAM K-M-41 IND
— 13-GUNASEKARAN P-M-47 IND
— 14-CHITHAMBARAM S-M-60 IND
— 15-ARIMAZHAM THIYAGI SUBRAMANIAN MUTHARAIYAR M-M-73 IND
— 16-THOOTHAI SELVAM M-M-40 IND
— 17-MALAIRAJ P-M-41 IND
— 18-RADHAKRISHNAN A-M-54 IND
— 19-RAJAGOPAL S-M-35 IND
— 20-RAJIV R-M-25 IND
S22-32-TN-Madurai 1-ALAGIRI M.K-M-58 DMK
— 2-DHARBAR RAJA-M-47 BSP
— 3-MOHAN P-M-59 CPM
— 4-KAVIARASU K-M-35 DMDK
— 5-ANAND K-M-35 IND
— 6-GOPAL R-M-56 IND
— 7-SIVAKUMAR T-M-35 IND
— 8-THANGAPANDI K-M-42 IND
— 9-NAGAMALAI M.A-M-50 IND
— 10-PAULPANDY M-M-50 IND
— 11-MOTHILAL T.R-M-48 IND
— 12-VEERADURAI S-M-49 IND
S22-33-TN-Theni 1-AARON RASHID.J.M-M-58 INC
— 2-KAVITHA-F-25 BSP
— 3-THANGA TAMILSELVAN-M-47 ADMK
— 4-PARVATHI.A-F-39 BJP
— 5-SANTHANAM.M.G.-M-54 DMDK
— 6-SELVARAJAN.P-M-38 PT
— 7-KRISHNAVENI.N-F-40 IND
— 8-SELVARAJ-M-42 IND
— 9-TAMIL SELVAN.S-M-40 IND
— 10-THIRUMOORTHY-M-35 IND
— 11-NAGAMANI SENTHIL.R-M-30 IND
— 12-NACHIMUTHU.P-M-54 IND
— 13-PANDI-M-44 IND
— 14-PANDIAN.P-M-45 IND
— 15-PERUMALSAMY.S-M-64 IND
— 16-POMMURAJ.M-M-49 IND
— 17-MANI.S-M-41 IND
— 18-MURUGESAN.S.P-M-45 IND
— 19-RAJAVEL-M-43 IND
— 20-RENGANATHAN-M-35 IND
— 21-VETRICHELVAN-M-33 IND
— 22-JAMES.G-M-75 IND
S22-34-TN-Virudhunagar 1-KANAGARAJ V-M-60 BSP
— 2-KARTHIK M-M-49 BJP
— 3-MANICKA TAGORE-M-36 INC
— 4-VAIKO-M-65 MDMK
— 5-PANDIARAJAN K-M-50 DMDK
— 6-KANNAN S-M-33 IND
— 7-KARUNANIDHI A-M-34 IND
— 8-SIVAKUMAR M.A-M-29 IND
— 9-SIVANMANI P-M-33 IND
— 10-SELVAM D-M-33 IND
— 11-SETHURAJ J-M-45 IND
— 12-DHANUSHKODI M-M-44 IND
— 13-NAMBUSAMY P-M-59 IND
— 14-PADMANABAN N-M-54 IND
— 15-VIJAYAN S-M-40 IND
— 16-JAWAHARLAL S.L-M-45 IND
S22-35-TN-Ramanathapuram 1-SATHIAMOORTHY. V-M-64 ADMK
— 2-SIVAKUMAR @ J.K. RITHEESH. K-M-36 DMK
— 3-THIRUNNAVUKKARASAR. SU-M-60 BJP
— 4-PRISCILLA PANDIAN-F-39 BSP
— 5-SALEEMULLA KHAN S-M-37 MAMAK
— 6-SINGAI JINNAH. S-M-39 DMDK
— 7-MOHAMMED ABITH ALI. R-M-40 JMM
— 8-KALIMUTHU. K-M-56 IND
— 9-SHANMUGAIYA PANDIAN. S-M-45 IND
— 10-SCHWARTZ DURAI. S-M-45 IND
— 11-CHELLA DURAI. K-M-40 IND
— 12-BALAMURUGAN-M-26 IND
— 13-BASKARAN. P-M-59 IND
— 14-MURUGENDRAN. G-M-31 IND
— 15-JAHANGEER. M.I-M-41 IND
S22-36-TN-Thoothukkudi 1-SARAVANAN.S-M-35 BJP
— 2-CYNTHIA PANDIAN DR-M-63 ADMK
— 3-JEEVENKUMAR E PA-M-37 BSP
— 4-JEYADURAI S R-M-39 DMK
— 5-SUNTHER M S-M-36 DMDK
— 6-ARUNKUMAR PUVI ARASU S-M-30 IND
— 7-RAGHUPATHI S-M-36 IND
— 8-KANDIVEL P-M-50 IND
— 9-SUNDARAVEL K-M-45 IND
— 10-PRABHAKARAN P-M-29 IND
— 11-PONRAJ T-M-37 IND
— 12-MUTHU S-M-59 IND
— 13-MURUGAN A-M-41 IND
— 14-RAMAKRISHNAN V-M-40 IND
— 15-RAMKUMAR V-M-45 IND
S22-37-TN-Tenkasi 1-KRISHNAN K-M-51 BSP
— 2-LINGAM P-M-43 CPI
— 3-VELLAIPANDI G-M-44 INC
— 4-INBARAJ K-M-35 DMDK
— 5-KRISHNASAMY, DR. K-M-57 PT
— 6-JOTHIRAJ M-M-58 SP
— 7-BALAKRISHNAN S-M-60 IND
— 8-RAMACHANDRAN E-M-45 IND
— 9-LAKSHMANAN R-M-40 IND
S22-38-TN-Tirunelveli 1-ANNAMALAI K-M-61 ADMK
— 2-NAGARAJAN, KARU-M-51 BJP
— 3-RAMESH PANDIAN-M-33 BSP
— 4-RAMASUBBU S-M-59 INC
— 5-SANKARAPANDIAN T-M-54 CPIMLL
— 6-SYED IMMAM S-M-44 SP
— 7-MICHAEL RAYAPPAN S-M-46 DMDK
— 8-VELMATHI (TMT) N-F-36 LJP
— 9-ARUNACHALAM M-M-57 IND
— 10-ANANDARAJ N-M-36 IND
— 11-KUBENDRAN I-M-43 IND
— 12-CHANDRASEKARAN SAKTHI-M-60 IND
— 13-SELWIN D-M-65 IND
— 14-THIRUVENGATAM A-M-59 IND
— 15-BALASUBRAMANIAN S-M-38 IND
— 16-”SUDAROLI” MURUGAN S. B.COM.,-M-33 IND
— 17-RAMASUBBU E-M-49 IND
— 18-RAMALINGAM M-M-55 IND
— 19-THENKALAM RAJA M-M-34 IND
— 20-VEIULUMUTHUKUMAR-M-27 IND
— 21-JEYABALAN N-M-56 IND
S22-39-TN-Kanniyakumari 1-RADHAKRISHNAN P-M-55 BJP
— 2-SIVAKAMI.P-F-53 BSP
— 3-BELLARMIN AV-M-55 CPM
— 4-HELEN DAVIDSON J-F-37 DMK
— 5-ARUL THUMILAN .D-M-31 LJP
— 6-AUSTIN . S-M-50 DMDK
— 7-BALASUBRAMONIAN T-M-42 ABHM
— 8-RADHAKRISHNAN .C.P-M-58 IND
— 9-EMMI-F-28 IND
— 10-KUMAR C-M-40 IND
— 11-SATHEES C-M-25 IND
— 12-SIVAKUMAR S-M-38 IND
— 13-THANKAMONY C-M-49 IND
— 14-NALLATHAMBY C-M-61 IND
— 15-PAULRAJ C.M-M-44 IND
— 16-MANOHARAN S-M-31 IND
— 17-RADHAKRISHNAN C-M-39 IND
— 18-LEKSHMANAN . S-M-42 IND
— 19-WILSON-M-45 IND
— 20-VENU K-M-41 IND
— 21-JOHNSON S-M-45 IND
— 22-JAYASINGH K-M-38 IND
S23-1-TR-Tripura West 1-KHAGEN DAS-M-71 CPM
— 2-NILMANI DEB-M-55 BJP
— 3-SANJIB DEY-M-32 NCP
— 4-SUDIP ROY BARMAN-M-45 INC
— 5-ARUN CHANDRA BHOWMIK-M-63 AITC
— 6-TITU SAHA-M-32 RDMP
— 7-PARTHA KARMAKAR-M-40 CPI(ML)(L)
— 8-RAKHAL RAJ DATTA-M-60 AMB
— 9-BINOY DEB BARMA-M-49 IND
— 10-SUBRATA BHOWMIK-M-58 IND
S23-2-TR-Tripura East 1-DIBA CHANDRA HRANGKHWAL-M-52 INC
— 2-PULIN BEHARI DEWAN-M-69 BJP
— 3-BAJU BAN RIYAN-M-67 CPM
— 4-KARNA DHAN CHAKMA-M-37 AMB
— 5-FALGUNI TRIPURA-M-42 CPI(ML)(L)
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— 9-RAJESH DEB BARMA-M-34 IND
S24-1-UP-Saharanpur 1-GAJAY SINGH-M-50 INC
— 2-JAGDISH SINGH RANA-M-53 BSP
— 3-JASWANT SINGH SAINI-M-38 BJP
— 4-RASHEED MASOOD-M-59 SP
— 5-CHATTAR SINGH KASHYAP-M-54 VAJP
— 6-HAJI MOHAMMED TAUSEEF-M-45 PECP
— 7-YOGESH GAMBHIR-M-41 BD
— 8-SUSHIL KUMAR-M-34 RSBP
— 9-MOHD.ASIF-M-25 IND
— 10-CHANDRA PRAKASH ARORA-M-53 IND
— 11-CHINTAMANI-M-60 IND
— 12-TEJVEER-M-48 IND
— 13-NATHLU RAM-M-57 IND
— 14-MASHKOOR-M-49 IND
— 15-M.RASHID KHAN-M-45 IND
S24-2-UP-Kairana 1-TABASSUM BEGUM-F-39 BSP
— 2-SHAJAN MASOOD-M-36 SP
— 3-SURENDRA KUMAR-M-45 INC
— 4-HUKUM SINGH-M-71 BJP
— 5-KARAN SINGH SAINI-M-40 JSP
— 6-KUNWAR PAL-M-50 RDMP
— 7-PRIYA KUMAR-M-37 ABHM
— 8-RAJNISH NOTIAL-M-28 ASP
— 9-RAJ BAHADUR-M-26 IJP
— 10-SHAFIK-M-52 UNLP
— 11-ABHISHEK-M-25 IND
— 12-KULDEEP-M-32 IND
— 13-ADVOCATE BRAHAM PAL GURJAR-M-38 IND
— 14-MUKTA SINGH-F-35 IND
— 15-LAKHMI-M-53 IND
S24-3-UP-Muzaffarnagar 1-KADIR RANA-M-45 BSP
— 2-DHEER SINGH-M-45 CPI
— 3-THAKUR SANGEET SINGH SOM-M-29 SP
— 4-HARINDRA SINGH MALIK-M-54 INC
— 5-ANURADHA CHAUDHARY-F-48 RLD
— 6-ABDUL AZIZ ANSARI-M-57 PECP
— 7-ASHUTOSH PANDEY-M-30 LD
— 8-NAWAB ALI-M-38 NLHP
— 9-MANISH BHAI URF NITU-M-35 ABHM
— 10-SATISH KUMAR-M-32 JSP
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— 12-INDERPAL-M-67 IND
— 13-NARENDRA KUMAR-M-44 IND
— 14-PARMOD PAL-M-41 IND
— 15-BHAGWAT SINGH-M-66 IND
— 16-MUKTA SINGH-F-25 IND
— 17-RANVEER-M-49 IND
— 18-RAJENDRA SINGH-M-60 IND
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— 20-VIJAY-M-36 IND
— 21-VEERPAL-M-32 IND
— 22-SATYAVEER-M-45 IND
— 23-SALEK CHAUDHARY-M-37 IND
S24-4-UP-Bijnor 1-KARTAR SINGH BHADANA-M-59 NCP
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— 3-SHAHID SIDDIQUI-M-58 BSP
— 4-SAIDUZZAMAN-M-67 INC
— 5-MOHD. AFSHAR-M-33 ASP
— 6-ABDUL BASIT-M-64 KKJHS
— 7-PARAS RAM-M-46 VAJP
— 8-SAGIR AHMAD-M-51 NLHP
— 9-SALESH KUMAR ALIAS SADHAWI SARLESH GIRI-F-41 MKUP
— 10-SURENDRA SINGH-M-49 IJP
— 11-SURESH CHAND-M-44 RMSP
— 12-SANJAY SINGH CHAUHAN-M-45 RLD
— 13-ABDUL SAMAD-M-37 IND
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— 20-RAJ RISHI-M-46 IND
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— 22-SHIVA CHARAN-M-71 IND
— 23-SABDUL-M-37 IND
S24-5-UP-Nagina 1-ISAM SINGH-M-51 INC
— 2-YASHVIR SINGH-M-36 SP
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— 4-UDIT RAJ-M-51 IJP
— 5-TEJ SINGH-M-53 ASP
— 6-BABLI ALIAS GULSAN JAHAN-F-34 NELU
— 7-MUNSIRAM-M-59 RLD
— 8-RANJEET-M-40 NBNP
— 9-VIJAY PRAKASH-M-70 PECP
— 10-ASARPAT-M-41 IND
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— 12-BHISHAM PRASAD-M-52 IND
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— 14-RAM CHANDER-M-44 IND
S24-6-UP-Moradabad 1-MOHAMMAD RIZWAN-M-58 SP
— 2-MOHAMMED AZHARUDDIN-M-46 INC
— 3-RAJIV CHANNA-M-46 BSP
— 4-KUNWAR SARVESH KUMAR ALIAS RAKESH-M-57 BJP
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— 16-SAGIR HUSAIN-M-36 IND
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— 18-HARIOM BALMIKI-M-35 IND
S24-7-UP-Rampur 1-GHAN SHYAM SINGH LODHI-M-48 BSP
— 2-JAYA PRADA NAHATA-F-45 SP
— 3-BEGUM NOOR BANO URF MEHTAB ZAMANI BEGUM-F-70 INC
— 4-MUKHTAR ABBAS NAQVI-M-51 BJP
— 5-DEEPCHAND GUPTA-M-51 JKD
— 6-SHRIPAL GUPTA-M-38 BSP(K)
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— 16-SHAKKAN KHAN-M-61 IND
S24-8-UP-Sambhal 1-IQBAL MEHMOOD-M-58 SP
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— 5-ASHOK-M-48 NNP
— 6-PUTTAN KHAN-M-33 NLHP
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S24-9-UP-Amroha 1-MEHBOOB ALI-M-56 SP
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— 7-SHARAFAT ALI-M-57 RSP
— 8-SATISH-M-28 ABHM
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— 18-RADHEKISHAN-M-36 IND
— 19-VARUN-M-29 IND
— 20-HARISH NAGPAL-M-42 IND
S24-10-UP-Meerut 1-ARUN KUMAR JAIN-M-57 NCP
— 2-MALOOK NAGAR-M-43 BSP
— 3-MUGHIS AHMAD GILANI-M-53 CPI
— 4-RAJENDRA AGARWAL-M-57 BJP
— 5-RAJENDRA SHARMA-M-61 INC
— 6-SHAHID MANZOOR-M-54 SP
— 7-AJAY AGRAWAL-M-44 SJP(R)
— 8-JANESHWAR PRASAD SHARMA-M-60 RVNP
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— 10-RAJKUMAR TYAGI-M-38 ABHM
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S24-11-UP-Baghpat 1-MUKESH SHARMA-M-28 BSP
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— 4-AJIT SINGH-M-70 RLD
— 5-GULZAR-M-44 ASP
— 6-DEVENDRA KUMAR-M-46 BKLJP
— 7-FIRDOUS A /S FIRDOUS RANA-F-27 MKUP
— 8-SHALINI-F-27 JM
— 9-ABDUL RASHID-M-26 IND
— 10-OMPAL-M-25 IND
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— 16-VEDPAL-M-39 IND
S24-12-UP-Ghaziabad 1-PT. AMAR PAL SHARMA-M-37 BSP
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— 3-SURENDRA PRAKASH GOEL-M-58 INC
— 4-AZIJ KHAN-M-43 IJP
— 5-ANWAR AHMED-M-61 NBNP
— 6-IQBAL-M-50 NLHP
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— 16-SAMAR SINGH-M-63 IND
S24-13-UP-Gautam buddh Nagar 1-NARENDRA SINGH BHATI-M-50 SP
— 2-MAHESH KUMAR SHARMA-M-48 BJP
— 3-RAMESH CHANDRA TOMAR-M-59 INC
— 4-K.K SHARMA-M-50 NCP
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— 6-ARVIND-M-35 ANC
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— 18-JAGAT SINGH-M-43 IND
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— 21-MAHESH-M-40 IND
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— 25-SUKHVIR-M-46 IND
— 26-SONIA SHARMA-F-33 IND
S24-14-UP-Bulandshahr 1-ASHOK KUMAR PRADHAN-M-53 BJP
— 2-KAMLESH-M-43 SP
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— 4-RAJ KUMAR GAUTAM-M-36 BSP
— 5-KARAN SINGH BHOOCHAL-M-56 RMEP
— 6-KANTI-F-54 ABRS
— 7-JAY BHAGWAN-M-35 NBNP
— 8-BALRAM-M-43 ABHM
— 9-RAGHURAJ SINGH-M-45 RTKP
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— 11-SUDHA SINGH-F-37 RPI
— 12-SUSHILA SINGH-F-60 RDMP
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— 14-SOHAN PAL-M-45 NLHP
— 15-KAMLESH-F-39 IND
— 16-PRAVEEN-M-32 IND
S24-15-UP-Aligarh 1-ZAFAR ALAM-M-66 SP
— 2-BIJENDRA SINGH-M-52 INC
— 3-RAJ KUMARI CHAUHAN-F-46 BSP
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— 7-DEVI PRASHAD-M-72 MADP
— 8-DHARAMVEER SINGH-M-42 IJP
— 9-BABULAL VERMA-M-71 ASP
— 10-MAHESH PRATAP SHARMA-M-54 RVP
— 11-MUKESH-M-29 NLHP
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— 22-BHAGVAN SAHAY-M-63 IND
— 23-SHER MOHAMMAD-M-47 IND
S24-16-UP-Hathras 1-ANAR SINGH-M-48 SP
— 2-PRADEEP CHANDEL-M-31 INC
— 3-RAJENDRA KUMAR-M-43 BSP
— 4-JAIPRAKASH-M-59 RTKP
— 5-PRADEEP KUMAR-M-38 ASP
— 6-PREMLATA-F-35 RPI(A)
— 7-SARIKA SINGH-F-29 RLD
— 8-SURESH BABU-M-35 BSKPB
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— 10-SHIV SINGH-M-39 IND
S24-17-UP-Mathura 1-MANVENDRA SINGH-M-62 INC
— 2-SHYAM SUNDER SHARMA-M-57 BSP
— 3-ASHRAF ALI-M-34 NLHP
— 4-JAYANT CHAUDHARY-M-30 RLD
— 5-DEVENDRA-M-27 RALP
— 6-YADRAM-M-56 BSP(K)
— 7-HEERA SINGH-M-44 NELU
— 8-GOPAL SAINI ALIAS MANAGER-M-25 IND
— 9-JAGDISH-M-34 IND
— 10-JAI PRAKASH-M-35 IND
— 11-PITAM SINGH-M-72 IND
— 12-PRAMOD PACHAURI-M-41 IND
— 13-FAKKAR BABA-M-64 IND
— 14-BABU LAL SHARMA-M-70 IND
— 15-VINOD-M-41 IND
— 16-SHYAMSUNDAR-M-31 IND
S24-18-UP-Agra 1-KUNWAR CHAND (VAKIL)-M-51 BSP
— 2-PRABHUDAYAL KATHERIA-M-57 INC
— 3-RAMJI LAL SUMAN-M-57 SP
— 4-DR. RAMSHANKAR-M-43 BJP
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