Delivered as President of the Congress for the History of Religions, September 1908.—Fortnightly Review, November 1908.

“In considering the subject of my address, I have been confronted by this difficulty—that in the sections which regulate the order of our proceedings, we have a list of papers that range over all the principal religions, ancient and modern, that have existed and still exist in the world. They are to be treated and discussed by experts whose scholarship, particular studies, and close research entitle them all to address you authoritatively. I have no such special qualifications; and in any case it would be most presumptuous in me to trespass upon their ground. All that I can venture to do, therefore, in the remarks which I propose to address to you to-day, is to attempt a brief general survey of the history of religions from a standpoint which may possibly not fall within the scope of these separate papers.

The four great religions now prevailing in the world, which are historical in the sense that they have been long known to history, I take to be—Christianity, Islam, Buddhism, and Hinduism. Having regard to their origin and derivation, to their history and character, I may be permitted, for my present purpose only, to class the two former as the Religions of the West, and the two latter as the Religions of the East. These are the faiths which still maintain a mighty influence over the minds of mankind. And my object is to compare the political relations, the attitude, maintained toward them, from time to time, by the States and rulers of the people over which these religions have established their spiritual dominion.

The religion of the Jews is not included, though its influence has been incalculable, because it has been caught up, so to speak, into Christianity and Islam, and cannot therefore be counted among those which have made a partition of the religious world. For this reason, perhaps, it has retained to this day its ancient denomination, derived from the tribe or country of its origin; whereas the others are named from a Faith or a Founder. The word Nazarene, denoting the birthplace of Christianity, which is said to be still used in that region, was, as we know, very speedily superseded by its wider title, as the Creed broke out of local limits and was proclaimed universal. There has evidently been a foretime, though it is prehistorical, when, so far as we know, mankind was universally polytheistic; when innumerable rites and worships prevailed without restraint, springing up and contending with each other like the trees in a primeval forest, reflecting a primitive and precarious condition of human society.

I take polytheism to have been, in this earliest stage, the wild growth of superstitious imagination, varied indefinitely by the pressure of circumstance, by accident, by popular caprice, or by the good or evil fortunes of the community. In this stage it can now be seen among barbarous tribes—as, for instance, in Central Africa. And some traces of it still survive, under different pretexts and disguises, in the lowest strata of civilised nations, where it may be said to represent the natural reluctance of the vagrant human fancy to be satisfied with higher forms and purer conceptions that are always imperfectly assimilated by the multitude. Among primitive societies the spheres of human and divine affairs were intermixed and identical; they could not be disentangled. But with the growth of political institutions came gradual separation, or at any rate the subordination of religion to the practical necessities of orderly government and public morals.

That polytheism can exist and flourish in the midst of a highly intellectual and civilised society, we know from the history of Greece and Rome. But in ancient Greece its direct influence upon political affairs seems to have been slight; though it touched at some points upon morality. The function of the State, according to Greek ideas, was to legislate for all the departments of human life and to uphold the moral standard. The law prohibited sacrilege and profanity; it punished open impiety that might bring down divine wrath upon the people at large. The philosophers taught rational ethics; they regarded the popular superstitions with indulgent contempt; but they inculcated the duty of honouring the gods, and the observance of public ceremonial. Beyond these limits the practice of local and customary worship was, I think, free and unrestrained; though I need hardly add that toleration, as understood by the States of antiquity, was a very different thing from the modern principle of religious neutrality. Under the Roman government the connection between the State and religion was much closer, as the dominion of Rome expanded and its power became centralised. The Roman State maintained a strict control and superintendence over the official rituals and worships, which were regulated as a department of the administration, to bind the people together by established rites and worships, in order to cement political and social unity. It is true that the usages of the tribes and principalities that were conquered and annexed were left undisturbed; for the Roman policy, like that of the English in India, was to avoid giving offence to religion; and undoubtedly this policy, in both instances, materially facilitated the rapid building up of a wide dominion. Nevertheless, there was a tendency to draw in the worship toward a common centre. The deities of the conquered provinces were respected and conciliated; the Roman generals even appealed to them for protection and favour, yet they became absorbed and assimilated under Roman names; they were often identified with the gods of the Roman pantheon, and were frequently superseded by the victorious divinities of the new rulers—the strange deities, in fact, were Romanised as well as the foreign tribes and cities. After this manner the Roman empire combined the tolerance of great religious diversity with the supremacy of a centralised government. Political amalgamation brought about a fusion of divine attributes; and latterly the emperor was adored as the symbol of manifest power, ruler and pontiff; he was the visible image of supreme authority. This régime was easily accepted by the simple unsophisticated paganism of Europe. The Romans, with all their statecraft, had as yet no experience of a high religious temperature, of enthusiastic devotion and divine mysteries. But as their conquest and commerce spread eastward, the invasion of Asia let in upon Europe a flood of Oriental divinities, and thus Rome came into contact with much stronger and deeper spiritual forces. The European polytheism might be utilised and administered, the Asiatic deities could not be domesticated and subjected to regulation; the Oriental orgies and strange rites broke in upon the organised State worship; the new ideas and practices came backed by a profound and fervid spiritualism. Nevertheless the Roman policy of bringing religion under authoritative control was more or less successful even in the Asiatic provinces of the empire; the privileges of the temples were restricted; the priesthoods were placed under the general superintendence of the proconsular officials; and Roman divinities gradually found their way into the Asiatic pantheon. But we all know that the religion of the Roman empire was falling into multitudinous confusion when Christianity arose—an austere exclusive faith, with its army of saints, ascetics, and unflinching martyrs, proclaiming worship to be due to one God only, and sternly refusing to acknowledge the divinity of the emperor. Against such a faith an incoherent disorderly polytheism could make no better stand than tribal levies against a disciplined army. The new religion struck directly at the sacrifices that symbolised imperial unity; the passive resistance of Christians was necessarily treated as rebellion, the State made implacable war upon them. Yet the spiritual and moral forces won the victory, and Christianity established itself throughout the empire. Universal religion, following upon universal civil dominion, completed the levelling of local and national distinctions. The Churches rapidly grew into authority superior to the State within their own jurisdiction; they called in the temporal government to enforce theological decisions and to put down heresies; they founded a powerful hierarchy. The earlier Roman constitution had made religion an instrument of administration. When one religion became universal, the churches enlisted the civil ruler into the service of orthodoxy; they converted the State into an instrument for enforcing religion. The pagan empire had issued edicts against Christianity and had suppressed Christian assemblies as tainted with disaffection; the Christian emperors enacted laws against the rites and worships of paganism, and closed temples. It was by the supreme authority of Constantine that, for the first time in the religious history of the world, uniformity of belief was defined by a creed, and sanctioned by the ruler’s assent.

Then came, in Western Europe, the time when the empire at Rome was rent asunder by the inrush of barbarians; but upon its ruins was erected the great Catholic Church of the Papacy, which preserved in the ecclesiastical domain the autocratic imperial tradition. The primacy of the Roman Church, according to Harnack, is essentially the transference to her of Rome’s central position in the religions of the heathen world; the Church united the western races, disunited politically, under the common denomination of Christianity. Yet Christianity had not long established itself throughout all the lands, in Europe and Asia, which had once been under the Roman sovereignty, when the violent irruptions of Islam upset not only the temporal but also the spiritual dominion throughout Western Asia, and along the southern shores of the Mediterranean. The Eastern empire at Constantinople had been weakened by bitter theological dissensions and heresies among the Christians; the votaries of the new, simple, unswerving faith of Mohammed were ardent and unanimous.

In Egypt and Syria the Mohammedans were speedily victorious; the Latin Church and even the Latin language were swept out of North Africa. In Persia the Sassanian dynasty was overthrown, and although there was no immediate and total conversion of the people, Mohammedanism gradually superseded the ancient Zoroastrian cultus as the religion of the Persian State. It was not long before the armies of Islam had triumphed from the Atlantic coast to the Jaxartes river in Central Asia; and conversion followed, speedily or slowly, as the direct result of conquest. Moreover, the Mohammedans invaded Europe. In the south-west they subdued almost all Spain; and in the south-east they destroyed, some centuries later, the Greek empire, though not the Greek Church, and consolidated a mighty rulership at Constantinople. With this prolonged conflict between Islam and Christianity along the borderlands of Europe and Asia began the era of those religious wars that have darkened the history of the Western nations, and have perpetuated the inveterate antipathy between Asiatic and European races, which the spread of Christianity into both continents had softened and might have healed. In the end Christianity has fixed itself permanently in Europe, while Islam is strongly established throughout half Asia. But the sharp collision between the two faiths, the clash of armies bearing the cross and the crescent, generated fierce fanaticism on both sides. The Crusades kindled a fiery militant and missionary spirit previously unknown to religions, whereby religious propagation became the mainspring and declared object of conquest and colonisation.

Finally, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the great secession from the Roman Church divided the nations of Western Europe into hostile camps, and throughout the long wars of that period political jealousies and ambitions were inflamed by religious animosities. In Eastern Europe the Greek Church fell under almost complete subordination to the State. The history of Europe and Western Asia records, therefore, a close connection and community of interests between the States and the orthodox faiths; a combination which has had a very potent influence, during many centuries, upon the course of civil affairs, upon the fortunes, or misfortunes, of nations.

Up to the sixteenth century, at least, it was universally held, by Christianity and by Islam, that the State was bound to enforce orthodoxy; conversion and the suppression or expulsion of heretics were public duties. Unity of creed was thought necessary for national unity—a government could not undertake to maintain authority, or preserve the allegiance of its subjects, in a realm divided and distracted by sectarian controversies. On these principles Christianity and Islam were consolidated, in union with the States or in close alliance with them; and the geographical boundaries of these two faiths, and of their internal divisions respectively, have not materially changed up to the present day.

Let me now turn to the history of religion in those countries of further Asia, which were never reached by Greek or Roman conquest or civilisation, where the ancient forms of worship and conceptions of divinity, which existed before Christianity and Islam, still flourish. And here I shall only deal with the relations of the State to religion in India and China and their dependencies, because these vast and populous empires contain the two great religions, Hinduism and Buddhism, of purely Asiatic origin and character, which have assimilated to a large extent, and in a certain degree elevated, the indigenous polytheism, and which still exercise a mighty influence over the spiritual and moral condition of many millions. We know what a tremendous power religion has been in the wars and politics of the West. I submit that in Eastern Asia, beyond the pale of Islam, the history of religion has been very different. Religious wars—I mean wars caused by the conflict of militant faiths contending for superiority—were, I believe, unknown on any great scale to the ancient civilisations. It seems to me that until Islam invaded India the great religious movements and changes in that region had seldom or never been the consequence of, nor had been materially affected by, wars, conquests, or political revolutions. Throughout Europe and Mohammedan Asia the indigenous deities and their temples have disappeared centuries ago; they have been swept away by the forces of Church and State combined to exterminate them; they have all yielded to the lofty overruling ideal of monotheism.

But the tide of Mohammedanism reached its limit in India; the people, though conquered, were but partly converted, and eastward of India there have been no important Mohammedan rulerships. On this side of Asia, therefore, two great religions, Buddhism and Brahmanism, have held their ground from times far anterior to Christianity; they have retained the elastic comprehensive character of polytheism, purified and elevated by higher conceptions, developed by the persistent competition of diverse ideas and forms among the people, unrestrained by attempts of superior organised faiths to obliterate the lower and weaker species. In that region political despotism has prevailed immemorially; religious despotism, in the sense of the legal establishment of one faith or worship to the exclusion of all others, of uniformity imposed by coercion, of proselytism by persecution, is unknown to history: the governments have been absolute and personal; the religions have been popular and democratic. They have never been identified so closely with the ruling power as to share its fortunes, or to be used for the consolidation of successful conquest. Nor, on the other hand, has a ruler ever found it necessary, for the security of his throne, to conform to the religion of his subjects, and to abjure all others. The political maxim, that the sovereign and his subjects should be of one and the same religion, ‘Cujus regio ejus religio’, has never prevailed in this part of the world.

And although in India, the land of their common origin, Buddhism widely displaced and overlaid Brahmanism, while it was in its turn, after several centuries, overcome and ejected by a Brahmanic revival, yet I believe that history records no violent contests or collisions between them; nor do we know that the armed force of the State played any decisive part in these spiritual revolutions. I do not maintain that Buddhism has owed nothing to State influence. It represents certain doctrines of the ancient Indian theosophy, incarnate, as one might say, in the figure of a spiritual Master, the Indian prince, Sakya Gautama, who was the type and example of ascetic quietism; it embodies the idea of salvation, or emancipation attainable by man’s own efforts, without aid from priests or divinities. Buddhism is the earliest, by many centuries, of the faiths that claim descent from a personal founder. It emerges into authentic history with the empire of Asoka, who ruled over the greater part of India some 250 years before Christ, and its propagation over his realm and the countries adjacent is undoubtedly due to the influence, example, and authority of that devout monarch.

According to Mr. Vincent Smith, from whose valuable work on the Early History of India I take the description of Asoka’s religious policy, the king, renouncing after one necessary war all further military conquest, made it the business of his life to employ his autocratic power in directing the preaching and teaching of the Law of Piety, which he had learnt from his Buddhist priesthood. All his high officers were commanded to instruct the people in the way of salvation; he sent missions to foreign countries; he issued edicts promulgating ethical doctrines, and the rules of a devout life; he made pilgrimages to the sacred places; and finally he assumed the yellow robe of a Buddhist monk.

Asoka elevated, so Mr. Smith has said, a sect of Hinduism to the rank of a world-religion. Nevertheless, I think it may be affirmed that the emperor consistently refrained from the forcible conversion of his subjects, and indeed the use of compulsion would have apparently been a breach of his own edicts, which insist on the principle of toleration, and declare the propagation of the Law of Piety to be his sole object. Asoka made no attempt to persecute Brahmanism; and it seems clear that the extraordinary success of Buddhism in India cannot be attributed to war or to conquest. To imperial influence and example much must be ascribed, yet I think Buddhism owed much more to its spiritual potency, to its superior faculty of transmuting and assimilating, instead of abolishing, the elementary instincts and worships, endowing them with a higher significance, attracting and stimulating devotion by impressive rites and ceremonies, impressing upon the people the dogma of the soul’s transmigration and its escape from the miseries of sentient existence by the operation of merits. And of all great religions it is the least political, for the practice of asceticism and quietism, of monastic seclusion from the working world, is necessarily adverse to any active connection with mundane affairs.

I do not know that the mysterious disappearance of Buddhism from India can be accounted for by any great political revolution, like that which brought Islam into India. It seems to have vanished before the Mohammedans had gained any footing in the country.

Meanwhile Buddhism is said to have penetrated into the Chinese empire by the first century of the Christian era. Before that time the doctrines of Confucius and Laotze were the dominant philosophies; rather moral than religious, though ancestral worship and the propitiation of spirits were not disallowed, and were to a certain extent enjoined. Laotze, the apostle of Taoism, appears to have preached a kind of Stoicism—the observance of the order of Nature in searching for the right way of salvation, the abhorrence of vicious sensuality—and the cultivation of humility, self-sacrifice, and simplicity of life. He condemned altogether the use of force in the sphere of religion or morality; though he admitted that it might be necessary for the purposes of civil government. The system of Confucius inculcated justice, benevolence, self-control, obedience and loyalty to the sovereign—all the civic virtues; it was a moral code without a metaphysical background; the popular worships were tolerated, reverence for ancestors conduced to edification; the gods were to be honoured, though it was well to keep aloof from them; he disliked religious fervour, and of things beyond experience he had nothing to say.

Buddhism, with its contempt for temporal affairs, treating life as a mere burden, and the soul’s liberation from existence as the end and object of meditative devotion, must have imported a new and disturbing element into the utilitarian philosophies of ancient China. For many centuries Buddhism, Taoism, and Confucianism are said to have contended for the patronage and recognition of the Chinese emperors. Buddhism was alternately persecuted and protected, expelled and restored by imperial decree. Priesthoods and monastic orders are institutions of which governments are naturally jealous; the monasteries were destroyed or rebuilt, sacerdotal orders and celibacy suppressed or encouraged by imperial decrees, according to the views and prepossessions of successive dynasties or emperors. Nevertheless the general policy of Chinese rulers and ministers seems not to have varied essentially. Their administrative principle was that religion must be prevented from interfering with affairs of State, that abuses and superstitious extravagances are not so much offences against orthodoxy as matters for the police, and as such must be put down by the secular arm. Upon this policy successive dynasties appear to have acted continuously up to the present day in China, where the relations of the State to religions are, I think, without parallel elsewhere in the modern world. One may find some resemblance to the attitude of the Roman emperors towards rites and worships among the population, in the Chinese emperor’s reverent observance and regulation of the rites and ceremonies performed by him as the religious chief and representative before Heaven of the great national interests. The deification of deceased emperors is a solemn rite ordained by proclamation. As the Ius sacrum, the body of rights and duties in the matter of religion, was regarded in Rome as a department of the Ius publicum, belonging to the fundamental constitution of the State, so in China the ritual code was incorporated into the statute books, and promulgated with imperial sanction. Now we know that in Rome the established ritual was legally prescribed, though otherwise strange deities and their worships were admitted indiscriminately. But the Chinese Government goes much further. It appears to regard all novel superstitions, and especially foreign worships, as the hotbed of sedition and disloyalty. Unlicensed deities and sects are put down by the police; magicians and sorcerers are arrested; and the peculiar Chinese practice of canonising deceased officials and paying sacrificial honours to local celebrities after death is strictly reserved by the Board of Ceremonies for imperial consideration and approval. The Censor, to whom any proposal of this kind must be entrusted, is admonished that he must satisfy himself by inquiry of its validity. An official who performs sacred rites in honour of a spirit or holy personage not recognised by the Ritual Code, was liable, under laws that may be still in force, to corporal punishment; and the adoration by private families of spirits whose worship is reserved for public ceremonial was a heinous offence. No such rigorous control over the multiplication of rites and deities has been instituted elsewhere. On the other hand, while in other countries the State has recognised no more than one established religion, the Chinese Government formally recognises three denominations. Buddhism has been sanctioned by various edicts and endowments, yet the State divinities belong to the Taoist pantheon, and their worship is regulated by public ordinances; while Confucianism represents official orthodoxy, and its precepts embody the latitudinarian spirit of the intellectual classes. We know that the Chinese people make use, so to speak, of all three religions indiscriminately, according to their individual whims, needs, or experience of results. So also a politic administration countenances these divisions and probably finds some interest in maintaining them. The morality of the people requires some religious sanction; and it is this element with which the State professes its chief concern. We are told on good authority that one of the functions of high officials is to deliver public lectures freely criticising and discouraging indolent monasticism and idolatry from the standpoint of rational ethics, as follies that are reluctantly tolerated. Yet the Government has never been able to keep down the fanatics, mystics, and heretical sects that are incessantly springing up in China, as elsewhere in Asia; though they are treated as pestilent rebels and law-breakers, to be exterminated by massacre and cruel punishments; and bloody repression of this kind has been the cause of serious insurrections. It is to be observed that all religious persecution is by the direct action of the State, not instigated or insisted upon by a powerful orthodox priesthood. But a despotic administration which undertakes to control and circumscribe all forms and manifestations of superstition in a vast polytheistic multitude of its subjects, is inevitably driven to repressive measures of the utmost severity. Neither Christianity nor Islam attempted to regulate polytheism, their mission was to exterminate it, and they succeeded mainly because in those countries the State was acting with the support and under the uncompromising pressure of a dominant church or faith. Some writers have noticed a certain degree of resemblance between the policy of the Roman empire and that of the Chinese empire toward religion. We may read in Gibbon that the Roman magistrates regarded the various modes of worship as equally useful, that sages and heroes were exalted to immortality and entitled to reverence and adoration, and that philosophic officials, viewing with indulgence the superstitions of the multitude, diligently practised the ceremonies of their fathers. So far, indeed, his description of the attitude of the State toward polytheism may be applicable to China; but although the Roman and Chinese emperors both assumed the rank of divinity, and were supreme in the department of worships, the Roman administration never attempted to regulate and restrain polytheism at large on the Chinese system. The religion of the Gentiles, said Hobbes, is a part of their policy; and it may be said that this is still the policy of Oriental monarchies, who admit no separation between the secular and the ecclesiastic jurisdiction. They would agree with Hobbes that temporal and spiritual government are but two words brought into the world to make men see double and mistake their lawful sovereign. But while in Mohammedan Asia the State upholds orthodox uniformity, in China and Japan the mainspring of all such administrative action is political expediency. It may be suggested that in the mind of these far-Eastern people religion has never been conceived as something quite apart from human experience and the affairs of the visible world; for Buddhism, with its metaphysical doctrines, is a foreign importation, corrupted and materialised in China and Japan. And we may observe that from among the Mongolian races, which have produced mighty conquerors and founded famous dynasties from Constantinople to Pekin, no mighty prophet, no profound spiritual teacher, has arisen. Yet in China, as throughout all the countries of the Asiatic mainland, an enthusiast may still gather together ardent proselytes, and fresh revelations may create among the people unrest that may ferment and become heated up to the degree of fanaticism, and explode against attempts made to suppress it. The Taeping insurrection, which devastated cities and provinces in China, and nearly overthrew the Manchu dynasty, is a striking example of the volcanic fires that underlie the surface of Asiatic societies. It was quenched in torrents of blood after lasting some ten years. And very recently there has been a determined revolt of the Lamas in Eastern Tibet, where the provincial administration is, as we know, sacerdotal.

The imperial troops are said to be crushing it with unrelenting severity. These are the perilous experiences of a philosophic Government that assumes charge and control over the religions of some three hundred millions of Asiatics.

I can only make a hasty reference to Japan. In that country the relations of the State to religions appear to have followed the Chinese model. Buddhism, Confucianism, Shintoism, are impartially recognised. The emperor presides over official worship as high priest of his people; the liturgical ordinances are issued by imperial rescripts not differing in form from other public edicts. The dominant article of faith is the divinity of Japan and its emperor; and Shinto, the worship of the gods of nature, is understood to be patronised chiefly with the motive of preserving the national traditions. But in Japan the advance of modern science and enlightened scepticism may have diminished the importance of the religious department. Shinto, says a recent writer, still embodies the religion of the people; yet in 1877 a decree was issued declaring it to be no more than a convenient system of State ceremonial.[ The Development of Religion in Japan, G. W. Knox, 1907] And in 1889 an article of the constitution granted freedom of belief and worship to all Japanese subjects, without prejudice to peace, order, and loyalty.

In India the religious situation is quite different. I think it is without parallel elsewhere in the world. Here we are at the fountainhead of metaphysical theology, of ideas that have flowed eastward and westward across Asia. And here, also, we find every species of primitive polytheism, unlimited and multitudinous; we can survey a confused medley of divinities, of rites and worships incessantly varied by popular whim and fancy, by accidents, and by the pressure of changing circumstances. Hinduism permits any doctrine to be taught, any sort of theory to be held regarding the divine attributes and manifestations, the forces of nature, or the mysterious functions of mind or body. Its tenets have never been circumscribed by a creed; its free play has never been checked or regulated by State authority. Now, at first sight, this is not unlike the popular polytheism of the ancient world, before the triumph of Christianity. There are passages in St. Augustine’s Civitas Dei, describing the worship of the unconverted pagans among whom he lived, that might have been written yesterday by a Christian bishop in India. And we might ask why all this polytheism was not swept out from among such a highly intellectual people as the Indians, with their restless pursuit of divine knowledge, by some superior faith, by some central idea. Undoubtedly the material and moral conditions, and the course of events which combine to stamp a particular form of religion upon any great people, are complex and manifold; but into this inquiry I cannot go. I can only point out that the institution of caste has riveted down Hindu society into innumerable divisions upon a general religious basis, and that the sacred books separated the Hindu theologians into different schools, preventing uniformity of worship or of creed. And it is to be observed that these books are not historical; they give no account of the rise and spread of a faith. The Hindu theologian would say, in the words of an early Christian father, that the objects of divine knowledge are not historical, that they can only be apprehended intellectually, that within experience there is no reality. And the fact that Brahmanism has no authentic inspired narrative, that it is the only great religion not concentrated round the life and teachings of a person, may be one reason why it has remained diffuse and incoherent. All ways of salvation are still open to the Hindus; the canon of their scripture has never been authoritatively closed. New doctrines, new sects, fresh theological controversies, are incessantly modifying and superseding the old scholastic interpretations of the mysteries, for Hindus, like Asiatics everywhere, are still in that condition of mind when a fresh spiritual message is eagerly received. Vishnu and Siva are the realistic abstractions of the understanding from objects of sense, from observation of the destructive and reproductive operations of nature; they represent among educated men separate systems of worship which, again, are parted into different schools or theories regarding the proper ways and methods of attaining to spiritual emancipation. Yet the higher philosophy and the lower polytheism are not mutually antagonistic; on the contrary, they support each other; for Brahmanism accepts and allies itself with the popular forms of idolatry, treating them as outward visible signs of an inner truth, as indications of all-pervading pantheism. The peasant and the philosopher reverence the same deity, perform the same rite; they do not mean the same thing, but they do not quarrel on this account. Nevertheless, it is certainly remarkable that this inorganic medley of ideas and worships should have resisted for so many ages the invasion and influence of the coherent faiths that have won ascendancy, complete or dominant, on either side of India, the west and the east; it has thrown off Buddhism, it has withstood the triumphant advance of Islam, it has as yet been little affected by Christianity. Probably the political history of India may account in some degree for its religious disorganisation. I may propound the theory that no religion has obtained supremacy, or at any rate definite establishment, in any great country except with the active co-operation, by force or favour, of the rulers, whether by conquest, as in Western Asia, or by patronage and protection, as in China. The direct influence and recognition of the State has been an indispensable instrument of religious consolidation. But until the nineteenth century the whole of India, from the mountains to the sea, had never been united under one stable government; the country was for ages parcelled out into separate principalities, incessantly contending for territory. And even the Moghul empire, which was always at war upon its frontiers, never acquired universal dominion. The Moghul emperors, except Aurungzeb, were by no means bigoted Mohammedans; and their obvious interest was to abstain from meddling with Hinduism. Yet the irruption of Islam into India seems rather to have stimulated religious activity among the Hindus, for during the Mohammedan period various spiritual teachers arose, new sects were formed, and theological controversies divided the intellectual classes. To these movements the Mohammedan governments must have been for a long time indifferent; and among the new sects the principle of mutual toleration was universal. Towards the close of the Moghul empire, however, Hinduism, provoked by the bigotry of the Emperor Aurungzeb, became a serious element of political disturbance. Attempts to suppress forcibly the followers of Nanak Guru, and the execution of one spiritual leader of the Sikhs, turned the Sikhs from inoffensive quietists into fanatical warriors; and by the eighteenth century they were in open revolt against the empire. They were, I think, the most formidable embodiment of militant Hinduism known to Indian history. By that time, also, the Marathas in South-West India were declaring themselves the champions of the Hindu religion against the Mohammedan oppression; and to the Sikhs and Marathas the dislocation of the Moghul empire may be very largely attributed. We have here a notable example of the dynamic power upon politics of revolts that are generated by religious fermentation, and a proof of the strength that can be exerted by a pacific inorganic polytheism in self-defence, when ambitious rebels proclaim themselves defenders of a faith. The Marathas and the Sikhs founded the only rulerships whose armies could give the English serious trouble in the field during the nineteenth century. On the whole, however, when we survey the history of India, and compare it with that of Western Asia, we may say that although the Hindus are perhaps the most intensely religious people in the world, Hinduism has never been, like Christianity, Islam, and to some extent Buddhism, a religion established by the State. Nor has it suffered much from the State’s power. It seems strange, indeed, that Mohammedanism, a compact proselytising faith, closely united with the civil rulership, should have so slightly modified, during seven centuries of dominion, this infinitely divided polytheism. Of course, Mohammedanism made many converts, and annexed a considerable number of the population—yet the effect was rather to stiffen than to loosen the bonds that held the mass of the people to their traditional divinities, and to the institution of castes. Moreover the antagonism of the two religions, the popular and the dynastic, was a perpetual element of weakness in a Mohammedan empire. In India polytheism could not be crushed, as in Western Asia, by Islam; neither could it be controlled and administered, as in Eastern Asia; yet the Moghul emperors managed to keep on good terms with it, so long as they adhered to a policy of toleration. To the Mohammedan empire has succeeded another foreign dominion, which practises not merely tolerance but complete religious neutrality.

Looking back over the period of a hundred years, from 1757 to 1857, during which the British dominion was gradually extended over India, we find that the British empire, like the Roman, met with little or no opposition from religion. Hindus and Mohammedans, divided against each other, were equally willing to form alliances with, and to fight on the side of, the foreigner who kept religion entirely outside politics. And the British Government, when established, has so carefully avoided offence to caste or creed that on one great occasion only, the Sepoy Mutiny of 1857, have the smouldering fires of credulous fanaticism broken out against our rule. I believe the British-Indian position of complete religious neutrality to be unique among Asiatic governments, and almost unknown in Europe. The Anglo-Indian sovereignty does not identify itself with the interests of a single faith, as in Mohammedan kingdoms, nor does it recognise a definite ecclesiastical jurisdiction in things spiritual, as in Catholic Europe. Still less has our Government adopted the Chinese system of placing the State at the head of different rituals for the purpose of controlling them all, and proclaiming an ethical code to be binding on all denominations. The British ruler, while avowedly Christian, ignores all religions administratively, interfering only to suppress barbarous or indecent practices when the advance of civilisation has rendered them obsolete. Public instruction, so far as the State is concerned, is entirely secular; the universal law is the only authorised guardian of morals; to expound moral duties officially, as things apart from religion, has been found possible in China, but not in India. But the Chinese Government can issue edicts enjoining public morality and rationalism because the State takes part in the authorised worship of the people, and the emperor assumes pontifical office. The British Government in India, on the other hand, disowns official connection with any religion. It places all its measures on the sole ground of reasonable expediency, of efficient administration; it seeks to promote industry and commerce, and material civilisation generally; it carefully avoids giving any religious colour whatever to its public acts; and the result is that our Government, notwithstanding its sincere professions of absolute neutrality, is sometimes suspected of regarding all religion with cynical indifference, possibly even with hostility. Moreover, religious neutrality, though it is right, just, and the only policy which the English in India could possibly adopt, has certain political disadvantages. The two most potent influences which still unite and divide the Asiatic peoples, are race and religion; a Government which represents both these forces, as, for instance, in Afghanistan, has deep roots in a country. A dynasty that can rely on the support of an organised religion, and stands forth as the champion of a dominant faith, has a powerful political power at its command. The Turkish empire, weak, ill-governed, repeatedly threatened with dismemberment, embarrassed internally by the conflict of races, has been preserved for the last hundred years by its incorporation with the faith of Islam, by the Sultan’s claim to the Caliphate. To attack it is to assault a religious citadel; it is the bulwark on the west of Mohammedan Asia, as Afghanistan is the frontier fortress of Islam on the east. A leading Turkish politician has very recently said: ‘It is in Islam pure and simple that lies the strength of Turkey as an independent State; and if the Sultan’s position as religious chief were encroached upon by constitutional reforms, the whole Ottoman empire would be in danger.’ We have to remember that for ages religious enthusiasm has been, and still is in some parts of Asia, one of the strongest incentives to military ardour and fidelity to a standard on the battlefield. Identity of creed has often proved more effective, in war, than territorial patriotism; it has surmounted racial and tribal antipathies; while religious antagonism is still in many countries a standing impediment to political consolidation. When, therefore, we survey the history of religions, though this sketch is necessarily very imperfect and inadequate, we find Mohammedanism still identified with the fortunes of Mohammedan rulers; and we know that for many centuries the relations of Christianity to European States have been very close. In Europe the ardent perseverance and intellectual superiority of great theologians, of ecclesiastical statesmen supported by autocratic rulers, have hardened and beat out into form doctrines and liturgies that it was at one time criminal to disregard or deny, dogmatic articles of faith that were enforced by law. By these processes orthodoxy emerged compact, sharply defined, irresistible, out of the strife and confusion of heresies; the early record of the churches has pages spotted with tears and stained with blood. But at the present time European States seem inclined to dissolve their alliance with the churches, and to arrange a kind of judicial separation between the altar and the throne, though in very few cases has a divorce been made absolute. No State, in civilised countries, now assists in the propagation of doctrine; and ecclesiastical influence is of very little service to a Government. The civil law, indeed, makes continual encroachments on the ecclesiastical domain, questions its authority, and usurps its jurisdiction. Modern erudition criticises the historical authenticity of the scriptures, philosophy tries to undermine the foundations of belief; the governments find small interest in propping up edifices that are shaken by internal controversies. In Mohammedan Asia, on the other hand, the connection between the orthodox faith and the States is firmly maintained, for the solidarity is so close that disruptions would be dangerous, and a Mohammedan rulership over a majority of unbelievers would still be perilously unstable. I have thus endeavoured to show that the historical relations of Buddhism and Hinduism to the State have been in the past, and are still in the present time, very different from the situation in the West. There has always existed, I submit, one essential distinction of principle. Religious propagation, forcible conversion, aided and abetted by the executive power of the State, and by laws against heresy or dissent, have been defended in the West by the doctors of Islam, and formerly by Christian theologians, by the axiom that all means are justifiable for extirpating false teachers who draw souls to perdition. The right and duty of the civil magistrate to maintain truth, in regard to which Bossuet declared all Christians to be unanimous, and which is still affirmed in the Litany of our Church, is a principle from which no Government, three centuries ago, dissented in theory, though in practice it needed cautious handling. I do not think that this principle ever found its way into Hinduism or Buddhism; I doubt, that is to say, whether the civil government was at any time called in to undertake or assist propagation of those religions as part of its duty. Nor do I know that the States of Eastern Asia, beyond the pale of Islam, claim or exercise the right of insisting on conformance to particular doctrines, because they are true. The erratic manifestations of the religious spirit throughout Asia, constantly breaking out in various forms and figures, in thaumaturgy, mystical inspiration, in orgies and secret societies, have always disquieted these Asiatic States, yet, so far as I can ascertain, the employment of force to repress them has always been justified on administrative or political grounds, as distinguishable from theological motives pure and simple. Sceptics and agnostics have been often marked out for persecution in the West, but I do not think that they have been molested in India, China, or Japan, where they abound, because they seldom meddle with politics.[ 'Atheism did never disturb States' (Bacon)]. It may perhaps be admitted, however, that a Government which undertakes to regulate impartially all rites and worship among its subjects is at a disadvantage by comparison with a Government that acts as the representative of a great church or an exclusive faith. It bears the sole undivided responsibility for measures of repression; it cannot allege divine command or even the obligation of punishing impiety for the public good. To conclude. In Asiatic States the superintendence of religious affairs is an integral attribute of the sovereignty, which no Government, except the English in India, has yet ventured to relinquish; and even in India this is not done without some risk, for religion and politics are still intermingled throughout the world; they act and react upon each other everywhere. They are still far from being disentangled in our own country, where the theory that a Government in its collective character must profess and even propagate some religion has not been very long obsolete. It was maintained seventy years ago by a great statesman who was already rising into prominence, by Mr. Gladstone. The text of Mr. Gladstone’s argument, in his book on the relations of the State with the Church, was Hooker’s saying, that the religious duty of kings is the weightiest part of their sovereignty; while Macaulay, in criticising this position, insisted that the main, if not the only, duty of a Government, to which all other objects must be subordinate, was the protection of persons and property. These two eminent politicians were, in fact, the champions of the ancient and the modern ideas of sovereignty; for the theory that a State is bound to propagate the religion that it professes was for many centuries the accepted theory of all Christian rulerships, though I think it now survives only in Mohammedan kingdoms. As the influence of religion in the sphere of politics declines, the State becomes naturally less concerned with the superintendence of religion; and the tendency of constitutional Governments seems to be towards abandoning it. The States that have completely dissolved connection with ecclesiastical institutions are the two great republics, the United States of America and France. We can discern at this moment a movement towards constitutional reforms in Mohammedan Asia, in Turkey, and Persia, and if they succeed it will be most interesting to observe the effect which liberal reforms will produce upon the relation of Mohammedan Governments with the dominant faith, and on which side the religious teachers will be arrayed. It is certain, at any rate, that for a long time to come religion will continue to be a potent factor in Asiatic politics; and I may add that the reconciliation of civil with religious liberty is one of the most arduous of the many problems to be solved by the promoters of national unity.”

The first table below contains almost 3,300 entries,  each beginning with the date of award and the degree, followed by the University (and College), followed by the title of the thesis, followed by the AUTHOR in capital letters, followed by the name of the thesis supervisor where provided.

NB: There is a second table  that follows containing a further 78 77 entries — these latter are, however, incomplete in that either the year or the degree appears not to be available.

If you are an author or thesis-supervisor or other academic representative and you are able to correct any inadvertent error or omission, please feel free to write to me promptly by email and I shall seek to account for it.  For omissions, please also identify yourself clearly and send a comment  to the post along with the necessary data that you believe should be accounted for.  Numerous typos existed in the original transcription, several of which have been corrected though many might remain.  In several cases,  it is not impossible the original transcription has mis-spelt a name but authentication could require  the original thesis to be checked.

This  database has been created from public data and is published below with the aim of encouraging further research and reflection.  It may be of special interest to notice the choice and quality of subjects in the context of particular times.

Subroto Roy, Kolkata, India

Postscript:   More than one grateful reader has called this document someone’s  “labour of love”.   I agree though I have to say it was not mine — my contribution has been merely to  transform a confused spreadsheet into HTML, editing it very slightly, removing some but not all typos yet, and publishing it.  The spreadsheet was one of a million files on my computer, which must mean I downloaded it from some public source at some time though I am afraid I have no record where, most probably in British academia.

Degree    University & College    Title    AUTHOR    Supervisor

1909    MA    Liverpool    The interaction of England and India during the early years of George III    Dorothy DUDLEY
1917    BLitt    Oxford    The history of the occupation and rural administration of Bengal by the English Company from the time of Clive to the permanent settlement under Cornwallis    W K FIRMINGER
1917    MA    Liverpool    The constitutional relations of the Marquess Wellesley with the home authorities    Beatrice L FRAZER
1917    BLitt    Oxford    Agricultural cooperation in British India    J MATTHAI
1921    BA    Cambridge    Relations between the Bombay government and the Marathi powers up to the year 1774    W S DESI
1921    MA    Manchester    The movement of opinion in England as regards Indian affairs, 1757-1773    E EMMETT    Prof Muir
1921    MA    Manchester    The relations of the Mahrattas with the British power    I Kathleen WALKER    Prof Muir
1922    BLitt    Oxford    The history of Burma to 1824    G E HARVEY
1922    PhD    London    Commercial relations between India and England, 1600-1757    B KRISHNA
1922    MSc    London    Agricultural problems and conditions in the Bombay Presidency, 1870-1914    M A TATA
1922    BLitt    Oxford    The Indian calico trade and its influence on English history    P J THOMAS
1922    MSc    London    The cotton industry in India to 1757    J N VARMA    Prof Sargeant
1922    PhD    Manchester    The administration of Bengal under Warren Hastings    Sophia WEITZMAN    Prof Muir
1923    MA    Manchester    The administrative and judicial reforms of Lord Cornwallis in Bengal (excluding the permanent settlement)    A ASPINALL    Mr Higham
1923    MA    Manchester    The Residency of Oudh during the administration of Warren Hastings    C C BRACEWELL    Prof Davis
1923    MLitt    Cambridge    Industrial evolution of India in recent times    D R GADGIL
1923    PhD    London    The Punjab as a sovereign state, 1799-1839    GULSHAM LALL    Prof Dodwell
1924    BLitt    Oxford    Development of the cotton industry in Indian from the early 19th century    S DESOUANDE
1925    MA    Liverpool    Henry Dundas and the government of India, 1784-1800    Dorothy THORNTON    Prof Veitch
1926    PhD    Cambridge    The North West Frontier of India, 1890-1909, with a survey of policy since 1849    C C DAVIES
1927    PhD    Leeds    A study of the development of agriculture in the Punjab and its economic effects    K S BAJWA
1927    BLitt    Oxford    The military system of the Mahrattas: its origin and development from the time of the Shivaji to the fall of the Mahratta empire    S SEN
1928    MA    Birmingham    The East India Company crisis, 1770-1773    R BEARD
1928    PhD    Edinburgh    A comparative study of the woollen industry in Scotland and the Punjab    J W SIRAJUDDIN    Dr Rankin
1929    PhD    London    The relations of the Governor-General and council with the Governor and council of Madras under the Regulating Act of 1773    A Das GUPTA    Prof Dodwell
1929    PhD    London, LSE    The evolution of Indian income tax, 1860-1922: a historical, critical and comparative study    J P NIYOGI
1929    PhD    London    Development of Indian ralways, 1842-1928    N SANYAL    Prof Foxwell; Dr Slater
1930    PhD    London    Financial history of Mysore, 1799-1831    M H GOPAL    Dr Slater; Prof Dodwell
1930    BLitt    Oxford, St Cath’s Soc    The development of political institutions in the state of Travancore, 1885-1924    V M ITTYERAH
1930    BLitt    Oxford    Sir Charles Crosthwaite and the consolidation of Burma    Mys J MAY-OUNG
1930    PhD    London, SOAS    Revenue administration of the Sirkars under the East India Company down to 1802    Lanka SUNDERAM
1930    PhD    London, LSE    Hastings’ experiments in the judicial administration    N J M YUSUF
1931    PhD    London    State policy and economic development in Mysore State since 1881    UDAYAM ABHAYAMBAL    Miss Anstey
1931    PhD    London    The origin and early history of public debt in India    P DATTA    Prof Coatman
1931    MA    London    Lord Macaulay and the Indian Legislative Council    C D DHARKAR    Prof Dodwell
1931    MA    London    The bilingual problem in Ceylon    T D JAYASURIYA
1931    PhD    London; LSE    Study of agricultural cooperation in India based upon foreign experience    H L PASRICHA    Prof Gregory
1931    PhD    London, UC    The administration of Mysore under Sir Mark Cubbon. 1834-1861    K N V SASTRI    Prof Dodwell

1931    PhD    London, SOAS    Administrative beginnings in British Burma, 1826-1843    Barbara J STEWART

1931/32    PhD    Cambridge, St Cath’s    English social life in India in the 18th century    T G P SPEAR
1932    PhD    London    The growth and development of the Indian tea industry and trade    S M AKHTAR    Dr Anstey
1932    PhD    London    Anglo-Sikh relations, 1839-1849    K C KHANNA    Prof Dodwell
1932    PhD    London, LSE    Indian commodity market speculation    L N MISRA    Prof Coatman
1932    PhD    London, LSE    Indian foreign trade, 1870-1930    Parimal RAY    Prof Sargent
1932    PhD    London, King’s    Ceylon under the British occupation: its political and economic development, 1795-1833    C R de SILVA    Prof Newton
1932    PhD    London    Post-war labour legislation in India – a comparison with Japan    Sasadhar SINHA    Dr Anstey
1932    PhD    London    Local finance in India    G C VARMA    Prof Coatman
1933    PhD    Leeds    Historical survey of the financial policy of the government of India from 1857 to 1900 and of its economic and other consequences    H S BHAI
1933    PhD    London    The relations between the Board of Commissioners for the affairs of India and the Court of Directors, 1784-1816    P CHANDRA    Prof Coatman
1934    PhD    London    The influence of the home government on land revenue and judicial administration in the Presidency of Fort William in Bengal from 1807-1822    B S BALIGA    Prof Dodwell
1934    MSc    Leeds    A survey of the resources of tanning materials and the leather industry of Bhopal State, India    G W DOUGLAS
1934    PhD    Edinburgh    Human geography of Bengal    Arthur GEDDES
1934    BLitt    Oxford, Somerville    A study of the legal and administrative records of Dacca as illustrating the policy of Warren Hastings in East Bengal    F M SACHSE
1934    BLitt    Oxford    Biography of Maharaja DalipSingh    K S THAPER
1935    DPhil    Oxford    The development of the Indian administrative and financial system, 1858-1905, with special reference to the relations    F J THOMAS
1936    MSc    London    British Indian administration: a historical study    K R Ramaswami AIYANGAR
1936    MA    London    Lord Ellenborough’s ideas on Indian policy    Kathleen I GARRETT    Dr Morrell
1936    MA    London    British public opinion regarding Indian policy at the time of the mutiny    Jessie HOLMES    Dr Morrell
1936    PhD    London, SOAS    The rise and fall of the Rohilla power in Hindustan, 1707-1774 AD    A F M K RAHMAN
1936/37    PhD    Edinburgh    Indian foreign trade, 1900-1931, and its economic background: a study    W B RAGHAVIAH
1937    PhD    Cambridge, Gonville    The national income of British India, 1931-1932    V K R V RAO
1937    PhD    London, LSE    Culture change in South-Western India    A AIYAPPAN
1937    PhD    London, UC    Banks and industrial finance in India    R BAGCHI
1937    PhD    London    Development of social and political ideas in Bengal, 1858-1884    B C BHATTACHARYA    Prof Dodwell
1937    MSc    Leeds    An interpretation of the distribution of the population within the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh    Nora Y BOYDELL
1937    PhD    London, LSE    Rise and growth of Indian liberalism    M A BUCH
1937    PhD    London, LSE    Industrial finance and management in India    N DAS
1937    MSc    London, LSE    The effect of the breakdown of the international gold standard on India    R DORAISWAMY
1937    PhD    London, LSE    The problem of rural indebtedness in Indian economic life    B G GHATE
1937    MSc    London, LSE    Indian coal trade    J GUHATHAKURTA
1937    PhD    London SOAS    Reorganisation of the Punjab government (1847-1857)    R C LAI

1937    PhD    London, External    An economic and regional geography of the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh    S M T RIZVI
1937    PhD    Wales    Purposes and methods of recording and accounting as applied to agriculture, with special reference to provision and use of economic data relating to agriculture in India    Arjan SINGH
1938    PhD    London, SOAS    The relations between Oudh and the East India Company from 1785-1801    P BASU
1938    PhD    London,  SOAS    East India Company’s relations with Assam, 1771-1826    S K BHUYAN
1938    PhD    London, LSE    Discretionary powers in the Indian Government with special reference to district administration    B CHAND
1938    MA    London, SOAS    The British conquest of Sind    K A CHISHTI
1938    PhD    Cambridge, Christ’s    The working of the Bengal legislative council under the Government of India Act, 1919    J G DRUMMOND
1938    MA    London    British relations with the Sikhs and Afghans, July 1823 to March 1840    E R KAPADIA
1938    PhD    London, SOAS    The East India interest and the British government, 1784-1833    C H PHILIPS
1938    PhD    London, LSE    The position of the Viceroy and Governor General of India    A RUDRA
1938    MA    London    British relations with the Sikhs and Afghans, July 1823 to March 1840    Charles WADE
1938/39    PhD    Edinburgh    Agricultural geography of the United Provinces    B N MUKERJI
1939    PhD    London, LSE    Industrial development of Mysore    R BALAKRISHNA
1939    MA    London, LSE    A general geographical account of the North West Frontier Province of India    M A K DURRANI
1939    PhD    Wales    The international production and exchange of rice with special reference to the production, market demand and consumption of rice in India and Burma    Ahmas KHAN
1939    BLitt    Oxford, St Cath’s Soc    The Governor-Generalship of Sir John Shore, 1793-1798    A W MAHMOOD
1939    PhD    London, LSE    Indian provincial finance (1919-1937) with special reference to the United Provinces    B R MISRA
1940    PhD    London, LSE    Recent economic depression in India with reference to agriculture and rural life    R K BHAN
1940    PhD    Wales    The future of agricultural cooperation in the United Provinces (with an examination of the cooperative experience)with special reference to the problems of agricultural cooperation in the United Provinces, India    H R CHATURVEDI
1940    PhD    London, LSE    An administrative study of the development of the civil service in India during the Company’s regime    A K GHOSAL
1940    PhD    Wales    The production, marketing and consumption of the chief oilseeds in India and the supply and use of oilseeds in the United Kingdom    A S KHAN
1940    PhD    Wales    Principles of agricultural planning with reference to relationships of natural resources, populations and dietaries in India and with further reference to rural development in certain provinces of India    Jaswant SINGH
1941    PhD    London, LSE    Financing of local authorities in British India    A N BANERJI
1941    PhD    London    The political and cultural history of the Punjab including the North West Frontier Province in its earliest period    L CHANDRA    Prof Barnett
1941    PhD    London, LSE    Capital development of India, 1860-1913    A KRISHNASAWMI
1941    PhD    London, LSE    Influence of European political doctrines upon the evolution of the Indian governmental institutions and practice, 1858-1938    G PRASAD
1942    MLitt    Cambridge, Fitzwilliam    Economic and political relations of India with Iran and Afghanistan since 1900    T BASU
1942    PhD    Edinburgh    A study of missionary policy and methods in Bengal from 1793 to 1905    W B S DAVIS    Prof Watt; Prof Buleigh
1943    PhD    London, LSE    Development of large scale industries in India and their localisation    N S SASTRI
1944    BLitt    Oxford, St Cath’s    Communal representation and Indian self-government    I J BAHADOORSINGH
1944    MA    London, External    The physiographic evolution of Ceylon    K KULARATNAM
1946    MA    London, SOAS    The origins and development to 1892 of the Indian National Congress    Iris M JONES
1947    PhD    London, LSE    The agricultural geography of Bihar    P DAYAL
1947    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    Consumer expenditure in India, 1931/32 to 1940/41    R L DESAI
1947    MA    London, LSE    Power resources and utilisation in the United Provinces    P K DUTT
1947    PhD    London, LSE    Cultural change with special reference to the hill tribes of Burma and Assam    Edmund Ronald LEACH
1947    PhD    London, SOAS    The judicial administration of the East India Company in Bengal, 1765-1982    B B MISRA
1947    PhD    London, LSE    The monetary policy of the Reserve Bank of India with special reference to the structural and institutional factors in the economy    K N RAJ
1948    PhD    Wales    The principles and practice of health insurance as applied to India    J AGRAWALA
1948    MSc    London, LSE    International monetary policy since 1919 with special reference to India    D C GHOSE
1948    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    British policy on the North East Frontier of India, 1826-1886    S GUPTA
1948    DPhil    Oxford, St Cath’s    Local self-government in the Madras Presidency, 1850-1919    K K PILLAY
1948    PhD    London, LSE    The problem of the standards of the Indian currency    A SADEQUE
1948    DPhil    Oxford, Exeter    The social function of religion in a south India community    Mysore Narasimhashar SRINIVAS
1948    BLitt    Oxford, St Cath’s Society    Some aspects of agricultural marketing in India with reference to developments in western marketing systems    R S SRIVASTAVA
1948    PhD    London,. SOAS    Muslims in India: a political analysis (from 1885-906)    Rafiq ZAKARIA
1949    PhD    London, LSE    Settlements in the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh    E AHMAD
1949    PhD    London, SOAS    The growth of self-government in Assam, 1984-1919    A K BARKAKOTY
1949    PhD    London, SOAS    British administration in Assam (1825-1845)with special reference to the hill tribes on the frontier    H BARPUJARI
1949    MA    London    An enquiry into the development of training of teachers in the Punjab during the British period    Aquila B BERLAS
1949    PhD    London, LSE    The problem of federation in India with special reference to economic relations    J N BHAN
1949    PhD    London, LSE    A study of methods of national income measurements with special reference to the problems of India    V K CHOPRA
1949    PhD    London, LSE    An analysis of the Indian price structure from 1861    A K GHOSH
1949    DPhil    Oxford, Keble    The achievement of Christian missionaries in India, 1794-1833    Kenneth INGHAM
1949    PhD    Wales    The organization and methods of agricultural cooperation in the British Isles and the possibility of their application in the Central Province of India    N Y KHER
1949    PhD    London, LSE    Industrial geography of Bihar    S A MAJID
1949    PhD    London, LSE    Development of Indian public finance during the war, April 1939-March 1946    S MISRA
1949    PhD    London, LSE    A study of the methods of state regulation of wages with special reference to their possible applications in India    S B L NIGAM
1949    PhD    London, SOAS    The development of marriage in ancient India    B C PAUL
1949    PhD    St Andrews    The social and administrative reforms of Lord William Bentinck    G SEED
1950    PhD    London, LSE    Jails and borstals with special reference to West Bengal    B BHATTACHARYYA    Dr Mannheim
1950    PhD    London    The growth of local self-government in Assam, 1874-1919    A K BORKAKOTY    Prof C R Philips; Prof Hall
1950    DPhil    Oxford, Lady Margaret Hall    The problem of the Indian immigrant in British colonial policy after 1834    I Mary CUMPSTON
1950    PhD    London, LSE    Underemployment and industrialisation: a study of the basic problems with special reference to India    B DATTA
1950    PhD    London, UC    The agriculture of Mysore    G K GHORI
1950    PhD    London, SOAS    The influence of western, particularly English, political ideas on Indian political thought, with special reference to the political ideas of the Indian National Congress, 1885-1919    Sailesh C GHOSH
1950    PhD    London, LSE    Principles of unemployment insurance and assistance with special reference to their application to India    D GUPTA
1950    PhD    Newcastle    Anglo-Afghan relations, 1798-1878, with particular reference to British policy in Central Asia and on the North West Frontier of India    M KHAN
1950    PhD    London, LSE    The social consequences of imperialism with special reference to Ceylon    P R PIERIS
1950    PhD    London, LSE    An experiment in the estimation of national income and the in the construction of social accounts of India, 1945-1946    D N SAXENA    Mr Booker
1950    PhD    London, SOAS    The relations between the home and Indian governments, 1858-1870    Zahinuddin  Husain ZOBERI
1951    PhD    London, External    Memoir of the geology and mineral resources of the neighbourhood of Bentong, Pahang and adjoining portions of Selangor and Negri Sembilan, incorporating an account of the prospecting and mining activities of the Bentong District    J B ALEXANDER
1951    BLitt    Oxford, Exeter    The political organization of the plains Indians    Frederick George BAILEY
1951    BLitt    Oxford, Corpus    Southern India under Wellesley, 1798-1805    A S BENNELL    Mr C C Davies
1951    PhD    London, LSE    Problems of the Indian foreign exchanges since 1927    D GHOSH
1951    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    The Viceroyalty of Lord Ripon, 1880-1884    S GOPAL    Mr R C Davies
1951    MA    Wales    The problem of the Straits, 1896-1936    E W GRIFFITHS
1951    PhD    London, LSE    Sources of Indian official statistics relating to production    O P GUPTA    Dr Rhodes
1951    MA    Manchester    The administration and financial control of municipalities and district boards in the UP    N K KATHIA
1951    PhD    Glasgow    The legal and constitutional implications of the evolution of Indian independence    R KEMAL
1951    PhD    Cambridge, Jesus    An analysis of the Hindu caste system in its interactions with the total social structure in certain parts of the Malabar coast    E J MILLER    Prof Hutton
1951    PhD    Cambridge, Girton    Changes in matrilineal kinship on th Malabar coast    E K MILLER    Prof Hutton
1951    PhD    Bristol    Agriculture and horticulture in India – sundry papers    K C NAIK
1951    MA    Manchester    An economic survey of West Pakistan    A SHARIF
1951    PhD    Cambridge    The interpretation of legislative powers under the Government of India Act, 1935    S D SHARMA
1951    BLitt    Oxford, St Cath’s Society    Religion and society among some of the tribes of Chota Nagpur    H N C STEVENSON
1951        London, SOAS    The political development of Burma during the period 1918-1935    OHN TIN
1951    PhD    London, LSE    The working of the Donoughmore constitution of Ceylon, 1931-1947: a study of a colonial central government by executive committees    Irripitwebadalge don Samaradasa WEERAWARDANA    Mr W H Morris-Jones
1952    PhD    London SOAS    The career of Mir Jafar Khan, 1757-1765 AD    Raya ATULA-CHANDRA    Prof C H Philips
1952    PhD    London, LSE    The development of Calcutta: a study in urban geography    M GUHA    Prof L D Stamp; Prof O H K Spate
1952    PhD    London, LSE    The East India Company’s land policy and management in Bengal from 1698 to 1784    Mazharul HUQ    Dr Anstey
1952    MA    Leeds    The social accounts relating to Ceylon    E L P JAYTILAKA
1952    MSc    London, LSE    Rural industries in India: a study in rural economic development with special reference to Madras    C K KAUSUKUTTY    Dr Anstey
1952    MSc    London, LSE    India’s balance of international payments with special reference to her food and agricultural conditions    G B KULKARNI    Dr Anstey; Dr Raeburn
1952    PhD    Cambridge    Utilitarian influence and the formation of Indian policy, 1820-1840    E T STOKES
1952    PhD    London, SOAS    Local government in India and Burma, 1908-1937: a comparative study of the evolution and working of local authorities in Bombay, the United Provinces and Burma    Hugh R TINKER    Prof Hall
1953    PhD    London, LSE    Economic geography of East Pakistan    N AHMAD    Prof Stamp
1953    MSc    London, UC    the changing pattern of India’s foreign trade, with special reference to the impact of large scale industrial development since 1919    A ALAGAPPAN
1953    PhD    London, SOAS    The East India Company and the economy of Bengal from 1704 to 1740    Sukumar BHATTACHARYYA    Prof C H Philips
1953    MA    Wales    National income of Pakistan for the year 1948-49    Z ul H CHAUDRI
1953    MLitt    Cambridge, Fitzwilliam    The influence of Western thought on social, educational, political and cultural development of India, 1818-1840    V DATTA    Dr T G P Spear
1953    MSc    Belfast    The growth of trade unions in India    S DAYAL
1953    PhD    London    The establishment of Dutch power in Ceylon, 1638-1658     K W GOONEWARDENA    Prof Hall
1953    PhD    London, LSE    The submontane region of North West Pakistan: a geographical study of its economic development    Maryam KARAM-ELAHI    Prof Buchanan; Prof Stamp
1953    PhD    London, LSE    A study of rhe measurement of national product and its distribution, with special reference to Pakistan    A H KHANDKER
1953    PhD    Edinburgh    A regional study of survival, mortality and disease in British India in relation to the geographic factors, 1921-1940    A T A LEARMONTH
1953    PhD    London, SOAS    Development of the Muslims of Bengal and Bihar, 1819-1856, with special reference to their education    A R MAALICK    Prof Philips
1953    DPhil    Oxford, Jesus    The study of the economy of self-subsisting rural communities: the methods of investigation, economic conditions and economic relations, with specific reference to India    P K MUKHOPADHYAY
1953    PhD    London, LSE    The relationship of land tenure to the economic modernization of Uttar Pradesh    W C NEALE
1953    PhD    London, Bedford    Social status of women during the past fifty years (1900=1950)    T N PATEL    Mrs B Wootton
1953    PhD    London, LSE    The state in relation to trade unions and trade disputes in India    Anand PRAKASH    Mr W H Morris-Jones; Mr Roberts
1953    MA    London, SOAS    The tribal village in Bihar    SACHCHIDANANDA    Prof C Haimendorf
1953    PhD    London, UC    Delegated legislation in India    V N SHULKA    Prof Keeton
1953    PhD    London, SOAS    The internal policy of the Indian government, 1885-1898    H L SINGH    Prof C H Philips
1953    PhD    London, SOAS    The internal policy of Lord Auckland in British India, 1836-1842, with special reference to education    D P SINHA    Prof C H Philips
1953/54    MA    Leeds    Demand for certain exports of Ceylon    K THARMARATNAM
1954    MA    London    The administration of Sir Henry Ward,Governor of Ceylon, 1855-1860    S V BALASINGHAM    Prof Graham
1954    PhD    London, SOAS    Social policy and social change in Western India, 1817-1830    Kenneth A BALLHATCHET    Prof C H Philips
1954    Dphil    Oxford, St Hilda’s    Lord William Bentinck in Bengal, 1828-1835    C E BARRETT    Dr C C Davies
1954    MA    London    A historical survey of the training of teachers in Bengal in the 19th and 20th centuries    S BHATTACHARYA
1954    MA    London, SOAS    Evolution of representative government in India, 1884-1909    Sasadhar CHAKRAVARTY    Prof C H Philips

1954    PhD    London, LSE    Consumption levels in India    T P CHAUDHURI
1954    PhD    London, LSE    The forests of Assam: a study in economic geography    H DAS
1954    MSc    Leeds    A study of price fixing for agricultural products with special reference to milk in Great Britain and Bombay    N K DESAI
1954    BLitt    St Andrews    Eldred Pottinger and the North West Frontier, 1838-1842    D W F GOURLAY    Sir C Ogilvie
1954    PhD    London, LSE    The Korean crisis and the Indian Union    K GUPTA
1954    MA    Manchester    Some aspects of the development of Pakistan’s financial structure    M HOSSAIN
1954    MSc    London, LSE    Financing economic development in Ceylon    A T JAYAKODDY    Prof Paish; Dr Anstey
1954    PhD    London, LSE    Measurement of profits: a study of methods with special reference to India    R K NIGAM
1954    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    A study of communal representation in constitutional systems of the British Commonwealth with specific reference to Ceylon, Kenya and Fiji    Carl Gustav ROSBERG    Mr K E Robinson
1954    PhD    London, LSE    Land utilization in Eastern Uttar Pradesh (comprising the districts of Jaunpur, Banares, Guezipur, Azamgarh and Baldea)    M SHAFI    Prof Stamp; Mr R R Rawson
1954    PhD    London, LSE    Representation and representative government in the Indian Republic    Irene C TINKER    Mr W H Morris-Jones
1954    PhD    London, SOAS    Trade and finance in the Bengal Presidency, 1793-1833    Amales TRIPATHY    Prof C H Phillips
1954    PhD    London, LSE    Some aspects of the history of the coffee industry in Ceylon with specific reference to 1823-1885    I H VAN DEN DRIESEN    Mr Fisher
1954    PhD    London, LSE    The Manning constitution of Ceylon, 1924-1931    Alfred Jeyaretnam WILSON    Mr R Bassett; Mr W H Morris-Jones
1955    MSC    London, LSE    Some aspects of the history of British investments in the private sector of the Indian economy, 1876-1914    N Z AHMED    Dr Ashworth; F J Fisher
1955    PhD    Manchester    The social organisation of a village on the Hindu frontier of Orissa    Frederick George BAILEY
1955    LLM    London, LSE    Recognition and enforcement of foreign judgements in India: a comparative study    B N BANERJEE
1955    PhD    London    The administration of criminal justice in Bengal from 1773 to 1861    T K BANERJEE    S A de Smith; Prof A Gledhill
1955    MA    London    The East India Company in Madras, 1707-1744    R N BANERJI
1955    PhD    London    The factory of the English East India Company at bantam, 1602-1682    D K BASSETT    Prof D G E Hall
1955    PhD    London, LSSE    Pressure of population on land in India: a regional approach    B S BHIR
1955    MA    London, SOAS    The economic policy of the Government of India, 1898-1905    Edna BONNER    Prof C R Philips
1955    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    The educational policy of the East India Company, 1781-1854    J G BOWEN    Mr C C Davies
1955    BLitt    Oxford, Magdalen    Indian labour migration to Malaya, 1867-1910    D A CALMAN    Dr A F Madden
1955    PhD    London, LSE    Consumption levels in India    T P CHOUDHURY
1955    PhD    London, LSE    The Malay family in Singapore    J DJAMOUR
1955    PhD    Edinburgh    The abolition of the East India Company’s monopoly, 1833    D EYLES    Prof Pares
1955    MLitt    Cambridge. Fitzwilliam House    The mongoloids and their contributions to the growth of Assamese culture    M C GOSWAMI    Dr J E Lindgren
1955    PhD    London, SOAS    The administration of the Delhi Territory, 1803-1832    Jessie HOLMES    Prof C H Philips
1955    MSc (Econ)    London, LSE    Taxation and saving in India    D JHA
1955    MSc    London, LSE    A comparison of the federal aspects of the Government of India Act, 1935, and the constitution of 1950    S KHAN
1955    MA    London, SOAS    Some aspects of the social history of Bengal with special reference to the Muslims, 1854-1884    L KHATOON    Prof Philips
1955    PhD    Aberdeen    Ports of the Indian ocean: an historical geography    W KIRK    A C O’Dell
1955    PhD    Cambridge, Peterhouse    British investment in Indian guaranteed railways, 1845-1875    W J MACPHERSON    Mr K E Berrill
1955    PhD    London, UC    Fundamental freedoms, with particular reference to the Indian constitution    J C MEHDI    Prof G W Keeton
1955    PhD    Birmingham    The educational ideas of Mahatma Gandhi    N P PILLAI
1955    MA    Manchester    Cottage industries in Bihar    S B SAXENA
1955    PhD    London, LSE    The Indian jute industry: a study of agricultural geography    P SENGUPTA
1955    PhD    London,  LSE    The political philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi in relation to the English liberal tradition    Bishan Sarup SHARMA
1955    LLM    London, SOAS    Distribution of legislative power under the India constitution    R P SHARMA
1955    PhD    London , SOAS    The Council of India, 1858-1919    S SINGH    Prof C H Philips
1955    PhD    London LSE    The origin and development of left wing movements and ideas in India, 1919-1947    Lalan Prasad SINHA    R Mikband; W H Morris-Jones
1955    PhD    London; SOAS    British interest in trans-Burma trade routes to China, 1826-1876    Ma THAUNG
1955    MA    London    The training of teachers in the Bombay Presidency during the British period: a historical survey    N L VAIDYA
1955    PhD    Edinburgh    Save there, eat here: a cultural study of labour migration from a Pakhtun village    Francis Philip WATKINS
1955    PhD    London, LSE    The southeast quadrant of Ceylon: a study of the geographical aspects of land use    W A R WIKKRAMATILEKE
1956    PhD    London, SOAS    The Dutch power in Ceylon, 1658-1687    S ARASARATNAM    Prof D Hall
1956    PhD    London, LSE    Land use and soil erosion problems of Bist Jullundur Doab, Punjab, India    O P BHARDWAJA
1956    PhD    London, SOAS    British rule in Assam, 1845-1858    B CHAUDHURI    Prof C R Philips
1956    PhD    London, SOAS    Sir Josiah Child and the East India Company at the end of the 17th century    A L CROWE    Prof C Philips
1956    MSc    London, LSE    Scope and method of agricultural economic surveys in India    N Y Z FARUQI    Dr Raeburn
1956    PhD    London, LSE    A study of capital taxation and its scope in India    I S GULATI
1956    PhD    London, LSE    An analysis of the monetary experience of Ceylon    H A de S GUNASEKERA    Prof Sayers; Mr Wilson
1956    PhD    London, LSE    Federal finance and economic development with special reference to Pakistan    M HOSSAIN
1956    PhD    London, LSE    The demand for Indian exports and imports: an econometric study of selected commodities    A K MUKERJI    Prof Allen; Dr Norton
1956    PhD    London, LSE    Capital development in India with special reference to recent trends in investments    Dinanath Kashinath RANGNEKAR    Prof Paish; Dr Anstey
1956    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    A study of India’s balance of payments, 1901-1913 and 1924-1936    B S RAO    Prof E A G Robinson
1956    MA    London, SOAS    The relations between the Indian central and provincial governments with special reference to the Presidencies of Madras and Bombay, 1858-1882    D N SINGH    Prof C H Philips
1957    MA    Birmingham    An examination in disposal and treatment of juvenile delinquents in Bombay State in relation to practice in England    A D ATTAR
1957    MA    London    The development and reconstruction of university education in Pakistan since 1854    S M A AZIZ
1957    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Social organisation of the Jaffna Tamils of North Ceylon with special reference to kinship, marriage and inheritance    M Y BANKS    Mr E R Leach
1957    PhD    London, LSE    West Midnapore: a study of land use    S C CHAKRABORTI
1957    BLitt    Oxford, St Cath’s    The place of agricultural development in India’s first two Five-Year Plans    A CORREIA-AFONSO
1957    PhD    London, SOAS    Studies in the economic and social development of Inida, 1848-1856    M N DAS    Prof C Philips
1957    MA    London, LSE    The population of Chota Nagpur    H P DEVI    Prof L D Stamp
1957    MSc    London, LSE    Small scale and cottage industries as a means of providing better opportunities for labour in India    Q H FAROOQUEE    Prof A Plant; Mr Foldes
1957    PhD    London, LSE    Fiscal policy and inflation in post-war India, 1945-1954    K V G GOWDA
1957    DPhil    Oxford    Anglo Sikh relations, 1799-1849    B J HASRAT    C C Davies
1957    MLitt    Cambridge, Girton    Indian constitutional development, 1927-1935    M B HASSEN    Dr T G P Spear
1957    PhD    London, LSE    The commitee system in British and Indian local authorities    C JHA    Prof W A Robbins
1957    DPhil    Oxford, St Cath’s    The development of money and banking in Ceylon    J B KELEGAMA
1957    PhD    London, LSE    The civil service in independent India: the All India and Union Civil Services    B S KHANNA    Prof W A Robson
1957    PhD    London, LSE    Urbanization in West Pakistan    K KURESHY
1957    PhD    London, LSE    Hinduism and economic growth: a study of the nature of the impact of Hinduism on India’s economic growth with special emphasis on theperiod since the mid 18th century    B B MISHRA    Dr Anstey
1957    PhD    London, External    Large scale sampling surveys in agriculture in the Punjab (Pakistan)    D M QURESHI
1957    PhD    London, SOAS    British land policy in Oudh    j RAJ    Prof C H Philips
1957    DPhil    Oxford    The Dutch in Coromandel, 1605-1690    Tapan RAYCHAUDHURI
1957    PhD    London, LSE    Geomorphological evolution of the highaland of Chota Nagpur and the adjoining districts of Bihar    R P SINGH
1957    PhD    London, LSE    Credit problems of small farmers in Ceylon    Wijetunga Mudianselagadera TILAKARATNA    Mr A D Knox
1957    PhD    London    The urban geography of Agra    A R TIWARI    Prof A E Smailes
1957/58    PhD    London, SOAS    The life and career of Jonathan Duncan, 1756-1795    V NARAIN
1957/58    PhD    Manchester    A comparative study of informal relationships in a Chinese village in Malaya and north India    W H NEWELL
1957/58    PhD    Manchester    The history of the Arghuns and Tarkhans of Sind    M H SIDDIQI
1957/58    PhD    Manchester    An analysis of the demand for, and the supply of, food in India    R P SINHA
1958    MA    London, Inst Ed    The missionary activities of the CMS and CZEMS in Kashmir during the second half of the 19th century    S Z AHMED SAH    Prof J A Lauwerys
1958    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    The political organisation of the Swat Pathans    T F W BARTH    Mr E R Leach
1958    MA    London, Inst Ed    A historical survey of the languages problem in Bengal from the Muslim period to the end of the British period    K BHATTACHARYYA
1958    MSc    Cambridge, Fitzwilliam    The financing of planned economic development in India    S R DATTA GUPTA    Dr A R Prest
1958    MA    London, LSE    Sociology of marriage rituals in India: a study of Sanskritisation and de-Sanskritisation    B DATTAGUPTA
1958    MSc    Londond, LSE    Some aspects of Indo-British trade during the 20th century with special reference to capital goods    V P DHITAL
1958    MA    London, SOAS    The political system of the Rajputs    Sylvia J DUTRA    Dr Bauley; Prof C von Furer-Haimendorf
1958    MSc    London, LSE    The economics of the tea industry in Ceylon    J M F G FERNANDO    Dr V Anstey
1958    PhD    London    The development of the Indian National Congress, 1892-1909    Pansy C GHOSH    Dr K Balhatchet
1958    PhD    London, LSE    Inflation in India, 1939-1952: a study of inflation in an underdeveloped economy    S K GHOSH    Dr Anstey; Mr Day
1958    PhD    London,SOAS    The internal administration of Lord Lytton, with special reference to social and economic policy, 1876-1880    L M GUJRAL
1958    MLitt    Cambridge, King’s    Sir Richard Jenkins and the Residency at Nagpur, 1807-1818    F A HAGAR    Dr T G P Spear
1958    PhD    London, LSE    Agrarian problems in Bihar based, primarily, on surveys in five villages    F Tomasson JANNUZI    Dr V Anstey
1958    BLitt    Oxford, Campion Hall    An economic and historical study of food grain controls in India during the second world war and after    S C JOSEPH
1958    MSc    London, LSE    Union-state administrative cooperation in India (1937-1952)    M KAMAL    Prof W A Robson
1958    MSc    London, LSE    Problems of the agricultural labourers in India    R P KAMAT
1958    MSc    Cambridge, Newnham    The employment problem in Ceylon    I KANNANGARA    Mrs J V Robinson
1958    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    The commercial and diplomatic relations between India and Tibet in the nineteenth century    H A LAMB    Dr V W W S Purcell
1958    PhD    Cambridge, St Catharine’s    The Dutch East India Company and Mysore, 1762-1790    J van LOHUIZEN    Dr T G P Spear
1958    MA    London, LSE    Social and economic geography of the Mathura District (western Uttar Pradash)    S D MISRA    Mr R R Rawson
1958    PhD    London, LSE    Economics of nutritional problems in India    R N MITRA    Dr Raeburn
1958    PhD    Cambridge, Peterhouse    The analysis of Kandyan marriage: landlords, labourers and aristocrats    OSMAN YALMAN NUR
1958    PhD    London, SOAS    Sir Elijah Impey in India, 1774-1783    Bishwa Nath PANDEY    Prof C H Philips
1958    MA    London, LSE    A geography of the Peshawar region    M Z SAHIBZADA
1958    PhD    London, LSE    Indian monetary policy and debt management since 1939    J C D SETHI    Dr V Anstey; Mr R Turvey
1958    PhD    London, LSE    Strategic aspects of India’s foreign policy    V B L SHARMA
1958    BLitt    Oxford, St Antony’s    The rise and growth of the Praja Socialist Party of India (1934-1935)    H K SINGH    Mr F G Carnell
1958    PhD    London, LSE    Allahabad: a study in urban geography    Ujaqir SINGH    Prof D L Stamp
1958    MA    London, SOAS    History of the development of Rangoon    TUN THET    Prof Hall
1958    PhD    London, LSE    India’s membership of the sterling area    Jai Dev VARMA
1958    PhD    Cambridge    The present situation and the probably future of cotton in West Pakistan’s economy    S B WHITEHILL
1958    PhD    Edinburgh    The economic geography of Madhya Pradesh (formerly Central Provinces and Behar)    R H ZAIDI
1959    MSc(Econ)    London, LSE    The industrial worker in East Pakistan: a study in the adaptation of an industrial labour force    A K AHMADULLAH    Prof Phelps
1959    MA    Manchester    The recruitment of Indians into the covenanted civil service, 1853-1892    M R ANWAR
1959    PhD    Manchester    Britain and Muslim India: a study of British public opinion vis-a-vis the development of Muslim nationalism in India, 1905-1947    K K AZIZ
1959    MSc    London, LSE    Problems in corporation taxation with special reference to India    M P BHATT    Mr Turvey
1959    PhD    London, LSE    Applications of linear programming to the development plans of India    B BHATTACHARYYA
1959    MA    London    Trincocmalee and the East Indies Squadron, 1746-1844    H A COLGATE    Prof Graham
1959    PhD    London, LSE    Economic development of Assam with special reference to the 20th century    P GOSWAMI    Dr Anstey
1959    PhD    London    The nationalist movement in Ceylon betweem 1910 and 1931, with special reference to communal and elective problems    D K GREENSTREET    Dr Miliband
1959    BLitt    Oxford, St Cath’s    Land tenure in the Kandyan provinces of Ceylon    U A GUNASEKERA    Dr D F Pocock
1959    BLitt    Oxford, St Anne’s    The analysis of external trade and economic structure of Ceylon, 1900-1955    O E B GUNEWARDENA    Miss P H Ady
1959    PhD    London, LSE    Some problems of the organisation and administration of public enterprise with special reference to India    L N GUPTA    Prof Robson; Dr Anstey
1959    PhD    Edinburgh    The collection of agricultural statistics and the use of data in the United Kingdom and Pakistan: an objective study to explore possibilities of improvement in Pakistan    Muhammed Altaf HUSSAIN
1959    MA    London, SOAS    Social and administrative policy of the Government of Bengal, 1877-1890    Rokeya KABEER    Prof Basham
1959    PhD    London, External    Industrial relations in India    C B KUMAR
1959    PhD    London, LSE    Some aspects of the problem of implementing agricultural planning in India    Gouri NAG    Mr Knox; Mr Lancaster
1959    PhD    Edinburgh    Early English travellers in India. A study in the travel literature of the Elizabethan and Jacobean periods with particular reference to India    R C PRASAD    Prof W L Renwick; Mr G A Shepperson
1959    PhD    London, LSE    Judicial review in India: a study in constitutional theory and judicial practice    V R RAVIKANTI    Mr S de Smith
1959    MA    London, LSE    The position of women in Hinayana Buddhist countries (Burma, Ceylon, Thailand)    S SEIN    Mr F Freedman
1959    PhD    London , LSE    British opinion and Indian neutralism: an analysis of India’s foreign policy in the  light of British public reactions, 1947-1957    Shri Ram SHARMA    Prof Manning
1959/60    PhD    Cambridge, Fitzwilliam    The cottage industries of India: an enquiry into their economics with special reference to developmental planning    Kedarnath PRASAD
1959/60    PhD    Cambridge, Queen’s    The role of transport and foreign trade in the economic development of Burma under British rule, 1885-1914    Maung SHEIN
1959/60    PhD    London, External    North east Baluchistan, Quetta Division: a critical evaluation of the land and its resources    A H SIDDIQI
1959/60    MA    Manchester    An analysis of the principal factors affecting India’s policy toward her Himalayan border    J TOOMRE
1960    PhD    London, SOAS    Some aspects of the history of the Muslim community in Bengal, 1884-1912    Sufia AHMED    Prof C H Philips
1960    MA    London    Aspects of the economic development of the Assam valley, 1858-1884    A C BARUA    Dr K Ballhatchet
1960    PhD    Cambridge    Thomas Munro and the development of administrative policy in Madras, 1791-1818: the origins of “the Munro system”    T H BEAGLEHOLE    Dr K Ballhatchet
1960    PhD    London, LSE    Measurements of production and productivity in Indian industry with special reference to methodological aspects    G C BERI
1960    PhD    London, SOAS    The state and the cooperative movement in the Bombay Presidency, 1880-1930    I J CATANACH    Dr K Ballhatchet
1960    PhD    London, LSE    The centrally recruited services in Pakistan    M A CHAUDHURI    Prof P Robson
1960    DPhil    Oxford, Lincoln    Portuguese society in India in the sixteenth and seveteenth centuries    K J CROWTHER
1960    PhD    Cambridge, St Cath’s    Cottage industries of Ceylon    H D DIAS    Mr B H Farmer
1960    MSc (Econ)    London    Someproblems of agriculture in the Vale of Peshawar (West Pakistan)    Lloyd Suttor EDMONDS
1960    PhD    Cambridge, Fitzwilliam    Malabar in Asian trade, 1740-1800    Asin Ranjan Das GUPTA

1960    MA    Wales, Swansea    Indian international transactions 1948 to 1958    C GURUPRASAD
1960    PhD    London, SOAS    British policy on the North West Frontier Province of India, 1889-1901    L HARRIS    Prof K Ballhatchet
1960    PhD    London, External    Agricultural geography of East Pakistan    B L C JOHNSON
1960    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    The Indian National Congress, 1918-1923    G KKRISHNA    Dr G F Hudson
1960    PhD    London    The growth of the idea of Commonwealth in India. 1900-1929    S R MEHROTRA    Prof Philips
1960    PhD    London    The Burma-China boundary since 1886    Khin Maung NYUNT
1960    PhD    London, Birkbeck    Colombo: a study in urban geography    D B L PANDITARATNA    Prof A L Basham
1960    PhD    London, LSE    The law and the banker in Ceylon    M J L RAJANAYAGAM    Prof Gower
1960    PhD    London, LSE    Land reforms and some allied agrarian problems in Madras State since independence    Arungiri RAMASWAMI
1960    PhD    London LSE    Economic aspects of the sugar industry in India    Saraswathi RAU    Dr Raeburn
1960    PhD    London, LSE    Industrial injuries schemes in India and Britain: a comparative study    B RAYCHAUDHURI
1960    MSc    London, LSE    Wage boards in British and the application of their proceedings in India    C J N SAXENA    Prof Phelps Brown
1960    PhD    London, LSE    Recent changes in land use in the Upper Damodar Basin, India    A SHARAN    Mr Rawson
1960    PhD    London, SOAS    English relations with Haidar Ali, 1760-1782    B SHEIK ALI
1960    MA    London, Inst Ed    A comparative study of the language problem at the university level in India    R K YADAVA
1960    PhD    London, SOAS    Anglo-Chinese diplomacy regarding Burma, 1885-1897    Nancy Iu YAN-KIT
1960/61    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    Surplus manpower in agriculture and economic development with special reference to India    P S SANGHVI    Dr M R Fisher
1960/61    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    A critique of surplus labour doctrine as applied to the Pakistan in 1947-1957    Rehana TANWIR
1961    PhD    London    Constitutional and political aspects of the public corporation in Britain and India    R S ARORA
1961    BLitt    Oxford, Exeter    Some aspects of change in the structure of the Muslim family in the Punjab under British rule    T ASAD    Dr D F Pocock
1961    PhD    London, SOAS    The structure and organisatioin of the Bengal Native Infantry with special reference to the problems of discipline (1796-1852)    Amiya BARAT    Dr K Ballhatchet
1961    PhD    London, LSE    Howrah: an urban study    A CHATTOPADHYAY    Dr E Jones
1961    PhD    Leeds    India, Britain and Russia: a study of British opinion    V K CHAVDA    Prof Briggs
1961    DPhil    Oxford, Magdalen    Muslim politics in the Indo-Pakistan sub-continent, 1858-1916    M CHUGHTAI    Dr C C Davies
1961    DPhil    Oxford, Nuffield    Henry Dundas and the government of India, 1773-1801    B DE    Mr Davies
1961    PhD    London, SOAS    Some aspects of the development of social policy in Ceylon, 1840-1955 with special reference to the influence of missionary organisations    K M DE SILVA    Dr K Ballhatchet
1961    MSc    London    The economics, organisation and administration of the Indian paper industry    B N DHAR
1961    PhD    London    The administration of Guntur District with special reference to local influences on revenue policy, 1837-1848    Robert Eric FRYKENBERG    Dr K Ballhatchet
1961    PhD    Cambridge    Sir Richard Temple and the government of India 1868-1880: some trends in Indian administrative policy    G R G HAMBLY
1961    PhD    London, SOAS    Tribal unrest on the south-west frontier of the Bengal Presidency, 1831-1833    J C JHA
1961    MA    London, SOAS    Changing values in the Naga Hills and Manipur State    M KALABOVA    Prof C Von Furer Haimerdorf
1961    PhD    London, External    Financial administration in Ceylon since independence    V KANESALINGHAM
1961    MSc    London, LSE    Government of India policy towards Portuguese possessions in India from 1947 to 1957    R A KHAN
1961    PhD    London, SOAS    The development of nationalist ideas and tactics and the policies of the government of India    J R McLANE
1961    PhD    London, SOAS    The Kurumas of Malabar    Richard Lionel ROOKSBY
1961    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity Hall    The Ceylon economy, 1920-1938: a national accounts study    M R P SALGADO    Dr B B Das Gupta
1961    MA    London, SOAS    The social and political organisation of the Kandyan Kingdom (Ceylon)    S B W WICKREMASEKERA
1961/62    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    The growth of agricultural labour in the Madras Presidency in the nineteenth century    Dharma KUMAR    Mr J Gallagher
1962    MA    London, LSE    Population changes in West Bengal, 1872-1951    A BHATTACHARYYA    Prof Jones
1962    MA    London, Inst Ed    Policies regarding higher education in Ceylon during the 19th and 20th centuries with special reference to the establishment of the University of Ceylon    P CHANDRASEGARAM    Mr B Holmes
1962    PhD    London    The development of the English East India Company with special reference to its trade and organization, 1600-1640    K N CHAUDHURI
1962    PhD    Edinburgh    The control of public expenditure in less-developed countries with special reference to India    usha DAR
1962    PhD    London, LSE    Investment and economic growth in Ceylon    S B D DE SILVA    Prof Paish
1962    PhD    Londond, Birkbeck    The North West frontier of West Pakistan: a study in regional geography    D DICHTER    Prof East
1962    PhD    London    Social institutions in Ceylon 5th century BC to 4th century AD    H ELLAWALLA    Prof Basham; Dr de Casparia
1962    MLitt    Durham    The political ideas of Sir Alfred Comyn Lyall    P HASSAN    Prof W H Morris Jones
1962    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Some aspects of the social and political thought of Mahatma Gandhi    Raghavan Narasimhan IYER    Mr J P Plamenatz
1962    PhD    London, SOAS    Murshid Quli Khan and his times    Abdul KARIM    Mr Harrison
1962    PhD    London    Indo-Ceylon relations since independence    Shelton Upatissa KODIKARA
1962    PhD    London    The fiscal policy of the central government of India since independence and its economic effects    J MADHAB
1962    DPhil    Oxford, Wadham    The impeachment of Warren Hastings    Peter James MARSHALL    Principal of Lady Margeret Hall
1962    PhD    London, External    Social geography of Himachal Pradesh    S D MISRA
1962    PhD    London, LSE    Public administration aspects of community development in India (with special reference to Rajasthan)    D C POTTER
1962    PhD    London, LSE    The development of the Indian capital market with special reference to the managing agent system    B PRASAD    Dr Paish; Dr Anstey
1962    PhD    London,  LSE    A study of productivity problems in the cotton textile industries of the UK (Lancashire) and India (Bombay and Ahmedabad) since the Second World War    S P S PRUTHI    Mr Roberts
1962    PhD    London    The political and constitutional evolution of Burma from 1923-1936    Asha RAM
1962    PhD    London, Inst Ed    Education in colonial Ceylon, being a research study on the history of education in Ceylon for the period 1796 to 1834    T R A RUBERU
1962    PhD    Edinburgh    Scottish experience in the impact of farm mechanisation on the employment and use of man labour with observatioins on possible Indian problems in this field    Kalyan Kumar SARKAR
1962    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity Hall    The emergence of Indian nationalism, 1885-1915    A SEAL    Mr J Gallagher
1962    PhD    Manchester    A comparative study of the central administrative organisation in India and in some other Commonwealth countries    S C SETH
1962    DPhil    Oxford, Nuffield    India’s export performance, 1951-1960, export prospects and policy implications    M V SINGH    Dr I M D Little
1962    PhD    Manchester    Some aspects of the administration of community projects in India    T N SRIVASTAVA
1962    PhD    London, QMC    Aspects of the urban geography of new Delhi    M P THAKORE    Prof Smailes
1962    PhD    London    Family planning in India: a field study of attitudes and behaviour in a population of Delhi compared with results of existing research in India and elsewhere    S THAPER
1962   PhD    London, SOAS    Lord Minto and the Indian nationalist movement with special reference to the political activities of the Indian Muslims, 1905-1910    S R WASTI
1962    DPhil    Oxford, New    The formation of policy in the India Office, 1858-1866, with special reference to the Political, Judicial, Revenue and Public Works Departments    D WILLIAMS    Mr C C Davies
1962/63    MA    London, Inst Ed    Education in the Roman Catholic missions in Ceylon in the second half of the 19th century (1842-1905)    C N V FERNANDO    Dr Weitzman
1962/63    PhD    London, External    Sterling tea and rubber companies in Ceylon, 1889-1958    N RAMACHANDRAN
1963    DPhil    Oxford, St Cath’s    Land systems in the Punjab (including North West Frontier Province)as affected by British rule between 1849 and 1901    R AHMAD    Mrs U K Hicks
1963    PhD    London, SOAS    The Bengali reaction to Christian missionary activities, 1833-1957    M M ALI
1963    PhD    Manchester    Economic ideas and Indian economic policies in the nineteenth century    S AMBIRAJAN
1963    PhD    London, UC    The development of the constitution of Jammu and Kashmir    A S ANAND    Mr Holland
1963    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Private investment and partial planning in India    Amiya Kumar BAGCHI
1963    PhD    London    The law of parliamentary elections in India and the United Kingdom    R K BAHL
1963    PhD    London, SOAS    British policy towards the Panjab, 1844-1849    S S BAL    Dr K Ballhatchet
1963    PhD    London    Estimates of the current and capital accounts of the balance of payments of India, 1921/22 to 1938/39, incorporating also the estimates of the government of India    A K BANERJI
1963    MS    London    The governorship of Sir William Gregory in Ceylon    B E St J BASTIAMPILLAI    Prof G S Graham
1963    PhD    Manchester    The industrial growth and technological pluralism in India with special reference to the cotton textile industry    AS BHALLA
1963    PhD    London, LSE    Financial administration of nationalised industries in UK and India    G S BHALLA
1963    MA    London, Inst Ed    A cross-cultural study of interests and attitudes of British and Indian university students    J K BHATNAGAR
1963    MSc    London, LSE    American attitudes towards foreign aid with special reference to the Indian sub continent    E I BRODKIN    Mr Chambers
1963    PhD    London, SOAS    Lord Curzon and the Indian states. 1899-1905    I A BUTT    Dr K A Ballhatchet

1963    MsC    London, UC    A comparative study of the nature and effectiveness of selective credit controls in the UK, India and Australia since 1951    J G CHAPATWALA    Dr Cramp
1963    PhD    London, SOAS    Slavery in the Bengal Presidency under East India Company rule, 1772-1843    A K CHATTOPADHYAY    Major Harrison
1963    PhD    London, SOAS    The rice industry of Burma, 1852-1940    Siok-hwa CHENG    Prof C D Cowan
1963    MA    London, Inst Ed    The effects of diarchy upon educational developments in Bengal, 1919-1953    S K DUTTA GUPTA
1963    PhD    London, LSE    Colonisation of the dry zone of Ceylon    H N C FONSECA
1963    PhD    London    British relations with Kashmir, 1885-1893    D K GHOSE    Dr K Ballhatchet
1963    PhD    Sheffield    The Marquis of Dalhousie and education in India, 1848-1956    Kamala GHOSH
1963    PhD    Manchester    The British Conservative Party and Indian problems. 1927-1935    S C GHOSH
1963    PhD    London, SOAS    British historical writing from Alexander Dow to Mountstuart Elphinstone on Muslim India    J S GREWAL    Dr Hardy
1963    PhD    London, SOAS    Indian politics and the British right, 1914-1922    M R HASSAN    Dr K Ballhatchet
1963    PhD    London, LSE    Ritual pollution and social structure in Hindu Assam    T T S HAYLEY
1963    MSc    London, LSE    English, German, Spanish relations in the Sulu question, 1987-1877    S C HUNTER
1963    PhD    London, LSE    Rainfall, rice fields and irrigation needs in West Bengal    P HUR    Mr Rawson
1963    MSc    London, LSE    Ideological influences in the foreign policy of Pakistan    A HUSSAIN    Dr Manning
1963    MA    Sheffield    The industrial geography of Madras State    Iyer Balasubramanyan HYMA
1963    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    The supply of Sinhalese labour to Ceylon plantations, 1830-1930: a study of imperial policy in a peasant society    L R U JAYAWARDENA    Mr K E Berrill
1963    PhD    London, External    Caste and class in pre-Muslim Bengal: studies in social history of Bengal    N KUNDU
1963    DPhil    Oxford, Jesus    The role and limits of state authority in northern India in the early historical period: an empirical examination of the administration of government    Ian W MABBETT    Prof T Borrow
1963    DPhil    Oxford, Lady Margaret    Lord Minto’s administration in India (1807-1813)with special reference to his foreign policy    Amita MAJUMDAR    Mr C C Davies
1963    DPhil    Oxford, St Hugh’s    Imperial policy in India, 1905-1910    V MAZUMDAR    Dr C C Davies
1963    PhD    London, LSE    The origin, development and problems of village (“community”) projects in India    Vindhyeshwari Prasad PANDE
1963    PhD    London, LSE    Constitutional protection of property in India: a critical and comparative study    P P PANDIT
1963    DPhil    Oxford, Regent’s Park    British Baptist missions and missionaries in India, 1793-1837    E D POTTS    Mr C C Davis
1963    DPhil    Oxford, Somerville    Land revenue administration in the ceded and conquered provinces and its economic background, 1819-1833    Asiya SIDDIQI    Mr C C Davis
1963    MA    London, SOAS    British administration in Upper Burma, 1885-1897    Jagjit Singh SIDHU
1963    BLitt    Oxford, St Cath’s    The Jats: an ethnographic survey    Gunter TIEMANN    Dr D F Pocock
1963    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    The development and significance of transport in India (1834-1882)    K E VERGHESE    Mr C C Davies
1963    PhD    London,  SOAS    Some aspects of Indian society as depicted in the Pali Canon    N K WAGLE
1963    MA    London, LSE    Magic in Malaya    W D WILDER
1963    PhD    London, UC    Basic democracies in Pakistan    M S K YOUSUFZAI    Prof Holland
1964    LlM    London, UC    The origin and nature of presidential powers in Pakistan    M ARIF    Mr Holland
1964    PhD    London, SOAS    The ideological differences between moderates and extremists in the Indian national movement with special reference to Surendranath Banerjea and Lajpat Rai, 1882-1919    D ATGOV    Prof H Tinker
1964    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    The Indian Constituent Assembly and the framing of the Indian constitution    G S AUSTIN    Mr F G Carnell
1964    PhD    London, SOAS    The role of Shaikh Ahmad of Sarhind in Islam in India    M Q BAIG    Prof Basham
1964    PhD    London, SOAS    David Scott on the North East Frontier of India and in Assam    N K BAROOAH    Mr Harrison
1964    BLitt    Oxford, Somerville    An examination of marriage ritual among selected groups in South India    B E F BECK
1964    PhD    London, LSE    The mobilisation of savings and the role of financial institutions with special reference to India    M Q M S DALVI    Dr Anstey
1964    PhD    London, LSE    Producers’ rationality and technical changes in agriculture with special reference to India    S DASGUPTA    Dr Anstey; Mr Joy
1964    PhD    London, SOAS    British policy towards the Pathans and Pindaris in central India, 1805-1818    B GHOSH    Dr K Ballhatchet
1964    PhD    Cambridge. Newnham    Service centres in Southern Ceylon    K A GUNAWARDENA    Mr B H Farmer

1964 PhD London, UCL, A Comparative Study of Pakistani Bilingual and Monoglot School Children’s Performance in Verbal and Non Verbal Tests   Rafia HASAN Dr Charlotte Banks (added thanks to information of Naveed Hasan Henderson, PhD London 1995, in a comment below, and confirmed by the University of London Library)

1964    PhD    London, External    An appraisal of public investment policy in India, 1951-1961    J M HEALEY
1964    PhD    London    The formation of British land revenue policy in the ceded and conquered provinces of northern India. 1801-1833    M I HUSAIN    Dr K A Ballhatchet
1964    PhD    London, LSE    Soviet Russia’s policy towards India and its effect on Anglo-Soviet relations, 1917-1928    Z IMAM    Mr Schapiro
1964    PhD    London, Wye    Efficiency in agricultural production; its meaning, measurement and improvement in peasant agriculture with special reference to Pakistan    M S ISLAM
1964    PhD    London, LSE    The urban labour movement in Ceylon with reference to political factors, 1893-1947    V K JAYAWARDENA    Prof Roberts
1964    PhD    London, External    A study of the current trends in the industrial development of Ceylon    V KANAPATHY
1964    PhD    London, LSE    The modern Muslim political elite in Bengal    Abdul Khair Nazmul KARIM
1964    PhD    London, LSE    Iron and steel prices in India since independence    S S MENSINKAI
1964    PhD    London, SOAS    Sir Charles Wood’s Indian policy, 1953-1866    R J MOORE    Prof Basham
1964    PhD    London, SOAS    Lord Northwood’s Indian administration, 1872-1876    E C MOULTON    Dr K Ballhatchet
1964    PhD    London, LSE    Some aspects of agrarian reorganizationin India with special reference to size of holding    B MUKHERJEE    D Anstey
1964    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    British commercial interests and the expansion of the Bombay Presidency, 1784-1806    P NIGHTINGALE    Dr T G P Spear
1964    PhD    London, SOAS    The rise of the Muslim middle class as a political factor in India and Pakistan    A H M NOORUZZAMAN    Prof H Tinker
1964    PhD    London, SOAS    The rev. James Long and Protestant missionary policy in Bengal, 1840-1872    G A ODDIE    Prof K Ballhatchet
1964    PhD    London, Inst Ed    Some issues between the church and state in Ceylon in the education of the people from 1870 to 1901    A RAJAINDRAN    Dr Holmes
1964    PhD    London, LSE    Rural development in India with special reference to agriculture, education and administration    K RAJARATNAM    Dr Anstey
1964    PhD    Durham    The central legislature in British India, 1921-1947    Md RASHIDUZZAMAN    Prof W H Morris-Jones
1964    PhD    London, LSE    Land tenure as related to agricultural efficiency and rural welfare in India    Paramahansa RAY    Dr Anstey; Mr Joy
1964    PhD    London    The revenue administration of Chittagong from 1761 to1784    Alamgir Muhammad SERAJUDDIN    Mr Harrison
1964    BLitt    Oxford, St Hilda’s    A study of representation in multi-lateral communities with special reference to Ceylon and Trinidad from 1946-1961    A SPACKMAN    Dr A F Madden
1964    MSc    London, LSE    Trends in the pattern of distribution of consumer goods in India    B K VADEHRA
1964    PhD    London, SOAS    British administration in the maritime provinces of Ceylon, 1796-1802    U C WICKREMERATNE    Prof K A Ballhatchet
1964    MA    Nottingham    British policy and the defence of Asia, 1903-1905: with special reference to China and India    B WILLCOCK    Dr J A S Grenville
1964/65    PhD    Manchester    Revolution and counter-revolution: a study of British colonial policy as a factor in the growth and disintegration of national liberation movements in Burma and Malaya    F NEMENZO
1964/65    PhD    Nottingham    Impact of the size of the organization on the personnel management function: a comparative study of personnel departments in some British and Indian industrial firms    B P SINGH
1965    DPhil    Oxford, New College    Life and conditions of the people of Bengal (1765-1785)    Z AHMA    Mr C C Davies
1965    PhD    London, External    The commercial progress and administrative development of the East India company on the Coromandel coast during the first half of the 18th century    R N BANERJI
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    The minorities of Southern Asia and public policy with special reference to India (mainly since 1919)    J H BEAGLEHOLE    Prof H Tinker
1965    PhD    Manchester    Urban unemployment in India    RC BHARDWAJ
1965    DPhl    Oxford, Balliol    The governor-generalship of the Marquess of Hastings, 1813-1823, with special reference to the Supreme Council and Secretariat…Palmer Company    Richard J BINGLE    Mr C C Davies
1965    MSc    London, SOAS    Ministerial government under the dyarchical reforms with special reference to Bengal and Madras    K A CHOWDHURY
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    The idea of freedom in the political thought of Vivekananda, Aurobindo, Gandhi and Tagore    D G DALTON
1965    MA    London, LSE    Irrigation and winter crops in East Pakistan    O HUQ    Mr Rawson
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    Conditions of employment and industrial disputes in Pakistan    A HUSAIN    Prof A Gledhill
1965    PhD    London, LSE    Democratic decentralization and planning in rural India    A C S ILCHMAN    Dr Anstey; Prof Self
1965    MSc    London, King’s    A social geography of Chitral State    ISRAR-UD-DIN    Prof Jones
1965    MSc (Econ)    London, LSE    Economic problems and organisation of public enterprise in Ceylon, 1931-1963    A S JAYAWARDENE    Mr Foldes
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    The rights and liabilities of the Bengal raiyats under tenancy legislation from 1885 to 1947    L KABIR
1965    MA    Manchester    The failure of parliamentary system of government in Pakistan    M A KHAN
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    Curzon, Kitchener and the problem of India army administration, 1899-1909    J E LYDGATE    Prof Robinson
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    A study of urban centres and industries in the central provinces of the Mughal Empire between 1556 and 1803    H K NAQVI    Mr Harrison
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    Sir Charles Metcalfe’s administration and administrative ideas in India, 1806-1835    D N PANIGRAHI    Prof C H Philips
1965    PhD    Birmingham    Peasant farming past and present in the wet zone of Ceylon    P D A PERERA    Prof H Thorpe; Dr W B Morgan
1965    DPhil    Oxford, Merton    Some aspects of British economic and social policy in Ceylon, 1840-1871    M W ROBERTS    Prof J A Gallagher
1965    PhD    London    The rise of business corporations in India and their development during 1851-1900    R S RUNGTA    Prof Paish; Dr V Ansty
1965    PhF    London, SOAS    The Sultanate of Jaunpur    Mian Muhhammad SAEED    Prof Basham
1965    BLitt    Oxford, Lady Margaret    Agricultural policy and economic development in India    K N V SASTRI    Mr G R Allen
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    A comparative study of the traditional political organisation of Kerala and Punjab    S J SHAHANI    Dr Mayer
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    The joint Hindiu family: its evolution as a legal institution    Gunther-Dietz SONTHEIMER    Dr Derrett
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    Nullity of marriage in modern Hindu law    S K TEWARI    Dr J D M Derrett
1965    MA    London, Inst Ed    The social and political significance of Anglo-Indian schools in India    Rosalind TIWARI    Dr King
1965    MA    Manchester    Federalism in south-East Asia with special reference to Burma    Margaret YIYI
1965    PhD    London, SOAS    The partition of Bengal and its annulment: a survey of the schemes of territorial redistribution of Bengal, 1902-1911    S Z H ZAIDI    Prof Basham
1965/66    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    Economic geography of rubber production in Ceylon    G H PEIRIS    Mr B H Farmer
1965/66    PhD    Leeds    Impact of money supply on the Indian economy, 1950/51 – 1963/64    K PRASAD
1965/66    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    The structure and working of the commercial banking system in Ceylon, 1945-1963    A J A N SILVA    Miss P M Deane
1965/66    PhD    Durham    Aspects of hte administration of the Punjab, judicial, revenue and political, 1849-1858    S K SONI
1965/66    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity House    The public finances of Ceylon, 1948-1961    G USWATTE-ARATCHI    Dr A R Prest
1966    PhD    London, LSE    Expenditure classification and investment planning with special reference to Pakistan    K U AHMAD    Dr Anstey
1966    PhD    London, LSE    The methodology of studying fertility differentials with reference to East Pakistan    M AHMAD    Prof Glass; Mr Carrier
1966    PhD    Bristol    The role of a higher civil service in Pakistan    A AHMED
1966    PhD    London, SOAS    Conditions of employment and industrial disputed in Pakistan    H AHMED
1966    MScEcon    London, SOAS    Political parties and the Labour Movement in India in the 1920s    N BEGAM
1966    MLitt    Edinburgh    Patronage and education in the East India Company civil service, 1800-1857    J T BEYER
1966    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    Regional cooperation for development in South Asia with special reference to India and Pakistan    S R BOSE    Mr W B Reddaway
1966    PhD    London    The constitutional history of Malaya with special reference toe Malay states of Perak, Selangor, Negri Sembilan and Pahong, 1874-1914    P L BURNS    Prof C D Cowan
1966    PhD    Cambridge, Girton    The impact of planning upon federalism in India, 1951-1964    A CHATTERJI    Prof Sir Ivor Jennings
1966    PhD    London, UC    Industrial conciliation and arbitration in India    R L CHAUDHARY
1966    PhD    London, UC    Lahore: a geographical study    M M CHAUDHURY
1966    PhD    Manchester    The approach to planning in Pakistan    M K CHOWDHURY
1966    PhD    London, LSE    Jamshedpur – the growth of the city and its region    M DUTT    Prof Jones
1966    DPhil    Oxford, Campion Hall    The Tana Bhagats:a study in social change    P EKKA    Mr K O L Burridge
1966    PhD    London, LSE    The scope for wage policy as an instrument of planning in early stages of national economic development: a comparative study of the USSR, India and the UAR    M A ELLEISI    Prof Phelps Brown; Dr Ozga
1966    PhD    London, SOAS    The social condition of the British community in Bengal, 1757-1800    S C GHOSH    Prof A L Basham
1966    PhD    Cambridge, Girton    The transfer of power to Pakistan and its consequences (1946-1951)    M HASAN    Prof N Mansergh
1966    PhD    London, UC    The Indian Supreme Court and the constitution    M IMAM    Dr D C Holland
1966    PhD    London, LSE    Cotton futures markets in India: some economic studies    T ISLAM    Prof Yamey
1966    PhD    London, LSE    The extensions of the franchise in Ceylon with some consideration of the their political and social consequences    K H JAYASINGHE    Mr Pickles
1966    MA    London, External    The control of education in Ceylon: the last fifty years of British rule and after (1900-1962)    C S V JAYAWAWEERA
1966    PhD    London, External    A comparative study of British and American colonial educational policy in Ceylon and the Philippines from 1900 to 1948]    S JAYAWEERA
1966    PhD    Manchester    Import substitution in relations to industrial growth and balance of payments iof Pakistan, 1965-1970    A H KADRI
1966    PhD    London, SOAS    Origins of Indian foreign policy: a study of Indian nationalist attitudes to foreign affairs, 1927-1939    T A KEENLEYSIDE    Prof H Tinker
1966    PhD    London, SOAS    The transition in Bengal, 1756-1775: a study of Muhammad Reza Khan    Abdul Majed KHAN    Mr Harrison
1966    PhD    London, SOAS    The British administration of Sind between 1843 and 1865: a study in social and economic development    Hamida KHUHRO    Mr Harrison
1966    PhD    London, SOAS    The internal administration of Lord Elgin in India, 1984-1898    P L MALHOTRA    Mr Harrison
1966    PhD    London, SOAS    A study of Murshidabad Distrrict, 1765-1793    K M MOHSIN    Mr Harrison
1966    PhD    London, SOAS    The new province of Eastern Bengal and Assam, 1905-1911    M K U MOLLA    Dr Hardy; Dr Pandey
1966    PhD    London, SOAS    The early history of the East Indian Railways, 1845-1879    Hena MUKHERJEE    Dr Chaudhuri
1966    PhD    London, King’s    British military policy and the defence of India: a study of British military policy, plans and preparations during the Russian crisis, 1876-1880    A W PRESTON    Prof M E Howard
1966    PhD    London, LSE    Changes in caste in rural Kumaon    R D SANWAL    Dr Freedman
1966    PhD    London,  SOAS    The Christian missionaries in Bengal. 1793-1833    K SENGUPTA    Prof Basham
1966    PhD    London, LSE    Central control and supervision of capital expenditure in the public sector in the UK and India    Ram Parkash SETH    Prof Greaves; Prof Self
1966    PhD    London, King’s    Surveying and charting the Indian Ocean    W A SPRAY    Prof G S Graham
1966    PhD    London, SOAS    Politics and change in the Madras Presidency, 1884-1894: a regional study of Indian nationalism    R SUNTHARALINGAM    Prof H R Tinker
1966    PhD    London, External    The law relating to directors and managing agents of companies limited by shares in Pakistan    Muhammad ZAHIR    Prof Gledhill
1966/67    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Planning and regional development: the application of a multi-sectoral programming model to inter-regional planning in Pakistan    A R KHAN    Dr J A Mirrlees
1966/67    MPhil    London, Inst Ed    The impact of the creation of Pakistan on Muslim education in Pakistan    G NABI
1966/67    PhD    Manchester    A study of fiscal policy in Pakistan, 1950-51, with special reference to its contribution to economic development    M NAYIMUDDIN
1966/67    PhD    Edinburgh    The fisheries of Pakistan: their present position and potentialities    R NIAZI
1966/67    PhD    Leeds    An evaluation of the human impact on the nature and distribution of wild plant communities in the Ceylon Highlands    N P PERERA
1966/67    PhD    Reading    Intra-party relationships and federalism: a comparative study of the Indian Congress Party and the Australian political parties    Y A RAFEEK
1966/67    PhD    Cambridge, St Cath’s    The share of labour in value added during the inflation in the modern sector in under-developed economies: a comparative study of the experience of India, Peru and Turkey between 1939 and 1958    W M WARREN    Mr J A C Bowen
1967    LLM    Queen’s, Belfast    A comparative study of the provisions for emergency powers in the constitutions of the Indian, Australian, Nigerian and Malaysian federations with special emphasis on the Malaysian constitution    A ABIDIN
1967    PhD    Edinburgh    The peasant family and social status in East Pakistan    Nizam Uddin AHMED
1967    BLitt    Glasgow    Foreign trade policy of India    N M AMIN
1967    PhD    London, SOAS    English educated Ceylonese in the official life of Ceylon from 1865 to 1883    W M D D ANDRADI    Mr J B Harrison
1967    PhD    London, SOAS    Some aspects of the relationship of political and constitutional theories to the constitutional evolution of India and Pakistan with special reference to the period 1919-1956    B P BARUA    Prof H Tinker
1967    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    Indian education and politics,1898-1920    A BASU    Prof J A Gallagher

1967    MA    Sussex    Choice of technique: an activity analysis approach with special reference to the Indian cotton textiles industry    C L BELL
1967    PhD    Cambridge, Selwyn    Anglo-Afghan relations, 1870-1880    S CHAKRAVARTY    Dr T G Spear
1967    PhD    Cambridge, Clare    The relations of the Court of Directors, the India Board, the India Office and the Government of India, 1853-1865    P K CHATTARJI    Dr T G Spear
1967    MA    Sussex    The regulation of communal disturbances in West Bengal and East Pakistan in 1950    M CHAUDHURY
1967    MSc    London, SOAS    Political parties in the Bombay Presidency, 1920-1929    D S CHAVDA    Prof H Tinker
1967    PhD    London, SOAS    Oil prices and the Indian market, 1886-1964    Biplab Kumar DASGUPTA    Prof Penrose
1967    MPhil    London, LSE    Some aspects of stratificatioin in Indian rural communities    K S DASGUPTA    Prof Glass
1967    DPhil    Oxford, Lady Margaret    The growth of urban leadership n Western India with special reference to Bombay City, 1845-1885    C E DOBBIN    Prof J A Gallagher
1967    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    Judicial control of administrative action in India and Pakistan    A FAZAL    Prof H W R Wade
1967    DPhil    Oxford, Linacre House    Patterns of investment, political stability and rates of growth: an analysis of central government expenditure of Ceylon, 1930-1963    S T G FERNANDO    Lady Hicks
1967    MA    Sussex    Development administration and Calcutta metropolitan government    R FOGEL
1967    PhD    London, QMC    Peasant production of tea in Sri Lanka    R S GUNAWARDENA    Dr Hodder; Prof Smailes
1967    PhD    London, SOAS    The policy of Sir James Fergusson as Governor of Bombay Presidency, 1880-1885    A GUPTA    Prof K Ballhatchet
1967    PhD    Cambridge, Sidney    The effect of a change in the terms of trade on the economic growth of Pakistan: a study of the third five year plan    I U HAQUE    Mr W B Reddaway
1967    PhD    London, LSE    Agricultural taxation in a newly developing country: the case of Pakistan    A HASHEM    Prof Peston
1967    PhD    London, SOAS    A price stabilisation model for Pakistan: jute    A K M S HUQ    Prof Penrose
1967    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    The failure of parliamenary politics in Pakistan, 1953-1958    I HUSAIN    Prof M Beloff
1967    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    The development of Indian politics, 1888-1909    G JOHNSON    Dr A Seal
1967    MA    Sussex    Language as an issue in Indian politics    J KABANGO
1967    MA    London, LSE    The changing distribution of cash crops in East Pakistan, 1945-1962    A K M KALIMULLAH    Dr Board
1967    PhD    Aberdeen    The development of transport in East Pakistan    Abul Fazal Muhammed KAMALUDDIN
1967    MPhil    London, SOAS    The advent of the British in Ceylon, 1762-1803    V L B MENDIS    Dr Bastin
1967    MPhil    Leeds    The linguistic world of Anglo-India    K MUSA
1967    MPhil    London, SOAS    Some aspects of the Hindu-Muslim relationship in India, 1876-1892    Shamsun NAHAR    Dr B N Pandey
1967    PhD    Edinburgh    The contribution of Scottish missions to the rise and growth of responsible churches in India    James McMichael ORR    Dr H Watt; Prof A C Cheyne
1967    PhD    London, LSE    The impact of industrialisation on urban growth: a case study of Chotanagpur    P PANDEYA    Prof Jones
1967    DPhil    Oxford, Jesus    British relations with Pakistan, 1947-1962: a study of British policy towards Pakistan    M A QURESHI    Mr G Wint
1967    PhD    London    The evolution for civil procedure in Bengal from 1772 to 1806    Z RAHMAN
1967    PhD    London, SOAS    Local government services in India: a case study of Punjab, 1860-1960    D R SACHDEVA    Prof H Tinker
1967    PhD    London, UC    Judicial interpretation of the Government of India Act, 1935    H SAHARAY
1967    MA    London, SOAS    Political conflict in selected villages of India, Pakistan and Ceylon    M J SHEPPERSDSON    Prof Mayer
1967    PhD    Leicester    Some early tertiary ostracods from West Pakistan    Qadeer Ahmad SIDDIQUI
1967    PhD    London, SOAS    Evolution of the structure of civil judiciary in Bengal, 1800-1831    C SINHA    Dr Pandey
1967    PhD    London, External    The social structure of an Indian-Jewish community    S STRIZOWER
1967    MPhil    London, Inst Ed    Education and international understanding between the East and the West with special reference to the UK and Pakistan    Q J SURI    Prof Lauwery; Mr Goodings
1967    MPhil    London, Inst Ed    Education in Kerala and the missionary contribtion to it during the first half of the nineteenth century    Joseph THAIKOODAN
1967    PhD    London, SOAS    Customs and institutions connected with the domestic life of the Sinhalese in the Kandyan period:    Miniwan P TILLAKARATNE
1967    PhD    London, SOAS    Trends in and prospectsof Pakistan’s exports to the UK and the European Economic Community, 1951-1970    Z A VAINCE    Prof Penrose
1967    DPhil    Oxford, Merton    The policies of the government of Ceylon concerning education and religion, 1865-1885    L A WICKREMERATNE    Mr K A Ballhatchet
1967    BLitt    Oxford, Somerville    The sociological implications of educational policies in Ceylon since 1947    C K WICKREMESINGHE    Dr D F Pocock
1967    BLitt    Oxford, St Hilda’s    Henry Russell’s activities in Hyderabad, 1811-1820    Z YAZDANI    Mr K A Ballhatchet
1967/68    PhD    Cambridge, Corpus    The causes and consequence of trade fluctuations in Ceylon, 1948-1960    M A FERNANDO    Mr H H Leisner
1967/68    PhD    London, External    British relations with Tanjore (1748-1799)    C S RAMANUJAM
1967/68    PhD    Edinburgh    The agricultural geography of Hissar District    Jasbur SINGH
1967-68    PhD    Cambridge, Christ’s    Anglo-Mughal relations in western India and the development of Bombay, 1662-1690    G Z REFAI
1968    MA    Durham    The influence of religion on politics in Pakistan, 1947-1956    S R AHMAD
1968    PhD    London, SOAS    The administration of the North West Frontier,1901-1919    L BAHA    Dr Hardy
1968    MSc    Cambridge, Christ’s    Industrial expansion and regional cooperation in South Asia: a study of selected industries    Peter Douglas BALACS
1968    MLitt    Cambridge, Trinity Hall    The working of the supreme government of India and its constitutional relations with the home authorities, 1833-1853    A G BANERJEE    Dr T G P Spear
1968    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    On price relationships in Indian agriculture    K BARDHAN    P M Deane
1968    DPhil    Oxford, Somerville    Social and conceptual order in Kongu: a region of South India    B E F BECK    Dr R K Jain
1968    PhD    London    The urban geography of Lyallpur    M H BOKHARI    Prof A E Smailes
1968    PhD    Cambridge    Rohilkhand from conquest to revolt, 1774-1858: a study in the origins of the Indian Mutiny uprising    E I BRODKIN    Dr E T Stokes
1968    PhD    Cam,bridge, Girton    Gandhi in India, 1915-1920: his emergence as a leader and the transformation of politics    J M BROWN    Dr A Seal
1968    MPhil    London    The development of education in India under Lord Curzon, 1899-1905    Hamida I BUTT
1968    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Bengali political unrest (1905-1918)with special reference to terrorism    H CHAKRABARTI    Prof K Ballhatchet
1968    MPhil    London, King’s    The development of mountain warfare in India in the 19th century    S CHANDRA    Prof M E Howard
1968    DPhil    Oxford, St Cath’s    American policy towards India, 1941-1947, with emphasis on the Phillips mission to India, 1943    F L CHASE    Prof J A Gallagher
1968    DPHil    Oxford, Linacre    The agrarian economy and agrarian relations in Bengal, 1859-1885    B B CHAUDHURI    Dr K A Ballhatchet
1968    BLitt    Oxford, Linacre    Some aspects of English Protestant missionary activities in Bengal, 1857-1885    T CHAUDHURI    Dr S Gopal
1968    DPhil    Oxford, University    British government and society in the residency of Bengal, 1858-1880: an examination of certain aspects of British policy in relation to the changing nature of society    J M COMPTON    Mr K A Ballhatchet
1968    DPhil    Oxford, Magdalen    British reform policy and Indian politics on the eve of the rise of Gandhi    R J DANZIG    Dr S Gopal
1968    PhD    Cambridge, Magdalen    Optimum investment decisions with special reference to the Indian fertilizer industry    A K DAS GUPTA    Dr J A Mirrlees
1968    DPhil    Oxford, Somerville    Public opinion and Indian policy, 1872-1880    U DAS GUPTA    Dr S Gopal
1968    MPhil    London, Inst Ed    The contribution of the Wesleyan missionaries to southern India    P W DE SILVA
1968    PhD    York    The verbal piece in spoken Hindi: a morpho-syntactic study    Hans DUA
1968    MPhil    London, Inst Ed    An enquiry into the purpose and development of Catholic education in Madras. 1850-1950    M A DUNNE    Prof Lauwerys
1968    PhD    London, LSE    Some political aspects of foreign aid in India, 1947-1966    P J ELDRIDGE    Prof Goodwin
1968    DPhil    Oxford, Linacre House    The development of a new elite in Ceylon with special reference to educational and occupational background, 1910-1931    P T M FERNANDO    Dr A H Halsey
1968    BLitt    Oxford, Exeter    An historical survey and assessment of the ecclesiastical and missionary policy of the East India Company    I J GASH    Mr C C Davies
1968    MLitt    Bristol    The civil servant and contemporary government in India    B GIRI
1968    PhD    Birmingham    Consumption patterns in India: a regional analysis    D B GUPTA
1968    DPhil    Oxford, St Edmund Hall    The debts of the Nawab of Arcot, 1763-1776    J D GURNEY    Dame L Sutherland
1968    PhD    London, LSE    Econometrics of import planning in India (1947-1965): a case study of selected commodities    M L HANDA    Prof Sargan; De Desai
1968    DPhil    Oxford, Nuffield    Moral and religious changes in an urban village of Bangalore, South India    M N HOLSTROM    Dr D P Pocock
1968    MPhil    London SOAS    Lord Mayo’s Viceroyalty (1869-1872) with special reference to problems of external security and internal stability    M A HOSSAIN    Dr Zaidi
1968    PhD    London, LSE    British policy towards Persia and the defence of British India, 1798-1807    R INGRAM ELLIS    Miss H Lee
1968    PhD    London, LSE    Karachi: a pre-industrial city in transition    M Z KHAN    Prof Jones
1968    PhD    London, SOAS    The Dutch in Ceylon, 1743-1766    D A KOTELAWEL    Dr Bastin
1968    PhD    London, SOAS    The contribution of Christian missionaries to education in Bengal, 1793-1837    M A LAIRD    Prof K Ballhatchet

1968    PhD    London, LSE    Socio-economic determinants of infant and child mortality in Sri Lanka: an analysis of post-war experience     S A MEEGAMA    Prof Glass
1968    MPhil    London, UC    Higher judiciary in Pakistan    M Y MIRZA    Mr Holland
1968    BLitt    Oxford, St Cath’s    Funeral ritual in South India    M M MOFFATT    Dr R K Jain
1968    MPhil    London, LSE    Land use and nutrition in Lucknow District    I MOHIUDDIN    Mr R Rawson
1968    PhD    London, SOAS    Political relations between India and Nepal, 1877-1923    K MOJUMDAR    Prof K Ballhatchet
1968    MPhil    London, Bedford    The cities of Hyderabad-Secunderabad with special reference to their industrial development    K B MUSTAFA    Mr Mountjoy
1968    MPhil    London, LSE    Concepts of purity and pollution in Indian religion    Judith Ann OSTROW
1968    PhD    Lancaster    The evolution and history of the Buddhist monastic order with special reference to the Sangha in Ceylon    Gunaratne PANABOKKE
1968    PhD    London, SOAS    The invasion of Nepal: John Company at war, 1814-1816    J C PEMBLE    Dr Moore
1968    PhD    London, SOAS    The All-India Muslim League in Indian politics, 1906-1912    M RAHMAN    Dr Moore
1968    MPhil    London, SOAS    The reform of local self-government in India under Lord Ripon, 1880-1884: a study in the formation of policy    Q RAHMAN
1968    PhD    Wales, Bangor    An economic appraisal of agricultural marketing in Pakistan    Abdur RASHID
1968    PhD    Edinburgh    A geographical analysis of the historical development of towns in Ceylon    L K RATNAYAKE    Prof J W Watson; Dr R Jones
1968    MA    Sussex    Constitutional change and the depressed classes: the representations from the depressed classes in the United Provinces to the Indian Statutory Commission, 1928, and their outcome    L SEN-GUPTA
1968    PhD    London, External    The role of railway transport in Ceylon: present problems and future prospects    K SUNDERALINGAM
1968    PhD    London, Inst Ed    A critical study of the history and development of university education in modern India, with special reference to problems and patterns of growth since 1847    C TICKOO
1968    DPhil    Oxford, St Cath’s    Kinship and marriage among the Jat of Haryana in northern India    Gunter TIEMANN    Dr R K Jain
1968    PhD    Edinburgh    The strategy of Christian missions to the Muslims: Anglican and reformed contributions in India and the Near East from Henry Martyn to Samuel Zwemmer, 1800-1938    Lyle L VANDER WERFF    Prof M Watt; Prof AC Cheyne
1968    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Indian historical writing in English, 1870-1920, with special reference to the influence of nationalism    Johannes H VOIGT    Mr K A Ballhatchet
1968    MPhil    London, LSE    The hierarchy of towns in Vidarbha, India, and its significance for regional planning    Sudhir Vyankatesh WANMALI.  Prof MJ Wise
1968    MA    Manchester    The relevance of land reform to economic progress in Pakistan    M A ZAMAN
1968/69    PhD    Glasgow    Planning for economic development: a comparative case study of Indian and Egyptian experience, 1946-1966, with special reference to planning strategy and effectiveness    A El- H H EL-GHAZALI
1968/69    PhD    Cambridge, Girton    Muslim politics and government policy: studies in  the development of Muslim organisation and its social background in North India and Bengal, 1885-1917    Janetr Mary RIZVI
1969    PhD    Durham    The working of district administration in Pakistan, 1947-1964    N ABEDIN    Prof W H Morris-Jones
1969    PhD    Cambridge, Fitzwilliam    The formation of the Government of India Act, 1935    W AHMAD    Dr T G P Sper
1969    MPhil    London, SOAS    Ideological factors in selected fields of policy making in India    Zoe F ALLEN
1969    PhD    London, SOAS    British famine and agricultural policies in India with special reference to the administration of Lord George Hamilton    S K BANDYOPADHYAY    Dr R J Moore
1969    PhD    London, SOAS    The political and economic conditions of Indians in Burma, 1900-1941    N R CHAKRAVARTI
1969    PhD    London, SOAS    The amending process in the Indian constitution    H CHAND
1969    PhD    London    Trade and commercial organisation in Bengal with special reference to the English East India Company, 1650-1720    S CHAUDHURY    Dr K N Chaudhuri
1969    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    The Bombay political service, 1863-1924    I F S COPLAND    Prof J A Gallagher
1969    PhD    London, Birkbeck    The Colonial Office and political problems in Ceylon and Mauritius, 1907-1921    L B L CROOK    Dr I M Cumpston
1969    DPhil    Oxford, Nuffield    British defence policy in the Indian Ocean region between the Indian Independence Act, 1947, and the British defence review, 1966    P G C DARBY    Prof N H Gibbs
1969    DPhil    Oxford    An evaluation of the Eastern bloc assistance to India (1956-57 to 1965-66)    DATARHA
1969    PhD    London, LSE    The effect of international labour migration on trade and real income: a case study of Ceylon, 1920 to 1938    A DUTTA    Prof Johnson
1969    PhD    London, Bedford    The development of the sugar industry in Nizamabad, Andhra Pradesh    A H FAROOQI
1969    PhD    London    Lord William Bentinck in Madras, 1803-1807    M GUPTA    Dr B M Pandey
1969    PhD    London, External    A study of the planning techniques in India: India’s five year plans    S GUPTA
1969    PhD    Manchester    A typical support structure of leadership in Punjab – the faction    J J M HAUDHRI
1969    PhD    Manchester    A structural study of Pakistan’s monetary sector    K A IMAN
1969    PhD    London, LSE    Regional development in Pakistan with special reference to the effects of import licensing and exchange control    A I A ISLAM
1969    PhD    London    Social aspects of the historical geography of East Pakistan, 1608-1857    Bilquis JAHAN    Miss E M J Campbell
1969    PhD    London, External    The sources and development of the customary laws of the Sinhalese up to 1835    M L S JAYASEKERA
1969    MSocSc    Birmingham    Industrial development and organization in Ceylon – a case study of the Ceylon cement industry    G W JAYSURIYA
1969    PhD    London    Dutch rule in maritime Ceylon, 1766-1796    V KAMAPATHYPILLAI    Dr J S Bastin
1969    PhD    London, LSE    Domestic instability as a factor in Pakistan’s foreign policy, 1952-1958    M KAMLIN    Dr Lyon
1969    PhD    London, LSE    A study of import control, with special reference to India    H KUSARI
1969    PhD    London, LSE    Britain and the termination of the India-China opium trade, 1905-1913    Margaret J B-C LIM    Prof Medlicott; Mr Dilks
1969    BLitt    Oxford, Linacre    Financing agricultural development with special reference to the place of agricultural credit in West Pakistan after 1947    A M MALIK    Mr R G Opie
1969    PhD    London, SOAS    Election laws in Pakistan    M D MALIK
1969    PhD    London, SOAS    The development of the jurisdiction and powers of the superior courts in Pakistan    M A MANNAN    Prof Gledhill
1969    MA    Sussex    Th Krishak Praja Party and the Bengal provincial elections, 1937    H MOMEN
1969    BPhil    St Andrews    Muslim politics in India, 1858-1918    S NAZ    D G Seed
1969    PhD    London, SOAS    Jury and police reform during the Indian Vice-Royalty of Lord Lansdowne, 1888-1894    R RAHMAN    Dr P Hardy
1969    PhD    London, LSE    Frontier problems in Pakistan’s foreign policy    S M M RAZVI    Dr P H Lyon
1969    DPhil    Oxford, Merton    The Commission of Eastern Inquiry in Ceylon, 1829-1837: a study of a Royal Commission of Colonial Inquiry    V K SAMARAWEERA    Dr A F Madden
1969    PhD    London, SOAS    Hinduism in a Kangra village    U M SHARMA    Pror Mayer
1969    PhD    London, SOAS    The reorganization of the Indian armies, 1858-1879    A H SHIBLEY    Dr Moore
1969    PhD    London, SOAS    Land resumption in Bengal, 1819-1846    A M WAHEEDUZZAMA    Dr Zaidi
1969    PhD    London, External    Methodism in north Ceylon: its history and influences, 1814-1890    D K WILSON
1969/70    PhD    Bristol    On the construction and implementation of a planning model for Ceylon    S NARAPALASINGAM
1969/70    PhD    Durham    Some aspects of central banking in Pakistan, 1948-1966    A K NIAZI
1969/70    PhD    Edinburgh    Settlement geography of the Indian desert (Rajasthan area)    Ram C SHARMA
1969/70    PhD    Bristol    The relations between central and provincial governments in Pakistan    M A TAYYEB    Prof Bromhead
1969/70    PhD    London, SOAS    Some legal aspects of agrarian reform in India    Namgi Lal UPADHYAYA
1970    MPhil    London, LSE    Production and trade in the raw cotton and cotton textile industries of Pakistan,1948-1966    Q K AHMAD    Prof H Myint
1970    PhD    Edinburgh    Regionalism and political integration in Pakistan: a case study in political geography    Masood ALI
1970    MPhil    London, SOAS    The urban geography of Kanpur    S A ALI
1970    MPhil    London, LSE    Peasant agriculture in Ceylon, 1933-1893    A C L AMEER ALI    Prof F J Fisher
1970    PhD    Edinburgh    Possible developments in building technology in relations to low cost housing in Pakistan    Mohammed M BAJWA
1970    DPhil    Oxford, St Anthony’s    The growth of political organization inthe Allahabad locality, 1880-1925    C A BAYLY    Prof J A Gallgher
1970    PhD    Cambridge, Gonville       Spatial organizationof some villages in Northern India    P M BLAIKIE    Mr B H Farmer
1970    PhD    Cambridge    British impact on the Indian cotton textile industry, 1757-1865    J G BORPUJARI    Dr W J Macpherson
1970    MPhil    London, UC    Some problems of physical planning in Ceylon    S W P BULANKULAME
1970    PhD    London, LSE    The behaviour of prices in India, 1952-1966: an empirical study    S K CHAKRABARTI    Prof Walters
1970    MSc    Bristol    The long-term outlook for the consumption of tea in India – a quantitative analysis    B M CHAMBERS
1970    MA    Manchester    Social change in Indian towns    M K CHATERJEE
1970    PhD    Cambridge, St Cath’s    Sir Alfred Comyn Lyall: a study of the Anglo-Indian official mind    E C T CHEW    Dr E T Stokes
1970    PhD    London, SOAS    British policy on the North East frontier of India, 1865-1914    D P CHOUDHURY    Prof K Ballhatchet
1970    MA    Kent    Recent trends in Indian federalism    S DAS
1970    MPhil    London, Inst Ed    Development of adult education in India since independence with special reference to rural reconstruction    B DUTTA
1970    BLitt    Oxford, Keble    Identity amongst Muslims in West Bengal, India, and its relationship with political, social and economic change    P J K EADE    Dr R K Jain
1970    BLitt    Oxford, St Edmund Hall    Aspects of history of the Indian National Congress with special reference to the Swarajya Party, 1919-1927    R A GORDON    Prof J A Gallagher
1970    PhD    Wales, Swansea    A study of the social and economic geography of the coastal fishing industry of Ceylon    Suniti Danissari GUNASEKERA
1970    PhD    London, SOAS    British policy and Baluchistan, 1854-1876    T A HEATHCOTE    Dr M E Yapp
1970    MPhil    London, King’s    Selected aspects of agricultural development in West Pakistan    J HUSSAIN
1970    PhD    London, SOAS    Social and political change in Ceylon, 1900-1919 with special reference to the disturbances of 1915     p v i JAYASEKERA    Prof K A Ballhatchet
1970    MSc    Edinburgh    Language and politics in modern India    P KARAT
1970    PhD    London, SOAS    Protection of minority interests under the Indian constitution    G T LUIS    Prof Derrett
1970    DPhil    Oxford, Wadham    Sociological aspects of revival and change in Buddhism in nineteenth century Ceylon    Kitsiri MALALGODA    Mr B R Wilson
1970    PhD    London, SOAS    The administration of British Burma, 1852-1885    J A MILLS    Prof C D Cowan
1970    DPhil    Oxford, St John’s    Renewable natural resources planning for regional development with special reference to Kashmir    Maharaj K MUTHOO    Mr J J Macgregor
1970    DPhil    Sussex    Labour organisation in the Bombay textile industry, 1918-1929    R NEWMAN    Dr Reeves
1970    PhD    London, QMC    Land development in the Sinharaja foothill of Ceylon    M P PERERA    Mr B W Hodder
1970    PhD    London, SOAS    Shareholders’ control of public companies in Pakistan    A K RANJHA
1970    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    The politics of U.P. Muslims    Francis Christopher Rowland ROBINSON    Dr Seal
1970    MPhil    London, Inst Ed    Urbanisation – its educational implications in India    P SAJNANI
1970    PhD    York    Predicate complement constructions in Hindi and English    Anil SINHA
1970    PhD    London, LSE    Water supply and irrigation in the dry zone of Ceylon    K U SIRINANDA    Mr P Rawson; Dr Chandler
1970    PhD    Cambridge, Jesus    Ceylon’s export trends and prospects    M P S SURIAARACHCHI    Mr H Leisner
1970    MA    London, Inst Ed    The t rainingof teachers in Bombay Province (including Gujerat) since 1947    M N UPADHYAYA
1970    MSc    Wales    Britain’s forgotten war: the British role in the confrontation of Malaysia by Indonesia    Michael R WAGSTAFF
1970    MPhil    London, SOAS    A structural analysis of myths from the North east frontier of India    James Mackie WILSON
1970    PhD    Leeds    The role of the Ceylon civil service before and after independence    Watareke Aratchchige WISWA WARNAPALA
1970/71    PhD    St Andrews    The theory, practice and administration of Waqf with special reference to the Malayan state of Kadah    M Z B H OTHMAN    Dr J Burton
1970/71    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    The politics of U P muslims    M A ROWLANDS
1970/71    PhD    London, LSHTM    Dynamics of malaria in Ceylon    C SIVAGNANASUNDRAM
1971    MPhil    London, SOAS    A comparative study of social heirarchies in selected areas of India and Pakistan    Makhdum Tasadduq AHMAD    Dr Mayer
1971    PhD    Lancaster    Technical change and economic development of agriculture: the case of Bangladesh    M ALAMGIR
1971    MPhil    London, UC    A select bibliography of periodical literature published in English, German, French, Sanskrit, Hindi, Pali and Bengali during 1951-1966 on some aspects of Indian culture (philosophy, religion, linguistics, literature)from the post-Vedic to the pre-Kalidasa era    P BISWAS
1971    MPhil    London, SOAS    Symbolic and material aspects of institutions in political process: analysis of two North Indian villages    Bengt-Erik Per Gustaf BORGSTROM
1971    MLitt    Cambridge, Firtzwilliam    Metropolitan dominance in South India    R W BRADNOCK    Mr B H Farmer
1971    PhD    London, SOAS    Social change of marriage patterns in the North Western Himalayas (Churah, Pangi and Ladakh)    Bharpur Singh BRAR
1971    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    Political alliances in rural Western Maharashtra    Anthony Thomas CARTER
1971    PhD    London, External    Culture conflicts and education in Ceylon after independence    Ida W DESILVA
1971    PhD    London, SOAS    The internal politics of the Kandyan kingdom, 1707-1760    Lorna S DEWARAJA
1971    PhD    Durham    Patterns of population structure and growth in East Pakistan    K Maudood ELAHI
1971    PhD    London, LSE    An econometric growth model for Pakistan    A FAROOQUI    Mr J M Desai
1971    DPhil    Sussex    Municipal politics in Calcutta: elite groups and the Calcutta corporation, 1875-1900     C P M FUREDY    Prof A Low
1971    BLitt    Oxford, St John’s    Statutory provisions for the settlement of collective industrial disputes in England and Australia and India    S T GOH
1971    MA    Exeter    A study of the authority structure of an industrial organisation in a transitional setting: case study of a Ceylon industrial plant    S GOONATILAKE
1971    MSc    Hull    The impact of foreign aid on India’s international trade, 1951-1965    C P HALLWOOD
1971    PhD    Nottingham    Pakistan’s external relations    A K M A HAQUE    Prof Pear
1971    PhD    Durham    The working of parliamentary government in Pakistan, 1947-1958    S C HARUN
1971    MLitt    Glasgow    Government expenditure: a study with reference to economic development in Pakistan    M HUQ
1971    PhD    London, King’s    Freedom of interstate trade in India    C K M JARIWALA
1971    DPhil    Oxford, St Hilda’s    Government policy and economic and social change in western India,1850-1875    J F M JHIRAD    Prof K A Ballhatchet
1971    MSc    Strathclyde    Administrative aspects of social security programmes for factory labourers in East Pakistan    M KABIR
1971    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    Nationalism n Bengal, 1903-1911: a study of Bengali reactions to the partition of the province with special reference to the social groups involved    A P KANNANGARA    Prof K A Ballhatchet
1971    PhD    London, SOAS    Some aspects of society and politics in Bengal, 1927 to 1936    B R KHAN    Mr J B Harrison
1971    MPhil    London, SOAS    The tripartite countries [Iran, Pakistan and Turkey]of the regional cooperation for development: a geographical study of a regional grouping    Durray S KURESHI
1971    DPhil    Sussex    Administrative structures, economic change and problems of rural development in Aligarh District, Uttar Pradesh, India    Bismarck U MWANSASU
1971    PhD    London, King’s    A comparative study of the executive in Australia and India    J D OJO
1971    PhD    London, SOAS    Some aspects of the Indian Viceroyalty of Lord Elgin, 1862-1863    J A RAHMAN    Dr Harrison
1971    PhD    London, SOAS    Legal aspects of the “doctrine of pleasure” in relation to public servants in India    U R RAI
1971    MPhil    London, LSE    A comparative study of manpower in selected industries with similar technologies in India and the UK    S F RICHARDS    Prof Wise
1971    MPhil    Leeds    The military in politics in India and Pakistan since 1947    A H RIZVI    Prof Hanson; Dr O A Hartley
1971    PhD    London, SOAS    The government of India under Lord Chelmsford, 1916-1921, with special reference to the policies adopted towards constitutional change and political agitation in British India    P G ROBB    Prof K A Ballhatchet
1971    PhD    York    A generative semantic treatment of some aspects of English and Hindigrammar    Prajapati SAH
1971    PhD    London, LSE    The problem of economic holdings in the peasant agriculture of the dry zone of Ceylon    Somasundaram SELVANAYAGAM
1971    PhD    London,  SOAS    Status, power and resources: the study of a Sinhalese village    S P F SENATATNE
1971    MPhil    London. LSE    British opinion and Indian independence: a study of some British pressure groups which advanced the cause of Indian independence    Kumar Indra VIJAY
1971    MLitt    Edinburgh    David Livingstone and India    rOSINA g VISRAM    Prof G A Shepperson
1971    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    Employment incomes in Ceylon: an inquiry into the structure and determination of wage and salary earnings in Ceylon, 1949-1969    Pabawathie C WICKREMASINGHE
1971    MPhil    London, Inst Ed    A critical analysis of the problems of higher education in Pakistan since independence (1947) with special reference to student unrest    U S ZAMAN
1971/72    PhD    Liverpool    British opinion and Indian reform, 1858-1876    Nilima SAHA    Mr P J N Tuck
1972    DPhil    Oxford, Christ Church    Economic aspects of some peasant colonizations in Ceylon    G M ABAYARATNA    Miss M R Haswell
1972    PhD    Leeds    Economic, political and administrative aspects of planning for development in a divided country: a study of relationships between East Bengal and West Pakistan, 1947-1971    Shaikh Magsood ALI
1972    MSc    Bristol    Capital finance in a developing economy – Ceylon    Bernard V ANTHONISZ
1972    PhD    Cambridge, Clare Hall    Communal conflict in Ceylon politics and the advance towards self-government    Rupasinghe A ARIYARATNE
1972    MPhil    London, Inst Ed    A comparative study of language policies and problems in Ceylon and India since independence    V ARUMUGAM
1972    MPhil    London, SOAS    Judicial control of the machinery of government in Pakistan    Chaudhary M Y ASIM
1972    PhD    Cambridge, Queens    Politics in South India. 1917-1947    Christopher J BAKER
1972    PhD    Durham    The hierarchy of central places in Northern Ceylon    P BALASUNDARAMPILLAI
1972    PhD    London, LSE    Some aspects of the strains and stresses in Indo-British relations, 1947-1965: an analysis of the causes and course of gradual decline in Britain’s importance to India    A R BANERJI    Mr J B L Mayall
1972    PhD    London, QMC    Fiscal policy in India (with reference to taxation)over three five year plans    S BHADURI    Prof M H Peston
1972    DPhil    Sussex    Political change in Rohilkhand, 1932-1952: a study of the rleationships between provincial and district level politicans    L BRENNAN
1972    PhD    London, SOAS    An examination of the development and structure of the legal profession at Allahabad, 1866-1935    Gilliam F BUCKEE
1972    MPhil    Sussex    Educational administration in Bombay Presidency, 1913-1937    J L BUTLER
1972    PhD    London, SOAS    Extra-constitutional actions in Pakistan    Z I CHOUDHURY
1972    PhD    London, SOAS    The politics and functioning of the East Bengal legislature, 1947-1958    Najma CHOWDHURY
1972    MEd    Manchester    The social and educational changes brought about in some South Indian villages by the Saruodaya movement    A G CLARK
1972    DPhil    Oxford    Decentralisation and political change in the United Provinces, 1880-1921    W F CRAWLEY
1972    PhD    Aberdeen    The development and influence of British missionary movements toward India, 1786-1830    Allan K DAVIDSON    Mr A F Walls
1972    PhD    Cambridge, Emmanuel    The official mind and the problem of agrarian indebtedness in India, 1870-1910    Clive J DEWEY
1972    PhD    London, SOAS    Juristic techniques in the Supreme Court of India (195-1971)in some selected areas of public and personal law    Rajeev DHAVAN

1972    MA    Hull    Resource allocation in the public sector in Malaysia with special reference to the Muda River irrigation scheme    CHEW CHAI DOAN
1972    PhD    Hull    Some aspects of private foreign enterprise in Ceylon    L E N FERNANDO
1972    PhD    London, SOAS    Rural money markets in India    Subrata GHATAK
1972    MA    Manchester    Traditional India and the meaning of caste    Beth GOLDBLATT
1972    DPhil    Sussex    Optimum location of paddy improvement schemes in Ceylon    J M GUNADESA
1972    MA     Exeter    Industrialization and protective tariffs in Pakistan    A M A HAKIM
1972    PhD    Cambridge,St John’s    The place of India in the strategic and political consideration of the Axis powers, 1939-1942    Milan HAUNER    Prof F H Hinsley
1972    MA    Exeter    Foreign capital and economic development: the case of Pakistan    M E HOSSAIN
1972    PhD    London, LSE    Rural society and leadership in Malaya with special reference to three selected communities    Syed HUSIN ALI
1972    BLitt    Oxford, Lady Margaret    Some aspects of religion and culture in Bengal    H K ION
1972    PhD    London, SOAS    Agricultural development of Bengal: a quantitative study, 1920-1946    M M ISLAM    Dr Chaudhuri
1972    PhD    London, SOAS    Bengali Moslem public opinion as reflected in the vernacular press between 1901 and 1930    Mustafa N ISLAM
1972    PhD    London, SOAS    The permanent settlement and the landed interests in Bengal from 1793 to 1819    M S ISLAM    Mr G B Harrison
1972    BLitt    Oxford, Somerville    A social anthropological study of Jainism in Northern India    S JAIN    Dr R G Leinhardt
1972    DPhil    Sussex    Techno-economic survey of industrial potential in Sri Lanka    N D KARUNARATNE
1972    PhD    London, SOAS    Constitutional protection of the freedom of association in Pakistan    Hamiduddin KHAN
1972    PhD    London, UC    Kowloon: a factorial study of urban land use and retail structure    Chi-sen LIANG    Prof P Wood
1972    PhD    London, SOAS    The rajas and nawabs of Bengal, 1911-1919    Pronoy Chand MEHTAB
1972    PhD    Cambridge, Fitzwilliam    Income distribution and savings in Pakistan: an appraisal of development strategy    T E NULTY    Prof W B Reddaway
1972    DPhil    Oxford    The organisational basis of Indian agriculture with special reference to the development of capitalistic farming (ie based on wage-labour and following economic criteria for investment) in selected regions in recent years    U PATNAIK
1972    PhD    York    A systematic treatment of certain aspects of Telugu phonology    Vennelakanti PRAKASAM
1972    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Regional disparities in the growth of incomes and population in India, 1951-1965    Siripurapu Kesava RAO    Dr A K Bagchi
1972    PhD    Exeter    The impact of devaluation on prices and production in Pakistan    M M SHAIKH
1972    PhD    London, SOAS    The study of inflation in Pakistan, 1955-1968    Qamarul H SIDDIQI    Prof E Penrose
1972    PhD    London, UC    Functions of international conflict: a case study of Pakistan    K SIDDIQUI    Dr J W Burton
1972    PhD    London    The home government of India, 1834-1853    Robert F S TATE    Mr Harrison
1972    PhD    London, SOAS    Indian politics and the elections of 1937    D D TAYLOR    Prof H Tinker
1972    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    Economic integration and development with special reference to four Asian countries [India, Ceylon, Burma and Malaysia]    Ransit Corneille WANIGATUNGA    Prof G L Rees
1972    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    The development and function of the transport system in Ceylon: a network analysis    Poonanulkarange C H WEERASURIYA    Dr B T Robson
1972    MPhil    London, SOAS    Tribal identity among the Santals, 1770-1857    Michael Piers YORKE
1972/73    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Social conflict and political unrest in Bengal, 1875-1908    Rajat K RAY
1972/73    PhD    Reading    The applicability of linear programming to resource allocation in an irrigated agriculture with special reference to the Punjab of Pakistan    T U REHMAN
1973    BLitt    Oxford, Balliol    A study of Bengal peasants, 1765-1812    S U AHMED    Dr C C Davies
1973    PhD    London    The role of the Zamindars in Bengal, 1707-1772    Shirin AKHTAR    J B Harrison
1973    DPhil    Sussex    Political structure and economic development in rural West Pakistan    H ALAVI
1973    MPhil    London, Inst Ed    The impact of British educational thought onthe concept of university education in Sri Lanka    Chandra Lilian AMARASEKERA
1973    PhD    London, Wye    A study of economic resource use and production possibilities on settlement schemes in Sri Lanka (with special reference to the Minipe Colonisation Scheme)    Nihal St Michael Aloysius AMERASINGHE
1973    DPhil    Sussex    Nationalism and the regional politics: Tamiland, India, 1920-1937    D J ARNOLD    Prof D A Low
1973    PhD    London, QMC    Functions and status of urban settlement in West Bengal    Mira DAS
1973    DPhil    Sussex    Peasant movements in India,c.1920-1950    D N DHANAGARE
1973    PhD    London, LSE    The development of the port of Colombo, 1860-1939    K DHARMASENA    Prof F J Fisher
1973    MPhil    York    Male nurses in Ceylon: a study of the career problems of male nurses in the Ceylon health service, 1972    Malsiri K DIAS
1973    BLitt    Oxford, Campion Hall    Some aspects of agricultural policy in Ceylon since independence with special reference to youth resettlement schemes    B W DISSANAYAKE    Miss M R Haswell
1973    PhD    Exeter    Orgnisational forms in post traditional society with special reference to South Asia    P D S  GOONATILAKE
1973    PhD    London, SOAS    A study of the revenue administration of Sylhet District in Bengal, 1765-1792    Kusha HARAKSINGH    Prof K A Ballhatchet
1973    DPhil    Sussex    Revolutionary networks in Northern Indian politics, 1907-1935: a case study of the terrorist movement in Delhi, the Punjab, the United Provinces and adjacent princely states    M HARCOURT
1973    PhD    London, LSE    Indian population policy and the family planning programme    Edward C HARRIMAN
1973    BLitt    Oxford, Jesus    The role of law in the politics of Pakistan from 1947 to 1956    S F A HASSAN    Prof H W R Wade
1973    DPhil    Oxford, St Catharine’s    Foreign aid in the economic development of Ceylon    W HETTIARACHI    Miss P H Ady
1973    MSc    Lancaster    Monetary management, commercial bank credit expansion and economic development in Pakistan    Rafiqul ISLAM
1973    PhD    London, External    Economic development in Ceylon    Halwalage N S KARUNATILAKE
1973    MSocSc    Birmingham    Distribution of rate of suicide according to age and sex on the basis on caste in Gujerat State    H KAZI
1973    PhD    Hull    Some economic aspects of the oil palm industry of West Malaysia    Hacharan Singh KHERA
1973    DPhil    Oxford    Terms of trade, public policy and economic development of Ceylon, 1948-1958    W D LAKSHMAN
1973    PhD    Wales    An economic analysis of recent developments in the production and marketing of jute with particular reference to their implications for the economy of Pakistan    Saidur R LASKER
1973    PhD    London, LSE    Local government and administration in Ceylon    Genevieve R LEITAN
1973    PhD    York    Some aspects of Bhartrhari’s linguistic theory as represented in the Vakyapadiya    Kaluwachchimule MAHANAMA
1973    PhD    London, SOAS    The changing position and functions of the Rajahs and Nawabs of Bengal, 1911-1919    P C MAHTAB    Prof K Ballhatchet
1973    DPhil    Oxford, Nuffield    Private corporate industrial investment in India, 1947/1967: factors affecting its size, fluctuations and sectoral distribution    P PATNAIK    Mr P P Streeten
1973    PhD    London, King’s    The legal framework for the settlement of industrial disputes in Ceylon    Stanislaus Edward PULLE    Mr A Hughes
1973        London, SOAS    The minorities of Ceylon,, 1926-1931 with special reference to the Donoughmore Commission    G QUINTUS
1973    PhD    London, SOAS    The covenanted civil servant and the government of India, 1858-1883: a study of his part in the decision-making and decision implementing process in India    Muhammad A RAHIM    Mr J B Harrison
1973    MPhil    London, QMC    The markets of Calcutta: an analysis of the evolution of indigenous marketing systems and shopping facilities    Mondira Sinha RAY
1973    DPhil    Sussex    Poverty and policy: the impact of rural public works in the Kosi area of Bihar, India    Gerry RODGERS    L Joy
1973    PhD    Cambridge, Lucy     Polarization on Colombo in the economic geography of Ceylon    Liyanage Kundali Vidyamali SAMARASINGHE    Mr B H Farmer
1973    PhD    Birmingham    A quantitative analysis of the patterns of export: a case study of India    M L SETH
1973    MA    Sussex    A multisectoral model of production for Sri Lanka    Paran SIRISENA
1973    MSc    Cambridge, Girton    Underutilized industrial capacity in India    Nancy SLOCUM
1973    MPhil    London, QMC    External aspects of Pakistan’s political geography    A H SYED
1973    PhD    London, SOAS    Extradition in the light of the Indian constitution    Madan M TEWARI
1973    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    The Vice-royalty of Lord Irwin in 1926/31 with special reference to political and constitutional developments    James Frederick Caleb WATTS    Dr A F Madden
1973    PhD    Cambridge, Clare Hall    Some aspects of prodcution and market surplus in the rice sector of Ceylon    Piyasiri WICKRAMASEKARA
1973    PhD    Exeter    A theory of multiple exchange rates and exchange rate management in Ceylon    G W P WICKRAMASINGHE
1973/74    PhD    London, Wye    The marketing of tea with special reference to India’s share of thew world market    N C NANDA
1973/74    PhD    East Anglia    Constraints on optimum resource use in an irrigated land settlement scheme in Ceylon    D H R J PERERA
1973/74    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    Locational analysis and government sponsored large-scale industries in Ceylon    Y RASANAYAGAM

1973/74    DPhil    Sussex    A multisectoral model of production for Sri Lanka    N L SIRISENA
1973/74    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    The kinship and social organization of a Roman Catholic fishing village in Ceylon    Roderick Lennox STIRRAT
1974    PhD    Brunel    Defence expenditure and economic growth with reference to India    V AGARWAL
1974    MSc    London, LSHTM    Current patterns of food administration in the West and their application to Pakistan    A AHMED
1974    DTPH    London, LSHTM    Some problems in family planning in rural Sri Lanka    E R AMARASEKERA
1974    PhD    London, Inst Comm    Trotskyism in Ceylon: a study of the development, ideology and political role of Lanka Sama Samaja Party, 1935-1964    Y R AMARASINGHE    Prof W H Morris-Jones
1974    PhD    London, SOAS    Changes in patterns and practices of wheat farming since the introduction of the new high yielding varieties. A study of six villages in the Bulandshahr District, Uttar Pradesh, Northern India    Kathleen May BAKER
1974    PhD    London    Urban society in Bengal, 1850-1872,with special reference to Calcutta    Ranu BASU    Prof K Ballhatchet
1974    MPhil    London, Wye    Some economic aspects of rubber production in Sri Lanka    Gamlath Rallage CHADRASIRI
1974    PhD    Cambridge, Pembroke    Agrarian society and British administration in Western India, 1847-1920    Neil Rex Foster CHARLESWORTH
1974    DPhil    Sussex    Innovation, inequality and rural planning: the economics of Tubewell irrigation in the Kosi region, Bihar, India    Edward J CLAY
1974    PhD    Kent    Money and monetary policy in a lerss developed economy: the case of Ceylon (Sri Lanka)1950-1970    E CONTOGIANNIS
1974    DPhil    Sussex    A study of wages of the coal miners in India (with special reference ot the Raniganj and Jharia coalfields)    A DASGUPTA
1974    MSc    Wales, Aberystwyth    The factor shares of Indian international trade, 1947-1948 to 1967-1968    Mazumdar D DATT
1974    MPhil    Nottingham    A Marxist analysis of the economic development of India    Brian DAVEY    Prof Parkinson
1974    PhD    London    The intrigues of the German government and the Ghadr Party against British rule in India, 1914-1918    T G FRASER    Mr D N Dilks
1974    DTPH    London, LSHTM    Some public health problems of the labour force in Sri Lanka    A N HANIFFA
1974    MPhil    London, SOAS    The role of “reasonable restrictions” under the Indian constitution    Tirukattupali Kalyana Krishnamurthy IYER
1974    PhD    London    Buddhist-Christian relationships in British Ceylon, 1797-1948    C W KARUNARATNA    E G S Parrinder
1974    MSc    London, LSHTM    Growth study of the preschool children of Pakistan    M M R KHAN
1974    MPhil    Edinburgh    Implementation of development plans in Pakistan    S J KHAWAJA
1974    DPhil    Oxford, St Hugh’s    The movement towards constitutional reform in Ceylon, 1880-1910    N N LABROOY
1974    DPhil    Oxford    Social and political attitudes of British expatriates in India, 1880-1920    Margaret O MACMILLAN    Prof Gallagher
1974    PhD    Queen’s, Belfast    Allahabad: a study in social structure and urban morphology    L MALVIYA
1974    DPhil    Oxford    The Donoughmore Commission in Ceylon, 1927-1931    Tilaka Piyaseeli METHTHANANDA
1974    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    India’s exports and export policies in the sixties    D NAYYAR    Mr P P Streeten
1974    DPhil    Oxford    Prelude to partition: all-India moslem politics, 1920-1932    D J H PAGE
1974    PhD    London, King’s    The social background, motivation and training of missionaries to India, 1789-1858    Frederic S PIGGIN
1974    PhD    York    Some aspects of the Vanni dialect of Sinhalese as contrasted with the dialect of the western region of Sri Lanka    Pushpakumara PREMARATNE
1974    PhD    Manchester    The commercial pressure on the British government policy towards Indian nationalist movement, 1919-1935    M R PREST
1974    PhD    Cambridge, Clare Hall    Change in Bengal agrarian society c.1760-1850: a study of selected districts    Ratnalekha RAY    Prof E G Stokes
1974    PhD    London, SOAS    Education and society in the Bombay Presidency, 1840-1858    A J ROBERTS    Prof K S Ballhatchet
1974    PhD    Bradford    Pakistani villages in a British city: the world of the Mirpuri villager in Bradford and in his village of origin    Verity J SAIFULLAH-KHAN
1974    DPhil    Oxford    Labour and industrial organization in the Indian coal-mining industry, 1900-1939    Colin P SIMMONS    Prof P Mathias
1974    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Nationalism and Indian politics: the Indian National Congress, 1934-1942    B R TOMLINSON    Dr A Seal
1974    PhD    Hull    The European plantation rubber industry in South East Asia, 1876-1921    Phin Keong VOON
1974    PhD    London, SOAS    British scholarship and Muslim rule in India: the work of William Erskine, Sir Henry Elliot, John Dowson, Edwards Thomas, J Talboys Wheeler and Henry J Keene    Tripta WAHI    Dr P Hardy
1974    PhD    Cambridge, Tinity    The society and politics of the Madras Presidency, 1880-1920    D A WASHBROOK    Dr A Seal
1974    PhD    Hull    The Saribas Malays of Sarawak: their social and economic organisation and system of values    BIN kLING ZAINAL
1974/75    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    Landlords, planters and colonial rule: a study of tensions in Bengal rural society, c. 1830-1860    Chittabrata PALIT    Prof E T Stokes
1974/75    PhD    London, SOAS    The Khilafat movement in India, 1919-1924    M Naeem QURESHI    SDr Moore
1974/75    PhD    Birmingham    A multisectoral model for manpower and educational planning in Sri Lanka    T W Y RANAWEERA
1974/75    MSc    Cambridge Trinity    The extraction and use of surplus in India and China, 1950-1960    Chiranjivi Shumshere THAPA
1975    MSc    Strathclyde    Foreign indebtedness and debt servicing capacity of Pakistan, 1955-1970    M K ACHIGZAI
1975    MSc    London, LSHTM    Mortality and fertility trends in Orissa, 1951-1972    V AHMAD
1975    PhD    Edinburgh    Industrialisation and the problems of access to finance of small and medium sized forms in Ceylon    C A BALASURIYA
1975    MA    Ulster    Bangladesh: a divided Pakistan    N J BEST
1975    PhD    Manchester    Science and politics in India: accountability of scientific research policy structures, 1952-1970    B BHANEJA
1975    MSc    Salford    Factionalism and party building in India with special reference to the State of Rajasthan    R BHARGAVA
1975    MSc    Wales, Swansea    Population planning in Bangladesh    A R BHUIYAN    Mr J Whetton
1975    PhD    Lancaster    As assessment of the economic effects of a customs union among the South Asian countries of India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka    M A R BHUYAN
1975    PhD    London    The East India Company and its army, 1600-1778    G J BRYANT    Dr P J Marshall
1975    DPhil    sussex    The effects of external assistance on economic development: the case of Sri Lanka    A CHANDRA-RANDENI
1975    PhD    Leeds    The marketing of cotton in Pakistan    I U CHAUDHRY
1975    MSc    Wales, Swansea    Social welfare services in Pakistan: the integration of state and welfare activity    A CHOUDRY    Jim Whetton
1975    PhD    Londond, Wye    Factors influencing India’s exports since 1950    Kashmir Singh DHINDSA
1975    DPhil    Oxford    The journals and memoirs of British travellers and residents in India in the late 18th century and the 19th century prior to the Mutiny    Ketaki K DYSON    Dr C M Ing
1975    PhD    London, SOAS    The structure of politics in South India, 1918-1939: conflict and adjustment in Madras City    J A ELLIS
1975    MA    Sussex    The Vidhan Sabha election, Uttar Pradash, India, of February 1974    J GOODMAN
1975    MPhil    London, UC    Problems of port development in Sri Lanka, with special reference to Colombo    Daya Somalatha GUNATILLAKE
1975    DPhil    Sussex    Peasant agitations in Kheder District, Gujerat, 1917-1934    D R HARDIMAN    Mr P K Chaudhuri
1975    MSc    Wales, Swansea    Organisation and staffing needs in four state social services departments in Malaysia    Kamariah Mohd ISMAIL    Mr C Gore
1975    MScEcon    Wales    Economic development and the problem of unemployment with special reference to Bangladesh    Halim JAHANGIR
1975    PhD    Edinburgh    Public sector investment in the direct development of urban housing in Sri Lanka (Ceylon)    M E JOACHIM
1975    DPhil    Sussex    The relation between land settlement and party politics in Uttar Pradesh, India, 1950-69, with special reference to the formulation of the Bharatiya Kranti Dal    M H JOHNSON
1975    PhD    London, SOAS    Business, labour and opposition movements in the politics of Ahmedabad City, 1960-1972    Bharti KANSARA    Prof W H Morris-Jones
1975    MLitt    Aberdeen    South Asian international relations since rthe emergence of Bangladesh    A KHAN
1975    MA    Sussex    The Congress split of 1969: a study in factional and ideological conflicts    H KINASE-LEGGETT
1975    PhD    London    Legal aspects of stage carriage licensing in India    P LEELAKRISHNAN
1975    PhD    London, SOAS    Economics of higher yielding varieties of rice with special reference to a south Indian district…West Godavari (Andhra Pradesh)    S MADHAVAN    Mr T J Byres
1975    DPhil    Sussex    Political change in an Indian state: Mysore, 1910-1952    James G MANOR    Prof A Low; Dr Reeves
1975    PhD    Leeds    Financial institutions and private investment in Pakistan, 1955/56 to 1969/70    A M M MASIH    Finance
1975    MPhil    London, UC    Self-help in Hyderabad’s urban development    Catherine Anne MEDE
1975    PhD    London, LSE    An analysis of the economy and social organisation of the the Malapantara – a south Indian hunting and gathering people    Brian MORRIS
1975    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    The Indian National Congress and political mobilization in the United Provinces, 1926-1934    G PANDEY

Mr D K Fieldhouse
1975    PhD    Edinburgh    A prototype system for the control of land use and settlements in the planned development of Bangladesh    A M A QUAZI
1975    PhD    London, Inst Comm    The emergence of Bangladesh as a sovereign state    Mizanur RAHMAN
1975    DPhil    Oxfird, Linacre House    Some aspects of the Indian government’s policy of state railways, 1869-1884    V SHANMUGASUNDARAM    Prof K Ballhatchet
1975    PhD    Edinburgh    Changing patterns of cropland use in Bist Doab, Punjab, 1951-1968    Gurjeet SINGH
1975    PhD    London, LSE    A demographic analysis of the sterilization programme in the Indian states, 1957-1973    Veena SONI    Prof D Glass
1975    MLitt    St Andrews    Tax revenue forecasting in a developing economy with special reference to India    D K SRIVASTAVA
1975    DPhil    Sussex    The British in Malabar, 1792-1806    B S W SWAI    Prof D A Low; Dr P Reeves
1975    PhD    London, SOAS    The cotton trade and the commercial development of Bombay, 1855-1875    Antonia M VICZIANY    Dr K N Chaudhuri
1975    PhD    London, SOAS    The Moplah rebellion of 1921-1922 and its genesis    Conrad WOOD
1975/76    PhD    Birmingham    Significance of size in Indian public limited companies    N P NAYAR
1975/76    DPhil    Oxford, Trinity    British policy and the political impasse in India during the viceroyalty of Lord Linlithgow    Gowher RIZVI
1976    MPhil    London, UC    Development of printing in Urdu, 1743-1857    Nazir AHMAD    Mr R Staveley
1976    PhD    London, SOAS    The beginnings of British rule in Upper Burma: the study of British policy and Burmese reaction, 1885-1890    Muhammad S ALI    Prof C D Cowan
1976    MLitt    Glasgow    Jute in the agrarian history of Bengal, 1870-1914: a study in primary production    M W ALI    Prof S Checkland; Mr J F Munro
1976    PhD    Cambridge, Queen’s    Private industrial investment in Pakistan    Rashid AMJAD    Mr M A King
1976    PhD    London, SOAS    The Tamil renaissance and Dravidian nationalism, 1905-1944, with special reference to the works of Maraimalai Atikal    K Nambi AROORAN    Prof K Ballhatchet
1976    PhD    Lancaster    Regional dualism: a case study of Pakistan, 1947/48 to 1969/70    M AZHAR-UD-DIN
1976    PhD    London, SOAS    Patterns of rural development in Tamil Nadu    Robert Wilfred BRADNOCK
1976    DPhil    Sussex    Patterns of tractorization in the major rice growing areas of Sri Lanka    M N CARR
1976    DPhil    Oxford, St John’s    Aspects of the registration and legal control of trade unions in India with some comparative observations    B K CHANDRASHEKAR
1976    MSc    Heriot-Watt    The development of tourism in Sri Lanka(Ceylon)with special reference to Nuwara Elyia    E G DHARMASIRIWARANDE
1976    MPhil    Edinburgh    Some guidelines for a spatial framework for regional planning in Sri Lnaka    N D DICKSON
1976    PhD    London, UC    Some problems relating to constitutional amendments in India    Bhubaneswar DUTTA
1976    MA    Sheffield    An examination of the letters and papers of a Wesleyan missionary (the Rev. James John Ellis of India, 1883-1962    J ELLIS    Prof J Atkinson; Dr J C G Binfield
1976    DPhil    Sussex    Caste and Christianity: a study of the development and influence of attitudes and policies concerning caste held by Protetsant Anglo-Saxon missions in India    D B FORRESTER
1976    DPhil    Sussex    Sri Lanka and the powers: an investigation into Sri Lanka’s relations with Britain, India, US, Soviet Union and China, 1948-1974    Birty GAJAMERAGEDARA    Coral Bell
1976    PhD    Cambridge, Selwyn    Bombay city businessmen and politics, 1918-1933: the politics of indigenous colonial businessmen in relation to rising nationalism and a modernising economy    A D D GORDON    Prof J A Gallagher
1976    MSc    Wales, UWIST    The impact of the Central Freight Bureau of Sri Lanka on liner conferences and trade patterns    M H GUNARATNE
1976    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    Programming for a balanced development of modern industries in Bangladesh    A K Md HABIBULLAH    Prof P N Mathur
1976    MPhil    East Anglia    Techniques and management of annual planning with reference to Bangladesh    Shamsul HAQUE
1976    MSc    Wales, Swansea    Employment planning in Sri Lanka    Nimal HETTIARATCHY
1976    PhD    Cambridge, Christ’s    Agrarian structure and land productivity in Bangladesh: an analysis of farm level data    Mahabub HOSSAIN    Mrs S Paine
1976    PhD    Glasgow    Factor price distortions in Bangladesh    M M HUQ
1976    PhD    London, SOAS    A quantitative study of price movements in Bengal during the 18th and 19th centuries    A S M A HUSSAIN    Dr K N Chaudhuri
1976    MPhil    London    A study of 19th century historical work on Muslim rule in Bengal: Charles Stewart to Henry Beveridge    Muhammad D HUSSAIN    Dr P Hardy
1976    MSc    Wales    Construction and use of new system of national accounts for Sri Lanka    Siripala IPALAWATTE    Prof P N Mathur
1976    PhD    London, LSE    Factor intensity and labour absorption in manufacturing industries: the case of Bangladesh    R ISLAM    Prof A Sen; Dr Dasgupta
1976    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    An investigation into the effect of farm structure on resource productivitiy in selected areas of Bangladesh    Md Abdul JABBAR
1976    PhD    London, Inst Comm    India in the British Commonwealth: the problem of diplomatic representation 1917-1947    James L KEMBER    Dr T Reese
1976    PhD    Aberdeen    International relations in the South Asian sub-continent since the emergence of Bangladesh: conflict or co-operation ?    Ataur Rahman KHAN
1976    MSc    Strathclyde    Indian decision making and the Sino-Indian boundary conflict    R LOUDIS
1976    PhD    Glasgow    Regional disparities and structural change in an underdeveloped economy: a case study of India    M MAJMUDAR
1976    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Radical nationalism in India, 1930-1942: the role of the All India Congress Socialist Party    Z M MASANI
1976    PhD    London, SOAS    Political leadership among the Hindu community in Calcutta, 1857-1885    John G McGUIRE    Prof K A Ballhatchet
1976    MPhil    Leeds    Public enterprise and the economic development of Pakistan: a study of the relationship between industrial finance corporations and the development of the private sector    I MEHDI
1976    PhD    Manchester    Marketing of social products: family planning in Bangladesh    M A MIYAN
1976    PhD    London, UC    History of printing in Bengali characters up to 1866    Hussain Khan MOFAKHKHAR
1976    PhD    Cambridge, Christ’s    An Indian rural society: aspects of the structure of rural society in the United Provinces, 1860-1920    P J MUSGRAVE    Prof E T Stokes
1976    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    The British in India, 1740-1763: a study in imperial expansion into Bengal    J B NICHOL    Prof E T Stokes
1976    PhD    London, LSE    Education and educated manpower in Bangladesh: a study of development after the 1947 partition    M NURUZZAMAN    Dr C M Phillips
1976    PhD    Manchester    The sensitivity of the demand for Indian exports to world prices: a study of particular commodities    N G PEERA
1976    PhD    Glasgow    Some methodological aspects of the cost benefit analysis of irrigation projcts: a case study of the Telegana region of India    Gautam PINGLE    Mr E RAdo; Dr R P Sinha
1976    DPhil    Oxford, St John’s    The role of India in imperial defence beyond its frontiers and home waters, 1919-1939    J O RAWSON    Prof N H Gibbs
1976    PhD    London, LSE    Towards a spatial strategy for Indian development    L R SATIN
1976    PhD    London, SOAS    Municipal markets of Calcutta: three case studies    Mondira SINHA RAY
1976    PhD    London, SOAS    Munda religion and social structure    Hilary STANDING
1976    PhD    London, SOAS    Pakistan: a geopolitical analysis, 1947-1974    Arif Hassan SYED
1976    MSc    Wales, Swansea    Child welfare planning in India    Kalyani Sarojini THADI
1976    PhD    Aston    Techno-economic aspects of the competitive position of natural rubber with special reference to the natural rubber industry in Sri Lanka    G VARATHUNGARAJAN
1976    PhD    Cambridge, Sidney    The impact of tariff protection on Indian industrial growth, 1918-1939, with special reference to the steel, cotton mill and sugar industries    D M WAGLE    Dr W J Macpherson
1976    DPhil    Sussex    The use of project appraisal techniques in the Indian public sector: a case study of the fertiliser industry    John WEISS
1976    PhD    London, SOAS    Decisions and analogy: political structure and discourse among the Ho tribes of India    Michael Piers YORKE
1976/77    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    Living saints and their devotees: a study of guru cults in urban Orissa    Deborah Anne SWALLOW    Prof E R Leach
1977    PhD    London, LSE    The jute manufacturing industry of Bangladesh, 1947-1974    Q K AHMAD
1977    DPhil    Oxford    The Bengal Muslims, circa 1871-1906: the re-definition of identity    R AHMED
1977    PhD    Hull    The Boria: a study of a Malay theatre in its socio-cultural context    RAHMAN AZMAN
1977    PhD    London,SOAS    Guardianship in South Asia with special reference to alienation and limitation    M BADARUDDIN
1977    PhD    Lancaster    The image of Gandhi in the Indo-Anglican nove    D CHATTERJEE
1977    PhD    Cambridge, Selwyn    Lancashire cotton trade and British policy in India, 1919-1939    Basudev CHATTERJI
1977    PhD    Aberdeen    Doctrinal and exegetical issues in the Hindu-Christian debate during the nineteenth century Bengal renaissance with special reference to St Paul’s teaching on the religions of the nations    Chee Pang CHOONG
1977    PhD    Glasgow    Technological change in agriculture: the development experience of Tamil Nadu    M D’SA
1977    PhD    Cambridge, Selwyn    Indigo plantations and agrarian society in North Bihar in the 19th and early 20th centuries    C M FISHER    Prof E Stokes
1977    PhD    Edinburgh    Some aspects of the colonial administration in Ceylon, 1855-1865    Alison C FORBES    Dr T J Barron
1977    PhD    Manchester    A model of manpower planning for India    R D GAIHA
1977    PhD    East Anglia    Paddy and rice marketing in Northern Tamil Nadu, India    Barbara HARRISS
1977    PhD    East Anglia    Technological change in agriculture and agrarian social structure in Northern Tamil Nadu    John Charles HARRISS
1977    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Indian National congress and the Indian Muslims (1916-1928)    M HASAN    Dr A Seal
1977    MEd    Wales, Aberystwyth    Television strategies for health education in Pakistan    Muhammad Anwar HASSAN
1977    PhD    London, UC    The tax burden on Bangladeshi agriculture – a welfare economics approach    M HUQ
1977    PhD    Durham    Differentiation, polarisation and confrontation in rural Bangladesh    B K JAHANGIR
1977    DPhil    Oxford, St Hugh’s    Gangaguru: the public and private life of a Brahmin community of North India    A S JAMESON
1977    PhD    Edinburgh    A Bangladeshi town’s elite: a sociological study    F KHAN
1977    MPhil    London, King’s    South Asia Muslims and the ocncept of equality with reference to the 20th century    M LAHLOU    Dr P Hardy
1977    PhD    London, SOAS    Evaluation of integrated rural development project in Pakistan    W E LOVETT
1977    PhD    London    Depression kills more than a self: concepts of mental distress among Pakistanis    R MALIK
1977    PhD    London, SOAS    The origins and early years of the British Committee of the Indian National Congress, 1885-1907    Margot I MORROW    Prof K A Ballhatchet
1977    MPhil    London, SOAS    Caste, rituals and strategies    Rina NAYAR
1977    PhD    Edinburgh    The directors of the East India Company, 1754-1790    J G PARKER    Dr J N M Maclean; Prof V G Kiernan
1977    PhD    Hull    Anglo-Burmese relations, 1795-1826    Gandadharan Padmanabhan RAMACHANDRA
1977    PhD    Leicester    The development of local transport in Bangladesh    Abu REZA
1977    DPhil    Sussex    An analysis of the export performance and policies of Bangladesh since 1950 with special reference to the income and employment implications of trade in manufactures    S A L REZA
1977    DPhil    Sussex    A study of political elites in Bangladesh, 1947-1970    Rangalal SEN    Prof T B Bottomore
1977    PhD    Leeds    Organisation and leadership of industrial labour in Karachi, Pakistan    Z A SHAHEED
1977    PhD    Kent    A monetary macro-economic model for India, 1951/52-1965/66    M A SHAHI
1977    MLitt    Cambridge, Girton    The Congress ministry in Bombay, 1937-1939    Rani SHANKAREDASS    Prof J Gallagher
1977    mpHIL    Edinburgh    A comparative study of development policies in Pakistan, 1955-1970    S H SYED
1977    MPhil    London, Birkbeck    Differences between the UK and Indian management attitudes to organization development (OD) and manpower planning: a comparative study    M N THAKUR
1977    PhD    London, LSE    Anglo-Indian  economic relations, 1913-1928: with special reference to the cotton trade    James David TOMLINSON    Mr M E Falkus; Mr D E Baines
1977/78    PhD    Cambridge, Selwyn    Thje unemployment problem and development planning in Pakistan    Ghazy bin Subh-o MUHJAHID    Mr D A S Jackson
1977/78    PhD    London, LSE    Economic inequality and group welfare: theory and application in Bangladesh    S R OSMANI    Prof A Sen
1977/78    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    The interrelation of agriculture and industry in a developing country: the case of Bangladesh    A H WAHIDUDDIN MAHMUD    Dr R M Goodwin
1978    PhD    London, SOAS    The economic and social organization of selected Mohmand Pukhtun settlements    Akbar S AHMED
1978    MPhil    Leeds    Disguised unemployment in the rural sector in Bangladesh    A H W M ALAM
1978    PhD    London, SOAS    British policy towards the Indian states, 1905-1939    S R ASHTON    Dr B N Pandey
1978    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Lord Willington and India, 19192-1936    George W BERGSTROM    Dr A F Madden
1978    DPhl    Sussex    Inequality, demand, structures and employment: the case of India    R BERRY
1978    PhD    Edinburgh    The Kui people: changes in belief and practice    Barbara Mather BOAL
1978    MPhil    Sussex    Islam in India since the partition of the sub-continent: issues in self-definition    J A BOND
1978    PhD    Leicester    The civil and military patronage of the East India Company, 1784-1840    John Michael BOURNE
1978    PhD    London, SOAS    The history of Janakpurdham: a study of asceticism and the Hindu polity    Richard BURGHART
1978    PhD    London, SOAS    The Hindu family firm and its future in the light of Indian tax law    S C CHAKRABORTY
1978    PhD    Exeter    The production and trade of rice and cotton in Pakistan with special reference to exports to the European Community    M A CHOUDHRY
1978    DPhil    Oxford    The colonial police and anti-terrorism: Bengal 1930-1936, Palestine 1837-1947 and Cyprus 1955-1959    D J CLARK    Prof M E Howard
1978    DPhil    Oxford, Hertford    International trade and payments and economic policy in Ceylon during 1938/1953: a case study in the economics of independence    D C DOLAWATTA    Mr R W Bacon
1978    MPhil    Leicester    An econometric model of consumer behaviour in India, 1950/51-1972/73    A GHATAK
1978    PhD    Durham    Kinship and ritual in a South Indian micro-region    Anthony GOOD
1978    PhD    Cambridge, Wolfson    Pineapples from Sri Lanka: the export potential of fresh fruit in relation to some aspects of post-harvest deterioration    S J GOONERATNE    Dr P H Lowings
1978    PhD    London    The law of homicide in Pakistan    M HANIF

1978    PhD    Cranfield    Inter-urban bus operation in Bangladesh: a comparative study of the efficiency of the public and private bus sectors    M ISLAM
1978    PhD    Lancaster    Religion and moderenisation: a case study of interactions between Christianity, Hinduism and modernisation in Northern Orissa, 1947-197    A KANJAMALA
1978    PhD    Manchester    Analysis of industrial efficiency in Pakistan, 1959/60 to 1969/70    A R KEMAL
1978    PhD    Cambridge    Indian business and nationalist politics, 1931-1939: the political attitude of the indigenous capitalist class in relation to the crisis of the colonial economy    Claude MARKOVITS    Dr A Seal
1978    PhD    Lancaster    Herman Merivale and the British Empire. 1806-1874, with special reference to British North America, Southern Africa and India    D T McNAB    Dr J M MacKenzie
1978    DPhil    Oxford.     The era of civillisation: British policy for the Indians of the Canadas, 1830-1860    John Sheridan MILLOY    Dr F Madden
1978    PhD    Exeter    An analysis of the world jute economy and its implications for Bangladesh    M G MOSTAFA
1978    PhD    Surrey    Causes of educated unemployment in less developed countries: the case of Sri  Lanka    T PERERA
1978    PhD    Leeds    Public expenditure growth and its role in developing countries: the case of Bangladesh    A H PRAMANIK
1978    DPhil    Sussex    Capacity utilisation and labour employment in large scale manufacturing plant in Bangladesh    Alimur RAHMAN    B Dasgupta
1978    MPhil    Liverpool    A study in some aspects of demand and supply of food in a rapidly expanding population: the case of Bangladesh    F RAHMAN
1978    PhD    Essex    Tenancy and production behaviour in agriculture: a study of Bangladesh agriculture    K M RAHMAN
1978    MPhil    Leeds    The political economy of inflation: a case study of Bangladesh, 1959-1975    Syed Z SADEQUE
1978    PhD    Wales, InstSciTech    Spatial impact of growth poles in the context of regional development planning: a case study in the Ranchi Region (Bihar), India    Suranjit Kumar SAHA
1978    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Agrarian structure, technology and marketed surplus in the Indian economy    A SAITH
1978    MPhil    London, LSE    The Cominterm and the Communist Party of India, 1920-1929    Dushka Hyder SAIYID    Prof J Joll
1978    PhD    London, SOAS    Relations between Roman Catholics and Hindus in Jaffna, Ceylon, 1900-1926: a study of religious encounter    N M SAVERIMUTTU    Prof K A Ballhatchet
1978    PhD    London, SOAS    Legal aspects of public enterprise in India and Tanzania: a comparative study    A SEN
1978    PhD    London, SOAS    The life and writings of Sir John William Kaye, 1814-1876    Nihar Nandan Prasad SING
1978    PhD    London, SOAS    Some aspects of education and educational administration in the Madras Presidency between 1870 and 1898: a study of British educational policy in India    S SRIVASTAVA    Mr J Harrison
1978    PhD    London, SOAS    Public expenditure and state accumulation in India, 1960-1970    John F J TOTE    Mr T J Byres
1978    PhD    London, SOAS    Law and order in Oudh, 1856-1877    D B TRIVEDI    Prof K A Ballhatchet
1978    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    Periodic markets in south Bihar, India    Sudhir Vyankatesh WANMALI    Dr GP Chapman Mr BH Farmer
1978    PhD    Brunel    Job satisfaction and labour turnover among women workers in Sri Lanka    W T WEERAKOON
1978    PhD    London, SOAS    Gandhists and socialists: the struggle for control of the Indian National Congress, 1931-1939    James Carroll WILSON
1978    MPhil    London, Insti Comm    Political conflict and regionalism: Orissa, 1938-1948    T W WOLF    Prof W H Morris-Jones
1979    MPhil    Edinburgh    National parks planning in Malaysia    A K bin ABANG MORSHIDI
1979    PhD    Cambridge    Labour market and labour utilisation in Bangladesh agriculture: an analysis of farm level data    Iqbal AHMED
1979    PhD    London, SOAS    The history of the city of Dacca, 1840-1884    S U AHMED    Mr Harrison
1979    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    Sugar cane cultivation in Gorakhpur, Uttar Pradesh c.1890-1940: a study in the interrelations between capitalistic enterprise and a dependent peasantry    S AMIN    Dr Raychaudhuri
1979    PhD    London, UC    Occupational and spatial mobility among shanty dwellers in Poona: a study of selected settlements and implications for housing policy    M M BAPAT
1979    MLitt    Oxford, St Antony’s    The Punjab and recruitment to the Indian Army (1846-1918)    D BRIEF
1979    PhD    Keele    UN India Pakistan Observation Mission (UNIPOM), 1965-1966    S CHAUHDRY
1979    PhD    Wales    Local government finance in Bangladesh    Amirul Islam CHOWDHURY    Mr J Eaton
1979    PhD    Warwick    Interrelationships between income redistribution and economic growth with special reference to Sri Lanka    H M A CODIPPILY
1979    MPhil    London, SOAS    The constitutional history of Sri Lanka with special reference to the judiciary    M J A COORAY
1979    PhD    London, SOAS    Local politics in Bengal, Midnapur District    Swapan DAS GUPTA
1979    PhD    Edinburgh    Government and princes: India 1918-1939    G J DOUDS
1979    PhD    Manchester    The establishment of nuclear industry in less developed countries: the cases of Argentine, Brazil and India    M DUAYER DE SOUZA
1979    DPhil    Sussex    Levels, the communication of programmes and sectional strategies in Indian politics with reference to the Bharatiya Kranti Dal and the Republican Party of India in Uttar Pradesh State and Aligarh District (UP)    R I DUNCAN
1979    DPhil    Oxford, Keble    An anthropological analysis of the identity of the educated Bengali Muslim middle class of Calcutta, India    P J K EADE    Prof M Freeman
1979    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    Bombay peasants and Indian nationalism: a study of economic change and political activity in the Bombay countryside, 1919-1939    Simon J M EPSTEIN
1979    DPhil    Sussex    Bilateral trade and payments agreements as an instrument of trade policy in Ceylon, 1952-1971    L S FERNANDO    D Wall
1979    DPhil    Oxford    Military aid as a factor in Indo-Soviet relations, 1961-1971    P C GERHARDT
1979    PhD    Manchester    Image makers of Kumartuli: the transformation of a caste-based industry in a slum quarter of Calcutta    Beth GOLDBLATT
1979    PhD    Lancaster    Achieving national development in the Third World: a systems study [Sri Lanka and Venezuela]    P W GUNAWARDENA
1979    PhD    London, SOAS    Industrial development of Bengal, 1902-1939    A Z M IFTIKHAR-UL-AWWAL
1979    PhD    Cambridge    Afghanistan in British imperial strategy and diplomacy, 1919-1941    Lesley Margaret JACKMAN
1979    DPhil    Sussex    Changing production relations and population in Uttar Pradesh    Vinod K JAIRATH    S Epstein
1979    DPhil    Oxford, Merton    Religion and politics among the Sikhs in the Punjab, 1873-1925    R A KAPUR    Prof R E Robinson
1979    PhD    Aberdeen    Nationalism in Bangladesh    Ataur R KHAN
1979    MLitt    Oxford, Wolfson    Communities in Ceylon: an ethnic perspective on Sinhalese-Tamil relations    P LANGTON    Dr Schuyler-Jones
1979    PhD    London, Wye    An economic analyses of resource use with respect of farm size and tenure in an area of Bangladesh    Md Abdur Sattar MANDAL
1979    DPhil    Oxford    Hindu pilgrimage with particular reference to West Bengal, India    E Alan MORINIS
1979    MPhil    York    Sociolinguistics of language planning: a historical study of language planning in Sri Lanka    Abul Monsur Md Abu MUSA    Dr M W S De Silva
1979    PhD    London, SOAS    Chittagong Port: a study of its fortunes, 1892-1912    S H OSMANY    Mr J B Harrison
1979    PhD    Cambridge, St Cath’s    Punjab peasants and politics: a study of the Lower Chenab Canal, 1890-1020    B J POFF    Prof E Stokes
1979    PhD    Cambridge, Clare    Agrarian structure and capital formation: a study of Bangladesh agriculture with farm level data    Atiqur RAHMAN
1979    PhD    London, SOAS    The non-official British in India, 1883-1920    R K RENFORD
1979    PhD    Aberdeen    The soils of the central Sarawak lowlands, Malaysia    I M SCOTT
1979    PhD    Durham    The socio-cultural determinants of fertility and the population policy in India    M SEKHRI
1979    PhD    St Andrews    Macroeconmic forecasting in developing countries with special reference to fiscal policy: a case study of India    Dinesh K SRIVASTAVA    Dr GK Shaw
1979    PhD    London,  SOAS    Emergency powers in the Indian constitution    Jahnavi K P SRIVASTAVA
1979    PhD    London, LSE    Democratic considerations and population policies in development planning: a survey of third world countries with case studies of Bangladesh and Pakistan    B F M STAMFORD    Prof D V Glass
1979    PhD    Edinburgh    The development of British Indology    K B SWANSON
1979    PhD    London, Royal Holloway    Anglo-French diplomacy overseas, 1935-1845, with special reference to West Africa and the Indian Ocean    Rosalind M WALLER    Prof G N Sanderson
1979/80    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    Some aspects of the monetary and financial experience of a mixed economy: the case of Ceylon, 1950-1970    S W R D SARMARASINGHE    Mr M G Kuczynski
1980    MPhil/PhD    London, LSHTM    Sex differential mortality: a study of the status of women in Pakistan    A AHMAD
1980    DPhil    Sussex    Overseas aid and the transfer of technology – agricultural mechanisation in Sri Lanka    D F BURCH    E Brett
1980    PhD    Aberdeen    Aspects of population changes in British colonial Malacca: a study in social geography    Kok Eng CHAN
1980    PhD    London, SOAS    Rural power and debt in Sind in late 19th century, 1865-1901    David CHEESMAN    Dr Zaidi
1980    PhD    London, UC    Optimal development and various public policies: a case study of Bangladesh    Omar H CHOWDHURY    Mr Lal
1980    PhD    Cambridge    The agrarian economy of northern India, 1800-1880: aspects of growth and stagnation in the Doab    S J COMMANDER    Prof Stokes
1980    PhD    Leeds    Methodism and Sinhalese Buddhism: the Wesleyan-Methodist missionary encounter with Buddhism in Ceylon, 1814-1868, with special reference to the work of Robert Spencer Hardy    Barbara A R COPLANS    Dr E M Pye; Dr R C Towler
1980    PhD    London, King’s    British and Indian strategy and policy in Mesopotamia, November 1914-May 1916    P K DAVIS    Dr M L Dockrill
1980    MPhil    Edinburgh    Use of technology: rural industrialization in Sri Lanka    A DE WILDE
1980    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    The Indian Civil Service. 1919-1947    H A EWING    Dr A Seal
1980    PhD    Edinburgh    Devotional music in Mysore    Gordon GEEKIE
1980    MPhil    CNAA    An approach to the assessment and control by developing countries of the economic costs and benefits of their national fleets, with particular reference to Sri Lanka    M D H GUNATILLAKE
1980    DPhil    Sussex    Development of capitalism in agriculture in Pakistan with special reference to the Punjab Province    S A HUSSAIN
1980    PhD    Cambridge    Popular Christianity, caste and Hindu society in south India, 1800-1915: a study of Travancore and Tirunelveli    Susan Banks KAUFMANN
1980    PhD    Edinburgh    The cost and effictiveness of export incentive schemes in Pakistan, 1950-1970    Mohammad KHAYRAT
1980    PhD    London, SOAS    The city of Lucknow before 1856 and its buildings    Rosaleen M LLEWELLYN-JONES    Dr Chaudhuri
1980    PhD    Manchester    Domestic worship and the festival cycle in the south Indian city of Madurai    Penelope LOGAN
1980    PhD    Leeds    The policy of the government of India towards Afghanistan, 1919-1947    C MAPRAYIL    Prof D Dilks
1980    PhD    Strathclyde    Appropriate products, employment and income distribution in Bangladesh and Ghana: a case study of the soap industry    A K A MUBIN
1980    PhD    Manchester    Choice and transfer of technology: the case of modernization of dairying in India    S K MUKERJI
1980    DPhil    Oxford    The rebellion in Awadh, 1857-1858: a study in popular resistance    R MUKHERJEE
1980    DPhil    Sussex    The Muriya and Tallot Mutte: a study of the concept of the earth among the Muriya Gonds of Bastar District, India    Terrell POPOFF
1980    DPhil    Oxford    Saving in Pakistan, 1950-1977: estimation and analysis    M Z M QURESHI
1980    PhD    Durham    A study of the status of women in Islamic law and society with special reference to Pakistan    S F SAIFI
1980    PhD    London, SOAS    The political economy of rural poverty in Bangladesh    K U SIDDIQUI    Mr T J Byres
1980    DPhil    Sussex    Export led industrial development: the case of Sri Lanka    Upanda VIDANAPATHIRANA    Mr Godfrey
1980    PhD    London    Foreign investment law and policy of India: the control of private direct foreign investment    S L WATKINS
1980    PhD    Kent    The little businessman of Bukit Timah: a study of the economic, social and political organisation of traders in a market complex in Singapore    C W WONG
1981    PhD    London, External    An analysis of academic libraries in the Punjab (Pakistan)and proposals for their future development    Nazir AHMAD
1981    DPhil    Sussex    Institutional structure, income distribution and economic development: a case study of Pakistan    S E AHMAD    R Jolly; P Chaudhuri
1981    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    Productivity, prices and distribution in Pakistan’s manufacturing sector, 1955-1970    Meekal A AHMED    Mr Z A Silberston
1981    PhD    Birmingham    Pakistani entrepreneurs, their development, characteristics and attitudes    Zafar ALTAF
1981    MPhil    Reading    Approaches to the optimisation of calving interval in large dairy herds in Sri Lanka    V ARIYAKUMAR
1981    DPhil    Sussex    Adoption of high-yielding varieties of paddy: a case study of Bangladesh agriculture    M ASADUZZAMAN
1981    MPhil    Oxford    Alternative approaches to the analysis of Indian agriculture: an evaluation    P BALAKRISHNAN
1981    MLitt    Oxford, Balliol    The Indian state and the state of emergency    Ashis BANERJEE    Mr N Maxwell
1981    DPhil    Oxford, St Cath’s    Migration theory with special reference to Delhi    B BANERJEE    Prof I M D Little
1981    PhD    London, SOAS    Evaluation of changes brought about by resettlement scheme in Sri Lanka    G S BETTS
1981    PhD    Newcastle    Genetic variation and structure in selected populations of India    S M S CHAHAL
1981    PhD    London, LSE    Commercial policy and industrialization with special reference to India since independence    S CHATTERJEE    Prof T Scitovsky
1981    PhD    Edinburgh    The politics and technology ofsharing  the Ganges    B CROW
1981    PhD    Hull    Karst water studies and environment in West Malaysia    J CROWTHER
1981    DPhil    Sussex    Land and politics in West Bengal: a sociological study of a multicaste village    A S DASGUPTA
1981    DPhil    Sussex    Population trends and changes in village organisation – Rampur revisited    M DASGUPTA    S Epstein; R Cassen
1981    MPhil    London, King’s    A study of female offenders in Sri Lanka and England    S S H DE SILVA
1981    MPhil    Oxford    Educated unemployment in India    D J DONALDSON
1981    DPhil    Sussex    Rules and transactions: some aspects of marriage among the Dhund Abbasi of North East Pakistan    H DONNAN
1981    PhD    London    India’s relations with developing countries: a study of the political economy of Indian investment, aid, overseas banking and insurance    S K DUTT
1981    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    Geomorphology and environmental change in South India and Sri Lanka    Rita A M GARDNER    Dr A S Goudie
1981    PhD    Aberdeen    A study of Bangladesh tea soils with particular reference to the efficiency of phosphatic fertilizers    A K M GOLAM KIBRIA
1981    MPhil    Oxford    Some early British socialists in India    N GOPAL
1981    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    The agrarian economy of the Bombay Deccan, 1818-1941    Sumit GUHA
1981    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Planning for growth and structural change in an under-nourished economy: the case of India    U R GUNJAL    Dr D M Nuti
1981    PhD    Manchester    Buddism, magic and society in a southern Sri Lankan town    M C HODGE
1981    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    An investigation of the impact of British rule in India, c 1820-1860 in the context of political, social and economic continuity and change    D J HOWLETT    Dr G Johnson
1981    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    The origins of the partition of India, 1936-1947    Anita INDER SINGH
1981    PhD    Cambridge    Jinnah, the Muslim League and the demand for Pakistan    A JALAL
1981    PhD    London, Imperial    Supervisory style and work group satisfaction: an empirical study in the textile industry in Sri Lanka    N W N JAYASIRI
1981    MPhil    Sussex    The effect of proximity to urban influence on rural leadership in Sri Lanka    s JAYATILAKE    R Dore
1981    MPhil    London, LSHTM    Relations between estimation biases and response errors in the analysis of a retrospective demographic survey of Bangladesh    Mokbul Ahmed KHAN    Prof W Brass
1981    MTh    Aberdeen    Salvation in a Malaysian context    Boo Wah KHOO
1981    MPhil    Edinburgh    British and Indian post-war new towns: a comparative analysis    D KUMER
1981    PhD    London, LSE    Bhutto, the People’s Pakistan Party and political development in Pakistan,1867-1977    M LODHI
1981    PhD    Bradford    The economics of railway traction with particular reference to India    J MAJUMDAR
1981    PhD    London, SOAS    Law and development in Sri Lanka: an historical perspective, 1796-1989     M L MARASINGHE
1981    PhD    Glasgow    The techno-economic development of the Indian machine tool industry, with special emphasis on aspects affecting efficiency    Ronald G MATTHEWS
1981    PhD    Durham    Spatial patterns of population growth and agricultural change in the Punjab, Pakistan, 1901-1972    M A MIAN
1981    PhD    Cambridge    Patterns of long-run agrarian change in Bombay and Punjab, 1881-1972    S C MISHRA
1981    PhD    Edinburgh    An empirical analysis of export promotion in Pakistan, 1959-1977    K MOHAMMAD
1981    DPhil    Sussex    The state and peasantry in Sri Lanka    M P MOORE
1981    PhD    Warwick    Rural factor markets in Pakistan    I NABI    Prof Stern
1981    PhD    Wales, UCNW    Basic needs fulfillment and the evaluation of land use alternatives with special reference to forestry in Kerala State, India    C T S NAIR
1981    MPhil    Oxford    The structure of Indian society: a study of some aspects of the work of Louis Dumont    S S RANDERIA
1981    DPhil    Sussex    The historical problems of agricultural productivity with special reference to the use of modern technology inputs: a case study of Meerut district in western Uttar Pradesh    Sumit ROY    B Dasgupta
1981    PhD    London, SOAS    The thakur and the goldsmith: aspects of legitimation in an Indian village    Christopher Thomas SELWYN
1981    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity Hall    The agrarian constraint to economic development: the case of India    Abhijit SEN    Mr J A Rowthorn
1981    MPhil    London, LSE    Control and regulation of cotton marketing in India, 1950-1975    J SENGUPTA    Prof B S Yamey
1981    MPhil    Kent    Patani nationalism    O bin SHEIKH AHMAD
1981    PhD    Cambridge, St Edmund’s    Canal irrigation and agrarian change under colonial rule: a study of the UP Doab, India, 1830-1930    Ian Edward STONE
1981    PhD    London    The growth of the Muslim League in the Punjab, 1937-1946    I A TALBOT
1981    MPhil    Brunel    A study of financing of small industries in UK and India    J P TEWARI
1981    DPhil    Sussex    Population, growth and labour utilisation in a rural/urban context: a Sri Lanka case study    W TILAKARATNE
1981    PhD    London, SOAS    Determinants of change in population resource relationships at village level: a study of two south Indian villages    Christopher Louis WILDE
1981    PhD    Bath    Class formation, state intervention and rural development in South Asia    G D WOOD
1981    PhD    London, LSE    The identification of developing Soviet strategy interests in the Indian Ocean, 1968-1974    Rashna Minoo WRITER    Mr P Windsor
1981    PhD    London, SOAS    The impact of canal irrigation on the rural structuresof the Punjab: the canal colony districts, 1880 to 1940    Fareeha ZAFAR
1982    DPhil    Sussex    Capital accumulation, land productivity and agrarian structure in Bangladesh agriculture    M ALAM
1982    PhD    Warwick    Effects of taxation on business in less developed countries with special reference to Sri Lanka    P BENNETT
1982    DPhil    Sussex    Agrarian structure, economic change and poverty: the experience of central Gujerat    BHANWARSINGH
1982    PhD    London, Imperial    Development of the labour process in the Indian electrical industry    B BHUSHAN
1982    PhD    Edinburgh    Energy flows in subsistence agriculture: a study of a dry zone village in Sri Lanka    Jan Roderic BIALY
1982    PhD    Cambridge    Conjugal units and single persons: an analysis of the social system of the Naiken of the Nilgirirs (South India)    Nirut BIRD
1982    PhD    Aberdeen    A sociological study of the development of social classes and social structure of Bangladesh    B M CHODWHURY
1982    PhD    Salford    Foreign aid and economic development: a case study of Pakistan with special reference to poverty and income distribution    M K CHOUDHARY
1982    PhD    Cabridge    A study of cotton-weaving in Bangladesh: the relative advantages and disadvantages of handloom weaving and factory production    Nuimuddin CHOWDHURY
1982    DPhil    Sussex    Technological innovation in agriculture in India: an analysis of economic policy and political pressures    F C CLIFT
1982    DPhil    Sussex    Open unemployment and poverty in the rural sector in Sri Lanka    I COOMARASWAMY
1982    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    The jute economy of Bengal, 1900-1947: unequal interaction between the industrial, trading and agricultural sectors    O GOSWAMI    Dr Raychaudhuri
1982    DPhil    Sussex    Changing socio-economic relations in a Kandyan countryside    P N GUNASINGHE    S Epstein
1982    MPhil    Leeds    Recovery of gemstones from river gravels in Sri Lanka    S M HERATH BANDA
1982    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    The changing structure of cotton textile production in Bengal under the impact of the East India Company, 1750-1813, and the textile producers of Bengal    Hameeda HOSSAIN    Dr T Raychaudhuri
1982    MPhil    Sussex    The difference between ideological planning and service performance and the problems of differential access to agricultural credit in Bangladesh: the case of the integrated rural development programme    Sajjad HUSSAIN
1982    PhD    London, LSE    Boundary problems in South Asia    K H KAIKOBAD    Prof I Brownlie
1982    DPhil    Sussex    Spring Valley: a social, anthropological and historical enquiry into the impact of the tea estates upon a Sinhalese village in the Uva Highlands of Sri Lanka    C P KEMP
1982    DPhil    Oxford, Trinity    Pakistan’s relations with the USA, the USSR, China and India from the Sino-Indian war of 1962 to the Simla Pact    Mohamed Jameelur Rehman KHAN    Dr S Rose
1982    PhD    London    Aspects of the urban history, social, administrative and insttitutional of Dacca City, 1921-1947    Nazia KHANUM    Mr J B Harrison
1982    MPhil    Cambridge, Magdalene    The British policy of withdrawal from India: in particular with reference to its impact on the subsequent political development of India    S W KIM    Mr C Barnett
1982    DPhil    Oxford, New    The Indian coal industry after nationalisation    Rajiv KUMAR    Mr S Lall
1982    PhD    Lonon, SOAS    Industrial location and regional policy in south India    James William MACKIE    Dr Bradnock
1982    PhD    Cambridge    Women’s work and economic power in the family: a study of two villages in West Bengal    Linda Catherine MAYOUX
1982    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    Construction of capital and labour coefficient matrices for the India economy and their use in framing a development plan    Deba Kumar Datt MAZUMDAR    Prof F N Mathur
1982    PhD    Edinburgh    Relativization in Bengali    A K M MORSHED
1982    PhD    London, LSE    India and the EEC, 1962-1973    Bishakha MUKHERJEE
1982    PhD    Keele    Social aspects of production and reproduction in Bonda society    Bikram N NANDA
1982    MPhil    Reading    The evaluation and control of constraints on the development of dairying in the Jaffna District of Sri Lanka    A NAVARATNARAJAH
1982    DPhil    Sussex    Social change and class relations in rural Sri Lanka    U L PERERA    R Dore
1982    PhD    Manchester    An evaluationof the problems of measuring the profit performance of multinational enterprise in less developed countries: a case study of Bangladesh    M Z RAHMAN
1982    DPhil    Sussex    Villagers education aspirations and their relationship to rural development: a south Indian case study    Sudha V RAO    S Epstein
1982    PhD    Cambridge, Corpus    On liberty and economic growth: preface to a philosophy for India    Subroto ROY    Prof F Hahn
1982    PhD    London, LSHTM    Education and fertility in Pakistan    Zeba A SATHAR
1982    PhD    London, LSE    Maintaining non-alignment: India’s political relations with the superpowers in the 1970s    Muhammad Azher Zafar SHAH    Mr C J Hill
1982    DPhil    Sussex    The process of rural change and its impact on income distribution in Gujerat    Bhanwar SINGH    R Cassen
1982    PhD    Leeds    Analytical techniques in agricultural development planning: a critical appraisal of a project for the modernization of an irrigation scheme in Sri Lanka    Nelson VITHANAGE    Mr I G Simpson
1982    PhD    Reading    A biological study of the benefits of intercropping in England and India    N VORASOOT
1982/83    PhD    Birmingham    Pakistan: the energy sector: a study in sector planning    Tariq RIAZ
1982/83    PhD    Cambridge    A study of the development of the sugar industry in Ahmednagar Diustrict, Maharashtra, (with particular reference to the harvesting and carting labourers employed in the industry    Joy RICHARDSON
1982/83    PhD    London, SOAS    Politics and the state in Pakistan, 1947-1975    Mohammad WASEEM
1983    PhD    London, LSHTM    Dimensions of intra-household food and nutrient allocation: a study of a Bangaldeshi village    M ABDULLAH    Ms Wheeler
1983    PhD    Aberdeen    Inter-religious controversy in India: the interpretation of Jesus in the works of Rammohun Roy and Sayyid Ahmad Khan    Muda Ismail bin AB-RAHMAN
1983    DPhil    Oxford    Emerson and India    S ACHARYA
1983    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    The contribution of Elphinstone College to higher education and political leadership in the Bombay Presidency. 1840-1940    Naheed AHMAD    Prof R E Robinson
1983    PhD    London, Inst Comm    The Mujib regime in Bangladesh, 1972-75: an analysis of its problems and performance    A U AHMED
1983    PhD    London, King’s    Chromite deposits of the Sakhakot-Qila ultramafic complex, Pakistan    Zulfiqar AHMED
1983    PhD    Cambridge, St Cath’s    Rural society and politics in Bengal, 1900-1950    Sugata BOSE    Prof T E Stokes
1983    PhD    City    Conflict and communication in the Third World: a study of class and ethnic bases of conflict and relationships between these and the mass media in Pakistan and Nigeria    C M BRYNIN
1983    PhD    London, SOAS    Contemporary problems in Hindu religious endowments    Nihar Ranjan CHAKRABARTI
1983    PhD    Cambridge    Labour and society in Bombay, 1918-1940: workplace, neighbourhood and social organization    R S CHANDAVARKAR    Dr A Seal
1983    MLitt    Oxford, Trinity    The Congress ministers and the Raj, 1937-1939: a style of British policy and Indian politics    Sunil CHANDER    Dr T Raychaudhuri
1983    PhD    London, King’s    Transforming a traditional agriculture: the change from subsistence to commercial cropping in a part of Hazara District, Pakistan    K L COOK
1983    PhD    London, SOAS    Family and business in a small town of Rajasthan    C COTTAM    Dr L Caplan
1983    MPhil    Edinburgh    Towards a national human settlements strategy for Pakistan    M CRAGLIA
1983    PhD    London, SOAS    The urban demography of industrialization and its economic implications, with particular reference to a region of India from 1951 to 1971    Nigel Royden CROOK
1983    PhD    Newcastle    Agricultural export diversification and earnings instability of Sri Lanka    Maxwell Peter DE SILVA
1983    PhD    London, SOAS    British firms and the economy of Burma, with special reference to the rice and teak industries    Maria Serena Icaziano DIOKNO
1983    MPhil    London, UC    Jammu and Kashmir: a selected and annotated bibliography of manuscripts, books and articles together with a survey of its history, languages and literature from Rajatarangini, 1977/8    Ramesh Chander DOGRA
1983    PhD    London, SOAS    Trade unionism in Bengal before 1922: historical origins, development and characteristics    Stephen N GOURLAY    Dr K chaudhuri
1983    PhD    Exeter    Forms of Chhou: an investigation of an Indian theatre tradition    S J HAWKES
1983    PhD    London, Wye    Food production and food entitlement in rural Bangladesh: five year outlook for a small community in an irrigated area    Walza Md Hossaine JAIM    Mr G Allanson
1983    PhD    Cambridge    The economic and social bases of political allegiance in Sri Lanka, 1947-1982    D J JAYANNATHA    Mr G P Hawthonr
1983    PhD    London, SOAS    Domestic terms of trade and agricultural taxation policy in Pakistan, 1970-1977    Shahnaz KAZI    Mr T Byres
1983    PhD    Wales    Production technology and industrial development: India’s planning period    Edward Lawrence LYNK
1983    PhD    London, SOAS    Transport systems and urban growth in Punjab, Pakistan    M K MALIK    Dr R W Bradnock
1983    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    Peasant society and agricultural development: a case study from coastal Orissa    S MITRA    Prof J A Barnes
1983    PhD    London    A general information programme for Pakistan: some problems and prospects with special reference to the promotion of cultures in the libraries and other information centres    Rafia MOHADADALLY
1983    PhD    London, UC    A general information programme for Pakistan: some problems and prospects with special reference to the promotion of culture in the libraries and other information centres    Rafia MOHAMMADALLY
1983    PhD    Cranfield    Smallholder mechanization in Pakistan    A Q A MUGHAL
1983    DPhil    Oxford    Madrasahs, scholars and saints: Muslim response to the British presence in Delhi and the Upper Doab, 1803-1857    Farhan Ahmed NIZAMI    Dr T Raychaudhuri
1983    MPhil    Edinburgh    Social consequences of rural economic change in South Asia    O NOTE
1983    PhD    London, SOAS    A study of low caste consciousness and social protest in Western India in the later 19th century    Rosalind O’HANLON    Prof K Ballhatchet
1983    PhD    Bradford    Gandhi as a political organiser; an analysis of local and national campaigns in Inda    B OVERY
1983    PhD    London, SOAS    Contact and controversy between Islam and Christianity in northern India, 1833-1857: the relations between Muslim and Protestant missionaries in the north-western provinces and Oudh    Avril Ann POWELL    Prof K Ballhatchet
1983    DPhil    Sussex    Technological capacity and production performance in the fertilizer and the paper industries in Bangladesh    H A QUAZI
1983    PhD    London, SOAS    Differrentiation of the peasantry in Bangladesh: an empirical study with micro-level data    A RAHMAN    Mr T J Byres
1983    MPhil    Edinburgh    Planning for rural development with particular reference to Bangladesh    A H S RAHMAN    Mr J B Leonard; Prof P Johnson-Marshall
1983    PhD    Birmingham    A study of small indigenous church movements in Andra Pradesh    S RAJ
1983    PhD    London, InstiComm    Problems of organisation, policies and mobilisation in the development of the Bengal Provincial Muslim League, 1936-1947    Mohammed Harun-Or RASHID    Prof W H Morris-Jones
1983    PhD    London, UC    Commodity taxes and employment policy in developing countries (with special reference to India)    B RAYCHAUDHURI
1983    PhD    Edinburgh    Responsiveness and rules: parent-child interaction in Scotland and India    V REDDY
1983    MPhil    Sueery    Alignment in Pakistan’s foreign policy, 1954-1977    Arif H SYED    Prof C Pick
1983    MLitt    Aberdeen    The 1853 Government of India Act    Jane THOMAS    Miss R M RTyzack; Dr E C Bridges
1983    PhD    Cambridge, Corpus    Labour migration and economic development in an Indian hillarea    W WHITTAKER    Mr B H Farmer
1983    PhD    Warwick    Some experiments with a multisectoral intertemporal optimization model for Sri Lanka    D E WIJESINGHE
1984    PhD    Bristol    The socio-economic aspects of the population age structure of Uttar Pradesh, India    Mhammed ABUZAR    Dr Morgan
1984    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    Peasant production and capitalist development: a model with reference to Bangladesh    Abu M S ADNAN
1984    PhD    London, LSE    Squatter settlements of Karachi: a comparative perspective of the culture of activism    M O L AZAM
1984    PhD    Cambridge, Sidney    Regional dependence and rural development in Central India, 1820-1930    C N BATES    Dr D A Washbrook
1984    DPhil    Oxford    Agricultural growth in Bangladesh and West Bengal    J K BOYCE
1984    PhD    Edinburgh    The Vellore Mutiny, 1806    Alan D CAMERON    Prof G Shepperson
1984    PhD    Cambridge, Jesus    Opening up the interior: the impact of railways on the north Indian economy and society, 1860-1914    Ian David DERBYSHIRE
1984    PhD    Reading    Technology, growth and distribution in Sri Lanka’s paddy sub-sector    J FARRINGTON
1984    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    Non capitalist land rent: theories and the case of North India    J GHOSH    Mr T Byres
1984    PhD    Ulster    The 1st Marquess of Dufferin and Ava: Whig Ulster landlord and imperial statesman     A T HARRISON    Dr T G Fraser
1984    PhD    Edinburgh    The cultural determinants of fertility in a region of South India    Heather M  JACKSON
1984    PhD    London, SOAS    Human rights – the Sri Lanka experience    N JAYAWICKRAMA
1984    PhD    London, Bedford    Urban transport problems: the case of Bombay    P JOSHI    Dr D Hilling
1984    PhD    London, LSE    Caste and temple service in a Sinhalese highland village    Andrew John KENDRICK    Dr J P Perry
1984    PhD    London, SOAS    Tribal settlement and socio-economic integration: a case study of the Bannu lowlands, Pakistan    Gul Mohammad KHAN    Dr R Bradnock
1984    MPhil    Sussex    The effects of the changing patterns of leadership on succession problems and the use of ideology: a comparative study of India (1962-1969)and Japan (1929-1936)    H KINASE-LEGGETT    B D Graham
1984    PhD    London, SOAS    The British administaration of the Kandyan provinces of Sri Lanka, 1815-1833    K M P KULASEKERA    Prof K A Ballhatchet
1984    PhD    Cambridge, Clare    Studies in the development of India’s non-traditional manufactured exports, 1957-1980    A KUMAR    Prof W B Reddaway
1984    DPhil    Sussex    Implications of international mobility of labour for trade and development with particular reference to Bangladesh    Raisul MAHMOOD    Mr Godfrey
1984    MLitt    Oxford, St Antony’s    The Communist Movement in West Bengal. 1962-1980    Ross MALLICK    Dr T Raychaudhuri
1984    PhD    London, SOAS    Role and ritual in Hindu marriage    Werner F MENSKI    Prof J D M Derrott
1984    DPhil    Oxford, Magdalen    Political mobilisation and the nationalism movement in India – a study of eastern Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, 1936-1942    Chandan S MITRA    Dr T Raychaudhuri
1984    PhD    Cambridge, Christ’s    Instability in food grain production: causes, adjustments, policies: a case study of Bangladesh    K A S MURSHID    Prof A Robinson
1984    DPhil    Sussex    Poverty and inequality in rural India: a state-wide analysis of trends since 1950    R NAYYAR    P Chaudhuri
1984    PhD    Edinburgh    Productivity and innovation in traditional agriculture: a comparative study of agricultural development in the Forth Valley, 1760-1841 and the Bengal Presidency, 1870-1914    Alastair William ORR
1984    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Alliance and elopement: economy, social order and sexual antagonism the Kalasha (Kalash Kafirs) of Chitral    Peter S C PARKES    Dr Schuyler-Jones
1984    PhD    Leicester    The structure, petrology and geochemistry of the Kohistan batholith, Gilgit, Kashmir, North Pakistan    Michael George PETTERSON
1984    PhD    Cambridgew    Respecting power: temples, resources and authority in southern Tamilnadu, India    Gordon Darge PRAIN
1984    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    The evolution of the agrarian economy of western India, 1860-1940: a case study of selected Gujerat and Deccan districts    S PRAKASH    Dr G Johnson
1984    PhD    London, LSE    Rural protest and politics: a study of peasant movements in Western Maharashtra, 1875-1947    Livi Nancy Mary RODRIGUES
1984    PhD    London, SOAS    Crime and society in the Sinhala speaking areas of Sri Lanka, 1865-1905    John D ROGERS    Prof K Ballhatchet
1984    MPhil    Nottingham    The right to property under the Indian independence constitution    J S SANGHIA    Prof Pear
1984    PhD    Cambridge    Rural organizations in Sri Lanka: official policy and institutional reform in the peasant agricultural sub-sector, 1948-1977    S SATHANANDAN
1984    PhD    London, SOAS    Muslim society and politics in the Punjab    P SCRAGG    Dr Zaidi
1984    MPhil    London, LSE    Bengal economic development, 1790-1830    P SEN    Mr M E Falkus
1984    PhD    Reading    Tropical forest monitoring using digital Landsat data in northeastern India    Ashbindu SINGH
1984    PhD    Cambridge    Temple “prostitution” and community reform: an examination of the ethnographic, historical and textual context of the devadasi of Tamil Nadu, south India    A SRINAVASAN

1984    PhD    Edinburgh    Technology transfer in the Indian and Indonesian pharmaceutical industries    A J STOKER

1984 PhD London, SOAS, British Attitudes to Indian Nationalism, 1922-1935. Pillarisetti SUDHIR. Professor Kenneth A. Ballhatchet.

1984    PhD    London,  SOAS    Ritual status in the life cycles of women in a village of central India    catherine S THOMPSON    Prof A Mayer
1984    DPhil    Sussex    Gender as a variable in the political process: a case study of women’s participation in state-level electoral politics, Andhra Pradesh, India    C WOLKOWITZ
1985    PhD    Strathclyde    The development of small-scale enterprises: a study of the agriculture-related engineering industry in Pakistan Punjab    K AFTAB
1985    PhD    London, Royal Holloway    The emergence of Muslim socialists in North India, 1917-1947    Khizar H ANSARI    Dr F C R Robinson
1985    PhD    Salford    The impact of farm mechanization on productivity and employment: a case study of Punjab, Pakistan    M ASHRAF
1985    PhD    Durham    Blue-green algal nitrogen fixation associated with deepwater rice in Bangladesh    A AZIZ
1985    PhD    London, SOAS    Indian opium and Sino-Indian trade relations    F BAKHALA    Prof K N Chaudhuri
1985    PhD    Cambridge    On the Srawacs or Jains: processes of division and cohesion among two Jain communities in India and England    M J BANKS
1985    PhD    London, SOAS    Martial law in Bangladesh, 1975-`979: a legal analysis    M E BARI
1985    PhD    London, SOAS    Thomas Munro: the decision making process in Madras, 1795-1830    H BREITMEYER    Prof K A Ballhatchet
1985    PhD    London, LSE    Political radicalism and middle class ideology in Bengal: a study of the politics of Subhas Chandra Bose, 1928-1940    B CHAKRABARTY
1985    PhD    Cambridge, Girton    The behaviour of industrial prices in India, 1947-1977    Ruchira CHATTERJI    Dr G Meeks
1985    PhD    Edinburgh    Lateritic soils and their managment in parts of West Bengal    Sandip K CHAUDHURI
1985    PhD    London, SOAS    Social change and the development of “modern” politics in Travancore from the late 19th century to 1938    James L CHIRIYANKANDATH    Dr P G Robb
1985    PhD    Manchester    The role of exchange rate policies in the balance of payments and adjustment process in a small open developing economy: a case study of Sri Lanka    S S COLOMBAGE
1985    DPhil    Sussex    Sharecropping and sharecroppers’ struggles in Bengal, 1930-1950    Adrienne J COOPER    Mr R Guha
1985    MSc    Stirling    The mechanism of distribution of marketed surplus in the models of dual economies through the Soviet, Chinese and Indian practice towards economic development    Z COTTI
1985    PhD    Sheffield    Vegetation and land use studies in the Udawalawe Basin, Sri Lanka    D S EPITAWATTA
1985    PhD    Newcastle    Analysis of the lactation curve of Pakistani dairy buffaloes    K Z GONDAL
1985    DPhil    Oxford, St Edmund Hall    The relations between Britian, India and Burma in the formulaton of imperial policy, 1890-1905    G P GUYER
1985    PhD    Lancaster    The continuity of Madhyamaka and Yogacara in Indian Mahayana Buddhism    I C HARRIS
1985    PhD    London, LSE    Women in the urban labour force in Pakistan: the case of Lahore    Emma HOOPER
1985    PhD    Strathclyde    The choice of technique in cotton textiles and its impact on employment in Bangladesh    M R ISLAM
1985    DPhil    Sussex    The impact of male outmigration on intra-village social relationships: a case study of Meharabad, a Punjabi village in Pakistan    Naveed-I-Rahat JAAFRI
1985    PhD    Edinburgh    Health and the state in India    Roger JEFFERY
1985    PhD    Oxford    Limites and renewals: transformations of belief in Kipling’s fiction    S KEMP
1985    PhD    Queen’s, Belfast    The traditional tabla drumming of Lucknow in its social and cultural context    J R KIPPEN
1985    MPhil    CNAA, Kingston Poly    The rubber industry in India: a vital industry in the planned economy    P A MARS
1985    PhD    Cambridge    Economic relations between a centrally planned and a developing market economy: Indo-Soviet trade (1970-1982)and technology transfer (post 1955)    Santosh Kumar MEHROTRA    Dr P Nolan
1985    DPhil    Oxford    The Bengal Muslim intelligentsia, 1937-1977: the tension between the religious and the seccular    Tazeen Mahnaz MURSHID
1985    PhD    Kent    The impact of colonial rule in Johore: a case of social and political adjustment    M S H MUSTAJAB
1985    PhD    London, LSE    The sacred city of Anuradhapura: aspect of Sinhalese Buddhism and nationhood    Elizabeth NISSAN    Dr C J Fuller; Dr J P Parry
1985    MPhil    Manchester    Land ownership and irrigation development in the Sind region of Pakistan: institutional constraints on technical change    Meherunissa M K PANWHAR
1985    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    Social and political implications of changing land and labour relations in rural Bangladesh: a village level study    Tanyal RAHMAN VIROOMAL
1985    DPhil    Oxford, Lincoln    The Naxalites and their ideology: a study in the sociology of knowledge    Rabindra RAY    Dr F Parkin
1985    PhD    Cambridge    Honour, nurture and festivity: aspects of female religiosity amongst Jain women in Jaipur    J REYNELL
1985    PhD    Queen’s, Belfast    An analysis of the structure, conduct and performance of the date marketing system in Sind-Pakistan    Muneer Ali Shah RIZVI
1985    PhD    Brunel    The influence of the state in the industrial relations systems of third world countries with special reference to Bangladesh    S A SIDDIQ
1985    MPhil    London, LSHTM    Refugees, health and development: a case study of Tibetan refugees in India    Staphanie Pietre Pardoe SIMMONDS
1985    PhD    Durham    Ritual tradition of Berava caste of southern Sri Lanka    Robert SIMPSON    Mr D Brooks
1985    DPhil    Oxford, Christ Church    Some aspects of implementing appropriate technology with special reference to cotton textiles in India    Harsha Vardhana SINGH    Mrs F J Stewart
1985    PhD    Aston    Nations and organisations: a comparative study of English and Indian work-related values and attitudes in matched manufacturing firms    M H TAYEB
1985    PhD    London, SOAS    Planned language and Penang Hokkien: the socioeconomic effects of language planning on an urban Chinese community in West Malaysia    Diane Arnauld de TERRA
1985    PhD    London, Inst Ed    Education and rural development in India since independence in 1947: with special reference to Kerala    Joseph THAIKOODAN    Prof B holmes
1985    PhD    London, Queen Elizabeth    Class, nutrition education and growth: a class analysis of the impact on infant nutritional status of maternal education concerning early supplementation in Bangladesh    Katharine J WILSON    Dr C Greissler
1985    PhD    Edinburgh    Upholding the veil: Hindu women’s perceptions of gender and caste identity in rural Pakistan    Caroline Sara Lindsay YOUNG

1986    PhD    Bradford    Higher education in developing countries    M A ADEEB
1986    DPhil    Oxford, St Cath’s    Information, uncertainty and rural credit markets in Pakistan    Irfan ALEEM    Prof J A Mirrlees
1986    MPhil    Edinburgh    Housing and the state in Lahore, Pakistan    I U BAJWA
1986    MPhil    Edinburgh    Visual patterns and the landscape of wet zone Sri Lanka    S I BALASURIYA
1986    MPhil    Ulster    Russio-Afghan boundary demarcation. 1884-1895    Anila BALI    Dr T G Fraser
1986    PhD    London, SOAS    The devolution of government in Sri Lanka: legal aspects of the relationship between central and local government: an historical and comparative study    S A BANDARANAYAKE
1986    PhD    Keele    Migrant employment in the urban formal sector: the jute industry in Dacca, Bangladesh    Salma BANU    Prof D Dwyer
1986    PhD    Sheffield    The economic impact of a regional economy: the case of Bhilai Steel Plant (India)    S BHATARA    Mr W D Watts
1986    PhD    Open    Implementation across national boundaries: implementing the Government of India Act, 1935    V BOROOAH
1986    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    British politics and the East India Company, 1767-1773    H V BOWEN    Prof P D H Thomas
1986    PhD    London, LSHTM    Evaluation of a community based oral rehydration programme in rural Bangladesh    Ahmed M R CHOWDHURY
1986    PhD    Exeter    Household, kin and community in a Bangladesh village    M A M CHOWDHURY
1986    PhD    Cranfield    Rice by-product production, disposal and utilisation in Sri Lanka    S ELIAS
1986    PhD    London    Trade, kinship and Islamisation: a comparative study of the social and economic organisation of Muslim and Hindu traders in Tirunelveli District, South India    Frank Sylvester FANSELOW
1986    PhD    Aberdeen    Inter-religious conflict in India – the dynamics of Hindu-Muslim relations in North Malabar, 1498-1947    Theodore Paul Christian GABRIEL    Prof A Walls
1986    DPhil    Sussex    Rice in Bangladesh: post harvest losses, technology and employment    M T GREELEY
1986    MSc    Cambridge    The impact of Sri Lankan land reform measures, 1972-1975, on the tea sub-sector    S A P JAYATILAKA
1986    MLitt    Oxford, Trinity    The nature of Indian state: an investigation into the interrelationship between economic and political crisis (1965-75)    A K JHA
1986    PhD    London, LSE    The functions of children in the household economy and levels of fertility: a case study of a village in Bangladesh    N KABEER    Mr C M Langford
1986    MPhil    Edinburgh    The role of incentives for paddy cultivation in developing countries with reference to Bangladesh and Sri Lanka    G A M KARUNARATNE
1986    PhD    Reading    Obstacles to the adoption of modern rice cultivation practices by small farmers in Bangaldesh    Md Abul KASHEM
1986    PhD    Glasgow    Handling of industrial disputes in the public sector industries in Bangladesh    M A A KHAN
1986    DPhil    York    The state, village society and political economy of agricultural development in Bangladesh. 1960-1985    S A KHAN
1986    DPhil    Oxford, Corpus    Instability of jute prices and supplies: the impact on and implications for jute fibre production in Bangladesh    Reza KIBRIA    Mr M F G Scott
1986    MPhil    Essex    Selected aspects of India’s foreign trade in the 1970s    S LAKRA
1986    MTh    Wales, Aberystwyth    The life of the people of north Mizoram prior to and subsequent to the advent of Christianity, up the the year of the Mizo Church’s jubilee in 1944    J M LLOYD
1986    PhD    Bradford    The modelling and analysis of national development strategies for India    P MANDAL
1986    PhD    Cambridge, Emmanuel    Financial and manpower aspects of the Dominions and India’s contribution to Britain’s war effort, 1914-1919    G W MARTIN    Dr Z S Steiner
1986    PhD    Leicester    Fulfilment theology: the Aryan race theory and the work of British Protestant missionariesin Victorian India    Martin MAW
1986    PhD    London, LSHTM    Patterns of adult energy nutrition in a south Indian village    G McNEILL
1986    PhD    Dundee    Estimates of gross domestic product by provinces in Pakistan    A M MIRZA
1986    DPhil    Oxford, New    Caste, Christianity and Hinduism: a study of social organisation and religion in rural Ramnad    C MOSSE    Dr N J Allen
1986    MPhil    East Anglia    Go plough and eat: the impact of Gandhian intervention in a Bihar village between 1954 and 1974    Ivan Charles NUTBROWN
1986    PhD    Londonb, SOAS    A history of the London Missionary Scoiety in the Straits Settlements, 1815-1847    Ronnie Leona O’SULLIVAN    Prof K Ballhatchet
1986    PhD    Aston    Investigation of relationship betrween product design and production departments in manufacturing companies (India)    K PAWAR
1986    PhD    Manchester    Landed property and dynamic of instability: Bengal: the property-power nexus: state formation under colonialism and its contemporary siginificance    H Z RAHMAN
1986    PhD    Cranfield    Appropriateness of incentives for small scale enterprise location in less developed areas: the experience of the UK, Japan and India    K RAMACHANDRAN
1986    DPhil    London, St Antony’s    Exchange rate and commercial policy in a controlled trade regime: a case study of India    Narhari RAO
1986    PhD    City    The social and economic conditions of export orientated industrialisation as a strategy of development [Sri Lanka]    K RUPESINGHE
1986    PhD    City    British press coverage and the role of the Pakistan press from independence to the emergence of Bangladesh    M SHAMSUDDIN
1986    PhD    London SOAS    Vallabhbhal Patel: his role and style in Indian politics, 1928-1947    R D SHANKARDASS
1986    PhD    Sheffield    Transport and regional development in Bangladesh: a geographical study    A H M Raihan SHARIF
1986    PhD    London, SOAS    Sri Lanka: an examination of economic and social development associated with recolonisation on an irrigation scheme    Richard Paul SLATER    Dr A Turton
1986    PhD    Leeds    Pakistan’s relations with Britain, 1947-1951: with particular reference to some problems of partition    M SOHAIL
1986    DPhil    Oxford, Linacre    Tenna: peasant, state and nation in the making of a Sinhalese rural community    Jonathan R SPENCER
1986    PhD    Salford    Rural-urban population mobility in Bangladesh: its implications for rural areas with particular reference to two villages    R M TALUKDAR
1986    PhD    London, LSE    Sacrifice and divine power: Hindu temple rituals and village festivals in a fishing village, Sri Lanka    Masakazu TANAKA
1986    DPhil    Oxford, St Peter’s    India: colonialism, nationalism and perception sof develeopment    Kevin WATKINS
1986    PhD    Manchester    Agrarian change in India: a case study of Bundwan District, West Bengal    Neil Anthony WEBSTER
1986    MLitt    Oxford, Wolfson    A critical examination of Aurobindo’s contribution to the tradition of Vedanta    Yvonne WILLIAMS    Prof B K Matilal
1986    PhD    East Anglia    Cyclone vulnerability and housing policy in the Krishna Delta, South India, 1977-83    Peter WINCHESTER    Dr P M Blaikie
1986    MPhil    East Anglia    Urban unemployment in peninsular Malaysia    S R YAHYA    Dr J T Thoburn
1986    PhD    Edinburgh    The realities of life from a Hindu Sindi perspective    John Nicol YOUNG
1986    PhD    London, LSE    Sacrifice and the sacred in a Hindu “t-irtha”: the case of Pushkar, India    Sushila Jane ZEITLYN    Dr J R Parry
1986/87    PhD    Cambridge, Wolfson    Surplus appropriation and accumulation by rural households in India: a case study based on fieldwork in Uttar Pradesh    Ravi Shankar SRIVASTAVA
1987    PhD    London Royal Holloway    All India Muslim League, 1906-1919    M S AHMAD
1987    PhD    Sheffield    Formulation of design criteria for industrial architecture in Bangladesh in light of the developments made in the United Kingdom and other developed countries    N AHMED
1987    MPhil    CNAA Sheffield Poly    The effects of climate on the design and location of windows for buildings in Bangladesh    Z N AHMED
1987    PhD    Nwecastle    Housing for the lower income people of Dhaka,Bangladesh: a peri-urban development approach    S AMEEN
1987    MPhil    City    Personality, leadership and subordinate satisfaction: an empirical study in the civil service of Singapore    C T ANG
1987    PhD    London, RHBNC    The Pirs of Sind and their relationship with the British, 1843-1947    Sarah Frances Deborah ANSARI    Dr F R C Robinson
1987    MPhil    Strathclyde    The development of sugar manufacturing in Pakistan    M AURANGZEB
1987    PhD    Keele    The growth and development of trade unionism in Bangladesh, 1947-1986    M Z BADIUZZAMAN
1987    PhD    Loughborough    A strategy for the integrated development of squatter settlements: a Karachi case study    Q A BAKHTEARI
1987    PhD    Edinburgh    State and indigenous medicine in nineteenth and twentieth-century Bengal, 1800-1947    Poonam BALA
1987    PhD    Cambridge    Sectoral price determination and the inflationary process in the Indian economy, 1950-1980    P BALAKRISHNAN
1987    PhD    East Anglia    Draught animal power in Bangladesh    D BARTON    Dr D P Gibbon
1987    MPhil    Manchester    The role and contribution of the Alilgarh Muslim University in modern Indian Islam, 1877-1947    G N BUDDHANI
1987    PhD    Cambridge, Magdalene    From a pre-colonial order to a princely state: Hyderabad in tranition, c.1748-1865    S CHANDER
1987    PhD    Dundee    Financial development and agricultural development in Pakistan, 1952-1982    Mohammad Jamil CHAUDHARY
1987    PhD    Leicester    Conflict and change among the Khyber Afridis: a study of British policy and tribal society on the North-West Frontier, 1839-1947    R O CHRISTENSEN
1987    PhD    Cambridge, Sidney     State, tribe and region: policy and politics in Indiaa’s Jharkhand, 1900-1980    S E CORBRIDGE    Mr B H Farmer
1987    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Communal riots in Bengal, 1905-1947    Suranjan DAS    Dr T Raychoudhuri
1987    PhD    Cambridge    Money and finance in an underdeveloped economy: some themes from Indian economic history, 1914-1917    T DATTA    Mr M G Kuczynki
1987    PhD    London, SOAS    Images and metaphor: an analysis of Iban collective representations    J DAVISON
1987    PhD    Keele    The United Nations Military Observer Group in India and Pakistan (UNMOGIP), 1948-1965, with postscript on the impact of UNMOGIP on the Indo-Pakistan war of 1971    Pauline DAWSON    Prof A M James
1987    PhD    London, SOAS    The changing role of women in Bengal, c.1890-c.1930, with special reference to British and Bengali discourse on gender    Dagmar ENGELS    Prof K Ballhatchet
1987    PhD    London, SOAS    Psychiatry and colonialism: the treatment of European lunatics in British India, 1800-1858    Waltraud ERNST    Prof K A Ballhatchet
1987    PhD    Manchester    The origins of inflation in Pakistan, 1959-1982: an evaluation of alternative hypotheses    Faiz B FIROZE
1987    PhD    Cambridge    The brick trade in India: energy use, tradition and development    S GANDHI
1987    DPhil    Oxford    Money and the real economy: a study of India, 1960-1984    S E GHANI
1987    PhD    Cranfield    Computer simulation of runoff and soil erosion from small agricultural catchments in Sri Lanka    E GUNAWARDENA
1987    PhD    Exeter    Tariqah-i-Muhammadiyah movement and its contribution to creating a separatist political consciousness among the Muslims of India, 1818-1872    Ghulam Muhammad JAFFAR
1987    PhD    Salford    Agricultural marketing and agrarian relations in Pakistan: a case study of the Nawahshak districrt, Sind    M A KAMDAR    Dr C P Simmons
1987    MLitt    Cambridge, Trinity Hall    Communal politics in the United Provinces, 1935-1947    Mukul KESAVAN    Dr C A Bayley
1987    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    Poverty and public policy: government intervention and levels of living in Kerala, India    Bhaskar Gopalakrishna KUMAR    Prof A K Sen
1987    DPhil    Oxford, Hertford    The rise and fall of the Indian cotton mill industry, 1900-1985: the Swadeshi movement and its political legacy    Simon Robert Bough LEADBEATER    Mr G P Williams
1987    DPhil    Oxford, Oriel    British architecture in Victorian Bombay    Christopher W LONDON    Dr R A Beddard
1987    PhD    Cambridge    West Bengal government policy, 1977–1985    Ross MALLICK
1987    PhD    London, LSE    Muslims, work and status in Aligargh    Elizabeth Ashley MANN
1987    PhD    London, SOAS    Migration and the international Goan community    Stella V MASCARENHAS-KEYES
1987    MPhil    Edinburgh    Women and the housing process: observations in a Katchi Abadi in Pakistan    F McCLUNEY
1987    PhD    Leicester    The mineralogy and geochemistry of the carbonatites, syenites and fenites of North West Frontier Province, Pakistan    Ihsanullah MIAN
1987    MPhil    Sussex    Linguistic nationalism in Pakistan (with special reference to the role and history of Urdu in the Punjab)    Yameema MITHA    Dr R I Duncan
1987    PhD    Stirling    Food retailing in Malaysia: a study of supermarket use in peninsular Malaysia    K B OTHMAN
1987    DPhil    Oxford    British rule and the Konds of Orissa: a study of tribal administration and its legitimating discourse    Felix J PADEL
1987    PhD    Reading    Extension needs of a plantation industry with special reference to the tea industry in Sri Lnaka    W A PADMASIRI WANIGASUNDARA
1987    PhD    Wales, UWIST    The role of government in the administration and management of major ports in developing countries with special reference to India    Jose PAUL
1987    PhD    London, LSE    Time, work and the gods: temporal strategies and industrislisation in central India    Christopher PINNEY
1987    DPhil    York    The political dynamics of Indo-Soviet relations, 1930-1977    S S RAI
1987    PhD    London, SOAS    Islamization of laws in Pakistan with particular reference to the status of women    Abdur RASHID
1987    PhD    Aberdeen    Availability and retention of zinc, especially in relation to the soils of Bangladesh    H M RASHID
1987    DPhil    York    Indo-Soviet relations during the period 1955-1974    S S ROY
1987    PhD    Liverpool    The role of small towns in rural development: a case study of Bangaldesh    Toufiq Mohammad SERAJ
1987    PhD    Liverpool    An analysis of squatter settlements in Dhaka, Bangladesh    M T SHAKUR
1987    PhD    London, LSE    Communism in Punjab up to 1867    Gurharpal SINGH
1987    PhD    Edinburgh    The implementation of systematic nursing in selected hospsitals in India: a chronicle of the change process    Esther SIRRA
1987    DPhil    Sussex    Sri Lankan traders: a case study of credit relations and coconut marketing in a rural economy    sARAH lLEWELLYN SOUTHWOLD
1987    PhD    Leeds    The life and influence of Shapurji Saklatvala    Michael John SQUIRES
1987    PhD    Leicester    Evolution of the southern part of the Aravalli-Delhi orogen western India    Tim J SUGDEN
1987    MSc    Aberdeen    Supply response analysis of palm oil in Malaysia, 1961-1985    B A TALIB
1987    PhD    Leicester    Communication and development in South India    Pradip Ninan THOMAS
1987    PhD    Southampton    Developing a critical success factor approach to a holistic institutional evaluation for polytechnics in the states of Gujerat and Madhya Pradesh, 1977-1984    V N TRAFFORD
1987    PhD    Cranfield    The social relevance of postgraduate management education: a case study of India    S VYAKARNAM
1988    PhD    London    Breast feeding, weaning and infant growth in rural Chandpur, Bangladesh    S AHMED
1988    PhD    London, External    Islam in contemporary Bangladesh     Umne Asman Begum Razia AKEER BANU    Dr D Taylor
1988    PhD    Bradford    The impact of public policy on the poor in Sri Lnaka, 1970-1982    Pat ALAILIMA    C Dennis; S Curry
1988    PhD    Manchester    Makran and Baluchistan from the early Islamic times to the Mongol invasion    S S M AL-HUMAIDI    Prof Bosworth
1988    PhD    Birmingham    The British iron and steel industry and India, 1919-1939    H J ANDERSEN
1988    PhD    Edinburgh    Some aspects of the political and commercial history of the Muslims of Sri Lanka with special referenmce to the British period    Mahmudu Naina Marikar Kamil ASAD
1988    MPhil    Kent    The image of women in selected Malaysian novels    Rosnah BAHARUDIN
1988    PhD    Wales, UCNW    Ecology, management and conservation of Pinus roxburghii forests in Kumaun Himalaya, India    Bhagat Singh BURFAL
1988    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    The nineteenth-century book trade in Sind    Allah Rakhio BUTT
1988    PhD    London, King’s    Soldiers of Christ: evangelicals and India, 1784-1833    Penelope S E CARSON
1988    DPhil    Oxford, Exeter    Punjab politics, 1909-1923    Amrita CHEEMA    Dr T Raychaudhuri
1988    MSc    Wales    Economic appraisal of irrigated plantations of the Punjab, Pakistan: Changa Manga case study    Faqir Ahmad CHOUDHRY
1988    PhD    Reading    State sponsrship of investment credit to promote rural development in India    J G COPESTAKE
1988    PhD    Leicester    Leucogranites of the North West Himalaya: crust-mantle interaction beneath the Karakoram and the magmatic evolution of collisional belts    Mark B CRAWFORD
1988    MPhil    Brunel    Aspects of the development of manufacturing industries of India    Parviz DABIR-ALAI
1988    MLitt    Oxford, Keble    An ecumneical episcopate: Edwin James Palmer, seventh Bishop of Bombay and the reunion of the churches, with special reference to the church of South India    R W DAVIS
1988    PhD    Cambridge    The irrigation and water supply systems of the city of Vijayanagara    D J DAVISON-JENKINS
1988    PhD    Kent    Law, nation and cosmology in Sri Lanka: deconstructioni and the failure of closure    Rochan DE SILVA    Prof F Fitzpatrick
1988    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Application of social accounting matrix framework to agricultural policy analysis in Pakistan    Shafique DHANANI    Mr G H Peters
1988    DPhil    Sussex    Rural commerce in Sri Lanka: commercialisation and farm credit in the Uva highlands    E DUE
1988    PhD    Nottingham    Environmental upgrading and intra-urban migration in Calcutta    Margaret Sylvia FOSTER    Prof J C Moughton; Dr T Oc
1988    PhD    Southampton    Catholic education in Sri Lanka during its first century as a British colony, 1796-1901    J B GNANAPRAGASAM
1988    PhD    East Anglia    Inter- and intra-household analysis in North Bihar village: implications for agricultural research    Ruth GROSVENOR-ALSOP    Dr S D Biggs
1988    PhD    Cambridge    Conservation and colonial expansion: a study of the evolution of environmental attitudes and conservation policies on St Helena, Mauritius and in India, 1660-1860    R H GROVE
1988    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Art, artists and aesthetics in Bengal, c.1850-1920: westernising trends and nationalist concerns in the making of new “Indian” art    Thakurta Tapati GUHA
1988    MSc    Manchester    Science and technology policy in developing countries of South Asia and South East Asia    K R GUPTA
1988    PhD    Queen’s, Belfast    The sitar music of Calcutta: a study of two gharanas    J S HAMILTON
1988    PhD    London, UC    Inbreeding and fertility in a South Indian village population    Katherine Louise  HANN    Dr J Landers
1988    PhD    London, Inst Ed    Education and political instability in Pakistan, 1937-1971    M HAQUE
1988    PhD    Strathclyde    Tubewell irrigation and green revolution: impact on productivity and income distribution    A IKRAMULLAH
1988    MPhil    Edinburgh    Marketing problems of farmers in Punjab, Pakistan: a case study    Qamar-ul ISLAM
1988    PhD    Edinburgh    The reawakening of Islamic consciousness in Malaysia, 1970-1987    Fadzillah bin Mohd JAMIL
1988    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    Clientelism, corruption and capitalist development: an analysis of state intervention with special reference to Bangladesh    Mushtaq Husain KHAN
1988    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    External developments and policy choices facing the non-oil developing countries in the post 1973 period    Faizullah KHILJI    Mrs F J Stewart
1988    DPhil    Sussex    Political and economic organisation in a Sri Lanka market town    Colin KIRK
1988    PhD    Leicester    Media education, communications and public policy: an Indian perspective    K J KUMAR
1988    PhD    Leeds    R K Narayan and V S Naipaul: a comparative study of some Hindu aspects of their work    P LANGRAN
1988    DPhil    Oxford    Orientallism, utilitarianism and British India: James Mill’s “The history of British India” and the romantic orient    Javed MAJEED    Dr N G Shrimpton
1988    MPhil    Edinburgh    Policy issues for conservation: the case of Lahore walled city    M I MIAN
1988    PhD    Sheffield    Development of small and medium sized towns in Bangladesh: a regional planning approach    Mohammed A MOHIT
1988    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    The question of nuclear weapons proliferation in the Indian sub-continent    Ziba MOSHAVER    Mr E A Roberts
1988    PhD    London, UC    The theoretical modelling and empirical measurement of the shadow economy with application to India    U MUKHERJEE
1988    MPhil    Reading    Farming systems and information needs of tea smallholders in Sri Lanka    D K NAWARATNA
1988    PhD    London, SOAS    A social history of a colonial steroetype: the “criminal tribes and castes” of Uttar Pradesh    S B L NIGAM
1988    PhD    London, LSE    Policy making in the Indian offshore oil industry with reference to the period 1974-1986    M L NORONHA    Prof D C Watt
1988    PhD    London, LSE    The Asiatic mode of production, historical materialism and Indian historiography    Denis Brendan O’LEARY
1988    PhD    Leicester    Terraces, uplift and climate, Karakoram Mountains, Northern Pakistan    Lewis Andrew OWEN
1988    MPhil    London, LSE    The tea plantation labour movement in the “Dooars” region of north Bengal, 1900-1951    Nayantara PALCHOUDHURI
1988    PhD    Oxford, St Antony’s    Decline of the Bengal zamindars: Mindapore, 1870-1920    C PANDA    Dr T Raychaudhuri
1988    PhD    London, King’s    Between Mars and Mammon: the military and the political economy of British India at the time of the first Burma war, 1824-1826    Douglas M PEERS
1988    PhD    Cambridge, Corpus    British intelligence and Indian subversion: the surveillance of Indian revolutionaries in India and abroad    R J POPPLEWELL
1988    PhD    London, SOAS    Socio-economic change in Bihar (India) in the later 19th and early 20th century    Bihdeshwar RAM    Dr P Robb
1988    PhD    Kent    Figuring Naipaul: the subject of the post-colonial world    Dulluri Venkat RAO
1988    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    Aspects of the ethnoarchaeology of Adilabad (Andhra-Pradesh), India    Nandini Rameshwar RAO

1988    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    The determinants of India’s manufactured export performance: industry-level and firm-level evidence    Amit Shovon RAY
1988    DPhil    Sussex    Religion, class and function: the politics of communalism in twentieth century Punjab    Mark ROBINSON    Dr R I Duncan
1988    PhD    London, SOAS    The evolution of the printed Bengali character from 1778 -1978    Fiona Georgina Elizabeth ROSS
1988    PhD    Keele    Marginality, identity and the politicisation of the Bhangi community, Delhi    Rama SHARMA
1988    PhD    Kent    Class, kinship and ritual: Islam and the politics of change in Pakistan    S R SHERANI
1988    PhD    De Montfort    Temple architecture of the Marathas in Maharashtra    A SOHONI
1988    PhD    London, SOAS    Nalanda Mahayihara, 1812-1939: some aspects of the study of its art and archaeology    M L STEWART
1988    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    White-collar crime: a study of the nature, extent and control of income tax evasion in Pakistan    Muhammad Shoaib SUDDLE
1988    PhD    CNAA, Westminster     A critical and comparative study of the practice and theology of Christian social witness in Indonesia and India between 1974 and 1983 with special reference to the work of Wayan Mastra in the Protestant Christian Church of Bali and of Vinay Samual in the Church of South India    C M N SUGDEN
1988    PhD    Leeds    Some aspects of Muslim politics in the Pubab, 1921-1947    Qalb-i-Abid SYED    Prof D N Dilks
1988    PhD    Wales, UCNW    Utility-based social shadow pricing and its comparison with other evaluation techniques: a cost-benefit study of fuelwood plantations in Bihar, India    Satyendra Nath TRIVEDI
1988    PhD    Glasgow    Characteristics of public enterprise management in Bangladesh    Syed J UDDIN    Dr D Buchanan
1988    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity Hall    The economic and political context of Indian independence    R P WANCHOO    Dr C A Dayly
1988    PhD    Bath    In the teeth of the crocodile: class and gender in rural Bangladesh    Sarah C WHITE
1988    PhD    Nottingham    Presenting the Raj: the politics of representation in recent fiction on the British empire    R J F WILLIAMS
1988    PhD    East Anglia    Sources of growth and its beneficiaries in Pakistan’s large-scale manufacturing sector, 1955-1981    S WIZARAT
1988/89    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    Household energy in rural Pakistan: a technical, environmental and socio-economic assessment    A N QAZI
1988/89    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    Administration, classification and knowledge:land revenue settlements in the Panjab at the start of British rule    R W SAUMAREZ-SMITH
1989    PhD    Cambridge    Sedimentology and structure of the Southern Kohat, Trans Indus Ranged, Pakistan    Iftikhar AHMED
1989    PhD    York    Pakistan since independence: the political role of the Ulama    Safir AKHTAR    Dr T V Sathyamurthy
1989    PhD    Strathclyde    Growth of tubewell irrigation and agricultural development in the North West Frontier Province of Pakistan    M AKRAM
1989    PhD    London, Wye    A quantitative analysis of marketable surplus of paddy and food policy in Bangladesh    S AKTER
1989    MA    Leeds    Communication influences on the political socialisation of Bangladeshi adolescents    A M ALI    Prof J G Blumer; Dr T J Nossiter
1989    MPhil    London, LSE    The India League and the Indian reconciliation group as factors in Indo-British relations, 1930-1949    Keshava Chand ARORA    Prof I H Nish
1989    PhD    London, King’s    Pakistan crisis 1971: its political and strategic causes    F J AZIZ
1989    PhD    London, SOAS    Indian monetary policy and the international liquidity crisis during rthe inter-war years (1919-1939)    Gopalan BALACHANDRAN
1989    PhD    London, LSE    Communism in Tripura up to 1965    Harihar BHATTACHARYYA    Dr T J Nossiter
1989    DPhil    Oxford    The evolution of classical Indian dance literature: a study of the Sanskritic tradition    M BOSE
1989    PhD    Kent    An ethnographic account of the religious practice in a Tibetan Buddhist refugee monastery in Northern India    Catherine Mary CANTWELL    Dr J Endes
1989    MPhil    Reading    Cropping systems research in North West Frontier Province, Pakistan    E W CHARLES
1989    PhD    Glasgow    The inter-war depression in British India: aspects of its economic and social impact, 1929-36    P S COLLINS
1989    DPhil    Sussex    Paliamentary representation in Sri Lanka, 1931-1986    R COOMARASWAMY    Prof Lloyd
1989    PhD    London, LSE    Ideology and urban planning: the case of Hong Kong    A R CUTHBERT    Dr D R Diamond
1989    PhD    Cambridge, Sidney     Unfulfilled promises, popular protest, the Congress and the national movement in Bihar    V DAMODARAN
1989    PhD    London, LSE    Embodying spirits: village oracles and possession rituals in Ladakh, North India    Sophia Elizabeth DAY    Dr J P Parry
1989    PhD    London, SOAS    Discourses of ethnicity: the adivasis of Jharkhand    S B C DEVALLE
1989    MPhil    Wales, Cardiff    Rice leaffolders: natural enemies and management ractices in Sri Lanka    Malgaha Gamage DHANAPALA
1989    PhD    London, SOAS    The growth of Buddhist monastic institutions in Sri Lanka as depicted in the Brahmi inscriptions    K D M DIAS
1989    PhD    Cambridge    The socio-economic impact of a minor flood control project in rural Bangladesh    B J DODSON
1989    PhD    Bath    Water to the swamp ? Irrigation and patterns of accumulation and agrarian change in Bangladesh    M GLASER
1989    MPhil    Cranfield    Vocational training and self employment in developing countries: aspects of the design and approach of sucessful programmes    John Patrick GRIERSON    Prof M H Harper
1989    MPhil    CNAA, Poly NLondon    British women and the British empire in India, 1915-1947    Florence HAMILTON    Mr E Wilson; Dr D Judd
1989    MPhil    London, LSE    The problem of federalism and regional autonomy in Pakistan    Fayyaz Ahmad HUSSAIN    P Dawson
1989    PhD    Bradford    The monetary transmission mechanism in Sri Lanka, 1977-1985    Ranee JAYAMAHA    P Wilson; J Weiss
1989    DPhil    Sussex    The impact of international labour migration on the rural “Barani” areas of Northern Pakistan    A F KHAN
1989    PhD    Sheffield    The implementation of rural poor programmes in Bangladesh    T A KHAN
1989    PhD    Manchester    Perception and response to floods in Bangladesh    M S KHONDAKER
1989    PhD    Wales, Bangor,    Cost benefit analysis and sustained yield forestry in India    Periyapattanam Jayapal Dilip KUMAR
1989    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    Medical knowledge in rural Rajasthan: popular constructions of illness and therapeutic practice    Helen Susanna LAMBERT    Dr N J Allen
1989    MPhil    London    The expansion of the Indian Army during the Great War    I D LEASK    Prof M E Yapp
1989        Bath    Technologies and transactions: a study of the interaction between new technology and agrarian structure in Bangladesh    D J LEWIS
1989    PhD    Edinburgh    One or two sons: class, gender and fertility in north India    Andrew LYON
1989    DPhil    Sussex    Capital accumulation in agriculture in the Punjab (Pakistan)    Moazam MAHMOOD    Prof M Lipton
1989    DPhil    Oxford    The performance of selected public sector industries in Bangladesh, 1972-1985    Syed A MAHMOOD
1989    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity Hall    Missionary of the Indian Road: a study of the thought and work of E Stanley Jones between 1915 and 1948 in the light of certain issues raised by M K Gandhi for Anglo-Saxon Protestant missionaries during the period    P A J MARTIN    Dr J J Lipner
1989    PhD    Glasgow    Exchange rate regimes of less developed countries: the cxase of India    M J MELAZHAKAM
1989    PhD    London, UC    Appropriate evaluation techniques for urban planning in Sri Lanka    N S P MNEDIS
1989    PhD    Cambridge, Magdalene    The Harappan civilisation: a study in variation and regionalisssssssation in Haryana, India    V MOHAN    Dr F R Allchin
1989    PhD    Lancaster    Three Hindu philosophers: comparative philosophy and philosophy in modern India    Paul Martin MORRIS    Prof N Smart; Dr D Smith
1989    PhD    Manchester    The role of financial information in collective bargaining in a developing country: the case of Bangladesh    A J M H MURSHED
1989    PhD    East Anglia    Agrarian structure and rural poverty in Western India    Thomas PALAKUDIYIL    Dr J C Harriss
1989    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    The role of accounting in the economic development of Bangladesh    Michael John PARRY
1989    PhD    London, LSE    Household organisation and marriage in Ladakh Indian Himalaya    Maria Christina PHYLACTOU    Dr C J Fuller
1989    PhD    London, LSE    Social representations of birth control and family welfare: an Indian study    Ragini PRAKASH    Prof R Farr
1989    PhD    London, LSHTM    Household food insecurity and its implications on health, nutrition and work – a study of a dry land farming community in Sri Lanka    M K RATNAYAKE
1989    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Colonial policy, ethnic politics and the minorities in Ceylon    Nira Konjit SAMARASINGHE    Dr T Raychaudhuri
1989    PhD    Cambridge    Administration, classification and knowledge: land revenue settlements in the Panjab at the start of British rule    R S SMITH
1989    DPhil    Oxford, Somerville    Inequality and economic mobility: an analysis of panel data from a south Indian village    Madhura SWAMINATHAN    Dr S Anand
1989    DPhil    Oxford    Art, artists and aesthetics in Bengal, c. 1850-1920: westernising trends and nationalist concerns in the making of a new “Indian” art    Tapati G THAKURTA
1989    PhD    Middlesex Polytechnic    The impact of flood control on agricultural development in India: a case study in north Bihar    P M THOMPSON    Prof E Penning-Rowsell
1989    MPhil    East Anglia    The state and the determinants of the fiscal process in India: an application of James O’Connor’s Theory of the Fiscal Crisis of the State    Sarah VARKKI
1989    PhD    Aberdeen    Some aspects of the chemistry and mineralogy of soil potassium in Sri Lanka acid tea soils and Scottish soils under a range of crops    G WIMALADASA
1989    PhD    Strathclyde    Marketing implications of intermediate technology in the textile industry in Pakistan    M ZAFARULLAH
1989    PhD    Edinburgh    Strategic planning: an exploratory study of its practice by agro-based public enterprises in Malaysia    M ZAINAL ABIDIN
1990    PhD    Cambridge, Wolfson    The politics of pollution control: the Ganges at Varanasi    Sara AHMED    Prof T O’Riordan
1990    PhD    London, LSE    The budgetary process in uncertain contexts: a study of public sector corporations in Bangladesh    Mansurai ALAM
1990    PhD    Aberdeen    Petroleum geochemistry of the tertiary sediments and oil samples from the Bengal Basin, Bangladesh    M ALAM
1990    PhD    Glasgow    Size and management characteristics in the public sector: a case of Pakistan International Airlines    A H M H H AL-ESHAIKER
1990    PhD    CNAA Birmingham Poly    The low-income housing production process in Lakore, Pakistan    M I A ALVI
1990    PhD    Aberdeen    Theological education in relation to the identificaton of the task of mission and the development of ministries in India: 1947 to 1987 with special reference to the Church of South India    Siga ARLES
1990    MPhil    London, QMW    A study of some influences on the development of Ruth Jhabvala’s Indian fiction    Jayanti BAILUR
1990    PhD    London, LSE    Pakistan and the birth of the regional pacts in Asia, 1947-1955    Farooq Naseem BAJWA    Prof I H Nish
1990    PhD    Cam,bridge, King’s    Procedural rationality in public expenditure decision making with specific reference to India    A BASU
1990    PhD    Cambridge    Inter-urban and rural-urban linkages in terms of migration and remittances    J R CHAUDHURI
1990    MPhil    Bradford    Kashmir and the partition of India: the politicians and the personalities involved in the partition of India, particularly in relation to the position of Kashmir at the moment of independence on 15th August, 1947    S CHOUDHRY    Dr M J LeLohe
1990    PhD    Aberdeen    An Indian perspective on the church in the context of poverty and religious pluralism, with special reference to the works of M M Thomas    Ashish J CHRISPAL    Prof. Terrance
1990    PhD    London, LSE    Petty-trading in Calcutta: a socio-political analysis of a third world city    Nandini DASGUPTA
1990    PhD    London, King’s    Rural Bengal: social structure and agrarian economy in the late eighteenth century    Rajat DATTA    Prof P Marshall
1990    PhD    London, SOAS    Development of Sinhala drama: a socio-cultural analysis (from Nadagama to modern theatre, up to 1922)    T R G DELA BANDARA
1990    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    Indian death rituals: the enactment of ambivalence    Gillian A  EVISON    Prof R F Gombrich
1990    PhD    Bradford    Financial reforms in Sri Lanka, 1977-1987    D J G FERNANDO
1990    PhD    London, SOAS    Discussions of polygamy and divorce by Muslim modernists in South Asia, with special reference to their treatment in Qur’an and Sunna    Rehana FIRDOUS
1990    PhD    Kent    The six-nation initiative    C FRANGONIKOLOPOULOS    Prof A J R Groom
1990    PhD    Sheffield    Man mosquito interaction: the social context of Malaria transmisson in Sri Lanka    Jayaratne Pinnikamaha GAMAGE    Ms J M M Hoogvelt; Dr R A Dixon
1990    PhD    London, LSE    Paddy fields and jumbo jets: overseas migration and village life in Sylhet district, |Bangladesh    Katherine Jane GARDNER
1990    PhD    York    The politics of British aid policy formation: the case of Bangladesh, 1972-1986    M GUHATHAKURTA
1990    DPhil    Oxford    Exports and exchange rate policy: the case of India    B D GUPTA
1990    PhD    London, SOAS    The short story in Pakistan Panjab, 1947-1980    Salim Ullah HAIDRANI
1990    PhD    London, External    The phenomenonology of religious change in Bangladesh in relation to the theology and practice of conversion    Ian McLaurin HAWLEY
1990    PhD    London, UC    The single dominant party system and political development: case studies of India and Japan    Takako HIROSE
1990    MPhil    London, External    The economy and development of education in Bangladesh with particular reference to cost and some aspects of efficiency and effectiveness of higher education for the period 1972-1985    Mohammad Tazammul HUSSAIN
1990    PhD    London    Variations in mountain front geometry across the Potwar Plateau and Hazara/Kalachitta Hill ranges, North Pakistan    C N IZATT
1990    PhD    Open    Charnockite formation in Southern India    D H JACKSON
1990    PhD    Leeds    The effects of agrarian development on class formation and production relations in Pakistan    Muhammad Siddique JAVED    Mr J V Hillard
1990    MPhil    Manchester Poly    Ethnic identity and contemporary female costumes of Sri Lanka    V R JAYASURIYA
1990    PhD    London, UC    Transfer of private external capital to LDCs with special reference to India in comparison to Brazil    Veena JHA
1990    PhD    Salford    The impact of decentralisation on development, with special reference to the experience of Bangladesh since 1982    A K M A KALAM    Prof M B Gleave; Dr B Ingham
1990    PhD    Exeter    Some statistical aspects of child health and growth modelling in Pakistan    S KAMAL
1990    MSc    Wales, Cardiff    Analysis of the provision of sites and services schemes as a solution to low income housing in Colombo, Sri Lanka    Somas Kandarajah KANDIAH
1990    PhD    London, LSE    Gender, caste and class in rural South India    Karin KAPADIA
1990    DPhil    Oxford, St Cath’s    The consequence of economic liberalisation in Sri Lanka    Saman B KELEGAMA    Dr S Anand
1990    PhD    London, SOAS    Revenue, agriculture and warfare in North India: technical knowledge and the post-Mughal elites from the mid-18th century to the early 19th century    Iqbal Ghani KHAN
1990    PhD    Kent    Bengali elites’ perceptions of Pakistan – the road to disillusionment: uneven development or ethnicity    Alqama KHAWAJA    Prof A J R Groom
1990    PhD    Bath    Impact of irrigation upon the rural political economy in Bangladesh    David LEWIS    Dr G D Wood
1990    DPhil    Oxford, Magdalen    United States-Indian relations, 1961-1989: the pursuit and limits of accommodation    Satu P LIMAYE    Dr G Rizvi
1990    PhD    London, UC    Hydrogeology of part of South-Eastern Bangladesh    S M MAHABUB-UL-ALAM
1990    PhD    Lancaster    The atavara myth in the in the Harivamsa, the Visnupurana and the Bhagavatapurana    Freda MATCHETT    Prof N Smart; Dr D Smith
1990    PhD    Open    East India patronage and the political management of Scotland, 1720-1774    G K McGILVARY    Dr A L R Calder; Mr J Riddy
1990    PhD    London, UC    Epidemiology of coronary heart disease in Asians in Britain    Paul Matthew McKEIGUE
1990    PhD    Hull    The fiction of Ruth Prawer Jhabvala: irony within a dual philosophical framework    F F MERICAN
1990    PhD    Leicester    A thermotectonic evolution for the main central thrust and higher Himalaya, Western Garhwal, India    Richard Paul METCALFE
1990    PhD    Leeds    A history of Nandyal Diocese in Andhra Pradesh, 1947-1990    Constance Mary MILLINGTON    Prof A Hastings
1990    PhD    Newcastle    Becoming bilingual: a sociolinguistic study of the communication of young mother tongue Panjabi-speaking children    S MOFFAT
1990    PhD    Wales, BBangor    Ecology and silviculture of Malamus manan in peninsular Malaysia    A B MOHAMAD
1990    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    The politics of Oriya nationalism, 1903-1936    Bishnu Narayan MOHAPATRA    Dr G Rizvi
1990    PhD    London, UC    Rural development and the problem of access: the case of the integrated rural development programme in Bangladesh    Salim MOMTAZ    Prof R J C Munton
1990    PhD    CNAA, Oxford Poly    Geology and geochemistry of the Closepet granite, Karnataka, South India    K A OAK
1990    PhD    London, SOAS    Indian Muslims and the Ottomans (1877-1914): a study of Indo Muslim attitudes to Pan-Islamism and Turkey    Azmi OZCAN
1990    PhD    London, Inst Ed    The cooperative movement in the Jaffa district of Sri Lanka from 1911 to 1970    Kanthappoo PARAMOTHAYAN
1990    PhD    Sheffield    Man-mosquito interaction: the social context of malaria transmission in Sri Lanka    J PINIKAHANAN GAMAGE
1990    PhD    London, SOAS    The mercantile community of Penang and the changing pattern of trade, 1890-1941    Chuleeporn PONGONGSUPATH    Dr I Brown
1990    PhD    Salford    Gandhi and deep ecology: experiencing the nonhuman environment    S A POWER
1990    PhD    London, External    Socio-economic and environmental aspects of under nutrition and ill health in an urban slum in Bangladesh    Jane Allison PRYER
1990    PhD    London, External    Impact of zinc supplementation on Bangladeshi children suffering from acute and persistent diarrhoea    Swapan Kumar ROY
1990    PhD    London, Wye    Persistent poverty among rice farmers in the major irrigated colonization scheme of Sri Lanka    Madar SAMAD    I Carruthers
1990    PhD    London, Wye    Persistent poverty among rice farmers in the major irrigated colonization schemes of Sri Lanka    Madar SAMAD
1990    PhD    St Andrews    Political violence in the Third World: a case study of Sri Lanka, 1971-1987    Gemini SAMARANAYAKE    Prof P Wilkinson
1990    PhD    London, QMW    The use of Hindu mythology in some novels of R K Narayan and Raja Rao    Chitra SANKARAN
1990    PhD    Liverpool    State intervention in rural development: a case study of Bangladesh    A E SARKER
1990    PhD    London, SOAS    The emergence of a Muslim “middle class” in Bengal: attitudes and rhetoric of communalism, 1880-194    Mohammad SHAH    Dr P G Robb
1990    PhD    Edinburgh    Socioeconomic planning in social forestry with particular reference to Orissa State, India    Ran Avtar SHARMA
1990    PhD    Cambridge    A “despotism of law”: a British criminal justice and public authority in north India, 1772-1837    Radhika SINGHA    Dr C A Bayley
1990    PhD    Wales, Swansea    Indian merchant communities in 19th century western India    Sheila M SMITH    Dr R K Newman
1990    PhD    London, LSHTM    The estimation of fertility from incomplete birth registration records, with application to India    Govind Singh SOMAWAT    B Brass
1990    PhD    Cranfield    The role of industrial extension for  the local production of agricultural machinery in developing countries with particular reference to Sri Lanka    K-H STEINMANN    I Crawford; F Inns
1990    PhD     North London Poly    The Viceroyalty of Lord Reading, 1921-1926, with particular reference to Indian political constitutional problems and progress    Christine TURNBULL    Dr D Judd
1990    PhD    Cambridge    Constructing difference: social categories and Girahya women: social kinship and resources in south Rajasthan    Maya UNNITHAN    Dr C Humphrey
1990    MPhil    Essex    An analysis of the effects of salinity on the growth of Sri Lankan rice cultivars    S C WANIGASURIYA
1990    PhD    London, Imperial    The structure and metamorphism of the northern margin of Indian Plate, North Pakistan    Mathew Philipps WILLIAMS
1991    MPhil    Trinity College, Bristol    Identity, Islam and Christianity in rural Bangladesh    D W ABECASSSIS
1991    MPhil    London, LSHTM    Fertility trends in Pakistan: a birth order analysis    Mohamed AFZAL    J Blacker
1991    PhD    Sheffield    Intraurban residential mobility in the city of Karachi    N AHMAD
1991    PhD    Wales, Swansea    Decentralisation and the local state under peripheral capitalism: a study in the political economy of local government in Pakistan    Tofail AHMAD
1991    PhD    Newcastle upon Tyne    The effects of price and non-price factors on the production of major crops in Bangladesh    S ALAM
1991    PhD    Cambridge, St Cath’s    North Indian military culture in transition, 1770-1830    S ALAVE    Dr C A Bayly
1991    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Inheriting then earth: Pakistan People’s Party: popular mobilisation and political conflict in Pakistan, 1967-1971    R F ALI    Mr P G Hawthorn
1991    PhD    London, LSHTM    Anti-microbial chemotherapy of leprosy: a quantitiave theoretical basis for trial regimens with particular reference to India    J E ALMEIDA
1991    PhD    London, King’s    The international arms trade: case studies of India and Pakistan, 1947-86    I ANTHONY
1991    PhD    Manchester    The role of the housing market in the development of Jaffna City and its fringe    Krishnapillai ARUMUHAM    Prof B Robson
1991    PhD    London, SOAS    Agricultural production in six selected Qasbas in eastern Rajasthan (c. 1700-1780)    Madhavi BAJAKAL
1991    PhD    LondonSOAS    Agricultural production in six selected qasbas of eastern Rajastan (c.1700-1780)    Madhavi BAJEKAL    Prof K N Chaudhuri
1991    PhD    Salford    Some environmental implications of agricultural and agro-industrial developments in rural India    S K BARAT
1991    PhD    Newcastle upon Tyne    Swami Vivekananda’s practical vedanta    Vivienne BAUMFIELD    Dr D H Killingley
1991    PhD    Wales, Swansea    The significqance of “Ostindien” in the evolution of German colonial thought, 1840-1885    Theodore Robert Maria BOSKE    Prof M E Chamberlain
1991    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Communal politics and the partition of Bengal, 1932-1947    Joya CHATTERJI    Dr A Seal
1991    PhD    Cambridge    A study of subsistance and settlement patterns during the late prehistory of northcentral India    U C CHATTOPADHYAYA
1991    PhD    London, King’s    Indian nuclear strategy    Mohammad Zafar Iqbal CHEEMA    Prof L D Freedman
1991    MPhil    Bradford    Kashmir and the partition of India    S CHOUDRY
1991    PhD    London, UC    The social implications of thalassaemia major among Muslims of Pakistani origin: family experience and service delivery    Aamra Rashid DARR
1991    MPhil    CNAA, Architectural Assoc    The roots of power and root power: an enquiry into negotiations for the consolidation of illegal settlements in New Delhi, India    S DASAPPA
1991    PhD    London, SOAS    Strategy and structure: a case study in imperial policy and tribal society in British Baluchistan    Simanti DUTTA
1991    PhD    Loughborough    The Revd A G Fraser: his ecclesiastical, educational and political activity in Ceylon, 1904-1924    Brian EATHARD    Dr Avril Powell
1991    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    The political culture of the urban poor: the United Provinces between the two World Wars    N GOOPTU    Dr R S Chandavarkar
1991    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    Azariah and Indian Christianity in the late years of the Raj    S Bharper HARPER, s b
1991    DPhil    Oxford, Green College    Public health and medical research in India, c. 1860-1914    Mark HARRISON    Miss M H Pelling; Dr P J Weindling
1991    PhD    London, King’s College    Rhizolith occurrence and formation within the quartnary coastal deposits of Tamil Nadu State, South East India    Derek Albert HENDRY    Dr R Garner
1991    PhD    London, Wye    Economic analysis of production opportunities, constraints and improvement policies in coconut-based farming systems in Sri Lanka    Mudiyanselage Anura Lokubandara HERATH
1991    MPhil    Wales    Performance, problems and potential of irrigated land settlements in Sri Lanka: an analysis of past policies    Thosapala HEWAGE
1991    PhD    Cambridge    Tax reform, public pricing and trade protection in Bangladesh    S M HOSSAIN
1991    PhD    London, SOAS    The production and use of ritual terracottas in India    Stephen Porter HUYLER
1991    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Defence production in a third world country: the case of the Indian aircraft industry 1940-1980    Shireen Karim Alimohamed JANMOHAMED    Prof E A Roberts
1991    PhD    London, LSE    Rice, work and community among the Kelabit of Sarawak, East Malaysia    Monica Rachel Hughes JANOWSKI
1991    PhD    Stirling    Fishery, population dynamics and breeding biology of Panulirus homarus (L.)on the south coast of Sri Lanka    D S JAYAKODY
1991    PhD    Stirling    The utilisation of acid sulphate on soils for shrimp (Oenaeus monodon)culture on the west coast of Sri Lanka    J JAYASINGHE
1991    PhD    Durham    Perception of, and adjustment to. drought hazard by farmers in southern Sri Lanka    N L A KARUNARATNE
1991    DPhil    Oxford, Trinity    Competing through technology and manufacturing: a study of the Indian commerical vehicles industry    Sanjay KATHURIA    Dr J L Enos
1991    PhD    Leicester    Primary geochemistry and secondary dispersion from gold prospects in the Karkoram and Hindu Kush, northern Pakistan    Abdul KHALIQ
1991    PhD    London, RHBNC    The contribution of the All India Muslim Educational Conference to the educational and cultural development of Indian Muslims, 1886-1947    Abdul Rashid KHAN    Dr F C Robinson
1991    PhD    Sheffield    Low income settlement in city fringes: a case study of eastern fringe Dhaka    R A KHAN    Dr C Choguill
1991    PhD    Edinburgh    Women’s work and rural transformation in India: a study from Gujerat    Uma KOTHARI
1991    DPhil    Sussex    The role of women in household survival strategies: a case study from an urban low-income settlement in Colombo, Sri Lanka    Chandrika KOTTEGODA    Dr K Young
1991    PhD    Warwick    Critical reflections on law and public enterprises in Bangladesh    A K MASUDAL HAQUE
1991    PhD    Sheffield    Urban services in the national cities of India: organisation, financing, planning and delivery    B MATHUR
1991    DPhil    Oxford    The ecological interaction between habitat composition, habitat quality and abundance of some wild ungulates in India    V B MATHUR
1991    PhD    Bath    Poverty and patronage: a study of credit, development and change in rural Bangladesh    James Allister McGREGOR    Dr D G Wood
1991    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Caste, nationalism and communism in Malabar, 1900-1948    D M MENON    Dr R S Chandravarkar
1991    PhD    Southampton    Municipal finance and local self government: the Indian experience    Rajalakshmi MISHRA    Dr D M Hill
1991    PhD    Durham    Industrial water pollution in a surface water system in Colombo, Sri Lanka    S K MOHAMMED-ALI    Prof I G Simmons
1991    PhD    Warwick    The migration and racialisation of doctors fromthe Indian subcontinent    P J MOSS
1991    PhD    London, LSE    India and the Middle East: constancy of policy in the context of changing perspectives, 1947-1986    Prithvi Ram MUDIAM    Dr G Sen
1991    PhD    Surrey    The impact of industrialisation and urbanisation on Patidar women in the Khada District of Gujerat    P R NATTRESS
1991    PhD    Cambridge, Clare Hall    People and trees: gender relations and participation in social forestry in West Bengal, India    C A NESMITH    Dr T P Bayliss-Smith
1991    PhD    Nottingham    Urban lower-middle class and middle income housing: an investigation into affordability and options, Dhaka, Bangladesh    Mohammed Mahbubur RAHMAN    Prof J C Moughton; Mr S Jalloh
1991    PhD    Exeter    Location-allocation modelling for primary health provision in Bangladesh    S-U RAHMAN
1991    MSc    Kent    On the systematics and ecology of some freshwater turtles of Bangladesh    S M A RASHID
1991    PhD    London, SOAS    Structure and performance: a case study of Pakistan’s large scale manufacturing sector (1950-1987)    Shahnaz RAUF
1991    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    Inter-urban and rural-urban linkages in terms of migration and remittances: case study – Durgapur (West Bengal)    J RAY CHAUDHURI    Prof G P Chapman
1991    PhD    London, King’s    A comparison of the diet and health of pre-menopausal Indian and Caucasian vegetarian women    Sheela REDDY
1991        Cranfield, Silsoe    A case study on training and development of cooperative managers in implementing “Irrigation management programme” of Bangladesh Rural Development Board in Hossainpur Upazila, Bangladesh    M A SADEQUE
1991    PhD    Warwick    Towards a definition of Indian literary feminism: an analysis of the novels of K Markandaya, N Sahgal and A Desai    Minola K SALGADO    Ms P Dunbar
1991    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    South Asian Muslim politics, 1937-1958    Ahmad Y SAMAD    Dr T Raychaudhuri
1991    PhD    London, SOAS    Poverty, growth and stagnation in north Indian agriculture: a comparative study in the political economy of poverty generation in western and eastern Uttar Pradash in the early 1970s    Jean Diana SARGENT
1991    PhD    CNAA, Leicester Poly    Speech in Sri Lankan cleft palate subjects with delayed palatoplasty    D A SELL
1991    DPhil    Oxford, Wadham    The biology of vitex (verbenaceae)in Sri Lanka    Balangeda M P SINGHAKUMARA    Dr C Huxley-Lambrick
1991    PhD    London, King’s    Nabob, historian and orientalist: the life and writing of Robert Orme (1728-1801)    Asora SW TAMMITA-DELGODA    Prof P J Marshall
1991    PhD    London, LSE    Donors, development and dependence: some lessons from Bangladesh, 1971-1986    Peter Graeme Rugge THOMSON    Prof M Desai
1991    PhD    East Anglia    Errant males and the divided woman: melodrana and sexual difference in the Hindi social film of the 1950s    Ravi VASUDEVAN
1991    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    The uplift history of the Western Ghats in India    Mike WIDDOWSON    Dr K G Cox; Prof A S Goudie
1991    PhD    Salford    The causes and processes of rural-urban migration in 19th and early 20th century India: the case of Ratnagiri district    G M YAMIN
1992    PhD    East Anglia    Models of household behaviour in subsistence agriculture: a case study of NWFP in Pakistan    Farman ALI    Prof A Parikh
1992    PhD    London, King’s    Nation-building and the nature of conflict in South Asia: a search for patterns in the use of force as a political instrument within and between the states of the region    Syed Mahmud ALI
1992    PhD    Aberdeen    Aspects of Islamic revival and consciousness in Bangladesh, 1905 AC and 1975 AC    A N M AMIN
1992    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Colonialism and the transformation of matriliny in Malabar, 1850-1940    G ARUNIMA    Dr R S Chandavarkar
1992    LLD    Edinburgh    Dravidian studies    Ronald ASHER
1992    PhD    Kent    The political implications of migration: a study of the British Sikh community    S BALI    Mr K Webb
1992    PhD    Manchester    A study of aspects of Indian theatre and its role: consideration and strategies for developing theatre in education in India    S N BARHANPURKAR    Dr Jackson
1992    PhD    London^hUC    The temples of the interface: a study of the relation between Buddhism and Hinduism at the Munnervaram temples, Sri Lanka    Rohan Neil BASTIN
1992    PhD    London, SOAS    Poverty and power: survival strategies of the poorest in three villages of West Bengal, India    Anthony BECK    Dr R W Bradnock
1992    DPhil    Oxford, St Anne’s    The English East India Company and Hindu laws of property in Bengal, 1765-1801: appropriation and invention of tradition    Nandini BHATTACHARYYA-PANDA    Dr T Raychaudhuri
1992    MLitt    Oxford, Magdalen     South Asian women, midwives and the maternity system: the role of cultural differences in the creation of inequality    Isobel M W BOWLER    Dr R W Dingwall
1992    PhD    London, LSE    Agricultural pricing in developing countries: Pakistan 1960-1988    David Patrick COADY    Prof N H Stern
1992    PhD    St Andrews    Alexander Dalrymple (1737-1808), hydrographer to the East India Company and to the Admiralty, as publisher: a catalogue of books and charts.    Andrew COOK    Dr B P Lenman
1992    PhD    Cambridge, Selwyn    Cross cultural conflict analysis: the “reality” of British victory in the second Anglo-Maratha War, 1803-1805    Randolf G S COOPER    Dr G Johnson
1992    DPhil    Sussex    The determinants of private consumption and the impact of fiscal policy: a study of Sri Lanka    Ginige A C DE SILVA    Prof M T Sumner
1992    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Aspects of community participation among the slum dwellers in achieving housing in Bombay    Vandana DESAI    Dr M J Banks; Dr G C K Peach
1992    DPhil    Sussex    Biomass entitlements and rural poverty in India: a village study of crop residues in south Gujerat    Priyamwada DESHINGKAR    Dr M Greeley
1992    PhD    Cambridge, Girton    Indian thought, myth and folklore in the fiction of Rudyard Kipling and E M Forster    C R DEVADAWSON    Prof J B Beer
1992    PhD    London, UC    Residential location of low-income households in Hyderabad, India    Pothuia Jonathan DHARMARAJ
1992    PhD    London, UC    Residential location of low-income households in Hyderabad, India    J P DHARMARAT
1992    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    Religion, identity and authority among the Satnamis in colonial central India    S DUBE    Dr R O’Hanlon
1992    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson College    Continuity and recreation in the performing arts of India: a study of two artistic traditions    Anne-Marie GASTON    Mr B R Wilson
1992    PhD    Cambridge, Wolfson    The institutional politics of gender in development policy for rural development in Bangladesh    A M M GOETZ    Mr G P Hawthorn
1992    PhD    CNAA, Central England    The “Karnata Dravida” tradition: development of Indian temple architecture in Karnataka 7th to 13th centuries    C A HARDY
1992    PhD    Open    State policy, liberalisation and the development of the Indian software industry    Richard Brendan HEEKS
1992    DPhil    Oxford    Entreprenurial decline and the end of Empire: British business in India, 1919-1949    A-M HISRA
1992    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    Music of Northern Pakistan    C E HUEHNS    Dr R F Davis
1992    PhD    London, SOAS    Female migrants’ adaptation in Dhaka: a case study of the processes of urban socio-economic change    Shahnaz HUQ-HUSSAIN    Dr R W Bradnock
1992    PhD    Bristol    Hindu Muslim inter group relations in Bangladesh: a cognitive inter group analysis    Mir R ISLAM    Prof M R C Hewstone
1992    MLitt    Cambridge, Christ’s    Medical choice in an urban village: a study of Zamrudpur, Delhi    R JALOTA
1992    MPhil    London, Wye    The economics of tea investments: an assessment of factors influencing the profitability of management and rehabilitation of tea establishments in Sri Lanka    Jayakodi Arachchige Maikanthi JAYAKODY
1992    MPhil    Liverpool    The response of democratic governments to armed resistance: India, Argentina, Peru, Colombia and Northern Ireland    J KARUMBIAH
1992    PhD    Leicester    Plume-lithosphere interaction: petrology of Rajmahal continental flood basalts and associated lamproites, Northeast India    Raymond William KENT
1992    PhD    Nottingham    Housing and landslides: a case study in Murree, Pakistan    Amir Nawaz KHAN    Prof J C Moughtin; Mr S Jalloh
1992    MPhil    Bradford    Investment in human capital in Pakistan    M N KHAN
1992    PhD    Strathclyde    Foreign aid, domestic saving and economic growth in retrospect: the case of Pakistan (1960-1988)    Naheed Zia KHAN    Dr E Rahim
1992    PhD    Strathclyde    Settlement processes and strategy in metropolitan areas: policy options for improvements of slums in Pakistan    Dost-Ali KHOWAJA    A Ramsey
1992    PhD    London, Wye    Irrigation systems management under diversified cropping in Sri Lanka: a multiple objective economic assessment on performance of main-water management    Hemesiri Bandara KOTAGAMA
1992    DPhil    Oxford, St Cath’s    A description of the trade in readers for children by Longmans to British India and by Thomas Nelson to the British West Indies (1900-1939)and an examination of the structure of motifs in the readers’ texts    Wayne Barry KUBLALSINGH    Dr T F Eagleton
1992    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill College    State power and the erosion of colonial authority in Uttar Pradesh, India, 1930-42    G KUDAISYA    Prof D A Low
1992    PhD    Cambridge    The public career of G D Birla, 1911-1947    M Mlf G S KUDAISYA    Prof D A Low
1992    PhD    London, LSE    An anthropological account of Islamic holy men in Bangladesh    Samual Peter LANDELL-MILLS    Dr A A F Gell
1992    PhD    London, LSE    Inequality, poverty and mobility: the experience of a north Indian village    Peter Frederik LANJOUW    Prof N Stern
1992    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    Planning education in small dispersed island states with particular reference to the Maldives    Mohamed  LATHEEF
1992    PhD    London, LSE    The demography of Indian famines: a historical perspective    A MAHARATNA
1992    MPhil    London, King’s    The British in Bihar, 1757-81    Paramita MAHARATNA    Prof P J Marshall
1992    MPhil    London, King’s    The establishment of British rule in Bihar, 1757-1981    Paraamita MAHARATNA    Prof P J Marshall
1992    MPhil    East Anglia    Rural development in Pakistan: role and some effects of public sector    Abrar Ahmad MALIK
1992    DPhil    Sussex    A study of rural poverty in Pakistan with special reference to agricultural price policy    Shahnawaz MALIK    Mr P Chaudhuri
1992    PhD    Liverpool    Prevalence and genetics of resistance of antimicrobial agents in faecal enterobacteriaceae from children in Bangladesh    K Z MAMUM
1992    PhD    Bradford    Foreign joint ventures in Bangladesh: an empirical investigation of joint ventures in a less developed country between foreign multinational countries and local enterpirses: the case of Bangladesh    G S MAOLA    Prof P J Buckley
1992    DPhil    Oxford, St Hilda’s     Entreprenurial decline and the end of the Empire: British business in India, 1919-1949    Anna-Maria MISRA    Dr T Raychaudhuri; Dr D R Tomlinson
1992    PhD    London, Birkbeck    Languages as identity symbols: an investigation into language attitudes and behaviour amongst second-generation South Asian schoolchildren in Britain including the special case of Hindi and Urdu    M C MOBBS
1992    PhD    Cambridge, Gonville       From cattle to cane: the economic and social transformation of a Tarai village, North India    R H MONTGOMERY    Dr C Humphrey
1992    MPhil    Leicester    British newspaper coverage of Pakistan    Ahmad MUKHTAR    P Golding
1992    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    Food Engel curves and equivalence scales in Sri Lanka    M MURTHI
1992    PhD    Glasgow    The institution of cooperation, credit and the process of of development in the Indian and Pakistan Punjabs    K MUSTAFA
1992    PhD    CNAA, Huddersfield    Hindu students in a further education college: an ethnographic enquiry    P OLIVER
1992    DPhil    Oxford , Hertford College    Distress sales and exchange relations in a rural area of Rayalaseema Andhra Pradesh    Wendy K OLSEN    Mrs J U Heyer
1992    PhD    Newcastle    Vulnerability, seasonality and the public distribution system in western India: a micro-level study    E A OUGHTON
1992    PhD    Warwick    Education and community in colonial Jallandhar, 1880-1935    Rajvinder S PAL    Dr D A Washbrook
1992    PhD    London, LSE    Electricity demand and pricing in India, 1947-1986    Kirtida Vimai PARIKH    Dr M S Morgan
1992    PhD    London, Wye    Micropropogation of the Sri Lankan anthurium cultivar “Crinkled Red” (Anthurium andreanum Lind)    Sriyani Edussuriya PEIRIS
1992    MPhil    CNAA, St John’s College, Nottingham    The extended family in spouse selection: a critical study and theological evaluation of the patterns of Christian family life in India (especially in the churches of South India)    P S C POTHAN
1992    PhD    Sheffield    A study of rainfall fluctuations in the homogeneous rainfall regimes in Sri Lanka    M PUVANESWARAN
1992    PhD    Stirling    Studies of filter feeding carps of commerical importance in Bangladesh with particular emphasis on the use of automated counting methods    S RAHMATULLAH
1992    PhD    Strathclyde    Solar radiation assessment in Pakistan    I A RAJA
1992    DPhil    Oxford, Nuffield    Forest policy in the Central Provinces, 1860-1914    Mahesh RANGARAJAN    Dr T Raychaudhuri
1992    DPhil    Oxford, Linacre College    Ecophysiology of natural regeneration of “Abies pindrow” in the moist temperate forest of Pakistan    RAZA-UL-HAQ    Mr F B Thompson; Dr P S Savill
1992    PhD    London, External    Recent Christian-Hindu dialogue with reference to Christology    Robert Arthur ROBINSON
1992    MPhil    Newcastle upon Tyne    Changing the attitudes of staff in a residential setting in India – a case study    N ROTTON
1992    PhD    Cambridge, Fitzwilliam    The effect of regular deworming on the growth, health and nutritional status of pre-school children in Bangladesh    Emily Kate ROUSHAM    Dr C G Mascie-Taylor
1992    PhD    South Bank    Effects of psycho-cultural factors on the socialization of British born Indian and indigenous British children living in England    D SACHDEV
1992    PhD    Birmingham    An ecumenical ecclesiology: an historical and systemaic theological enquiry into the Church of North India    D K SAHU
1992    PhD    Reading    A systems approach to the study of potential production of boro rice in the Haor region of Bangladesh    M U SALAM
1992    PhD    Aberdeen    Farm level approaches to tree growing in agroforestry in Haryana, India    P K SARDANA
1992    DPhil    Oxford, Green    Adoption and rejection of eucalyptus on farms in North-West India    Naresh C SAXENA    Dr B Harriss; Mr J E M Arnold
1992    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Women workers in the Bengal jute industry, 1890-1940: migration, motherhood and militancy    S SEN    Dr R S Chandabarkar
1992    PhD    Cambridge^hTrinity    Literary representation of national identity and the rhetoric of nationalism in Raja Rao’s Kanthapura    R SETHI    Mr T J L Cribb
1992    DPhil    Sussex    The determinants of private consumption and the impact of fiscal policy: a study of Sri Lanka    G A C de SILVIA
1992    PhD    Cambridge, Gonville    A forest policy for Western India: the Dangs, 1800s-1920s    A SKARIA    Prof C A Bayly
1992    MPhil    Birmingham    The encounter between Christianity and Buddhism in Sri Lanka from the perspective of the Lausanne Movement    S F SKUCE
1992    MPhil    Birmingham    The development of Gandhi’s moral and religious philosophy from 1888-1921    G E SMITH
1992    PhD    Leicester    The geology of the roof-zone of the Kohistan Batholith, Northwestern Pakistan    Michael A SULLIVAN
1992    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    The military and the state in colonial Punjab, 1900–1939    T Yong TAN    Prof D A Low
1992    PhD    London, SOAS    Competing identities: the problem of what to wear in late colonial and contemporary India    Emma Josephine TARLO
1992    DPhil    Oxford, St John’s College    Studies in English and European writing on India, 1600-1800    Kate ( Katherine S) TELTSCHER    Prof J Carey; Mr J B Katz
1992    PhD    London, LSE    Health attitudes and personal health care decisions in Bombay, India    Bayjool THAKKER    Dr J E Stockdale
1992    PhD    London, LSE    Personal health care decisions in Bombay, India    B THAKKER
1992    PhD    East Anglia    NGOs and rural development process in India: case studies from Rayalaseema    V UMA
1992    PhD    London, SOAS    The personal pronouns and their related clitics in six Khasi dialects: a grammatical and sociolinguistic study    B WAR
1992    PhD    CNAA, North London    Sir Walter Lawrence and India, 1879-1918    Catherine Mary WILSON    Prof D Judd; Dr P Mercer
1993    PhD    Open    Women’s home-based income generation as a strategy towards poverty survival: dynamics of the “Khannawalli” (mealmaking)activity of Bombay    D ABBOTT    Mr A Thoms
1993    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    The role of communication in the rise of the Islamic movements in the Muslim world with special reference to Egypt, Kuwait, Afghanistan, Pakistan and Turkey    K ABU-ALKHAIR
1993    PhD    Cambridge, Girton    The People’s Party, the National Awami League and the political dynamics of federalism in Pakistan    S J AHMED    Mr G P Hawthorn
1993    PhD    Dundee    E M Forster at home and abroad: British and non-British elements in his fiction    A AL-HOUT
1993    PhD    Reading    Farmer-extension worker interaction and upstream information transfer in the T   V extension system in Bangladesh    Md. Mozahar ALI    Prof M J Rolls
1993    PhD    London, Ext (LSHTM)    Cultural influences on contraceptive behaviour in rural Bangaldesh    A AL-SABIR    J Simons
1993    PhD    Bradford    Agricultural credit for small farmers in Northern Pakistan: an analysis of access and productivity impact    Shehla Nasreen AMJAD    Dr Allan Low; Dr Behrooz Morvaridi
1993    PhD    East Anglia    Women’s experiences of a survival strategy: commoditisation of folk embroidery in Gujarat, India    J B ANDHARIA
1993    PhD    Liverpool    Seaweed resources in Sri Lanka: culture of Gracilaria and intertidal surveys    P ANNESTY JAYASURIYA
1993    PhD    Sheffield    A study of significant historic buildings in Lahore, leading towards the formulation of a national conservation policy for Pakistan    M Y AWAN    A Craven
1993    DPhil    York    The management of ethnic secessionist conflict with special reference to devolution of government: the external dimension and the big neighbour syndrome    Abersinghe BANDARA    Prof A Dunsire; Dr A Leftwich
1993    DPhil    Oxford, Somerville    A study of the Khudai Khidmatgar movement 1930-1947, North West Frontier Province, British India    Mukulika BANERJEE    Prof J Davis
1993    MPhil    Eales, Cardiff    A survey of the Pakistani Muslim community in Cardiff    P G BATEMAN
1993    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    Agrarian reforms and the politics of the Left in West Bengal    D BHATTACHARYYA    Mr G P Hawthorn
1993    PhD    Leeds    Salisbury at the India Office, 1866-67 and 1874-78    Paul R BRUMPTON    Dr E D Steele
1993    PhD    London, SOAS    Contesting the resource: the politics of forest management in colonial Burma    Raymond Leslie BRYANT
1993    PhD    London, UC    The incompatability between the the needs of low-income households and the perceptions and attitudes of architects and planners: a case study of Lahore, Pakistan    Arif Qayyum BUTT
1993    PhD    Kent    Confidence building measures in South Asia    Navnita CHADHA    Prof A J R Groom
1993    DPhil    Oxford    The changing nature of the Indian hill station    A CHATERJI
1993    MLitt    Oxford, St Hilda’s    The changing nature of the Indian Hill Station    Aditi CHATTERJI    Dr D I Scargill
1993    PhD    Keele    Paul Scott’s “Raj Quartet”: historical approaches and Bakhtinian readings    P CHILDS
1993    MPhil    Sheffield    Applicability of the CDS-ISIS package in the automation of University libraries with partciular reference to India    S CHOWDHURY
1993    PhD    London, SOAS    Colonialism and cultural identity: the making of a Hindu discourse, Bengal, 1867-1905    Indira CHOWDHURY-SENGUPTA    Prof D J Arnold
1993    MPhil    London, SOAS    The rhythmic organisation of North Indian classical music: tal, lay and laykari    Martin Richard Lawson CLAYTON
1993    PhD    London, SOAS    From Bhakti to Buddhism: early Dalit literature and ideology    Philip John CONSTABLE    Prof D J Arnold
1993    PhD    London    The relevance and feasibility of community-based production of leaf concentrate as a supplement for pre-school children in Sri Lanka    David Nicholas COX
1993    PhD    Edinburgh    Size isn’t everything: an anthropologist’s view of the cook, the potter, her engineer and his donor in appropriate technology development in Sri Lanka, Kenya and UK    Emma CREWE    Dr A Good; Dr M Noble
1993    PhD    Essex    An empirical study of technical and allocative efficiency of wheat farmers in the Indian village of Palanpur    A CROPPENSTEDT
1993    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Privilege and policy: the indigenous elite and the colonial education system in Ceylon, 1869-1948    Lakshmi K DANIEL    Dr T Raychaudhuri
1993    PhD    REading    Weed ecology studies in Sri Lanka: competition studies with maize, barley and oilseed rape    N P DISSANAYAKER
1993    M.Phil    Edinburgh    A study of the indigenous contribution to Tamil Saiva bhakti    C J EDEN
1993    PhD    Lancaster    Epic naratives inthe Hoysala temples: the Ramayana, Mahabharata and Bhagavata Purana in Halebid, Belur and Amrtapura    Kirsti Kaarina EVANS    Dr David Smith
1993    PhD    CNAA, Brighton Poly    Sport and South Asian male youth    S FLEMING
1993    PhD    Manchester    Intermarriage of Zoroastrian women in bombay    H K FRASER
1993    PhD    Brunel    TV talk in a London Punjabi peer culture    M GILLESPIE
1993    PhD    Keele    Occasions of grace: interpretations of truth in Paul Scott’s “The Raj Quartet”    P A GLOVER
1993    PhD    London, LSE    The multiplicity of agencies promoting the health of refugees, with a case study of the Afghans in Pakistan, 1978-1989    Nancy GODFREY    Prof B Abel-Smith
1993    PhD    Open    The Gujeratis of Bolton: the leaders and the led    K G HAHLO
1993    PhD    Loughborough    Acquiring foreign language materials for Pakistani libraries: a study    Syed Jalaluddin HAIDER    Prof J P Feather
1993    Phil    East Anglia    The implications of tourism for the environment: a Maldives case study    H HAMEED
1993    PhD    London, SOAS    Eurasians in British India, 1773-1833: the making of a reluctant community    Christopher John HAWES    Prof D J Arnold
1993    PhD    Aberdeen    Some aspects of the chemistry and mineralogy of soil magnesium in relation to Camellia growth on Sri Lankan acid tea soils    L HETTIARACHCHI
1993    PhD    Manchester    Management control in public sector enterprises: a case study of budgeting in the jute industry of Bangladesh    A K M Z HOQUE    Prof T Hopper
1993    PhD    Salford    Rural accessibility and agricultural development in Bangladesh    N A HUQ    Dr R D Knowles
1993    PhD    London, LSE    Decentralized resource allocation in primary health care: formal methods and their application in Britain and Pakistan    M ISHFAQ
1993    PhD    Manchester    Transnational corporations and economic development: a study of the Malaysian electronics industry    M N ISMAIL
1993    PhD    Edinburgh    Rice marketing in Pakistan: the case for liberalisation ?    Amanat Ali JALBANI
1993    DPhil    York    Language maintenance and bilingualism in Darbhanga    Shailjanand JHA    Dr C Verma
1993    PhD    Cambridge    Industrial concentration and performance: an empirical study of the structure, conduct and performance of Indian industry (1970-1985)    U S KAMBHAMPATI
1993    PhD    London    A genetic analysis of diabetes mellitus in subjects of Indian origin    Parminder Kaur KAMBO
1993    MPhil    Strathclyde    Famine and poliocy in the Central Provinces of India: the crises of 1896/97 and 1899/1900    Nicalas W KEYS    Dr P S Collins
1993    PhD    Kent    Regional conflict in South Asia: the route to intractability in the Kashmir conflict, 1947-1990    A Robert KHAN    Prof A J R Groom
1993    MPhil    Wales, Bangor    Wood production through agroforestry in Charsadda district, North West Frontier Province, Pakistan    F S KHAN
1993    DPhil    Oxford, St Hilda’s     Indian Muslim perceptions of the West during the 18th century    Gulfishan KHAN    Dr I Malik
1993    PhD    Wales, Bangor    Ex-post cost benefit analysis of village woodlots of Gujarat, India    J A KHAN
1993    PhD    London, External    The history of printing and publishing in Ceylon, with special reference to Sinhalese books, 1737-1912    Egodahettiarachchige Don Tilakapala KULARATNE
1993    MLitt    Cambridge    The security of new states, Pakistan and Singapore: a study in contrast and compulsion    A UL I LATIF
1993    MLitt    Glasgow    The imperial eye: perceptions in British photography (1850-1870)of India and the Near East    Alison J LINDSAY    Dr C A Wilson
1993    DPhil    Oxford, Somerville    The role of culture in India’s international relations    V MANI
1993    PhD    London, SOAS    Caring women: power and ritual in Gujerati households in East London    Merryle Ann McDONALD    Dr N Lindisfarne
1993    PhD    Cambridge    Governance and resistance in north Indian towns, c.1860-1900    Patrick M McGINN    Prof C A Bayly
1993    PhD    City    Gamaka and Alamkara: concepts of vocal ornamentation with reference to Bara Khayal    S M McINTOCH
1993    PhD    Aston    Management role in employee participation: a comparative study of multination enterprisei n India and the UK    Santrupt MISRA    Dr R Lumley
1993    PhD    Aston    Management role in employee participation: a comparative study of multinational enterprises in India and the UK    Santrupt MISRA    Dr R Lumley
1993    PhD    London, LSE    Inside and outside: conceptual continuities from household to region in Kumaon, North India    Joanne MOLLER    Dr C Fuller
1993    MPhil    Loughborough    Performance of concrete buried pipe distribution systems of surface irrigation under farm manager’s management in Tangail, Bangladesh    Mohammed Abdul Karim MRIDHA    Mr I K Smout
1993    PhD    London, Wye    The economic evaluation of agricultural research in Sri Lanka    Jeyaluxmy NADARAJAH
1993    PhD    Cambridge, St Edmund’s    Co-option and control: the role of the colonial army in India, 1918-47    Namrata NARAIN    Dr R S Chandavarkar
1993    PhD    London, LSE    Kinship, marriage and womanhood among the Nakarattars of South India    Yuko NISHIMURA    Dr C Fuller
1993    PhD    Guildhall    The determinants of direct overseas investment from Singapore    Samual Bassey OKPOSEN    M Cowen
1993    PhD    Hull    British policy and Chinese policy in Malaya, 1942-1955    HAK CHING OONG    C J Christie
1993    PhD    London, LSE    Making hierarchy natural: the cultural construction of gender and maturity in Kerala, India    Caroline OSELLA    Dr C Fuller; Dr J P Parry
1993    PhD    London, LSE    Caste, class, power and social mobility in Kerala, India    Filippo OSELLA    Dr C Fuller; Dr J P Parry
1993    DPhil    Oxford, Christ Church    The confusions of an imperialist inheritance: the Labour Party and the Indian problem, 1940-1947    Nicholas J OWEN    Dr J G Darwin
1993    DPhil    York    Imperialism, insularity and identity: the novels of Paul Scott    G Martin PATERSON    Mr Landig White
1993    PhD    London, UC    Effects of land use policies on land prices in middle income housing, Hyderabad, India    Padmavathi PERVAR
1993    PhD    London, UC    Sir Leonard Rogers F.R.S. (1868-1962): tropical medicine in the Indian Medical Service    Helen Joy POWER    Prof WF Bynum
1993    DPhil    Oxford, Campion Hall    Satnamis: the changing status of a scheduled caste in Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradash    Gnana PRAKASAM    Dr N J Allen
1993    MPhil    Wales, Aberystwyth    The career of Robert, first  baron Clive (1725-1764) with special reference to his administrative and political career    David Livett PRIOR    Prof P D G Thomas
1993    PhD    London, QMW    Belonging and not belonging: understanding India in novels by Paul Scott, Ruth Prawer Jhabvala and V S Naipaul    Janet Mariana PUGH
1993    PhD    Newcastle upon Tyne    Coping strategies of domestic workers: a study of three settlements in Delhi metropolitan region, India    P RAGHURAM    Dr J D Jones
1993    MPhil    Leicester    Conceptions of health and health care among two generations of Gujerati-speaking Hindu women in Leicester    V RAJA
1993    PhD    London, LSE    The political economy of agrarian policies in Kerala: a study of state intervention in agricultural commodity markets with particular reference to dairy pmarkets    Velayudhan RAJAGOPALAN    Prof T J Nossiter
1993    PhD    Hull    Religion, politics and the secular state in India after independence    C S RANGANATHAN
1993    PhD    London, LSE    Construction of female gender in rural north India    Deborah Edith RUTTER    Dr J P Parry
1993    MPhil    Newcastle-upon-Tyne    Modelling growth of rainfed and irrigated sugarcane in the dryzone of Sri Lanka    K SANMUGANATHAN
1993    PhD    Hull    Tribes, politics and social change in India: a case study iof the Mullukurumbas of the Nilgiri Hills    S SATHIANATHAN
1993    PhD    Keele    The sources and supply of basic foods in Dhaka City    Sayeed SAYEED
1993    PhD    London, SOAS    Pollution theory and Harijan strategies among south Indian Tamils    Yasumasa SEKINE
1993    PhD    London, Inst Comm    The linkages between Pakistan’s domestic policies and its foreign policy, 1971-1991    Mehtab-Ali SHAH    Dr P H Lyon
1993    PhD    UEA    Various approaches to the measurement of inefficiency in Pakistani agriculture: an empirical investigation    M K SHAR
1993    PhD    London, SOAS    Consumer protection law in India: a socio-legal study    Gurjeet SINGH
1993    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    Quarternary alluvial sedimentology in Bihar, India    Rajeev SINHA    Dr P F Friend
1993    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    On religion and renunciation: the case of the Raikas of western Rajahastan    Vinay Kumar SRIVASTAVA    Dr C Humphrey
1993    PhD    Leicester    The empire aggrandized, a study in commemorative portrait statuary exported from Britain to her colonies in South Asia, 1800-1939    M A STEGGIES
1993    MPhil    Warwick    South Asians and employment in Great Britain with particular reference to agriculture    R H G SUGGETT
1993    OhD    London, SOAS    Peasant agriculture and tenancy in Orissa (India): a study of three villages at different levels of development, with special reference to share tenancy    M SWAIN
1993    PhD    Warwick    The politics of homeland: a study of ethnic linkages and political mobilisation amongst Sikhs in Britain and North America    D S TALLA
1993    PhD    Edinburgh    Lakshmi in the market place: traders and farmers in a north Indian market    M S TOMAR    Dr P M Jeffrey; Dr R Jeffrey
1993    PhD    Hull    Nagas in the museum: an anthropological study of the material cculture of the Hill People of the Assam-Burnma border    Andrew OChristopher WEST    Mr L G Hill
1993    PhD    London, SOAS    The politics of moderation: Britain and the Indian Liberal Party, 1917-1923    Philip Graham WOODS    Prof D J Arnold
1993    PhD    Leeds    Afghanistan in the defence of India, 1903-1915    Christopher Mark WYATT    Dr K M Wilson
1993    PhD    Exeter    The correlates of contraceptive and fertility behaviour withon the framework of sociocultural ideology: a case study of two urban centres of Pakistan    M I ZAFAR
1994    PhD    Glasgow    The non-compliant behaviour of the small states of South Asia: Nepal and Bangladesh in relation to India    S AFROZE
1994    MPhil    Lancaster    The status of women and fertility: a case study of Pakistani women in Rochdale     Salma AHMAD    Dr Suzette Heald; Dr Sarah Franklin
1994    PhD    London, UC    The hydrogeology of the Dupi Tila sands acquifer of the Barind tract, NA Bangladesh    Kazi Matin Uddin AHMED    Dr W G Burgess
1994    PhD    Cambridge, Wolfson    Behavioural ecology of the Hoolock gibbon (Hylobates Hoolock)in Bangladesh    M F AHSAN    Dr D J Chivers
1994    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    Violence and the state in the partition of Punjab, 1947-48    Swarna AIYAR    Prof D A Low
1994    PhD    Manchester    Taxation and economic development in Bangladesh with special reference to indirect taxation    Sofia H J ALI    Ms W Olsen
1994    PhD    Salford    Environmental assessment for wetlands management in Sri Lanka    M D AMARASINGHE
1994    PhD    Cambridge, Fitzwilliam    Residential land price changes in selected peripheral colonies of Lucknow City, India, 1970-1990    F AMITABH    Dr S E Corbridge
1994    PhD    Cranfield, Silsoe    Mechanisation of grain harvesting in Pakistan    Nadeem AMJAD
1994    PhD    London, SOAS    Women’s consciousness and assertion in colonial India: gender, social reform and politics in Maharashtra, c.1870-c.1920    P ANAGOL-McGINN
1994    PhD    London, SOAS    Women’s consciousness and assertion in colonial India: gender, social reform and politics in Maharashtra, c.1870-1920    Padma ANAGOL-McGINNnagol    Prof D J Arnold
1994    PhD    Strathclyde    Tourism in developing countries: a case study of Pakistan    M I ANWAR
1994    PhD    Bradford    The understanding of truth and the human person in Gandhi’s thought    C ARBER
1994    PhD    Leicester    Mineralogy, geochemistry and stable isotope studies of the ultramafic rocks from the Swat Valley ophiolite, North Western Pakistan: implications for the genesis of emerald and nickeliferous opaque phases    Mohammad ARIF
1994    PhD    Edinburgh    The understanding of pastoral care and counselling in the Church of South India, with special reference to the work of the Christian Counselling Centre, Velore    Nalini ARLES    Prof A F Walls; Dr D Lyall
1994    PhD    Birmingham    Bangladeshi community organisations in East London: a case study analysis    M A ASGHAR
1994    PhD    London, SOAS    Naqshbandi Sufis in a western setting    A T ATAY
1994    PhD    London, LSHTM    Cost effectiveness of anti-malaria activities in Sri Lanka    A M G G N K ATTANAYAKE
1994    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Is education beneficial ? A microeconomic analysis of the impact of education on the economic welfare of a developing country, Sri Lanka    D H C ATURUPANE    Dr P B Seabright
1994    PhD    Leicester    The Koga feldspathoidal syenite, North Western Pakistan: mineralogy and industrial applications    Iftikar Hussain BALOCH
1994    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    Workers’ politics in Bengal, 1890-1929: mill-towns, strikes and nationalist agitations    Subho BASU    Dr R S Chandavarkar
1994    BLitt    Oxford, Lady Margaret    The famine of 1899-1900 and the government of India    M BHABA
1994    PhD    Essex    A comparative sociolinguistic study of urban and rural Sindhi    M Q BUGHIO
1994    PhD    Southampton    India, Sri Lanka and the Tamil crisis, 1976-1990    A J BULLION
1994    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    Fluvial landforms and sediments in the North-Central Gangetic plain, India    S CHANDRA    Dr K S Richards
1994    PhD    London, LSE    Legislators in India: a comparison of MLAs in five states    Virender Kumar CHOPRA    Prof T J Nossiter
1994    PhD    London, King’s    The development of Singapore land law as influenced by English and Australian law    Panicker Alice CHRISTUDASON
1994    PhD    Cambridge, King’s     Urban texts: an interpretation of the architectural, textual and artefactual records of a Sri Lankan early historic city    R A E CONINGHAM    Dr F R Allchin
1994    PhD    Kent    Indias of the mind: the construction of post-colonial identity in Salman Rushdie’s fiction    C P CUNDY
1994    MLitt    Bristol    British Baptist missionary activity in Orissa, 1822-1914    P K DAS
1994    PhD    Cambridge, St Cath’s     The making of a Jat identity in the Southeast Punjab circa 1880-1936    Monica DATTA    Prof C A Bayly
1994    MPhil    Wales, Cardiff    An evaluation of the attractiveness to Apia cerana F. of the honeybee flora growing in the Dhaka region of Bangladesh and the socio-economic value of these plants to the local community    R J DAY
1994    DPhil    Oxford, New    Indian industry 1950-1990: growth, demand and productivity    Ranu DAYAL
1994    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    Technical change and efficiency in Sri Lanka’s manufacturing sector    Sonali D P DERANIYAGALA    Mrs F J Stewart
1994    PhD    Edinburgh    Energy resources and the role of mini and micro hydro power in Northern India    Alison DOIG
1994    PhD    London, Wye    Reaching the poor ? The identification and assessment of rural poverty by a non-governmental organisation (NGO)in Gujerat, India    Talib Baahadurail Karmali ESMAIL
1994    PhD    London, LSE    Defence industrialization in the NICs: case studies from Brazil and India    Carol Vervain EVANS
1994    PhD    London    Dying: death and bereavement in a British Hindu community    Shirley Jean FIRTH
1994    MPhil    Bristol    Pakistan: a power in central Asia     N GHUFRAN    Dr V Hewitt
1994    PhD    Hull    Construction of the European Union: implications for the developing countries: case study of India    D K GIRI
1994    PhD    London    Sufism and its development inthe Panjab    Shuja Ul HAQ
1994    PhD    Aberdeen    Export performance and marketing strategy for Malaysian palm oil    A HASHIM
1994    PhD    Bradford    Microenterprises in Pakistan: an efficiency and performance analysis of manufacturing microenterprises in North West Frontier Province, Pakistan    Syed Amjad Farid HASNU    Mr Michael Yaffey
1994    PhD    Birmingham    The quest of Ajneya: a theological appraisal of the search for meaning in his three Hindi novels    R H HOOKER
1994    PhD    Newcastle    Mechanisation of wheat production in Bangladesh based on a growth modelling approach    A H M S HOSSAIN
1994    PhD    Newcastle    Some factors affecting the performance of draught buffaloes in wetland rice cultivation in Sri Lanka    S M HULANGAMUWA
1994    PhD    Edinburgh    The scented garden in Deccani Muslim literature    S A A HUSAIN
1994    PhD    Durham    Rural-urban integration in Bangladesh: a study of linkages between villages and small urban centres    M N ISLAM    Dr P J Atkins
1994    PhD    Nottingham    Standards of safety in the underground coal mining industry of Pakistan    K G JADOON
1994    PhD    Bradford    Trade liberalization and performance: the impact of trade reform on manufacturing sector performance: Sri Lanka, 1977-89    Kangesu JAYANTHAKUMARAN    Prof C Kirkpatrick; Mr Michael Yaffey
1994    PhD    Reading    Changing patterns ofinformal and formal finance in a Rajasthan village    J Howard M JONES    Mr A Harrison
1994    PhD    London, SOAS    Polygamy and purdah in the royal households of Rajastan – 13th-19th centuries    Varsha JOSHI    Prof D J Arnold
1994    MPhil    Oxford, St Cath’s    Sustainability of public debt: an application to India    Alka KACKER    Dr E V K Fitzgerald
1994    PhD    Reading    Comparison of extension provision for the smallholder and estate tea sectors in Sri Lanka    H R K K KARUNADASA    Dr C J Garforth
1994    PhD    Glasgow    Factor price distortions, underutilisation of capacity and employment in the large-scale manufacturing sector of Pakistan    R KAUSER
1994    PhD    London, SOAS    Missionaries: the Hindu state and British paramountcy in Travancore and Cochin, 1858-1936    Koji KAWASHIMA    Prof D J Arnold
1994    MPhil    Strathclyde    Famine and famine policy in the central provinces of India: the crises of 1896-7 and 1899-1900    N W KEYS
1994    PhD    Wales, Lampeter    Indian Muslims in the political process    O KHALIDI
1994    PhD    Strathclyde    Poverty, uneven development, urbanisation and economic planning policies in Pakistan: a case study of Peshawar, North West Frontier Province    Assmatullah KHAN    Prof U Wannop
1994    PhD    Strathclyde    Interlinkages between land-lease and credit markets: impact on the introduction of modern technology in the North West Frontier Province (Pakistan)    H KHAN
1994    PhD    Lancaster    Saiva priests of Tamil Nadu    G LAZAR
1994    PhD    London    Fertility transition in Malaysia: an analysis by state and ethnic group    R LEETE
1994    PhD    London, Inst Ed    A comparative study of educational disadvantage in India within the Anglo-Indian community: a historical and contemporary analysis    Antoinette Iris Grace LOBO    Mr C Jones
1994    PhD    London, SOAS    The transformation of colonial perceptions into legal norms: legislating for crime and punishment in Bengal, 1790s to 1820s    Shahdeen MALIK
1994    PhD    Central England    Housing finance in developing countries: a case study of Lahore, Pakistan    T H MALIK
1994    PhD    Open    Thermal comfort for urban housing in Bangladesh    F H MALLICK
1994    PhD    London, Bedford    Consciousness and the actors: a re-assessment of Western and Indian approaches to the actor’s emotional involvement from the perspective of Vedic psychology    Daniel MEYER-DINKGRAFE
1994    DPhil    Sussex    The comprehensive crop insurance scheme in India, 1985-1991: a study of its working with special reference to Gujerat    Pramod K MISHRA    Prof M Lipton
1994    PhD    London, SOAS    From patriarchy to gender equity: family law and its impact on women in Bangladesh    Taslima MONSOOR
1994    DPhil    Sussex    Re-reading the Raj: narrative and power in British fictions of India    P G MOREY
1994    PhD    Reading    An effective communication model for the acceptance of new agricultural technology by farmers in the Punjab, Pakistan    Sher MUHAMMAD    Dr C J Garforth
1994    DPhil    Sussex    Brother, there are only two Jatis – men and women: the construction of gender identity, women, the state and personal laws in India    M MUKHOPADHYAY
1994    PhD    London, LSHTM    Visceral leishmaniasis vectors in Pakistan    Mohammad Arif MUNIR
1994    PhD    Leeds    Ramayana and Mahabharata: contemporary theatrical experiments in English with Indic oral traditions of storytelling    V NAIDU
1994    PhD    Durham    Rural-urban interaction in Bangladesh: a study of linkages between villagers and small urban centres    M N I NAZERN
1994    PhD    Queen’s, Belfast    Rukmini Devi and the Bharata Natyam – the revival of classical dance in India    K OHTANI
1994    PhD    London, SOAS    Bauls of West Bengal: with special reference to Raj Khyapa and his followers    Jeanne OPENSHAW    Dr A Cantlie
1994    DPhil     Sussex    Agrarian structure, new technology and labour absorption in Indian agriculture: an empirical investigation of Gujerat    Kirankumar Manubhai PANDYA
1994    PhD    London    Gender, discipleship and charismatic authority in the Rajneesh movement    Marie Elizabeth PUTTICK
1994    PhD    Durham    Social change and fertility transition in Sri Lanka    P PUVANARAJAN    Prof J I Clarke; Mr A R Townsend
1994    PhD    London, LSHTM    Epidemiology of visceral leishmaniasis in northern areas of Pakistan with particular reference to the reservoir(s)    Mohammed Abdur RAB
1994    PhD    Brunel    Management education and development strategies in Bangladesh    A S M M RAHMAN
1994    PhD    Wales, Swansea    Decentralisation and rural society in Bangladesh: a study of bureaucratic restraints on access in the UPAZILA structure     Mohammed Halibur RAHMAN    Dr C Gerry
1994    DPhil    Oxford, Worcester    India and the north-south politics of global environmental issues: the case of ozone depletion, climate change and loss of biodiversity    Mukund G RAJAN    Dr A J Hurrell
1994    PhD    Kent    Causal factors and transmission mechanisms of inflationary impulses in Sri Lanka, 1970-1989    Purnima RAJAPAKSE    Prof Thirlwall
1994    MPhil    London, SOAS    Remembering Burma: Tamil migrants and memories    Audrey Beatrice Stephanie RAMAMURTHY    Dr N Lindisfarne
1994    PhD    Reading    The analysis of farmer information systems for feeding dairy cattle in two villages of Kerala State, India    S N RAMKUMAR
1994    PhD    City    Perception-production in relation to fronting of velars in Hindi and Marati speaking children    M E RAO
1994    PhD    London, UC    Socio-economic status, channels of recruitment and the rural to urban migration of labour: a case study of the squatter settlements of Delhi, India    Himmat Singh RATNOO
1994    PhD    London, UC    Haemoglobin disorders among the tribal population of Madhya Pradesh, India    P H REDDY
1994    PhD    Cambridge, Sidney    Mohajir subnationalism and the Mohajir Qaumi Movement in Sindh Province, Pakistan    J J RICHARDS    Dr S Corbridge
1994    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Conversion and catholicism in Southern Goa, India    R T ROBINSON    Dr C Humphrey
1994    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Rural labour arrangements in West Bengal, India    Benjamin N ROGALY    Dr B Harriss
1994    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    The politics of fiscal policy: some reflections on fiscal policy and state intervention in developing economies with special reference to India    R ROY
1994    PhD    Reading    The taxonomy and ecology of the genus Licuala (Palmae)in Malaya    L G SAW
1994    PhD    Cambridge, Clare Hall    Politics in Orissa, 1900-1956: regional identity and popular movements    Jayanta SENGUPTA    Dr R S Chandavarkar
1994    MPhil    Newcastle    Public participation in the Malaysian structure plan system practice, response and impact studies    K SHAMSUDIN
1994    PhD    Aberdeen    Attitudes of tribal people towards social forestry with reference to Madhya Pradesh, India    A SHUKLA
1994    PhD    Manchester    Decentralisation, participation and rural development in Bangladesh: an analysis pf the Upazila system    N A SIDDIQUEE    Dr D Hulme
1994    PhD    Bradford    The political economy of agricultural change in India    Kalim U SIDDIQUI    Dr Carolyn Dennis; Dr Behrooz Morvaridi
1994    PhD    Leicester    Electoral campaigns and the media: the coverage of India’s 1991 general election in the Indian and the British press    Balwinder SINGH    Ms O Linne
1994    DPhil    York    Case and agreement in Hindi: a GB approach    Joga SINGH    Mr M K Verma
1994    PhD    Manchester    Historical relations: representing collective identities. Small group portraiture in eighteenth-century England, British India and America    K S STANWORTH
1994    PhD    London, SOAS    The symbolic construction of the Sri Lankan Hindu Tamil community in Britain    D A TAYLOR
1994    PhD    Leeds    The development of the Bangladesh jute industry since 1971    F TERKELSEN
1994    PhD    Reading    Exploring media non-professionals’ participation in access television: towards a participatory production model for development broadcasting in India    Korula VARGHESE    Dr P Norrish
1994    PhD    London, Goldsmiths’    What the neighbours say: gender and power in two low-income settlemets in Madras    Penny VERA-SANSO    Prof P Caplan
1994    PhD    Queen’s, Belfast    Creation in Santal tribal religion and Christian faith: a study in comparative religion    W WALKER
1994    PhD    Manchester    Growth and adjustment after trade liberalisation: Sri Lanka, 1977-1992    D N WEERAKOON
1994    PhD    London, UC    The management of official records in Sri Lanka and its impact on public administration    Sarath Sisira Kumara WICKRAMANAYAKA
1994    PhD    REading    The solubility of rice straw silica and its use as a silicon source in paddy cultivation    D E WICKRAMASINGHE
1994    PhD    London    Effect of climatic factors on the growth of tea (“Camellia sinensis”)in the low country wet zone of Sri Lanka    Madawala Arachchillage WIJERATNE
1994    PhD    Leeds    Young British Hindu women’s interpretation of the images of womenhood in Hinduism    S M WILKINSON
1994    PhD    Bradford    Interlocking directorates in Hong Kong business organizations: a longitudinal study of their changing patterns    G Y-Y WONG
1994    PhD    London, SOAS    Mission-conversion-dialogue: the process of Christianization of the Richi in south-West Bangladesh    Cosimo ZENE    Dr A Cantlie
1995    PhD    London, King’s    The implications of the Falklands War for the defence of India’s island territories    Biju ABRAHAM    Prof G Till
1995    PhD    Exeter    An investigation into programme factors and providers and providers’ perceptions of family welfare centres in Faisalabad district of Pakistan    A AHMAD
1995    PhD    Exeter    An initiative into programme factors and providers’ perceptions at family welfare centres in Faisalbad district of Pakistan    Ashfaq AHMED
1995    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    Aspects of influence over accounting and accounting for currency devaluation in Bangladesh    J AHMED
1995    PhD    Birmingham    Social relations and migration: a study of post-war migration with particular reference to migration from Bangladesh to Britain    F ALAM
1995    PhD    Hull    Keralites in Abu Dhabi: a study of skilled and unskilled Keralite migrant workers in the city of Abu Dhabi    S A S ALKOBAISI
1995    PhD    Reading    The effect of a prolonged release formulation of bovine somatotropin (sometribove)on milk production of Bos Taurus and dairy crossbred cows in Malaysia    A AZIZAN
1995    PhD    Stirling    Scholarly publishing in Malaysia: a study of marketing environment and influences on readership behaviour    Firdaus Ahmad AZZAM
1995    PhD    Strathclyde    The role of the private sector in the provision of sites and services schemes for low income groups: a case study of Lahore, Pakistan    Ihsan-Ullah BAJWA    P Green
1995    PhD    Open    Crustal evolution and metamorphism in the high-grade terrain of South India    J M BARTLETT
1995    PhD    Lancaster    A study of continuity within the Ramakrishna Math and Mission with reference to the practice of seva, service to humanity    G T BECKERLEGGE
1995    MPhil    Wales    Population planning and its effect upon the development of agricultural policies in India since 1947    Austin BICKERS
1995    PhD    London, SOAS    An Indian cloth painting and its art worlds: perceptions of Orissan “patta” paintings    Helle BUNDGAARD    Dr C Pinney
1995    PhD    London, LSE    Gender, exchange and person in a fishing community in Kerala, South India    Cecilia Jane BUSBY    Dr Henrietta Moore
1995    PhD    Cambridge, Clare Hall    Britain, India and the genesis of the Colombo Plan, 1945-51    Philip J CHARRIER    Prof D A Low
1995    MPhil    Warwick    Such a long journey: the Anglo-Indian literary tradition: a study in duality    Mithu CHATTOPADHYAY
1995    DPhil    Oxford, Somerville    Orientalist themes and English verse in nineteenth century India    Rosinka CHAUDHURI    Dr R Young
1995    MPhil    London, King’s College    So peculiarly formed a corps: the beginnings of Gorkha service with the British     A P (Jim) COLEMAN    Prof B J Bond
1995    PhD    London    The elites of the Maldives: sociopolitical organisation and change    Elizabeth Overton COLTON
1995    PhD    Cambridge, Gonville      Origins, development and organisation of national Antarctic programmes with special reference to the United Kingdom and India    A DEY-NUTTALL
1995    PhD    London    The control of Callosobruchus maculatus (Fab.)in cowpeas in Sri Lanka: effect of varietal resistance, conventional insecticides and locally available bontanicals    C M D DHARMASENA
1995    PhD    London, SOAS    The Gujerati lyrics of Kavi Dayarambhai    R M J DWYER
1995    PhD    Edinburgh    Community health care the NGO way: an anthropological study of a maternal-child health and family planning programme in rural Bangladesh    R V EBDON    Dr A Good; Dr M C Jedrej
1995    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    Co-option and exclusion: a study of Indian MPs    Paul C R FLATHER    Dr A F Heath
1995    PhD    Strathclyde    Solar based technology for crop drying in rural Pakistan    Mohammad GHAFFAR    Dr G Zawdie
1995    PhD    Cambridge, St Edmund’s    The enforcement of the zini ordinance by the Federal Shariat Court in the period 1980-1990 and its impact on women    E GIUNCHI    Dr B F Musallam
1995    PhD    London, SOAS    Popular resistance to Zamindari oppression in the Eastern Uttar Pradesh, Northern India, 1920-1960    Kusum GOPAL    Prof D J Arnold
1995    PhD    London, SOAS    Geology in India, 1770-1851: a study in the methods and motivations of a colonial science    Andrew GROUT    Dr P G Robb
1995    PhD    London    Carbon dioxide abatement in an empirical model of the Indian economy: an integration of micro and macro analysis    S GUPTA
1995    DPhil    Oxford    The Kishangarh school of painting, c 1680-1850    N N HAIDAR
1995    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    The implications of resettlement on Vasava identity: a study of a community displaced by the Sardar Sarovar (Narmada)Dam project    R P HAKIM    Mr G P Hawthorn
1995    PhD    Keele    Dimensions and types of Malay family interaction in Malaysia: a humanistic approach    L M H HARUN
1995    PhD    London, LSE    Management practices and business development in Pakistan, 1950-1988    Naveed HASAN    Dr G M Austin
1995    PhD    London, Wye    Factors influencing post-harvest longevity of embul bananas    K S HEWAGE
1995    PhD    Durham    Singapore’s experience in ASEAN: the nature of trade and inward investment    M A HILEY    Dr R J A Wilson
1995    PhD    East London    Women’s right to divorce in rural Bangladesh    Naima HUQ    Mr J Roche; Dr J Cooper; Dr J Eade
1995    MPhil    Wales, Lampeter    Resistance, reformation and rejection: modernity and tradition in ninteenth century Hinduism    S B JACOBS
1995    PhD    London, LSHTM    Gynaecological and mental health of low-income urban women in India    Surinda Kaur Parmar JASWAL
1995    PhD    Edinburgh    Estate Tamil: a morphosyntactic study    Nagita KADRURGAMUWE
1995    PhD    Leeds    Provision of corporate financial information in Bangladesh    A K M Waresul KARIM    Prof P Moizer; Ms H Short
1995    PhD    East London    Changing responses to child labour: the case of female children in the Bangladesh garment industry    Sumaiya KHAIR    Dr H Lim; Prof M Freeman
1995    PhD    London, Imperial    Inclincations towards enterprise – a typology of poor, enterprising and non-enterprising women in India    U E KRAUS-HARPER
1995    PhD    London, SOAS    Metropolitan encounters: a study of Indian students in Britain, 1880-1930    Shompa LAHIRI    Dr P G Robb
1995    PhD    Exeter    How to measure default risk: an empirical study on India’s operations in the loan and bond markets    Geeta LAKSHMI    Mr J Matatko; B Pearson
1995    DPhil    Oxford, Nuffield    Financial development, economic growth and the effect of financial innovation on the demand for money in an open economy: an econometric analysis for Singapore    Lamin LEIGH    Dr J Muellbauer; Prof D F Hendry
1995    PhD    Kent    Structured dependency: lone mothers and social security in Hong Kong    L C LEUNG
1995    PhD    London, RHBNC    Sufism, sufi leadership and modernisation in South Asia since c.1800    Claudia LIEBESKIND    Prof F R C Robinson
1995    PhD    Wales, Swansea    Planning for the participation of vulnerable groups in communal management of forest resources: the case of the Western Ghats forestry projects    Catherine LOCKE    Prof Alan Rew
1995    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    Aspects of urban design with special reference to image and identity in built form – case study of Kuala Lumpur    B S MAHBOB
1995    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Pakistan’s foreign policy, 1971-1981: the search for security    Niloufer Q MAHDI    Dr G Rizvi
1995    DPhil    Oxford, St Peter’s     Impact of highland-lowland interaction on agriculture in the Hunza Valley: the socio-economic transformation of mountain societies    Arif MAHMUD    Prof G C K Peach
1995    DPhil    Oxford, Oriel    Contractual arrangements in Pakistani agriculture : a study of share tenancy in Sindh    Nomaan MAJID    Dr B Harriss
1995    MD    Manchester    Maternal and environmental factors and the development of Pakistani children (6-18 months)    S MAQBOOL
1995    PhD    Nottingham    Resource partitioning and productivity of perennial pigeonpea/groundnut agroforestry systems in India    F M MARSHALL
1995    PhD    Essex    Social factors shaping fertility behaviour in Pakistan    Rukhsana MASOOD    Dr Joan Busfield; Mr? Sullivan
1995    PhD    Kent    Toward an integral ecotheology relevant for India    MATHEW
1995    PhD    Edinburgh    Alexander Duff and the theological and philosophical background to the General Assembly’s mission in Calcutta to 1840    Ian Douglas MAXWELL    Prof A F Walls; Dr A C Ross
1995    PhD    London, SOAS    Tibet and the British Raj, 1904-47: the influence of the Indian political department officers    Alexander Colin McKAY    Dr P G Robb
1995    PhD    Cambridge, New Hall    The politics of nationalism: the cast of the Chittagong Hill Tracts, Bangladesh    A A MOHSIN    Mr G P Hawthorn
1995    PhD    Leicester    Media, state and political violence: the press construction of terrorism in the Indian Pubjab    Vipul MUDGAL    Anders Hansen
1995    PhD    Leicester    Media, state and political violence: the press construction of terrorism in the Indian Punjab    Vipul MUDGAL
1995    PhD    Manchester    An analysis of factors affecting farmers’ participation in two rice irrigation schemes in Sri Lanka    S H MUDIYANSELAGE
1995    PhD    Edinburgh    Evolution of the early Himalayan Foreland Basin in North West India and its relationship to orogenesis    Y M R NAJMAN
1995    PhD    Lancaster    The Mills and Boon memsahibs: women’s romantic Indian fiction, 1877-1947    Dominic OMISSI    Prof J M MacKenzie
1995    PhD    Surrey    Consumption, fiscal policy and endogenous growth: the case of India    I PATNAIK
1995    PhD    Durham    A theological reappraisal of the mission of the Christian church in Tamilnadu in the light of the challenge presented by the Dravida Kazhagam Movement (a secular humanistic)movement    R PAULRAJ
1995    PhD    Bradford    A cointegration analysis of money demand in a developing country: a case study of Pakistan    A QAYYUM
1995    PhD    Edinburgh    A comparative study of native and Pakistani geology research articles    Mujib RAHMAN
1995    PhD    Newcastle    Eco-engineering prtactices in Malaysia    N RAHMAN
1995    PhD    Edinburgh    Activating vs. resetting functional categories in second language acquisition: the acquisition of AGR and TNS in English by Sinhalese first language speakers    Hemamala Vajira RATWATTE
1995    PhD    Edinburgh    George Orwell, the BBC and India: a critical study    Abha S RODRIGUES    Mr G D Carnell; Dr R C Craig
1995    PhD    London, LSE    Socio-cultural changes in an Indian peasant society    Arild Engelsen RUUD    Dr J Harries
1995    PhD    London, UC    Public transport in Kuala Lumpur: a model based approach    A F SADULLAH
1995    MPhil    Loughborough    The macroeconomic impact of foreign capital inflows: a case study of Pakistan    T SAEED
1995    PhD    Strathclyde    The lessons from privatization experience for privatization in Pakistan: from public sector enterprises to monopolistic utilities    Mushtaq A SAJID
1995    PhD    Leicester    Mineralogy, geochemistry and possible industrial applications of illite-smectite rich clays from Karak, Northwestern Pakistan    Akhtar Ali SALEEMI
1995    PhD    Stirling    Small enterprise development in Bangladesh: a study of the nature and effectiveness of support services    J H SARDER
1995    PhD    Cambridge    Histological techniques for estimating age at death from human bone:an Indian case study    A SAXENA
1995    MPhil    Newcastle    An analysis of prices and marketing margins for potatoes and onions in Pakistan    S SHAH
1995    MPhil    Leeds    The development of an environmentally sensitive information system in the water industry in Bangladesh    Mohammad Taslim Uddin SHARIF    Prof T Moizer
1995    PhD    Open    A comparative study of Milton Keynes (UK)and Islamabad (Pakistan)    M I H SIDDIQI    Mr R Thomas; Mr J B Harison
1995    PhD    Newcastle    The reproductive biology and histology of three species of sceractinian corals from the Republic of Maldives, India Ocean    C J SIER
1995    PhD    Wales, Bangor    Economic evaluation of agroforestry, forestry and agriculture projects in Orissa, India: with particular reference to financial profitability and basic needs fulfilment    Jitendra Prasad SINGH    Mr T H Thomas
1995    DPhil    Oxford, Linacre    The impact of migration, environment and economic conditions on the biological growth and physique of Sikhs    Lakhwinder P SINGH    Prof G A Harrison
1995    PhD    London, Inst Ed    Design and standardisation of a developmental test for Indian children: the Indian picture puzzle test    R SINGHANIA
1995    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    The stylistic development of the sculpture of Kashmir    John E C SIUDMAK    Mr G J S Sanderson
1995    MPhil    London, LSE    Auctioning the dreams: economy, community and philanthropy in a North Indian city    Roger Graham SMEDLEY    Dr C Fuller; Dr J P Parry
1995    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    The stylistic development of the sculpture of Kashmir    J E C SUIDMAK
1995    PhD    Lancaster    I see all the gods in your body: a study of religious doctrine in the Mahabharata    N SUTTON
1995    PhD    Sussex    Utilisation of industrial R & D findings in Malaysia: a case study of selected public research institutions, universities and industry    K THIRUCHELVAM
1995    PhD    Middlesex     A regional power : United States policy in the Indian Ocean and the definition of national security, 1978-1980    Paul TODD    T Putnam; Prof F Halliday
1995    PhD    London, LSE    Sacred grove (kaavu): ancestral land of “landless agricultural labourers” in Kerala, India    Yasushi UCHIYAMADA    Dr C Fuller
1995    PhD    East Anglia    Employment and the small enterprise economy in India: an inquiry into its growth and significance for development    Nalini VITTAL
1995    PhD    Edinburgh    Social control and deviance in Edinburgh’s Pakistani community    Abdul Ali WARDAK
1995    MLitt    Aberdeen    From Banff to Bengal and beyond: the list, travel and writings of a remarkable north-east loon: Robert Wilson, M D. (1787-1871)    Thelma G WATT    Prof R Bridges
1995    phD    Edinburgh    Environmental effects on the growth of broad-leaved trees introduced under pine stands in Sri Lanka    N D R WEERAWARDANE
1995    DPhil    Oxford, Magdalen    Manufactured exports, outward-orientation, and the acquisition of technological capabilities in Sri Lanka, 1997-1989    Ganeshan WIGNARAJA    Dr S Lall
1995    PhD    Birmingham    A study of recent conversion to and from Christianity in the Tamil area of South India    A D C WINGATE
1995    PhD    Bradford    The economic impact of temporary migrant workers remittances on the Pakistan economy: estimates from a macro economic model    K U ZAMAN
1996    MLitt    Oxford, Exeter    The women’s movement in Pakistan in the 1980s and 1990s    Nilofer AFRIDI-QAZI    Dr M W Lau
1996    PhD    Leicester    Paleoenvironments, diagenesis and geochemical studies of the Dungan formation (Palaocene)eastern Sulaiman Range, Pakistan    Nazir AHMAD
1996    PhD    Sheffield    A study of changes occurring in valuable aspects ofthe built environment of the core areas of historic settlements in Pakistan    T AHMAD    A Craven
1996    PhD    Open    Approaches to bioclimatic urban design for the tropics with special reference to Dhaka, Bangladesh    K S AHMED
1996    DPhil    Oxford, Linacre    Oral traditions in Ladakh    Monisha AHMED    Dr R Barnes Dr N J Allen
1996    PhD    London, RHBNC    The emergence of Muslim feminism in South Asia, 1920-1960    Azra Asghar ALI    Prof F R C Robinson
1996    MPhil    Liverpool    Molecular epidemiology of human and environmental enterobacteriaceae in rural Bangladesh    K S ANWAR
1996    DPhil    Sussex    The spread of technology and the level of development: a comparative study of steel mills using electric arc furnace technology in India and Britain    S S ATHREYE
1996    PhD    Londond, SOAS    A garland of razors: the life of a traditional musician in contemporary Pakistan    Khalid Manzoor BASRA
1996    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    Bharat versus India: peasant politics and rural-urban relations in North West India    M J R BENTALL    Dr S E Corbridge
1996    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    Four essays on the labour market in India    Sonia R BHALOTRA    Prof S J Nickell
1996    MPhil    York    Women writing India: a study of prose fiction by Ruth Prawer Jhabvala, Nayantara Sahgal and Sashi Deshpanda    Shivani BHARGAVA    Dr Joe Bristow
1996    PhD    London, SOAS    A necessary weapon of war: state policies towards propaganda and information in Eastern India, 1939-1945    Sanjoy BHATTACHARYA    Dr P G Robb
1996    PhD    Birmingham    Rich pickings ? the political economy of solid waste management in Calcutta, India    A BOSE    I C Blore
1996    PhD    Glasgow    Cultural strategies of young women of south Asian origin in Glasgow, with special reference to health    H BRADBY
1996    PhD    Cambridge, Corpus    European authority and caste disputes in South India, 1650-1850    N BRIMNES    Prof C A Bayly
1996    PhD    London, SOAS    Contemporary uses of Vastu Vidya, the traditional Indian knowledge of architecture    Vibhuti CHAKRABARTI    Dr Giles Tillotson
1996    PhD    Strathclyde    Waterlogging and salinity in the Sukkur region of Sindh: causes and remedies    Mohammed Nawaz CHAND    Prof A I Clunies Ross
1996    PhD    London, SOAS    Slavery and the household in Bengal, 1770-1880    Indrani CHATTERJEE    Prof D J Arnold

1996    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    A comparative analysis of centre-local relations in government with special reference to Pakistan and Britain    Ishtiaq Ahmed CHOUDHRY
1996    PhD    Dundee    Audit expectations gap in the public sector of Bangladesh    R R CHOWDHURY
1996    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    Gujjars in Garhwal – parallel lives: situational identity and exchange    B DALAL    Dr C Humphrey
1996    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    The Europeans of Calcutta, 1858-1883    Damayanti DATTA    Prof C A Bayley
1996    MPhil    Reading    The effectiveness of different radio programme formats for the dissemination of information on safe use of insecticides in paddy cultivation in Mahaweli system C in Sri Lanka    N DE SILVA
1996    PhD    Cranfield    Estimating groundwater recharge with limited resources with special emphasis on spatial variability: a study in the dry zone of Sri Lanka    Roshan Priyantha DE SILVA    R C Carter
1996    PhD    London, LSE    Religion and nationalism in India: the case of Punjab, 1960-1990    Harnick DEOL    Prof A Smith
1996    MPhil    London, SOAS    Love and mysticism in the Punjabi Qissas of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries    Jeevan Singh DEOL    Prof C Shackle
1996    PhD    Lancaster    The development of Bhuddist monastic education in Sri Lanka with special reference to the modern period    Naimbala DHAMMADASSI    Prof G Samuel; Dr H Kawanami
1996    PhD    Strathclyde    Solar-based technology for crop drying in Pakistan    M G DOUGGAR
1996    PhD    Lancaster    Touring the Taj: tourist practices and narratives at the Taj Mahal and in Agra    T EDENSOR
1996    PhD    London    Indian music and the west: a critical history    GJ FARRELL
1996    PhD    Hull    Standarisation versus adaptation of marketing strategies: British multinationals in Pakistan    G GHOUS
1996    PhD    Hull    The religious and political thought of Swami Vivekananda    A HARILELA
1996    PhD    Leicester    Cross cultural interpretatioins of television: a phenomenonological hermeneutic enquiry [India]    Ramaswami HARINDRANATH    Mr R Dickinson
1996    PhD    Cambridge, Corpus    Pre-cursors to post-colonialism : Leonard Woolf, E. J. Thompson, and E. M. Forster and the rhetoric of English India    R B P HARRISON    Prof J B Beer
1996    PhD    Wales, Bangor    Farmers’ knowledge and the development of complex agroforestry practices in Sri Lanka    H HITINAYAKE
1996    PhD    Aberdeen    Effects of periodic drought on Acacia magum Willd. and Acacia auriculiformis A.Cunn.ex Benth growing on sand tailings in Malaysia    A L HOE
1996    DPhil    Sussex    Replacing market with government: the Indian experience in credit control    R KOHLI
1996    DPhil    Oxford, Wadham    Indian civil servants, 1892-1937: an age of transition    Takehiko HONDA    Prof J M Brown; Dr M C Curthoys
1996    PhD    London, SOAS    Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain, 1880-1932: the status of Muslim women in Bengal    H Y HOSSAIN
1996    PhD    East London    Born to be wed: Bangladeshi women and the Muslim marriage contract    Shahnaz HUDA    Dr K Green; Ms A Stewart
1996    PhD    Manchester    Social, psychological and economic factors in the growth of a small firm: a study of the small scale furniture and footwear firms in Pakistan    S A HUSSAIN
1996    PhD    Cambridge, Jesus    Fluvial sedimentology of the Kamial Formation (Miocene)Himalayan Foreland, Pakistan    J A HUTT    Dr P F Friend
1996    DPhil    York    Development through conservation: a sustainable development strategy with special reference to a heritage zone in Madras    R V ISIAH
1996    PhD    Reading    Improvement of Erythrina variegata L.: a multipurpose fast growing tree species in Bangladesh    S ISLAM
1996    PhD    East Anglia    Constraints to the adoption of modern rice varieties during the Aman season in Bangladesh    Md Abdul JABBER    Dr Richard Palmer-Jones
1996    PhD    London, UC    Modern agricultural production and the environment: the case of wheat production in the Indian Punjab, 1971-1988    Amballur Jospeh JAMES
1996    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    Agro-ecological knowledges and forest managment in the Jharkhand, India: tribal development or populist impasse ?    S L JEWITT    Dr T P Bayliss-Smit
1996    PhD    Glasgow    A study of human rights organizations and issues in India    M JHA
1996    PhD    London, UC    Early iron and steel in Sri Lanka: a study of the Samanalawewa area    G JULEFF
1996    PhD    London, LSHTM    Areal variations in use of modern contraceptives in rural Bangladesh    Nashid KAMAL    A Sloggett
1996    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    A longitudinal anthropometric study of mother-infants pairs in Dhaka, Bangladesh    E KARIM
1996    PhD    Southampton    Development of dietary assessment methods for use in the South Asian community    N A KARIM
1996    DPhil    Oxford, St Edmund Hall    Capital market liberalization in Pakistan: 1980-1992    Bashir A KHAN    Mr C J Cowton
1996    PhD    Bradford    Public sector accounting and financial reporting oractices in Bangladesh    M A S KHAN
1996    PhD    Leicester    Genesis of stratabound scheelite and stratiform Pb-Zn mineralisation, Chitral, Northern Pakistan, and its comparison with South West England tin-tungsten deposits    Mohammad Zahid KHAN
1996    PhD    Wales, Swansea    A political economy of forest resource use: case studies of social forestry in Bangladesh    Niaz Ahmed KHAN    Prof A Rew
1996    PhD    Loughborough    An analysis of risk sharing in Islamic finance with reference to Pakistan    T KHAN
1996    PhD    Leeds    Central-local government relations in Pakistan since 1979    T KHAN    Dr Owen Hartley
1996    PhD    London, UC    Economic values of resource depreciation and environmental degradation in Bangladesh    Fahmida Akter KHATUN
1996    PhD    Warwick    Analysis of tariff and tax policies in Bangladesh: a computable general equilibrium approach    B H KHONDKER
1996    PhD    London, UC    Subsistence and petty-capitalist landlords: an enquiry into the petty commodity production of rental housing in low-income settlements in Madras, India    S KUMAR
1996    PhD    London, LSE    Civil-military relationships in British and independent India, 1918-1962, and coup prediction theory    Apurba KUNDU    Prof T J Nossiter
1996    PhD    London, King’s    Marketing and economic development: a case study of maize marketing in Mardan District, North West Frontier Province, Pakistan    Teshome LEMMA    R Black; M Byron; M E Frost
1996    PhD    London, Imperial    The effects of ozone and nitrogen dioxide on Pakistan wheat (“Triticum aestivum”l.)and rice (“Oryza sativa”L) cultivars    R MAGGS
1996    PhD    Keele    The European Community and South Asia: development, economic cooperation and trade policies with India, Bangladesh and Bhutan, 1973-1993    M MARWAHA    Christopher Brewin
1996    PhD    Hull    Corporate management styles of Malaysian parent companies in managing their local subsidiaries in the manufacturing sector    N A MAZELAN
1996    PhD    Cambridge    Fertility and frailty: demographic change and the health and status of Indian women    K McNAY
1996    MPhil    Leicester    Constraints to professionalism in Sri Lankan newspaper journalism    Mahim MENDIS    Anders Hansen
1996    PhD    Wales, Bangor    The ecology and management of traditional home gardens in Bangladesh    M MILLAT-E-MUSTAFA
1996    PhD    East London    Land reform and landlessness in Bangaldesh    M A MOMEN
1996    PhD    London, King’s    Passing it on: the army in India and the development of frontier warfare, 1849-1947    Timothy Robert MOREMAN    Prof B J Bond
1996    MPhil    London, SOAS    Legal and penal institutions within a middle class perspective in colonial Bengal, 1854-1910    Anindita MUKHOPADHYAY    Prof D J Arnold
1996    DPhil    Oxford    Space, class and rhetoric in Lahore    R McG MURPHY
1996    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity     The crisis of the Burmese State and the foundations of British colonial rule in Upper Burma (1853-1900)    T MYINT-U    Prof C A Bayly
1996    PhD    Nottingham    Open distance learning aspects of adult basic educastion in the UK and their implications for Kerala (India)    Chandrasekharan NAIR-MADHAVEN    W J Morgan
1996    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    Chidambaram – city and people in the Tamil tradition    V NANDA    Dr F R Allchin
1996    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    Chidambaram: temple and city in the Tamil tradition    Vivek NANDA    Dr F R Allchin
1996    PhD    London, Inst Ed    Manpower planning in Pakistan: a study of its assumptions concerning the education-occupation relationship    H K NIAZI
1996    PhD    Southampton    Exploring a bottom up approach to networking for open learning in India    Asad Mohd NIZAM    Dr A P Hart
1996    MPhil    East Anglia    Contradictions of organisation: a case study of a rural development NGO in Rajasthan, India    Jane Elizabeth OLIVER
1996    PhD    Reading    Studies of black pepper (Piper nigrum L)virus disease in Sri Lanka    D PADMINI DE SILVA
1996    PhD    Sheffield    The role of small towns and intermediate cities in regional development in India    A PANNEERSELVAM    C L Chogull
1996    PhD    Birmingham    The word of God is not bound: the necounter of Sikhs and Christians in India and the United Kingdom    J M PARRY
1996    DPhil    Oxford, Green College    Regeneration and sucession following shifting cultivation of dry tropical deciduous forests of Sri Lanka    Gamaralalage A D PERERA    Dr N D Brown; Dr P S Savill
1996    PhD    London    Bureaucrats, development and decentralisation in India: the bureau-shaping model applied to Panchayati in Karnataka, 1987-1991    H J PERRY
1996    PhD    London, LSHTM    Linear growth retardation (stunting)in Sri Lankan children and the role of dietary calcium    Ambegoda Geekiyanage Damayanthi PIYADASA
1996    DPhil    Sussex    English studies and the articulation of the nation in India    P K PODDAR
1996    MPhil    REading    Village organisations and extension: a case study of Balochistan rural support programme    A R QAZI
1996    PhD    Cambridge    Lactational amenorrhoea, infant feeding patterns and behaviours in Bangladeshi women    M RAHMAN
1996    PhD    Cambridge    Relation between energetics, body composition and length of post-partum amenorrhoea in Bangladeshi women    M RASHID
1996    MPhil    Leicester    Thermobarometry of the garnet bearing rocks of the Jijal complex (western Himalayas, northern Pakistan)    Lucie RINGUETTE
1996    PhD    London, SOAS    The devotional poetry of Svami Haridasa    Ludmila Lupu ROSENSTEIN    Dr R Snell
1996    PhD    London, SOAS    Local perceptions of environmental change in a tropical coastal wetland: the case of Koggala Lagoon, Galle, Sri Lnaka    V N SAMARASEKARA
1996    PhD    Newcastle    The production of seed potato (Solanum tuberosum L)tubers from stem cuttings in Sri Lanka    P W S M SAMARASINGHE
1996    PhD    London, SOAS    Mangrove ecology in Sri Lanka    V SAMARESKARA    Prof P Stott
1996    PhD    London, King’s    Agrarian impacts on manufacturing expansion in the Indian Punjab    Jagpal Kaur SANGHA    Dr L Hoggart
1996    DPhil    York    A sociolinguistic study of Panjabi Hindus in Southall: language maintenance and shift    Mukul SAXENA    C Wallace
1996    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    Political alignments, the state and industrial policy in Pakistan: a comparison of performance in the 1960s and 1980s    A U SAYEED    Dr M H Khan
1996    PhD    Manchester    The role of agriculture in the Indian economy: an analysis using a general equilibrium model based on a social accounting matrix    Sabyasachi SEN    Prof D Colman; Dr A Ozanne
1996    PhD    London, SOAS    Famine, state and society in North India, c.1800-1840    Sanjay Kumar SHARMA    Dr P G Robb
1996    PhD    Wales, Bangor    Project appraisal under risk, threat and uncertainty: a case study of the afforestation project of Bihar, India    Devendra Kumar SHUKLA    Dr C Price
1996    PhD    London    Pakistan’s arms procurement decision-making    A SIDDIQA
1996    PhD    London, SOAS    Political prisoners in India, 1920-1977    Ujjwal Kumar SINGH    Dr Taylor
1996    PhD    Liverpool    Molecular and seroepidemiological studies of rotavirus from children in Bangladesh    S TABASSUM
1996    PhD    Beradford    Environmental education and distance teaching: a case study from Pakistan    F TAHIR
1996    MPhil    Liverpool John Moores    The demand for money in Pakistan: simple-sum versis Divisia    S M TARIQ
1996    PhD    Cambridge, Corpus    Property rights and the issue of power: the case of inland fisheries in Bangladesh    Kazi Ali TOUFIQUE    Dr M H Khan
1996    MPhil    Open    Gender issues and social change: evaluating programme impact in rural Bangladesh    A M VAN SWINDEREN    Mr A Thomas
1996    PhD    Cranfield    The performance in public enterprises in a developing country: Sri Lanka’s experience in perspective    Tillaka S WEERAKOON    Prof Chris Brewster
1996    PhD    Reading    Evaluation of the effectiveness of radio and television in changing the knowledge and attitudes of cinnamon growers in Sri Lanka    J WEERASINGHE
1996    PhD    Manchester    Rationales of accounting controls in a developing context: a mode of production theory anaysis of two Sri Lankan case studies    D P WICKRAMASINGHE    Prof T Hopper
1996    PhD    Cambridge, St Cath’s    Socialist development ? Economic and political change in rural West Bengal under the Left Front    G O WILLIAMS    Dr S Corbridge
1996    PhD    Bristol    The politics of caste in India with special reference to the Dalit Christian campaign for scheduled caste reservations    Andrew K J WYATT    Dr D Turner; Dr V Hewitt
1997    PhD    Stirling    Strategic planning and strategic awareness in small enterprise: a study of small engineering firms in Bangladesh    A F M ABDUL MOYEEN
1997    PhD    Loughborough    A strategy for managing brickwork in Sri Lanka    W V K M ABEYSEKERA    Dr A Thorpe
1997    PhD    East Anglia    Sex ratio imbalances in India: a disaggregated analysis    S B AGNIHOTRI
1997    PhD    Lancaster    Gender roles and fertility: a comparative analysis of women from Britain and Pakistan    S AHMAD
1997    PhD    Nottingham    Modelling the impact of agricultural policy at the farm level in the Punjab, Pakistan    Z AHMAD
1997    PhD    London, Imperial    Particulate air pollution and respiratory morbidity in New Delhi, India    S AKBAR
1997    PhD    East London    Keeping a wife at the end of a stick: law and wife abuse in Bangladesh    Nusrat AMEEN    Dr Kate Green; Ms N Lacey
1997    PhD    Birmingham    The generation of a tool for screening the early grammatical development of Bangla-speaking children and the potential useof this instrument in classes of hearing-impaired children    N ANAM
1997    PhD    Durham    A mission for India: Dr Ellen Farrer and India, 1891-1933    Imogen S ANDERSON    A J Heesom
1997    DPhil    Sussex    Changes in poverty and inequality in Pakistan during the period of structural adjustment (1987-88 to 1990-91)    T ANWAR
1997    PhD    Cranfield    Sustainable farming systems and the role of change agents: Moneragala District, Sri Lanka    J P ATAPATTU
1997    PhD    Edinburgh    Common property resource management in Haryana State, India: analysis of the impact of participation in the management of common property resources and the relative effectiveness of common property regimes    Pasumarthy Venkata Subhash Chandra BABU
1997    MPhil    Oxford, Nuffield    Recognising minorities: a study of some aspects of the Indian Constituent Assembly debates, 1946-1949    Rochana BAJPAI    Dr N Gooptu; Prof M S Freeden
1997    PhD    London, SOAS    The transformation of domesticity as an ideology: Calcutta, 1880-1947    Sudeshna BANERJEE    Prof D J Arnold
1997    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    Decentralising forest management in India: the case of Van Panchayats in Kumaun    P C BAUMANN    Mr G P Hawthorn
1997    PhD    London, LSE    Households, livelihoods and the urban environmental social development perspectives on solid waste management in Faisalabad, Pakistan    J D BEALL
1997    PhD    London, SOAS    Tribe and state in Waziristan, 1849-83    Hugh BEATTIE    Prof M E Yapp
1997    DPhil    Sussex    A study of small-scale community tank irrigation systems in the dry zone of Sri Lanka    Saleha BEGUM    Dr M Moore
1997    PhD    Aberdeen    The “empire of the raj:” conflict and cooperation with Britain over the shape and function of the Indian sphere in Eastern Africa and the Middle East, 1850s-1930s    Robert J BLYTH    Prof R C Bridges; Ms Rosemary M Tyzack
1997    PhD    Manchester    Comparative human resource managment: a cross national study of India and Britain    P S BUDHWAR
1997    PhD    Wales, Lampeter    Decision making and idjtihad in Islamic environments: a comparative study of Pakistan, Malaysia, Singapore and the United Kingdom    G L R BUNT
1997    DPhil    Oxford, St Hilda’s    A history of the trade to South Asia of Macmillan   Co and Oxford University Press, 1875-1900    Rimi B CHATTERJEE    Mr M Turner; Mr L W St Clair
1997    PhD    East Anglia    Innovation paths in developing country agriculture: true potato seed in India, Egypt and Indonesia    a CHILVER
1997    PhD    Cambridge, Clare Hall    From nabob to sahib: the construction of the British body in India, c.1800-1914    Elizabeth M COLLINGHAM    Prof C A Bayley
1997    PhD    London, UC    Of moths and candle flames: the aesthetics of fertility and childbearing in the Northern areas of Pakistan    Teresa Mary Helen COLLINS    Dr N Redclift; Dr Murray Last
1997    PhD    London, UC    Environmental aspects of industrial location policy in India    Mala DAMODARAN
1997    PhD    Cambridge, Pembroke    A comparative analysis of sharecropping and mudaraba business in Pakistan: a study of PLS in the context of the new theory of the firm    M H A DAR    Dr A M M McFarquhar
1997    PhD    Open    Multiple realities, multiple meanings: a reception analysis of television and nationhood in India    S DAS
1997    PhD    Portsmouth    Control of mycotoxins in major food commodities in Bangladesh    M DAWLATANA
1997    PhD    Liverpool    Evidence based decision making and managerial chaos in population displacement emergencies: a case study of Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, 1992-93    P M DISKETT
1997    PhD    Hull    An investigation into effective management structure for tuna resources in the West Indian Ocean    EDALY
1997    PhD    London, External    Parasitical clinical and sero-epidemiological studies of visceral leishmaniasis in Bangladesh    Md A EL-MASUM
1997    PhD    Manchester    Production, consumption and labour supply linkages of farm households in the rice-wheat zone of Punjab, Pakistan    U FAROOQ
1997    PhD    Aberdeen    An economic analysis of factors affecting the adoption of coconut-based intercropping systems in Sri Lanka    M T N FERNANDO
1997    PhD    Edinburgh    Varieties of pilgrimage experience: religious journeying in central Kerala    Alexander David Hanson GATH
1997    PhD    Warwick    Against purity, identity, Western feminism and Indian complications    I GEDALOF
1997    PhD    Oxford Brookes    Spatial setting for household income generation: The case of intermediate sized cities, Bangladesh    Shayer GHAFUR
1997    PhD    Cambridge, Clare    Literature, language and print in Bengal, c.1780-1900    Anindita GHOSH    Dr R O’Hanlon
1997    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    Conservation ecology of primates and human impact in North East India    A K GUPTA    Dr D J Chivers
1997    DPhil    Oxford, New College    The monetary system of Mughal India    Syed N HAIDER    Dr D A Washbrook
1997    PhD    London    Diet, exercise and CHD risk: a comparison of children in the UK and Pakistan    Rubina HAKEEM
1997    PhD    London, LSE    India’s information technology industry: adapting to globalisation and policy change in the 1990s    Gopalakrishnan HARINDRANATH
1997    PhD    Cambridge, Girton    State and local power relations in the towns of Gujerat, Surat and Cambray, c.1572-1740    F HASAN    Dr G Johnson
1997    PhD    Exeter    The organisation, development and management of the population training programmes: a case study in Bangladesh    Md Akhter HOSSAIN    Dr A Ankomah;  C Allison
1997    PhD    Reading    Involving women in the process of rural development: a project case study from Balochistan, Pakistan    U HUBNERR
1997    MPhil    London, Goldsmith’s    Significant other: Anglo Indian female authors, 1880-1914    Karyn Marie HUENEMANN    Dr B Moore-Gilbert
1997    PhD    Cambridge, Queens’    Public housing in Hong Kong    E C M HUI    Dr B J Pearce
1997    PhD    East London    Law as a site of resistance: recourse to the law by “garments women” in Bangladesh    Farmin ISLAM    Dr Hilary Lim; Prof J Cooper
1997    PhD    Middlesex    The impact of flooding and methods of assessment in urban areas of Bangladesh    K N ISLAM
1997    DPhil    Sussex    Democratic adjustment: explaining the political sustainability of economic reform in India     Robert S JENKINS    Prof J Manor
1997    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    Labour and nationalism in Sholapur: conflict, confrontation and control in a Deccan city, Western India, 1918-39    M N KAMAT    Dr R S Chandavakar
1997    PhD    London, LSE    Political communication in India    Kavita KARAN    Prof T J Nossiter
1997    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    The social history of the Rajput clans in colonial North India circa 1800-1900    Malavika KASTURI    Prof C A Bayley
1997    PhD    Aberdeen    Sustainability of small-holder sugar cane based production systems in Sri Lanka    Adhikari P KEERTHIPALA
1997    PhD    Manchester    The market for local capital for small firms in Bangladesh: loan evaluation, monitoring and contracting practices    Mohammed Hassanul Abedin KHAN    P Taylor
1997    PhD    Reading    Improving precision of agricultural field experiments in Pakistan    M I KHAN
1997    PhD    London, Wye    The mango production and marketing system in Sindh Pakistan: constraints and opprtunities    A M KHUSHK
1997    PhD    Aberdeen    Factors influencing adoption of farm level tree planting in social forestry in Orissa, India    A K MAHAPATRA
1997    PhD    Bradford    The quality of higher education in Pakistan: an exploration into the quality of curriculum taught in the universities    M J MALIK
1997    PhD    Surrey    Management consultancies in developing countries: strategies for a competetive era – the case of Pakistan    S H MALLICK
1997    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    Non-seccessionist regionalism in India: the demand for a separate state of Uttarakhand    E E MAWDSLEY    Dr S E Corbridge
1997    PhD    Cambridge    Sadhana and salvation: soteriology in Ramanuja and John Wesley    P R MEADOWS
1997    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    The unit head nurse in Pakistani hospitals: current and desired levels of practice    G P MILLER
1997    PhD    Edinburgh    The lunatic asylum in British India, 1857-1880: colonialism, medicine and power    James Henry MILLS    Dr C N Bates; Dr P J Bailey
1997    PhD    London, SOAS    The making of a cultural identity: language, literature and gender in Orissa in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries    Pragati MOHAPATRA    Dr P G Robb
1997    PhD    Leicester    Conceptualising post-colonial policing: an analysis and application of policing public order    S C MUKHOPADHYAY
1997    DPhil    Sussex    Small firm industrial districts in Pakistan    Khalid M NADVI    Dr H Schmitz
1997    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    British and American Army counterinsurgency learning during the Malaysian emergency and the Vietnam War    J A M NAGL
1997    PhD    London, External    Constitutional breakdown and the judiciary in Pakistan    M F NASEEM
1997    PhD    Sheffield    The external environment of housing in the third world: sustainability and user satisfaction in planned and unplanned low-income housing in Lahore, Pakistan    N NAZ
1997    PhD    London, UC    Dynamics of urban spatial and formal changes of old Dhaka: a developmental influence on a historical city of the Third World    Farida NILUFAR    Alan Penn
1997    PhD    London, SOAS    The Hindi public sphere, 1920-1940    Francesca ORSINI    Dr A S Kalsi
1997    PhD    London, InstChild Health    Iodine deficiency in the Northern Pujab of Pakistan    M POULTON
1997    PhD    REading    Studies on weed management during early establishment of tea in low-country of Sri Lanka    K G PREMATILAKA
1997    PhD    Reading    The effect of defoliation of vetch, barley and their mixtures on forage yield, quality and residual effects on succeeding crops in the rainfed areas of Pakistan    I A QAMAR
1997    PhD    Cambridge, Lucy     Shifting culture in the global terrain: cultural identity constructions amongst British Hindu Punjabis    D S RAJ    Dr S N Bensen
1997    PhD    Manchester    The rural poor and technological change: an enquiry into agricultural extention in Sri Lanka    T T RANASINGHE    Dr J Mullen
1997    PhD    Bradford    Environmental education and agricultural education in Pakistan    G RASUL
1997    PhD    London, SOAS    Social history of North Bengal, c.1870-1949    Rubhajyoti RAY    Dr P G Robb
1997    PhD    Cambridge, St Cath’s    Indian elites, urban space and the restructuring of Ahmedabad city, 1890-1947    Siddhartha RAYCHAUDHURI    Prof C A Bayly
1997    PhD    City    Military rule and the media: a study of Bangladesh     REZWAN-UL-ALAM
1997    PhD    London, LSE    The Kalbelias of Rajasthan: Jogi Nath snake charmers, an ethnography    Miriam ROBERTSON    Dr J Parry; Dr J Woodburn
1997    MPhil    Open    The role of caste in prostitution: culture and violence in the life histories of prostitutes in India    M R ROZARIO
1997    PhD    Hull    A socio-economic assessment of collective choices in the coastal trawl fishery of Malaysia    K H SALIM
1997    PhD    London, LSHTM    Contraception following birth in Bangladesh    S M SALWAY    Prof J Cleland
1997    PhD    Nottingham    People’s participation in community development and community work activities: a case study in a planned village settlement in Malaysia    Asnarulkhadi Abu SAMAH
1997    PhD    Bristol    A basket of resources: women’s resistence to domestic violence in Calcutta    P SEN
1997    MPhil    Reading    Evaluation of adoption levels of innovations in coffee in relation to technology transfer process in the Central Province of Sri Lanka    M A P K SENEVIRATNE
1997    PhD    Kent    Choice and collection of agricultural survey data in Punjab and its use in planning improved food supply    Javid SHABBIR    Mr G M Clarke
1997    DPhil    Sussex    Participatory village resource management: case study of Aga Khan Rural Support Programme (AKRSP), India    Parmesh SHAH    Dr M T Howes
1997    PhD    London, SOAS    The formation of the Indo-European telegraph line: Britain, the Ottoman Empire and Persia, 1855-1865    Sulieman SHAHVAR    R M Burrell
1997    PhD    Cambridge, Emmanuel    The development of an Indian nuclear doctrine since 1980    W P S SIDHU    Dr I Clark
1997    PhD    Leeds    Gender and nation in selected contemporary writing from Sri Lanka, India and Pakistan    N M S SILVA
1997    PhD    York    Changing attitudes to design with nature: the urban Indian context    P SINGH
1997    PhD    Cambridge, Emmanuel    Pollution and environmental policy in the Ganga Basin: a case study of heavy metal pollution by tanneries near Kanpur, India    S SINHA    Dr K S Richards
1997    PhD    East Anglia    Framing the nation: languages of “modernity” in India    Ajanta SIRCAR
1997    PhD    London, UC    Islamic anthropology and religious practice among Muslims in a southern Sri Lankan town    Llyn Frances SMITH    Prof B Kapferer
1997    PhD    Sussex    The formal and informal sector of solid waste management in Hyderabad, India    Marielle SNEL    Dr T Binns
1997    PhD    London, UC    Urban development and the information technology industry: a study of Bangalore, India    Sampath SRINIVAS    Ms Julie Davila
1997    PhD    London    Land policies in Delhi: their contribution to unauthorised land development    K SRIRANGAN
1997    PhD    Southampton    Coronary heart disease, diabetes, serum lipid concentrations and lung function in relation to fetal growth in South India    C E STEIN
1997    PhD    Open    The involvement of the Church of Pakistan in development    P SULTAN
1997    PhD    Salford    Off-farm activities in India: a case stury of rural househlds in Rurka Kalan Development Block, Punjab, c. 1961-1993    S S SUPRI
1997    PhD    Cambridge, Robinson    Gandhara art in the Swat Valley, Pakistan: a study based on the Peshawar University collection    M F SWATI    Dr J R Knox
1997    PhD    Reading    The compound verb in Assamese    J TAMULI
1997    MPhil    Newcastle    Socio-economic problems of second genertion settelrs in Mahaweli irigation settlement in Sri Lanka    T M P B TENNAKOON
1997    PhD    London, SOAS    The political economy of Burma    TIN MAUNG MAUNG THAN    Prof R Taylor
1997    PhD    Warwick    Reconstructing the history of women’s participation in the nationalist movement in India, 1905-1945: a study of women activitists inUttar Prqdesh    Suruchi THAPAR-BJORKERT    Dr C Wolkowitz; Ms Joanna Liddle
1997    PhD    London, LSE    Spiritual communities in India    Dimitrios THEODOSSOPOULOS    Dr P Loizos
1997    DPhil    Oxford, New    Rajput painting in Mewar    A S TOPSFIELD
1997    PhD    Manchester    The role of management control systems in privatisation: a labour process analysis of a Bangladeshi case study    S N UDDIN
1997    PhD    Cambridge, Clare Hall    Distribution improving development policies for Bangladesh: applying the equilibrium framework    W J A VAN DER GEEST    Prof D M G Newbery
1997    MPhil    City    Women, gender and news values: a case study of Bangladesh    F R VEENA
1997    PhD    Kingston    Miocene-aged extension within the main mantle thrust zone, Pakistan Himalaya    K J VINCE    Dr P Treloar; Dr J Grocott
1997    PhD    London, SOAS    The development of Siraiki language in Pakistan    M A WAGHA
1997    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    Worth its weight: gold, women and value in North West India    H WARD    Dr C Humphrey
1997    PhD    London, Birkbeck    Colonialism and culture in nineteenth century British India    Caroline L WEAVER
1997    PhD    Cambridge    Hedgerow intercropping for soil improvement in Sri Lanka    S M WEERASINGHE
1997    PhD    London, LSHTM    Control of anopheline vectors in a gem mining area in Sri Lanka    A M G M YAPABANDARA
1998    PhD    Liverpool    Malaria and malarial control in Jeli Peninsular Malaysia    M R ABDULLAH
1998    PhD    Reading    The management practices and organisational culture of large Malaysian construction contractors    R ABU BAKER
1998    MPhil    Aberdeen    The determination of sheep and goat prices in the markets of Balochistan – Pakistan    M AFZAL
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    Litigating in the name of the people: stresses and strains of the development of public interest litigation in Bangladesh    Naim AHMED
1998    PhD    London, UC    An approach for the prevention of thalassaemia in Pakistan    S AHMED
1998    PhD    Leeds    Foreign direct investment in Pakistan    M AKHTAR    Hugo Radice
1998    PhD    Durham    Water rationality: mediating the Indus Waters Treaty    U Z ALAM    Dr J D Rigg
1998    PhD    Bath    Fish consumption behaviour in Bangladesh    Zulfiqar ALI    Prof Chris Heady; Dr J A McGregor
1998    DPhil    Oxford    Operationalizing Amartya Sen’s capability approach to human development: a framework for identifying valuable capabilities    Sabina ALKIRE
1998    PhD    Reading    The impact of Anand Pattern Cooperative Societies on the status of women in dairying households in Kerala, India    S S ANIL
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    The politics of time: “primitives” and the writing of history in colonial Bengal    Prathama BANERJEE    Prof D J Arnold
1998    PhD    Bristol    Scripture as empowerment for liberation and justice: the experience of Christian and Muslim women in Bangaldesh    Mukti BARTON    Prof U King
1998    PhD    Nottingham    The protection of human rights in Islamic Republic of Pakistan with special reference to Islamic Shari’ah under 1973 Constitution    A H BOKHARI
1998    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    A comparison of vocational schools and industrial training institutes in Malaysia    A BRAHIM
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    The Nayak temple complex: architecture and ritual in southern Tamilnadu, 1550-1700    Crispin Peter C BRANFOOT    Dr G Tillotson
1998    PhD    Bristol    Studies in early Indian Madhyamaka epistemology    David F BURTON    Dr P Williams; Dr R Gethin
1998    PhD    Cambridge    Agency, animacy and personification in “A passage to India”    R BUZZA
1998    MPhil    Birmingham    Identifying the requirements of a parent education programme for the primary prevention of child physical abuse in the Indian State of Maharashtra    M CAESAR
1998    PhD    Birmingham    Recent structural reforms in India: the role of the government    S CHATTERJEE
1998    PhD    Manchester    Gender implications of industrial reforms and adjustment in the manufacturing sector of Bangladesh    Salma  CHAUDHURI ZOHIR    Ms D Elson
1998    PhD    Wales, Swansea    Order and diversity: representing and assisting organisational learning in non government aid organisations [Bangladesh]    Richard J DAVIES    Prof A Rew
1998    PhD    Kent    Law, nation and cosmology in Sri Lanka: deconstruction and the failure of closure    B R DE SILVE WIJEYERATNE
1998    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    Muslim women in colonial North India, c.1920-1947: politics, law and community identity    Karin A DEUTSCH    Dr R O’Hanlon
1998    PhD    Bath    Factors influencing the growth of sustainable people’s organisations at grassroots level: the case of Caritas DEEDS and Sangathan in Bangladesh    Benedict D’ROZARIO
1998    PhD    Aberdeen    South Asia: a case study of a subordinate internaltional system approach with a speicla reference fo India’s security policy during the Cold War    B DUSADEEISARIYAWONG
1998    PhD    London    Childhood cataract in South India: aetiology, management and outcome    M B ECKSTEIN
1998    PhD    Leeds    Neighbourhood perceptiopns of health and the value placed on health care deliverers in the slums of Mumbai    Nick EMMEL    Dr Ray Bush; J Soussan
1998    PhD    Strathclyde    Patrick Geddes, education and society in colonial India    Michael EYRE    Prof B R Tomlinson
1998    PhD    London, LSE    Migrants to citizens: changing orientations among Bangladeshis of Tower Hamlets, London    K S GAVRON
1998    PhD    Bradford    Evaluating the performance of public infrastructure: the case of electric power and telecommications in Pakistan    A G GHAFOOR
1998    PhD    Bradford    Budget deficits and the economy: the macro-economic effects of budget deficits in Sri Lanka, 1978-1996    Nandana Wijesiri GOONEWARDENA    Prof C Kirkpatrick; Mr Roland Clarke
1998    MPhil    Bradford    An assessment of the survival of dairy residues associated with archaeological and ethnographic ceramics: GC and GC/MS analysis of lipid residues extracted from archaeological (Bronze Age Harappa)and ethnographic (modern Pakistan and India)ceramic vessels    S M GRAYSON
1998    PhD    Southampton    Household structure, health and mortality in three Indian states    Paula L GRIFFITHS    Dr P Hinde
1998    PhD    London, Goldsmiths    Local politics in the Suru Valley of northern India    Nicola GRIST    Dr Sophie Day
1998    PhD    London, LSHTM    The impact of peer counsellers on breast feeding practices in Dhaka, Bangladesh    Rukhsana HAIDER

1998    PhD    Oxford Brookes    Spatial setting of manufacturing activities in the metropolitan cities of developing countries: the example of Dhaka, Bangladesh    Mahmudul HASAN
1998    DPhil    Oxford, Jesus    The Hindu Kush of Pakistan: mountain range evolution from an active margin to continent-continent collision    P R HILDEBRAND    Prof J F Dewe; Dr M P Searle
1998    PhD    London, Institute of Child Health    Iodine nutrition, cognition and school achievement of Bangladeshi schoolchildren    S N HUDA
1998    PhD    Open    Education as a missionary tool: a study in Christian missionary education by English Protestant missionaries in India with special reference to cultural change    J C INGLEBY
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    Urban planning in new Bombay: physical and socio-economic growth and development of a counter-magnet in India    Alain JAQUEMIN
1998    PhD    Open    A critical and comparative study of the relationship between missionary strategy, Dalit consciousness and socio-economic transformation in the missionary work by SPG among the Nadar and Paraiya communities of Tirunelveli District between 1830 and 1930    S JAYAKUMAR
1998    PhD    Birmingham    Portfolio behaviour ofIslamic banks: case studies for Pakistan, 1974-1994, and Iran, 1984-1994    K A A KAGIGI
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    Performative politics: artworks, festival praxis and nationalism with reference to Ganipatil Utsav in western India    Raminder Kaur KAHLON    Dr C Pinney
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    The Vishnu Hindu Parishad in the rise of Hindu militancy in India    Manjari KATJA    Dr Taylor
1998    PhD    Bradford    Foreign aid as a determinant of health expenditure, life expectancy at birth and infant mortality rate in Pakistan, 1971-1990    S G H KAZMI
1998    PhD    Reading    Farmers’ objectives and the choice of new crops in the irrigated farming systems of Pakistan’s Punjab    M A KHAN
1998    PhD    Reading    Improving the potential for adoption of agricultural technology through enhanced use of the mass media and the religious community in disadvantaged environments in Pakistan    N KHAN
1998    MPhil    Salford    Pakistan’s and international textile and clothing trade regime    S M KHAN
1998    MPhil    Manchester    Women’s access to credit and gender relations in Bangladesh    Mubina KHONDKAR    Dr D Hulme; Dr U Kothari
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    Politics of mass literacy in India; a case study of two North Indian villaages under the “Total Literacy” campaign (198-1995)    Ajay KUMAR    Dr S Kaviraj
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    Contesting seclusion: the political emergence of Muslim women in Bhopal, 1901-1930    Siobhan LAMBERT-HURLEY    Dr A A Powell
1998    PhD    Cambridge, Clare    Prosodic prominence in Singapore English    E L LOW    Dr F J D Nolan
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    Pativratas and Kupattis: gender, caste and identity in Punjab, 1870-1920    Anshu MALHOTRA    Dr A A Powell
1998    PhD    Warwick    Modelling macroeconomic adjustment with growth in developing economies: the case of India    Sushanta Kumar MALLICK
1998    PhD    London, UC    Religion, ritual and the pantheon amongst the Sinhalese Buddhist traders of Kandy City, Sri Lanka    Desmond MALLIKARACHCHI    Prof Bruce Kapferer; Dr Danny Miller
1998    DPhil    Sussex    Rapid credit deepening and the joint liability of credit contract: a study of Grameen Bank borrowers in Madhupur    Imran MATIN
1998    PhD    Leeds    Spatial and temporal change in the caste system: the Punjab to Bradford    D J MEDWAY
1998    DPhil    Sussex    Contexts of scarcity: the political economy of water in Kutch, India    Lyla MEHTA    Dr M Greeley
1998    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    Popular princes: kingship and social change in Travancore and Cochin, 1870-1930    Vikram MENON    Prof J M Brown; Dr D A Washbrook
1998    PhD    Manchester    Perception of adolescent problems by form four malay students in Sarawak, Malaysia    Z MERAWI
1998    DPhil    Sussex    The peculiar mission of Christian womanhood: the selection and preparation of women missionaries of the Church of England Zenana Missionary Society, 1880-1920    Jennifer MORAWIECKI    C A Dyhouse; Prof P M Thane
1998    PhD    Dundee    Approaches to the integrated management of potato cyst nematode in Pakistan    A MUNIR
1998    PhD    Wales    A study of the relation between Christianity and Khasi-Jaintia culture, 1899-1969, with particular reference to the theology and practice of the Khasi-Jaintia Presbyterian Church    L MYLLIEMNGAP
1998    PhD    London, Wye    The pineapple industry in Sri Lanka: constraints and opportunities for its future development    Arumugam NAGENDRAM
1998    PhD    Southampton    Study of rice blast fungus Magnaporthe grisea (Herbert)of Bangladesh    N S NAHAR
1998    PhD    London, LSHTM    A study of policy process and implementation of the national tuberculosis programme India    Thelma NARAYAN
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    English in the colonial university and the politics of language: the emergence of a public sphere in western India, 1830-1880    Veena NAREGAL    Dr S Kaviraj
1998    PhD    Southampton    Women in Bangladesh: a study of the effects of garment factory work on control over income and autonomy    M H NEWBY
1998    MPhil    Oxford, Hertford    Homeward bound ? the influence of the national norm on voluntary repatriation on the construction of Indian refugee policy with reference to the Bangladeshi Jumma refugees and the Sri Lanka Tamil refugees    Pia A OBEROI
1998    PhD    Southampton    Theorising nuclear weapons proliferation: understanding the nuclear policies of India, South Africa, North Korea and Ukraine    T OGILVIE-WHITE
1998    PhD    Queen’s, Belfast    Credit and women’s relative well-being: a case study of the Grameen Bank, Bangladesh    L N K OSMANI
1998    PhD    Warwick    Pakistani children in Oslo: Islamic nurture in a secular context    Sissel OSTBERG

1998    PhD    London, UC    Control of childhood epilepsy in rural India    D K PAL
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    The politics of development and identity in the Jharkhand Region of Bihar (India), 1951-1991    Amit PRAKASH
1998    PhD    Bristol    The Assam Movement and the construction of Assamese identity    G PRICE
1998    PhD    Lancaster    Social access to housing: a study of low-income settlements around the walled city of Amritsar, Punjab, India    N K PUREWAL
1998    PhD    Aberdeen    An analysis of beef and bovine marketing systems in Pothwar Plateau of Punjab, Pakistan    A H QURESHI
1998    PhD    Aberdeen    An analysis of beef and bovine marketing systems in Pothwar Plateau of Punjab, Pakistan    A H QURISHI
1998    PhD    Reading    The role of the migrant moneylenders in North East India: the Kabuliwallahs of Assam    S RAFIQUE
1998    MPhil    Newcastle    Integrated crop growth modelling system for Barind in Bangladesh    M S RAHMAN
1998    PhD    Kent    Socio legal status of Bengali women in Bangladesh: implications for development    S RAHMAN
1998    PhD    Wales, Bangor    Risk, store of wealth and land use choice: a socio-economic analysis of farmer adoption of woodlots in Karnataka, India    D RAVINDRAN
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    Idealizing motherhood: the brahmanical discourse on women in ancient India (c500 BCE-300CE)    Ujjayini RAY    Dr I J Leslie
1998    DPhil    Oxford, Somerville    British women writers on India between the mid-eighteenth century and 1857    Rosemary A RAZA    Prof J M Brown; Mr J M Prest
1998    PhD    London, LSE    Organisational identification of managers in multinational corporations: a quantitative case study in India and Pakistan    C E W READE
1998    PhD    London, RHBNC    Intense weathering regimes of Deccan basalts    Jennifer Lesley REEVES    Dr J N Walsh
1998    PhD    Leeds    Sedimentology and dynamics of mega-dunes, Jamuna River, Bangladesh    Julie Elizabeth RODEN    Prof P Ashworth
1998    PhD    Newcastle    Owner-occupiers’ transformation of public low-cost housing in Peninsular Malaysia    Azizah SALIM    Dr A G Tipple
1998    PhD    Strathclyde    A study in inter-sectoral relations of linkages, trade and technology: the case of Bangladesh (an application of input-output analysis)    Mohammed SALIMULLAH    Prof I McNicoll
1998    PhD    Wales, Swansea    Contraband trade between Sri Lanka and India    M SARVATHAN    Mr J Whetton
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    The transitional state: Congress and government in Uttar Pradesh, India, 1947-1955    Suhit Kumar SEN    Dr P G Robb
1998    PhD    Manchester    Gender implications of economic reforms in the education sector in India-care of Haryana abd Madhya Pradesh    Manju SENAPATY    Ms D Elson
1998    PhD    Cambridge, St Cath’s    The creation of religious identities in the Punjab, c,1850-1920    Anil SETHI    Prof C A Bayly
1998    PhD    Reading    Relative efficiency of crop production n the cotton-wheat cropping system of Pakistan’s Punjab    M SHAFIQ
1998    PhD    Nottingham    Educational management: an exploratory study of management roles and possibilities of management development at college level in AJK, Pakistan    Saeeda Jahan Ara SHAH    Dr M Parker-Jenkins; Dr M Griffiths
1998    DPhil    Oxford, Worcester    Muslim politics in the North West Frontier Province, 1937-1947    Sayed W A SHAH    Prof J M Brown
1998    PhD    Reading    Economic and non-economic factors that influence the adoption of no-tillage technologies at farm level in rice-wheat and cotton-wheat areas of Pakistana’s Punjab    A D SHEIKH
1998    PhD    Bradford    Project performance and the impact of official development assistance: aid to agricultural development in Pakistan    M K SHEIKH
1998    MLitt    Aberdeen    Selective evaluation of the cycle of women’s status through religious and social practices with special reference to Bengal    S K SIRKAR
1998    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    Transplanting liberal education: higher education in 19th century Bombay Presidency, India    Anne H E SLIWKA    Prof J M Brown
1998    MPhil    Newcastle    The  Permatent emergency shelter cum roofing unit for Bangladesh    David SORRILL    Dr A G Tipple
1998    PhD    Cambridge, Queens’    Colonialism and linguistic knowledge: John Gilchrist and the representation of Urdu in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries    R D STEADMAN-JONES    Dr V A Law
1998    PhD    London, LSHTM    Child work and school attendance in urban India    H TAYLOR    Prof I Timaeus; N Crook (SOAS)
1998    PhD    Edinburgh    Building Christianity on Indian foundations: the theological legacy of Brahmabandav Upadhyay (1861-1907)    Timothy Craig TENNENT
1998    PhD    Leeds    Homelands and the representation of cultural and political identity in selected South Asian texts, 1857 to the present    g f h TICKELL
1998    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    Between two civilisations: history and self representation of Bangladeshi Buddhism    Paola G TINTI    Prof R F Gombrich
1998    PhD    Kent    Readings in the works of Michael Ondaatje (1963-1982)    Monica TURCI    Prof C L Innes
1998    PhD    Queens, Belfast    Formal and de facto states of emergency: the Indian experience, 1947-1997    K S VENKATESWARAN
1998    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    Studies on the biology and control of Tropilaelaps clareae: Asian parasitic brood mite in Apis mellifera colonies in Islamabad, Pakistan    Camphour E S WAGHCHOURE
1998    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    Studies on the biology and control or Tropilaelaps clareae: Asian parasitic brood mites in Apis mellifera colonies in Islamabad, Pakistan    Elizabeth S WAGHCHOURE-CAMPHOR
1998    PhD    London, SOAS    India’s small scale industry policy: an evaluation and a case study    Trevor L WILLIAMS
1998    PhD    Aberdeen    Studies on weed populations in sugar cane in Sri Lanka    W R G WITHARAMA
1998    PhD    Strathclyde    Industrialization and economic growth: a case study of Bangladesh    A K M ZASHEEM UDDIN AHMED    Dr M M Huq
1998    PhD    Bristol    Sangathan: the pursuit of a Hindu ideal in colonial India: the idea of organisation in the emergence of Hindu nationalism, 1870-1930    John ZAVOS    Prof U King
1998    PhD    Ulster    Groundwater pollution and its environmental impact in Karachi Region (Pakistan)    A ZUBAIR
1999    PhD    London. LSE    Banking and debt recovery: a comparative study of the law and practice in India, Sri Lanka and Malaysia    Sonil G ABEYRATNE
1999    PhD    Oxford Brookes    A micro-level view of low-income rural housing in Bangaldesh    K I AHMED
1999    PhD    Cambridge    A political economy of industrial policy and development: a comparative study of Pakistan and Malaysia    A AKHLAQUE    Industrial productivity
1999    MPhil    Newcastle    An appraisal of processes of soil degradation in the Barind Tract, Bangladesh    S M M ALAM
1999    PhD    Leeds    Urban women in households and in the labour market under structural adjustment policy and programmes: a case study of Pakistani working women    K ALI
1999    DPhil    Oxford, Magdalen    Operationalising Amartya Sen’s capability approach: a framework for identifying valuable capabilities    S M ALKIRE    Prof F J Stewart; Prof J M Finnis
1999    PhD    Manchester    Economic reform in India since 1991 with particular reference to direct foreign investment and privatisation    Thanhkom ARUN    Prof F Nixson
1999    PhD    Hull    Opium and heroin production in Pakistan    A Z ASAD
1999    DPhil    York    Biodiversity and community ecology of mangrove plants, molluscs and crustaceans in two mangrove forests in Peninsular Malaysia in relation to local management practices    E C ASHTON
1999    PhD    Southampton    A multilevel model of the impact of health services on child mortality in Bangladesh    Michael Dennis ASHTON    Dr J McDdonald
1999    PhD    Southampton    Genetic diversity of jackfruit in Bangladesh and development of propagation methods    A K AZAD
1999    PhD    London, King’s    Nuclear weapons in the Indo-Pakistan conflict    Sanjay BADRI-MAHARAJ
1999    PhD    Leicester    The growth of farm firms through production,investment and capital formation in the rice-wheat zone of the Punjab Province of Pakistan    K A BAJWA
1999    PhD    Aberdeen    An economic analysis of farm household pluriactivity in Sri Lanka    G BALASURIYA
1999    DPhil    Oxford, St Cross    This work on Oriya literature and the Jagannath cult, 1866-1936: quest for identity    Subhakanta BEHERA    Dr F A Nizami
1999    PhD    London, UC    Structure of the DP in Bangla    Tanmoy BHATTACHARYA
1999    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    The politics of religious identity in South Asia in the late nineteenth century     Torkel BREKKE    Prof R F Gombrich
1999    MSc    Stirling    Investigations to the biology and ecology of an unidentified isopod affecting the CARE CAGES aquaculture programme, Bangladesh    P BULCOCK
1999    DPhil    Sussex    The global and the local in the post-colonial: popular music in Calcutta (1992-1997)    R CHAKRAVARTY
1999    PhD    London, SOAS    Change and continuity in Naqshbandi Sufism: Mujaddidi branch and its Hindu environment    T W P DAHNHARDT    Prof C Shackle
1999    PhD    Ulster    Traveller acts: a critical ethngraphy of backpacker India    K J DAVIDSON
1999    PhD    London , LSE    Tamil warps and wefts: an anthropological study of urban weavers in South India    Geert Raymond DE NEVE    Prof C Fuller; Prof J Parry
1999    PhD    London, Wye    Amelioration of the physical conditions of sandy soils with organic amendments under tropical conditions    S H S A DE SILVA
1999    PhD    Cambridge, Jesus    Youth, gender and community change: a case study of Bangladeshi students in an inner city    Eva DEBNATH    Dr M M Arnot
1999    PhD    Bath    One foot in each boat: the macro politics and micro sociology of NGOs in Bangladesh    Joseph DEVINE    Dr G D Wood; Dr A McGregor
1999    PhD    London, RHUL    The image of the prophet in Bengali Muslim piety, 1850-1950    Amit DEY    Prof F C R Robinson
1999    PhD    London, RHBNC    Images of the Prophet in Bengali Muslim piety, 1850-1950    Amit DEY    Prof F R C Robinson
1999    PhD    London, LSE    Women and gold: gender and urbanisation in comtemporary Bengal    Fentje Henrike DONNER    Dr J F Parry; Dr C Fuller
1999    DPhil    Oxford, Linacre    A study of the origin, evolution and role in society of a group of chiselled steel Hindu arms and armour from Southern India, c.1400-1800 A D    Robert F W ELGOOD    Dr Schuyler Jones

1999    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    Caste, ethnicity and nation in the politics of the Muslims of Tamil Nadu, 1930-1967    S M A K FAKHRI    Dr R S Chandravarkar
1999    PhD    Cambridge, Selwyn    The ecology and behaviour of the pig-tailed macaque (Macaca Nemestrina Leonina)in Bangladesh    M M FEEROZ
1999    PhD    Wales    At the feet of the goddess: a comparative study of local goddess worship in Khurdapur, a village settlement in Orisssa and Cholavandan, a small town in Tamil Nadu    L F FOULSTON
1999    PhD    Leeds    Socio-economic changes in the peri-urban villages in Penang, Malaysia    Suriati GHAZALI    Dr D Preston
1999    PhD    London, SOAS    The dynamics of scientific culture under a colonial state: Western India, 1823-1880    Vaswati Bidhan Chandra GHOSH    Prof P G Robb
1999    PhD    Southampton    A passage from India: British women travelling home, 1915-1947    Georgina GOWANS
1999    PhD    London, External    Solid waste management: a case study of Delhi    V I GROVER
1999    PhD    Aberdeen    A study of factors influencing participation in joint forest management in the northwest Himalayas, India    H K GUPTA
1999    PhD     Southampton    British relations with the Marathas under the Wellesley regime     William A C HALLIWELL    Dr C M Woolgar
1999    PhD    Leeds    A corpus-based study of apposition in written Malay    H A HAROON
1999    PhD    London, UC    The vulnerability of the Dupi Tila Aquifer, Daka, Bangladesh    Muhammed Kamrul HASAN    Dr W G Burgess; Dr J Dottridge
1999    PhD    London, LSHTM    The prevalence of reproductive tract infections in rural Bangladesh    Sarah Jane HAWKES
1999    PhD    Warwick    The colonial city and the challenge of modernity: urban hegemonies and civic contestations in Bombay City, 1905-1925    H HAZAREESINGH
1999    PhD    Warwick    Gandhi and the Muslim question    Sandip HAZARIESINGH    Dr D A Washbrook
1999    PhD    London    Malaria in Afghan refugee communities in North-Western Pakistan: appropriate strategies for vector control and personal protection    S E HEWITT
1999    PhD    London, SOAS    Kings, things and courtly ideal in pre-colonial south India, 1500-1800    Jennifer Anne HOWES    Dr Giles Tillitson
1999    PhD    Cambridge, Clare    The Gujerati literati and the construction of a regional identity in the late 19th century    Riho ISAKA    Dr R S Chandavarkar
1999    DPhil    Sussex    The Grameen Bank: rhetoric and reality    Sanae ITO    Dr M T Greeley
1999    PhD    Stirling    Gender and management: factors affecting career advancement of women in the federal civil service of Pakistan    N JABEEN
1999    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    Hindu identity, nationalism and globalization    S R JACOBS
1999    PhD    Reading    Residual effect of phosphate fertiliser measured using the Olsen method in Pakistani soils    Shahid JAVID
1999    PhD    Edinburgh    When horizons darken: the process and experience of religious conversion among Sri Lankan Tamil refugees in London    A W JEBANESAN
1999    DPhil    Oxford, Nuffield    Press and Empire: the London press, government news management and India, c.1900-1922    Chandrika KAUL    Dr J G Darwin
1999    PhD    Edinburgh    Informal Islamic leadership in a Bangladeshi village    Jeffrey William John KEMP
1999    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    The economics of milk production and marketing in the development of Pakistan with special reference to Peshawar District    M KHAN
1999    PhD    Essex    Narratives of rise and fall: family, memory and mobility in Jaipur City    Ajay K KHANDELWAL    Prof P Thompson
1999    PhD    Durham    The provision of infrastructure services in Rohtak and Bhiwani Districts, Haryana, India, 1981-1998: a geographical analysis    N KUMAR
1999    PhD    Edinburgh    From people’s theatre to people’s Eucharist: resources from popular theatre for Eucharist reform in the Church of South India, Kerala State.    George KURUVILLA
1999    PhD    Nottingham    Spectrohistory: new historicism and beyond in Salman Rushdie’s novels    C-H LAI
1999    PhD    London, SOAS    Institutional and social change among the Muslims of Malabar, with special refernce to Calicut, 1870-1947    Lakshminarayayanapuram R S LAKSHMI    Dr Avril A Powell
1999    PhD    London, LSE    India’s relationship with the non-resident Indians, 1947-1996: a missed opportunity ?    Marie-Carine LALL
1999    PhD    London, SOAS    The Islamic marble carving and architecture of Cambay in Gujerat between 1200 and 1350: a collection of merits from difference sources    E A LAMBOURN
1999    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Science and related consciousness: a study of the response to modern science in colonial Bengal. c 1870-1930    John Bosco LOURDUSAMY    Dr D A Washbrook
1999    PhD    Manchester    Runoff modelling from large glacierised basins in the Karakoram Himalayas using remote sensing of the transient snowline    A LOWE
1999    MPhil    Edinburgh    The influence of light availability on attack by the mahogany shoot-borer (Hypsipyla rubusta Moore)in Sri Lanka    M R MAHROOF
1999    PhD    Kent    The interpretation of Islam and nationalism by the elite through the English language media in Pakistan    A L MAJOR
1999    PhD    Hull    Ethnicity and politics in the Kashmir Valley    I S MALIK
1999    PhD    London, LSHTM    Undernutrition and impaired functional ability amongst elderly slum dwellers in Mumbai, India    Mary C MANANDHAR
1999    PhD    East Anglia    Cotton leaf curl disease in Pakistan: molecular characterisation, diagnostics and genetically engineered virus resistance    S MANSOOR
1999    PhD    Birmingham    Some historical responses to disability in South Asia and reflections on service provision, with focus on mental retardation in India, Pakistan and Bangladesh, and some consideration of blindness    M MILES
1999    PhD    Kent    Sacred anthropology: a study of nondual conceptions of man in Hinduism and Christianity    J R MILNE
1999    PhD    Hull    Perception of Islam in Indian nationalist thought    A MISRA
1999    PhD    London, Inst Comm    The politics of privatisation in Bangladesh    Mobasser MONEM    Prof J Manor
1999    PhD    Cambridge, King’s    The Kisan world abd human rights: a displaced people of eastern India    Ranjit NAYAK    Dr K J Hart
1999    PhD    Salford    An analysius of information systems development across time and space: the case of outsourcing to Infia    Brian NICHOLSON
1999    MLitt    Oxford, St Anne’s    Shaikh Mohammad Abdulllah and the movement for Muslim female education in North India (1890-1945)    Farah NIZAMI    Prof J M Brown; Prof F Robinson
1999    DPhil    Oxford, Lincoln    India, parliament and the press under George III: a study of British attitudes towards the East India Company amd empire in the later 18th and early 19th centuries    Jeremy R OSBORN    Dr D A Washbrook
1999    DPhil    Oxford, Brasenose    Identity and institutions in ethnic conflict:the Muslims of Sri Lanka    Meghan L O’SULLIVAN    Dr N Gooptu
1999    PhD    Warwick    Labour and land rights of women in rural India with particular reference to Western Orissa    Reena PATEL
1999    PhD    Edinburgh    Legislating forests in colonial India, 1800-1880    Akhileshwar PATHAK
1999    DPhil    York    An environmental Leibenstein framework: population pressure, agricultural land use and and environmental change in Orissa (India)    Lopamudra PATNAIK    Prof C Perrings
1999    PhD    Edinburgh    Social and cultural processes of healing and rehabilitation in Sri Lanka    Abigail PENNY    Dr J Spencer
1999    PhD    City    Development and international business: an application to India    M RAMAN
1999    PhD    Liverpool    Fertility in Kerala: the impacts of social development policies and gender relations    Linda REICHENFELD    Prof R I Woods; Mr W T S Gould
1999    PhD    London     Paleoclimate of South Asia over the last 80 ka: luminescent ages of sediments from former glaciations in Nepal and Pakistan    B W M RICHARDS
1999    PhD    Nottingham    Fiscal response to foreign aid: applications to Pakistan and Costa Rica    S E RODRIGUEZ

2000    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    Religion and the economics of fertility in South India    S IYER
2000    MPhil    London, Inst Ed    Privatisation and equity: the case of Pakistan urban secondary schools    B R JAMIL
2000    PhD     Exeter    The Penjdeh crisis and its impact on the Great Game and the defence of India, 1885-1897     Robert A JOHNSON    Prof J Black
2000    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    The state and the political economy of industrial development in India: the automobile industry circa 1980-1996    Indraneel KARLEKAR    Dr S E Corbridge
2000    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Gender, identity and development among the Wakhi of northern Pakistan    Sabrina KASSAM-JAN    Dr D Parkes; Dr N J Allen
2000    PhD    Exeter    Drug addiction syndrome among university students in Pakistan    W KAUSAR
2000    PhD    Bath    Struggle for survival: networks and relationships in a Bangladesh slum    M Iqbal Alam KHAN    Prof G Wood; Dr J A McGregor
2000    PhD    Cambridge, Queens’    An empirical study of human resource management in a developing country – the case of the banking industry of Pakistan    Shaista Ensan KHILJI    Mr C G Gill
2000    PhD    Cambridge. Queens    Human resource management in a developing country: the case of banking industry in Pakistan    S E KHILJI    Mr C G Gill
2000    PhD    Cambridge, Fitzwilliam    A study of debates on Christian conversion in India, 1947-1999 from the perspective of Christian mission    Sebastian Chang-Hwan KIM    Dr B Stanley
2000    DPhil    Oxford, St Edmund Hall    The “domestic” world of the Mughals in the reigns of Babar, Humayan and Akbar (1500-1605)    Ruby LAL    Dr D A Washbrook;  Dr J D Gurney
2000    PhD    East Anglia    Perceiving disability and practising community-based rehabilitiation: a critical examination with case studies from south India    R P LANG
2000    PhD    Keele    The internationalisation of Malaysian business and its relevance to Malay entrepreneurs    A J MAHAJAR
2000    PhD    Birmingham    The administration of waqf, pious endowment in Islam: a critical study of the State Islamic Religious Councils as the sole trustees of awqaf assets and the implementation of istibdal in Malaysia with special reference to the Federal Territory of Kuala Lumpur    S M MAHAMOOD
2000    PhD    Strathclyde    Price competetitiveness and performance of manufactured exports: the case of Pakistan    Seema K MAKHDOOMI    Dr M Huq; Prof J Love
2000    MPhil    Nottingham    Levels of flat ownership by middle-income households in Dhaka, Bangladesh    Nasima MATIN    Mr S Jalloh; Prof J C Moughtin
2000    MPhil    London, LSE    European images of India before the rise of orientalism in the late eighteenth century    Kyoko MATSUKAWA    Dr G Wilson
2000    PhD    East London    Thermal comfort in havelis of Jaisalmer    Jane MATTHEWS
2000    DPhil    Sussex    Distress diversification or growth linkages ? Explaining rural non-farm employment variations in Andhra Pradesh, India    Prasado R MECHARIA    D M Hunt
2000    PhD    Bradford    Social policy in Malaysia: a study of social support for the elderly in a rural area    N MOHAMED
2000    PhD    Oxford Brookes    Seismic interpretation and sequence stratigraphy of the offshore Indus basin of Pakistan    S MOHAMMAD
2000    PhD    London    Nationalism, literature and ideology in colonial India and occupied Egypt    A A  MONDAL
2000    MPhil    Manchester    Burma and British Cold War policy, 1946-1951    Benjamin John MORRIS    Dr P C Lowe
2000    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Gender, work and familial ideology: women workers in the unorganised garment export industry, New Delhi, India    T MUKHOPADHYAY    Prof G P Hawthorn
2000    PhD    Newcastle    Supply reponse of major agricultural commodities in Pakistan    K MUSHTAQ
2000    MPhil    London, SOAS    Political economic dimensions of East Asian development: South Korea, India    Rajiv Chitazhi NARAYAN    Dr R H Taylor
2000    DPhil    Oxford, Christ Church    Conservation management of the tiger, Panthera Tigris Tigris, in Bandhavgarh National Park, India    Latika NATH    Dr D W MacDonald
2000    PhD    LSHTM    Epidemiological immunochemistry of Helicobacter pylori in Jessore, BBHangladesh    J NESSA
2000    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    An operational evaluation test of MEDLINE on CD-ROM  in Malaysia with special reference to investigating practicable relevance-based perfoormance measures    Roslina OTHMAN
2000    PhD    Hull    Changing dimensions of single European Market: implications for the non-member countries – a case study on India’s textile and clothing exports    S Gnanasekara PANDIAN
2000    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    Technology and environmental leapfrogging: three case studies from India    R M PERKINS    Dr B Vira
2000    PhD    London, LSE    Legal systems as a determinant of foreign direct investment: the case of Sri Lanka    Amanda Joan PERRY    Mr P Muchlinski
2000    PhD    Lancaster    A critical ethnography on the production of the Indian MBA discourse    E PRIYADHARSHINI
2000    PhD    Nottingham Trent    Douglarisation and the politics of Indian/African relations in Trinidad writing    Sheila RAMPERSAD
2000    PhD    Edinburgh    Another member of our family: aspects of television culture and social change in Varanasi, North India    Simon William ROBERTS    Dr A Good; Dr J Spencer
2000    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Communal conflict in Bengal, 1930-1947: political parties, the Muslim intelligentsia and the Pakistan Movement    Sulagna ROY    Dr R S Chandavarkar
2000    PhD    Cambridge    Matrilineal comunities, patriarchial realities: female headship in eastern Sri Lanka – a feminist economic reading    K N RUWANPURA    Mrs S Fennell
2000    MPhil    Newcastle    Modelling privatised minor irrigation systems in Bangladesh: an economic analysis    F I M G W SARKER
2000    PhD    Durham    The influence of British political thought in China and India: the cases of Sun Yat-Sen, Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru    N A SCOTT
2000    PhD    Wales, Bangor    The influence of farmer knowledge, shade and planting density on smallholder rubber/banana intercropping in Sri Lanka    A M W K SENEVIRATHNA
2000    DPhil    Sussex    Mother/child health and health care in Pakistan    Shafqat SHEHZAD    Mr P Chaudhuri; Dr A Wagstaff
2000    PhD    Southampton    Constitutional rights relating to criminal justice in South Asia: a comparison with the European Convention on Human Rights    Kabiniyage Buddhappriya Asola SILVA
2000    PhD    Warwick    Gendered labour process and flexibility: a study of jewellery production in India    U SONI-SINHA
2000    PhD    London, SOAS    The impact of Islamization on the Christian community of Pakistan    P SOOKHDEO
2000    PhD    Southampton    The impact of rural-urban migration on child survival in India    Robert STEPHENSON    Dr J McDdonald
2000    PhD    Open    Coproducing universal primary education in a context of social exclusion: households, community organisations and state administration in a district of Karnataka, India    R SUBRAHMANIAN
2000    PhD    Edinburgh    Development of a range management decision support system (RAMDSS)for forest planning in the Banavasi Range of the Western Ghats, India    Ramanathan SUGUMARAN
2000    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Women’s political strategies to combat poverty: a study of a squatter settlement in Dhaka    S M SULTAN    Dr R S Chandavarkar
2000    PhD    Cambridge, Wolfson    Mapping hinduism: “Hinduism” and the study of Indian religions, 1630-1776    Barry W H  SWEETMAN    Dr J Lipner
2000    PhD    Essex    The perception of social support and the experience of depression in Pakistani women    E TAREEN
2000    PhD    Southampton    Rural poverty and the role of the non-farm sector in economic development: the Indian experience    M TIWARI
2000    PhD    Portsmouth    Illiteracy in India: a multi-level analysis    S VENKATASUBRAMANIAN
2000    PhD    Warwick    The influence of culture and politics on accounting change in India from 1947 to 1998    Shradda VERMA
2000    PhD    Cambridge, Corpus    Cranial diversity and the evolutionary history of South Asians    Samanti Dineshkumari WARUSAWITHANA KULATILAKE
2000    MPhil    Wales, Aberystwyth    Britain and the Muslims: imperial perceptions of Indian Muslims, 1914-1922    R A J WHITE
2000    MPhil    Oxford, St Cross    Released on both sides ? The origin and position of formless meditation in early Indian Buddhism    Alexander WYNNE    Prof R F Gombrich
2000    PhD    Edinburgh    The forest cooks and the people eat: nature and society in Mayurbhanj, Orissa    Hannele Kirsi Aija YLO’NEN
2000    PhD    Bradford    Agriculture and pastorarlism in the late Bronze Age, North West Frontier, Pakistan    R L YOUNG
2001    MPhil    Glasgow    Colonisation and Hijab: a case study of Egypt and India    N AHMAD
2001    PhD    Stirling    Socio-economic aspects of freshwater prawn culture development in Bangladesh    N AHMED
2001    PhD    Leeds    Thalassaemia carrier testing in pregnant Pakistani women: perceptions of “information ” and “consent”    Shenaz AHMED
2001    PhD    London, SOAS    Early Indian moulded terracotta: the emergence of an iconography and variations in style, circa second century BC to first century AD    Naman Parmeshwar AHUJA
2001    PhD    Essex    Pakistan’s export performance, 1972-1998    M AKBAR
2001    PhD    Durham    Slaves of water: indigenous knowledge of fisheries on the floodplain of Bangladesh    M ALAM
2001    PhD    Aberdeen    Evaluation of environmental sustainability of forest land use policies of Bangladesh    Mohammad ALI
2001    PhD    Aberdeen    The effects of low temperature and seed quality on the germination of fifteen rice (Oryza sative L)cultivars from Bangladesh    M G  ALI
2001    PhD    Portsmouth    The rise of a service class culture in India: the software industry in Bangalore    Elaine ASSAR
2001    PhD    Portsmouth    The emergence of a new culture class: the software industry in Bangalore, India    Elain Risa ASSER    Dr P Churmer-Smit
2001    PhD    Brunel    The development of India’s crafts and their implication upon Indo-European furniture    N W BAMFORTH
2001    PhD    Strathclyde    A critique of tourism development planning: a case of Sri Lanka    H M BANDARA
2001    PhD    Wales, Bangor    Developing fodder resources on the forest grassland of tribal areas in western India    Peter George BEZKOROWAJNYI
2001    PhD    Bristol    Conceptions: an exploration of infertility and assisted conception in India    A BHARADWAJ
2001    PhD    Oxford, St Antony’s    The emergence of the Bombay film industry, 1913-1937    Kaushik BHAUMIK    Dr D A Washbrook
2001    PhD    Strathclyde    Consumer preferences and public policy: a case study of water supply and waste management in Madras (Chennai), India    A P BHAYAN KARAM
2001    PhD    Strathclyde    Contingent variation in a developing metropolis: an exploration of water and waste management in Madres    Anand Prathivadi BHAYANKARAM    Mr R Perman
2001    PhD    Kingston    The initiation and magmatic evolution of a juvenile island arc: the Kohistan arc, Pakistan Himalaya    S M BIGNOLD
2001    PhD    London, LSHTM    The rational use of blood in India: intervention to promote good transfusion practice    Timothy John BRAY
2001    PhD    Aberdeen    Chipko and crofter: land movements in northern India and the Highlands of Scotland    Nandini B CHADHA    Mr W T C Brotherstone; Dr J Forster
2001    PhD    Strathclyde    The impact of trade policy on growth in India    Ramesh CHANDRA    Prof J Love
2001    PhD    Cambridge, Girton    Colonial power and agrarian politics in Kheda District (Gujarat), c.1890-1930    Vinayak CHATURVEDI    Prof C A Bayly
2001    PhD    Leeds    Appropriate disposal of sewage in urban and suburban Sri Lanka    E J H COREA
2001    PhD    London, RHUL    Faith, unity, discipline: the making of a socio-political formation in urban India, Lahore,1935-1953    Markus DAECHSEL    Prof F C R Robinson
2001    PhD    Cambridge, Sidney     Whither urban governance ? Self-help civil society, political conflicts and environmental services in Chennai, India    S L DAHIYA    Dr B J Devereux
2001    PhD    Glasgow    The Bengal Army and the outbreak of the Indian Mutiny, 1856-1857    Julian Saul Markham DAVID    Prof H F A Strachen
2001    PhD    London    Air pollution and agricultural insect pests in urban and peri-urban areas of India    C DAVIES
2001    PhD    Essex    No time to play: social, economic and legal dimensions of child labour practices in India    Rie DEBABRATA
2001    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    Sikh discourses of community and sovereignty in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries     Jeevan S DEOL    Prof C A Bayley
2001    PhD    Exeter    The effects of marital dissolution, fertility and contraceptive behaviour among men and woimen in Addu Atoll, Maldives    Aminath Mohamed DIDI    Dr N Ford; Dr A Ankomah
2001    PhD    Cambridge, Queens’    The scars of piety: Islam and the dynamics of religious dispute on Androth Island, South India    Brian John DIDIER    Dr J A Laidlaw
2001    PhD    London, RHUL    Traditional rule and western conventions: the Maharajas of Bikaner and their partnership with the Raj, 1887-1947    Paolo DURISOTTO    Prof F C R Robinson
2001    PhD    Loughborough    Venture capital financing in India: a study of venture capitalist’s valuation, structuring and monitoring practices     Mansoor DURRANI
2001    PhD    Cambridge, Clare Hall    Commerce and diaspora: locating the business practices of Hindu Sindhis     Mark Anthony FALZON    Dr J A Laidlaw
2001    PhD    London, SOAS    Buddhist narratives in Burmese murals    Alexandra Raissa GREEN    Dr E H Moore; Dr G H R Tillitson
2001    PhD    Lancaster    A critical review of ecological impact assessment in Sri Lanka: with particular reference to the shrimp aquaculture industry    Miriya Prasanni GUNAWARDENA
2001    DrPH    London, LSHTM    Regulation of the private health care sector in Pakistan    Ajmal HAMID
2001    PhD    South Bank    Social exclusion and women’s health in Lahore, Pakistan    N A HAMID
2001    PhD    Liverpool    Identity, conflict and nationalism: the Naga and Kuki peoples of northeast India and northwest Burma    Seilen HAOKIP
2001    MPhil    London, LSE    Humanitarian assistance: the relationship between NGOs and the government of Sri Lanka    Marit HAUG    Prof C Fuller; Prof M Light
2001    PhD    Durham    The engineering behaviour of the tropical clay soils of Dhaka, Bangladesh    A S HOSSAIN
2001    PhD    London, Imperial    The nitrogen economy of rice-based cropping systems in Bangladesh    F HOSSAIN
2001    PhD    Southampton    Assessment of family planning outreach workers’ contact and contraceptive use dynamics in rural Bangladesh using multilevel modelling    M B HOSSAIN
2001    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Essays on consumption and asset mobility in rural Pakistan: a microeconomic approach    Taimur HYAT    Prof B Harriss-White
2001    PhD    Leeds    Internet implementation and strategic subsidiary context of Malaysias subsidiaries located in the UK    Azizi Ali IBRAHIM
2001    PhD    Edinburgh    The scent of jasmine: experiencing knowledge and emotion in cross cultural contextrs of South Indian classical dance    Joanna Rose JACOBSON
2001    PhD    Stirling    Fishery biology and population dynamics of shrimps (Penaeua indicus)and Metapenaeus dobsoni)in the lagoon and coastal area of Negombo, Sri Lanka    P A A T JAYAWARDANE
2001    PhD    Birmingham    A cluster randomised controlled trial of reorganising maternal health services in Sindh, Pakistan    A H JOKHIO
2001    DPhil    Oxford, St Edmund Hall    Christian and non-Christian Angami Nagas with special reference to traditional healing practices    Vibha JOSHI    Dr N J Allen
2001    PhD    London, SOAS    The making of colonial psychiatry, Bombay Presidentcy, 1849-1940    Shruti KAPILA    Prof D J Arnold
2001    PhD    London, Inst Comm.    Security, development and political accommodation in Bangladesh    Shahnaz KARIM    Prof J Manor; Prof R F Holland
2001    PhD    Southampton    Maternal health care utilisation among the urban poor of Maharashtra, India    F KAUSAR
2001    DPhil    Oxford    Echo words in Tamil    Elinor KEANE
2001    PhD    Newcastle    Enhancement of nutritional quality of straw-based diets in Pakistan by urea treatment or suppementation with protein or energy    Muhammad Aslam KHAN
2001    PhD    Nottingham    Environmental hazards, risk perception and general environmental beliefs: a cross cultural study between UK and Pakistan    N R KHAN
2001    DPhil    Oxford, Wadham    Poverty in Pakistan: a study on health, nutrition, income and consumption    Salman H KHAN    Dr C Muller
2001    DPhil    Oxford, Wadham    State, society and labour in colonial Bombay, 1893-1918    Prashant K KIDAMBI    Dr D A Washbrook
2001    PhD    Birminghm    Mission pneumatology with special reference to the Indian theologies of the holy spirit of Stanley Samartha, Vandana and Samuel Rayan    K KIM
2001    PhD    Reading    Sociolinguistic variation in urban India: a study of Marathi-speaking adolescents in Pune    Sonal KULKARNI
2001    PhD    Birmingham    British South Asian identities and the popular cultures of British Bhangra music, Bollywod films and Zee TV in Birmringham    r KUMAR DUDRAH
2001    PhD    London, External    Sarangi style in North Indian art music    Nicolas Fairchild MAGRIEL    Dr R Widdess
2001    PhD    Lancaster    Economic reforms in India: impact on savings and productivity of the manufacturing sector    Vidya MAHAMBARE    Prof V N Balasubramanyam
2001    PhD    Stirling    Small scale multispecies demersal fishery off Negombo, Sri Lanka    R R P MALDENIYA
2001    PhD    Oxford, St Antony’s    A reluctant warrior: Hong Kong in Anglo-American interactions, 1949-1957    Chi Kwan MARK    Dr R J Foot
2001    PhD    Brunel    Rushdie’s legacy: the emergence of a radical British Muslim identity    G A McROY
2001    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    African NGOs: turning knowledge and experience into power    Sarah G MICHAEL    Dr C Elliott
2001    PhD    London, SOAS    Painting awareness: a study in the use of exotic cultural traditions by the artists of the Emperor Akbar’s Khamsa of Nizami    Gregory B MINISSALE
2001    PhD    Leeds    Weak market efficiency and the determinants of share returns: a study of the listed companies on the Dhaka Stock Exchange    Asma MOBAREK    Prof K Keasey; Dr H Short
2001    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Love and marriage in Delhi    Perveez MODY SPENCER    Dr J A Laidlaw
2001    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    Dispute settlement mechanism in the ASEAN free trade area (AFTA}    Rahmat MOHAMAD
2001    PhD    Leeds    Dividend policy and behaviour and security price reaction to the announcement of dividends in an emergency market: a study of companies listed on the Dhaka Stock Exchange    A Sabur MOLLAH    Prof K Keasey
2001    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    Writing crime, writing empire: representing the colony in nineteenth century fiction fo crime    Upamanyu Pablo MUKHERJEE    Prof C I Donaldson
2001    PhD    Kent    On the strength of a likeness: Kipling and the analogical connections between India and Ireland    Kaori NAGAI
2001    PhD    Leeds    Perceptions of empowerment and reproductive health decisions amongst rural India women    Ann Marie NICHOLS    Dr Ray Bush; Dr Z Aydin
2001    PhD    London, LSE    The Singapore entrepreneurial state in China: a sociological study of the Suzhou industrial park, 1992-1999    Alexius A PEREIRA    Dr A Power
2001    PhD    Hull    Population biology and management of hilsa shad (Tenualosa ilisha)in Bangladesh    Md Jalilur RAHMAN
2001    PhD    London, LSHTM    Utilisation of primary health care services in rural Bangladesh: the population and provider perspectives    S A RAHMAN
2001    PhD    Manchester    Modelling demand and supply in Bangladesh agriculture: a computable general equilibrium approach to public policy and economic welfare    S M Osman RAHMAN    Dr N Russell
2001    PhD    City    The evolving devi: education, employment and British Hindu Gujerati women’s identity    Hasmita RAMJI
2001    DPhil    Oxford, Christ Church    Constrictions of identity and cultural translation in relation to origin and destination: a generational comparison of South Asian expatriate and immigrant writers in Britain (1937-present)    Ruvani RANASINHA    Dr J A Mee
2001    PhD    London, QMW    Public interest environmental legislation in India, Pakistan and Bangladesh    J RAZZAQUE
2001    PhD    Manchester    Participation and protected area conservation in India: ecodevelopment theory and practice    Trevor Pritchard REES    Prof D Hulme
2001    PhD    Cambridge, Clare Hall    The making of ethnoHinduism: communalism, reservations and the Ahmedabad riot of 1985    Ornit SHANI    Dr R S Chandravarkar
2001    PhD    London, LSE    Merchants, “saints” and sailors: the social production of islamic reform in a port town of western India    Edward Lawrence SIMPSON
2001    PhD    Wales, Swansea    Gender participation and community forestry: the case of joint forest management in Madhya Pradesh, India    R SINGH
2001    PhD    Reading    International experience of plant variety protection: lessons for India    Chittur SSRINIVASAN    Prof C G Thirtle
2001    PhD    Cambridge, Sidney Sussex    Ecological institutions: joint forest management in Bihar (Jharkhand)and West Bengal, India    M TIWARY    Dr S E Corbridge
2001    PhD    Cambridge, Gonville    Contested notions of sovereignty in Bengal under British rule, 1765-1785    Thomas R TRAVERS    Prof C A Bayly
2001    MPhil    Open    The legacy of the controversies: the continuing impact on interfaith encounters in Sri Lanka of nineteenth century controversies between Buddhists and Christians     M S VASANTHAKUMAR
2001    PhD    Cambridge, Newnham    The appeal of a modern god-person in contemporary India: the case of Mata Amritanandamayi and her mission    M WARRIER    Dr S B Bayley
2001    PhD    Hertfordshire    Identifying potential barriers to business process and information systems reengineering in Sri Lanka    V WEERAKKODY
2001    PhD    Southampton    Short birth intervals and infant health in India    Alison K WHITWORTH
2001    DPhil    Oxford, St Hughes    Governing property, making law: British conceptions of agrarian society and the administration of rural Bengal, c.1785-1835    Jon E WILSON    Dr D A Washbrook
2001    DPhil    Oxford, St Cross    Process analysis of a total literacy campaign in India: a case study of Udaiput District    Rie YAGI    Dr C Brock
2001    PhD    Loughborough    The globalisation of Western advertising: a case study of the impact of imported advertising on cultural values    Azizul Halim YAHYA
2001    PhD    London, SOAS    The intertextuality of women in Urdu litterature: a study of Fahmida Riaz and Kishwar Naheed    Amina YAQIN
2002    PhD    Wales, Bangor    Basic needs analysis of social forestry participants in northwest Bangladesh    S AKHTER    Prof C Price
2002    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Child labour in the Bombay Presidency, 1850-1920    Emma Catherine ALEXANDER    Dr R S Chandavarkar
2002    PhD    London, Imperial    Biological variation and chemical control of Rhizoctonia solani causing rice sheath blight disease in Bangladesh    Md Ansar ALI
2002    PhD    LSHTM    An analysis of private hospital markets in Bangladesh    M A AMIN
2002    PhD    Stirling    A question of “Chineseness”: the Chinese diaspora in Singapore, 1819-1950s    Lynn Ling-Yin ANG    Dr S Mishra
2002    MPhil    Newcastle    Trophy hunting and conservation: Himalayan Ibrex Capra Ibex sibirica in northern Pakistan    Masood ARSHAD
2002    PhD    London    The political economy of policy reform: labour market regulation in India    Roli ASTHANA
2002    PhD    Sheffield    Children’s drawings as research tool: establishing children’s environmental concepts and preferences with reference to urban openspace planning design in Johore Bahru, Malaysia    M S A BAKAR
2002    PhD    London, SOAS    Buddhism and shamanism in village Sikkim    A BALIKCI
2002    DPhil    Oxford, Somerville    The other side of the Raj: representation of colonial India in the writings of Edward John Thompson    Nilanjana BANERJI    Prof R J C Young
2002    PhD    London, SOAS    An investigation into the 56 Vinayakas in Banares and their origins    Isabelle O T BERMIJN
2002    DPhil    Oxford, Linacre    Biodiversity and conservation of a cultural landscape in the Western ghats of India    Shonil A BHAGWAT    Dr N D Brown; Dr P S Savill
2002    DPhil    Oxford, St Anne’s    Stylistic features of Sanskrit in the Upanisads and Pali in early Buddhist texts with special reference to prose word order    Pathompong BODHIPRASIDDHINAND    Prof R F Gombrich
2002    PhD    Cambridge, Wolfson    Archaeological science as anthropology: time, space and matreriality in rural India and the ancient past    Nicole Lise BOIVIN    Dr C A French
2002    MPhil    London, Birkbeck    Religion and the experiences of Indo-Pakistani women in the fiction of Bharati Mukherjee, Bapsi Sidhwa, Hanif Kureishi and Salmon Rushdie    N H BOWEN
2002    PhD    London, SOAS    Baloch nationalism: its origin and development up to 1980    Taj Mohammad BRESEEG
2002    PhD    London    Asakta Karman in the Bhagavadgita    Simon Pearse BRODBECK
2002    PhD    London, SOAS    Indian religions    Simon Pearse BRODBECK
2002    PhD    Newcastle    The integration of poverty-focused aquaculture in large-scale irrigation systems in South Asia    Cecile D BRUGERE
2002    PhD    London    Local governance in Calcutta: bureaucratic performance and health care delivery    Indranil CHAKRABARTI
2002    MLitt    Oxford, St Antony’s    Ashraf identity in early Urdu fiction    Shardul Kumar CHATURVEDI    Dr D A Washbrook; Dr N Gooptu
2002    PhD    Bristol    Towards the socialisation of children’s learning: pupils, parents and primary education in an Indian district – an ethnographic survey    Rita CHAWLA-DUGGAN
2002    PhD    London, UC    The influence of ethnicity and beliefs on the course and outcome of schizophrenia in Singapore    J L CHUA
2002    PhD    London, LSE    Social mobility in a Chamar community in eastern Uttar Pradesh, northern Indian    Manuela CIOTTI
2002    DPhil    Sussex    Rural poverty in Bangaldesh: a comparative study of determinants of economic well-being and inequality    Maria Jose A  CORTIJO
2002    PhD    Open    Environmental impact of Deccan Trap flood basalt volcanism: assessment of regional floral responses to late Cretaceous-early Tertiary activity    Jennifer Ann CRIPPS
2002    PhD    De Montfort    Maharashtra and the cross-fertilisation of style of Brahmanical caves in India    Deepanjana DANDA
2002    PhD    London, LSHTM    The long term effect of child bearing on adult mortality in Matlab, Bangladesh    Lisa Sioned DAVIES
2002    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    British policy in Bengal: 1939-1954    Bikramjit DE    Prof J M Brown; Prof T Raychaudhuri
2002    PhD    London, SOAS    Institutionalizing education: colonial government, missionary and household education in British colonial Punjab    Jeffrey Mark DIAMOND    Dr A A Powell
2002    PhD    Oxford Brookes    The molecular basis of thalassaemia in Sri Lanka    Christopher A FISHER
2002    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    Globalization and religious revival in the imperial cities of the Indian Ocean rim, 1870-1820    Mark Ravinder FROST    Dr T N Harper
2002    PhD    Durham    Indigenous knowledge, livelihood and decision -making strategies on floodplain farmers in Bangladesh    G P GHOSH
2002    PhD    Bath    Competing interests and institutional ambiguities: problems of sustainable forest management in the northern areas of Pakistan    A GOHAR
2002    PhD    Edinburgh    Untouchable citizens: an analysis of the Liberation Panthers and democratistion in Tamil Nadu    Hugh GORRINGE
2002    PhD    London, SOAS    The Sufi saints of Awrangabad: narratives, contexts and identities    Nile S GREEN
2002    PhD    Cambridge. St John’s    Mantle plumes and depositional sequences: onshore/offshore India    A R W HALKETT    Dr N J White
2002    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Famine process and famine policy: a case study of Ahmednagar District, Bombay Presidency, 1870-84    David N J HALL-MATTHEWS    Dr D A Washbrook; Dr B Harriss
2002    PhD    Leeds    Computer misuse within the organisation: an evaluation of computer misuse legislation in Britain and Malaysia    Zaiton HAMIN
2002    PhD    London, Imperial    Characterisation of Bacillus cereus strains in Bangladeshi rice    Md Anwarul HAQUE
2002    PhD    Edinburgh    Growing gods: bidayuh processes of religious change in Sarawak, Malaysia    F M A HARRIS
2002    DPhil    Sussex    British collecting of Indian art and artifacts in the 18th and 19th centuies    Lucian G HARRIS
2002    PhD    Reading    Understanding farmers’ attitudes and behaviours towards the use of pesticides on cotton crop in Pakisdtan’s Punjab    Tariq HASSAN
2002    PhD    London    The curriculum for health education in schools: issues of definition, choice and implementation: an illuminative study based on Uganda, Zambia and India    Hubert William Richmond HAWES
2002    PhD    Strathclyde    The significance of ethnic ties and entreprenurial networks in the internationalisation of the firm: case study: the internationalisation of UK Indian enterprises    Jaswinder Singh HAYER
2002    PhD    Leeds    The expression of syntax in Sri Lankan English: speech and writing    S M F HERAT
2002    PhD    Hull    US – Pakistan partnership in response to the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, 1979-1988: causes, dynamics and consequences    A Z A HILALI
2002    PhD    Strathclyde    An integrated performance measurement system of health care services: an empirical study of public and private hospitals in Malaysia    Abdul Razak IBRAHIM
2002    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    Alternative methods and sources for measuring vaccination coverage in rural Bangladesh    MdD Shafiqul ISLAM    Dr C G N Mascie-Taylor
2002    DPhil    Sussex    Voice, responsiveness and collaboration: democratic decentralization and service delivery in two Indian cities    Jennifer JALAL    J P Gaventa
2002    PhD    Wales, Bangor    Drivers of land use change and policy analysis: the case of Bangladesh    Mohammed JASHIMUDDIN    Prof G Edwards-Jones
2002    PhD    Open    An investigation of teaching and learning biology at a distance: with special reference to Sri Lanka    B G JAYATILLEKE
2002    DPhil    York    Cultural construction of the “Sinhala woman” and women’s lives in post-independence Sri Lanka    J D JAYAWARDENA    Dr J de Groot
2002    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Greeks, Saracens and Indians: imperial builders in south India, 1800-1880    Ioma Shanti JAYEWARDENE-PILLAI    Dr D A Washbrook
2002    PhD    London, RHUL    Being Sri Lankan: three cultural geographies    Tariq JAZEEL    Dr C Nash; Prof D Gower
2002    PhD    Southampton    The rhetoric and reality of gender issues in the domestic water sector: a case study from India    Deepa JOSHI
2002    PhD    Cambridge, Selwyn    Behavioural ecology of sympatric langures in Bangladesh    Md Mofizul KABIR    Dr D J Chivers
2002    MD    Leeds    Genetic and environmental determinants of cardiovascular risk factors in South Asian patients with cerebrovascular disease and their first degree relatives    K KAIN
2002    PhD    Nottingham    The categories of Hindu nationalism: a neo-structuralist analysis of the discourse of Hindutva    Christian KARNER
2002    PhD    Manchester Metropolitan    Public participation in environmental impact assessment in the developing and developed worlds: Pakistan and UK perspectives    Amjad Ali KHAN
2002    PhD    Kent    Memory, dis-location, violence and women in the partition literature of Pakistan and India     Furrukh Abbas KHAN    Dr A S Gurnah
2002    MPhil    London, UC    Vitamin A deficiency in children in the North West Frontier Province (NWFP)of Pakistan    M A KHAN
2002    PhD    Manchester    An evaluation of the performance of small and medium enterprises in Bangladesh with special reference to finance    Md Saiful Amin KHAN    Prof F Nixson
2002    PhD    Durham    Women’s voices: the presentation of women in the fiction of South Asian women    Lisa Ee Jia LAU    Dr M A Crang; Dr E E Mawdsley
2002    PhD    London    The role of Islam in the legal system of Pakistan    Martin Wilhelm LAU
2002    PhD    Kent    Power and patronage in Pakistan    Stephen M LYON    Mr R S Edmond
2002    PhD    Reading    The role of English in higher education in Pakistan    S MANSOOR
2002    PhD    Bristol    The global regulation of marine fisheries and its impact on two developing states: Namaibia and Kerala    Leonarda Enrica Camilla MARAZZI
2002    DClinPsy    Leicester    Illness representations, coping and locus of control in breast cancer: a comparative study amongst South Asian Indian women and white indigenous women    R MARTYN
2002    PhD    Durham    Sowing new ideas; an investigation of anthropology’s contribution to rural development in south east Sri Lanka    M MARZANO
2002    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    The sepoy army and colonial Madras, c1806-57    Carina Anne MONTGOMERY    Dr D A Washbrook
2002    PhD    London, SOAS    A lot of history: sexual violence, public memory and the Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971    Nayanika MOOKHERJEE    Dr C Pinney; Dr C Osella
2002    PhD    London, SOAS    Hindi film songs: and the cinema    Anna Frances MORCOM    Dr R Widdess
2002    PhD    Bristol    A study of the late Madhyamaka doxography    Jundo NAGASHIMA
2002    PhD    East Anglia    Between work and school: children in rural Andhra Pradesh    Masako OTA    Prof J D Seddon; Dr R Palmer-Jones

2002    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    The fragile web of order: conflict avoidance and dispute resolution in Ladakh    Fernanda PIRIE    Dr M J Banks; Prof D Parkin
2002    PhD    Glasgow    Morphological and molecular systematic studies of Asian caecilians (Amphibia: Gymnophiona)    Bronwen PRESSWELL
2002    PhD    London, LSE    US foreign  policy to Pakistan, 1947-1960: reconstructing strategy    Saqib Iqbal QUERESHI    Dr C Coker
2002    PhD    Essex    India in the making of liberal identities: the case of Mary Carpenter and Harrier Martineau    Brenda A QUINN    Prof C M Hall
2002    PhD    Wales, Bangor    Muslims and crime: a comparative criminological study of South Asian Muslims in Britain and Pakistan    Muzammil QURAISHI    Dr J Wardhaugh
2002    PhD    London, LSE    US foreign policy to Pakistan, 1947-1960: re-constructing strategy    Saqib Iqbal QURESHI    Dr C Coker
2002    PhD    Aberdeen    Seasonal availability and utilisation of feed resources and their impact on the nutrition of livestock in an agro pastoral system of the Hindu Kush Karakoram Himalayan region of Pakistan    Abdur RAHMAN
2002    PhD    East Anglia    Standing one’s ground: gender, land and livelihoods in the Santal Parganas, Jharkhans, India    Nitya RAO    Prof C Jackson; Dr B Rogaly
2002    PhD    Bradford    Opening up spaces: engendering protracted social conflict and conflict transformation: an analysis with special reference to Sri Lanka    C REIMANN
2002    PhD    London, LSHTM    Sustaining menstrual regulation policy: a case study of the policy process in Bangladesh    Gabrielle Catherine ROSS
2002    PhD    Aberdeen    The economic viability of shrimp farming in the coastal areas of Pakistan    Nizam SABIR
2002    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    Raj Bhakta Marg: the path of devotion to Srimad Rajcandra: a Jain community in the twenty first century    E K SALTER    Dr Johnson
2002    PhD    Edinburgh    Negotiations and contradictions: local perceptions of tourism on Langkawi Island, Malaysia    Nor Hafizah SELAMAT
2002    PhD    London, UC    A study to determine the effects of the status of women on child growth undertaken in the Mysore region of Karnataka, India    K SETHURAMAN
2002    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    The resolution of environmental disputes in India    D SHANNUGANATHAN
2002    PhD    Newcastle    Application of information technology to improve the design process in the construction sector in Pakistan: a case of the specification management process    B K SHAR
2002    PhD    London, SOAS    Communism in India    Shalini SHARMA    Dr S Kaviraj
2002    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    The sacred geography of Sanchi Hill: the archaeological setting of Buddhist monasteries in central India    J SHAW    Dr D K Chakrabarti
2002    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    Metaphysical psychology: an analysis of Sri Aurobindo Ghose’s theory of psychological consciousness development with special reference to his concepts of integral Brahman and the psychic entity     Girija SHETTAR    Dr Johnson
2002    MPhil/PhD    Reading    Credit constraints on the growth of rural non-farm sector in India    Anchita SHUKLA (TRIPATHI)    Dr S L Wiggins
2002    PhD    Bath    Escape and “struggle”: routes to women’s liberation in Bihar    Indu B SINHA    Dr G Wood; Dr J A McGregor
2002    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    Representative agent modes and macroeconomic poliocy: an application to the UK    Naveen SRINIVASAN
2002    DPhil    Oxford, Trinity    Bhuvanekabahu VII and the Portuguese: temporal and spiritual encounters in Sri Lanka, 1521-1551    Alan Leiper STRATHERN    Dr P B R Carey; Prof T F Earle
2002    PhD    Cranfield, Silsoe    An evaluation of public and private groundwater irrigation systems in Bangladesh and Pakistan    David SUTHERLAND    Dr R Carter
2002    DPhil    Oxford    Clothing culture: sex, gender and transvestism with reference to UK transvestites and the hijras of India    Charlotte SUTHRELL    Prof M Banks
2002    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    A study of consecration ritual in Indian Buddhist tantrism: a critical and annotated transslation of selected sections of the Kriyasagrahapanjika of Kuladatta    Ryugen TANEMURA    Prof A G J Sanderson
2002    PhD    Wales, Bangor    Influence of crop profitability, market, labour and land on smallholder cropping systems in rubber-growing areas of Sri Lanka    Sunethra Pushpa Kumri Thennakoon  THENNAKOON-MUDIYANSELAGE    Dr F Sinclair
2002    DPhil    Oxford, Hertford    Negotiating the boundaries of gender and empire: Lady Mary Curzon, Vicereine of India    Nicola J THOMAS    Dr P Coones; Dr J R Ryan
2002    PhD    Cambridge, Fitzwilliam    The institutional responses to the water needs of peri-urban communities in Delhi, India    Kathryn Signe TOVEY    Dr B Vira
2002    PhD    Cambridge, Christ’s    Crafting discourse: mat weaving in Pattamadai, South India    S VENKATESAN    Dr D A Swallow
2002    PhD    East Anglia    Foreign aid, power and elementary education reform in Pakistan from 1992 to 1999    Michael WARD    Dr R McBride
2002    PhD    Nottingham    Salman Rushdie: imagining the other name foe Islam    Y YACOUBI
2002    PhD    London, SOAS    The Vinaya in India and China: spirit and transformation    Jing YIN    Dr T Skorupski
2002    PhD    Reading    An application of theory of planned behaviour and logistic regression models to understand farm level tree planting and its determinants in the district of Dera Ismail of Pakistan’s North West Frontier Province    Muhammad ZUBAIR
2003    PhD    Birmingham    Women empowerment and intrahousehold resource allocation through micro-finance: a comparative study of two micro-finance institutions in Bangladesh    Shahnaz Tarannum ABDULLAH
2003    PhD    Glasgow    An ethnographic study of violence experienced by Dalit Christian women in Kerala State, India, and the implications of this for feminist theology    S ABRAHAM
2003    PhD    London, LSE    Federal formation and consociational stabilisation: the politics of national identity, articulation and ethnic conflict regulation in India and Pakistan    Katharine ADENEY    Prof B O’Leary
2003    PhD    Stirling    An empirical study of employee share ownership in Malaysia    Mohmad ADNAN B ALIAS
2003    PhD    Exeter    Linking India with Britain: the Persian Gulf cable, 1864-1906    Farajollah AHMADI    Prof J Black; Dr L P Morris
2003    PhD    London, UC    Ethnicity and environment in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. Bangladesh    Farid AHMED    Dr M Banerjee
2003    DPhil    Sussex    The construction of childhood in Monipur: negotiating boundaries through activities    Iftikhar AHMED
2003    PhD    Manchester    Sri Lankan export-orientated clothing manufacturing industry: a comparison of management development practices across foreign, joint venture and local companies    Vathsala AKURATIYAGAMAGE    B Cooke; A Mamman
2003    PhD    Queen’s, Belfast    We are fighting for the women’s liberation also: a comparative study of female combatants in the national conflicts in Sri Lanka and Northern Ireland    M ALISON
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Dominant texts, subaltern performances: two tellings of the Ramayan in central India    S ANITHA
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Wolfson    A political biography of Don Stephen Senanyake, (1931-1952): the former prime minister of Sri Lanka    Drene Terana APONSO    Dr G Johnson
2003    DPhil    Oxford, St Cross    Education reform in developing countries:decentralisation with reference to India and Pakistan    Linda F C ARTHUR    Dr C Brock
2003    PhD    London, UC    Childhood epilepsy in Bangladesh: clinical profile, predictors of outcome and randomised controlled trial of efficacy and side effects of treatment    S H BANU
2003    MPhil    Birmingham    A comparative examination of critical, religious and interreligious ingredients contributing to intercommunal harmony and disharmony in Sri Lanka: Sri Lankan Tamil Hindu dynamism, British Christian evangelism and the rise of 20th century Sinhalese Buddhist militancy    A R BECKETT
2003    PhD    Manchester    Perceptions of user education in the university libraries of Pakistan    Rubina BHATTI    T Christie; G Price
2003    PhD    Oxford Brookes    Revolution, military personnel and the war of liberation in  Banglaldesh    O A BIR BIKRAM
2003    MPhil    London, SOAS    Hindustani music in the reign of Aurangzeb    Katherine Ruth BROWN    Dr R Widdess
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    We Nelpalis: language, lliterature and the formation of a Nepali public sphere in India, 1914-1940    Rhoderick Alasdair MacDonald CHALMERS    Dr M Hutt
2003    PhD    Leeds    The relationship between knowledge and power in the work of Amitav Ghosh    C G CHAMBERS
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity Hall    Mysore: the making and unmaking of a model state, c. 1799-1834    Nigel Hugh Mosman CHANCELLOR    Prof C A Bayly
2003    PhD    Edinburgh    Rishtas: transational Pakistani marriages    Katharine CHARSLEY
2003    PhD    Sheffield    Birth for some women in Pakistan: defining and defiling    M CHESNEY
2003    PhD    Edinburgh    Admitted truths in Muslim-Christian dialogue: a study of William Muir, Sayyid Ahmad Khan and William Goldsack in 19th century India    David Otis COFFEY
2003    DPhil    Oxford, Queen’s    Marxism and middle class intelligentsia: political ideology and culture in Bengal, 1920-1950    Rajarshi DASGUPTA    Dr N Gooptu
2003    DPhil    Oxford, St Hugh’s    Bridging educational and social divides ? private school outreach for out-of-school children in India    Laura L DAY    Dr C Brock
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Local brokers: knowledge and trust and organisation in the practice of agricultural extension for small and marginal farmers in Rajasthan, India    Bina DESAI    Dr D Mosse
2003    PhD    Newcastle    The regulation of private schools for low-income families in Andrha Pradesh,India: an Austrian economic approach    P DIXON
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Girton    Orientalism, Sanskrit scholarship and education in colonial north India, ca 1775-1875    Michael Sinclair DODSON    Prof C A Bayley
2003    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    Sri Ramakrishna, Swami Vivekananda and the Ramakrishna movement: the question of continuity    Paul W EATON    Dr Johnson
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Jews and Judaism in modern Indian discourse    Yulia EGOROVA    Prof C Shackle
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Clare Hall    Behind the scenes at the magic house: an ethnoggraphy of the Indian Museum, Calcutta    M J ELLIOTT    Dr D A Swallow
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Jesus    A study of agricultural production at the level of household, community and region: long term trends in India and China    Shailaja FENNELL    Dr P H Nolan
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Sinhala Buddhist nationalism from revivalism to militant political ideology: the struggle to shape public culture in Sri Lanka    Yolanda FOSTER    Dr DTaylor
2003    PhD    Gloucestershire    Exiled from glory: Anglo-Indian settlement in nineteenth century Britain with special reference to Cheltenham    S FRASER    Dr C R V More; Dr J M Bourne
2003    PhD    Gloucestershire    Exiled from glory: Anglo-Indian settlement in nineteenth century Britain with special reference to Cheltenham    Stuart J FRASER    Dr C R V More; Dr J M Bourne
2003    PhD    London, LSE    From local tensions to ethnic conflict: the emergence of Hindu nationalism in a Christian/Hindu “tribal” community in Chhattisgargh, northern India    Peggy FROERER    Dr L Sklar
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    An economic perspective on resettlement of populations displaced by large dams: the case of the Sardar Sarovar Project displaced, India    Supriya GARIKIPATI
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    The origins and early development of anthropomorphic Indian iconography    Madhuvanti GHOSE    Dr G H R Tillotson
2003    DPhil    Oxford, St Edmund Hall    Subduction-related metamorphism, structure and tectonic evolution of the Kohistan arc and main mantle thrust zone, Pakistanm Himalayas    Simon J GOUGH    Dr D J Waters; Dr M P Searle
2003    PhD    Birmingham    Islamic activism in South Asia: the reasons for the electoral under-achievement of the Jama’at Islami Party of Pakistan, 1947-1977    F HAMEED
2003    PhD    Derby    A critical analysis of policy initiatives involving small and medium enterprises in  Malaysia    A B A HAMID
2003    PhD    Sunderland    Identity and the Bengal Muslims: mapping changing perspectives (1905-1971)    F HASHEM
2003    PhD    London, External    Patterns and dynamics of loan use: a study of BRAC borrowers in Bangladesh    F HASIN
2003    PhD    Durham    Arsenic toxicity in Bangladesh: health and social hazards    Md Manzarul HASSAN
2003    DPhil    Sussex    Elite public discourses of poverty and the poor in Bangladesh    Naomi T HOSSAIN    M P Moore
2003    PhD    Southampton    Quality of care in maternity services: childbirth among the urban poor of Mumbai, India    Louise A HULTON
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    Effect of weekly iron supplementation and antihelminthic treatment on the physical growth and development of Bangladeshi children    Mohammad Mushtuq HUSAIN
2003    PhD    Essex    Factors limiting productivity and adoption of rubber tea intercropping in the low country wet zone of Sri Lanka    S M M IQBAL
2003    MPhil    Birmingham    A call to Christian discipleship in a situation of conflict: a study of Christian mission in the socio-ethnic conflict of Sri Lanka, with special reference to the life witness and theoleogy of Dietrich Bonhoefer    M B JEYAKUMAR
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Queens’    Novels of the South Asian diaspora in East Africa    Stephanie Jillian JONES    Mr T L J Cribb
2003    PhD    London, LSE    Governing morals: state, marriage and householfd among the Gaddis of north India    Kriti KAPILA
2003    MPhil    London, SOAS    The power behind the throne: relations between the British and Indian states, 1870-1909    Caroline J KEEN    Dr A A Powell
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Corpus    Representing children: power, policy and the discourse on child labour in the football manufacturing industry of Sialkot    Ali KHAN    Dr D Sneath
2003    PhD    Manchester    The impact of privatisation in Pakistan    Iram Anjum KHAN    Dr P Cook
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Hughes Hall    A social and political history of the telegraph in the Indian empire, circa 1850-1920    Deep Kanta LAHIRI CHOUDHURY    Prof C A Bayley
2003    PhD    Cambridge,Fitzwillliam    Colonial governmentality: spaces of inperialism and nationalism in India’s new capital, New Delh    S I LEGG    Dr J S Duncan
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Women, equality, autonomy: study of women’s rights in India    Sumi MADHOK    Dr S Kaviraj
2003    PhD    Aberdeen    The performance of agricultural institutions in disseminating new technologies: a case study of  modern rice variety BR 32 in Bangladesh’    B MAJUMDER
2003    PhD    Reading    Vegetation mapping in the north west of Pakistan    R N MALIK
2003    DPhil    Sussex    Gendered places, transnational lives: Sikh women in Tanzania, Britain and Indian Pubjab    K P K MAND
2003    PhD    Stirling    Policy transfer and policy translation: day care for people with dementia in Kerala, India    L F M McCABE
2003    PhD    Southampton    Barriers and opportunities in effective contraceptive management in Bangladesh    Juliet McEACHRAN
2003    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    Federalism in Malaysia: a constitutional study of the federal institutions established by the Federal Constitution of Malaysia and their relationships with the traditional institutions in the constitution (with special reference to the Islamic religious power and bureaucracy in the states)    K A MOKHTAR
2003    PhD    Leeds    The levels of integration of people with spinal cord lesion in Bangladesh    Abdul Khair Mohammed MOMIN
2003    PhD    Loughborough    Modelling a flow of funds and policy simulation experiments in the financial sector in India    Tomoe MOORE
2003    PhD    London, LSE    Tradition and modernity: a sociological comparison between Sri Lankan women in Colombo and in London in the late 1990s    Fathima Fatheena MUBARAK
2003    PhD    London, Goldsmiths    Doing development: voluntary agencies in the Sundarbans of West Bengal    Amites MUKHOPADHYAY    Prof P Caplan
2003    PhD    London, LSHTM    Gender and reproductive health in Pakistan: a need for reconceptualisation    Z MUMTAZ
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Romance and pleasure in a restrictive society: understanding the sexual conduct of unmarried middle class young people in Bangladesh    Lazeena MUNA    Prof J Cleland (LSHTM)
2003    PhD    London, LSE    Marxism and beyond in Indian politicval thought: J P Narayan and M N Roy’s theory of radical democrary    Eva-Maria NAG    Dr Chun Lin
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    The museum in colonial India (1770-1936): a history of collecting, exhibiting and disciplining of knowledge    Savithri Preetha NAIR    De G H R Tillotson
2003    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    Second World War Japanese atrocities and British minor war crimes trials: the issue of fair trial in four selected British war crimes trials in Malaysia and Singapore in 1946-1947    Arujanan NARAYANAN
2003    PhD    London, UC    The life cycle of clothing: recycling and the efficacy of materiality in contemporary urban India    Katherine Lucy NORRIS    Dr S Kuechler-Fogden
2003    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Refugees on the Indian sub-continent, 1947-1998: state policy and practice    Pia A OBEROI    Dr G S Goodwin-Gill
2003    PhD    Aberdeen    The classification and efficiency of use of forage resources under semi-arid conditions in the Hindukush, Karakoram and Himalayan region of Pakistan    R M OMER
2003    PhD    Birmingham    The echoes of a faded memory: a contribution to a history of the Tamil Coolie Mission    P J T PEIRIS
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    The formation of a divided public: print, language and literatuire in colonial Goa    R PINTO
2003    PhD    Greenwich    A tapestry of resistance: Afghan educated refugee women in Pakistan: “Agency” identity and resistance in war and displacement    N POURZAND
2003    PhD    Dundee    Quality assurance in undergraduate medical education: a multiple case study in Bangladesh, Thailand and Indonesia    Titi Savitri PRIHATININGSIH
2003    PhD    Reading    International joint ventures in developing economies: an analysis of Indo-British ventures in India    Raji RAJAN    Prof M Utton; Dr U Kambhampati
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Law and social change in India    Gopalan RAMAN
2003    PhD    London, LSHTM    The consequences of health insurance for the informal sector: two non-governmental, non-profit schemes in Gujerat    Michael Kent RANSON
2003    PhD    Durham    A study of land transformation in Savar Upazila, Bangladesh, 1915-2001: an integrated approach using remore sensing    Md Shahedur RASHID    Dr P J Atkins
2003    PhD    Cambridge, Sidney Sussex    Auditing “development”: an anthropological study of “audit culture” within a “participatory rural development” project in eastern India    M J REW
2003    MPhil    Newcastle    Development and land relations in tribal India: a study of Chotanagpur    Richard ROBERTS    P W Kellett
2003    PhD    Edinburgh    William Roxburgh (1751-1815)the founding father of Indian botany    Timothy Francis ROBINSON
2003    DPhil    Sussex    Representing rebellion: visual aspects of counter-insurgency in colonial India    Daniel J RYCROFT
2003    PhD    Wawick    Malaysian pre-school children with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) in inclusive settings    S SAAD
2003    PhD    Bristol    Voices from an island: a reading of four Sri Lankan novelists in English    D SAIKIA
2003    PhD    Bradford    A social constructionist account of children’s rights under the conditions of globalisation: the issue of child labour in India    G SANGHERA
2003    PhD    Warwick    The knowledge and perspectives about Educational Management Information System (EIS/SMPP) of decision makers in the Malaysian Ministry of Education (MMOE): an enquiry into the implementation of an EMIS    M W SARWANI
2003    PhD    Manchester    Institutions and poverty reduction: a case study of rural Bangladesh    Md Golam SARWAR    Dr J Mullen
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Woman and communal violence in India    Atreyee SEN    Dr D Mosse
2003    PhD    Manchester    Information technology and the construction industry in Pakistan    Ali SHAR    Prof S Guy
2003    PhD    Cambridge, St Cath’s    The making of modern Assam, 1826-1935    Jayeeta SHARMA    Prof C A Bayley
2003    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    Arsenic mobility in sediments and contamination of he Bengal Basin    Darren SHAW
2003    PhD    Bradford    Microfinance and social change: a case study of household finance, development and change in gender relations in rural Bangladesh    M N I SHEKH
2003    DPhil    Sussex    Resisting stigma and interventions: situating trafficked Nepali women’s struggles for self-respect, safety and security in Mumbai and Nepal    M M SHIVADAS
2003    PhD    Leicester    Violence as non communication: the news differential of Kashmir and north east conflicts in the Indian national press    Prasun SONWALKAR    Prof A Sreberny
2003    PhD    Aberdeen    Factors affecting tree growing in traditional agriforestry systems in Werstern Himalaya, India    K K SOOD
2003    PhD    Brunel    Moral continuity: Gujerati kinship, women, children and rituals    Alison SPIRO, Mary
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Social exclusion and cohesion: the case of leprosy in South India    James STAPLES    Dr D Mosse
2003    PhD    London, LSE    Bringing the Empire back in: patterns of growth in the British imperial state, 1890-1960 (with special reference to Indian and Africa)    Gita SUBRAHMANYAM
2003    PhD    Birmingham    Imagining Hinduism: a post colonial perspective    S SUGIRTHARAJAH
2003    PhD    Manchester    A feminist analysis of “white-ness” in an Indian research context    Maria SUMMERSON    Prof L Stanley
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Prostitution and the law in Pakistan: a case study of Lahore’s Hira Mandi    R TAK
2003    PhD    Open    South Asian women and the construction of political identity    S TAKHAR
2003    PhD    Warwick    Foreign music: linguistic estrangement and its textual effects in Joyce, Beckett, Nabokov and Rushdie    J TAYLOR
2003    DPhil    Oxford, Wadham    Monetary remedy for breach of constitutional rights in the United States, India, New Zealand and the United Kingdom    Lisa Anne TORTELL    Prof P P Craig
2003    PhD    London, SOAS    Literature and the politics of identity in Orissa    Lopamudra TRIPATHY    Dr S Kaviraj
2003    DPhil    Oxford, Nuffield    Growth empirics within a low income country: evidence from states in India,1960-1992    Kamakshya D TRIVEDI    Dr G M F Cameron
2003    PhD    London, LSE    Rebels and devotees of Jharkhand: social, religious and political transformation among the Adivasis of northern India    Barbara VERARDO
2003    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    Institutional change and natural resource management: the case of forest policy reform in India    Bhaskar VIRA    Prof P H Nolan
2003    PhD    East Anglia    Embodied working lives: manual labouring in Maharashtra, India    Louise WAITE    Dr C Jackson; Dr R Palmer-Jones
2003    PhD    Warwick    Pakistan’s teaching hospitals: present measures quality and proposed quality improvement programmes    G WAJID
2003    DPhil    Oxford, St Cross    Bangladeshi pupils: experiences, identity and achievement    Sue WALTERS    Dr C W R Davies; Prof S Tomlinson
2003    PhD    East Anglia    The growth of the Indian software industry: a social history    Meera WARRIER    Dr K Sen
2003    PhD    Edinburgh    Stereotyped Scots: representations and realities of Scottish missionary and military experience in colonial and post-independence Pakistan    Jeremy WESTON
2003    PhD    Wales    Pandita Ramabai (1858-1922): a re-evaluation of her life and work    Keith J WHITE
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Lucy     The world is established through the work of existence: the performance of Gham-Khadi among Pukhtun Bibiane in northern Pakistan:    Amineh A AHMED    Dr S B Bayly
2004    PhD    Hull    Political regime change and local government in Bangladesh    Tariq AHMED    L Summers
2004    MPhil    Bradford    Community level conflict transformation for sustainable peace: a Barefoot University for peace education in Sri Lanka    Monica ALFRED
2004    MPhil    De Montfort    Arsenic speciation in foodstuffs from Bangladesh and a method for arsenic removal from water    Shaban W AL-RMAILLY
2004    PhD    Wales, Cardiff    The portfolio behaviour of the GCC islamic and conventional banks    Abdulaziz Mohammad N AL-SAEED
2004    DPhil    Oxford, Linacre    Just a pile of stones ! The politicization of identity , indigenous knowledge and sacred landscapes among the Lepcha and the Bhutia tribes in contemporary Sikkim, India    Vibha ARORA    Prof D Parkin; Prof M J Banks
2004    DPhil    Oxford, Campion Hall    From outcaste to caste: the use of symbols and myths in the construction of identity: a study of conflict between the Paraiyars and the Vanniyars in Tamil Nadu, South India    Chockalingam Joe ARUN    Dr M J Banks
2004    PhD    Durham    Economic and structural reforms and bank efficiency: a comparative analysis of India and Pakistan, 1990-1998    A ATAULLAH
2004    PhD    Bradford    Quality assurance in the basic nurse education programme in Pakistan: a case study aimed at improving the quality assurance practices in the basic nurse education in Pakistan    A AZIZ
2004    PhD    Greenwich    A sustainable competitiveness model for strategic alliances: a study of rural entrepreneurs and commercial organisations in Malaysia with special emphasis on Malaysian farmer’s organisations    S A BAHARUM
2004    DPhil    Oxford, Nuffield    The legisimating vocabulary of group rights in contemporary India    Rochana BAJPAI    Prof M S Freedom; Dr N Gooptu
2004    PhD    Reading    Farmers’ risk and uncertainty perceptions and their influence on farm level decision-making in the cotton-wheat zone of Pakistan’s Punjab    K A BAJWA    Dr T Rehman
2004    PhD    London, InstEd    An evaluation of the impact of school-based resource management and formula funding of schools and on the efficiency and equity of resource allocation in Sri Lanka    Balasooriya Mudiyanselage Jayantha BALASOORIYA    Prof A Little; Prof R Levacic
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Downing    Skill upgrading within informal training: lessons from the Indian auto mechanic    J C BARBER    Dr L Caley
2004    DBA    Strathclyde    The competitive advantage of Pakistan: empirical analysis of the textile/apparel industry    K M BARI
2004    PhD    London, Goldsmiths    In service in India: the ethics of rule and conduct of British administrators and army officers in late nineteenth and early twentieth century India    Jatinder BARN    N Rose
2004    MPhil    SOAS    The dispensary movement in Bombay Presidency: ideology and practice, 1800-1876    Jennifer BLAKE    Prof D Arnold
2004    PhD    Middlesex    The “divine heirarchy”: the social and institutional elements of vulnerability in South India    B BOSHER
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    Challenging development: western discourses and Rajasthan women    Tamsin Jane BRADLEY
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Queens    Tectono-metamorphic evolution of the central and western Himalayas    M CADDICK    Dr T J B Holland
2004    PhD    Coventry    Empire and authority:  Curzon, collisions, character and the Raj, 1899-1906    M CARRINGTON
2004    DPhil    Sussex    Bringing citizens back in: public sector reform, service delivery performance and and accountability in an Indian state    Jonathan CASELEY    Dr A Joshi
2004    PhD    Sheffield    Site-formation studies and paleolithic investigations in the Siwalik Hill of northern India: reconsidering the  Soanian history    P R CHAUHAN
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    Buddhist nuns in Sri Lanka and Taiwan    W-Y CHENG
2004    PhD    Warwick    Uncovering injustice: towards a Dalit feminist politics in Bangladesh    Shraddha CHIGATERI    C Wright
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    The Da’sanami-Samnyasis: the integration of ascetic lineages into an order    Matthew James CLARK
2004    PhD    Manchester    We are the kings: the children of Dhaka’s streets    Alessandro CONTICINI    D Hulme
2004    PhD    Anglia    Adaptation and change in a traditional society: sustainable development in the context of a Ladakhi village    Robert COOK
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    The Irish expatriate community in British India, c1750-1900    Barry James Conleth CROSBIE    Prof C A Bayley
2004    DPhil    Oxford, Balliol    Much ado about religion: a critical and annotated translation of the Agamadambara, a satirical play by the 9th century Kashmirian philosopher Bhatta Jayanta    Csaba DEZSO    Prof J A Sanderson
2004    PhD    Manchester    Marginal Indian Punjabi Sikh men; a psychotherapeutic perspective    Kamaldeep Singh DHILLON    Dr C Bates
2004    PhD    Nottingham    Inherited factors in pre-eclampsia: molecular genetic and epidemiological studies in a Sri Lankan population    V H W DISSANAYAKE
2004    PhD    Bristol    Gender and human rights: a discursive study of “violence against women” in Mexico and Pakistan    Silvie DRESSELHAUS    Dr J Weldes; Dr V Hewitt
2004    PhD    Portsmouth    The growth and applicationof Shari’ah in India: a legislative and judicial interpretation since 1947    E EHSANULLAH
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    Portugal and Portuguese India, 1870-1961    Bernard Dale ETHELL    Prof P G Robb
2004    PhD    Bradford    Ceramic specialisation and standardisation in early historic South Asia: an interdisciplinary investigation of rouletted ware, grey ware and Arikamedu Type 10    L A FORD
2004    PhD    Hull    Identity, war and the state in India:  the case of the Nagas    Mr T FRANKS
2004    PhD    London, King’s    Improving the quality management systems for pharmaceutical services in developing countries: a case study in Sri Lanka    Piyadasa Galalla GAMAGE
2004    PhD    Oxford, Blackfriars    The Vedantic cosmology of Ramanuja and its western parallels    Robindra GANERI    Prof J S K Ward
2004    PhD    Nottingham    Slavery in ancient Greek poleis and ancient Sri Lanka: a comparison    W M W GEDARA
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Queens’    Of poverty and markets: the political economy of informal waste recovery and plastic recycling in Delhi    K GILL    Dr B Vira
2004    PhD    St Hugh’s    Caitanya Vaisnava Vedanta: acintyabhedabheda of Jiva Gosvani’s Catusutri Tika    Ravi Mohar GUPTA    Dr S Gupta-Gombrich; Prof J S K Ward
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    Samaj and unity: the in Bengali literati’s discourse on nationhood,  1867-1905    Swarupa GUPTA    Prof P G Robb
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    The politics of language and nation-building: the Nehruvian legacy and representations of cultural diversity in Sahgal, Rushdie and Seth    A M GUTTMAN
2004    PhD    East Anglia    Understanding gender and intra-household relations: a case study of Shaviyani Atoll, Maldives    Hala HAMEED    Prof C Jackson
2004    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    The dynamics of low-caste conversion movements: rural Punjab c 1880-1935    Christopher Gerard Michael HARDING    Prof J M Brown
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    Religious mobilisation and the construction of political space in the Indian North West Frontier tribal areas in the early twentieth century    Sana HAROON
2004    MPhil    Leicester    Lord Lake of Laswaree and Delhi, 1744-1808    Roger HARRIS    Dr H V Bowen
2004    PhD    Durham    Detection, monitoring and management of small water bodies: a case study of Shahjadpur Thana, Bangladesh    Khondaker Mohammod Shariful HUDA    Dr P J Atkins; Dr D Donaghue
2004    PhD    Warwick    Problem of national identity of the middle class in Bangladesh and state-satellite television    Zeenat HUDA    Dr P Mukta
2004    PhD    Essex    Initial public offerings in Pakistan    T IMTIAZ
2004    PhD    South Bank    Parental involvement, attitudes and responsibilities in educaton: a case study of parents in Britain and Pakistan    N INAYAT
2004    PhD    Cranfield    Technology catch-up actions for manufacturing companies in Pakistan    N IQBAL

2004    PhD    London, SOAS    Protestant translations of the Bible (1714-1995) and defining a Protestant Tamil identity    Hephziba ISRAEL
2004    PhD    London, LSE    People and tigers: an anthropological study of the Sundarbans of West Belgal, India    A JALAIS
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Queens’    The agency of normal food: performing normality in contemporary urban Bengal    Manpreet Kaur JANEJA    Prof C Humphrey
2004    DPhil    Oxford, Nuffield    Bridging the digital divide: regulating universal access in India    Akash K KAPUR    Ms B Morgan
2004    PhD    Reading    Constraints and opportunities for sustainable livelihoods and forest management in the mountains of North West Frontier Province, Pakistan    Jahangir KHAN    Dr H M Jones
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Selwyn    Ecology and conservation of the Bengal tiger in the Sundarbans mangrove forest of Bangadesh    M M H KHAN    Dr D J Chivers
2004    PhD    De Montfort    Temple architecture of Bengal 9th to 16th centuries    A KHARE
2004    PhD    Keele    Reconstructing rights: an analysis of the role of rights in reconstructing gender relations in the earthquake affected area, Maharashtra, India    Jane KRISHNADAS
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    Resolution and rupture: the paradox of violence in witch accusations in Chhatisgarh, India    Helen M MACDONALD    Dr D Mosse
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    Resolution and rupture: the paradox of violence in witch accusations in Chhattisgarh, India    Helen M MacDONALD
2004    PhD    Edinburgh    Pious flames: changing Western interpretations of widow burning in India to 1860    Andrea MAJOR    Dr C Bates; Dr I Duffield
2004    PhD    Oxford, St John’s    Cricket in colonial India, 1850-1947    Boria MAJUMDAR    Dr D A Washbrook
2004    PhD    Nottingham    Land tax administration and compliance attitudes in Malaysia    N A A MANAF
2004    PhD    London, King’s    Countering hegemony: the geopolitics of agrobiotechnology and the regulatory role of the Indian state    Martin MANSKI    M Mulligan
2004    PhD    Birmingham    The interdependency and the relationship between the government and private sector and their changing role in the development of micro island tourism in the Maldives    Abdulla MAUSOOM
2004    PhD    Durham    Travelling knowledges: urban poverty and slum/shack dwellers international    Colin McFARLANE    Dr G Macleod
2004    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    The establishment and growth of selected pioneer tree species from disturbed tropical rainforest sites in Malaysia    H MD NOOR
2004    PhD    London, King’s    Reterritorialising transnational corporate hegemony: the geopolitics of agribiotechnology and the regulatory role of the state in India    Martin MENSKI
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    Zorastrian music    Raiomond MIRZA    Prof O Wright; Dr R Widdess
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    Space, borders and histories: identity in colonial Goalpura (India)    Sanghamitra MISRA    Prof P G Robb
2004    PhD    Cambridge, St John’s    Crystal structure of north east India and southern Tibet and a comparison with thelithosphere of the stable Indian shield    S MITRA    Dr K F Priestley
2004    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    The British in India and their domiciled brethern: race and class in the colonial context, 1858-1930    Satoshi MIZUTANI    Dr D A Washbrook
2004    MPhil    Leeds    Enabling and disabling factors of community cohesion among Pakistani Muslims in Bradford    Dominic J MOGHAL    Dr K Knott
2004    PhD    London , UC    Reworking modernity: the impact of resettlement in the Narmada valley, India    Kuheli MOOKERJEE    Dr C Dwyer; Dr A Varley
2004    PhD    London, InstArch    An examination of the spatial and temporal variation of lithic technology throughout the early Bronze Age of Pakistan    Justin Collard MORRIS    K Thomas
2004    PhD    London, UC    Lithic technology and cultural change during the late prehistoric period of northwest South Asia    J C MORRIS
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Lucy     Markets, transport and the state of Bengal economy, c.1750-1800    T MUKHERJEE    Prof C A Bayley
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    The perception of the “medieval” in Indian popular films, 1920s -1960s    Urvi MUKHOPADHYAY    Dr D Ali; Dr R Dwyer
2004    PhD    Cambridge    Impact of food supplementation on pregnancy weight gain and birth weight in rural Bangladesh    Shamsun NAHAR
2004    PhD    Cambridge. Sidney    Caught in the digital divide: transforming meanings of space, gender and identity for high tech professionals in Bangalore city, India    Roopa NAIR    Prof S E Corbridge
2004    PhD    Reading    The motivation of masons in the Sri Lankan construction industry    Leyon NANAYAKKARA
2004    PhD    Wales, Aberystwyth    Second World War Japanese atrocities and British minor war crimes trials: the issue of fair trial in the four selected British minor war crimes trials in Malaya and Singapore    A NARAYAN
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    The Gandavyuha-sutra: a study of wealth, gender and power in an Indian Buddhist narrative    Douglas Edward OSTO
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    Archaic knowledge, tradition and authenticity in colonial north India    Rakesh PANDEY    Dr D Ali
2004    PhD    West of England    Performance measurement and evaluation of supply chain: the Indian automobile industry    B PATEL
2004    PhD    Aberdeen    Emergency obstetric care: needs of poor women in Bangladesh    E PITCHFORTH
2004    PhD    London, LSE    Multinationals, local firms and economic reforms in Indian industry    Tushar PODDAR
2004    PhD    Birmingham    Mineral chemistry and metal extraction of Sri Lanka beach sands    W A P PREMARATNE
2004    PhD    London, LSE    A micro-econometric analysis of alcohol prohibition in India    L RAHMAN
2004    PhD    London, Wye    Measurement of productivity and efficiency of rice farmers in Bangladesh: an empirical study    Mohamed Mizanur RAHMAN
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Wolfson    Seismic characteristics of the southern Indian and the adjacent pan-African high grade terranes of Gondwanaland    Abhishek Kumar RAI    Dr K F Priestley
2004    PhD    Leeds    Nation, celebration and selected works of Michel Ondaatje and Carol Shields    Gillian Marie ROBERTS
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Gonville    HLA-DBQ1 – reproduction and health in consanguinous and non consanguinous families in Bangladesh    S ROY CHOUDHURY    Dr L A Knapp
2004    PhD    Leeds    The Sixteenth Landers, 1822-1846: the experience of regimental soldiering in India    J H RUMSBY
2004    PhD    Newcastle    Trade reforms: total factor productivity and profitability of manufacturing sectors in Pakistan    Naveeda SALAM
2004    PhD    Open    Psychedelic whiteness: rave tourism and the materiality of race in Goa    Joseph Johannes Arun SALDANHA    Dr J D Robinson; Prof D B Massey
2004    PhD    Manchester    The effect of globalisation on the grassroots women in Bangladesh    Nasreen SATTAR    Ms S Rowbotham
2004    PhD    London, LSE    Understanding the state: an anthropological study of rural Jharkhand, India    A SHAH
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    The Balochi verb: an etymological study    Azim SHAHBAKHSH
2004    DPhil    Oxford, Wolfson    State and society in: Gujerat, c.1200-1500: the making of a region    Samira SHEIKH    Dr D A Washbrook
2004    PhD    Edinburgh    Living with HIV/AIDS: turning points, transitions and transformations in the lives of women in Bombay and Edinburgh    Dina Pervez SIDHVA
2004    PhD    Cambridge    Exploring inclusive education in an Indian context    N SINGAL
2004    PhD    Birmingham    The question of method in Dalit theology: in search of a systematic approach of an Indian liberation theology    Charles SINGARAM
2004    MPhil    Wales, Swansea    Policy and practice of forest management through local institutions in Himachal Pradesh, India    M P SOOD
2004    PhD    South Bank    Health beliefs and health practices of South Asian and British white adults with and without myocardial infarction    Dooroowadave SOOKHOO
2004    DPhil    Oxford, Linacre    Secularism in Salman Rushdie’s “Midnight’s children” and Vikram Seth’s “A suitable boy”: history, nation, language    Neelam F R SRIVASTAVA    Dr J A Mee
2004    PhD    Cardiff    Crossing boundaries: an ethnography of occupational socialization of post-diploma baccalaureate nursing students in Pakistan    Grace D STANLEY
2004    PhD    Cardiff    Crossing boundaries: an ethnography of occupational socialization of post-diploma baccalaureate student nurses in Pakistan    Grace Dianne STANLEY    M Neary; G A Donald
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Downing    From “Palestine” [poem] to India: Bishop Heber’s poetic pilgrimage    I TAKAHASHI    Dr N J Leask
2004    PhD    London, SOAS    Towards a definitive grammar of Bengali: a study and critique of research on selected grammatical structures    Hanne-Ruth THOMPSON    Dr W Radice
2004    PhD    Birmingham    Support and supervision of secondary school teachers in Bangladesh    H THORNTON
2004    DPhil    Oxford, Worcester    Tectonic, metamorphic and magmatic evolution of the central Karakoram crust, northern Pakistan    aNDREW THOW    Dr D J Waters; Prof R R Parrish; Dr M P Searle
2004    DPhil    Oxford, St Cross    The grammar and poetics of Murti-Seva: Caitanya Vaisnava image worship as discourse, ritual and narrative    Kenneth R VALPEY    Dr S Gupta-Gombrich; Prof J S K Ward
2004    PhD    Birmingham    Differences in school performance between Tamil Brahmin and Malabar Muslim children in Kerala, India: a socio-cutural approach    V P VAZHALANICKAL
2004    PhD    Open    Science, technology and agency in the development of drought prone areas: a cognitive history of drought and scarcity    Linden Faith VINCENT    Prof D V Wield
2004    PhD    Coventry    Partition and locality: case studies of the impact of partition and its aftermath in the Punjab region, 1947-1961    Pritpal VIRDEE    Prof I A Talbot
2004    PhD    Cambridge, St Edmund’s    Eating and identity in the novels of V S Naipaul, Anita Desai, Timothy Mo and Salman Rushdie    Paul Matthew John VLITOS    Dr A D B Poole
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Churchill    Thuggee and the “construction” of crime in early nineteenth century India    Kim Ati WAGNER    Prof C A Bayley
2004    PhD    Cambridge, Emmanuel    Between bureaucrats and beneficiaries: the implementation of eco-development:in Pench tiger reserves, India    Jo L WOODMAN    Dr B Vira
2004    PhD    Glasgow    The analysis of human mitochondrial DNA in peninsular Malaysia    Z ZAINUDDIN
2004    PhD    London, King’s    Remote sensing and GIS based assessment of El-Nino related fire activity on Borneo, 1982-1998    Athanossios ZOUMAS
2005    PhD    Loughborough    Alternative arrangements for water supply in urban areas: case studies in Karachi, Pakistan    Noman AHMED
2005    PhD    London, UC    Through “spirits”: cosmology and landscape ecology among the Nyishi tribe of upland Arunachal Pradesh, northeast India    Alexander AISHER    Dr C Pinney; Dr M Banerjee
2005    PhD    Keele    The cultural politics of production: ethnicity, gender and the labour process in Sri Lanka tea plantations    Chandana G ALAWATTAGE
2005    PhD    London, King’s    Studies on slected Malaysian plants as antidiabetic agent    H M ALI
2005    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Equality of educational opportunity and public policy in Bangladesh    Mohammad Niaz ASADULLAH    Dr R Kingdon; Dr S Dercon
2005    PhD    London, LSE    Structural changes in East Asia: factor accumulation, technological progress and economic geography    Shuvojit BANERJEE
2005    PhD    Manchester    The politics of market space in Calcutta, India: past and present    Martin BEATTIE    Prof S Guy
2005    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    Missionary education knowledge and and north Indian society, c 1880- 1915    Hayden John-Andrew BELLENOIT    Dr D A Washbrook
2005    PhD    London, King’s    The changing goddess: the religious lives of Hindu women in West Bengal    Cynthia BRADLEY    Prof F Hardy
2005    PhD    London, UC    Mental illness, medical pluralism and Islamism in Sylhet, Bangladesh    Alyson Fleur CALLAN    Prof R Littlewood
2005    PhD    London, SOAS    Muzaffar Ahmad, Calcutta and socialist politics, 1913-1929    Suchetana CHATTOPADYHYAY    Prof P G Robb
2005    PhD    East Anglia    Surface tension: water and agrarian change in a rainfed village, West Bengal, India    Daniel COPPARD    Dr B Lankford
2005    PhD    Edinburgh    Sri Pada: diversity and exclusion in a sacred site in Sri Lanka    Delkandura Arachchige Premakumara DE SILVA
2005    PhD    London, LSHTM    Social capital and maternal mental health: a cross cultural comparison of four developing countries [Peru, India, Ethiopia, Vietnam]    Mary Joan DE SILVA    Ms S Huttly; Prof T Harpham
2005    PhD    Cambridge. Trinity Hall    Second language acquisition of articles and plural markings by Bengali learners of Engish    Hildegunn DIRDAL    Dr T Parodi
2005    MPhil    London, UC    The servant/employer relationship in19th century England and India    Fae Ceridwen DUSSART    Prof C M Hall
2005    PhD    London, Royal Holloway    Analysing the impact of labour and education laws on child labour in Pakistan during the 1990s    T FASIH
2005    PhD    London, Inst Ed    Ways forward to achieve school effectiveness and school improvement: a case study of school leadership and teacher professional development in Sri Lanka    B N A B FERNANDO
2005    PhD    London, SOAS    Surrendering to the earth: a feminine interpretation of Dharma worship in Bengal with special reference to ‘Sunya Purana    Fabrizio FERRARI
2005    PhD    Edinburgh    Twentieth century South Asian Christian theological engagement with religious pluralism: its challenges for pentecostalism in India    Geomon Kizhakkemalayil GEORGE
2005    MPhil    Birmingham    Sikhism and violence    P GILL
2005    PhD    Cambridge, Gonville     Inverted metamorphism in the Sikkim-Darjeeling Himalay: structural, metamorphic and numerical studies    S GOSWAMI    Prof M J Bickle
2005    MPhil    West of  England    A study of “enabling conditions” in primary schools in Negombo Education Zone in Sri Lanka with special reference to effective leadership and physical and material resources    Egodawatte Arachchige Don GUNAWARDENA
2005    DPhil    Oxford, St Cross    Discourses of religion and development: agency, empowerment and choices or Muslim women in Gujerat, India    Laila N HALANI    Dr M J Banks
2005    PhD    Reading    Farmers’ decision-making in rice pest management: implications for farmer field school approaches in Bangladesh    Mohammad Abdul HAMID    Dr D D Shepherd
2005    PhD    Manchester    A fire of tongues: narrative patterning in the Sanskrit Mahabharata    James Marcel HEGARTY
2005    PhD    London, Queen Mary    Intellectual property law and e-commerce in Sri Lanka: towards a jurisprudence based on consitution, Roman-Dutch law and Buddhist principles    T S K HEMARATNE
2005    PhD    Edinburgh    Rights based development: formal and process approaches in Pakistan    Shiona Mary HOOD
2005    PhD    Cambridge, Fitzwilliam    Ecology, economy and society in the eastern Bengal delta, c.1840-1943    Khondker Iftekhar IQBAL    Prof C A Bayley
2005    PhD    Plymouth    International freight transport multimodal development in developing countries: the case of Bangladesh    Dewan Mohammad Zahurul ISLAM    Dr R Gray
2005    DPhil    Sussex    Women, employment and the family: poor informal sector women workers in Dhaka city    Farzana ISLAM    Dr H Standing
2005    PhD    London, LSE    Assessing the impact of Gujerat’s resettlement and rehabilitation policy on the livelihoods of women and their empowerment post-displacement    Anupma JAIN
2005    PhD    Open    Volcanic architecture of the Deccan Traps, western Maharashtra, India: an integrated chemostratigraphic and paleomagnetic study    Anne E JAY
2005    PhD    Cambridge, Darwin    Cross cultural perspectives in contemporary Sri Lankan writing in English    Sharanya JAYAWICKRAMA    Dr P Gopal
2005    DPhil    Oxford, St Antony’s    India divided: state and society in the aftermath of partitition: the case of Uttar Pradesh, 1946-1952    Yasmin KHAN    Prof J M Brown; Prof I A Talbot
2005    PhD    London, LSE    Soldiers’ experience of war, Burma 1942-1945    Tatjana Genoveva Ursula KRALJIC    Prof M Knox
2005    MPhil    West of England    An investigation of primary teachers’ professional attitudes in Sri Lanka with special reference to Negombo Educational Zone    Nihil Tissa Kumara LOKULIYANA
2005    DPhil    Oxford    Implications of displacement and resettlement for the Gonds of central India    Preeti MANN    Dr D Chatty; Dr M J Banks
2005    PhD    Queen’s, Belfast    Women’s human rights in Islam and international human rights regime: the case of Pakistan    N MIAN
2005    PhD    London, SOAS    Merchants, markets and the monopoly of the East India Company: the salt trade in Bengal under colonial control c. 1790-1836    Sayako MIKI    Prof P G Robb
2005    PhD    London,  SOAS    The transmission and performance for khyai composition in the Gwalior gharana of India vocal music    A D MORRIS
2005    PhD    Essex    A case of interest maximisation? Military-civil bureaucratic behaviour and political outcomes in Bangladesh (1975-1990)    Khairuzzaman MOZUMDER
2005    EdD    Birmingham    Exploring the potential for educational change through participatory and democratic approaches in Pakistan    N MUHAMMAD
2005    PhD    Nottingham    United Nations charter and treaty-based international human rights monitoring in relation to the prohibition of torture and other cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment or punishment: a study of two states, the United Kingdom and the Republic of India    A MUKHERJEE
2005    DPhil    Sussex    Knowledge, identity, place and (cyber)space: growing up male and middle class in Bangalore    N C NISBETT
2005    PhD    Edinburgh    Case study of a health-oriented NGO in Pakistan    Madeline PATTERSON
2005    PhD    Edinburgh    From medical relief to community health care: a case study of non-governmental organisation (Frontier Primary Health Care) in North Western Province, Pakistan    Margaret Madeline PATTERSON
2005    dpHIL    Oxford, Balliol    Through district eyes: local raj and the myth of the Punjab tradition in British India, 1858-1907    Dara Milnes PRICE    Dr D A Washbrook
2005    PhD    London, SOAS    The sant traditioin and community formation in the works of Guru Nanak and Dadu Dayal    Susan Elizabeth PRILL    Dr C Shackle
2005    PhD    King’s, London    Gender disadvantage as a risk factor for common mental disorder in women residing in Rawalpindi/Islamabad    F QADIR
2005    EdD    Durham    Nurse education, foreign aid and development: a case study from Bangladesh    Patricia ROBSON
2005    DPhil    Sussex    Tamil youth: the performance of hierarchical masculinities: an anthropological study of youth groups in Chennai, Tamil Nadu, India    M C ROGERS
2005    PhD    London, Insti Comm    Socio-economic rights as constitutional human rights: Canada, South Africa and India compared    Desa ROSEN    Dr M Craven (SOAS); Dr P Gready
2005    PhD    London, SOAS    Early photography in India, 1850s-1870s    Stephanie S ROY
2005    PhD    Cambridge, Trinity    Sentimental imperialism: British literature and India, 1770-1830    Andrew John RUDD    Dr N J Leask
2005    PhD    Edinburgh    Conversion and communication: Christian communication and indigenous agency in conversion among the Kui people of Orissa, India, 1835-1970    Jagat Ranjan SANTRA
2005    PhD    London, SOAS    The formation of Islamic community identity in medieval north India    Nilanjan SARKAR    Dr D Ali
2005    PhD    London, SOAS    The political identity of the Delhi Sultanate, 1200-1400: a study of Zia ud-din Barani’s Fatawa-i-Jahandari    Nilanjan SARKAR    Dr D Ali
2005    PhD    London, SOAS    Globalization and identity: Sikh nationalism, diaspora and international relations    Giorgiandrea SHANI
2005    PhD    Sheffield    Structure and composition of India’s exports with speial reference to India’s post- liberalisation period    Abhijit SHARMA
2005    PhD    De Montfort    Colonial intervention and urban transformation: a case studyof Shahjahanabad, Old Delhi    J P SHARMA
2005    PhD    London, SOAS    A study of the Amaravati stupa: the chronology and social contexts of an early historic Buddhist site in the Lower Krishna Valley    Akira SHIMADA    Dr D Ali
2005    DPhil    Oxford, Green    The business of schooling:the school choice processes, markets and institutions governing low-fee provate schooling for disadvantaged groups in India    Prachi SRIVASTAVA    Dr M Birbili; Prof G Walford
2005    DPhil    Oxford    The experience of four famines in NWP & O (1837-1838, 1860- 1861; 1868-1869; 1896-1897): the gainers and the losers    Seema SRIVASTAVA
2005    MPhil    Nottingham    The effects of Asean on trade flows and assessing trade flows of the candidate country (case study: India)    Puttachat SUWANKIRI
2005    PhD    Edinburgh    Prime time and prayer time: television, religion and the practices of everyday life of Marthoma Christians in Kerala, India    Sham Padinjattethil THOMAS
2005    PhD    Strathclyde    Car dependency and traffic congestion: a case of a Malaysian city in Borneo    L TSESED KONG
2005    MPhil    Dundee    Motivation and incentives in government organisations: a study of the Income Tax Department in India    Mohanish VERMA
2005    PhD    Cambridge, Jesus    Seeking cultural safety: NGO responses to HIV/AIDS among South Asians in Delhi and London    Hannah Jill WESTON    Dr G Kearns
2005    MPhil    London, King’s    Sri Lankan perceptions of health and illness: quantitative and qualitative approaches    Yapa Mudiyanselage Charitha Gothami WIJERATNE
2005    PhD    Sunderland    Women’s ordination in Theravada Buddhism:ancient evidence and modern debates    L WILLIAMS
2005    PhD    London, SOAS    Literate networks and the production of Sgaw and Pwo Karen writing in Burma, c.1830-1930    William Burgess WOMACK    Dr M Charney Professor Ian Brown
2005    PhD    Nottingham    Predictors of language learning success in Bangladeshi secondary education institutions    Feroza YASMIN    Prof Z Dornyel
2006    PhD    London, LSHTM    Quality of care for reproductive tract morbidities by rural private practitioners in north India    Meenakshi GAUTHAM
2006    DPhil    Sussex    Poor women’s experiences of marriage and love in the city of New Delhi: every day stories of Sukh and Dukh    Shalini GROVER
2006    PhD    Newcastle    Valuation techniques of protected areas: a case study of Gir, Gujarat, India    Mohan Lal SHARMA
2006    PhD    London, Imperial    Contaminated irrigaton water and food safety in India    Kerry Vivienne SWANTON

Table 2: List of theses with incomplete data, listed alphabetically by the University and College followed by the AUTHOR (in capital letters) followed by the Supervisor(s) where available and the thesis Title. The Year and/or  Degree were not available in the public database.  If you are an author or supervisor or other academic representative, please write in with these details if possible.

Aberdeen    Sultan Ali ADIL        An economic analysis of energy use in irrigated agriculture of Punjab        PhD
Birmingham 0.365217391    S A KARUNANAYAKE        An evaluation of the present system of local government in Ceylon in the light of national needs for unity and economic and social development and proposals for appropriate changes        PhD
Birmingham 0.369264706    M G KANBUR        Spatial equilibrium analysis of trhe rice economy of South India    2000
BradfordCambridge, Trinity    Z KHAN        The development of overt nuclear weapon states in South Asia        PhD
Cambridge    Katherine Helen PRIOR        The British administration of Hinduism in India, 1780-1900        PhD
Cambridge    G CHAKRAVARTY        Imagining resistance: British historiography and popular fiction on the Indian Rebellion of 1857-1859        PhD
Cambridge 0.327375    Ajit Kumar GHOSE        Production organisation, markets and resource use in Indian agriculture        PhD
Cambridge 0.361285714    M J EGAN        A structural analysis of a Sinhalese healing ritual        PhD
Cambridge, King’s 0.301    J A LAIDLAW        The religion of Svetambar Jain merchants in Jaipur        PhD
Cambridge, Pembroke    H T  FRY    Prof E E Rich    Alexander Dalrymple, cosmographer and servant of the East India Company        PhD
Cambridge, Trinity    Magnus Murray MARSDEN    Dr S B Bayly    Islamization and globalization in Chitral, Northern Pakistan
Cambridge, Trinity Hall    C J JEFFREY    Dr S E Corbridge    Reproducing difference: the accumulation strategies of richer Jat farmers in Western Uttar Pradesh, India    2002
Cambridge, Wolfson    Gethin REES    DrD K Chakrabarti    Buddhism and trade: rock cut caves of the Western Ghats        PhD
Cranfield, Silsoe    Ariyaratne DISSANAYAKE    J Morris    Research and development and extension for agricultural mechanisation in Sri Lanka
De Montfort    S JAIN        The havelis of Rajasthan: form and identity        PhD
Durham 0.401311475    M F A KHAN        The arid zone of West Pakistan        PhD
East Anglia    John HARISS        Technological change in agricultural and agrarian social structure in Northen Tamil Nadu, India        PhD
Edinburgh    N THIN        High spirits and heteroglossia: forest festivals of the Nilgiri Irulas        PhD
Edinburgh    AKSHAY KHANNA        Sexuality as a political object in civil society: active formations in India    2003
Edinburgh    Rebecca WALKER        Concepts of peace in conflict situations in Sri Lanka        PhD
Glasgow    Sana KHOKHAR    Dr F Noorbakhsh; Dr A Paloni    An evaluation of the structural adjustment and economic reform programme: a case study of Pakistan        MPhil
Lancaster    J A BURR        Cultural stereotypes and the diagnosis of depression: women from South Asian communities and their experience of mental distress    1980
Leeds    E K TARIN        Health sector reforms: factors influencing the policy process for government initiatives in the Punjab (Pakistan) health sector, 1993-2000        PhD
Leeds 0.35375    A P A FERNANDO        Agricultural development of Ceylon since independence (1948-1968)- an investigation into some aspects of agricultural development in Ceylon and an evaluation of major agricultural policies adopted in the peasant sector        PhD
Leeds 0.35375    M S KHAN        Policies and planning for agricultural development with a high population density: a case study of East Pakistan        PhD
London    F R M HASAN        Ecology and rural class relations in Bangladesh: a study with special reference to three villages        PhD
London    B GHOSH    Dr Anstey    The Indian salt industry, trade and taxation        PhD
London    R L HATFIELD        Management reform in a centralised environment: primary education administration in Balochistan, Pakistan, 1992-1997        MSc
London    GAYAS-UD-DIN        Medical library and information system for India        PhD
London    Sarmistha PAL        Choice of casual and regular labour contracts in Indian agriculture: a theoretical and empirical analysis    2000
London,  SOAS    Pillarisetti SUDHIR    Mr Chaudhuri    British attitudes to Indian nationalism, 1922-1935    2001 (Apropos the author’s correction in the Comments section, this entry has been moved to the main list.)
London, External 0.357464789    A A KHATRI        Marriage and family relationships in Gujerati fiction        PhD
London, Imperial    Sinniah JEYALINGAWATHANI        Thr utilisation of indigenous and imported Bos indicus breeds in the dry zone of Sri Lanka    2002
London, LSE    A KUNDU    Prof Allen; Mr Booker    Statistical measures of five year plans in India    2003
London, LSE    Flora Elizabeth CORNISH    Dr C Campbell    Constructing an actionable environment: colelctive action for HIV prevention among Kolkata sex workers        MPhil
London, LSE 0.423157895    B P DUTIA        Economic aspects of production and marketing of cotton in India        PhD
London, LSHTM    Margaret J LEPPARD        Obstetric care in a Bangladeshi hospital: an organisational ethnography        PhD
London, LSHTM    Steven RUSSELL        Can households afford to be ill ? the role of the health system, maternal resources and social networks in Sri Lanka        PhD
London, LSHTM    Syed Mohd Akramuz ZAMAN        Cohort study of the effect of measles on childhood morbidity in urban Bangladesh        PhD
London, LSHTM    Mrigesh Roopchandra BHATIA        Economic evaluation od malaria control in Surat, India: bednets versus residual insecticide apray        PhD
London, SOAS    A B M MAHMOOD    Mr Harrison    The land revenue history of the Rajshahi zamindari, 1765-1793        PhD
London, SOAS    Oliver David SPRINGATE-BAGINSKY    Dr S I Jewitt    Sustainable development through particpatory forest management: an analysis of the long term role of the cooperative forest societies of Kangra District, Himachal Pradesh, India        PhD
London, SOAS    Isabella NARDI    Dr G Tillotson    The Citrasutras: the Indian theory of painting    1929?    MA
London, SOAS    Angela ATKINS    Dr R Snell    The Indian novel in English and Hindi        PhD
London, SOAS    Angela C EYRE        Land, language and literary identity: a thematic comparison of Indian novels in Hindi and English        MA
London, SOAS    Rajit Kumar MAZUMDER    Prof P G Robb    The making of Punjab: colonial power, the Indian army and recruited peasants, 1849-1939        MA
London, SOAS    Lalita Nath PANIGRAHI    Prof a l Basham    The practice of female infanticide in India and its suppression in the North Western Provinces        PhD
London, SOAS 0.318795181    Terumichi KAWAI        Freedom of religion in comparative constitutional law with special reference to the UK, US, India and Japan        MPhil
London, SOAS 0.3432    W P KINNEY    Dr M Caldwell; P C Ayre    Aspects of economic development in Malaya        MA
London, SOAS 0.35375    K D GAUR        Economic crimes relating to income tax in India: a critical analysis of tax evasion and tax avoidance        PhD
London, SOAS 0.35375    A GHAFFAR        Protection of personal liberty under the Pakistan constitution        BLitt
London, SOAS 0.35375    K P MISHRA    Dr J B Harrison    The administration and economy of the Banaras region, 1738-1795        BLitt
London, SOAS 0.382153846    K M KARIM        The provinces of Bihar and Bengal under Shabjahan    2003
Manchester    A BERADLEY    Prof Muir    Settlement of the Madras Presidency, 1765-1827        MA
Manchester    W A G HARRINGTON        The theory and practice of non-formal education in developing countries with case studies from India        PhD
Manchester    Jane HAGGIS        Professional ladies and working wives: female missionaries in the London Missionary Society and its South Travancoe District, South India, 1850-1900         MPhil
Manchester 0.401311475    S T G FERNANDO        A historical and analytical account of export taxation in Ceylon, 1802-1958        PhD
Manchester 0.411864407    R L KUMAR        India’s post-war balance of payments sincce 1945-1955        DPhil
Manchester 0.417413793    T S EPSTEIN        A comparative study of economic change and differentiation in two South Indian villages        PhD
Manchester Metropolitan    S PAREKH        Relationships between children with cerebral palsy and their siblings: an ethnography in Kolkata, India
Newcastle    Alice MALPASS    Dr P Phillimore    Hibred kala: the hybrid age of choice, dissent and imagination: contract faming and genetically modified cotton in Karnataka, South India        MSC
Newcastle 0.373432836    K K KHOSLA        Conditions of labour and labour legislation of industrial workers in India since 1947    2001
North London    Jasmin ARA    Ms R Glanville    Primary health care facilities in Bangladesh: a method of planning and design taking account of limited resources, local technology, future growth and change    2000
Oxford    W M KHAN        An economic evaluation of the alternative uses of land under state forests in Baluchistan    1999
Oxford, Campion Hall    P EKKE    Dr D F Brook    An ethnogaphic survey of the Oraons and the Mundas of Chota-Nagpur    1991
Oxford, Nuffield    Alistair McMILLAN    Dr N Gooptu; Prof A F Heath    Scheduled castes, scheduled tribes and party competition in India    1991
Oxford, St Hilda’s    H Vinita TSENG    Prof R F Gombrich    The Nidanavagga of the Saratthappakasini: the first two vaggas    1993
Oxford, Wolfson    Somadeva VASUDEVA    Prof A G J S Sanderson    The yoga of the Malinivijayottaratantra    1994
Reading 0.38671875    M A KAMAL        Balances and unbalanced growth as exemplified by a decade of planning experience in India    1994
Salford    S CHOWDHURY    Mr E K Grime    Housing in Bangladesh    1998
Sheffield    RITA SAIKIA    Prof M F Lynch    The utility of object-oriented domain specification in the context of a large organisation in India    1998
Southampton 0.369264706    Mohammad A MONDAL        A suggested approach to the solution of the profit measurement and asset valuation with reference to the developing economies of India and Pakisttan    1999
Strathclyde 0.37358209    T G GEHANI        A critical review of the work of Scottish Presbyterian missions in India, 1878-1914    1999
Sussex    R G HESELTINE        The development and impact of jute cultivation in Bengal, 1870-1930    2000
Wales    Animesh HALDER        Potential diversification in India’s export pattern    2000
Wales, Swansea    S S MUKHERJEE        Urban process in Calcutta: some planning implications    2004
Wales, Swansea    Julia CLEEVES        Gender and reproductive health: issues in hormonal contraception in India    2004
Wales, University College of Swansea 0.346621622    E A KUMARASINGHE        Information for health planning in Sri Lanka    1965

And yet…. And yet…

If the Government of India is sensible, it needs to describe and comprehend the moral subtleties of the circumstances surrounding Kasab’s life, especially during the last year.  Here was a stupid, ignorant, rather primitive youth misguided by others first into becoming a petty robber, later into becoming a terrorist-trainee in hope of advancing his career in thievery!

Bakri-Id 2008 has just occurred – it is on Bakri-Id a year ago in 2007 that Kasab reportedly first ventured into volunteering for terrorist training as a way of learning how to use firearms!  It is almost certain he had never met a Hindu or an Indian in his life before then, that he knew absolutely nothing about the subcontinent’s history or politics, that he would be ignorant about who, say, Iqbal or Jinnah or Maulana Azad or Sheikh Abdullah or Mahatma Gandhi ever were.  Within less than a year, that same youth had been brainwashed and trained adequately enough by Pakistan’s terrorist masterminds to become a robotic mass-murderer in Mumbai’s railway station.  Now having been caught and treated humanely by his captors, he has confessed everything and even expressed a wish to write a letter to his father in Pakistan expressing remorse for his deeds.

If I was the judge trying him, I would sentence him to a minimum of twenty or thirty years rigorous imprisonment in an Indian prison.  But I would add that he should be visited in jail by a few of India’s Muslim leaders, and indeed he should be very occasionally allowed out of the prison (under police supervision) in a structured program to offer Namaz with India’s Muslims in our grandest mosques.  He should learn firsthand a little of the lives of India’s Muslims and of India’s people as a whole.  Perhaps he will become a model prisoner, perhaps he may even want to become in due course a potent weapon against the terrorist masterminds who ruined his life by sending him to murder people in India.

It bears to be remembered that in an incredible act of Christian forgiveness, the widow of the Australian missionary Graham Staines forgave the cold-blooded murderers who burnt alive her husband and her young sons as they slept in a jeep in Orissa.  The family of Rajiv Gandhi may have done the same of those who assassinated or conspired to assassinate Rajiv Gandhi.  This is the land of Mahatma Gandhi, who had woven a remarkable moral and political theory out of the Jain-Buddhist-Hindu doctrine of ahimsa as well as Christian notions from Tolstoy and Thoreau of forgiving the sinner.

Of course there cannot be forgiveness where there is no remorse.  Kasab’s behaviour thus far suggests he will be remorseful and repentant; there are many other thieves and murderers in the world who are not.

Subroto Roy

Reported statement of Mohammad Ajmal Amir ‘Kasab’, 21, to police after arrest:  “I have resided in Faridkot, Dinalpur tehsil, Ukada district, Suba Punjab state, Pakistan since my birth. I studied up to class IV in a government school. After leaving school in 2000, I went to stay with my brother in Tohit Abad mohalla, near Yadgar Minar in Lahore. I worked as a labourer at various places till 2005, visiting my native once in a while. In 2005, I had a quarrel with my father. I left home and went to Ali Hajveri Darbar in Lahore, where boys who run away from home are given shelter. The boys are sent to different places for employment.  One day a person named Shafiq came there and took me with him. He was from Zhelam and had a catering business. I started working for him for Rs120 per day. Later, my salary was increased to Rs200 per day. I worked with him till 2007. While working with Shafiq, I came in contact with one Muzzafar Lal Khan, 22. He was from Romaiya village in Alak district in Sarhad, Pakistan. Since we were not getting enough money, we decided to carry out robbery/dacoity to make big money. So we left the job.

We went to Rawalpindi, where we rented a flat. Afzal had located a house for us to loot… We required some firearms for our mission… While we were in search of firearms, we saw some LeT stalls at Raja Bazaar in Rawalpindi on the day of Bakri-id. We then realised that even if we procured firearms, we would not be able to operate them. Therefore, we decided to join LeT for weapons training.  We reached the LeT office and told a person that we wanted to join LeT. He noted down our names and address and told us to come the next day.  The next day, there was another person with him. He gave us Rs200 and some receipts. Then he gave us the address of a place called Marqas Taiyyaba, Muridke, and told us to go to there. It was an LeT training camp. We went to the place by bus. We showed the receipts at the gate of the camp. We were allowed inside… Then we were taken to the actual camp area. Initially, we were selected for a 21 days’ training regimen called Daura Sufa. From the next day, our training started.

The daily programme was as follows: 4.15 am — Wake-up call and thereafter Namaz; 8 am — Breakfast; 8.30 am to 10 am — Lecture on Hadis and Quran by Mufti Sayyed; 10 am to noon – Rest; Noon to 1 pm – Lunch break; 1 pm to 4 pm – Rest; 4 pm to 6 pm – PT; instructor: Fadulla; 6 pm to 8 pm – Namaz and other work; 8 pm to 9 pm – Dinner

After Daura Sufa, we were selected for another training programme called Daura Ama. This was also for 21 days. We were taken to Mansera in Buttal village, where we were trained in handling weapons.  The daily programme was as follows: 4.15 am to 5 am – Wake-up call and thereafter Namaz; 5 am to 6 am – PT; instructor: Abu Anas; 8 am – Breakfast; 8.30 am to 11.30 am – Weapons training; trainer: Abdul Rehman; weapons: AK-47, Green-O, SKS, Uzi gun, pistol, revolver; 11.30 am to Noon – rest; Noon to 1 pm – Lunch break; 1 pm to 2 pm – Namaz; 2 pm to 4 pm – Rest; 4 pm to 6 pm – PT; 6 pm to 8 pm – Namaz and other work; 8 pm to 9 pm – Dinner.

After the training, we were told that we will begin the next stage involving advanced training. But for that, we were told, we had to do some khidmat for two months (khidmat is a sort of service in the camp as per trainees’ liking). We agreed. After two months, I was allowed to go to meet my parents. I stayed with my parents for a month.  Then I went to an LeT camp in Shaiwainala, Muzaffarabad, for advanced training…  We were taken to Chelabandi pahadi area for a training programme, called Daura Khas, of three months. It involved handling weapons, using hand grenade, rocket launchers and mortars.

The daily programme was as follows: 4.15 am  to 5 am – Wake-up call and thereafter Namaz; 5 am to 6 am – PT; instructor: Abu Mawiya; 8 am – Breakfast; 8.30 am  to 11.30 am – Weapons training, handling of all weapons and firing practices with the weapons, training on handling hand grenade, rocket-launchers and mortars, Green-O, SKS, Uzi gun, pistol, revolver; trainer: Abu Mawiya; 11.30 am to 12 noon – rest; Noon to 1 pm – Lunch break; 1 pm to 2 pm – Namaz; 2 pm to 4 pm – Weapons training and firing practice; lecture on Indian security agencies; 4 pm to 6 pm – PT; 6 pm to 8 pm – Namaz and other work; 8 pm to 9 pm – Dinner

There were 32 trainees in the camp. Sixteen were selected for a confidential operation by one Zaki-ur-Rehman, alias Chacha, but three of them ran away from the camp.  Chacha sent the remaining 13 with a person called Kafa to the Muridke camp again. At Muridke, we were taught swimming and made familiar with the life of fishermen at sea… We were given lectures on the working of Indian security agencies. We were shown clippings highlighting atrocities on Muslims in India.  After the training, we were allowed to go to our native places. I stayed with my family for seven days. I then went to the LeT camp at Muzaffarabad. The 13 of us were present for training.   Then, on Zaki-ur-Rehman’s instructions, Kafa took us to the Muridke camp. The training continued for a month. We were given lectures on India and its security agencies, including RAW. We were also trained to evade security personnel. We were instructed not to make phone calls to Pakistan after reaching India.

The names of the persons present for the training are: n Mohd Azmal, alias Abu Muzahid  n Ismail, alias Abu Umar  n Abu Ali n Abu Aksha n Abu Umer  n Abu Shoeb n Abdul Rehman (Bada) n Abdul Rehman (Chhota) n Afadulla  n Abu Umar. After the training, Chacha selected 10 of us and formed five teams of two people each on September 15. I and Ismail formed a team; its codename was VTS. We were shown Azad Maidan in Mumbai on Google Earth’s site on the internet… We were shown a film on VT railway station. The film showed commuters during rush hours. We were instructed to carry out firing during rush hours — between 7 am and 11 am and between 7 pm and 11 pm. Then we were to take some people hostage, take them to the roof of some nearby building and contact Chacha, who would have given us numbers to contact media people and make demands.  This was the strategy decided upon by our trainers. The date fixed for the operation was September 27. However, the operation was cancelled for some reason. We stayed in Karachi till November 23.  The other teams were: 2nd team: a) Abu Aksha; b) Abu Umar; 3rd team: a) Abdul Rehman (Bada); b) Abu Ali; 4th team: a) Abdul Rehman (Chotta); b) Afadulla; 5th team: a) Abu Shoeb; b) Abu Umer.

On November 23, the teams left from Azizabad in Karachi, along with Zaki-ur-Rehman and Kafa. We were taken to the nearby seashore… We boarded a launch. After travelling for 22 to 25 nautical miles we boarded a bigger launch. Again, after a journey of an hour, we boarded a ship, Al-Huseini, in the deep sea. While boarding the ship, each of us was given a sack containing eight grenades, an AK-47 rifle, 200 cartridges, two magazines and a cellphone.  Then we started towards the Indian coast. When we reached Indian waters, the crew members of Al-Huseini hijacked an Indian launch. The crew of the launch was shifted to Al-Huseini. We then boarded the launch. An Indian seaman was made to accompany us at gunpoint; he was made to bring us to the Indian coast. After a journey of three days, we reached near Mumbai’s shore. While we were still some distance away from the shore, Ismail and Afadulla killed the Indian seaman (Tandel) in the basement of the launch. Then we boarded an inflatable dinghy and reached Badhwar Park jetty.  I then went along with Ismail to VT station by taxi. After reaching the hall of the station, we went to the toilet, took out the weapons from our sacks, loaded them, came out of the toilet and started firing indiscriminately at passengers. Suddenly, a police officer opened fire at us. We threw hand grenades towards him and also opened fire at him.  Then we went inside the railway station threatening the commuters and randomly firing at them. We then came out of the railway station searching for a building with a roof.  But we did not find one. Therefore, we entered a lane. We entered a building and went upstairs. On the third and fourth floors we searched for hostages but we found that the building was a hospital and not a residential building. We started to come down. That is when policemen started firing at us. We threw grenades at them.

While coming out of the hospital premises, we saw a police vehicle passing. We took shelter behind a bush. Another vehicle passed us and stopped some distance away. A police officer got off from the vehicle and started firing at us. A bullet hit my hand and my AK-47 fell out of my hand. When I bent to pick it up another bullet hit me on the same hand. Ismail opened fire at the officers in the vehicle. They got injured and firing from their side stopped. We waited for a while and went towards the vehicle.  There were three bodies in the vehicle. Ismail removed the bodies and drove the vehicle. I sat next to him. Some policemen tried to stop us. Ismail opened fire at them. The vehicle had a flat tyre near a big ground by the side of road. Ismail got down from the vehicle, stopped a car at gunpoint and removed the three lady passengers from the car. Since I was injured, Ismail carried me to the car. He then drove the car. We were stopped by policemen on the road near the seashore. Ismail fired at them, injuring some policemen. The police also opened fire at us. Ismail was injured in the firing. The police removed us from the vehicle and took us to the same hospital. In the hospital, I came to know that Ismail had succumbed to injuries.  My statement has been read to me and explained in Hindi, and it has been correctly recorded.”

John Wisdom (1904-1993), Main Philosophical Works:

Interpretation and Analysis, 1931
Problems of Mind and Matter 1934
Other Minds, 1952
Philosophy & Psychoanalysis, 1953
Paradox & Discovery, 1965
Logical Constructions (1931-1933),1969
Proof and Explanation (The Virginia Lectures 1957), 1991

Secondary literature:
Wisdom: Twelve Essays, R. Bambrough (ed) 1974
Philosophy and Life: Essays on John Wisdom, I. Dilman (ed) 1984.

Renford Bambrough (1926-1999), Main Philosophical Works:

“Socratic Paradox”, Philosophical Quarterly, 1960

“Universals and Family Resemblances”, Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society 1960-61

“Plato’s Modern Friends and Enemies”, Philosophy 1962

The Philosophy of Aristotle, 1963

“Principia Metaphysica”, Philosophy 1964

New Essays on Plato and Aristotle (edited by R. Bambrough), 1965

“Unanswerable Questions”, Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society Supplement 1966

Plato, Popper and Politics (edited by R. Bambrough), 1967

Reason, Truth and God 1969

“Foundations”, Analysis, 1970

“Objectivity and Objects”, Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society 1971-72

“How to Read Wittgenstein”, in Understanding Wittgenstein, Royal Institute of Philosophy 1972-3

“The Shape of Ignorance”, in Lewis (ed) Contemporary British Philosophy, 1976

Introduction & Notes to Plato’s Republic (Lindsay trans.), 1976

Conflict and the Scope of Reason, 1974; also in Ratio 1978

“Intuition and the Inexpressible” in Katz (ed) Mysticism & Philosophical Analysis, 1978

Moral Scepticism and Moral Knowledge, 1979

“Thought, Word and Deed”, Proceedings of Aristotelian Society Supplement 1980

“Peirce, Wittgenstein and Systematic Philosophy”, MidWest Studies in Philosophy, 1981

“The Scope of Reason: An Epistle to the Persians”, in Objectivity and Cultural Divergence, Royal Institute of Philosophy, 1984

“Principia Metaphysica: The Scope of Reason” also known as “The Roots of Reason”; a work and manuscript mentioned several times but now unknown.

A personal note by Subroto Roy for a public lecture delivered at the University of Buckingham, August 24 2004:

“Renford Bambrough and I met once on January 31 1982, when I had returned to Cambridge from the USA for my PhD viva voce examination. He signed and gave me his last personal copy of Reason, Truth and God. Three years earlier, in 1979, I, as a 24 year old PhD student under F.H. Hahn in economics, had written to him expressing my delight at finding his works and saying these were immensely important to economics; he invited me to his weekly discussion groups at St John’s College but I could not attend. Between 1979 and 1989 we corresponded while I worked in America on my application of his and Wisdom’s work to problems in economics, which emerged in Philosophy of Economics: On the Scope of Reason in Economic Inquiry (Routledge, International Library of Philosophy 1989, 1991), a work which got me into a lot of trouble with American economists (though Milton Friedman and Theodore W. Schultz defended it). Bambrough said of it “The work is altogether well-written and admirably clear”. On another occasion he said he was “extremely pleased” at the interest I had taken in his work. The preface of my book said he was not responsible for the use I had made of his writings, which I reiterate now. Returning to Britain in 2004, I find the work of Wisdom and Bambrough unknown or forgotten, even at the great University North East of Buckingham where they had lived and worked. In my view, they played a kind of modern-day Plato and Aristotle to Wittgenstein’s Socrates; in terms of Eastern philosophy, the wisdom they achieved in their lives and have left behind for us in their work to use and apply to our own problems, make them like modern-day “Boddhisatvas” of Mahayana Buddhism. My lecture “Science, Religion, Art, and the Necessity of Freedom” purports to apply their work to current international problems of grave significance, namely the cultural conflicts made apparent since the September 11 2001 attacks on America. As I am as likely to fail as to succeed in making this application, the brief bibliography given above is intended to direct interested persons to their work first hand for themselves.”

April 2007: See also Preface 2007 to the republication here at www.independentindian.com of Philosophy of Economics: On the Scope of Reason in Economic Inquiry, and also the 2004 public lecture “Science, Religion, Art & the Necessity of Freedom”.

China’s India Example: Tibet, Xinjiang May Not Be Assimilated Like Inner Mongolia And Manchuria

Zhang Qingli, Tibet’s current Communist Party boss, reportedly said last year, “The Communist Party is like the parent (father and mother) of the Tibetans. The Party is the real boddhisatva of the Tibetans.” Before communism, China’s people followed three non-theistic religious cultures, Buddhism, Confucianism and Taoism, choosing whichever aspects of each they wished to see in their daily lives. Animosity towards the theism of Muslims and Christians predates the 1911 revolution. Count Witte, Russia’s top diplomatist in Czarist times, reported the wild contempt towards Islam and wholly unprovoked insult of the Emir of Bokhara by Li Hung Chang, Imperial China’s eminent Ambassador to Moscow, normally the epitome of civility and wisdom. In 1900 the slogan of the Boxer Revolts was “Protect the country, destroy the foreigner” and catholic churches and European settlers and priests were specifically targeted. The Communists have not discriminated in repression of religious belief and practice ~ monasteries, mosques, churches have all experienced desecration; monks, ulema, clergymen all expected to subserve the Party and the State.

Chinese nationalism
For Chinese officials to speak of “life and death” struggle against the Dalai Lama sitting in Dharamsala is astounding; if they are serious, it signals a deep long-term insecurity felt in Beijing. How can enormous, wealthy, strong China feel any existential threat at all from unarmed poor Tibetans riding on ponies? Is an Israeli tank-commander intimidated by stone-throwing Palestinian boys? How is it China (even a China where the Party assumes it always knows best), is psychologically defensive and unsure of itself at every turn?

The Chinese in their long history have not been a violent martial people ~ disorganized and apolitical traders and agriculturists and highly civilised artisans and scholars more than fierce warriors fighting from horseback. Like Hindus, they were far more numerous than their more aggressive warlike invading rulers. Before the 20th Century, China was dominated by Manchu Tartars and Mongol Tartars from the Northeast and Northwest ~ the Manchus forcing humiliation upon Chinese men by compelling shaved heads with pigtails. Similar Tartar hordes ruled Russia for centuries and Stalin himself, according to his biographer, might have felt Russia buffered Europe from the Tartars.

Chinese nationalism arose only in the 20th Century, first under the Christian influence of Sun Yatsen and his brother-in-law Chiang Kaishek, later under the atheism of Mao Zedong and his admiring friends, most recently Deng Xiaoping and successors. “Socialism with Chinese characteristics” is the slogan of the present Communist Party but a more realistic slogan of what Mao and friends came to represent in their last decades may be “Chinese nationalism with socialist characteristics”. Taiwan and to lesser extent Singapore and Hong Kong represent “Chinese nationalism with capitalist characteristics”. Western observers, keen always to know the safety of their Chinese investments, have focused on China’s economics, whether the regime is capitalist or socialist and to what extent ~ Indians and other Asians may be keener to identify, and indeed help the Chinese themselves to identify better, the evolving nature of Chinese nationalism and the healthy or unhealthy courses this may now take.

Just as Czarist and Soviet Russia attempted Russification in Finland, the Baltics, Poland, Ukraine etc., Imperial and Maoist China attempted “Sinification” in Manchuria and Inner Mongolia as well as Tibet and Xinjiang (Sinkiang, East Turkestan). Russification succeeded partially but backfired in general. Similarly, Sinification succeeded naturally in Manchuria and without much difficulty in Inner Mongolia. But it has backfired and backfired very badly in Tibet and Xinjiang, and may be expected to do so always.

In India, our soft state and indolent corrupt apparatus of political parties constitute nothing like the organized aggressive war-machine that China has tried to make of its state apparatus, and we have much more freedom of all sorts. India does not prohibit or control peasant farmers or agricultural labourers from migrating to or visiting large metropolitan cities; villagers are as free as anyone else to clog up all city life in India with the occasional political rally ~ in fact India probably may not even know how to ban, suppress or repress most of the things Communist China does.

Hindu traditions were such that as long as you did not preach sedition against the king, you could believe anything ~ including saying, like the Carvaka, that hedonism and materialism were good, spiritualism was bunkum and the priestly class were a bunch of crooks and idiots. Muslim and British rulers in India were not too different ~ yes the Muslims did convert millions by offering the old choice of death or conversion to vanquished people, and there were evil rulers among them but also great and tolerant ones like Zainulabidin of Kashmir and Akbar who followed his example.

India’s basic political ethos has remained that unless you preach sedition, you can basically say or believe anything (no matter how irrational) and also pretty much do whatever you please without being bothered too much by government officials. Pakistan’s attempts to impose Urdu on Bengali-speakers led to civil war and secession; North India’s attempts to impose Hindi on the South led to some language riots and then the three-language formula ~ Hindi spreading across India through Bollywood movies instead.

China proudly says it is not as if there are no declared non-Communists living freely in Beijing, Shanghai etc, pointing out distinguished individual academics and other professionals including government ministers who are liberals, social democrats or even Kuomintang Nationalists. There are tiny state-approved non-Communist political parties in China, some of whose members even may be in positions of influence. It is just that such (token) parties must accept the monopoly and dictatorship of the Communists and are not entitled to take state power. The only religion you are freely allowed to indulge in is the ideology of the State, as that comes to be defined or mis-defined at any time by the Communist Party’s rather sclerotic leadership processes.

Chinese passports
During China’s Civil War, the Communists apparently had promised Tibet and Xinjiang a federation of republics ~ Mao later reneged on this and introduced his notion of “autonomous” regions, provinces and districts. The current crisis in Tibet reveals that the notion of autonomy has been a complete farce. Instead of condemning the Dalai Lama and repressing his followers, a modern self-confident China can so easily resolve matters by allowing a Dalai Lama political party to function freely and responsibly, first perhaps just for Lhasa’s municipal elections and gradually in all of Tibet. Such a party and the Tibet Communist Party would be adequate for a two-party system to arise. The Dalai Lama and other Tibetan exiles also have a natural right to be issued Chinese passports enabling them to return to Tibet~ and their right to return is surely as strong as that of any Han or Hui who have been induced to migrate to Tibet from Mainland China. Such could be the very simple model of genuine autonomy for Tibet and Xinjiang whose native people clearly do not wish to be assimilated in the same way as Inner Mongolia and Manchuria. India’s federal examples, including the three-language formula, may be helpful. Once Mainland China successfully allows genuine autonomy and free societies to arise in Tibet and Xinjiang, the road to reconciliation with Taiwan would also have been opened.

Freedom is the Road to Resolving Taiwan, Tibet, Sinkiang

by

Subroto Roy

First published in The Statesman, December 17 2007, Editorial Page special article, www.thestatesman.net

War between China and Taiwan would lead to nothing but disaster all around. Everyone recognises this yet China’s military and political establishment threaten it sporadically when provoked by Taiwan’s leaders, and both sides continue to arm heavily and plan for such a contingency. China’s military is mostly congregated in its North West, North, East and South East with between one third and one half of its total forces facing Taiwan alone in an aggressive posture for an amphibious invasion. Taiwan faces 900 Chinese missiles targeted at it. China’s South West has been left relatively unguarded as no threat has been perceived from India or the Tibetans in fifty years.

Cross-strait relations

The 23 million people of Taiwan have made themselves relatively secure across the 100 miles of sea that separate them from the Mainland. A sea-borne Communist invasion following a heavy missile barrage and blockade would undoubtedly leave the Taiwanese badly bruised and bleeding. But there is enough experience from World War II to suggest that trying to invade and occupy islands turns out as badly for the invader as it does for the defender. The Taiwanese military are confident they may be able to defeat an attempted invasion after two or three weeks of fierce fighting even if their promised American ally fails to materialize by their side.

In any case, for China to succeed in forcibly establishing its rule someday over Taiwan would be a pyrrhic victory, since it would lead to tremendous political and economic costs upon all Chinese people. Gaining control after a terrible war would rule out the Hong Kong “One Country Two Systems” model, with nominal Chinese sovereignty being established over an otherwise unchanged Taiwan. Instead the Chinese would have to institute a highly repressive political system, which will incorrigibly damage Taiwan’s flourishing technologically advanced economy, as well as lead to drastic irreparable political and economic retrogression on the Mainland.

Political repression will lead backwards again to the long-gone era of Mao-Zhou communism, displacing the glacial positive trends seen since Deng Xiaoping. Foreign confidence and investment would vanish, boycotts may cause China to lose lucrative and hard-earned new markets in the USA, Europe and Asia, as the world recoiled from the bloodshed to wait to see what the new repression led up to. The Chinese Communist Party (CPC), tiny as it is in size compared to China’s vast population, would become much weakened and lose whatever little confidence it has among an increasingly modern- minded and aware Chinese public. Occupying Taiwan in the 21st Century will not be a tea-party.

The alternative to war is “peaceful reunification” which is the official policy of the CPC, and which also has been a major plank of United States foreign policy since the time of George C Marshall. Unlike Britain, Japan, Russia, France, Germany, even Sweden and Belgium, the Americans were not among the 19th Century powers that exploited China, and that is something that has left some residual goodwill, implicit as it may be, since all Chinese despise the fact their country was humiliated by greedy foreign powers in the past. The USA has subscribed to “One China” and peaceful unification even after its cynical near-betrayal of Taiwan since 1972, having normal diplomatic and trade relations with Communist China while agreeing to help Taiwan if the Communists attempted a military invasion.

Communist China’s strategy towards peaceful reunification with Taiwan has been unlimited allurement: offer Taiwanese businessmen a free hand in investing in China, offer Taiwan students places in Mainland universities, offer Taiwanese airlines flying rights etc. The Taiwanese see their giant ominous neighbour offering such allurements on one hand and threatening a missile attack and invasion and occupation on the other, as if they are animals who will respond to the carrots and sticks of behaviourism.

Taiwan in recent decades has seen its own history and future much more clearly than it sees the Communists being able to see theirs. A marriage can hardly occur or be stable when the self-knowledge of one party greatly exceeds the self-knowledge of the other. It is thus no wonder that the Taiwan-China talks get stalled or retrogress, as the root problem has failed to be addressed which has to do with the political legitimacy of a combined regime.

Political China consisted historically of the agricultural plains and river-valleys of “China Proper” and the arid sparsely populated mountainous periphery of Inner Mongolia, Tibet and Sinkiang. The native people of Formosa (Taiwan) had their own unique character distinct from the Mainland until 1949 when Chiang Kaishek’s Kuomintang moved there after being defeated by Mao Zedong’s Communists.

Today the Hong Kong Model of “One Country Two Systems” can be generalized to “One Commonwealth/ Confederation of China, Six Systems”, whose constituents would be Mainland China, Chinese Taipei (Taiwan), Chinese Hong Kong, Tibet, Sinkiang and Inner Mongolia. A difference between a commonwealth and a confederation is that a commonwealth permits different heads of state whereas a confederation would have one head of state, who, in view of Mainland China’s predominance, could be agreed upon to be from there permanently.

Taiwan is the key to the peaceful creation of such a Chinese commonwealth or confederation, and Taiwan may certainly agree to “reunification” on such a pattern on one key condition ~ the abolition of totalitarian Communist one-party rule on the Mainland.

The CPC’s parent party was the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party which became the Bolshevik Party which became the All-Union Communist Party in 1925. This still exists today but to its great credit it agreed sixteen years ago, more or less voluntarily, to abandon totalitarian power and bring in constitutional democracy in the former USSR. East European Communist Parties did the same, mostly transforming themselves back to becoming Social Democrat or Labour Parties ~ so much so that Germany’s present elected head of government is a former East German.

Hearts and minds

Mainland China must follow a similar path if it wishes to win the hearts and minds and political loyalties of all Chinese people and form a genuine confederation ~ which means the CPC must lead the way towards its own peaceful dissolution and transformation.

Historically, China’s people followed an admixture of three non-theistic religious cultures, namely, Buddhism, Confucianism and Taoism, individually choosing whichever aspects of each that they wished to see in their daily lives. Lamaist Buddhism governed Tibet and Mongolia and deeply affected parts of Mainland China too. China’s theists include the Uighurs of Sinkiang who were and remain devout Muslims, as well as the many Catholics and other Christians since the first Jesuits arrived five hundred years ago. Sun Yatsen himself was a Christian. Marx, Engels, Stalin, Mao and even Deng have never really been able to substitute as a satisfactory new Chinese pantheon.

A free multi-party democracy in Mainland China, flying the Republican or some combined flag and tracing its origin to the 1911 Revolution, even one in which Communists won legitimate political power through free elections (as has been seen in India’s States), would earn the genuine respect of the world, and be able to confidently lead a new Chinese Confederation. The Chinese people who have been often forced against their will to resettle in Tibet and Sinkiang under the present totalitarian regime would be free to move or stay just as there are many Russians in Ukraine or Kazakhstan today. And of course the Dalai Lama would be able to return home in peace after half a century in exile. Freedom is the road to the peaceful resolution of China’s problems. Let freedom ring.

On US-Iran talks and Sunni-Shia subtleties: Tehran must transcend its revolution and endorse the principle that the House of Islam has many mansions

First published in The Sunday Statesman Editorial Page, Special Article, June 3 2007, www.thestatesman.net

By SUBROTO ROY

On Monday 28 May in Baghdad,the American and Iranian Governments held their first official face-to-face talks in some 26 or 27 years. This sheer fact is a good thing. For more than two years there has been incessant sabre-rattling and gunboat diplomacy by the USA against Iran, as well as provocative words and deeds by Iran’s President against America’s Israeli ally (though it is apparently false his words included saying he wished Israel “wiped off the map”). Palmerston said there are no permanent allies among nations. The last unofficial transactions had to do with the notorious “Iran-contra” affair which blighted Ronald Reagan’s second term as President. Iran was sold American weapons from Israel (yes, the same Iran and same Israel) for use against Iraq (the same Saddam’s Iraq which had been Rumsfeld’s friend and which apparently received American intelligence and logistics help against yes, the same Iran); the moneys the Americans received were then used to pay for anti-Sandinista “contra” forces in Nicaragua (so they could, for example, buy American weapons too). Apart from that unofficial and embarrassing “Iran-contra” affair, the American and Iranian Governments had not had face-to-face discussion since diplomatic relations broke in 1980 during the “hostage crisis”.

Arthur Millspaugh, an American invited by the Iranians to help their public finances, once wrote: “Persia cannot be left to herself, even if the Russians were to keep their hands off politically.… Persia has never yet proved its capacity for independent self-government.” The title of his 1925 book America’s Task in Persia reflected the old paternalist attitude that an imperialist power must necessarily know better than local people what happens to be in their interest in the way a parent knows better than a child. Even that otherwise great libertarian JS Mill himself once suggested that contact with a “superior people” allowed rapid advancement. India’s “Lenin Peace Prize” winner and Soviet sympathiser KPS Menon Sr (grandfather of our present top diplomat) said the same after the 1979 invasion and occupation by the USSR of Afghanistan. Nationalists of all colours and times ~ from Tom Paine, Patrick Henry (“Give me liberty or give me death”) and George Washington to Bal Gangadhar Tilak (“Swaraj is my birthright and I shall have it”), Ho Chi Minh and Ayatollah Khomeini ~ would disagree.

Indeed, in the Iranian case, the Khomeini Revolution was the antithesis of the imperialist doctrine. But Iranian revolutionaries then seized the American Embassy on 4 November 1979 and took 66 hostages. Thirteen women and black Americans were released two weeks later; one man was released due to ill-health in July 1980. In a failed attempt to rescue the remaining 52, eight American military personnel died on 25 April 1980. The 52 hostages, including two women and one black, were released on 20 January 1981 under the “Algiers Accord”, a day before Reagan became President. Even if the US Embassy in Tehran had been a den of spies, as the Iranians claimed, the Revolutionary Government could have ordered them all to leave and ended diplomatic relations.

Instead hostages were taken in deliberate violation of international law. The United States Government under duress on 19 January 1981 had to sign the “Algiers Accord”, the first point of which stated: “Non-Intervention in Iranian Affairs: The United States pledges that it is and from now on will be the policy of the United States not to intervene, directly or indirectly, politically or militarily, in Iran’s internal affairs.” That was the “blowback” from the coup d’etat against Iran’s democratic government under Mossadeq in 1953 which the CIA had engineered. Modern US-Iran relations have been about two wrongs ~ indeed multiple wrongs ~ not making a right.

From Algiers until the Baghdad meeting there was no official interaction between the USA and Iran (besides the Iran-contra affair and American relief supplies during an Iranian earthquake). The present US-Iran talks had to do with the catastrophic mess in Iraq, and were held via the current Al-Maliki Government of Iraq which is beholden to both as patrons.

Saddam’s Iraq had been officially secular not an “Islamic Republic”. But its Baathist national-socialism (with yes, a few silly Nazi aspects) had been populated mostly by Saddam’s fellow Sunnis, and there was some vicious anti-Shia persecution.
Doctrinally, the Sunni-Shia conflict may have originated during Prophet Muhammad’s lifetime. “In the words of al-Baghdadi, a Sunni is one who believes in the creation of the universe, the unity and pre-existence of its Maker, the apostolate of Muhammad, recognizes and observes the duties of the five prayers, fast of Ramazan, poor-rate and pilgrimage, and does not adulterate his faith with an abominable innovation which leads to heresy.” (Imtiaz Ahmad in Grewal ed. Religious Movements and Institutions in Medieval India, p.277). Shias claim that exegetical authorities, both Sunni and Shia, record the Prophet on 10 March 632 AD at the pool of Ghadir “while returning from his last pilgrimage to Mecca… delivered his farewell address” in which he declared Ali ibn Abi Talib his successor (S. Ali Nadeem Rezavi, ibid., p. 281). No logical contradiction between Sunnis and Shias seems obvious from this.

But there also have been racial and cultural aspects to the division. Arabs, though not Iraqi Arabs, are mostly Sunni while Iranians are mostly Shia. At the same time, Persian culture and history has had incorrigibly Zoroastrian roots just as Egypt was the land of the Pharoahs and Arabia of Meccan paganism. Mesopotamian culture has had Sumerian and Babylonian roots, and Indian Islam has grown among the cultures of Hindus, Buddhists, Jains and Sikhs. Intra-Muslim conflict will be reduced only when it becomes generally recognised that the House of Islam has had many mansions.

Saddam’s war against Khomeini’s Iran was not a religious war but one between two putative nation-states. In Iraqi junior schools during the war, a class of 40 pupils could be divided by academic merit such that the top 20 would play brave Iraqis in the school-play ~ the hapless bottom 20 had to play the wicked Persians, leaving them in tears as well as in simulated defeat.

What the current US-UK invasion and occupation of Iraq has quite deliberately accomplished is the destruction of Iraq as a putative nation-state and the fanning of mostly suppressed Shia-Sunni differences instead. The idea of “regime-change” in Teheran in the old way of the CIA coup against Mossadeq also has not been far from Anglo-American thinking in the current confrontation with Iran. “Who lost Iran?” was an American political slogan in the 1980s, and there are day-dreamers in Washington think-tanks today who have fantasies of Iran being run by compliant “Iranian-American” émigrés from Los Angeles. But instead the destruction of Saddam’s regime inevitably has led to Iran’s strengthening, as all Iraqi Shia forces made dominant as a result are, at least from a doctrinal standpoint within Islam, united with Tehran to greater or lesser degree. A new Iraq-Iran war is hard to imagine as along as Shias dominate Baghdad’s Government. Iran for its part needs to demonstrate that it has transcended its revolution and that it unequivocally endorses the principle that the House of Islam has many mansions.

The British and Americans are great lovers of sports and inventors of many modern games played on fields around the world, from cricket and soccer to basketball. Their Governments seem to have forgotten in their foreign policy theorising that there is such a thing as “home-team advantage”. Imperialists ultimately can never defeat nationalists, because, at the end of the day, imperialists have to either go home or (as Conrad and Coppola knew) “go native”. In the new Iran-USA talks, both sides may have sensed Iran has the home-team advantage. The most the United States can do to Iran is bomb it and leave.

First published in two parts in The Sunday Statesman, Oct 29 2006 and The Statesman Oct 30 2006, Editorial Page Special Article, www.thestatesman.net

At the advent of Islam in distant Arabia, India and Kashmir in particular were being visited by Chinese Buddhist pilgrims during Harsha’s reign. The great “Master of Law” Hiuen Tsiang visited between 629-645 and spent 631-633 in Kashmir (“Kia-chi-mi-lo”), describing it to include Punjab, Kabul and Kandahar. Over the next dozen centuries, Buddhist, Hindu, Muslim, Sikh and again Hindu monarchs came to rule the 85 mile long 40 mile wide territory on the River Jhelum’s upper course known as Srinagar Valley, as well as its adjoining Jammu in the upper plains of the Punjab and “Little Tibet” consisting of Laddakh, Baltistan and Gilgit.

In 1344, a Persian adventurer from Swat or Khorasan by name of Amir or Mirza, who had “found his way into the Valley and in time gained great influence at the Raja’s court”, proclaimed himself Sultan Shamsuddin after the death of the last Hindu monarchs of medieval Kashmir. Twelve of his descendants formed the Shamiri dynasty including the notorious Sikander and the just and tolerant Zainulabidin. Sikander who ruled 1386-1410 “submitted himself” to the Uzbek Taimur the Lame when he approached Kashmir in 1398 “and thus saved the country from invasion”. Otherwise, “Sikander was a gloomy ferocious bigot, and his zeal in destroying temples and idols was so intense that he is remembered as the Idol-Breaker. He freely used the sword to propagate Islam and succeeded in forcing the bulk of the population to conform outwardly to the Muslim religion. Most of the Brahmins refused to apostatise, and many of them paid with their lives the penalty for their steadfastness. Many others were exiled, and only a few conformed.”

Zainulabidin who ruled 1417-1467 “was a man of very different type”. “He adopted the policy of universal toleration, recalled the exiled Brahmins, repealed the jizya or poll-tax on Hindus, and even permitted new temples to be built. He abstained from eating flesh, prohibited the slaughter of kine, and was justly venerated as a saint. He encouraged literature, painting and music, and caused many translations to be made of works composed in Sanskrit, Arabic and other languages.” During his “long and prosperous reign”, he “constructed canals and built many mosques; he was just and tolerant”.

The Shamiri dynasty ended in 1541 when “some fugitive chiefs of the two local factions of the Makri and the Chakk invited Mirza Haidar Dughlat, a relation of Babar, to invade Kashmir. The country was conquered and the Mirza held it (nominally in name of Humayan) till 1551, when he was killed in a skirmish. The line… was restored for a few years, until in 1559 a Chakk leader, Ghazi Shah, usurped the throne; and in the possession of his descendants it remained for nearly thirty years.” This dynasty marks the origins of Shia Islam in Srinagar though Shia influence in Gilgit, Baltistan and Laddakh was of longer standing. Constant dissensions weakened the Chakks, and in 1586, Akbar, then at Attock on the Indus, sent an army under Raja Bhagwan Das into Srinagar Valley and easily made it part of his Empire.

Shivaism and Islam both flourished, and Hindu ascetics and Sufi saints were revered by all. Far from Muslims and Hindus forming distinct nations, here they were genetically related kinsmen living in proximity in a small isolated area for centuries. Indeed Zainulabidin may have had a vast unspoken influence on the history of all India insofar as Akbar sought to attempt in his empire what Zainulabidin achieved in the Valley. Like Zainulabidin, Akbar’s governance of India had as its “constant aim” “to conciliate the Hindus and to repress Muslim bigotry” which in modern political parlance may be seen as the principle of secular governance ~ of conciliating the powerless (whether majority or minority) and repressing the bigotry of the powerful (whether minority or majority). Akbar had made the Valley the summer residence of the Mughals, and it was Jahangir, seeing the Valley for the first time, who apparently said the words agar behest baushad, hamee in hast, hamee in hast, hamee in hast: “if Heaven exists, it is here, it is here, it is here”. Yet like other isolated paradises (such as the idyllic islands of the Pacific Ocean) an accursed mental ether can accompany the magnificent beauty of people’s surroundings. As the historian put it: “The Kashmiris remained secure in their inaccessible Valley; but they were given up to internal weakness and discord, their political importance was gone…”

After the Mughals collapsed, Iran’s Turkish ruler Nadir Shah sacked Delhi in 1739 but the Iranian court fell in disarray upon his death. In 1747 a jirga of Pashtun tribes at Kandahar “broke normal tradition” and asked an old Punjabi holy man and shrine-keeper to choose between two leaders; this man placed young wheat in the hand of the 25 year old Ahmed Shah Saddozai of the Abdali tribe, and titled him “Durrani”. Five years later, Durrani took Kashmir and for the next 67 years the Valley was under Pashtun rule, a time of “unmitigated brutality and widespread distress”. Durrani himself “was wise, prudent and simple”, never declared himself king and wore no crown, instead keeping a stick of young wheat in his turban. Leaving India, he famously recited: “The Delhi throne is beautiful indeed, but does it compare with the mountains of Kandahar?”

Kashmir’s modern history begins with Ranjit Singh of the Sikhs who became a soldier at 12, and in 1799 at age 19 was made Lahore’s Governor by Kabul’s Zaman Shah. Three years later “he made himself master of Amritsar”, and in 1806 crossed the River Sutlej and took Ludhiana. He created a fine Sikh infantry and cavalry under former officers of Napoleon, and with 80,000 trained men and 500 guns took Multan and Peshawar, defeated the Pashtuns and overran Kashmir in 1819. The “cruel rule” of the Pashtuns ended “to the great relief of Kashmir’s inhabitants”.

The British Governor-General Minto (ancestor of the later Viceroy), seeing advantage in the Sikhs staying north of the Sutlej, sent Charles Metcalfe, “a clever young civilian”, to persuade the Khalsa; in 1809, Ranjit Singh and the British in the first Treaty of Amritsar agreed to establish “perpetual amity”: the British would “have no concern” north of the Sutlej and Ranjit Singh would keep only minor personnel south of it. In 1834 and 1838 Ranjit Singh was struck by paralysis and died in 1839, leaving no competent heir. The Sikh polity collapsed, “their power exploded, disappearing in fierce but fast flames”. It was “a period of storm and anarchy in which assassination was the rule” and the legitimate line of his son and grandson, Kharak Singh and Nao Nihal Singh was quickly extinguished. In 1845 the Queen Regent, mother of the five-year old Dalip Singh, agreed to the Khalsa ending the 1809 Treaty. After bitter battles that might have gone either way, the Khalsa lost at Sobraon on 10 February 1846, and accepted terms of surrender in the 9 March 1846 Treaty of Lahore. The kingdom had not long survived its founder: “created by the military and administrative genius of one man, it crumbled into powder when the spirit which gave it life was withdrawn; and the inheritance of the Khalsa passed into the hands of the English.”

Ranjit Singh’s influence on modern J&K was even greater through his having mentored the Rajput Gulab Singh Dogra (1792-1857) and his brothers Dhyan Singh and Suchet Singh. Jammu had been ruled by Ranjit Deo until 1780 when the Sikhs made it tributary to the Lahore Court. Gulab Singh, a great grand nephew of Ranjit Deo, had left home at age 17 in search of a soldierly fortune, and ended up in 1809 in Ranjit Singh’s army, just when Ranjit Singh had acquired for himself a free hand to expand his domains north of the River Sutlej.

Gulab Singh, an intrepid soldier, by 1820 had Jammu conferred upon him by Ranjit Singh with the title of Raja, while Bhimber, Chibal, Poonch and Ramnagar went to his brothers. Gulab Singh, “often unscrupulous and cruel, was a man of considerable ability and efficiency”; he “found his small kingdom a troublesome charge but after ten years of constant struggles he and his two brothers became masters of most of the country between Kashmir and the Punjab”, though Srinagar Valley itself remained under a separate Governor appointed by the Lahore Court. Gulab Singh extended Jammu’s rule from Rawalpindi, Bhimber, Rajouri, Bhadarwah and Kishtwar, across Laddakh and into Tibet. His General Zorawar Singh led six expeditions into Laddakh between 1834 and 1841 through Kishtwar, Padar and Zanskar. In May 1841, Zorawar left Leh with an army of 5000 Dogras and Laddakhis and advanced on Tibet. Defeating the Tibetans at Rudok and Tashigong, he reached Minsar near Lake Mansarovar from where he advanced to Taklakot (Purang), 15 miles from the borders of Nepal and Kumaon, and built a fort stopping for the winter. Lhasa sent large re-inforcements to meet him. Zorawar, deciding to take the offensive, was killed in the Battle of Toyu, on 11-12 December 1841 at 16,000 feet.

A Laddakhi rebellion resulted against Jammu, aided now by the advancing Tibetans. A new army was sent under Hari Chand suppressing the rebellion and throwing back the Tibetans, leading to a peace treaty between Lhasa and Jammu signed on 17 September 1842: “We have agreed that we have no ill-feelings because of the past war. The two kings will henceforth remain friends forever. The relationship between Maharajah Gulab Singh of Kashmir and the Lama Guru of Lhasa (Dalai Lama) is now established. The Maharajah Sahib, with God (Kunchok) as his witness, promises to recognise ancient boundaries, which should be looked after by each side without resorting to warfare. When the descendants of the early kings, who fled from Laddakh to Tibet, now return they will not be stopped by Shri Maharajah. Trade between Laddakh and Tibet will continue as usual. Tibetan government traders coming into Laddakh will receive free transport and accommodations as before, and the Laddakhi envoy will, in turn, receive the same facilities in Lhasa. The Laddakhis take an oath before God (Kunchok) that they will not intrigue or create new troubles in Tibetan territory. We have agreed, with God as witness, that Shri Maharajah Sahib and the Lama Guru of Lhasa will live together as members of the same household.” The traditional boundary between Laddakh and Tibet “as recognised by both sides since olden times” was accepted by the envoys of Gulab Singh and the Dalai Lama.

An earlier 1684 treaty between Laddakh and Lhasa had said that while Laddakh would send tribute to Lhasa every three years, “the king of Laddakh reserves to himself the village of Minsar in Ngarees-khor-sum, that he may be independent there; and he sets aside its revenue for the purpose of meeting the expense involved in keeping up the sacrificial lights at Kangree (Kailas), and the Holy Lakes of Mansarovar and Rakas Tal”. The area around Minsar village near Lake Mansarovar, held by the rulers of Laddakh since 1583, was retained by Jammu in the 1842 peace-treaty, and its revenue was received by J&K State until 1948.

After Ranjit Singh’s death in 1839, Gulab Singh was alienated from the Lahore Court where the rise of his brothers and a nephew aroused enough Khalsa jealousy to see them assassinated in palace intrigues. While the Sikhs imploded, Gulab Singh had expanded his own dominion from Rawalpindi to Minsar ~ everywhere except Srinagar Valley itself. He had apparently advised the Sikhs not to attack the British in breach of the 1809 Treaty, and when they did so he had not joined them, though had he done so British power in North India might have been broken. The British were grateful for his neutrality and also his help in their first misbegotten adventure in Afghanistan. It was Gulab Singh who was now encouraged by both the British and the Sikhs to mediate between them, indeed “to take a leading part in arranging conditions of peace”, and he formally represented the Sikh regency in the negotiations. The 9 March 1846 Treaty of Lahore “set forth that the British Government having demanded in addition to a certain assignment of territory, a payment of a crore and a half of rupees, and the Sikh Government being unable to pay the whole”, Dalip Singh “should cede as equivalent to one crore the hill country belonging to the Punjab between the Beas and the Indus including Kashmir and the Hazara”.

For the British to occupy the whole of this mountainous territory was judged unwise on economic and military grounds; it was not feasible to occupy from a military standpoint and the area “with the exception of the small Valley of Kashmir” was “for the most part unproductive”. “On the other hand, the ceded tracts comprised the whole of the hereditary possessions of Gulab Singh, who, being eager to obtain an indefeasible title to them, came forward and offered to pay the war indemnity on condition that he was made the independent ruler of Jammu & Kashmir.

A separate treaty embodying this arrangement was thus concluded between the British and Gulab Singh at Amritsar on 16 March 1846.” Gulab Singh acknowledged the British Government’s supremacy, and in token of it agreed to present annually to the British Government “one horse, twelve shawl goats of approved breed and three pairs of Kashmir shawls. This arrangement was later altered; the annual presentation made by the Kashmir State was confined to two Kashmir shawls and three romals (handkerchiefs).” The Treaty of Amritsar “put Gulab Singh, as Maharaja, in possession of all the hill country between the Indus and the Ravi, including Kashmir, Jammu, Laddakh and Gilgit; but excluding Lahoul, Kulu and some areas including Chamba which for strategic purposes, it was considered advisable (by the British) to retain and for which a remission of Rs 25 lakhs was made from the crore demanded, leaving Rs 75 lakhs as the final amount to be paid by Gulab Singh.” The British retained Hazara which in 1918 was included into NWFP. Through an intrigue emanating from Prime Minister Lal Singh in Lahore, Imamuddin, the last Sikh-appointed Governor of Kashmir, sought to prevent Gulab Singh taking possession of the Valley in accordance with the Treaty’s terms. By December 1846 Gulab Singh had done so, though only with help of a British force which included 17,000 Sikh troops “who had been fighting in the campaign just concluded”. (Contemporary British opinion even predicted Sikhism like Buddhism “would become extinct in a short time if it were not kept alive by the esprit de corps of the Sikh regiments”.)

The British in 1846 may have been glad enough to allow Gulab Singh take independent charge of the new entity that came to be now known as the “State of Jammu & Kashmir”. Later, however. they and their American allies would grow keen to control or influence the region vis-à-vis their new interests against the Russian and Soviet Empires.

First published in The Sunday Statesman, “8th Day”, May 14 2006, www.thestatesman.net

ROY: …The philosophers Renford Bambrough and John Wisdom would have been with you at Cambridge….

SEN: Wisdom I knew better; he was at my College; but you know my philosophy was not an important thing at the time. Among the philosophers there, it was C. D. Broad with whom I chatted more. But Wisdom I knew, and he mainly tried to encourage me to ride horses with him, which I didn’t.

ROY: You went to Cambridge in …

SEN: I went to Cambridge in 1953.

ROY: So Wittgenstein had just died…

SEN: Wittgenstein had died.

ROY: Only just in 1952 (sic).

SEN: But I knew a lot about the conversations between Wittgenstein and Sraffa because Sraffa was alive; I did a paper on that by the way.

ROY: Well that’s what I was going to ask, there is no trace of your work on Wittgenstein and the Wittgensteinians.

SEN: I don’t know why. My paper was published in the Journal of Economic Literature a couple of years ago. Now mind you it’s not a conclusion, just an interpretation, what was the role of Gramsci in the works of Sraffa and Wittgenstein, what is it that Sraffa actually did in intermediating between them.

ROY: In your book Identity and Violence, I was curious to find you call yourself a “dabbler” in Philosophy yet at the same time you are an eminent Professor of Philosophy at Harvard for decades. The question that arose was, were you being modest, and if so, truly or falsely?

SEN (laughs): I think if you make a statement which you suspect might have been made out of modesty and then I said it was because of modesty I think I would have eliminated the motivation for the statement as you identify it. I am not going to answer the question as to what I think.

ROY: But surely you are not a “dabbler” in Philosophy?

SEN: I am interested in Philosophy is what I meant, and whether I am a dabbler or whether I’ve succeeded in making some contribution is for others to judge. But not for me to judge.

ROY: Okay.

SEN: As for me, the right description is that I am a dabbler in Philosophy. But then that diagnostic is… mine, and I won’t go to war with others if someone disputes that. But it’s not for me to dispute it.

ROY: Would you, for example in reference to our discussion about Wittgenstein, say that you have contributed to Philosophy in and of itself regardless of Economics?

SEN: Most of my work on Philosophy has got nothing to do with Economics. It is primarily on Ethics, to some extent on Epistemology. And these are not “economic” subjects. I have never written on the “Philosophy of Economics” at all.

ROY: How about Ontology? I mean the question “What there is” would be…..

SEN: I am less concerned with Ontology or with Metaphysics than some people are. I respect the subject but I have not been involved.

ROY: You have not been involved?

SEN: Well, I have read a lot but I haven’t worked on it. I have worked on Ethics and Political Philosophy and I have worked on Epistemology and I have worked a little bit on Mathematical Logic. Those are the three main areas in which I have worked.

ROY: Why I say that is because, if the three main philosophical questions are summarised as “What is there?” (or “Who am I?”), “What is true?”, “What should I do?”, then the question “Who am I?” is very much a part of your concern with identity and a universal question generally, while “Is this true?” is relevant to Epistemology and “What should I do?” is obviously Ethics. Morton White summarised philosophy in those three questions. It seems to me you have in this book had to look at…

SEN: At all three of them.

ROY: Well, some Ontology at least.

SEN: But you know I agree with your diagnostic that the second question “What I regard myself to be, is that true?”, is a question of Epistemology, because that’s the context in which “Is it true?” comes in. The second is primarily an epistemological question. The third is, as you said, primarily an ethical question, though I do believe that the dichotomy between Epistemology and Ethics is hard to make. On that subject I would agree with Hilary Putnam’s last book, namely when he speaks of “the collapse of the fact-value dichotomy” which is sometimes misunderstood and described as the collapse of the fact-value distinction, which is not what Hilary Putnam is denying, he’s arguing that the dichotomy is very hard to sustain, because the linkages are so strong, that pursuit of one is always taking you into the other. But the first question you are taking to be an ontological question, “Who am I?”, and at one level you can treat it as that, but there is a less profound aspect of “Who am I?”, namely what would be the right way of describing me, to myself and to others, and that has a deep relationship with the second question. If the separation or dichotomy between the second and third raises some philosophical questions of significance, the dichotomy between the first and second would too. So “Who am I?” can be interpreted at a profound ontological level but it could also be interpreted at a level which is primarily fairly straightforward Epistemology. And it is at that level that I am taking that question to be. Namely: Am I a member of many different groups? Do I see myself as members of many different groups? If I do not see myself as members of many different groups, am I making a mistake in not seeing that I belong to many different groups? Is it the case that implicitly I often pursue things which are dependant on my seeing myself as being members of other groups than those which I explicitly acknowledge? These are the central issues of the “Who am I?” question in this book.

ROY: Well you haven’t used the word “identity” here but when you speak in your book of people having a choice of different identities, you are plainly not referring to multiple identities in the sense of the psychologist; are you not merely saying that everyone has different aspects or dimensions to his or her life, and is required to play different roles at different times in different contexts? Or is there something beyond that statement in your notion of “choice of identities”?

SEN: What I mean by “multiple identities” is, at one level, the most trivial, common but, at another level, most profoundly important recognition that we belong to many different groups: I’m an Indian citizen, I’m a British or American resident, I’m a Bengali, the poetry I like is Bengali poetry, I’m a man, I’m an economist, I belong to all these groups. Nothing complicated about that, and the multiple identity issues of the psychologist that you’re referring to indicate a certain level of complexity of humanity, and sometimes even of pathology perhaps, but that’s not what I am concerned with here, it’s just a common fact that there are many different groups to which any person belongs. And it’s on that extraordinarily simple fact that I am trying to construct a fairly strong, fairly extensive set of reasonings, because that forces us to see the importance of our own choice, our own decisions in deciding on how should I see myself, how would it be correct to see myself given the problems I am facing today, and given the priorities that I will have to examine.

ROY: But if we don’t use the word “groups” just for a minute, then we are not too far wrong to just say that everyone has different aspects or dimensions to their lives, so one dimension could be nationality, one dimension sexuality, one dimension one’s intellectual upbringing, then any person, any character in a novel would have different dimensions….

SEN: The difficulty with that, Subroto, is that in the same aspect we may have more than one…

ROY: Dimension?

SEN: Well dimension tries to capture in a Cartesian space a rather more complex reality, and you know I don’t think this is a metric space we are looking at, so dimensionality is not a natural thought in this context. One thing I am very worried about is when something which is very simple appears to people as being either profoundly right or profoundly mistaken. I’ll try to claim that it is right and it is not very profound but that it is not very profound does not mean people don’t miss it and end up making mistakes. In terms of the aspects of my life which concern my enjoying poetry, there may be many different groups to which I belong, one of them is that I can appreciate Bengali poetry in a way that I will not be able to appreciate poetry in some language which I speak only very little, like Italian poetry for example. But on the other hand, in addition to that, in the same aspect of my appreciating poetry, there may be the fact that I am not as steeped into historical romance which also figures in poetry or patriotic poetry and these are all again classifications which puts me in some group, in the company of some and not in the company of others, and therefore an aspect does not quite capture with the precision the group classification that I was referring to does capture.

ROY: Well, groups we can quarrel about perhaps because groups may not be well- defined…

SEN: Don’t go away Subroto but that does not make any difference, because many groups are not well-defined but they are still extremely important…

ROY: Of course there are overlapping groups…

SEN: Not only overlapping, but you know that is a different subject on the role of ambiguity, that is a very central issue in Epistemology, and the fact of the matter is that there are many things for which there are ambiguities about border which are nevertheless extremely important as part of our identity. Where India begins and China ends or where China begins and India ends may not be clear, but the distinction between being an Indian and being Chinese is very important, so I think that this border dispute gets much greater attention in the social sciences than it actually deserves.

ROY: Well, one of the most profoundly difficult and yet universally common dilemmas in the modern world has to do with women having to choose between identities outside and inside the home. Does your theory of identity apply to that problem, and if so, how?

SEN: I think the choice is never between identities, the choice is the importance that you attach to different identities all of which may be real. The fact of the matter is that a woman may be a member of a family, a woman is also a member of a gender, namely being a woman, a woman may also have commitment to her profession, may have commitment to a politics…

ROY: Does your theory help her in any way, specifically?

SEN: The theory is not a do-it-yourself method of constructing an identity. It is an attempt to clarify what are the questions that anyone who is thinking about identity has to sort out. It is the identification of questions with which the book is concerned, and as such, insofar as the woman is concerned… indeed the language that you use Subroto, that what you have to choose between identities, I would then say that what I am trying to argue is that’s not the right issue, because all these would remain identities of mine but the relative importance that I attach to the different identities is the subject in which I have to make a choice, and that’s the role of the theory…

ROY: They are all different aspects of the same woman.

SEN: Yes indeed. If not explicitly then implicitly, but that is part of the recognition that we need, it is not a question that by giving importance to one of those compared with the others you’re denying the other identities. To say that something is more important than another in the present context is not a denial that the other is also an identity. So I think the issue of relative importance has to be distinguished from the existence or non-existence of these different identities.

ROY: Well, you’ve wished to say much about Muslims in this book….

SEN: That’s not entirely right. I would say that I do say something about the Muslims in this book….

ROY: … yet one gets the impression that you have not read The Quran. Is that an accurate impression?

SEN: No, it’s not.

ROY: You have read The Quran?

SEN: Yes.

ROY: In English, presumably?

SEN: In Bengali to be exact. Not in Arabic, you probably have read it in Arabic.

ROY (laughs): No, just in English. Is it possible to understand a Muslim’s beliefs until and unless one sees the world from his/her perspective? I had to read The Quran to see if I could understand — attempt to understand — the point of view of Muslims. Does one need to read The Quran in order to see their perspective?

SEN: Well it depends on how much expertise you want to acquire. That is, if you have to understand what the Quranic beliefs are, to which Muslims as a group – believing Muslims, who identify themselves as believing and practising Muslims – as opposed to Muslims by ancestry and therefore Muslims in a denominational sense, yes indeed, if you want to pursue what practising and believing Muslims practise and believe then you would have to read The Quran. But a lot of people would identify themselves as Muslim who do not follow these practises or for that matter beliefs, but who would still identify themselves as Muslims because in the sense of a community they belong to that. I mean even Mohammad Ali Jinnah did not follow many of the standard Muslim practises, that did not make him a non-Muslim because a “Muslim” can be defined in more than one way. One is to define somebody who is a believing and practising Muslim, the other is somebody who sees himself as a Muslim and belongs to that community, and in the context of the world in which he lives that identity has some importance which it clearly had in the case of Mohammad Ali Jinnah.

ROY: Well, Muslims like Jews and Christians believe the Universe had a deliberate Creation; Hindus and Buddhists may not quite agree with that. Muslims will further believe that the Creator spoke once and only once definitively through one man, namely Muhammad in the 7th Century in Arabia. Would you not agree that no person can deny that and still be a Muslim?

SEN: I think you’re getting it wrong Subroto. It said Muhammad was the last prophet, it does not deny that there existed earlier prophets. Therefore it’s not the case as you said that God spoke alone and uniquely and only once.

ROY: Definitively?

SEN: No, no, Muslims believe that it was definitely spoken at each stage — as a follow up, like Christians misunderstood what message the prophet called Jesus was carrying and they deified Jesus, there was a need for turning a page, that’s the understanding; it’s not the case that’s what Muslims believe, that is not the Quranic view at all, that God spoke only once to Muhammad, that’s not the Quranic belief

ROY: True, true enough..

SEN: But you said that Subroto!

ROY: What I meant was “definitively”, the word “definitively” meaning that…
SEN: Definitively they would say that at each stage there was a memory, and the memory and the understanding got corrupted over time and that’s why they were also so wild about idolatry for example

ROY: Well the Ahmadiyas, for example, are considered non-believers by many Muslims because they claim that there …

SEN: That also brings out the point I was making, that Ahmadiyas see themselves as Muslim….

ROY: Indeed.

SEN: …and in terms of one of the definitions of Muslim that I am giving you, namely as a person who sees himself as a Muslim, or herself as a Muslim, and regards that identity to be important is a Muslim according to that definition; another one would apply a test which is what many of the more strict Sunnis and Shias do, namely, that whether they accept Muhammad as the last prophet, and insofar as Ahmadiyas don’t accept that, then they would say then you are not Muslim…

ROY: Well they do actually…

SEN: Well they do, but in terms…I think what I am telling you is that in terms of the Shia-Sunni orthodox critique they say that in effect they don’t accept that, that is the charge against them, but those who believe that would say that on that ground Ahmadiyas are not Muslim. So I think there is a distinction in the different ways that Muslims can be characterised….

Subroto Roy

The Statesman, frontpage, April 26 2006, www.thestatesman.net

King Gyanendra of Nepal has lost legitimacy in the eyes of almost all his people. His days as a monarch are numbered. It is as inevitable as night follows day that his dynasty is over, and Nepal will sooner or later become a secular Republic. The practical questions that follow include what is to be done with him and his family, that is, which country should they seek exile in and at what pension, to whom exactly should sovereignty in Nepal pass immediately and in the long term, how may needless bloodshed, civil chaos and mayhem come to be avoided, and how soon can a viable democratic republic and a healthy economy and society emerge.

Salus populi suprema lex: the good of the people is the supreme law. And the good of the people in Nepal today requires Gyanendra to depart (that is, for exile in Britain), after abdicating in favour of his son ~ or better still his infant grandson, placing a Regent acceptable to the Seven-Party Alliance in charge of calling a Constituent Assembly as everyone and especially the Maoists have demanded.

The Government and people of India seem strangely ignorant or indifferent about what is happening right next door to us, even when that door is open. While the people of Nepal almost stormed their Bastille, we witnessed instead the bizarre televised parade of politicians and Bollywood personalities to visit another celebrity in hospital (we should be thankful they have not been allowed anywhere near him).

Our Prime Minister/foreign minister, with his “national security advisor” sitting next to him, flew off to a brief spring holiday in Europe to discuss importation of uranium and BMWs and other such posh things. The Congress Party has said the Prime Minister may have expressed “his own views” on the subject of supporting King Gyanendra’s Friday offer but that the Government of India always supported “multiparty democracy” and the Congress Party supported the government! Have people become even more detached from reality here? If it is the case the Prime Minister has become so utterly consumed by personal hubris that he is making impromptu remarks contrary to his own government’s policies, then it may be time for him to realise he has filled his quota of foreign trips and put in his papers. At the very least, MK Narayanan has been derelict in his duties by joining the Prime Minister in the European spring rather than remaining in India watching Nepal. The Prime Minister has been so negligent as his own foreign minister (for example, handing over his America policy to personal diplomacy by his favoured aide, Mr Montek Singh Ahluwalia) that he is making the country almost miss the foreign minister who had to be fired, an unfortunate thought!

In the last six months, Nepal’s non-Maoist opposition coalesced and the Maoists declared a unilateral cease-fire. India remained preoccupied with the vanities of its own petty dynasties. Why we Indians, despite our pretensions as the world’s largest democracy (in reality, the world’s largest voting public), may have been so dull and ignorant with respect to Nepal’s “trinamul” democratic movement is that we have never had any kind of revolution ourselves.

Revolution is anathema to the pompous bureaucrats of New Delhi, just as it is to the pompous generals of Islamabad. Partition was the one all-consuming trauma experienced by the Indian and Pakistani ruling classes, and they are simply unable to understand populist rebellions of the kind now being seen in Nepal or seen under Sheikh Mujib in East Pakistan almost 40 years ago. The Indira Gandhi brand of populism practised by India’s “democratic leaders” has to do with renting crowds and giving speeches while waving to the TV cameras, always making sure to fly back to air-conditioned comfort in Lutyens Delhi by the end of the day if at all possible. Lutyens Delhi is Royal India, and Royal India secretly sympathises with all Royalty and pseudo-Royalty. Ours has become a democracy upside down where it is not a question of how the interests of the people of India should be represented in New Delhi but how New Delhi’s interests can come to be projected upon the people of India.

In Nepal on the other hand, the questions now precisely have to do with the most difficult issues of sovereignty, political legitimacy and representation. The forced exile of the Shah of Iran was followed by the return of Ayatollah Khomeini from Qom and the brutality and bloodshed of the Islamic Revolution. The exile of Sihanouk of Cambodia was followed by the horrors of the Khmer Rouge. Can mass bloodshed and class war be averted if the exile of King Gyanendra is followed by a Maoist takeover in Nepal? The Maoists are indisputably led by Pushpa Kamal Dahal (Prachanda) who does not appear to be a murderous Pol Pot and has been projected as principled and statesmanlike. But will he be able to control his own creation or could he himself be swept aside? “Revolution is not a tea party” said Mao Zedong. There are at least two other proximate models that are more benign. One was the forced exile of Ferdinand Marcos and his odious family to the USA in 1986, leading to Mrs Benito Aquino becoming President of the Philippines. She and Fidel Ramos had led ordinary people to the most peaceful bloodless revolution ever seen until then, and coined the term “People Power”. Democracy has had its problems here but has survived intact ever since. Another relevant model has to do with the forced departure for Bombay of Hari Singh of Jammu and Kashmir (who pretended to “abdicate” in favour of his young son though in fact no such alternative existed in international law). Sheikh Abdullah knew his constitutional politics well enough and then led J&K to a reasonable Constituent Assembly. Our Pakistani cousins, cut from the same political cloth as ourselves, embarked haplessly saying “That the sovereignty in Pakistan belongs to God Almighty alone and that the Government of Pakistan shall administer the country as His agent”. In the words of Rashid Rida and Maulana Maududi, Islam becomes “the very antithesis of secular Western democracy. The philosophical foundation of Western democracy is the sovereignty of the people. Lawmaking is their prerogative and legislation must correspond to the mood and temper of their opinion… Islam… altogether repudiates the philosophy of popular sovereignty and rears its polity on the foundations of the sovereignty of God and the viceregency (Khilafat) of man.” Sheikh Abdullah by contrast told the J&K Constituent Assembly: “You are the sovereign authority in this State of Jammu & Kashmir; what you decide has the irrevocable force of law. The basic democratic principle of sovereignty of the nation, embodied ably in the American and French Constitutions, is once again given shape in our midst. I shall quote the famous words of Article 3 of the French Constitution of 1791: `The source of all sovereignty resides fundamentally in the nation. Sovereignty is one and indivisible, inalienable and imprescriptable. It belongs to the nation.’ We should be clear about the responsibilities that this power invests us with. In front of us li e decisions of the highest national importance which we shall be called upon to take. Upon the correctness of our decisions depends not only the happiness of our land and people now, but the fate as well of generations to come.”

The fact the young son of Hari Singh then caused or contributed to a putsch against Abdullah is among the most regrettable events contributing to the misfortunes of J&K’s recent history. Nepal is going through its own French Revolution in which Gyanendra is no longer able to claim the “Divine Right of Kings” simply because his people have permanently withdrawn their acceptance of his legitimacy.

In the circumstances, Nepalese of all political colours would do very well to remember that the greatest of them in the history of mankind was a Hindu prince who became the founder of Buddhism. As the Himalayan home of Hindus and Buddhists and many others, the Nepalese Revolution could be among the most exemplary in being peaceful without bloodshed. The aim of Indians and all other friends of Nepal must be to seek to ensure that.

It is a fallacy of our narcissistic age to expect images of what supreme leaders of thought may have looked like; their teachings and deeds are unaffected by our erroneous expectations

By SUBROTO ROY

First published in The Statesman Editorial Page Special Article, Feb 5 2006 www.thestatesman.net

IT is hard for us in our narcissistic age of photography, cinema, TV and the Internet to imagine older worlds and cultures where men and women (especially named historical figures) lived and died without any images whatsoever being left behind of what they may have looked like. Few of us know what our own great great grandparents looked like, and they died only a century ago. In Indian religious and philosophical thought, we hardly even know any names.

Eliot in his monumental Hinduism and Buddhism said, “In reading the Brahamanas and older Upanishads we often wish we knew more of the writers and their lives. Rarely can so many representative men have bequeathed so much literature and yet left so dim a sketch of their times. Thought was their real life… we hear surprisingly little about contemporary events.”

In Jain tradition, the first saint, Risabha, son of a king of Ayodhya, was born 100 billion sagaras of years ago, where one sagara is 100 billion palyas, and a palya is the period in which a well a mile deep filled with fine hairs can be emptied if one hair is withdrawn every one hundred years. That is a long time. Risabha lived 8,400,000 years, exceeding all the enormous longevities mentioned in Judaeo-Christian scriptures.

Fortunately for the cause of logic and natural science, “the lives of his successors and the intervals which separated them became shorter”. In Asoka’s edicts, the Jains find their first definite objective mention outside fable, myth and legend. Mahavira, the 24th and greatest Jain saint, whose personal name was Vardhamana, was a contemporary of Buddha though somewhat older. His parents lived in a suburb of Vaisali. When he was 34, “they decided to die by voluntary starvation and after their deaths he renounced the world and started to wander naked in western Bengal, enduring some persecution as well as self-inflicted penances.” Thirteen years later, at age 47, Mahavira had attained enlightenment and appeared as the head of the Nigantha religious order, i.e. the “unfettered”, and it is by that name that the Jains are known to the Buddhists. No image of the historical Mahavira is available, which should not surprise us given the great length of time that separates us as well as the simple fact that the art of realistic portrait-painting is but a few centuries old — starting with, say, Rembrandt and the Dutch Masters — and of course the arts of photography etc are all wholly recent.

Of Gotama, the Buddha, the Sakyamuni of Mahayana tradition, there have been countless images made over the millennia though none may bear any recognisable likeness to the actual man. During his period of fruitless self-mortification, we have his own words “When I touched my belly, I felt my backbone through it and when I touched my back, I felt my belly”. After his enlightenment, wanderings and teachings, the “beauty of his appearance and the pleasant quality of his voice are often mentioned but in somewhat conventional terms which inspire no confidence that they are based on personal reminiscence, nor have the most ancient images which we possess any claim to represent his features, for the earliest of them are based on Greek models and it was not the custom to represent him by a figure until some centuries after his death.”

It is possible “the truest idea of his person is to be obtained not from the abundant effigies which show him as a somewhat sanctimonious ascetic, but from the statues of him as a young man such as that found at Sarnath, which may possibly preserve not indeed the physiognomy of Gotama but the general physique of a young Nepalese prince, with powerful limbs and features and a determined mouth. For there is truth at the bottom of the saying that Gotama was born to be either a Buddha or a universal monarch: he would have made a good general, if he had not become a monk” (Eliot).

In case of Yeshua ben Nazereth, the founder of Christianity, the controversy has become most intense in recent times. A trial has begun in an Italian courtroom on 27 January 2006 as to whether Jesus existed at all, whether the Roman Catholic Church has violated Italian law by teaching about him. An atheist plaintiff, Luigi Cascioli, has alleged “The Church constructed Christ upon the personality of John, the son of Judas of Gamala”, and claims it is up to the Church to prove in court that Jesus did exist. A priest, Enrico Righi, representing the Church in court, has been accused of breaking two laws: impersonation and abuse of public belief, for having published in a parish bulletin that Jesus was born of a couple named Mary and Joseph in Bethlehem and lived in Nazareth. Judge Gaetano Mautone initially refused to hear the case but was forced to do so after being over-ruled by the Court of Appeals.

As for what the historical Jesus may have looked like, The Bible gives no physical description other than in Isaiah 53:2b, “he hath no form nor comeliness, and when we shall see him, there is no beauty that we should desire him.”As a Palestinian Jew, Jesus was likely to have been dark, not the blue-eyed Nordic Jesus of modern American imagination with Presbyterian nose, long blonde hair and height of six feet (Fig. 1). For centuries, the Shroud of Turin was believed by many to have been the actual burial cloth of Jesus — until modern scientific techniques of carbon-dating have conclusively proved that the Shroud was probably of a medieval nobleman and had nothing to do with the historical Jesus. Out of respect as well as sheer ignorance of what he may have looked like, modern cinematic productions traditionally did not show Christ’s face. But based on the Shroud of Turin image (Fig 2), the actor Jim Caviezel recently acted the role of Jesus in “The Passion of the Christ” (Fig. 3). Jean Claude Gragard, in a 2001 BBC documentary “Son of God” chose a different way. “Using archaeological and anatomical science rather than artistic interpretation makes this (Fig 4) the most accurate likeness ever created. It isn’t the face of Jesus, because we’re not working with the skull of Jesus, but it is the departure point for considering what Jesus would have looked like.” They “started with an Israeli skull dating back to the 1st century. They then used computer programs, clay, simulated skin and their knowledge about the Jewish people of the time to determine the shape of the face, and colour of eyes and skin.” The result is “a broad peasant’s face, dark olive skin, short curly hair and a prominent nose, about 5’ 1” in height, 110 pounds in weight.” We do not and cannot in practice know what Jesus looked like but this might be closer to the truth than the work of great artists.

And of course, Jesus’ Divinity to Christian believers, and his teachings and deeds for all mankind, like those of Mahavira or Buddha or other supreme leaders of human thought like Aristotle, Zarathustra, Confucius, Muhammad and Nanak, are unaffected by whatever image people have erroneously made of them.

Evaluating Diatribe and Dialectic as Art

June 2001, Kolkata, India. First published at www.chowk.com on December 23 2002. First appearance in print in The Statesman Festival Volume, October 2006.

(Author’s note, April 2007: this article is an example of how the Internet age has transformed meanings: before the Internet, to be published and to be printed referred to practically simultaneous events; but this article was published on the Internet almost four years before it came to be republished in print.)

by Subroto Roy

Salman Rushdie’s The Satanic Verses is a manifold document; in reading it more than a dozen years after publication, what is brought to mind is the relation between art and criticism described by Lawrence and advertised by Leavis: ”We judge a work of art by its effect on our sincere and vital emotion, and nothing else. All the critical twiddle-twaddle about style and form, all this pseudo-scientific classifying and analysing of books in an imitation-botanical fashion, is mere impertinence and mostly dull jargon. A critic must be able to feel the impact of a work of art in all its complexity and its force. To do so, he must be a man of force and complexity himself, which few critics are. A man with a paltry, impudent nature will never write anything but paltry, impudent criticism. And a man who is emotionally educated is rare as a phoenix…”

The sincere and vital emotions most obviously provoked by Rushdie’s book are nausea, anger and irritation. It appears at first sight an abusive, incoherent masquerade of a novel with little artistic value, a mere moneymaking vehicle for a preening, self-seeking author and his publisher. The decisions of the Republics of India and Pakistan to ban it for being gratuitously offensive to the religious sentiments of millions of people, or the finding against it of blasphemy by the Islamic authorities of Iran seem understandable.

Yet such an initial response may be followed by another very different set of sincere and vital emotions. Upon reflection and a second reading, it is possible to feel exhilaration, delight, even the calm of a Shia Muslim spiritual experience from the book. These may be accompanied by a conviction that Rushdie has produced a significant work of art even if he himself remains unaware of its nature. This kind of unusual and dichotomous critical experience needs to be explained. College professors around the world have been writing theoretical essays portraying Rushdie as a “magic realist” or some such oxymoron. The truth may be more prosaic: The Satanic Verses is nothing if it is not a second, perhaps definitive, autobiographical experiment in which Rushdie has attempted to reconcile himself with his own experiences, a task in which he has achieved at best partial success. It is as if he has tried to comprehend his own life as an English-speaking Indo-Pakistani Muslim in the Western world, and in that process the words of The Satanic Verses just came tumbling out. And there is little even a bitter enemy can say about one’s search for self-knowledge, especially on matters of religious belief.

The cover says The Satanic Verses is a novel; what may be called its superficial plot amounts to something a giggling adolescent might have written for an undergraduate essay. Here is its outline:

Once there were two young Muslim boys of Bombay, Najmuddin and Chamchawalla. N. is born poor and raised in the slums; from delivering tiffins he becomes a small-time and then a major screen idol of Hindi cinema, a kind of Muslim NTR/Bachan mixture. In his profligacy he has an affair with R. who later murders her young children and commits suicide because of her unrequited love for him; N. travels in an aeroplane to England which is blown up midair by Sikh hijackers at 30,000 ft; he falls unharmed to the ground, is found on the English coast by an old woman whose lover he becomes until her death; then he returns to a lovely Jewish girlfriend who seems to have no reason to want to be with him, he returns to India, murders the Jewish girlfriend and kills himself, all along being tormented by a notion he may have invited divine wrath for having wilfully eaten pork. In parallel, the other young Muslim boy, C. grows up in a privileged Bombay neighbourhood, is sexually molested by a dhoti-clad street-vendor, has peculiar and perverse parents and servants, is sent to a public school and University in England, ends up in London advertising, is on the same aeroplane which explodes in the sky, also falls unharmed to the ground and is found by the same old woman, but is taken in by British police and immigration authorities, and, most oddly, finds himself transmogrified gradually into a goat like being and then Satan himself, is forced by British police to eat his own goat-pellets, escapes to find refuge among a generous Bangladeshi family in London’s immigrant ghettos, is re-transformed into a human being again after his hatred becomes focussed on a single individual, his fellow Mumbaikari, Najmuddin. C attempts to avenge himself on N. for no particular reason except jealousy, yet N. saves his life and there is supposed to be a moral of good and evil there. C. also at some point acquires a splendid English wife who divorces him — again a woman whom we see no reason to want to be with a jerk like him (though we are not told he might have wanted her for the British passport). C. finally returns to Bombay, is reconciled with his dying father, meets up with an old girlfriend, and the book ends with these two being together.

This is not “magic realism”, it is palpably poor writing. If the superficial plot suffices to make The Satanic Verses a novel, then your or my singing in the shower suffices for us to be in grand opera.

Seen as an autobiographical experiment, however, the superficial plot begins, ever so slightly, to make sense as Rushdie appears himself as both Muslim boys whose lives are traced from Bombay to London and back. He is Najmuddin to the extent he torments himself throughout for having willfully violated Muslim practice

“his mouth full of unclean meat ”(p. 31);

in his relationship with at least one of Najmuddin’s three women, the Jewish girlfriend Allie; and perhaps more generally in his having

”managed to bury his greatest talent so deep that it might easily have been lost forever, his talent, that is, for loving genuinely, deeply and without holding back, the rare and delicate gift which he had never been able to employ” (p.26)

Rushdie is Chamchawalla more obviously in having grown up in a privileged Bombay neighbourhood, been sent to school and university in England, gotten married to and divorced from an English woman named Pamela. Both Najmuddin and Chamchawalla are left with their fathers after their mothers’ early deaths, and Rushdie is original and most authentic in describing these father-son relationships where he appears to draw deeply on his own emotional life. There is a short delightful scene of him teaching his own son to ride a bicycle. Then he makes rare records of the terrible conflicts possible between fathers and adult sons:

(N.) “would understand how much the older man had resented him, and how important it was for the father to defeat the son and regain, thereby, his usurped primacy in the affections of his dead wife”. (p. 19)

(C.) “wrote his father a letter full of cruelty and anger, whose violence was of the type that exists only between fathers and sons, and which differs from that between daughters and mothers in that there lurks behind it the possibility of actual, jaw-breaking fisticuffs. “(p.47)

The son returns to India to be tenderly reconciled with the emaciated dying old man from whom he has been estranged:

”Abba, I came back because I didn’t want there to be trouble between us anymore.

That doesn’t matter any more. It’s forgotten, whatever it was.”

Whatever it was. Death makes family feuds seem petty and inconsequential in retrospect. The old man is just happy to see the boy, his own life, once again. The son unexpectedly finds in himself love, devotion and respect for the old man whom he had long feared and despised:

”First one falls in love with one’s father all over again, and then one learns to look up to him, too…. He is teaching me how to die… He does not avert his eyes, but looks death right in the face…” (pp. 543 et. seq, italics original)

A child sees his parents initially as God-like beings said Sigmund Freud; an aspect of maturity arrives when the child begins to see them no longer as deities but as humans, warts and all. When Rushdie has applied himself to his own inner life and relationships with his father and his son, he delves into a vast pool of expressiveness, and, ever so briefly, discovers and establishes his artistry. His poignant reconciliation with a dying father is a small treasure.

Another episode worth notice in the superficial plot of The Satanic Verses has to do with the growth to maturity of the character of the young Bangladeshi-British adolescent, Mishal Sufyan, and her marriage to the white-fathered, Pakistani(?)-mothered Hanif Johnson. Their love signals fresh hope and new life in Britain’s grim immigrant neighbourhoods filled with fear and hatred. The race riots in England in 2001 could have been taken from a chapter of The Satanic Verses. Rushdie has been a self-conscious observer here as nice boys from Rugby School don’t normally go slumming even if they are wogs themselves, yet even so the Indian preppie from Rugby or Harvard must still reconcile the continuous threads which bind him to the people cleaning the lavatories at Heathrow or pumping gas or running motels in America.

In parallel with this superficial plot, The Satanic Verses contains a theological dialectic mostly on the origins, beliefs and practices of Islam, the faith in which Rushdie was born and raised. This is practically independent of the superficial plot, or at best the two have been clumsily pasted together. The link is once more Rushdie himself. While he appears as the main protagonists Najmuddin and Chamchawalla in the superficial plot, he makes a triple appearance in the theological treatise, at three different levels of Muslim doubt or faith.

At the greatest level of scepticism, Rushdie appears as the infidel poet and satirist Baal who gives his life to the cause of an absolute artistic and intellectual freedom, mocking Prophet Muhammad and The Quran, saying he recognizes no authority except his artistic Muse:

”A poet’s work (is to) name the unnameable, to point at frauds, to take sides, start arguments, shape the world and stop it from going to sleep. “(p. 100)

Under the sword of his Muslim captors, Baal ends with “I’ve finished. Do what you want”; he is beheaded but dies a spiritually free unbroken man. Rushdie may have relied on Islamic legend here though his fellow Anglo-Pakistani, the social anthropologist Akbar Ahmed, has apologetically said that as a matter of historical fact: “The conquest of Makkah cost less than 30 lives…. The charge of those critics who accuse the Prophet of the (death) of a poet who wrote satirical verse… will not hold. An over-zealous Muslim infuriated by his verses set out to silence the poet.”

At a lesser level of scepticism or a greater level of Muslim belief, Rushdie appears in the theological dialectic as a fictional Salman Farsi, supposed to be the “calmest” (p. 107), and “most highly educated” (p. 377) of the Prophet’s intimate disciples. This character becomes in course of time a drunken apostate after starting to doubt the authenticity of The Quran as Divine Revelation, as well as the transcription of the Hadith. As a safety measure perhaps, Rushdie put in

”Where there is no belief, there is no blasphemy” (p. 393).

But in real life the authorities of contemporary Iran were not amused or impressed by legal niceties as to whether young Salman sitting in England had renounced Islam or his Pakistani passport for a British one. In 1989 they roundly pronounced The Satanic Verses to be blasphemous to Islam and sentenced Rushdie to death in absentia, causing as we know a significant recent incident of international law.

Ironically, Rushdie`s experience since might have been scripted by himself:

”Your blasphemy, Salman, can’t be forgiven.”

In response, Salman Farsi is

”unable to muster the smallest scrap of dignity, he blubbers whimpers pleads beats his breast abases himself” (p. 387)

and escapes death only by promising to denounce Baal, the idolatrous satirist. In real life Rushdie blubbered, whimpered, pleaded and abased himself to win a reprieve without avail. If the Iranian authorities have since reduced their hatred of him, it seems because they became bored and found him less consequential as time went by, not because of anything he said or did in repentance. In June 2001, Ayatollah Khatami, then President of Iran, said the blasphemy case was “closed”, and that Iran had always seen Rushdie`s book as part of a modern Western assault on Islam.

Yet one must be grateful the Iranian death sentence did not get carried out because there is evidence to reasonably conclude that, all things considered, Rushdie may well be innocent of blasphemous intent. Though he may be guilty of several literary crimes and misdemeanours, he may have been wrongly placed on Iran’s death row for a dozen years. The evidence suggests that what The Satanic Verses has attempted to be is a genuine Muslim dialectic between faith and doubt — albeit one not expressed in Arabic, Farsi or Urdu to attract serious Islamic scholars, but one done in English in the manner of a Hollywood screenplay designed to attract as much hard currency as possible for Rushdie and his publisher. Commercial English comedy as hermeneutics you might say: Monty Python meets Prophet Muhammad.

That Rushdie has lacked blasphemous intent is evident from his third appearance in the theological treatise, this time as the secular Indian Muslim, Mirza Saeed Akhtar, who loves and lusts after both his sick wife, Mishal, and her new friend, the epileptic orphan woman Ayesha. The two women are dogmatic Shia Muslims, who insist on leading a vast, pious pilgrimage from central India into the Arabian Sea in the belief their faith will miraculously make the waters part and allow them to walk to Mecca.

Rushdie does not identify them as Shia Muslims but the story is based on actual events in 1981-1983 in the Naseem Fatima “Hawkes Bay” case in Pakistan.

According to the sociologist Akbar Ahmed, Naseem Fatima, “a shy, pleasant looking girl with an innocent expression on her face, who had a history of fits,” after a series of miraculous religious experiences which were scorned by Sunni Muslims but were not inconsistent with Shia doctrine, led 38 people into the Arabian Sea at Karachi believing the waters would part and they would be transported miraculously to Shia holy sites in Karbala in Iraq.

“(The women and children locked) in five of the six trunks died. One of the trunks was shattered by the waves and its passengers survived. Those on foot also survived; they were thrown back onto the beach by the waves… The survivors were in high spirits — there was neither regret nor remorse among them. Only a divine calm, a deep ecstasy. The Karachi police in a display of bureaucratic zeal arrested the survivors. They were charged with attempting to leave the country without visas…. Rich Shias, impressed by the devotion of the survivors, paid for their journey by air for a week to and from Karbala. In Iraq, influential Shias, equally impressed, presented them with gifts, including rare copies of the Holy Quran.”

In The Satanic Verses, Rushdie has altered and transformed these facts into a rich allegorical dialectic between rationalism and scepticism on the one hand, and dogmatic faith and ecstatic religious experience on the other. The husband Mirza Saeed, representing Rushdie himself, condemns what he says is the foolishness of the faith-filled women, begs them, pleads with them to change their minds, and finally when they cannot be stopped, follows behind them in his Mercedes, collecting stragglers, hypocrites and apostates on the way. The intellectual and spiritual tension between the rationalist and believer is built up excellently. The reader is finally certain that Ayesha and the other pilgrims walk to their earthly deaths in the Arabian Sea, but is left uncertain whether the miracle may have in fact occurred even so, whether they have in fact walked into Paradise itself on the strength of their faith. It is a splendid, exhilarating and unexpected spiritual experience emerging from the book. Moreover, the Rushdie-character, though he survives the pilgrimage, tempers his scepticism by the end of his life, and eventually dies in fusion with the ghost of his love, the believer Ayesha, and, we are led to think, is finally absorbed with her into the Paradise described in The Quran.

Thus in the attempted theological treatise that is contained within The Satanic Verses,

Rushdie appears

(i) as Baal the disbelieving, mocking, satirist who gives his life for artistic freedom;

(ii) as Salman Farsi the Muslim believer who turns to apostasy; and

(iii) as Mirza Saeed Akhtar, the rationalist and sceptic who turns eventually towards Muslim faith and belief.

In making this triple appearance, Rushdie has tried to construct a genuine Muslim dialectic between scepticism and dogmatism; if the sceptical parts have outraged Muslim believers, some of his descriptions of Muslim belief and practice might do no less than add new sympathisers or converts to Islam among the heathen and infidels. It is a creative achievement for a modern English-speaking Muslim, perhaps unintentionally, to try to turn the tide of hostile opinion that exists against Islam in the English-speaking world, through a sympathetic rendering of aspects of Islam. E.g., a practice like halal, which seems cruel or at least pointless to the non-Muslim, is given new meaning by Rushdie, and made into a point of existential philosophy:

”(The Prophet)… required animals to be killed slowly, by bleeding, so that by experiencing their deaths to the full they might arrive at an understanding of the meaning of their lives, for it is only at the moment of death that living creatures understand that life has been real, and not a sort of dream. “(p. 376).

It is only at the moment of death that life may make its fullest sense. Such would be to look back at life from the point of death; T. S. Eliot in Burnt Norton seemed to speak of looking forward at life all the way to the point of death:

“At the still point of the turning world. Neither flesh nor fleshless;

Neither from nor towards; at the still point, there the dance is,

…Except for the point, the still point,

There would be no dance, and there is only the dance.”

Leavis drew attention to the religious meaning assigned to these lines by the critic D. W. Harding:

“For the man convinced of spiritual values, life is a coherent pattern in which the ending has its due place, and, because it is part of a pattern, itself leads into the beginning.”

The Satanic Verses is preoccupied with the possibility of such patterns of birth, death and rebirth, conflict and its resolution, tension and its relaxation. “To be born again … first you have to die” (p. 1) Rushdie was raised a Muslim exposed to the university of critical thought and dialogue; as such he owed himself a responsibility to examine Islam to determine whether he would render it his individual allegiance, not by fiat or blind faith but by the canons of reasonableness. In The Satanic Verses he has traversed a range of logical possibilities between disbelief, doubt and faith in Islam. On the strength of the Mirza Saeed Akhtar character in the book, he may have been truthful in declaring himself a genuine believing Muslim who was innocent of the charges of blasphemy against him. He needs to be absolved of the charges, and his conviction by the Iranians set aside, as in effect has been done by Iran’s President Ayatollah Khatami in June 2001. Here ends the case for The Satanic Verses.

The case against Rushdie however must continue.

He has produced a few ounces of artistic and philosophical gold but these are contained in mountains of muck, which remain to be disposed of. Rushdie shows himself emotionally alive and expressive as a son to his father and a father to his son, as well as a keen social observer of Britain and a thoughtful and philosophical Muslim believer; but at the same time he also reveals himself immature, dishonest and cowardly as a writer. These aspects are summarily revealed in Rushdie’s desire to be gratuitously abusive or offensive towards a wide range of chosen targets, from the memory of Prophet Muhammad to the innocuous Chinese. For example, for no discernible reason except to show that little Salman can say bad words and get away with it, a Mallory-like ghost on Mt. Everest is made to converse about “Goddamn Chinese” and “Little yellow buggers”. Then an implausible Sikh woman terrorist (named after the Delhi journalist Tavleen Singh though reminiscent more of Leila Khaled, the pioneer Palestinian hijacker) leads Khalistanis to hijack an Air India jumbo (numbered 420) and explode it mid-air.

In June 1985 an Air India jumbo did explode mid-air killing all 329 lives on board, and it took painstaking work by the Canadian police to arrest and prosecute (unsuccessfully) the major suspects who were Canadian Sikhs. The victims’ families whose tragedies are trivialised in The Satanic Verses join the list of people Rushdie has wished to pointlessly upset by his personal fantasy of two survivors falling unharmed from that aircraft. Then, Rushdie’s Khalistanis go about yelling

”those mother-f…..g Americans and sister-f…..g British”,

when in fact Khalistan seemed plausible mostly to North American and British Sikhs in Vancouver or California who (unlike perhaps Rushdie himself at the time he authored the book), tend not to be abusive of America or Britain in that kind of way. The cursing merely shows how our purportedly great British writer keeps despoiling the possibility of his own artistry.

Hindus and India come in for special abuse in Rushdie’s worldview. India is that rather amusing and grotesque country

”of hundreds of millions of believers…. in which, to this day, the human population outnumbers the divine by less than three to one,”

where a Muslim NTR/Bachan cinema star can become “the most acceptable, instantly recognisable, face of the Supreme” (p. 17). A Hindu character

”coming as she did from a polytheistic tradition”

is considered

”plainly… incapable” (p. 334)

of comprehending the scriptures of the Semitic faiths. Rushdie reveals himself incompetent here in his purported role of theologian, as he has failed to see that the secular outlook of Hinduism and its heterodox descendants like Buddhism does not imply belief in more than one god. Rushdie is not alone in this prejudice for the most venerable Oxford English Dictionary itself announces “Hinduism is the polytheistic religion of the Hindus”.

In fact, Indian traditions always have freely allowed questioning whether there is any God at all, let alone whether there is one God or many gods. I.e., there always has been space freely available within orthodox Hinduism and its heterodox offshoots for all manner of religious scepticism, including nihilism and pyrrhonism. This is highly problematic for a believing member of any of the Semitic faiths like Rushdie, or the author of the entry on Hinduism in the Oxford English Dictionary. Thus even Pope John Paul VI said Buddhism is not a religion in his sense of what a religion must be, namely, a doctrine entailing belief in God.

The Hindu, or at least the philosophical Hindu, is very troublesome to all others because he is somehow able to accommodate all of them within his own folds. “You want to worship the sun, the seas, the mountains, rivers, trees, snakes or stones as God Immanent?; that’s fine with me,” he says to the animist. “You think there is no God as such?; that’s cool”, he says to the Buddhist. “You’re telling me Jesus of Nazareth was God’s incarnated Son?; okay that’s great, I like that,” he says to the Christian. “You’re telling me the Holy Quran was revealed by Al-Lah to Prophet Muhammad near Makkah?; I’ll accept that,” he says to the Muslim. And so on. The Hindu’s all-inclusive catholicity can drive other believers up the wall, especially those closest to him like Buddhists, Jains and Sikhs who may most urgently want to differentiate themselves from Hindu practice.

Rushdie momentarily accepts the Hindu view when Najmuddin

”is often filled with resentment by the non-appearance, in his persecuting visions, of the One who is supposed to have the answers, He never turns up, the one who kept away when I was dying, when I needed needed (sic) him. The one it’s all about, Allah Ishvar God. Absent as ever while we writhe and suffer in his name” (p. 113)

Here Rushdie momentarily acknowledges his secular Indian childhood as well as his Christian schooling about Christ on the Cross. But mostly he has taken the easy path of branding the Hindu a rather silly polytheistic idolater or animist. There is a reminder of the destruction of religious idols by the new Muslims in pre-Islamic Mecca (Jahilia). Then there is a long development of the wickedness of the character of the chief idolater, the female Hind. The real Hind was a foe turned convert of Prophet Muhammad; Rushdie’s Hind converts, is forgiven by Prophet Muhammad, then secretly continues as an idolatrous witch who plots and causes the Prophet’s demise. Her name “Hind” is the Urdu/Persian name for India and the root of “Hindu”, so it is possible Rushdie’s years as a Pakistani have led him to absorb some of the views prevalent in that country about Hindus and Hindustan being implacable foes of Islam.

Then, Rushdie makes pornographic allusions to Ganesh and Hanuman, and a pointed reference to ”these Shiv Sena bastards in control” of contemporary Bombay. A Brahmin and an “Untouchable” (there can be no Harijans or Dalits in Rushdie’s British world) seem to convert to Islam only to retract, while pious Muslim pilgrims are attacked by the wicked VHP and RSS in scenes Rushdie might have lifted from Attenborough`s Gandhi. No mention here of East Pakistan, Yahya Khan, Tikka Khan or Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto — just “Bungleditch” for Bangladesh. In Rushdie`s view, the ominous forces of Hindu nationalism (the folks who gave him a visa to finally visit India in 2000) are to be kept at bay only by arm-in-arm socialism. It all amounts to a rather stale politically correct ideology fashionable in the 1970s, which crashed with the Berlin Wall one year after The Satanic Verses was published. Rushdie, a one-time child citizen of India, knows in his middle age next to nothing about modern Indian society or its political economy, yet apparently longs to prove his correct Limousine Socialism credentials to his Western publishers and clientele. He keeps putting his thumb in the pan.

He also has been cowardly. Living in Britain, he did not set out to write a modern diatribe against all religious traditions he had encountered which might have amounted to a nihilism or pyrrhonism worth examining. Jews and Christians are conspicuous by their absence from his target-list, allowing him to duck away from the savage criticism he would have received from within the Judeao-Christian countries where he has led his adult life. The Satanic Verses has been received with considerable applause there, and earned him a lot of money. The few characters identified as Jews in the book (Mimi, Cohen, his wife, and daughter) are all normal and sympathetically drawn (Cohen is even made a Holocaust survivor who survived Nazi “monsters” but now commits suicide). There is one identified Christian, who, consistent with Rushdie’s ideology of Limousine Socialism, is made a comical American creationist who bites off his own tongue in fear during the hijacking.

The Satanic Verses was banned in India and Pakistan after its publication; but had Rushdie attacked Jewish or mainstream Christian beliefs and characters with the same kind of parody he hurls at Muslim and Hindu beliefs and practices, he likely would not have been published at all in the West, drying up his dollar-income.

It was simply too risky for Salman Rushdie to be as offensive towards Jews and Christians in Britain or America as he has been to Muslims and Hindus in India or Pakistan. Much easier and more lucrative to write “Monty Python meets Prophet Muhammad” or some Peter-Sellers pidgin Indian English dialogue or dig up some dowry-deaths from reading the Indian newspapers. Goes down well with the people who matter. Fits in with their own post-Imperial pretensions about the state of the wogs today. Even better that the Chief Wog himself is saying so. That has been the principal point made by the Iranian authorities against Rushdie, as for example when Ayatollah Khattami said in June 2001 in “closing” the blasphemy case, that Iran always took The Satanic Verses to be a part of the Western assault on Islam.

Indeed Rushdie’s single worst and most pointless example of offensiveness has to do with his distortion of the memory of Prophet Muhammad himself.

Muhammad (572-632 AD) was without doubt one of the greatest men of history, as may be measured by his vast impact on human civilization. His greatness was marked by a magnificent humility; at his death, it was famously said: “If you are worshippers of Muhammad, know that he is dead. If you are worshippers of God, know that God is living and does not die”; indicating the total self-effacement of the man to his mission. Arabic is the language of Islam, but even in Rushdie’s chosen language of English there has been a vast literature over the centuries on Prophet Muhammad’s life and example. One of the best known is Carlyle’s fully sympathetic 1842 account , which made the message of the Prophet’s religious experience one of universal import well beyond Muslim ontological beliefs:

“The great Mystery of Existence… glared in upon (Muhammad), with its terrors, with its splendours; no hearsays could hide that unspeakable fact , “Here am I!”. Such sincerity… has in very truth something of divine. The word of such a man is a Voice direct from Nature’s own Heart. Men do and must listen to that as nothing else; all else is wind in comparison.”

Carlyle quoted Goethe: “If this be Islam, do we not all live in Islam?” And Carlyle told the stories of how Muhammad could not abide by his own severe faith when he wept over the dead body of an early disciple: “You see a friend weeping over his friend”; and of how the young beautiful Ayesha once tried to get Muhammad to compare her favourably to his deceased wife and first disciple the widow Khadija, and how Muhammad had denied her:

”She believed in me when none else would believe. In the whole world I had but one friend and she was that!”

In face of such an enormous wealth of rich legendary material to select from to write about Prophet Muhammad, what does Salman Rushdie, purportedly a major British-educated 20th Century Muslim novelist, choose to do? He invents a pointless sequence of pornographic allusions and events to do with how a Mecca whorehouse increases its business! It makes highly offensive reading, not just to Muslim believers but to decency and the truth of Muhammad’s life; rather like the person who associated Christ on the Cross with a urinal and claimed artistic freedom for himself, outraging Christian opinion in the United States of America a few years ago. Why do it, one may ask? Where is the art in it? Where could the art in it possibly be? Why should it not be seen as merely base and revolting?

In putting together then, the case for and against The Satanic Verses, it may be seen how Rushdie’s artistry might have made him a great writer and also how his vast incorrigible faults have kept him permanently from becoming one. To draw a contrast, in The Brothers Karamasov one hundred years ago, Dostoevsky wrote perhaps the definitive internal critique of Christianity, of how Jesus Christ had made true Christian practice impossibly difficult, of how Christianity demanded too much of mankind, more than man’s nature could possibly achieve. Lawrence said of it:

“As always in Dostoevsky, the amazing perspicacity is mixed with ugly perversity. Nothing is pure. His wild love for Jesus is mixed with perverse and poisonous hate of Jesus: his moral hostility to the devil is mixed with secret worship of the devil. Dostoevsky is always perverse, always impure, always an evil thinker and a marvellous seer.”

Rushdie would have liked a similar comparison in respect of Prophet Muhammad and Islam; but he does not deserve it because he lacks the honesty possessed by the great writers while he possesses a greed and cupidity they disowned. As a novel, The Satanic Verses is about as far from The Brothers Karamasov as the music of David Bowie or Boy George or Madonna is from the music of Tchaikovsky or Beethoven. Superficially, it paints nauseous grotesque absurd accounts of incoherent events, mostly with cartoons and caricatures where real people should have been, forcing the reader to take a most unpleasant journey largely because Rushdie`s deliberately cultivated notoriety pleads for his book to be read. The nausea comes to be suspended for a page here, a handful of pages there, when Rushdie demonstrates that a splendid artistry does exist within him even if he finds it impossibly difficult to muster enough discipline to maintain it. That other Indian writers have been imitating his style in the last few decades often without his substance may merely go to show how far critical editorial standards have collapsed in the book-publishing industry.

It is only when The Satanic Verses is seen as a tortured self-exploration by Rushdie to reconcile his Western life with his Islamic upbringing that it begins to become sensible and comprehensible. Madonna or Boy George’s music is not that of Beethoven and everyone has forgotten it already while no one forgets Beethoven, but it is still a kind of music. Similarly, no one forgets Anna Karenina or Dostoevsky’s Grand Inquisitor and everyone will forget Salman Rushdie, but even so his work still needs to be tested for the presence of significant art. That there is some art in it, perhaps hitherto undiscovered, has been the purpose of this essay to reveal.

References

Akbar Ahmed, Discovering Islam; Pakistan Society

Thomas Carlysle, Heroes and Hero Worship

D. H. Lawrence, Phoenix

F. R. Leavis, The Living Principle; Valuation in Criticism (G. Singh ed.)

Salman Rushdie, The Satanic Verses

SUBROTO ROY’s works include Philosophy of Economics: On the Scope of Reason in Economic Inquiry (Routledge, London & New York, International Library of Philosophy, 1989, 1991).

Subroto Roy

This was a keynote address to the Council of Asian Liberals & Democrats meeting on November 16 2001, Manila, Philippines, and was published in Singapore in 2002, Alan Smith, James Gomez & Uwe Johannen (Eds.) September 11 & Political Freedom: Asian Perspectives. It was republished in the West on January 26 2004 on the University of Buckingham website, when the author was Wincott Visiting Professor of Economics there. It came to be followed a few months later by a public lecture at the University, titled “Science, Religion, Art and the Necessity of Freedom: Reason’s Response to Islamism” which has also been published here.

1. Globalization Through a Wide-Angle Lens
2. Suicide, Terrorism & Political Protest
3. Science, Religion, Art, and the Necessity of Freedom
4. Asia’s Modern Dilemmas: Named Social Life or Anonymous Markets
5. September 11: the Collapse of the Global Conversation
6. Envoi

Synopsis: The world after September 11 2001 has seemed a very bewildering place — as if all liberal notions of universal reason, freedom, tolerance and the rule of law since the Enlightenment have been proven a lie overnight, deserving only to be flushed away in the face of a resurgence of ancient savageries. One aim of this essay is to show this would be too hasty an assessment; another is to provide a general theory of “globalization”, a notion which often has seemed lost for meaning.

1. Globalization Through a Wide-Angle Lens
The perpetrators of September 11 subjectively acted in the name of Islam. It would have surprised them to know of the great respect with which the religious experience of Prophet Muhammad (572-632 AD) had been treated in the English language by Carlyle in 1842:

“The great Mystery of Existence… glared in upon (Muhammad), with its terrors, with its splendours; no hearsays could hide that unspeakable fact, ‘Here am I!’. Such sincerity… has in very truth something of divine. The word of such a man is a Voice direct from Nature’s own Heart. Men do and must listen to that as nothing else; all else is wind in comparison.” 1

Carlyle told the story of Muhammad once not abiding by his own severe faith when he wept for an early disciple saying “You see a friend weeping over his friend”; and of how, when the young beautiful Ayesha tried to make him compare her favourably to his deceased wife and first disciple the widow Khadija, Muhammad had denied her:

“She believed in me when none else would believe. In the whole world I had but one friend and she was that!”

Carlyle suggested the simple humanity and humility of Muhammad’s life and example, and even an intersection between Islamic belief and modern science (“a Voice direct from Nature’s own Heart”). He quoted Goethe: “If this be Islam, do we not all live in Islam?”, suggesting there might be something of universal import in Muhammad’s message well beyond specifically Muslim ontological beliefs.
In general, the life or words of a spiritual leader of mankind like Muhammad, Christ, or Buddha, as indeed of discoverers of the physical world like Darwin or Einstein, or explorers of secular human nature like Aristotle, Adam Smith or Karl Marx, may be laid claim to by all of us whether we are explicit adherents, disciples or admirers or not. No private property rights may be attached upon their legacies, but rather these remain open to be discussed freely and reasonably by everyone.

A second example is more proximate. It is of M. K. Gandhi the Indian sitting in South Africa reflecting on the Christian ideas of Thoreau the American and Tolstoy the Russian, synthesizing these with Hindu-Jain notions of “ahimsa” or “non-hatred” into a technique of political action to be applied eventually to end British rule in India; then transferred a decade after Gandhi’s assassination to the U. S. Civil Rights Movement led by Martin Luther King Jr, and later, after King’s assassination, back to Nelson Mandela languishing in prison, who ends apartheid and brings in its place a “Truth and Reconciliation Commission” in South Africa.2
Construing globalization to mean merely Westernization of the East has been a commonplace error, leading to a narrow cramped perspective and reflecting ignorance of both East and West. There are countless examples of the Easternization of the West including the exportation of Judaism and Christianity, and of Indian and Arab mathematics and astronomy in the Middle Ages. There have been and will be countless cross-fertilizations between East and West, let aside the subtle influences of Africa and other cultures and continents on art, music, dance, sports and beliefs around the world. In general, whenever an idea, practice, institution or artifact transmits itself from its origin elsewhere, we have a little piece of globalization taking place. The speed and volume of such transmissions may have vastly increased in recent decades thanks to the growth of modern transport and communications but that is not to say some of the most important transmissions have not already taken place or may not yet take place. Ours like every generation may be biased in favour of its own importance.

2. Suicide, Terrorism & Political Protest
Global transmissions can be as soft and salubrious as Americans learning to enjoy football which is not American football. But they can be grim and desperate too — like the transfer of “suicide bombing” techniques from Sri Lanka’s civil war to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict; or the idea of schoolboys firing automatic weapons germinating from A Clockwork Orange to actuality thirty years later in an American or a German school.

In fact the Thoreau-Tolstoy-Gandhi techniques of civil disobedience or a hunger-strike inflicting pain or sacrifice on oneself to show an adversary his folly, slide naturally to a limit of suicide as political protest — as when the Buddhist Superior Thich Quang Duc, protesting religious persecution by Diem’s regime in South Vietnam, immolated himself on June 2 1963, soon to be followed by other Buddhist monks and nuns, leading to the end of the Diem regime and start of the American war in Vietnam. Six years and half a world away, Jan Palach, on January 19 1969, immolated himself in Wenceslas Square protesting the apathy of his countrymen to the Soviet invasion that had ended the Prague Spring. Suicide as political protest still abides by the Socratic injunction that it would be better to suffer wrong than to wrong others.3

Terrorism by suicide killing crosses that line — over into a world of utilitarian calculation on the part of the perpetrator that his or her suicide as political protest would be inadequate, and must be accompanied by causing death among the perceived adversary as well.

Gandhi, King and Mandela each had conservative, accommodative currents on one side, as well as radical dissident or parallel terrorist offshoots on the other, and we will return to ask why no non-violent political movement seems identifiable of which September 11 was the violent terrorist offshoot.

Where political protest is absent from the motivation, and killing the adversary becomes the aim with suicide merely the means, as with Japan’s kamikaze pilots, we have passed into a realm of international war between organized authorities in contrast with mere terrorism against some organized authority. A suicide-killer may of course subjectively believe himself/herself to be making a political protest though his/her principals may see him/her as an instrument of war.

Also, if it is correct to distinguish between kamikaze pilots and the perpetrators of September 11 by absence and presence of political protest in their motivation, terrorism typically arises as rebellion against some organized authority, and is to be contrasted precisely with war between organized authorities. “State terrorism” can then only refer to an organized authority being repressive to the point of using its power to cause terror, physical or mental, upon a people or individuals under its control. “State-sponsored” terrorism would be something else again, where an organized authority assists a terroristic rebellion against some other organized authority, amounting effectively to an undeclared international war.4

3. Science, Religion, Art, and the Necessity of Freedom
The question arises whether anything in human nature or society may be identified to help analyse, explain or predict the myriad transmissions of globalization taking place, whether salubrious or not. If such a theory claims to be “general”, it will need to be wide enough to try to explain the motivation for modern terrorism and September 11 2001 in particular.

We could start with the observable fact there is and has been only one human species, no matter how infinitely variegated its specimens across space and time. All have a capacity to reason as well as a capacity to feel a range of emotions in their experience of the world, something we share to an extent with other forms of life as well. And every human society, in trying to ascertain what is good for itself, finds need to reason together about how its members may be best able to survive, grow, reproduce and flourish. This process of common reasoning and reflection vitally requires freedom of inquiry and expression of different points of view. The lone voice in dissent needs to be heard or at least not suppressed just in case it is the right voice counselling against a course which might lead to catastrophe for all. To reason together implies a true or right answer exists to be found, and the enterprise of truth-seeking thus requires freedom as a logical necessity. It takes guts to be a lone dissenter, and all societies have typically praised and encouraged the virtues of courage and integrity, and poured shame on cowardice, treachery or sycophancy. Similarly, since society is a going concern, justice and fairplay in the working of its institutions is praised and sought after while corruption, fraud or other venality is condemned and punished.

A flourishing society may be viewed as one advancing in its scientific knowledge, its artistic achievements, and its religious or philosophical consciousness. Each of these dimensions needs to be in appropriate balance in relation to the others during the process of social and economic growth, and each has a necessity for its own aspect of freedom.

Science is our public knowledge regardless of culture or nationality gained of ourselves as members of the world and the Universe, and has been the most important common adversary of all religions. Who or what is homo sapiens relative to other living species? What is the difference between plants and animals? What constitutes a living organism? What is the structure of a benzene ring or a carbon atom or any atom or subatomic particle? What is light, sound, gravity? What can we say about black holes or white dwarfs? When did life begin on Earth and when is it likely to end? Are we alone in the Universe in being the only form of self-conscious life? Such questions have been asked and attempted to be answered in their own way by all peoples of the world, whether they are primitive tribes in hidden forests or sophisticated rocket scientists in hidden laboratories. Our best common understanding of them constitutes the state of scientific knowledge at a given time.
At the bar of reason, all religions lose to science wherever they try to compete on science’s home grounds, namely, the natural or physical world. If a religious belief happens to imply a material object can be in two places at the same time, that something can be made out of nothing, that the Sun and planets go around the Earth, that if you offer a sacrifice the rains will be on time, then it is destined to be falsified by experience. Science has done a lot of its work in the last few centuries, while the religions pre-date this expansion so their physical premises may have remained those of the science understood in their time. In all questions where religions try to take on the laws of scientific understanding head on, they do and must lose, and numerous factual claims made by all religions will disappear in the fierce and unforgiving heat of the crucible of scientific reasoning and evidence.
With the enormous growth of science, some scientists have gone to the limit of declaring no religious belief can possibly survive — that we are after all made up of dust and atoms alone, that there is no real difference between a mechanical talking doll and a gurgling baby who has just discovered her hands and feet.

Yet reasonable religious belief, action and experience does exist and may need to make its presence felt. Religion may not battle science and expect to win on science’s home ground but can and does win where science has nothing and can have nothing to say. It has been reasonable everywhere for men or women faced with death or personal tragedy to turn to religion for strength, courage or comfort. Such would be a point where religion offers something to life on which science has nothing of interest to say. These include the ultimate questions of life or death or the “Mystery of Existence” itself, in Carlyle’s term.

In fact the ultra-scientific prejudice fails ultimately to be reasonable enough, and is open to a joint and decisive counter-attack by both the religious believer and the artist. Modern science has well established that our small planet orbits an unexceptional member of an unexceptional galaxy. Copernicus by this started the era of modern science and began the end of the grip on Western culture of astrology, which was based on a geocentric Ptolomaic worldview (many Asian cultures like India and perhaps China still remain in that grip).

Yet the pre-modern geocentrism contained a subtle truth which has formed the foundation of both art and religion: to the best of scientific knowledge to this day, Earth is the centre of the Universe inasmuch as it is only here that reason and intelligence and consciousness have come to exist, that there is such a thing as the power to think and the power to love.5

We are, as far as anyone knows, quite alone in having the ability to understand ourselves and to be conscious of our own existence. The great galaxies, black holes and white dwarfs are all very impressive, but none of them is aware of its own existence or capable of the thought or love of any human baby or for that matter the commonest street dog.

What responsibility arises for human beings because of the existence of this consciousness? That is the common and reasonable question addressed by both religion and art, on which science is and must remain silent. We may come to know through science that life has existed for x million years and is likely to be extinguished in y million more years, but we do not know why it arose at all, or what responsibility devolves on those beings, namely ourselves, who have consciousness and reason to comprehend their own existence in the Universe.
D. H. Lawrence meant to raise this when he said the novel was a greater invention than Galileo’s telescope. Great painters, composers, or other artists can be imagined saying something similar. Art is the expression of life, and human cultures, like plants, may be fresh and vigourous with life or decadent and doomed to death. The society which both recognizes and comprehends its own artistic traditions through reasonable evaluation while encouraging new shoots of artistic creativity, will be one with a vibrant cultural life; the society incapable of evaluating its own art self- critically enough will be likely also to kill new creativity from within itself, and become vulnerable to a merger or takeover.

Science, religion and art each vitally requires freedom in order to thrive. In art, the function of reason arises in critical evaluation of literature, paintings, cinema, drama, music, dance, architecture and other aspects of aesthetics. Swimming against a full tide of majority opinion here often may be the right thing to do. The critic F. R. Leavis spoke of the importance of there being an educated public to maintain serious cultural standards; he meant that the freedom to be vigourously critical, often against shallow entrenched coterie opinions, may be the only safeguard preventing artistic or cultural standards from collapse. In science, the activity of reasoning whether in public with one another or privately within oneself, dispels scientific illusions (like astrology) and so enlarges the area occupied by a common empirical understanding. Freedom is logically necessary here to keep potential avenues towards the truth open; it extends also to protecting through tolerance those factual beliefs which may be manifestly false — it may be a crime to steal or commit murder but it is not a crime to hold erroneous factual beliefs about the world as such (e.g. astrology is wrong because Copernicus is right, but it would be illiberal to jail people for believing in astrology.) Such a need for freedom of belief and experience, as well as the tolerance of dissent, becomes most obvious in religion, where the stupendous task facing all human beings is of attempting to unravel the “Mystery of Existence”. The scope of these ontological questions, unanswered and unanswerable by science, is so vast it would be only wise to allow the widest search for answers to take place, across all possible sources and religious faiths, wherever the possibility of an insight into any of these subtle truths may arise. Perhaps that is why some solitary thinkers have sought to experience all the great religions in their own lifetimes, sometimes by deliberate conversion from one faith to the next.

A flourishing society, then, would be one which grows along the three planes of science, religion and art under conditions of freedom. And such a notion may be measured at different scales of social life. It starts with the family as the author of Anna Karenina knew in its famous opening sentence: “All happy families resemble one another, but each unhappy family is unhappy in its own way”. It could then move to flourishing tribes, neighborhoods or local communities, to flourishing towns, provinces, or whole nations. At any of these levels, the flourishing society is one which inhales deeply the fresh air of natural science, and so sees its knowledge of the material world grow by leaps and bounds; it encourages religious and philosophical discussions and tolerance so does not fail to comprehend its own purpose of being; and it lives creatively and self-critically in trying to improve the expressiveness of its artistic achievements. Such a society would be self-confident enough to thrive in a world of global transmissions of ideas, practices, institutions and artifacts. Even if it was small in economic size or power relative to others, it would not be fearful of its own capacity to absorb what is valuable or to reject what is worthless from the rest of the world. To absorb what is valuable from outside is to supercede what may be less valuable at home; to reject what is worthless from outside is to appreciate what may be worthwhile at home. Both require faculties of critical and self-critical judgement, and the flourishing society will be one which possesses these qualities and exercises them with confidence.

4. Asia’s Modern Dilemmas: Named Social Life or Anonymous Markets
Actual societies, whether small like families or large like nations, in East or West, now or in the past, typically display these qualities in relative balance, excess, or shortage.6 Broadly speaking, throughout the vast span of Asia, there has been unstinting admiration over the last two hundred years for the contribution of the modern West to art, architecture and the growth of scientific knowledge. Where it has come to be known and applied, there has been admiration for liberal Western political thought; while ancient Asian nations which hastily imported ideologies like fascism and communism have lived to regret it. Western political morality at its finest derives from the philosophy of Immanuel Kant that rational beings recognise one another’s autonomy and treat one another as ends in themselves, not as means towards each other’s ends. 7 We see this in action today in for example the cordial relations between the USA and Canada, or between North America and Europe, or in recent attempts at European integration.

Asian nationalists in the 20th Century struggled to try to establish individual autonomous national identities, as the West had done in the 18th and 19th centuries. Asian nationalism represented an unwillingness to be treated as mere means towards the ends of Western nations, something we still see today when country B is used to counter A, then C used to counter B, then D used to counter C, etc in the old imperial manner of divide and rule This remains a serious problem of international relations but is something Asia can resolve independently by seeking to create for herself free societies which flourish in science, religion and the arts which would then be robust, self-confident and autonomous enough to decline to be used as means towards others’ ends. Furthermore, Asian societies in some respects all resemble one another and pre-modern Western societies more than they do the contemporary West. These pre-modern societies were ones in which a person was identified by rights and obligations flowing from the place he or she came to occupy through inheritance or brave achievement, and centred around the loyalty of friendship and kinship, as well as fidelity of the household. The relationships between the sexes, between generations, between friends, all these across Asia today may still perhaps resemble one another and the pre-modern West more than they do some trends in the contemporary West. History and identity continue to predominate our cultures in Asia: everyone is someone’s son or daughter, someone’s brother or sister or friend or relative, everyone is from some place and is of some age; and every deed has a history to it which everyone knows about or wants to talk about.

In contrast, the modern Western financial economics which the present author teaches his students, describes a world of anonymous “efficient markets” with no memory; where anyone can thrive as long as he or she brings something of value to trade; where all information needed to determine prices tomorrow is contained in today’s prices and events; where nothing from yesterday is necessary to determine anything in the future; where the actual direction of price-change is random and cannot be consistently foretold, so we cannot in general make any prediction which will lead to profit without risk. We are to imagine a large number of players in such a market, each with only a tiny bit of market-power itself, and none able to move the terms of trade on its own. Each of these players then, according to the textbooks, seizes every chance to improve his or her own position regardless of all else, he or she will “buy low” and “sell high” whatever and whenever possible, until price differences between identical assets vanish and no extra profit remains to be squeezed out from anything. Such briefly is the pure theory of the efficient market economy which one teaches as an economist. One tells one’s students it is a good thing, and it is to be found, if anywhere in the best international financial markets, and that what globalization refers to is the whole world becoming like one big efficient marketplace.8

Yet, privately, Asia may have watched with dismay the near-collapse of family and social life which has sometimes accompanied the modern prosperity and technological advancement. The war in Vietnam brought obvious physical destruction to parts of Asia but may also have had more subtle corrosive long-term effects on the social fabric of the West. If there has been something liberal and humane about Western politics while Asian politics have been cruel and oppressive, there may also be something stable and chaste about traditional Asian family life while modern Western societies have sometimes seemed vapid and dissolute. Specifically, if it is fair to say there has been too little autonomy experienced by women and children in many Asian societies, it may be fair as well to observe a surfeit of choices may have arisen in some Western societies, greater than many women and children there may privately wish for. How does a society find its right balance on the question of the autonomy, modesty and protection of family life and other social relationships? The divorce courts of the ultra-modern world are places of deep misery for everyone except the lawyers involved in the trade, and as some Asian leaders have observed, something the globalization of Asia could well seek to avoid. Thus the dilemma faced by many Asians today may be how to absorb the efficiency of markets and sound governance of liberal political institutions, without the kind of private social collapse that seems to have occurred in many ultramodern societies, nor the kind of loss of political sovereignty against which Asian nationalists had struggled during the age of imperialism. We may now see how far this brief but general theory of globalization may be applied in explaining the bewildering events of September 11 2001.

5. September 11 : the Collapse of the Global Conversation
Words are also deeds while deeds may also convey meaning.9 The words and deeds of the perpetrators of September 11 2001, and of the nation-states organized against them since that date, are both components of a complex and subtle global conversation taking place as to the direction of our common future.
In earlier times, Gandhi, King and Mandela each led successful non-violent political protests of “non-white” peoples against “white” organized authorities. Their protests assumed a level of tolerance arising out of mutual respect between rebel and authority. None was a totalitarian revolutionary out to destroy his adversary in toto but rather each intended to preserve and nurture many aspects of the existing order. Each had first become the master of the (Christian?) political idiom of his adversary and was willing and able to employ this idiom to demonstrate the selfcontradiction of his opponent, who was typically faced with a charge of hypocrisy, of maintaining both x and its contrary ~x and so becoming devoid of meaning. Such political conversations of words and deeds required time and patience, and the movements of Gandhi, King and Mandela each took decades to fructify during the 20th Century. They had more conservative accommodative currents on one side, and more impatient radical terroristic offshoots on the other.

All such aspects seem absent from September 11 and its aftermath, which seems at first sight sui generis. No patient non-violent political protest movement can be identified of which September 11 was a violent terroristic offshoot or parallel. Tolerance has not merely vanished but been replaced by panic, mutual fear and hatred. Violence appears as the first and not last recourse of political discussion. The high speed of the modern world almost demands a winner to be declared instantly in conflicts with subtle and unobvious roots, and the only way to seem to win at speed is by perpetrating the largest or most dramatic amount of violence or cruelty. The world after September 11 2001 has seemed a very bewildering place — as if all liberal notions of universal reason, freedom, tolerance and the rule of law since the Enlightenment have been proven a lie overnight, deserving only to be flushed away in face of a resurgence of ancient savageries.

But this would be too hasty an assessment. The global conversation clearly collapsed very badly from the time of e.g. Carlyle’s effort in 1842 to understand Islam’s legacy to the point of September 11 2001 being carried out against the United States or Western civilisation in general in Islam’s name. Even so, the universal liberal virtues of patience, tolerance and common reasoning can still find use here — in identifying possible deep, long-term historical factors which may have accumulated or congregated together to cause such a crime to take place.
One such historical factor has been technological and economic: the invention and immense use of the internal combustion engine throughout the 20th Century, coupled with discovery of petroleum beneath the sands of Arabia — all of which has made the material prosperity of the modern West depend, in the current state of technology, on this link not becoming ruptured. A second and independent factor has been the history of Christian Europe’s alternating persecution and emancipation of the Jewish people, which leads in due course to the Balfour declaration of 1919 and, following the Nazi Holocaust, to the creation of modern Israel among the Arabic- speaking peoples. The history between Christianity and Judaism is one in which the Arabic-speaking peoples were largely passive bystanders. Indeed, they may have been almost passive bystanders in creation of their own nation-states as well — for a third historical factor must be the lack of robust development of modern political and economic institutions among them, with mechanisms of political expression and accountability often having remained backward perhaps more so than in many other parts of Asia.

The end of World War I saw not only Balfour’s declaration but also Kitchener, Allenby and T. E. Lawrence literally designing or inventing new nationstates from areas on a desert-map:

“Our aim was an Arab Government, with foundations large and native enough to employ the enthusiasm and self-sacrifice of the rebellion, translated into terms of peace. We had to … carry that ninety percent of the population who had been too solid to rebel, and on whose solidity the new State must rest…. In ten words, (Allenby) gave his approval to my having impertinently imposed Arab Governments… upon the chaos of victory…”

“(The secret Arab societies) were pro-Arab only, willing to fight for nothing but Arab independence; and they could see no advantage in supporting the Allies rather than the Turks, since they did not believe our assurances that we would leave them free. Indeed, many of them preferred an Arabia united by Turkey in miserable subjection, to an Arabia divided up and slothful under the easier control of several European powers in spheres of influence.” 10

Beginning with the Allied-induced Arab revolt against the Turks, the classic imperial doctrine of “balance of powers” or “divide and rule” has seemed to continue to be applied in rather more subtle diplomatic form up until the present: with post-Mossadeq Iran against any incipient Arab nationalism, then with Iraq against post-Revolutionary Iran, then against Iraq in the Gulf War of 1991. It is only during and after the Gulf War that Osama Bin Laden, as a totalitarian revolutionary, arose as an adversary of the West.

Throughout these decades, little or no spontaneous cosmopolitan political conversation seems to have occurred from which a mature, sustained indigenous Arab or other Muslim nationalism may have arisen as the basis for nation-states, as had done e.g. with Indian, Chinese, Japanese, Indonesian or Vietnamese nationalism.11

From 1919 to 1945, the global conversation became preoccupied with other matters, and from 1945 to the end of the Cold War, with yet other matters again. While the three long-term factors unfolded themselves through these turbulent decades, the natural vibrant free conversation vitally necessary for the political life of any people continued for the Arabic-speaking peoples to remain mostly stifled, dormant, inchoate or abortive. Expectedly enough, whatever little current it had turned inward to the insular austere roots of a faith of the desert:

“The Beduin of the desert…found himself indubitably free…. In his life he had air and winds, sun and light, open spaces and a great emptiness. There was no human effort, no fecundity in Nature: just the heaven above and the unspotted earth beneath. There unconsciously he became near God…. The Beduin could not look for God within him: he was too sure that he was within God. He could not conceive anything which was or was not God, Who alone was great…. This creed of the desert seemed inexpressible in words, and indeed in thought. It was easily felt as an influence, and those who went into the desert long enough to forget its open spaces and its emptiness were inevitably thrust upon God as the only refuge and rhythm of being…. This faith of the desert was impossible in the towns…” 12

But this attempt to return inevitably became something reactionary in the late 20th Century. Finding the Beduin and the original deserts of Arabia transformed over the intervening decades, it could only try to recreate itself among the Pashtoon in the barrenness of Afghanistan, and led to the bizarre scenes of the Taliban attempting to destroy televisions and cassette-tapes in the name of Islam.

6. Envoi
The crimes of September 11 2001 were ones of perverse terroristic political protest, akin on a global scale to the adolescent youth in angry frustration who kills his schoolmates and his teachers with an automatic weapon. But they were not something inexplicable or sui generis. They represented a final collapse of the centuries-old cosmopolitan conversation with Islam, while at the same time it was an incoherent cry of a stifled people trying to return to the austere faith of the desert. Words are also deeds, and deeds may also be language. What September 11 has demonstrated is that even while the information we have about one another and ourselves has increased exponentially in recent years, our mutual comprehension of one another and ourselves may well have grossly deteriorated in quality.

Reversing such atrophy in our self-knowledge and mutual comprehension requires, in the opinion of the present author, the encouragement of all societies of all sizes to flourish in their scientific knowledge, their religious and philosophical consciousness and self-discovery, and their artistic expressiveness under conditions of freedom. Ultra-modern societies like some in North America or Europe may then perhaps become more reflective during their pursuit of material advancement and prosperity, while ancient societies like those in Asia or elsewhere may perhaps become less fearful of their capacity to engage in the transition between tradition and modernity, indeed, may even affect the direction or speed of change in a positive manner.

To use a metaphor of Otto Neurath, we are as if sailors on a ship, who, even while sailing on the water, have to change the old planks of the ship with new planks one by one. In due course of time, all the planks get changed one at a time, but at no time has there not been a ship existing in the process — at no time need we have lost our history or our identity.

© Subroto Roy, November 16 2001; January 26 2004

1 Thomas Carlyle, Heroes and Hero Worship, London 1842.
2 In fact, “Gandhi’s correspondence with Tolstoy… only started after passive resistance had begun, and he only read Thoreau’s essay on civil disobedience when he was in prison for that very offence”. Judith M. Brown, Gandhi’s Rise to Power,Indian Politics 1915-1922, Cambridge University Press 1972.
3 Cf. The Collected Dialogues of Plato, Princeton, 1961, Gorgias 474b, 483a, b.Hannah Arendt, The Life of the Mind, Thinking, pp. 181-182, Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1971
4 Applying this to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the precise question would be
how far the present Palestinian authority may be objectively considered the organized authority of a nation-state: if it is, then Palestinian suicide-killings are acts of war; if it is not, they are acts of terrorism. The rhetoric on each side
5 Finding water or even primitive life elsewhere will not change this.
6 For example, the relatively new nation-states created upon the ancient societies of the Indian subcontinent to which the present author belongs, apparently display a surfeit of religiosity combined with a shortage of rational scientific growth, including the sciences of governance and economics. Despite the examples of solitary thinkers from Kabir and Nanak to Gandhi, the political and economic benefits of social tolerance still seem badly understood in the subcontinent. Equally, the mechanism of holding those in power accountable for their actions or omissions in the public domain has often remained extremely backward. A mature grasp of the division between the private and public spheres may also have been absent in Asia; the distinction between private and public property is often fuzzy or opaque; the phenomena of corruption and pollution are then easily explained as mirror-images of one another: corruption is the transmutation of something valuable from the public domain into private property; pollution is the expulsion of private waste into the public domain. Each is likely to be found with the other.
7 Groundwork of the Metaphysic of Morals, ed. H. J. Paton, Oxford
8 The contrast between “named” and “anonymous” societies occurred to the
author on the basis of the theoretical work of Professor Frank Hahn of Cambridge University, Cf. Equilibrium and Macroeconomics, MIT 1984.
9 This was emphasized by the late Cambridge philosopher Renford Bambrough, “Thought, word and deed”, Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society, Supp. Vol.
LIV, 1980, pp. 105-117.
10 T. E. Lawrence, Seven Pillars of Wisdom, A Triumph, 1926, Doubleday 1935, pp. 649, 659; pp. 46-47
11 The most may have been Attaturk’s Turkey, M. A. Jinnah’s creation of a Pakistan separate from India, and Algeria’s independence from France — all distant from the fulcrum of Arabia. In case of Pakistan, it was Hitler’s invasion of Poland that led the British, in something of a panic, to begin on September 3 1939 to treat Jinnah’s Muslim League on par with Gandhi ‘s Indian National Congress. The 1937 provincial election results had shown little support for Pakistan in the areas which today constitute that country. Cf. F. Robinson, “Origins” in Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s, edited by William E. James & Subroto Roy, Hawaii MS 1989, Sage 1992, Karachi OUP 1993.
12 Seven Pillars of Wisdom, pp. 40-41

On the Scope of Reason in Economic Inquiry

Subroto Roy
© 1989, 1991, 2007 Subroto Roy

First published by Routledge of London & New York , 1989, in the International Library of Philosophy,

Library of Congress HB72.R69 1989

British Library 330’.01-dc19
Economics – philosophical perspectives
ISBN 0-415-03592-9

Reprinted in paperback, 1991
Library of Congress HB72.R69.1991
British Library 330’.01-dc20
ISBN0-415-06028-1

Preface to 2007 WordPress.com Republication

This book germinated when I was 18 or 19 years of age in Paris, Helsinki and London, and it was first published when I was 34 in Honolulu. I came to economics from natural science (biology, chemistry, physics), not mathematics. It was inevitable I would be drawn to the beauty of philosophy as a theoretical discipline while being driven, as a post-Independence Indian, to economics as the practical discipline that might unlock secrets to India’s prosperity and progress. I belonged to an ancient family of political men, and my father, who had joined India’s new foreign service the year before I was born, inculcated in me as a boy an idea that I had “a mission” (though he later forgot he had done so).

I was fortunate to fail to enter Oxford’s PPE and instead go to the London School of Economics. LSE was at an intellectual peak in the early 1970s. DHN Johnson in international law, ACL Day in international monetary economics, Brian Griffiths vs Marcus Miller in monetary economics with everyone still in awe of Harry Johnson’s graduate lectures in macroeconomics, Ken Wallis, Graham Mizon, JJ Thomas, David Hendry in econometrics with the odd lecture by Durbin himself – I was exposed to a fully grown up intellectual seriousness from the day I arrived as an 18 year old. Michio Morishima as my professorial tutor told me frankly that, as an Indian, I would face less prejudice in Western academia than in the private sector, and said he was speaking from experience as a fellow-Asian. He turned out to be wrong but it was wise advice nevertheless, just as wise as his requiring pupils to read Hicks’ Value and Capital (which, in our undergraduate mythology, he himself had read inside a Japanese gunboat during war).

What was relatively weak at LSE was general economic theory. We were good at deriving the Best Linear Unbiased Estimator but left unsatisfied with our grasp of the theory of value that constituted the roots of our discipline. I managed a First and was admitted to Cambridge as a Research Student in 1976, where fortune had Frank Hahn choose me as a student. That at the outset was protection from the communist cabal that ran “development economics” with whom almost all the Indians ended up. I was wholly impecunious in my first year as a Research Student, and had to, for example, proof-read Arrow and Hahn’s General Competitive Analysis for its second edition to receive 50 pounds sterling from Hahn which kept me going for a short time. My exposure to Hahn’s subtle, refined and depthless thought as an economist of the first rank led to fascination and wonderment, and I read and re-read his “On the notion of equilibrium in economics”, “On the foundations of monetary theory”, “Keynesian economics and general equilibrium theory” and other clear-headed attempts to integrate the theory of value with the theory of money — a project Wicksell and Marshall had (perhaps wisely) not attempted and Keynes, Hicks and Patinkin had failed at.

Hahn insisted a central question was to ask how money, which is intrinsically worthless, can have any value, why anyone should want to hold it. The practical relevance of this question is manifest. India today in 2007 has an inconvertible currency, vast and growing public debt financed by money-creation, and more than two dozen fiscally irresponsible State governments without money-creating powers. While pondering, over the last decade, whether India’s governance could be made more responsible if States were given money-creating powers, I have constantly had Hahn’s seemingly abstruse question from decades ago in mind, as to why anyone will want to hold State currencies in India, as to whether the equilibrium price of those monies would be positive. (Lerner in fact gave an answer in 1945 when he suggested that any money would have value if its issuer agreed to collect liabilities in it — as a State collects taxes – and that may be the simplest road that bridges the real/monetary divide.)

Though we were never personal friends and I did not ingratiate myself with Hahn as did many others, my respect for him only grew when I saw how he had protected my inchoate classical liberal arguments for India from the most vicious attacks that they were open to from the communists. My doctoral thesis, initially titled “A monetary theory for India”, had to be altered due to paucity of monetary data at the time, as well as the fact India’s problems of political economy and allocation of real resources were more pressing, and so the thesis became “On liberty and economic growth: preface to a philosophy for India”. When no internal examiner could be found, the University of Cambridge, at Hahn’s insistence, showed its greatness by appointing two externals: C. J. Bliss at Oxford and T. W. Hutchison at Birmingham, former students of Hahn and Joan Robinson respectively. My thesis received the most rigorous and fairest imaginable evaluation from them.

I had been attracted to Cambridge partly by its old reputation for philosophy, especially that of Wittgenstein. But I met no worthwhile philosophers there until a few months before I was to leave for the United States in 1980, when I chanced upon the work of Renford Bambrough. Hahn had challenged me with the question, “how are you so sure your value judgements promoting liberty blah-blah are better than those of Chenery and the development economists?” It was a question that led inevitably to ethics and its epistemology — when I chanced upon Bambrough’s work, and that of his philosophical master, John Wisdom, the immense expanse of metaphysics (or ontology) opened up as well. “Then felt I like some watcher of the skies, When a new planet swims into his ken; Or like stout Cortez when with eagle eyes, He star’d at the Pacific…”

It has taken me more than a quarter century to traverse some of that expanse; when I returned to Britain in 2004 as the Wincott Visiting Professor of Economics at the University of Buckingham, I was very kindly allowed to deliver a public lecture, “Science, Religion, Art and the Necessity of Freedom”, wherein I repaid a few of my debts to the forgotten work of Bambrough and Wisdom — whom I extravagantly compared with the Bodhisattvas of Mahayana Buddhism, also saying that the trio of Wittgenstein, Wisdom and Bambrough were reminiscent of what Socrates, Plato and Aristotle might have been like.

I had written to Bambrough from within Cambridge expressing my delight at finding his works and saying these were immensely important to economics; he had invited me to his weekly discussion groups at St John’s College but I could not attend. Between 1979 and 1989 we corresponded while I worked in America on my application of his and Wisdom’s work to problems in economics. We met only once when I returned to Cambridge from Blacksburg for my doctoral viva voce examination in January 1982. Six years later in 1988 he said of my Philosophy of Economics, “The work is altogether well-written and admirably clear”, and on another occasion he said he was “extremely pleased” at the interest I had taken in his work. The original preface of Philosophy of Economics said he was not responsible for the use I had made of his writings, which I reiterated in the 2004 lecture. At our meeting, he offered to introduce me to Wisdom who had returned to Cambridge from Oregon but I was too scared and declined, something I have always regretted since. It is only in the last few years that I have begun to grasp the immensity of Wisdom’s achievement in comprehending, explaining and extending the work of both Wittgenstein and Freud. His famous “Virginia Lectures” of 1957 were finally published by his admirers with his consent as Proof and Explanation just before his death in 1993. As for Bambrough, I believe he may have been or become the single greatest philosopher since Aristotle; he told me in correspondence there was an unfinished manuscript Principia Metaphysica (the prospectus of which appeared in Philosophy 1964), which unfortunately his family and successors knew nothing about; the fact he died almost in obscurity and was soon forgotten by his University speaks more about the contemporary state of academic philosophy than about him. (Similarly, the fact Hahn, Morishima and like others did not receive the so-called Economics “Nobel” says more about the award than it does about them.)

All I needed in 1980 was time and freedom to develop the contents of this book, and that I found in America — which I could not have done in either Britain or India. It would take eight or nine very strenuous years before the book could be written and published, mostly spent at Virginia Polytechnic Institute (1980-1985) and the University of Hawaii (1986-1990) Economics Departments, with short interludes at Cornell (Fall 1983) and Brigham Young (1985-86). I went to Virginia because James M. Buchanan was there, and he, along with FA Hayek, were whom Hahn decided to write on my behalf. Hayek said he was too old to accept me but wrote me kind and generous letters praising and hence encouraging my inchoate liberal thoughts and arguments. Buchanan was welcoming and I learnt much from him and his colleagues about the realities of public finance and democratic politics, which I quickly applied in my work on India, published in 1984 in London as Pricing, Planning & Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India and republished elsewhere here. The visit to the Cornell Economics Department was really so I could talk to Max Black the philosopher, who represented a different line of Wittgenstein’s students, and Max and I became friends until his death in 1988.

Buchanan’s departure from Blacksburg led to a gang of inert “game theorists” to arrive, and I was immediately under attack – one senior man telling me I was free to criticise the “social choice” work of Amartya Sen (since he was Indian too) but I was definitely unfree to do the same of Sen’s mentor, Kenneth Arrow, who was Jewish! (Arrow was infinitely more gracious when he himself responded to my criticism.) On top of that arose a matter of a woman, fresh off the aeroplane from India, being assaulted by a senior professor, and when I stood for her against her assailant, my time in Blacksburg was definitely up.

The manuscript of this book was at the time under contract with University of Chicago Press, and, thanks to Mrs Harry Johnson there, I had come in contact with that great American, Theodore W. Schultz. Schultz, at age 81, told me better to my face what the book was about than I had realised myself, namely, it was about economics as knowledge — its subject-matter was the epistemology of economics. Schultz wrote letters all over America on my behalf (as did Milton Friedman at Stanford and Sidney Alexander of MIT, whom I had also met and become friends with), and I was able to first spend a happy year among the Mormons at Brigham Young, and then end up at the University of Hawaii where I was given responsibility for the main graduate course in macroeconomics. I taught Harry Johnson-level IS-LM theory and Friedman-Tobin macroeconomics and then the new “rational expectations” vs Keynesian material.

I was also offered a large University grant to work on “South Asia”, which led to the books Foundations of India’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s, and Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s, both created by myself and WE James, and which led to the origins of India’s 1991 economic reform and the India-Pakistan peace process as told elsewhere. Also, this book came to be accepted for publication by Routledge, as the first economics book in its famed International Library of Philosophy.

Just as I was set to be evaluated for promotion and tenure at the University of Hawaii, I became the victim of a most vicious racist defamation (and there was some connection with Blacksburg). Quite fed up with the sordidness of American academia as I had experienced it, I sued in the federal court, which consumed much of the next half dozen years as the case worked its way through the United States Supreme Court twice. Milton Friedman and Theodore W. Schultz stood as expert witnesses on my behalf but you would not have known it from the judge’s ruling. There had been not only demonstrable perjury and suborning of perjury by the State of Hawaii’s officers, there was also “after-discovered” evidence of bribery of court-officers in the US District Court for the District of Hawaii, and I had to return to India in 1996 quite exhausted to recuperate from the experience. “Solicitation of counsel, clerks or judges” is “embracery curialis”, recognized as extrinsic fraud and subversion of justice since Jepps 72 E R 924 (1611), “firmly established in English practice long before the foundation” of the USA, Hazel Atlas, 322 US 238 (1943). “Embracery is an offense striking at the very foundation of civil society” says Corpus Juris 20, 496. A court of equity has inherent power to investigate if a judgement has been obtained by fraud, and that is a power to unearth it effectively, since no fraud is more odious than one to subvert justice. Cases include when “by reason of something done by the successful party… there was in fact no adversary trial or decision of the issue in the case. Where the unsuccessful party has been prevented from exhibiting fully his case, by fraud or deception practised on him by his opponent, as…where an attorney fraudulently or without authority assumes to represent a party and connives at his defeat; or where the attorney regularly employed corruptly sells out his client’s interest to the other side ~ these, and similar cases which show that there has never been a real contest in the trial or hearing of the case, are reasons for which a new suit may be sustained to set aside and annul the former judgment or decree, and open the case for a new and a fair hearing….” (Hazel Atlas). There is no time-limit in United States federal law for rectification of fraud on the court of this sort, and I remain fully hopeful today of the working of American justice in the case.

The practical result was that this book was never able to be properly publicized among economists as it would have been had I become Professor of Economics at the University of Hawaii by 1992 as expected. The hardback sold out quickly on its own steam and went into paperback by 1991, and a friend told me it was being used for a course at Yale Law School. The reviews were mostly intelligent. Upon returning to Britain as the Wincott Visiting Professor in 2004, I found times had changed and so had Routledge who would not keep it in print let alone permit a second revised edition. But I am now free to republish the book as I please, and today in 2007, with the Internet growing to a maturity which allows the young geeks at WordPress.com to want to encourage blogging worldwide, I can think of no more apt place to reproduce the first edition of this book than here at my own blog www.independentindian.com.

This is not a second or revised edition, and it is unchanged in content except for this lengthy new preface made necessary by the adventures and dramas the book’s author found himself unwittingly part of since its first publication. I am 52 now and happy to say I endorse the book just as I had published it at 34, though I do find it a little impatient and too terse in a few places. The 1991 paperback corrected a few slight errors in the 1989 hardback, and has been used. I am planning an entirely new book which shall have its roots in this one though it will be mostly in philosophy and not economics — the outlines it may take may be seen in the 2004 public lecture I gave on the work of Bambrough and Wisdom mentioned above and published elsewhere; its main aim will be to uncover for new generations the immense worth there is in their work which is in danger of being lost.

At least two names failed to appear in the original list of acknowledgements. G. Bruce Chapman, now of the University of Toronto, and I talked much of serious ethics and political philosophy when I first arrived at Cambridge in 1976. And in 1980 in Blacksburg, Anil Lal, then a graduate student and house-painter, borrowed my copy of Bambrough’s work, read it, and later made a comment on the metaphysics of John Wisdom which allowed me to see things more clearly.

Ballygunge, Kolkata,
April 7 2007

TO: R.A.R.

Contents

Preface

1. Introduction

Part I

2. Hume and the Economists

3. Understanding the Consensus

4. Difficulties with Moral Scepticism

Part II

5. Objectivity and Freedom

6. Expertise and Democracy

Part III

7. An Example from Microeconomics

8. A Dialogue in Macroeconomics

9. Mathematical Economics and Reality

10. Remarks on the Foundations of Welfare Economics

Envoi

Notes and References

Select Bibliography

Preface to First Edition
The publication of this work marks the end of an adventure of more than a decade and a half, most of the writing being done between 17 December 1980 and 22 May 1987. It has been quite perilous at times, especially as a foreigner in the West, and over the years many teachers, colleagues, friends and members of family have contributed to the author’s learning with their thoughts and actions. A number of senior scholars in economics and philosophy — especially Professor Frank Hahn, Professor James Buchanan, Professor Sidney Alexander, Professor Milton Friedman, Professor Max Black, Professor Sidney Alexander, Professor Amartya Sen, Professor Peter Bauer, Professor T. W. Hutchison and Dr C. J. Bliss, have lent their support to the work as it developed, even when they may have not known of its final form, or disagreed with its content, or been themselves a subject of its criticism. Most especially, the work has been honoured in the last six years with the unwavering encouragement of Professor T. W. Schultz of the University of Chicago. And Professor Ted Honderich of University College London has shown it the kindest consideration, without which publication would have been much delayed. Finally, a large philosophical debt will be seen to be owed to the work of Mr. Renford Bambrough of St. John’s College, Cambridge; however he should not be considered responsible for the use that has been made here of his writings.
HONOLULU
15 AUGUST 1988.

1. Introduction

1. IN this book, some of the central philosophical questions facing the modern economist will be raised. Most attention will be given to the question of the appropriate relationship between the positive and the normative, as well as to its parent question of the appropriate scope of objective reasoning in the making of evaluative judgements. Closely related is the question of the appropriate role of the economic expert in society, while slightly more distant questions have to do with the significance of interpersonal comparisons of utility, with the philosophical status of the concepts and theorems of mathematical economics, and with how judgements of probability should be understood. It is this family of questions which will be the concern of the present work.

Economics is a science with potentially important practical bearing upon the lives of men and nations. The state of the modern world may have been affected more profoundly and subtly by the use or misuse of economic knowledge than by many another science. Yet anyone familiar with the intellectual history of the field will know it to have seen more conflicts, and often conflicts of a more destructive kind, than may be reasonably expected or tolerated in the development of a scholarly discipline. The reader will be familiar with the many explicit and implicit divisions of opinion that have occurred upon theories and methods and evidence and policies, which have sometimes torn apart individual university departments and even threatened the integrity of the science itself. Indeed the modern economist in a despondent mood might be inclined to say of the state of his discipline as David Hume once said of philosophy: “There is nothing which is not the subject of debate, and in which men of learning are not of contrary opinions. The most trivial question escapes not our controversy, and in the most momentous we are not able to give any certain decision. Disputes are multiplied, as if everything was uncertain, and they are settled with the utmost warmth, as if everything was certain.”
At the same time as there have been deep and persistent divisions on substantive questions of economic theory and method and evidence and policy, there has been a deliberate or inadvertent consensus about the answer to an important question in the theory of knowledge. Modern economists happen to have been practically unanimous in their opinion on the possible scope of objective reasoning in the making of judgements, and thus in their opinion on the appropriate relationship between the positive and the normative. A broad consensus has developed to the effect that while common reasoning can have some scope in evaluative discussion, it is quite possible in practice and in principle for this scope to become exhausted. At such a point of the exhaustion of reason, only sheer and unadulterated subjective differences will be found to remain between people. Put another way, it has been believed possible for judgements ultimately to become immune to rational question and criticism.

Many of the pioneers of twentieth century economic thought, Kenneth J. Arrow, Milton Friedman, F. A. Hayek, Sir John Hicks, Oskar Lange, Gunnar Myrdal, Lionel Robbins, Joan Robinson, Paul Samuelson, Joseph Schumpeter, Jan Tinbergen, to name but a few, who between themselves would represent all of the main schools of contemporary economics, may be found to have shared such a thesis in the theory of knowledge, differing amongst themselves only upon the relatively minor question of the precise amount of room reasoning should be considered to have: some saying a great amount, others saying almost none, but all agreeing that whatever the exact amount it is a finite amount, both actually and potentially. The theory of demand, the theory of macroeconomic policy, the theory of welfare economics, the theory of social choice — each has in whole or in part rested upon an epistemological premise of this kind. If such a consensus can be shown to have existed, the reader may agree it to be something of a remarkable fact, since it would be difficult indeed to find a single substantive proposition of theory or method or evidence or policy to which a similar measure of consensus among modern economists might obtain.
One of the objects of the present work will be to argue that the fact there have been tremendous disharmonies on substantive economic questions, may not be independent of the fact there has been this kind of harmony in the theory of knowledge among many of the pioneers of twentieth century economics as well as the many more who have followed them. If the epistemological point hitherto accepted as true happens in fact to be false, it becomes possible that the scope of objective reasoning on substantive questions has been artificially prevented from being extended as far as it could have and should have been. Evaluative judgements are clearly of indefinite variety: attitudes towards goods or people, expectations of the future, recommendations to buy or sell, advice to a friend or a student or a government, etc. — roughly, all judgements taken by an individual or social agent about a right or optimal course of action in given circumstances. We shall find the consensus has been that it is possible for reasoning to come to a necessary halt in the process of coming to such judgements, whether the maker of the judgement is a public body or a private individual acting in the capacity of consumer or voter. A large amount (and possibly the whole amount) of what may deserve to be within the domain of common and objective reasoning comes to be placed instead under the rule of subjective will and caprice. Not only must we live with the fact that discussions between citizens or economists or politicians or spouses or states do frequently come to end without resolution, because there happens to be a lack of patience or tolerance or perseverance or good humour or whatever, but also that such outcomes may be written into the script from the start. In any normative discussion, we are to be permitted to call a unilateral halt merely by declaring “Well that is a value judgement of mine” or “That is a personal opinion of mine”, with the implication that any further questioning is out of bounds and unacceptable. Given a theory which allows us in this way to declare as we please what to call objective science and what to call subjective opinion, and given that it may be but human nature to be sceptical of the other fellow’s dogma while being oblivious to one’s own, we may have some explanation of how the consensus among economists in the theory of knowledge may have caused and preserved a state of affairs in which rival substantive dogmas can thrive — because the processes of common reasoning and even communication itself may have been allowed too often to come to a virtual standstill. (Or move at a snail’s pace.) “Disputes are multiplied, as if everything was uncertain, and they are settled with the utmost warmth, as if everything was certain.”

The gist of the present work will be that the present consensus in the theory of economic knowledge is logically inconsistent. It is therefore untenable and deserves to be abandoned. Men can aspire to, and in fact do attain and possess, certain and objective knowledge in an indefinite number of contexts. At the same time, there is no proposition of any kind held by anyone which must be thought of as necessarily closed to further question on grounds of reason or evidence. This simple maxim is something that may be found to hold in any field of human inquiry or endeavour one cares to mention — mathematics or medicine, ethics or physics, history or probability, logic or theology — and it will be our purpose in this work to examine its consequences in the context of economics in particular.

§2. Our study is one in what may be called theory of economic knowledge, and it may be worth a moment to consider what may be meant by this.

Bertrand Russell said of pure mathematics that it was a subject “in which we do not know what we are talking about” — meaning that the pure mathematician does not normally intend to refer in his theorems to substantive factual truths about the world. The epistemology or theory of knowledge of a discipline may be thought of similarly as being not concerned with either affirming or denying, corroborating or refuting the substantive propositions that happen to be made within the discipline. The study of the theory of economic knowledge may be thought of as not making any commitment one way or another to the substantive propositions which are to be found within the department of economics itself. Instead it is a more abstract undertaking, which seeks to examine certain kinds of questions from outside the department in the practical hope of dissolving or at least clarifying the character of substantive questions and controversies that may be occurring within. For example, to ask whether a criterion of truth and falsity can be applied to economic propositions, or whether objective knowledge is possible in the field, or how the kinds of propositions made in economics are to be justified, or how they compare and contrast with propositions made in other departments of inquiry — these would be the kinds of question we might see asked in the theory of economic knowledge; from which too the importance can be seen of generally abstaining from making substantive commitments in the process.

Much of the present work, especially Parts I and II, may be understood to be an attempt to provide a theory of economic knowledge of this kind. Thus the reader will not find in it commitments made to any substantive economic propositions. There is no theorem reported of the existence or efficiency of some new kind of economic equilibrium, no new model or evidence offered of the influence of the supply of money on prices, no new theory of how the expectations of economic agents may be formed or fulfilled or disappointed, no new evidence or explanation of why some country may be experiencing rapid growth or high inflation or increasing unemployment. No new result within economic science; one might almost say, nothing substantive! The present work will offer no more than “a machine to think with” on certain philosophical aspects of economics; it intends to leave economics as it is — and yet in so doing to have shown the way out of some of the philosophical difficulties that are encountered in its study. “For the clarity that we are aiming at is indeed complete clarity. But this simply means that the philosophical problems should completely disappear.”

Yet the practical purpose to making an investigation of this kind may be stated quite readily. For suppose, for sake of argument, we granted the truth of our simple maxim and assumed the epistemological concepts ‘knowledge’ and ‘doubt’, and their allied concepts ‘objectivity’ and ‘freedom’, should not be seen as incompatible in the project of inquiry. What consequences would follow from accepting such a viewpoint? Clearly first of all, we would be placed in a happy position of being able to say that no matter how deep or persistent the actual disagreements between economists or between citizens on economic questions happened to be, there is knowledge to be had in the study of economics. Not just high sophistry or rhetoric or political posturing or the opinions and prejudices of different people — but certain and objective knowledge about those actions, events, and phenomena that are part of the economic context. We would be able to say, in other words, there are at least some propositions in economics which are true, and which moreover can be known to be true.

An important ambiguity is possible here in asking whether there is knowledge about a given matter, insofar as such a question can be taken either as asking whether it is possible for there to be any knowledge about the matter, or as asking whether it is known that someone actually possesses such knowledge and how that has been determined. Defining as an expert someone who has the most reasonable and justifiable answer to give to a question, we need to distinguish, in other words, the relatively cool logical question of whether here can be any such thing as expert knowledge from the more heated political question of who is supposed to be such an expert and how we are supposed to know that. For instance, a question like “Is there a proof to Fermat’s last theorem?” can be understood either in the manner of the pure mathematician, as asking whether there can be a proof to the proposition it is impossible xn + yn = zn for positive integers x, y, z, n, and n > 2; or in the manner of the historian of mathematics, as asking whether any human being has come up with such a proof, as Fermat himself claimed to have done but of which no record exists. Among the great thinkers, Plato is the most influential to have crossed these wires in suggesting it possible not only for there to be objective knowledge about mathematics and ethics and statesmanship, but also for a special and closed set of experts to come to be identified to whom such knowledge should be thought of as being exclusively given. Plato’s theory can be and has been interpreted as giving license to elitism and dictatorship, yet the natural protest which the ideas of these would evoke in most of us may lead to an equal and opposite error of denying the very possibility of knowledge because we feared or wished to reject the idea of being ruled by a closed set of self-described experts. Once these wires are uncrossed, we may see it to be quite possible to maintain there can be objective knowledge and expertise in economics, without making any commitments toward specifying who should be considered an expert on some economic issue, or how we are supposed to determine that, or for that matter claiming any such knowledge or expertise for ourselves.

A second consequence of our simple maxim may seem more troubling. For by its second part, we should also have to say that even while there is objective knowledge in economics, there is nevertheless no proposition in the field which must be thought of as being necessarily closed to further question. Not the proposition that every human act is a rational act, nor the proposition that economic agents continually maximize utility, or are well modelled as doing so, nor the proposition that the market economy cannot be expected to reach full employment and needs to be and can be actively supplemented by macroeconomic policy, nor the proposition that the growth of money is necessary and sufficient for inflation, nor the proposition that free trade will maximize world output given factor immobility, nor the proposition that externalities imply a possible scope for taxes and subsidies, nor the proposition that the histories of nations is a history of class struggle.

By the second part of the maxim, there is no axiom or theorem of economic theory, no finding of economic history, no estimate of the value of an economic coefficient, no prediction of the course of an economic variable, no proposal of economic policy, which must be thought of as being closed to further question. None whatsoever. “No statement is immune to revision” (Quine).

Taken together, then, the net consequence of supposing objectivity and freedom, knowledge and doubt, to be compatible concepts deserving of equal respect, is that we shall be able to chart a course which steers us clear of two perennial and opposing hazards besetting all projects of human inquiry, viz., Scepticism and Dogmatism — the modern origins of which were traced by the American philosopher Charles Sanders Peirce to the cartesian proposal that philosophy “must begin with universal doubt, whereas scholasticism had never questioned fundamentals.” In the pages to follow, we will be denying universal doubt and we shall be free to question fundamentals. In an indefinite number of contexts, there is certain and objective knowledge to be had. Scepticism, understood technically as a logical thesis denying that we can possibly have or know that we have certain knowledge, is therefore a false thesis. At the same time, there is no proposition which is necessarily closed to question. Dogmatism, understood technically as a logical thesis implying there can be or must be some propositions which are absolutely and incorrigibly true, is therefore an equally false thesis. In place of a theory of knowledge restricting the scope of common reasoning to the finite or even the potentially finite, it is possible to have a theory of knowledge extending this scope to the potentially infinite. In particular, while normative proposals in economics or elsewhere may be supposed to be objectively better or worse depending on the soundness of the positive grounds given in their support, there are no unquestionable normative proposals — because there are no unquestionable positive grounds. The simple practical result of making the present investigation is that it will permit a sure and safe course to be found between Scepticism and Dogmatism for any project of economic inquiry.

§3. Would such a simple and straightforward thesis be new to economics in any way? To what extent would the argument which has been summarized above and which will be developed in the chapters to follow not been expressed before? The reader may wish an answer to such a question, and the author presently takes this to be as follows. With respect to the general debate which has occurred about knowledge and scepticism especially in moral philosophy, there will be little if anything in the present work which is a direct or novel contribution to it. While the philosophers have not been concerned with political economy at all, we shall be passive participants to their discussions, listening in to see what can be learned for our purposes and not intending to add to them directly. It may be remembered of course that it has not been long since economics formally broke away from philosophy to become a specialized discipline in its own right, in the belief the concerns of economics are of a more concrete and practical kind than those of philosophy. Since then we have made many highly abstract and theoretical claims, while also becoming scornful of philosophical thinking and believing ourselves to be exempt from its influences. Yet serious philosophical thought constitutes a mature and magnificent conversation which it would be foolish for any serious science to be deaf to. Moreover, it has been quite widely believed that there have been significant advances in philosophical understanding in the present century, and we are responsible to take such a claim seriously. It will be one of the aims of the present work to apply what may be learned from these discussions towards resolving, or at least clarifying, some of the main substantive disputations in modern economic science.

These are two broad traditions of moral philosophy relevant to our subject-matter, one deriving from Aristotle, the other from Hume (and a line of sceptics before him). Even though it would be unwise to expect agreement within either tradition, we may for convenience speak of an aristotelian and a humean tradition respectively. With respect to the discussions among economists on the relationship of the positive to the normative, we shall find an eminent consensus to have appeared on the humean side. This work will declare for the other side, and in so doing shall have to dissent from the humean consensus upon which all of the theory of social choice and much of the theory of welfare economics and theory of economic policy have appeared to rest. As far as is known by the author, there seem to have been but two published dissents on similar lines among economists in recent decades: those of Sidney Alexander and Amartya Sen. Of these, Professor Sen’s dissent has been very short and hesitant, and he would seem to have withdrawn it in other writings. Professor Alexander’s dissent has been clear and vigourous, but unlike his work on the balance of payments, his philosophical work has not received attention, and the present work was mostly developed in complete ignorance of its existence.

By the end of this work however, a clear choice should have been set out for the reader on the question of the relationship of the positive to the normative — between the consequences of accepting the humean consensus among economists and the consequences of the position of Professor Alexander and the author and possibly Professor Sen. The simple maxim “Objective knowledge is possible and yet there is no proposition which is closed to question” should not undermine its own content by being closed to question itself — instead it is supposed to refer and apply to itself as well. It may be true and deserving of our belief but it is not self evidently so, and will have to earn its credentials at the common bar of reason. Ultimately it will have to be the reader’s individual judgement whether it has been successfully shown that, contrary to what has been supposed by many of the pioneers of twentieth century economics, no conflict must arise between knowledge and doubt, objectivity and freedom. The history of the discussion may accord to our side the advantage J. S. Mill had seen to be enjoyed by all minority opinions: if the opinion of one or a few is false then not much will be lost by believing in it, while if it proves better able to stand the tests of time then much may be gained by allowing it to replace error. Put differently, it may seem quite risky that the pioneers of modern economic science have placed all their philosophical eggs in the humean basket — just in case it is Hume himself who happens to be mistaken.

§4. In Part I of the work will be found described the received theory of economic knowledge and its possible justification, as well as an account of the logical difficulties that arise with it. Chapter 2 has the task of documenting as fully as possible the existence of a humean consensus among economists in recent decades. Chapter 3 then examines the kinds of reasons that may incline us to be persuaded to such a view, and which may go to explaining how it has seemed to be an attractive theory to so many economists. These reasons appear to have been of two different but related sorts.

First the concept of value as used in ordinary life and ethics may have become confounded with the concept of economic value or scarcity or rareté in Walras’s term. Where economists have referred to a theory of value, they may have meant to refer more accurately to a theory of relative prices as determined by conditions of scarcity. The advance of the original neoclassicals in the late nineteenth century was to establish the importance of subjective estimations of economic agents to the determination of the relative prices of goods — as opposed to say how much labour went into different production processes as the classical economists might have said, or how much intrinsic value God had placed in the goods as the scholastics might have said. While it is clear by now that such an observation is broadly correct, it would be a mistake to go from a premise that market prices are determined in part by subjective estimations to a conclusion that the relative prices thus determined in any sense establish an order of how goods deserve to be valued or not. Goods are indeed valued the way they are because people happen to value them. Yet equally, in most cases, people seem to value goods in the way they do because the goods deserve to be thus valued — for example, because, like food or clothing or shelter, the goods are conducive to some valuable human purpose.
Secondly, it is possible the consensus has been motivated by a desire to find an effective shield against dogmatism and tyranny. For example, the context of an open parliamentary democracy presupposed by the modern theory of economic policy may have derived out of the experience of the great tyrannies of twentieth century history. There may have been a natural and understandable desire that the choices and decisions of citizens in the capacity of voters or consumers should be treated with the fullest due respect, and a humean scepticism may have been adopted because it has been believed to be something which is necessary and sufficient for this kind of respect to be shown. This would be an outstanding reason for adopting a humean point of view, and one which any critic must be required to account for. Yet it also places in relief the fatal self-contradiction that is present within the humean theory. For example, a theory of economic policy which has to rely upon an assumption of the polity being open and democratic would have to be silent about the conduct of economic policy in societies which were demonstrably not open or democratic, making it a theory very special and contingent in its range of application. Moreover, to give the defence of political or economic or religious freedom as a reason for holding a subjectivist epistemology would be to have left freedom entirely defenceless and toothless from those who would attack it from within precisely the same subjectivist framework. For example, if we conflated a general right to express an opinion freely with an idea that what such an opinion expresses is itself a matter of subjective opinion, then clearly, by the same token, an opinion that opinions should be freely expressed might also be considered merely subjective, and therefore no better or worse than its contrary. Within a subjectivist theory of knowledge, there ultimately can be nothing to choose between freedom and tyranny.

Chapter 4 is a survey of these kinds of logical difficulties with the humean position stated in Chapters 2 and 3. Its main result will be that the anti dogmatic campaign of the humean cannot succeed, and in fact comes to make the Sceptic resemble the Dogmatist more than anything else. It is possible this happens because both Sceptic and Dogmatist are sharing the same deductivist model of justification, to the effect that we cannot know a proposition to be true or right unless we have deduced it as the conclusion of a set of premises of whose truth or rightness we are certain. The Sceptic sees the threat of infinite regress that is implicit in such a model, and then denies we can be certain of anything. The Dogmatist sees the potential regress too, but responds to it by calling a halt at some arbitrary point, denying the need or possibility of going any further. In Part II a fresh picture will be given which attempts to preserve the truths the Sceptic and Dogmatist would each like us to take notice of, while correcting for the distortions both would force upon us by their unequivocal adoption of a deductivist model of justification. Chapter 5 reframes the main philosophical problems of Part I in the terms of the ancient dualism between Nominalism and Realism, and brings to light a possible resolution of this which has been advanced by a number of modern philosophers. Chapter 6 develops the argument further and applies it to the question of the appropriate role of expertise in a democracy. Taken together, Part II contains the main outlines of a fresh theory of economic knowledge with which to replace the flawed and inconsistent theory to which so many economists have thus far subscribed.

Part III of the work consists of a series of diverse illustrations and possible applications of the theory of knowledge developed in Part II. Chapters 7-10 all give examples of how inquiry and criticism can be seen to proceed in economics without sacrifice of either objectivity or freedom. Chapter 7 examines an actual debate on a concrete question of microeconomic policy, which may be compared and contrasted with the more academic examples of later chapters. Chapter 8 examines aspects of the division in macroeconomics and monetary theory since J. M. Keynes’s General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money. Chapter 9 considers a question with wide and general reference to economic theory: how the relationship between mathematical economics and real economic phenomena might be best understood. This has been the subject of long and bitter disputation, and some light is attempted to be shed on it from the vantage point of the philosophy of mathematics. It is possible that certain views in the philosophy of mathematics have been presupposed in modern mathematical economics; once these are exposed and aired, some of the conceptual problems which have been faced in this discussion may come to be dissolved. The theory of probability and expected utility and the theory of general equilibrium will be used as brief illustrations. Finally, in Chapter 10, the possible philosophical sources of the controversy surrounding the question of interpersonal comparisons of utility will be described, and a possible resolution suggested. This will be argued to have bearing on received understanding of the foundations of welfare economics.

§5. It will be found in the present work, then, that we shall be denying universal doubt on the one hand, while yet being free to question fundamentals on the other. Such a project will entail a critical examination of the philosophical premises and assumptions advanced by some of the most distinguished contemporary scholars in our field, and it is to be hoped the spirit in which the present criticism is offered will not be misunderstood. Every generation holds a peculiar advantage over preceding generations in having available to it what has gone before, while not being able to anticipate the criticisms of its own beliefs that will certainly come in the future. This kind of advantage that the present holds over the past may be thought of as being quite arbitrary, and we can expect it to carry with it a responsibility of taking what has gone before into serious account. Since no individual is able to do so on his own, we find every generation as a whole attempting to provide itself with critical discussions, which, when integrated over time, constitute the grand and unending conversation we call the history of human thought. It is with such a model in mind of a continuing and self-critical tradition of scholarship that we shall seek to address the questions raised at the beginning about the foundations of economic knowledge, while not making any pretence whatsoever to finality, and instead leaving the entire treatment as open as it can be made to the examination and criticism of others.

PART I

2. Hume and the Economists
THERE has been a broad and long standing consensus among economists about the character of the relationship between positive and normative propositions, as well as about the related question of the appropriate scope and limits of economic expertise in society. Joining in this consensus have been many of the pioneers of twentieth century economic thought: Kenneth J. Arrow, Milton Friedman, F. A. Hayek, Sir John Hicks, Oskar Lange, Gunnar Myrdal, Lionel Robbins, Joan Robinson, Paul A. Samuelson, Joseph Schumpeter, Jan Tinbergen, to name but a few. Many others are likely to be found in explicit or implicit agreement, while a survey by Professor T. W. Hutchison suggests that some of the most renowned figures of nineteenth century economics should probably be included as well. The main purpose of this chapter will be to provide enough documentary evidence to show that such a consensus has in fact existed. When we think of how many deep and wide differences there have been over the years in the field that was once called political economy and is now called economic science, differences on questions of method and theory and evidence and recommendations of policy, the existence of such a consensus may seem quite a remarkable fact.

Very briefly, what appears to have been accepted is that it is possible to identify a body of progressively changing knowledge called ‘positive economics’, which is the main contribution of economists to human knowledge and understanding in general. It consists of such things as the microeconomic and macroeconomic descriptions of present and past states of an economy, conditional predictions of such states in the future, hypothetical or substantive explanations of what economic causes may have what economic effects, the deduction and analysis of theorems of economic significance, and so on. That is to say, positive economics has been supposed to consist of the domain of propositions in an economic context which have to do in one way or another with questions of what is the case, or with what has been the case in the past or may be expected to be the case in the future. In contrast, evaluative or prescriptive or ‘normative’ propositions, having in one way or another to do with what ought to be done or not done by a government or a private economic agent, have been believed to fall into quite a different category. These have been believed to amount sooner or later to being expressions of subjective personal opinion, either on the part of the individual economist himself or of those whom he may happen to be advising.

Most economists who have considered the matter have allowed that there is usually at least some scope, and sometimes much scope, for common reasoning on logical and empirical grounds to be brought to bear in normative discussion; making it possible that at least some of the disagreements between economists or citizens or politicians on normative questions can come to be objectively resolved. But it has been believed possible also for the processes of common reasoning to become exhausted in discussions of normative questions like those of economic policy or ethics or jurisprudence, in a way they are not supposed to become exhausted in discussions of positive questions like those of economic theory or econometrics or natural science or mathematics. Once such a point of the exhaustion of reason has been reached, any residual conflict which remains is to be considered necessarily irreconcilable and of a sheer normative kind. And such sheer normative opinions, upon which it is not possible to bring to bear any further objective consideration, are to be supposed to express the purely subjective attitudes and feelings of the individual person, opinions which might happen to be shared by others too, but which are certainly closed to further argumentation, whether in public or in the person’s own mind. Put a little differently, the theory of knowledge and policy which we shall see to have been widely accepted by many economists in the twentieth century, has made an assumption that while all questions of analysis and evidence can have objectively true or false answers, only some and not all questions of evaluation and prescription can have objectively right or wrong answers.

§2. Underlying the consensus among economists has been a more general thesis in the theory of knowledge or epistemology. It is a thesis which may be called ‘moral scepticism’, and its most brilliant and influential exponent in the modern period has been David Hume (1711-1776). Among those to have advanced influential and persuasive points of view of a similar kind in twentieth century moral and political philosophy have been C. L. Stevenson, R. M. Hare, A. J. Ayer, and Karl Popper.

In the course of a critique of dogmatic religion and ethics, the young Hume was to attack with a sceptical scalpel what he took to be the illogic of trying to deduce evaluation and prescription from analysis and description: “In every system of morality, which I have hitherto met with… the author proceeds for some time in the ordinary way of reasoning… when of a sudden I am surpriz’d to find, that instead of the usual copulations of propositions, is, and is not, I meet with no proposition that is not connected with an ought or an ought not. This change is imperceptible; but is, however, of the last consequence. For as this ought, or ought not, expresses a new relation or affirmation, ’tis necessary that it shou’d be observ’d and explain’d; and at the same time that a reason should be given, for what seems altogether inconceivable, how this new relation can be a deduction from others, which are entirely different from it.” While the precise context and implications of this passage continue to divide philosophers, it will be adequate for our present purpose to follow the sympathetic and influential modern interpretation given by the Oxford moral philosopher R. M. Hare, and obtain for an economic context what may be called Hume’s First Law: No normative conclusion, for example, about what a private economic agent or a government ought to do or not do, can be validly deduced from a set of solely positive premises, i.e., from premises which only describe what is the case. No normative conclusion can be deduced without at least one normative premise having been made. A dualism of this kind between the ‘is’ and the ‘ought’ has been frequently supposed to separate science from ethics, the objective from the subjective, the rational from the irrational, public knowledge from private opinion.

Hume was to reinforce this opinion a decade later in a more recondite form of words: “[A]fter every circumstance and every relation is known, the understanding has no further room to operate, nor any object on which it could employ itself. The approbation or blame which then ensues cannot be the work of the judgement, but of the heart; and is not a speculative proposition or affirmation, but an active feeling or sentiment.” This passage too continues to divide philosophers, but for our present purpose R. M. Hare’s recent writing is once more helpful in obtaining a modern interpretation. Hare asks whether, in addition to logical questions and factual questions about how the world is, there can be “irreducibly evaluative or prescriptive questions” as well; once we have “done all we can” by way of reasoning and adducing evidence, “will there remain something to be done which is neither logic nor fact finding but pure evaluation or prescription?” Hare answers yes it is possible, and in the same vein we may restate the idea to obtain for an economic context what may be called Hume’s Second Law: After every empirical question and every logical and mathematical question has been answered in an economic problem, there is no further scope for common reasoning to work. If an evaluative statement is made at such a point, then it can express no more than a subjective attitude or feeling of the individual economist towards the subject.

This is a maxim which does grant that a measure of common reasoning and evidence can be brought to bear upon particular normative questions, and so some normative disagreements may come to be objectively resolved. But it also allows for the potential for such reasoning to become exhausted, leaving merely a subjective residue of personal sentiment or feeling which people might or might not happen to share with one another but which would be beyond further question and discussion. In the pages to follow, a position will be referred to as ‘humean’ if it implicitly or explicitly endorses one or both of Hume’s Laws as stated above. The small h is used to suggest that a close examination of Hume’s works may show him to have been not entirely clear in his own meaning, as well as to suggest that the question of what Hume himself may have actually or fully meant is not of as direct importance for the present purpose as the question of what he has been taken to mean by contemporary economists.

The remainder of this chapter is given to documenting at fair length the fact that a number of the pioneers of twentieth century economics have quite unambiguously seemed to endorse a humean point of view in the theory of knowledge. Chapter 3 will be given to placing this fact in an appropriate historical context. This needs to be done not only in order to understand the nature of the consensus as fully as possible, but also to realize how close economists have been to one another on a central question in the theory of knowledge, even while being engaged in any number of deep and well known and seemingly interminable disputes on substantive matters. The reader who may be impatient with a detailed record of this kind, or who is prepared for the present to take its existence for granted, may wish to move on directly to Chapter 3 without losing the main threads of the argument.

§3. Friedman. Following Neville Keynes, Professor Milton Friedman has clearly and emphatically argued the importance of extending the scope of common reasoning in economics: “Positive economics is in principle independent of any particular ethical position or normative judgments…. [it] is, or can be, an ‘objective’ science, in precisely the same sense as any of the physical sciences…. Normative economics and the art of economics, on the other hand, cannot be independent of positive economics…. differences about economic policy among disinterested citizens derive predominantly from different predictions about the economic consequences of taking action — differences that in principle can be eliminated by the progress of positive economics — rather than from fundamental differences in basic values, differences about which men can ultimately only fight.” It is well known that in this and other works, Friedman has argued for the extension of common reasoning and evidence, or positive economics, as the surest means to resolving normative disputations. Yet from the passage quoted, it is clear that Friedman has also accepted something like Hume’s Second Law, to the effect that while common reasoning can have some and indeed much scope, a point of ultimate and sheer normative disagreement can still be reached, distant though it might be, where reasoning must be considered to have become exhausted and “men can ultimately only fight”. In the same essay, Friedman added that it was the practical importance of economics which impeded objectivity and promoted confusion between “scientific analysis and normative judgment”, suggesting an endorsement of Hume’s First Law as well.

Myrdal. Gunnar Myrdal argued for many years that a number of economic concepts purporting to be analytical or descriptive in character in fact had evaluative or prescriptive overtones. Myrdal and his editor and translator, Professor Paul Streeten, argued that a view that there is no place for normative judgments in economic science has been a guise for the advocacy of a specifically liberal political economy, a thesis which might well be endorsed by many marxian and keynesian economists. While postponing an assessment of this claim to a later chapter, we may note that Myrdal also happened to endorse the extension of the scope of positive economics, with as much emphasis as Friedman would do after him: “By subjecting to impartial criticism those arguments in political controversies which concern the facts and the causal relations between them, economic science can make an important contribution to the political sphere. As often as not, conflicting political opinions spring not so much from divergent valuations about the best possible future state of society and the proper policy for securing it, as from subjectively coloured and therefore distorted beliefs regarding actual social conditions.” Myrdal went on to endorse Hume’s First Law in recommending that the economist leave the supply of evaluative premises to the politician. While the economist can provide descriptions, explanations and conditional predictions, “the scientist must not venture beyond this. If he wishes to go further he needs another set of premises, which is not available to science: an evaluation to guide him in his choice of the effects which are politically desirable and the means permissible for achieving them.” Finally, Myrdal reached the humean conclusion that the normative differences between economists are ultimately beyond objective resolution: “[E]conomic reasoning is often obscured by the fact that normative principles are not introduced explicitly, but in the shape of general ‘concepts’. The discussion is thus shifted from the normative to the logical plane. On the former there is either harmony or conflict; conflict can only be stated, not solved by discussion. On the logical plane we should define our concepts clearly and then operate with them in a logically correct manner. What is ‘correct’ and what ‘false’ can be discussed with the methods of logic, whereas conflicting interests can be recognized, never solved scientifically.”

Robbins. In his influential writings over many years, Lionel Robbins made a distinction between ‘economic science’, having to do with such questions as how best to allocate scarce resources between alternative ends, and ‘political economy’ or normative theories of economic policy, prescribing the ends themselves and the weights to be attached to them. In his well known methodological work we read as clear a statement of Hume’s First Law as might be found in economics: “Propositions involving ‘ought’ are on an entirely different plane from propositions involving ‘is’…. Economics is neutral as between ends. Economics cannot pronounce on the validity of ultimate judgements of value…. Economics deals with ascertainable facts; ethics with values and obligations. The two fields of inquiry are not on the same plane of discourse. Between the generalizations of positive and normative studies there is a logical gulf fixed which no ingenuity can disguise and no juxtaposition in space or time can bridge over.” Robbins’s endorsement of the Second Law was equally emphatic. While positive economics extends the scope of common reasoning, it is still possible to find normative differences which are rationally irresoluble: “If we disagree about ends it is a case of thy blood or mine — or live and let live according to the importance of the difference or the relative strength of our opponents. But if we disagree on means, then scientific analysis can often help us to resolve our differences. If we disagree about the morality of the taking of interest (and we understand what we are talking about), then there is no room for argument.”
Samuelson. Professor Paul Samuelson has seemed to feel a tension in the humean position, but also that its logic compelled him to follow closely in Robbins’s path: “It is fashionable for the modern economist to insist that ethical value judgments have no place in scientific analysis. Professor Robbins in particular has insisted upon this point, and today it is customary to make a distinction between the pure analysis of Robbins qua economist and his propaganda, condemnations and policy recommendations qua citizen. In practice, if pushed to extremes, this somewhat schizophrenic rule becomes difficult to adhere to, and it leads to rather tedious cicumlocutions. But in essence Robbins is undoubtedly correct. Wishful thinking is a powerful deterrent of good analysis and description, and ethical conclusions cannot be verified in the same way that scientific hypotheses are inferred or verified.”

Hicks. Like Samuelson, Professor Sir John Hicks has seemed to feel a tension in the humean position, yet he too must be considered as having endorsed at least an important version of it. On the one hand, Hicks has seemed critical of mid-century positivism and emotivism, and claimed the main rationale of the “new welfare economics” to be that it allowed a route of escape from them. “During the nineteenth century, it was generally considered to be the business of an economist, not only to explain the economic world as it is and as it has been, not only to make prognostications (so far as he was able) about the future course of economic events, but also to lay down principles of economic policy, to say what policies are likely to be conducive to social welfare, and what policies are likely to lead to waste and impoverishment.” Since then positivism had declared that explanation and only explanation may be part of scientific economics, and any move to prescribe “must depend upon the scale of social values held by the particular investigator. Such conclusions can possess no validity for anyone who lives outside the circle in which these values find acceptance. Positive economics can be, and ought to be, the same for all men; one’s welfare economics will inevitably be different according as one is a liberal or a socialist, a nationalist or an internationalist, a christian or a pagan.” But such a position is “rather a dreadful thing to have to accept”, one which might “become an excuse for the shirking of live issues, very conducive to the euthanasia of our science.” Fortunately we are not compelled to accept it, since the new welfare economics advanced by Kaldor, Hotelling and Hicks himself was a viable alternative, not open to the objections the positivists had raised to the utilitarianism of Pigou and others.

Yet we may ask, what had the new welfare economics been about? And did it in fact make a break with the positivism which seemed to be troubling Hicks, or had it not been prompted precisely by humean doubts? As is well known, the new welfare economics had to do with questions such as whether the potential gainers from a change in policy could possibly compensate the potential losers from the change by enough so as to get them to go along with it, or conversely for the losers from a change to compensate the gainers from the change by enough so as to get them to go along without it, and so on. As Hicks himself makes clear, it was a discussion very much motivated by the belief that while the Pareto criterion was not a wholly adequate substitute for the utilitarianism of Pigou, any emendation of the paretian theory must leave untouched its basic positivistic premise, viz., that interpersonal comparisons cannot be conceived of as anything but purely subjective judgements, outside the scope of objective reasoning. Hicks claimed it was because the new welfare economics avoided making interpersonal comparisons that it should be considered a positive advance, a scientific advance. And Hicks has emphasized that he, like Robbins, has not wanted any truck with interpersonal comparisons. The old welfare economics of Pigou required one “to admit the possibility of comparing the satisfactions derived from their wealth by different individuals. This is where Professor Robbins parts company; for my part, I go with him.” More recently: “A single individual… shows by his choices that he prefers one thing to another; we may put this, if we like, in the form of saying that he derives (or thinks he derives) greater satisfaction from the one than from the other. But there is no similar way in which we can see that the satisfaction derived by one individual from one good is greater than the satisfaction derived by another individual from another good; these satisfactions are not compared in any actual choice, so that for the comparison between them there is not the same evidence.”
While we shall be returning to these questions in Chapter 10, what we may note here is that since interpersonal comparisons certainly amount to being a particular species of evaluative judgement, Hicks’s scepticism with respect to the possibility of making them objectively must be considered to amount to an endorsement of at least a species of moral scepticism. If so, it would seem to sit uncomfortably with Hicks’s opinion that he had not cared much for the positivist dichotomy between explanatory science and subjective prescriptions, which was said to have prompted the search for the new welfare economics in the first place.

Robinson. Writing on the theory of employment, Joan Robinson was to give a superbly clear account of the humean position at its best, which requires no commentary: “[All economic] controversies should be capable of resolution. The rules of logic and the laws of evidence are the same for everyone, and in the nature of the case there can be nothing to dispute about. Controversies arise for five main reasons. First, they occur when the two parties fail to understand each other. Here patience and toleration should provide a cure. Second, controversies occur in which one (or both) of the parties have made an error of logic. Here the spectators at least should be able to decide on which side reason lies. Third, two parties may be making, unwittingly, different assumptions, and each maintaining something which is correct on the appropriate assumptions…. Here the remedy is to discover the assumptions and to set each argument out in a manner which makes clear that it is not inconsistent with the other. Fourth, there may not be sufficient evidence to settle a question of fact conclusively one way or the other. Here the remedy is for each party to preserve an open mind and to assist in the search for further evidence. Fifth, there may be differences of opinion as to what is a desirable state of affairs. Here no resolution is possible, since judgements of ultimate values cannot be settled by any purely intellectual process…. argument in the nature of the case can make no difference to ultimate judgements based on interest or moral feeling. The ideal is to set out all the arguments fairly on their merits, and agree to differ about ultimate values. On questions of policy, the differences can never be resolved.”

Hayek. Professor F. A. Hayek has stated an unambiguous commitment to Hume’s First Law, as when he wrote recently: “Our starting point must be the logical truism that from premises containing only statements about cause and effect, we can derive no conclusions about what ought to be.” In his earlier discussion of the economics of socialism, Hayek had hinted at the Second Law as well, saying that “problems of ethics, or rather of individual judgements of value… [are]… ones on which different people might agree or disagree, but on which no reasoned arguments would be possible.” If the questions about socialist planning are ethical by this definition then “no scientist, least of all the economist” would have anything to say about them. Positive argument presumes there to be some common values between the participants: “Meaningful discussion about public affairs is clearly possible only with persons with whom we share at least some values. I doubt if we could even fully understand what someone says if we had no values whatever in common with him. This means, however, that in practically any discussion it will be in principle possible to show that some of the policies one person advocates are inconsistent or irreconcilable with some other beliefs he holds.” In particular, the argument over socialist planning should be seen to be one on positive grounds: “[E]veryone desires, of course, that we should handle our common problems as rationally as possible and that, in so doing, we should use as much foresight as we can command. In this sense, everybody who is not a complete fatalist is a planner, every political act is (or ought to be) an act of planning, and there can be differences only between good and bad, between wise and foresighted and foolish and shortsighted planning. An economist, whose whole task is to study how men actually do and how they might plan their affairs is the last person who could object to planning in this general sense.” The dispute between socialists and their critics is “not a dispute about whether planning is to be done or not. It is a dispute as to whether planning is to be done centrally, by one authority for the whole economic system, or is to be divided among many individuals.”

Lange. Oskar Lange, the famous adversary of Hayek and Robbins on the question of socialist planning, was agreed with them that the only task within the scope of scientific economics was the determination of the best means, with economic ends having been decided politically. He gave this infelicitous analogy to the economist’s role: “The situation may be compared with that of two physicians treating a patient. There is no necessity of interpersonal agreement about the objective of the treatment. One physician may want to heal the patient, the other may want to kill him (e.g., the patient may be a Jew in a Nazi concentration camp; one physician may be a fellow prisoner who wants to help him, the other may be a Nazi acting under orders to exterminate Jews). But once the objective is set for the purposes under discussion (either of the two physicians may, of course, refuse to act upon it), their statements as to whether a given treatment is conducive to the end under consideration have interpersonal validity. Any disagreement between them can be settled by appeal to fact and to the rules of scientific procedure.”

Schumpeter. In discussing the wertfrei controversy between Carl Menger and the German historical school, Joseph Schumpeter was to suggest that the epistemological matters involved were neither difficult nor interesting and could be disposed of shortly. The distinction between ‘is’ and ‘ought’ had been correctly and adequately drawn already, so it only needed to be accepted that an ‘ought’ statement “that is to say, a precept or advice, can for our purpose be reduced to a statement about preference or ‘desirability’.” Schumpeter went on to endorse Hume’s First Law, saying that an acceptance of one value judgement always requires the acceptance of others. This “is of little moment when the ‘ultimate’ value judgments to which we are led up as we go on asking why an individual evaluates as he does, are common to all normal men in our cultural environment.” Unlike Lange, Schumpeter gave the physician as a negative analogy: “[T]here is no harm in the physician’s contention that the advice he gives follows from scientific premises, because the — strictly speaking extra-scientific — value judgment involved is common to all normal men in our cultural environment. We all mean pretty much the same thing when we speak of health and find it desirable to enjoy good health. But we do not mean the same thing when we speak of the Common Good, simply because we hopelessly differ in those cultural visions with reference to which the common good has to be defined in any particular case.” I.e., common reasoning can proceed in normative discussion but only so long as we find common values among “all normal men in our cultural environment”, which is to suggest reasoning may be helpless with abnormal men or those who are outside our cultural environment. Further, siding with Menger, Schumpeter suggested that the bitterness of the wertfrei controversy could be explained because it had been not so much a logical dispute as one between those who were practising and those who were protesting a kind of scholarly deceit, viz., the propagation of personal dogmas within an ostensible pursuit of objective knowledge: “Those who profess to be engaged in the task of widening, deepening, and ‘tooling’ humanity’s stock of knowledge and who claim the privilege that civilized societies are in the habit of granting to the votaries of this particular pursuit, fail to fulfil their contract if, in the sheltering garb of the scientist, they devote themselves to what really is a kind of political propaganda.”

Arrow. In opening his famous paper on the theory of social choice, Professor Kenneth J. Arrow was to refer explicitly to the ancient ontological dualism between Nominalism and Realism. To take aggregate rankings of “social states” as independent of individual rankings “is to assume, with traditional social philosophy of the Platonic realist variety, that there exists an objective social good defined independently of individual desires. This social good, it was frequently held, could be best apprehended by the methods of philosophic inquiry. Such a philosophy could be and was used to justify government by elite, secular or religious, although the connection is not a necessary one. To the nominalist temperament of the modern period the assumption of the existence of the social ideal in some Platonic realm of being was meaningless.” Nineteenth century utilitarianism had “sought instead to ground the social good on the good of individuals”, which, when combined with a hedonistic psychology, implied “each individual’s good was identical with his desires” and “the social good was in some sense to be a composite of the desires of individuals.” Such a view “serves as a justification of both political democracy and laissez faire economics, or at least an economic system involving free choice of goods by consumers and of occupations by workers.”
While Arrow found it necessary to remark that a connection between elitist rule and a Realist ontology was “not a necessary one”, he did not also remark upon whether he took a connection between democratic rule and a Nominalist ontology to be logically necessary. If not, then we might of course entertain other cases equally well, such as Nominalism being associated with elitist rule, or Realism with democratic rule, or perhaps more subtle cases which may arise from a denial of the dualism altogether — matters to which we shall return more explicitly in Part II. In any case, it would seem evident Arrow’s sympathy has been with the humean thesis, which he endorses strongly in suggesting, like Schumpeter, that no distinction can be made between a personal preference and a judgement of value: “One might want to reserve the term ‘values’ for a specially elevated or noble set of choices. Perhaps choices in general might be referred to as ‘tastes’. We do not ordinarily think of the preference for additional bread over additional beer as being a value worthy of philosophical inquiry. I believe, though, that the distinction cannot be made logically, and certainly not in dealing with the single isolated individual. If there is any distinction between values and tastes it must lie in the realm of interpersonal relations.” That Arrow believes normative questions to be only personally and subjectively answerable is further suggested by his remarks that “[t]he only rational defense of what may be termed a liberal position… is that it is itself a value judgment”; that his own values are such he is willing “to go very far indeed in the direction of respect for the means by which others choose to derive their satisfactions”; that he personally shares “a strongly affirmed egalitarianism, to be departed from only when it is in the interest of all to do so”; that he is personally “in favor of very wide toleration”; and so on. In Chapters 9 and 10, we shall return to examine certain aspects of the theories of general equilibrium and social choice which Professor Arrow has helped pioneer.

Blaug. In his influential writings in the history and methodology of economics, Professor Mark Blaug has appealed directly to Hume, declaring that the “orthodox Weberian position on wertfrei social science is essentially a matter of logic: as David Hume taught us, ‘you can’t deduce ought from is’.” Blaug grants that scientific practice does continually call for the exercise of judgement, but he wishes to distinguish “methodological” judgements, having to do with such questions as “the levels of statistical significance, selection of data, assessment of their reliability, and adherence to the canons of formal logic”, from “normative” or “appraising” judgements, which “refer to evaluative assertions about states of the world, including the desirability of certain kinds of behavior and the social outcomes that are produced by that behavior; thus all statements of the ‘good society’ are appraising value judgments.” It is judgements of this latter sort which are “incapable of being eliminated in positive science”. In support of such a dualism Blaug claims “there are long established, well tried methods for reconciling different methodological judgments” but none “for reconciling different normative value judgments — other than political elections and shooting it out at the barricades.” Blaug’s acceptance of Hume’s Second Law is as explicit as may be found in contemporary economics. There sometimes can be rational discussion over normative differences “and that is all to the good because there is a firmer tradition for settling disputes about facts than for settling disputes about values. It is only when we distill a pure value judgment… that we have exhausted the possibilities of rational analysis and discussion.” Echoing Robbins, Blaug suggests that at such a terminal point we are left with “factual statements and pure value judgments between which there is indeed an irreconcilable gulf on anyone’s interpretation.” Like Arrow, Blaug also makes reference to an ontological division between Realism (or “essentialism”) and Nominalism, and hints at a necessary link between a Realist ontology and dogmatism and tyranny. From Plato and Aristotle up through the nineteenth century, Western thought had been under the malign and mistaken impression that “it is the aim of science to discover the true nature or essence of things”. Such a view “raises its ugly head” even today, and Blaug charges the authors of a recent marxian thesis as being one such recent manifestation: “Adherents of essentialism are inclined to settle substantive questions by reaching for a dictionary of their own making, and Hollis and Nell exemplify this tendency to perfection: reproduction is the ‘essence’ of economic systems because we tell you so!”

Hahn. Professor Frank Hahn reports that contemporary economists “in keeping with the Positivist perspective” make “a thorough distinction of ‘is’ from ‘ought’ (positive from normative).” While Hahn has been mostly guarded in his own opinion as to the precise relationship between positive and normative, he has suggested recently that while normative questions are subject to reasonable argument, and economic theory is intended to widen this scope of common reasoning, “the intention is to take a small step in distilling what are genuinely questions of values.” Such a remark would seem to place Hahn among the moderate humeans like Joan Robinson and Milton Friedman — which in turn would make it an interesting fact that while Hahn has had long and well known disputes on substantive matters with both Friedman and Robinson, he would appear closely agreed with them on a point in the theory of knowledge, viz., that while there is much room for objective discussion to take place, it is possible for sheer differences of a normative kind to exist and come to be identified.

A few others. To take some final examples, Professor Robert Sugden affirms “Hume’s Law reflects a liberal view of the universe”; Professor William Baumol and Professor Allan Blinder write in their textbook that the economist defines rational decisions as those “that are most effective in helping the decision maker achieve his own objectives, whatever they may be”; Professor James Quirk writes in his textbook that “normative economics is based on a system of axioms, but these axioms concern ethics” and because these and any propositions derived from them are not “verifiable through empirical observation”, a person is “free to accept or reject the conclusions of normative economics as he wishes, simply by accepting or rejecting the axiom system — there are no scientific issues involved.” And Professor Jack Hirschleifer wrote in his textbook that “if one economist prefers Maoism and another capitalism, or if one prefers to exterminate and the other to tolerate an inconvenient minority group, the fundamental sources of contention are almost surely divergences in ethical values… [which] will not be eliminated by advances in scientific economics.”

3. Understanding the Consensus
THE great German philosopher and mathematician Gottlob Frege suggested at one place that we should not “ask for the meaning of a word in isolation, but only in the context of a proposition.” In the same vein, it may be said the meaning of a proposition or a hypothesis should not be asked for except in relation to the particular context in which it has been advanced. And we can maintain this without requiring the description of such a context to be fully explicit or even one which can be easily expressed in words. A proposition needs to be understood in relation to the fullest possible description of its implicit and explicit context — which may be a good sense too in which to understand the reference by Wittgenstein to the concept of a “language game” .

In the previous chapter, we have marshalled considerable evidence for our initial thesis that there has been a broad measure of consensus among many of the pioneers of modern economics about the appropriate relationship of the positive to the normative. Irrespective of their many and well known substantive differences, they have seemed all to share an affinity with a humean thesis of moral scepticism, whether in a radical way like Schumpeter and Professor Arrow when they say there can be no difference in kind between personal preferences and value judgements, or in a more moderate way like Joan Robinson and Professor Friedman and Professor Hahn, when they say there can be a great amount of room for objective argumentation to take place about normative questions before a naked and irreconcilable difference will be found to appear. The first question that needs now to be addressed is how this consensus should be understood, and this will require as full a description as can be attempted in this work of the context in which it has occurred. The second question would be whether or not the consensus is correct and justified — whether or not there are firm and adequate grounds for us to think we should join it, and so take the is ought dualism to be a barrier which it is neither possible nor necessary to surmount. The reader will have known from the Introduction that it is a main purpose of this study to make the argument that such grounds are not in fact available, that a humean position is ultimately untenable and misleading, and deserves to give way to a theory of economic knowledge and policy which treated objectivity and freedom as compatible concepts deserving of equal respect. Nevertheless we are first obliged to identify the strengths and motivations of a humean point of view, if only so that we might explain how it has come to command the kind of assent it has done among many of the most eminent of twentieth century economists as well as the many more who have followed them. When expressed as thoroughly as it has been by some, a humean point of view is certainly a respectable and recondite one to hold in the theory of knowledge; there seems nothing obvious that is wrong with it; to the contrary, it may seem foolhardy to try to refute it or even place its merits under scrutiny. In other words, a well thought-out moral scepticism deserves the respect of its critics, and any difficulties with it may be expected to be of a relatively subtle and not self evident kind.
The purpose of this chapter will be then to give as full a description as possible of the historical and political context — of the “language game” or the civilization — within which it is possible for the humean consensus in modern economics to be understood. The economists quoted in Chapter 2 do not appear to have attempted such descriptions themselves, and may even have assumed a humean point of view on the positive and normative to be self-evidently justified, for little thought seems to have been given as to why we should want to endorse it. Thus it will be fair to caution the reader that while a possible justification and explanation of a humean point of view will be given here, it will be one which has been constructed by a critic. Furthermore, the discussion will refer first to a more distant and then a more proximate context, and the discussion of the former will have to be speculative and greatly simplified — a mere thumbnail sketch of an actual drama of indefinite proportions.

§2. The adoption of moral scepticism in twentieth century economics may be most briefly explained as having been motivated by a genuine desire to shield against dogmatism and tyranny, whether in political, economic, scientific, or religious contexts. As scientist and scholar, the economist has been naturally concerned to extend the scope of common reasoning, as well as to protect the objectivity of the findings of his science from the imposition of personal or political dogma. Equally, it has been felt that the choices of the individual agent who is studied by economists, whether as consumer or voter, deserve to be treated with the fullest respect. A humean scepticism may have been adopted because it has been believed to be necessary and possibly sufficient for this kind of respect to be shown to the results of popular choice, whether in parliament, the market place, or in private life. This is summarized in for instance Sugden’s remark “Hume’s Law reflects a liberal view of the universe”, as well as in Schumpeter’s suggestion that the wertfrei controversy had been merely one between those who practised and those who protested a kind of scholarly deceit, namely, the propagation of personal dogma in the guise of a pursuit of knowledge. In other words, someone might become a moral sceptic because he wishes to defend, and wishes perhaps to be seen as defending, the freedom of the individual person to form and hold his or her own normative beliefs, as well as the objectivity of science from being compromised by the forced imposition of the beliefs of any one or a few people. In particular, the modern humean economist is likely to wish to contrast his theory as sharply as possible with the famous theory given by Plato, both directly with the political philosophy which is to be found in Plato’s writings, as well as indirectly, with the medieval scholasticism which came to be deeply influenced by the rediscovered works of Plato and Aristotle and to which the origins of modern economic and political thought can be traced.

Now the question of whether there is any objective knowledge in a field of inquiry is open to be understood either as asking whether there possibly can be any knowledge in the field, or as asking who should be thought of as possessing such knowledge and how they may have been identified. The first of these senses can be thought of as epistemological and the second as political in character. In Republic, Plato offered answers to both questions with respect to the knowledge of the statesman, and the answers he gave were yes — not only is it logically possible for there to be objective knowledge of use to the statesman, but it is practically possible to identify certain men and women in society as actually possessing or being considered fit to possess such knowledge. It is these special people who are the only true lovers of wisdom in society, and since we surely should want the policies of a state in which we lived to be the wisest and most prudent possible, informed by the best available knowledge, it appears to follow at once that what needs to be done is unite knowledge with authority and make these special people our guardians and rulers.

Plato’s ideal city-state is a place where individual freedom is conspicuous by its absence. Its rulers are to be imagined as being about as perfect rulers as there can be: the single and genuine source of all true wisdom and justice, and deserving therefore to be granted absolute authority on all significant questions of private and political conduct, including the right to suppress dissent, since any dissent would be misguided by definition. This is not to say the philosopher-kings would be entitled to a life of luxury or even ordinary comforts. To the contrary, since those who deserve to be philosopher-kings may well be disinclined to seek power and privilege for themselves in the normal course of politics, they may have to be first discovered and then forcibly drafted to take the office which rightfully should be theirs. In preparation for the serious business of piloting the ship of state, they will be placed in seclusion and rigourously educated in such disciplines as aesthetics and gymnastics and mathematics and music, their lives certainly without any of the signs of corruption that we would frequently associate with the exercise of power. At the end of the tenure of one generation of such rulers, they will be retired and replaced by a new generation, bred and educated through a similar and careful programme of eugenics and training in the arts and sciences of statesmanship. Finding actual examples of such extraordinary beings may be quite impossible; perhaps some appropriate mixture of the Dalai Lama, Gandhi, Attaturk and Mozart’s Sarastro might help our modern imagination.
A number of modern political thinkers have roundly condemned Plato for having written a theory hostile to democratic political institutions, and even for having provided the blueprints for the tyrannies of modern history. Yet while there is no question that Plato was no friend of democracy, or at least of the kind of democracy which had brought about the judicial murder of his friend and teacher Socrates, a fair-minded reader of Republic is unlikely to find in it any justification of tyranny at all. If we were to define tyranny in the way Plato and his contemporaries would have done as the rule of the ignorant and capricious, it would be a state of affairs Plato found abhorrent, the complete antithesis of his own ideal of a full union between knowledge and authority, of rule by the genuinely wise and the genuinely good; even the faulted system of democracy would be preferable to it. Moreover, Plato was to discuss at length the dynamics of how even his ideal city-state would be likely to degenerate into a tyranny; and besides, his single attempt to put theory into practice ended in pathetic failure, when he accepted an invitation to train a fatuous prince, who was incapable of and soon became bored with the rigorous education Plato had in mind for him, and who eventually became the worst of tyrants, much to Plato’s disgust. In fact Kant, the modern lover of freedom, was led to come to the defence of Plato, the ancient authoritarian, precisely because the logical possibility of a utopia is suggested to the reader of Republic — a state of affairs in which everyone is a genuine lover of wisdom, everyone a philosopher-king, and therefore all external government made redundant. Republic is a masterpiece of philosophy and mathematics and literature and political economy as well, and it would be a mistake to suppose its author to have been so inexperienced of human nature and society as to provide it as a textbook for grand or petty tyrannies, whether of his own time or of ours.

What is true however what is true is that the theological culture of medieval Europe would come to be deeply influenced by the rediscovered works of Plato and Aristotle, with which a synthesis of medieval Christianity was sought to be made. And it may also be fair to say that regardless of Plato’s intentions, Republic came to provide something of a model for the tyrannies to be experienced in subsequent European history.
Social and economic life in medieval Europe is marked by a four-fold division of society into the nobility, the clergy, free artisans and tradesmen self governed within a system of guilds and corporations, and the peasantry. The medieval church is seen as an eternal institution representing divine will on earth, deserving to be endowed with final and absolute authority on all significant questions of right conduct, somewhat perhaps in the manner of Plato’s philosopher-kings. Specific duties and rights belong to the members of different occupations, and it is within one’s calling that one is expected to lead one’s life in accordance with the divine law as interpreted by the church and the natural law as discovered by the temporal authorities. In particular, there is a notion that economic activities may be licit or illicit in nature, and since the general moral question of what ought to be done is closely identified with whether there is the sanction of the church for it to be done, whether a particular economic activity is to be approved of or not comes to depend on whether or not it has such a sanction. There is an idea too of economic goods having a ‘true’ or ‘intrinsic’ or ‘natural’ value endowed in them by God — an idea which will become perhaps a precursor of the labour theory of value of classical economics in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Determining this intrinsic value establishes the ‘just’ price of a good or service, i.e., the price at which it ought to be traded, even if the actual market price as determined by the subjective estimates and actions of traders happens to contingently differ from this. There is a related concept of ‘equivalence’ in transactions, with a suggestion that one party to a trade can gain from it only at the expense of the other. Merchants and middlemen thus come to be treated with some disdain, since it does not seem apparent they are adding anything to the intrinsic values of goods, making the just price of their services seem hard to determine. Indeed the unabashed pursuit of wealth by anyone is probably the object of some considerable social and religious disapproval. Similar thinking may underlie the condemnation of usury, since, given a premise of money having no intrinsic worth, what is perceived to be the lending out of money should seem to have a just price of nought.

The common medieval culture and economy was to be transformed drastically though differently across Europe between the fourteenth and eighteenth centuries. The sea routes are discovered, nation states emerge competing with one another in trade and war, the age of modern science begins, a long and rapid succession of scientific discoveries and technological inventions takes place, there is a vast expansion of commerce and population and the settlement of European colonies in other continents. Accompanying these transformations in some places are intellectual rebellions against the medieval church, and almost everywhere in Europe a decline in the influence of formal faith. The assertion of individual will and conscience as the principal guides of human conduct is a challenge directed at church doctrine and dogma; but given that the medieval concept of reasoning is one of reason ultimately bounded by the doctrines and dogmas of faith, the assertion of a subjective individual will may have been assumed to amount to being a challenge to the full possibilities of objective reasoning itself.

In this new mercantilist age, the pursuit of material gain must come to be freed of the sanction of the church, and once more, since right and wrong are closely identified with such sanction and prohibition, a declaration of the independence of economic activity from the sanction of the church amounts virtually to a declaration of its independence from ethics as well. In particular, the medieval notion of ‘equivalence’ in the intrinsic value of goods in a transaction is transformed with the aid of mechanistic analogies at hand into a concept of ‘equilibrium’ in trade, such that each party to a trade is conceived of as gaining from it as an individual and continuing to transact until the prospect of such gain has come to be exhausted. It is understandable perhaps that England and Holland will be in the vanguard of the mercantilist revolution, given their theological distance from Rome as well as their growing commercial interests and naval power. Nor does it seem obviously foolish, at least in the early mercantilist years, for the wealth of a nation to be identified with its ability to export and its holdings of precious metals, when the circumstances of the time make it a first priority of the business of government to have liquid payment available for navies and armies. In France there comes to be the liberal protest of the physiocrats against the iniquities upon the peasantry, a protest which serves to rehabilitate a more secular version of the natural law of the scholastics. But the calls of men like Quesnay and Turgot for reform are too late, and the system of physiocracy is itself swept away with the onset of the French Revolution.

Adam Smith however has admired and learned from the physiocrats, while observing at first hand the dismal effects of a staling British mercantilism. This he rises to condemn in The Wealth of Nations, thereby starting an intellectual revolution of his own, ringing in a new century of free enterprise and imperial expansion, and establishing the concern of the economist with the workings of individual interest and the market economy which continues to this day. Forty years later it is David Ricardo who introduces to political economy the practice of an abstract hypothetical method, by which it is a body of abstract and general principles that the economist’s speculations and ratiocinations are intended to discover, detached from the rush of concrete economic realities. And Ricardo and his immediate followers exemplify the application of the new method to a main subject of Smith’s preoccupation, namely, the workings of individual self interest and the market economy.

In the musty passage-ways of Victorian thought, the new methods of abstraction in political economy must have been felt to be as invigorating as fresh air. Jevons, Walras, Menger and the other original neoclassicals firmly insist upon making the plain and simple observation that in the case of many and perhaps most goods, the prime determinant of relative value is not how much labour went into the different production processes, nor how much intrinsic value God might have placed in the goods, but rather the subjective estimations of economic agents in the market place. The victory seems complete. Out of the medieval notion of the scope of reasoning being limited by the dictates of doctrine and dogma, is eventually born the neoclassicals’ notion of the concept of value as fully and exactly synonymous with the concept of scarcity or market value, or rareté in Walras’s term. Economists are seemingly freed to speak of ‘a theory of value’ when meaning to refer more specifically to a theory of scarcity-determined relative prices, determined by conditions of supply and demand in the marketplace. From an idea that something is or is not a good only and merely because the church happens to say so, the wheel comes full circle to an idea that something is or is not a good only and merely because of the price it happens to command in the marketplace. The moral absolutism of the platonist and the scholastic gives way to the moral scepticism of the humean, and we reach the threshold of the modern period of economics in the later nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

§3. Briefly then, the development of the kind of sceptical and subjectivist point of view represented by Hume and the humean economists may be seen as the democratic reaction which occurs to medieval and platonist authoritarianism. And in parallel with these democratic developments occurring in the marketplace and economic thought, there occurs between the medieval and the modern period an emancipation of the political mind as well. No more will it be for clergy and aristocracy to dictate divine and temporal laws respectively. Men are born equal — which is to say there are not grounds ex ante why one human being should be supposed to deserve more or less authority or dignity than another merely in virtue of his or her humanity. The political process must reflect this new emancipation, and displace the hierarchies of the past with the equalitarian notion that every man’s vote should count the same, and the most popular choice be established to rule.

The modern institutional context of a parliamentary democracy, bound by formal or informal constitutional principles and precedents, may be roughly sketched somewhat as follows. From among the body of citizens, some will choose to run for elected office. While reasonable restrictions may be placed on who can so choose (e.g., they must be adult nationals) any citizen normally will be free to be a candidate. Before a vote is conducted, a reasonable time will be allowed for candidates to put their respective cases to the public. There will be some constitutional rule, like first-past-the-post or proportional representation, agreed upon more or less unanimously in advance of the vote, which will map how the actual balloting will induce particular outcomes as to the composition of the parliament. The individual voter casts his or her ballot, reflecting some private mixture of interest, prejudice, caprice or good sense about the common welfare. The rule is applied, and the largest coalition of winning candidates come to constitute the new government, with smaller coalitions constituting the loyal opposition. Once elected, a government will be expected prima facie to carry out the agenda it had proposed to the public before the election and not something different. What it actually does will be the subject of constant scrutiny and criticism by the opposition, the press, and the public at large, but the laws finally enacted will have jurisdiction over all. After a certain maximum time, elections must be held again and the process repeated, with an incoming government either maintaining or changing the policies of its predecessor in large or small measure. The system may be considered indirectly democratic insofar as that at any given time citizens shall have given themselves, via their elected representatives, the policies and laws under which they are themselves to live.

While a government would be expected to implement the agenda chosen indirectly in this way by the public, it will be expected also to elicit expert advice upon the best means to be employed towards achieving the chosen ends. Yet the expert must be appropriately humbled, brought down from the high altar where Plato had placed him to being the modest and self-effacing servant of the popular will. The scientist in government is to take as given the ends of his political masters, under a presumption that these reflect the democratic choice and any interference or criticism would be impertinent. More generally, the competence of the expert in a democratic society is not to extend to questioning the uses to which his expertise may be put. Thus Popper was to write: “No amount of physics will tell a scientist that it is the right thing for him to construct a plough, or an aeroplane, or an atomic bomb. Ends must be adopted by him, or given to him; and what he does qua scientist is only to construct means by which these ends can be realised.” Or as Myrdal put it in the passage quoted in the previous chapter, the expert must not go beyond advising on the means, for he would otherwise require premises of a normative kind which have not been given to science, but which are to be presumed available instead to the elected politican. And Robbins wrote of how economists ought not to judge the ends to which economics is put, indeed that ultimately “there is no room for argument” about ends, but rather how the quintessence of economics is the study of the optimal allocation of scarce resources between competing ends. It is only the question of the best or optimal means towards such an allocation that is within the scope of rational inquiry, and therefore within the competence of the economist qua scientist; it is not for the economist to question the ends given to him by the representatives of the public.

Now the widespread view since that there is a unique and quintessential economic problem, and that in particular it is the problem of the allocation of scarce resources between competing ends, is of course one initially advanced in the course of the neoclassical revolution. As Marshall put it: “if a person has a thing which he can put to several uses, he will distribute it among these uses in such a way that it has the same marginal utility in all. For if it had a greater marginal utility in one use than another, he would gain by taking some of it from the second use, and applying it to the first.” The housewife must decide how much yarn should be put to making socks and how much to making vests so “as to contribute as much as possible to family well-being”; she will have allocated the yarn efficiently if the marginal increase in family well-being is the same whether she puts the last ball of yarn to making an extra pair of socks or to making an extra vest. In modern terms, the problem is one of constrained maximization in which a concave objective function is to be maximized subject to a number of linear or non-linear constraints. We might imagine, for example, a hospital administrator who must allocate fixed quantities of various resources at his disposal like medical staff, beds, dressings, and so on, between a number of alternative outputs which have to be produced in different hospital wards, with the aim of maximizing an objective function containing these outputs as concave arguments. The objective function itself, that is, the relative weights which should be given to the various outputs, is not ultimately for the administrator to decide, but rather to be taken by him as a parameter from an appropriate authority. If the necessary conditions for a maximum are met, an optimal allocation would be one in which (a) the ratio of marginal increases in the objective function from marginal increases in the output of any two goods equalled the implicit shadow prices of their technologies; and (b) the marginal increase in the objective function from increased use of a resource in any two production activities would be the same and equalled the shadow price of the particular resource. Thus the marginal hour of a nurse’s skills would be equally well applied whether in assisting mothers in labour or in providing aid in the Emergency Room. Similarly, a humean view of the expertise of economists would be one in which the economist did not question the social objective function but rather takes as his task the statement and solution of the formal problem of the allocation of scarce resources between the defined ends.

With the necessary change of detail, the same has been required in the influential theory of macroeconomic policy advanced by Professor Jan Tinbergen and his principal expounder, Professor Henri Theil. In this theory, normative premises are seen as being given to the expert economist by a representative of the political process, for instance “the Minister of Finance or Economic Affairs, who is interested in the employment level of his country and its balance of payments”. Such a person is assumed to know the set of variables relevant to determining the present state of the economy, which are divided into those whose values can be changed (“instruments”) and those whose values cannot be changed (“targets”), with a change in the value of an instrument being defined as a “policy measure”. The expert economist is called upon to specify as best as possible the structural relations between targets, instruments, and exogenous disturbances, and predict as best as possible the future course of the targets under alternative assumptions about the instruments. As Theil put it, the policy-maker is to receive from his forecasters “conditional expectations about the time-patterns of non-controlled variables, the conditions being alternative measures to be taken by himself in the present and the future.” Alternative futures of the economic model are then to be evaluated one against the other by means of a social utility function decided upon by the policy-maker. Its arguments could be a pair of macroeconomic ills such as inflation and unemployment implying the function should be minimized, or a pair of microeconomic goods like efficiency and equity implying the function should be maximized subject to the relevant constraints, with the relative weights given to the ends presumed to be reflecting the democratic mandate. An optimal vector of targets is determined which yields the least possible social disutility or the highest possible social utility; the values of the instruments which would result in this optimal vector are calculated, and changes from the present values of these instruments to these optimal values define the optimal set of policy measures to be taken.
Such briefly was the kind of theory of economic policy Tinbergen put forward in the early years after the Second World War. It was soon to have much influence among macroeconomists, especially in the United States. Fairly or not to both Keynes and Tinbergen, the models themselves came to be called “Keynesian”, yet their influence has been significant enough that contemporary critics of Keynes and Tinbergen have described their method and purpose in similar terms. For keynesians and their critics, the macroeconomist principally has a positive role, extending the scope of reasoning and discussion on logical and empirical grounds as far as he is able to. He assumes a constitutional democracy, and takes for granted that the normative premises of the policy-maker reflect the popular will.

§4. Drawing together, then, the main threads of this highly simplified and summary discussion, it may be possible to explain the adoption by twentieth century economists of a humean theory of knowledge by the widespread belief that such a theory provides a necessary and even a sufficient defence against dogmatism and tyranny. It is part of the democratic reaction to medieval authoritarianism. The modern civilization which has adopted the moral scepticism of Hume is one born out of the great medieval civilizations which had been influenced by the authoritarianism of Plato. And just as Plato’s theory was affected by his disgust with the doings of the democracy of his time, so it may be the theory of knowledge which has come to be adopted by as eminent and diverse economists as Robbins and Friedman and Samuelson and Hicks and Robinson and Myrdal and Arrow and Hayek and Lange and Tinbergen and Hahn and Schumpeter, and the many others who have followed them, has been conditioned in part by their disgust with the tyrannies and ideologies of twentieth century history, and their desire to protect from these both the objectivity of economic science as well as the individual in his capacity of consumer and voter.

The question arises however, whether, in making their escape from Plato, the pioneers of twentieth century economic thought have not become entranced by Hume.

4. Difficulties with Moral Scepticism

We have now a description of some of the main features of the theory of economic knowledge most widely accepted in the twentieth century, and we have seen also how its plausibility and influence may be explained by placing it in appropriate historical and political context. In this chapter we shall examine some of the main difficulties and paradoxes which happen to arise with this theory. These have been serious in their implications, and the more general problems from which they derive have been well known to many contemporary philosophers, yet they do not appear to have been given adequate notice by modern economists.
Briefly, the difficulties are two-fold.
First, if the justification of adopting a humean theory of knowledge by contemporary economists is to be what we have taken it to be, viz., that such a theory and only such a theory can provide an adequate bulwark for science and the individual against tyranny and dogmatism, then we clearly have the makings of an internal contradiction on our hands — since what is patently a moral purpose would have been advanced within a theory of knowledge whose ostensible aim was to deny the possibility of moral knowledge! In a theory in which all moral propositions are taken ultimately to be statements of mere personal opinion, the defence of the freedom of the individual or of the integrity of science must also be taken ultimately to be matters of mere personal opinion, and the declared or undeclared purpose of protecting freedom by adopting moral scepticism would have been internally defeated by that very scepticism itself.
Secondly, we shall find that sceptical attacks just as powerful as Hume’s attack on the possibility of moral knowledge can be made upon the possibility of knowledge in a number of non-moral contexts as well. Hume himself is responsible for one such attack when he raised his famous doubts about the possibility of induction, and analogous attacks can be made in diverse other contexts such as those of science, history, mathematics, or psychology. The result of recognizing these new possibilities for scepticism is to make evident that an acceptance of moral scepticism on its own may force a choice between either sliding into total scepticism, the position of believing there is ultimately nothing whatsoever that can be objectively known, or forsaking parity of reasoning, and denying that what may be sauce for the goose is also sauce for the gander. Either the possibilities of mathematical knowledge and scientific knowledge and historical knowledge all come to be denied ultimately because we wish in a consistent way to deny the possibility of moral knowledge, or one sort of knowledge is accepted and another sort rejected when there are reasons to think they must stand or fall together. Either all of positive economics is attacked with just as much scepticism as anything in normative economics, or we accept one and reject the other when instead there are reasons to think they share the same ultimate grounds and must be accepted or rejected together.
Such will be the main hazards we shall find on the humean course taken in the theory of knowledge by the economists quoted in Chapter 2. Their precise locations however are subtle and quite well hidden, so if we are to avoid them we must move here as carefully and precisely as possible.

§2. Let us recall at the outset Hume’s First Law as saying to the effect that a normative conclusion cannot be validly deduced from solely positive premises; that a normative conclusion cannot be deduced without at least one normative premise being made. Faced with a normative proposition then, a moral sceptic will ask to see the set of prior positive and normative premises from which it is to derive. To take a simple example, if you were to say “I think the government should reduce the rate of growth of the money supplym from 6% to 3%”, a moral sceptic may ask “Could you say why you think so, since your proposition is plainly normative and cannot have derived from a set of solely positive premises?” (We can suppose this not to be meant rhetorically, that some opinion like “What a stupid idea!” is not being surreptitiously introduced in the guise of asking a question, but rather that a genuine inquiry is being made to be told the grounds that may go to support the proposal.) If you were to reply “Well the government should try to reduce the rate of inflationp , it is necessary and/or sufficient to reducem in order to reducep , that is why I think the government should reducem ,” it would remain open for the sceptic to respond “Certainly I can agree if your premises are true then your conclusion follows. But your premises once more are not solely positive ones, including as they do one that is plainly normative. Could you now say why you think the government should try to reducep in the first place?”
It is not difficult to imagine a fair reply being given to this as well, such as perhaps “Well inflation has been rampant and the election was fought and won on a promise inflation would be curbed, election promises should be attempted to be kept, that is why the government should make a determined attempt to reducep .” But in practice the economist would typically and rightly allow such discussion to fade into the background — since an important and difficult task would already have been defined for him, which is to ask whether it is likely a reduction inm by the stated amount will succeed in reducingp , assuming that the government should be trying to do this in the first place. Trying to answer it will require abiding by the practices of language and logic and scientific method; but the question itself is a positive and not a normative one insofar as it asks what is the case, or what has been the case or is likely to be the case, and the desire to keep it distinct for analytical convenience from the explicitly normative may be understandable. The modern economist is one of many kinds of expert in civil society, and as such is expected to have some special theoretical or practical knowledge not possessed by the non-economist. And economists everywhere are in fact being called upon to evaluate whether or not a dam or a highway should be built, a budget balanced or unbalanced, a bond released or redeemed, a tax or a tariff levied or lifted; to judge whether the argument of a government or a colleague or a student or a critic is valid, substantiated, compelling, sound, cogent. In any such investigation, it may well be useful for purposes of clarity and analytical convenience to work with a dualism between the ‘is’ and the ‘ought’, the descriptive and the prescriptive — just as it is commonly useful to work with a dualism between an analytical sense of ‘is’ as in “two plus two is four”, and a descriptive sense of ‘is’ as in “the cat is on the mat”.
Yet from saying it may be useful to make working dualisms between what is possible and what is actual or between what is the case and what ought to be done, it does not follow there are any absolute or ineradicable lines to be drawn. Taking a set of normative premises as given and from there proceeding to extend the scope of positive reasoning would not imply the normative premises are unquestionable — only that they are not now in question, not presently in question. It is as if they have been temporarily taken out of the game while we attempted to see how far we may proceed without them. They can still be brought back and others taken out — indeed, in the game of inquiry, we might even wonder if there needs to be any proposition which must be so privileged as never to be benched, so indispensable that we must fear the whole project will collapse without it.

§3. We may recall next Hume’s Second Law to the effect that while it may be possible to bring to bear objective reasoning in some normative discussions, a point of sheer and unadulterated difference over ‘basic’ or ‘ultimate’ values can nevertheless come to be reached. The moderate humean may allow for much room for common reasoning to take place, but he takes the further step of supposing such reasoning to have a limit, a finite limit. In any normative discussion, it is eventually possible for the scope of objective reasoning to become exhausted and a difference of a sheer normative kind to come to be identified. While it is clear the economists quoted in Chapter 2 have meant to refer to a limit of this sort being reached, it is strictly speaking not clear if they have meant to refer to such a limit being reached just as a contingent matter of fact — in actual arguments and discussions — or whether they have meant to refer to such a limit being possible in principle as well. In other words, whether it is merely intended to be an empirical possibility that a disagreement will come to end without resolution, or whether it is also intended for this to be the logically necessary outcome. If a residue of disagreement remains after the processes of common reasoning have been allowed to work, is this residue to consist of differences which just happen to be closed to further discussion in a particular case, say because the discussants lack patience or good humour or tolerance or perseverance or whatever, or is it supposed to consist of sheer and naked differences over ‘basic’ values which must be thought of as necessarily beyond the scope of further discussion?
If it is the first interpretation alone which has been intended, then only a fairly small claim would have been made, which may need to be clarified and fully set out but which would not need to be disputed by someone wishing to attribute a greater scope to reason than does the moral sceptic. For it is quite evident that actual arguments and discussions frequently do come to end without full resolution — those between physicists, mathematicians, biologists, doctors or engineers no less perhaps than those between politicans, economists, writers, historians, spouses, or nation states. Yet an observation of this sort of the frequency or intensity of disagreement would not be directly relevant to the theory of knowledge, insofar as the fact an argument happens to stop where it does, does not bear upon whether a question in dispute is capable of having a true or a right answer. It is possible for the true or right answer to a question not to be available to those who happen to be discussing it, or even to others in their generation or those in later generations; that there can be an objectively true or right answer to a question is a different question from whether it has been found or will be found today or tomorrow or next year. What the answers happen to be to the questions raised by Darwin or Freud or Keynes is a different question from what they themselves might have thought the answers to be, or what their contemporary state of opinion happened to think the answers to be, or what the state of opinion in our own time or in some future time happens to think the answers to be. It is of course natural to want to know the true or right answer to a question, to know whether the answer which we think is true or right is true or right, and certainly we should be surprised and find it incongruent if someone said he or she believed something even while knowing it was not true, or approved of something even while knowing it was not right — we normally want to know what is true and what is right and make our beliefs congruent with it. In other words, we may distinguish the actual and contingent history of inquiry and conflict from the logic of inquiry and conflict.
Moreover, some concepts and propositions will be found to form a context or a background in any disagreement, being understood by both sides and being unnecessary to be made explicit. If we were discussing the monetary history of the United States in the 1980s for example, we would take for granted such facts as that the United States was not at war or civil war or in the throes of any major social convulsion during this time; assumptions which may not have formed the implicit background if we were instead discussing the monetary history of the 1960s or the 1860s. Not every feature of a description may be relevant to a particular question at hand nor must it be made explicit. And an observation of this kind may be made of any dispute in economics, once it has been carefully and thoroughly characterized, whether on method or theory or evidence or policy, in microeconomics or macroeconomics, whether between mathematical economist and applied economist, or keynesian and quantity theorist, or marxian and mainstream. Some aspects of any description will be implicitly understood or taken for granted by the participants in a discussion.
More strictly, it has been argued by the Cambridge philosopher Renford Bambrough that it is necessary for the participants in a discussion to be in at least some agreement before they can be even said to be in any disagreement at all: “You and I cannot be known to be in conflict unless it is possible to identify a proposition that I assert with a proposition that you deny; no such proposition can be identified unless there is some expression that you and I use in the same way; if we use an expression in the same way then we regard the same steps as relevant to determining the truth or falsehood of what is expressed by it; for a disagreement about what is relevant is or involves a disagreement about what the dispute is that we are engaged in, and when such a case of cross-purposes is resolved it resolves itself either into agreement or into a disagreement to which all these conditions again apply.” In other words, it must be either that the participants in a dispute are giving different answers to the same question or that they are giving answers to different questions. If the first, we have identified a genuine case of disagreement; if the second, we have what is strictly speaking not a genuine disagreement at all but a case of cross-purposes, where each is giving a different answer to the question as to what the question they are disagreeing over happens to be. The English literary critic F. R. Leavis suggested at one place that critical inquiry proceeds as if one person declares to another “This is so, isn’t it?”, and the other replies “Yes, but…”. When A declares “This is so, isn’t it?” he has invited both the challenge and collaboration of others. B’s yes in reply would indicate a certain agreement, while his “but…” would indicate the agreement was not total, that there perhaps is some case or circumstance to which what A has said will be found not to apply. In effect, the “but…” amounts to being a fresh “This is so, isn’t it?”, inviting in turn the collaboration and challenge of A, and so on. Applying such a scheme to our example of a simple debate over economic policy, we would obtain an abstract form of the following sort:
A : n1.
B : Why n1?
A : Given n2, p1 implies n1.
B : Granted (p1), but why n2?
A : Given n3, p2 implies n2.
B : Granted (p1, p2), but why n3?
A : Given n4, p3 implies n3.
B : Granted (p1, p2, p3), but why n4?
A can think B to be stupid or stubborn or self-seeking, and B can think the same of A, and neither or one or both of them may be partly or wholly correct in thinking so, and all these may be facts which go to explaining how their dispute actually happens to proceed or fail to proceed over time — yet the correct answer, the most reasonable and justifiable answer, to the question to which different answers may be given at any stage will be independent of all this. We should want to distinguish, in short, questions of the logic of thought from questions in the history of thought.
Thus if someone becomes persuaded to a moderate moral scepticism only through observing that as a matter of fact many normative disputations seem heated or interminable, then we need only to demonstrate that such an observation does not and should not be allowed to bear upon the theory of knowledge or epistemology we come to hold. Certainly the scope of objective reasoning may be found to be finite in practice in actual disagreements and disputations between people, because there happens to be a lack of patience or good humour or tolerance or perseverance or whatever. But from that it does not follow at all that there is no further room for discussion, or indeed that reasoning cannot be thought of as being of potentially indefinite scope.
If however, as seems equally likely, the economists who have endorsed a humean theory of knowledge have meant it to be possible not only in practice but also in principle for the scope of objective reasoning to become exhausted, then a much more serious claim would have been made, which deserves appropriately more rigorous scrutiny. It would then have been claimed that it is logically possible for A and B to be in total and justifiable agreement about all the empirical evidence and about every logical relation, and still for each to declare in favour of a sheer and contradictory ‘ultimate’ value.
B : Granted (p1, p2, p3,…, pω-2); but why nω-1?
A : Given nω, pω-1 implies nω-1.
B : Granted (p1, p2, p3,…, pω-2, pω-1); but why nω ?
A : nω that’s why! (Go jump in the lake if you don’t accept it too.)
B : I deny nω that’s all! (And it’s you who can jump in the lake.)
Not only in practice but also in principle the scope of common reasoning would be supposed to have a finite limit. Not only is it a handicap we have to live with that many disputes between economists or scientists or citizens or spouses or nation-states do come to halt without full and justifiable resolution, through lack of patience or tolerance or good humour or whatever, but it is inevitable that common reasoning will become exhausted and only sheer and unadulterated differences remain over ‘basic’ or ‘ultimate’ values over which only the irrational holds sway. Hume and Hare among philosophers certainly may be interpreted to have taken such a view, and, on the basis of the writings quoted in Chapter 2, it would not be unfair to interpret at least some of the economists to have meant the same. However no proof or example of the existence of a sheer dispute over ‘basic’ or ‘ultimate’ values between people who are in justifiable agreement over everything else, has ever been offered by Hume or any philosopher or economist after him. It seems merely to have been asserted or taken for granted that a point can come where the scope of reason must have become exhausted and nothing further could remain to be said or done.

§4. We are in position to have a clear sighting at last of the first major hazard which is present on the humean course: It is possible that the declared purpose of the humean economist of extending objectivity and thwarting dogmatism will be contradicted by an ultimate adoption of irrationality and personal dogmatism. Huge and invaluable edifices of inquiry and argument can crumble to the ground because the scope of reasoning must sooner or later become exhausted, and mere personal prejudice take its place. The presence of a single ‘ought’ would signal the presence of another, and then another, and another… until some set of private moral primes or absolutes or supreme principles are supposed to be reached, which others might or might not share but which are in any event beyond further question. According to the received theory of knowledge, the economist is ultimately able only to persuade or coax or cajole or perhaps bribe others into accepting the absolutes he may himself wish to endorse, but common reasoning is of no further avail. Sooner or later the advice of the expert economist cannot but express the personal dogmas and prejudices of the adviser (or those of his employer).
It was a tension of this kind in the humean doctrine that Professor Samuelson may have felt when he called it a “somewhat schizophrenic rule” even as he endorsed it in the passage quoted in Chapter 2. Yet while Samuelson was not afraid to describe the role of the economist in society that follows from the humean thesis, he did not see the paradox to which it leads. Following Robbins and in keeping with the modern theory of economic policy, Samuelson said we should keep distinct the economist qua scientist from the economist qua citizen. The former expresses objective knowledge (“pure analysis”), the latter expresses subjective opinions (“propaganda, condemnations and policy recommendations”). Thus when Professor Samuelson himself writes from his offices at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, we must take him to be doing so qua rational, objective, scientific economist, while if the very same person writes from his home qua citizen of the United States, we must take him to be expressing a subjective and possibly irrational personal point of view. Or must Samuelson expect himself to sign and stamp everything he writes either as being a claim to objective knowledge made by the eminent economist which he is and deserving the world’s attention, or as being a subjective and possibly irrational opinion expressed by the ordinary citizen and human being which he also is, and perhaps not deserving nearly as much of the world’s attention? What would happen if the same human being came to say the same thing in both scientific and civic capacities? Clearly we would be in a quandary of having to decide whether it should be considered objective or subjective, public knowledge or private opinion, rational or irrational, economic science or personal prejudice. In the previous chapter we have seen that the humean economist is likely to want to sharply contrast his theory of the role of economic expertise from the famous theory given by Plato in Republic. Now we are able to see that there seems to be a less well known similarity too between the moral scepticism of the humean and the moral absolutism of the platonist. For just as in Plato’s theory so in the modern humean theory, there is evidently no way of telling from within the theory who is supposed to be the expert. Either the humean has to join the platonist whom he takes to be his enemy and declare there to be some arbitrary and unspecified way of distinguishing expert from layman, philosopher from commoner. Or the humean has to part company with Plato and the scholastics, and say that there is ultimately no objective distinction possible between knowledge and opinion, expert and layman, science and prejudice. What appears to be at stake when the merits of the humean epistemology are brought under critical scrutiny in this way, therefore, is nothing less than whether there ultimately can be objective knowledge in economics; and so, whether or not the economist can rightly consider himself to be a seeker after such knowledge — or whether we are all involved merely in some highly evolved and sophisticated branch of rhetoric, having “the semblance of wisdom without the reality” whose teacher and practitioner is just “one who makes money from an apparent but unreal wisdom.”

§5. The problem we are observing here with the received theory of economic knowledge can be placed in relief by comparing the moderate moral sceptic with his more radical cousin, the emotivist. For the emotivist is one who flatly denies there to be any scope at all for common reasoning to occur upon normative questions, maintaining instead that normative propositions amount only to being the expressions of personal feeling or emotive attitude. Thus a statement like “the government should reducem from 6% to 3%” would be taken by the emotivist to express merely the personal feelings or preferences of the individual, its full meaning and implications being equally well described if the speaker had said “I wish the government would reducem from 6% to 3%”, just as someone might say “I wish to have my coffee black” or “I do not like boiled vegetables” or “I like to wear colourful shirts”.
Now the feelings and emotions and attitudes of a speaker or author may be naturally and normally involved in the making of evaluative or prescriptive statements, in a way they may not be in the making of logical or empirical statements. When I propose something should be done I must mean what I say, or I would not be being sincere, what I outwardly expressed would be incongruent with what I inwardly felt, I would be engaged in a kind of self-contradiction or inner dissonance. Yet this sort of involvement of matters of personal sincerity and authenticity in the making of normative judgements does not imply these are all that is involved, or even the most important of what is involved, or that common reasoning cannot make headway in normative discussion. The emotivist correctly observes the involvement of the emotions in normative discussion but exaggerates its significance, perhaps by the confounding of simple and literal uses of concepts like “taste” and “preference” as in “I have a taste for ice-cream” or “I prefer my vegetables lightly cooked” with looser and more metaphorical and so more complex uses of the same concepts like “I prefer Truman to Dewey” or “I have no taste for public executions”. Where the moderate moral sceptic supposes a residue of irrational difference to remain after every relevant empirical and logical question has been answered, the emotivist wants to call a halt the instant a normative proposition is sighted. The difference is one of degree and not of kind. If a moderate moral sceptic like R. M. Hare or Milton Friedman or Joan Robinson remonstrated with the emotivist saying “Look you really should try to bring to bear as much logic and evidence as you possibly can in a normative dispute”, the emotivist has only to coolly reply “Sorry, but what you have just said is patently normative. Since, as you know, I take all normative propositions to amount to being expressions of personal taste or emotive attitude, I cannot take what you have said to be anything more than that either. That does not mean I cannot share the same emotive attitude as you, but that is no reason to think we can construct an objective justification for it.” The humean can bang his head in frustration at the emotivist’s behaviour, but he may not without circularity argue against it.
A more dramatic illustration of this sort of difficulty with the humean doctrine may be found in the writings of Hare and Popper, suggesting that even the most tough-minded and critical of moral sceptics may have allowed themselves to admit an ultimate irrationalism. Hare considers a fanatic who so fervently believes some group of innocent people should be put to death that he is prepared to be made such a victim himself if his own ancestors transpired to be of the same group. And the fanatic is closed to all further discussion of the matter. This, Hare takes it, would be a case of an ultimate value judgement, impervious both in practice and in principle to further question. Hare says that “fortunately” there are few fanatics who would be found to hold such an “extreme” position, leaving unsaid that if they were found then they should be just as entitled to their opinion as anyone else — not merely in the sense of having a legal right to hold such an opinion but in the more significant sense that such an opinion ultimately must be considered to be just as good, just as reasonable, just as cogent, just as sound, as its contrary. We could try to persuade or cajole or bribe our fanatic to give up his opinion and to hold ours, but there is no way for us to say he is simply wrong in his belief. If it turned out there were more fanatics than there were of us, it could of course become their turn to persuade or cajole or bribe us away from our opinions, yet none of their acts could be condemned, since, in the last analysis, there cannot be any such thing as moral knowledge.
Popper has written frankly that he knows of no rational grounds for recommending a rational temperament: “It is impossible to determine ends scientifically. There is no scientific way of choosing between two ends. Some people, for example, love and venerate violence. For them a life without violence would be shallow and trivial. Many others, of whom I am one, hate violence. This is a quarrel about ends. It cannot be decided by science…. you cannot, by means of argument, convert those who suspect all argument, and who prefer violent decisions to rational decisions. You cannot prove to them that they are wrong….” “I frankly confess that I choose rationalism because I hate violence, and I do not deceive myself into believing that this hatred has any rational grounds. Or to put it another way, my rationalism is not self-contained, but rests on an irrational faith in the attitude of reasonableness. I do not see that we can go beyond this.” But if Popper is entitled to have an irrational faith in being reasonable, then the fanatic is surely entitled as well to have an irrational faith in being unreasonable. Thus Professor Max Black responds on behalf of the fanatic who engages Popper thus: “Bravo! You hate violence, but I hate argument (a sneaking use of force by other means). You call me irrational, but I glory in that title. Like you, I hold that there are no ultimate reasons for my irrationality (for that would detract from the purity of my position). The difference between us is like that between a Protestant and a Catholic: your faith is my heresy; my faith is your heresy. That’s all there is to say.” (Yet Black himself does not say why differences between protestant and catholic must be supposed beyond discussion!)

§6. This kind of internal contradiction we are observing here to be associated with moral scepticism can be seen in a slightly more positive light as well. For we may ask, what does the moral sceptic’s recognition that dogma and tyranny should not be imposed upon science or the individual amount to being except a manifest example of a moral recognition? Or a proposal that the integrity of science as well as the freedom of the individual as consumer and voter should be preserved, except a manifest example of a moral proposal? All the economists quoted in Chapter 2 have recommended and practised the extension of the scope of common reasoning in economic science; what sort of recommendation would that be except a patently moral recommendation? When the theory of economic policy requires the economist to respect the ends of the elected politician, what sort of a premise does that rest upon except a moral premise that the institutions of constitutional democracy should be respected and not abused? It would presuppose in turn such things as that parliamentary elections do take place periodically and are in fact genuine and not fraudulent elections, that citizens will be judicious and well enough informed in their voting so that a good indication of what things are conducive to the common welfare will come to be determined as closely as possible given the size and diversity of the electorate, that the policies of a resulting administration are sincere attempts to reflect the ends chosen by the voters, that candidates for elected office and private citizens and scientists and scholars and others are not subject to being shot or jailed or persecuted for saying publicly what they think these ends should or should not be, and so on. It is implicitly or explicitly within the context of a free and open society, and one which probably has working democratic institutions, that the modern theory of economic policy makes sense at all, that positive questions like “Does the evidence support the hypothesis that reducingm from 6% to 3% is necessary and/or sufficient to reducep ?” are supposed to be discussed in the first place. Regardless of what the humean economist happens to say or suppose himself to be doing or not doing by adopting the theory of knowledge which he does, we are entitled to conclude that he is in fact far from asserting there cannot be any such thing as objective moral knowledge — since he himself may have advanced his moral scepticism precisely upon substantive moral grounds. Put differently, it does not seem possible without contradiction to start with a set of moral premises and arrive at a conclusion that there cannot be moral knowledge.
Equally, if the received theory of economic policy must presuppose a context of a free and open society and working democratic institutions, then it would seem it must be silent where such a context cannot be presumed. When we consider that most societies most of the time probably have not been very open or very democratic (and in such a count we must consider societies not only on the scale of nation-states but also families and clubs and corporations and university departments and armies and religions, and so on) this would at once make the received theory one of quite special and contingent application. Indeed it is a theory which must be silent about the appropriate role of the expert not only under conditions of tyranny (Solzhenitsyn: “The prison doctor was the interrogator’s and executioner’s right-hand man. The beaten prisoner would come to on the floor only to hear the doctor’s voice: ‘You can continue, the pulse is normal’” ); but also where the duly elected government of an open and democratic society proceeded to do things patently wrong or tyrannical (the imprisonment of the Japanese Americans). Hence Popper’s “paradox of democracy” and “tyranny of the majority”. It is ironic that the economist who may have adopted a humean epistemology as a reaction to dogmatism and tyranny in the first place, will come to be prevented by his own moral scepticism from condemning an act of tyranny whether it is committed in the name of the popular will or by an outright despotism. A theory of economic policy which both assumes a free and open society and bases itself upon a moral scepticism cannot have anything to say ultimately about the objective reasons why a free and open society may be preferred to an unfree or closed society, or about the good or bad outcomes that may be produced by the working of democratic processes.
A parallel difficulty arises for the humean economist with respect to market institutions and their possible outcomes. Ultimately, the received theory of economic knowledge cannot allow that there may be objective reasons why market institutions may be preferable (or not preferable) to non-market ones, whether one is speaking roughly and generally in a theory of political economy or more precisely and specifically about some actual set of concrete circumstances. Just as the medieval scholastics might have said that a good was a good only because the church said it was a good, so the modern humeans may have to say that a good is a good only because market forces have made it a good — i.e., because it happens to have a positive price in an equilibrium of supply and demand. And just as the church may have said a lot of things were goods which were indeed good, so market forces make a lot of things goods which indeed are good — for instance, like food, clothing and shelter, because they are conducive to some valuable human purpose. But also, just as there could have been things which the church said were good but were not, and things which were good but which the church said were not, so it is not at all hard for any of us to find in experience things which the market may have put a high value on but which were not in fact valuable, as well as things which the market did not value but which were indeed valuable.

§7. Drawing these simple threads together then, a first set of reasons why the modern economist may think himself poorly served by a subjectivist theory of knowledge has to do with the fact that it is a theory which falters and fails even in its own declared purpose of being an adequate shield against dogmatism and tyranny. In a theory in which nothing, ultimately, can be considered objectively right, it cannot be objectively right to extend the scope of reasoning in economics, or to preserve the integrity of science, or to protect the individual from dogmatism or tyranny. In a theory in which nothing, ultimately, can be considered objectively wrong, it cannot be wrong to block or subvert reason or to force dogma and tyranny upon science or the individual. If all moral propositions are ultimately taken to be matters of mere personal opinion, then the defence of individual freedom or the integrity of science also must be taken ultimately to be matters of mere personal opinion. Professor Arrow remarks: “The only rational defense of a liberal position… is that it is itself a value judgment.” Combine with this the idea that judgements are subjective, and you would have the result that no objective justification can be given ultimately for a liberal position, or for any other position either for that matter. When all has been said and done, protecting individual freedom is no better or worse than attacking it, preserving the integrity of science is no better or worse than destroying it. “Nothing is good or bad, but thinking makes it so.” Such fragile things as the preservation of human freedom and the integrity of science would seem to have been left exposed by the accepted epistemology in twentieth century economics to the shifting whims of popular opinion. The purposes that many eminent economists may have had in adopting the humean thesis, and these may have been invaluable purposes, would seem to be able to be fulfilled only in a theory which denied the humean thesis that nothing can be right or wrong but thinking makes it so.

§8. We have now sketched the first important set of dangers that are present on the humean course which has been adopted by modern economists. There happens also to be a second set with equally serious implications, calling for us to continue to move as carefully and precisely as possible. The reader who may have been unconvinced by the argument so far will therefore have a fresh set of challenges to consider, while the author will have to ask for the patience of the reader who may have agreed that there does happen to be something wrong at the foundations of the received theory of economic knowledge.
In short, there is the problem that an adoption of moral scepticism on its own may lead by parity of reasoning to total scepticism, to the ‘pyrrhonism’ which Hume himself had drawn back from. For what will come to be noticed by the truly serious and tough-minded sceptic is that the general logic employed in Hume’s First Law is in fact extremely powerful, more powerful than Hume or the modern humean economist may wish or intend it to be. For the tough-minded sceptic will look at Hume’s First Law and say: Why stop at ethics? Why so half-hearted? That it is not legitimate to deduce one kind of statement from another kind of statement is surely an argument of more general application. Just as a sceptical attack can be launched upon the possibility of ethics, so why not launch sceptical attacks everywhere: on the possibilities of science and history and induction and deduction and everything? In particular, the tough-minded sceptic will say to the humean economist: Why do you stop with normative economics? — Surely you can and you must destroy all of positive economics as well!
It was shown some years ago by the English philosopher John Wisdom how sceptical attacks analogous to Hume’s attack on ethics in fact can be made in a number of other contexts as well. Let us consider an example similar to one given by Wisdom to show how easily it may be possible to proceed to be sceptical of something so obvious as our knowledge of the past. A sceptic says “Do we really know anything about what has happened in the past? Can we be certain about anything that has happened at all before this very instant?” You say to him “What do you mean? Surely you don’t mean that while we know some things for certain such as that we are now having this conversation, we don’t know for certain other things such as that we did get up from bed this morning or that Nazi Germany did invade Poland on September 1 1939?” The sceptic says “Yes that’s the kind of thing I mean.” You reply “Well that’s crazy. I for one am just as confident of knowing that here I am talking with you now, as I am that I got up this morning, as indeed I am that Nazi Germany invaded Poland on September 1 1939.” The sceptic says “Please tell me how you can be so certain you got up this morning.” Staring at him in disbelief, you reply “Look I usually get up to the alarm clock at 7 am; this morning was no different; I remember the clock going at 7 am as usual, and I got up. That’s all there’s to it.” The sceptic makes a flanking movement. “If you remember something taking place you would of course imply the event did take place?” You are now perhaps quite irritated by this odd fellow — “Obviously; I could not have remembered the alarm clock going off if it had not in fact gone off.” But in fact the sceptic has got you exactly in his sights and can move in for the kill. “In that case it appears to me you have missed the point of my original question completely. I wished to know how we can know anything about the past. You gave me an example that you knew you had gotten up this morning, and that you knew this for certain because the alarm clock had gone off as usual and that you remembered getting up when it did. I can agree of course that if you knew this premise to be true then you are entitled to deduce that you know you did get up this morning. But you will have to grant that this is a premise which itself refers to the past. So all you would have done in supporting one statement about the past is to have given me another statement about the past, when the point of my question was to ask how we can know anything at all about the past for certain.”
Just as the fact we cannot deduce a normative conclusion without a normative premise having been made might lead someone to a moral scepticism, so the fact we cannot deduce a conclusion about the past without a premise about the past being made might lead someone to a historical scepticism. That Nazi Germany did invade Poland on September 1 1939, cannot be deduced except by reference to other historical premises — films and photographs of the dive-bombers going in against the Polish Cavalry, government documents, the testimony of eye-witnesses, reports in the newspapers of September 2 1939, etc. The sceptic agrees that if the premises were known to be true then the conclusion would be true as well, but he says that that would be to miss his point. Like the moral sceptic, he is challenging the possibility of our knowledge of all propositions of a particular kind, and it is no use giving him for his scepticism what amounts to merely a another proposition of the same kind. Bambrough has put the matter clearly thus: “So long as the premises used in support of a proposition include any propositions of the same type as itself, a philosophical sceptic, or any other enquirer who is determined to seek the ultimate grounds, is properly dissatisfied, since his question is about how propositions of that whole type are to be validated, and he cannot consistently permit any such proposition to be unproblematic when it occurs among the premises of an argument whose conclusion is of the same type…. the grounds offered for a proposition of kind k will necessarily be either of kind k or not of kind k; if they are of kind k they may be logically sufficient for the proposition that they are intended to support, but a further question will arise about the validation of the premises themselves; if on the other hand they are not of kind k then they necessarily cannot be logically sufficient for the truth of the proposition that they are intended to support.”
Yet once this box has been opened, we are obliged to examine all its contents, and there are quite a number. For one thing we may now join with the sceptic of the senses and cast doubt on all the knowledge the natural sciences purport to provide of the physical world; since, surely, no conclusion about the physical world can be deduced without a premise about the physical world having been made. Next we might join with the solipsist and question the possibility of knowledge in psychology, doubting whether one can ever know what someone else thinks or feels; since, surely, no conclusion about a mind other than one’s own can be deduced without a premise of the same sort having been made. It is this species of scepticism which forms the basis of the widespread belief in modern economics of the impossibility of interpersonal comparisons of utility, which we observed in discussing the views of Professor Hicks in Chapter 2 and to which we shall be returning in Chapter 10. Then of course there is Hume himself being just as famous for his sceptical attack on the possibility of induction as he is for his attack on the possibility of ethics: “there can be no demonstrative arguments to prove, that those instances of which we have had no experience resemble those of which we have had experience.” “Nay, I will go farther, and assert, that [reason alone] could not so much as prove by any probable arguments, that the future must be conformable to the past. All probable arguments are built on the supposition, that there is this conformity betwixt the future and the past, and therefore can never prove it. This conformity is a matter of fact, and if it must be proved, will admit of no proof but from experience. But our experience of the past can be a proof of nothing for the future, but upon a supposition, that there is a resemblance betwixt them. This therefore is a point, which can admit of no proof at all, and which we can take for granted without any proof.” In short, no conclusion about the future can be deduced without at least one premise about the future having been made.
And then again, the full force of the sceptical onslaught can be felt when we direct its method against that of which we might seem most certain of all: the procedure of deduction itself in logic and mathematics. Adapting an example given by Wisdom and Bambrough, we can see how it may not be possible without circularity to use deductive reasoning to justify deduction itself.
For consider the propositions All firms maximize profits and GM is a firm. We would be normally inclined to think GM maximizes profits is something which follows from these. But the serious sceptic can once more ask how we may justify such a conclusion. We might be inclined to take such a challenge lightly, and try to dismiss it by stating a general rule of the form of modus ponnens: “If all S is P, and x is S then x is P.” But that would be a mistake and we would have fallen directly for the trap set for us, since the sceptic would need only to make the following decisive response: “A rule of this sort must necessarily either exclude or include the particular case at hand. If it is intended to exclude this particular case but is intended to apply to every other case, then clearly I need not accept in this case that the conclusion GM maximizes profits follows from the premises All firms maximize profits and GM is a firm. On the other hand, if the rule is intended to include this case as well, then you are asking me to reason as follows: ‘In all syllogisms, deduction proceeds like this; this is a syllogism; therefore, deduction proceeds like this here as well.’ All you would have done in trying to justify the deduction at hand is to have given me yet another deduction against which all my arguments would apply with equal force once more. You may not mind arguing in a circle but I am not going to join you.” If making an is ought dualism is sufficient ground for us to doubt the possibility of moral knowledge, then we seem now to have just as good grounds to doubt we can know anything at all. The upshot of these kinds of sceptical attacks on the practice of modern economics may be seen quite readily. For consider the fact that it would be difficult to overestimate the significance to the practice of modern economic science of (i) the elementary mathematical concept of a function, mapping all the values taken by one variable X upon a range of values taken by another variable Y, and (ii) the formal and informal procedures of statistical inference. Yet at their foundations, all procedures of statistical inference must rest upon the possibility of a rational induction. Suppose there was some economic variable Y which has been found to take a particular value in each of the last 100 or 200 or 300 or 500 periods. Or suppose it is found in each of a large number of observations that Y happens to be systematically related by some identifiable functional form to another economic variable X. It will be seldom if ever that we shall be obliged with such neat data, but it will be readily agreed the study of such relationships whether in economic theory or in economic history or in applied economics or in econometrics constitutes the very stuff of the modern science. The variable Y might be the quantity traded of a good where X is the market price, or Y the long-term interest rate and X the state of expectations, or Y the change in the price and X the difference between quantity demanded and quantity supplied, or Y the rate of inflation and X the money supply, and so on indefinitely in hundreds of different contexts. If we are genuinely serious about adopting a humean scepticism — that is, adopting it consistently, without contradiction — then we must lead ourselves to conclude that even with a thousand observations of Y taking a certain value after X had taken a certain value, we would still have no grounds, no deductive grounds, for predicting the value of Y given the 1001st observation of X. From no amount of past evidence can any proposition about the present or the future be deduced. Equally, if we were to prevent ourselves out of a debilitating scepticism of this kind from employing the modus ponnens of deductive reasoning — if all S is P, and x is S then x is P — then all reasoning in economic theory would immediately come to a standstill. Without induction and deduction, we cannot proceed in economics or elsewhere: it would be not only normative economics but all of economics which would come to be lost in the whirlpools of scepticism.
The point the sceptic wishes to make is that we cannot deduce one kind of proposition from an altogether different kind of proposition — the is ought dualism may be a useful reminder that we cannot deduce a normative conclusion from any number of positive premises. Every normative conclusion must have had at least one normative premise, and it is the attempt to justify one normative proposition by offering another as a premise that allows the moral sceptic to keep repeating his challenge indefinitely. But that does not prevent us from asking whether the sceptic has not skewed the rules of the game in such a way that he must always win, and if he has done so, we can certainly decline to play. For what the sceptic seems to require is that the grounds for any kind of justification specifically be deductive grounds. We are to deduce every proposition as the descendant of other higher or more primitive propositions, which might explain how the sceptic is able to raise the threat of an infinite regress in every field in which he attacks. “Everything we offer and everything we could conceivably offer is either too little or too much…. Nothing will ever do to meet the sceptic’s requirement. But that is different from saying nothing will ever do.” Perhaps it is not necessary to meet the sceptic’s requirement. Perhaps it is not even possible to do so. Perhaps we do not have to have a deductive proof to justify that we can and we do know some things in science, in history, in ethics, in psychology, in economics, or that we can and do frequently and reliably use inductive reasoning in these and a hundred other contexts. In Part II we shall be making an argument on these lines more fully to show how scepticism can be avoided even as we steer well clear of the opposite dangers of dogmatism. What is important here is only to notice the slide into total scepticism that may be entailed by adopting moral scepticism on its own. The economist who accepts an is-ought dualism as an adequate reason for adopting a subjectivist theory of knowledge comes to face an unhappy choice between either becoming in the interest of consistency a sceptic of all of economics — theory, history, econometrics, everything, not to mention everything else outside economics as well like natural science and mathematics and history; or denying the parity of reasoning, and not having adequate grounds for believing objectivity is possible in one context but not another. Either accept the propositions of positive economics and natural science and mathematics and history etc. to be, in the final analysis, just as subjective as normative propositions. The infinite regress threatens everywhere, what is sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander, so there cannot be objective knowledge of any kind anywhere. The economist slides into a scepticism about everything — into the pyrrhonism which Hume himself had rejected. Or become a partial and prejudiced sceptic like the positivist — led to the inconsistency of threatening only normative propositions with infinite regress when analogous sceptical attacks can be made with equal force in any number of non-normative contexts as well, and therefore not having adequate reason to maintain objective knowledge to be possible in contexts other than ethics. When asked “Can there be objective knowledge in economics?” if we answer “No, truth is defined merely by agreement of opinions; we know a proposition in economics to be true only insofar as economists happened to agree it to be true; if such agreement fails to hold in the future the proposition would no longer be true”, we next may be asked “Can there be objective knowledge in physics?”, to which we can only reply yes or no. If yes, we shall have said that there is merely rhetoric in economics, perhaps a highly evolved and sophisticated rhetoric but mere rhetoric nevertheless, certainly not objective knowledge. We would justify the cynic and the cartoonist who mocks economists as the most querulous of breeds, for every one who says this there is another who says that, how it is entirely a matter of caprice or fashion or pecuniary interest which side one happens to take, whose “paradigm” one happens to accept. We should have to frankly admit to the scholarly commmunity that since there is nothing which may be properly called objective knowledge in economics, the Department of Economics in every university should be closed down, or why there might just as well be a Department of Astrology on campus too, teaching and researching the reading of palms, the writing of horoscopes, and so on. On the other hand, if we denied there to be objective knowledge possible of the physical world as well, if we said we cannot be certain of such things as that there is a table in this room or that the window is open and there is a tree outside it, then we would have to do battle not only with every scientist in history but also with the man on the street, whose commonsense like our own tells us the opposite.
It is said that Hume thought himself leaving his scepticism behind when he left his study. Yet “[his] scepticism is at odds with his actions even when he is at his most deliberately and consciously philosophical. His pen goes confidently to the ink-pot, he turns the pages of Sextus Empiricus with the well grounded expectation that Book II will be found between Books I and III…. it is shown by his life that he believes what he is trying to doubt.” Just as surely as the scholastics fell under the Spell of Plato, so modern economists may have fallen under the Spell of Hume. The time has come at last to see how both spells may be broken.
PART II

5. Objectivity and Freedom

SUPPOSE there was a philosopher who addressed modern economists in a strange way as follows
Consider the entities that we call ‘firms’. I mean banks, manufacturers, airlines, law partnerships, farms, grocery-stores, and so on. What is common to them all? — Don’t say: “There must be something in common, or they would not be called ‘firms’” — but look and see whether there is anything common to all. — For if you look at them you will not see something that is common to all, but similarities, relationships, and a whole series of them at that. To repeat: don’t think, but look! — Look for example at banks with their multifarious relationships. Now pass to savings and loans associations; here you find many correspondences with the first group, but many common features drop out, and others appear. When we pass next to manufacturers and transporters, much that is common is retained, but much is lost. — Are they all ‘profit-maximizing’? Compare the taxi company with the electricity company. Or is there always a separation of ownership from management? Think of the tailor’s shop at the corner. With corporations there is the buying and selling of shares; but when a farmer is offered a price for his homestead this feature too may have disappeared. Look at the part played by entrepreneurship; and at the difference between the entrepreneurship of a mom-and-pop shop and the entrepreneurship of a firm of lobbyists. Think now of firms like General Motors; here is the element of giant size, but how many other characteristic features have disappeared! And we can go through the many, many other groups of firms in the same way; can see how similarities crop up and disappear.
What should we think of such a strange philosopher? And what answer is to be made to him by the economist?
The philosopher is Ludwig Wittgenstein, and the passage which has been paraphrased here, odd though it may seem, is among the most famous in twentieth century philosophy, from his posthumous work Philosophical Investigations. The problem that can be found to be raised in it is the ancient problem of universals, the problem of the One and the Many, of Unity and Diversity: Must all instances of a general term or concept have anything in common, over and above the fact they are all instances of the same concept? Must all firms have anything in common, over and above the fact they are all firms? Must all red things have anything in common, over and above the fact they are all red things? Certainly we know there to be individual red things like red poppies and red roses and red corpuscles and redheads and Red Square, and we know there to be individual firms like General Motors and Mitsubishi and Kodak and the corner grocery-store. But how is each individual red thing related to the general concept ‘Red’? How are General Motors, Mitsubishi, the corner-store etc. each related to the general concept ‘Firm’? Should we think of red poppies and red corpuscles and redheads as each sharing or partaking of some transcendental property, a universal, called ‘Redness’? Should we think of General Motors and Mitsubishi and the corner-store as each sharing or partaking of some universal called ‘Firmhood’? Would it be because they do that we call a red thing red or a firm a firm?
Interpreting Wittgenstein’s passage in this way, one response that might be made to it would be this: “What you seem to be doing is to test whether there is any property common to all firms. However, as your example suggests, individual firms are actually indefinitely varied — in their goals, constraints, size, type of ownership, operating characteristics, and so on. (Even if they were not indefinitely varied as a matter of fact, we can certainly imagine them being indefinitely varied in principle.) Indeed so much do individual firms vary that, in my opinion, we should not think there to be anything at all in common to all of them, besides of course our arbitrary decision to call them all ‘firms’.” Let us call such a reply the reply of the Nominalist.
But another response to the same passage could go like this: “I agree that what you are trying to suggest is that there is no common property between all the things we call firms. But surely in applying the concept ‘firm’ we must have an objective justification. For instance, while we do and we may apply the concept to General Motors and to Mitsubishi and to the corner-store, we do not and may not apply it just arbitrarily to any old thing at all — such as to my umbrella or to the number 16 or to Harry Truman or to the characters in a Dickens novel. Even when people refer to modern Japan as ‘Japan Inc.’, what they mean is that some analogy can be drawn between the way a firm works and the way political and economic arrangements in Japan seem to work, not that Japan is literally a firm, for that would be absurd since Japan is not a firm but a sovereign nation-state, a parliamentary democracy, a former Axis power, etc., and to call her a firm would be an objective misuse of language. It is likely that a property common to all individual firms does exist, and indeed it seems to me it is precisely because it does exist, whether or not we have been able to identify it, that we are entitled to call all firms ‘firms’, and so distinguish what are firms, such as General Motors and Mitsubishi and the corner-store, from what are not firms, such as Harry Truman or my umbrella or the nation-state of Japan.” Let us call such a reply the reply of the Realist.
The Nominalist stresses the Many — he is the lover of Freedom and Diversity, and the enemy of all Dogmatism and Conformity. He looks and insists that we look at the vast differences there are or can be — between firms, in the uses of words and concepts, across ways of life and culture, in the histories of nations, in the circumstances and personalities of individuals. The Realist worries about the indiscipline and caprice that can result from the exaggeration or corruption of freedom. He recognizes and insists that we recognize the vast areas of commonality there are or can be. We use words and language only because there are objective or “intersubjective” (Popper) ways of speaking and understanding. No matter how diverse individual personalities or circumstances or ways of life may be, the fact is we belong to one species (or one genus etc.), which implies something different from if we had not. The Realist stresses the One; he is the lover of Objectivity and Reason, and the enemy of all Scepticism.
A similar division may be made to obtain with any of a number of other concepts in economics as well — ‘capital’, ‘money’, ‘utility’, ‘competitive market’, ‘unemployment’, ‘development’, ‘mixed economy’, ‘socialist economy’, or any of a hundred others. In each case, the plea of the Nominalist would be that we observe the differences between the individual instances, the plea of the Realist that we respect the similarities. Indeed what should be supposed to be in common between individual economists themselves? From Aaron, Abramovitz and Ackley, through Bagehot, Baran and Bauer, and Cantillon, Cassell and Cournot, all the way to Zeckhauser, Zellner and Zeuthen, what is there in common except that each happens to be listed in a recent bibliographic dictionary of economists? The Nominalist would say “Nothing. Ultimately there is nothing in common to all economists except that we have chosen to call them all economists. That these people happen to be in the dictionary and other people like Picasso or Jesse Owens or Greta Garbo are not is, ultimately, just a matter of arbitrary choice.” The Realist would say “Surely there must be something in common to all economists, otherwise we would not call them economists. We wouldn’t in our right minds consider Picasso, Jesse Owens, or Greta Garbo to be economists, just as we wouldn’t consider Wicksell, Keynes, or Milton Friedman to be famous artists, athletes, or cinema stars. There must be an objective justification to calling someone an economist — it must be that economists are economists because they all believe in Q”; where Q would refer to some criterion like the practice of mathematical modelling, or an attribution of utility-maximization, or an attendance to statistical data, or a concern with the distribution of wealth and income. If someone did not believe in Q, did not fall under a specific definition of this kind, the Realist would be inclined to say such a person was not really an economist at all but something of an imposter or a charlatan who did not rightfully belong in the dictionary. And of course if one man chooses one Q and another chooses another then we may begin to explain how each might think himself to fall under his own definition of economist while it was the other fellow who was the charlatan.
A similar division can be made to obtain upon the larger concept of science itself. The Nominalist would observe the rich and indefinite variety there is in the methods and subject-matter of the individual sciences, and indeed that there can be within any of the individual sciences as well — certainly within physics, chemistry, biology, and engineering but also within mathematics, law, medicine, economics, history, and philosophy itself. Dazzled by all the different colours and the different shades of different colours, the Nominalist would tend to conclude there to be no unifying characteristic between the sciences, nothing except that we have chosen to name them all sciences. The Realist for his part would observe and be impressed by the many points of comparison there are between and within the individual sciences. And being especially concerned to protect the concept of science from being hijacked and employed arbitrarily to just anything at all, the Realist will be in search of the common ingredient which he thinks must be present in each individual science to warrant our calling it a science at all. The Realist will be inclined to say that all scientific statements have this in common — where his this would now refer to something like “hypothetico-deductive methodology”, or the use of mathematics or deductive proof, or the empirical testability or falsifiability of propositions, or knowing the means of verification. The Realist searches for the criterion or set of criteria which he believes to be necessary to demarcate science from non-science (Popper), public knowledge from private opinion. And again, if one man chooses one criterion to demarcate science from non-science and another chooses another and contrary criterion, we can imagine the merry possibility of how each might think himself to fall under his own definition of scientist while really it is the other fellow who is the charlatan and the fraud.
Parallel to this kind of a division between Nominalism and Realism in the theory of existence occurs the division between Scepticism and Dogmatism in the theory of knowledge which we have met with in previous chapters. A Nominalist in ontology is likely also to be a Sceptic in epistemology, and a Realist in ontology is likely also to be a Dogmatist in epistemology and vice versa. C. S. Peirce had remarked that two points of contrast between scholastic and modern thought lay in the modern opinions that thought “must begin with universal doubt, whereas scholasticism had never questioned fundamentals” and that “the ultimate test of certainty is to be found in the individual consciousness; whereas scholasticism had relied on the testimony of sages and of the Catholic Church.” The Dogmatist finds there are at least some things which are certainly known. Therefore, he concludes, it must be that we cannot question everything, it must be that there are at least some propositions which should be supposed to be closed to further inquiry and discussion. Thus the medieval schoolmen would have supposed the Christian Scriptures to contain at least some propositions of this sort. Certainly there is scope to reason but it is a scope necessarily limited by the doctrines and dogmas of the faith. It would be precisely against this kind of a barrier being placed on the road of inquiry that the Sceptic protests. And finding there to be no human belief which must be thought of as closed to further question, the Sceptic concludes that it must be we cannot know anything for certain. Each side seems to have a compelling reason in its favour yet to be in direct contradiction of the other. One asks for belief and conviction, the other for doubt and question. The feeling of an antinomy arises because we feel we must choose between them.
It was suggested in Chapter 3 that medieval political thinking was platonistic and absolutist in important respects, and evidence has been given in Chapter 2 that modern economists have adopted the sceptical humean epistemology which may be seen as a reaction to the medieval dogmatism. As Peirce’s remarks make clear, this would not be a new thesis, though it is perhaps something which has not been adequately noticed before by modern economists and it has now been plainly set out. It is also a thesis which amounts to being a generalization, and suffers, as all generalizations must, from a lack of truth in its details, especially in not doing nearly enough justice to the depth and diversity of medieval thought. Yet every generation must be concerned with identifying and correcting the errors of its own time, and the purpose of trying to establish even such a generalized thesis as this has been to correct contemporary errors: to argue that the humean foundations of the modern theory of economic knowledge entail serious difficulties, that it is these and not the is-ought dualism which turn out to be insurmountable, that the broad and long standing consensus on the central question of the relationship between economic knowledge and economic advice, the positive and the normative, cannot be held consistently and deserves to be abandoned.
Nevertheless the reader who may have agreed with the drift of these arguments may wish to ask whether, in an attempt to correct contemporary errors, we shall not be led to commit the errors of an earlier time. Will we become Dogmatists if we renounce Scepticism? Are we forced to choose between Realist and Nominalist, Dogmatist and Sceptic, Plato and Hume? Must we either admit objectivity and reality and knowledge and expertise and common reasoning and commonsense, and suppress diversity and individuality and creativity and freedom and question and criticism; or embrace diversity and individuality and creativity and freedom and question and criticism, and abandon objectivity and reality and knowledge and expertise and common reasoning and commonsense? Can we lead our thinking lives coherently enough without making a choice, or would we find ourselves inevitably being shuttled between the rival parties, one moment in the Nominalist’s camp the next moment in the Realist’s, one moment with the Sceptics the next moment with the Dogmatists? If we decide to abandon Hume, is there no choice but Plato? If we find Plato’s embrace too close and claustrophobic, is there no alternative but to continue to live in doubt with Hume? Are we caught between the Spell of Plato and the Spell of Hume? Is the choice: Either Objectivity or Freedom?

§2. The simple answer that may be offered is that it is not. When objectivity and freedom, knowledge and doubt, have been carefully and adequately characterized, there is no conflict which must arise between them, whether in natural science, mathematics, ethics, history, economics, medicine, law, literature, or any other context of inquiry. There may be good reasons to be a Nominalist and also good reasons to be a Realist and yet better reasons to be neither. There may be good reasons to adopt a sceptical theory of knowledge and also good reasons to adopt a dogmatic theory of knowledge and yet better reasons to adopt neither. A course can be found which will allow us to steer clear of the hazards of Dogmatism on the one side while avoiding the whirlpools of Scepticism on the other.
How we may proceed to chart such a course is by airing and exposing a hidden and questionable assumption which may be being shared by both Nominalist and Realist. Namely, an assumption that for a general term or concept like ‘firm’ or ‘game’ or ‘science’ to be objectively employed, there must also correspond some sort of object. Just as alcohol is common to whiskey and beer and gin, so some common ingredient must be present in General Motors and Mitsubishi and the corner grocery-store in order to make them all firms. If such an assumption does happen to be at the source of the division between Nominalist and Realist, we might readily explain how it is that each seems plausible in part yet neither seems satisfactory as a whole. The Nominalist finds he cannot distill out any single common ingredient from all the particular instances of firms that there are or can be. But because he may be committed to an assumption that such an ingredient is necessary for the concept ‘firm’ to be objectively employed, he concludes it cannot be objectively employed. The Realist is certain the concept ‘firm’ can be objectively employed, and very certain it should not be arbitrarily employed, but because he too may be committed to the same assumption, he concludes there must be a common ingredient, a common “essence” which every particular firm must share, prompting him to make a search for it or merely declare his faith in it being “there”, somewhere, “out there”.
Wittgenstein in his later works (as well as others before and after him such as H. A. Price) may be understood to have offered a suggestion that to make this kind of dualism between Nominalism and Realism is ultimately mistaken and misleading. After careful and detailed examination of a variety of the individual entities or institutions or activities which fall under a general concept like ‘firm’ or ‘game’ or ‘competitive market’ or ‘mixed economy’ or ‘economist’ or ‘science’, it may well be that we shall wish to make an entry in our notebooks of the following sort: “We see a complicated network of similarities overlapping and criss-crossing: sometimes overall similarities, sometimes similarities in detail. I can think of no better expression to characterize these similarities than ‘family resemblances’; for the various resemblances between members of a family: build, features, colour of eyes, gait, temperament etc. etc. overlap and criss-cross in the same way.” An alternative to a common ingredient model of the structure of concepts would be a family resemblances model, and an example constructed by Bambrough may easily illustrate its working. Suppose there to be five objects, A, B, C, D, E, each of which has four out of five possible properties, a, b, c, d, e. A pattern may be produced like
object A B C D E
properties bcde acde abde abce abcd
in which each object would evidently share 75% of its properties with every other yet there would no single property or set of properties common to all the objects. “But if someone wished to say: ‘There is something in common to all these constructions — namely the disjunction of all their common properties’ — I should reply: Now you are playing with words. One might as well say: ‘Something runs through the whole thread — namely the continuous overlapping of those fibres.”
Many concepts, perhaps even most concepts, may be family resemblance concepts, their instances constituting “a ‘family’ of diverse things bundled together by virtue of shifting similarities”. While there may be no single or constant similarity between all the individual instances of firms or games or economists or sciences or competitive markets or mixed economies, there may be diverse and shifting similarities between the different instances. It is these shifting similarities which can provide an adequate justification for supposing the different instances to fall under the same concept; while the recognition that there is no need for them to be anything but shifting in kind would equally justify not making a search for some mysterious essence which must be common to the individual instances. (We might even “throw away the ladder” after we have climbed with it — for armed with such a model of the structure of concepts, we might even take Nominalism and Realism as family resemblance concepts themselves!)
A parallel observation is suggested about the division between Sceptic and Dogmatist, and a parallel resolution may be offered as well. Perhaps there too the problem occurs because the Sceptic and the Dogmatist have been united in sharing a hidden and questionable assumption, viz., that if knowledge is to be considered objective, it must also be considered absolute, not admitting any error or exception. The Sceptic correctly sees error to be possible, indeed error to be ubiquitous, and so an absolute or exceptionless knowledge to be impossible; from which he mistakenly concludes objective knowledge to be impossible. The Dogmatist correctly sees many things indeed to be known, but mistakes the character of what is known or at least some of what is known as incorrigible and unexceptionable, and goes on to deny error and exception to be possible. An equal and opposite error would be to confound the notion of something being personal or subjective with respect to an individual and the notion of something being relative to a given individual case or context or circumstance. That something can be true or right in a given case, context, or circumstance does not imply it must be true or right in all cases or contexts or circumstances. Nor does it have to mean that such knowledge must have been derived by applying an absolute and unexceptionable law or theory to a particular case. What may be true or right simply may be true or right relative to the particular case or context or circumstance, while the fact it is relative to the case or circumstance would not imply that it is a matter of subjective choice whether it is true or right.
An example can illustrate. If a child asked us whether Chicago is to the left or the right of New York, we might say that this is an incomplete question with no definite answer. Relative to someone looking north in Washington, Chicago is certainly to the left of New York, while relative to someone looking south in Montreal, it is to the right of New York. In each case, there is an objectively right answer to the question relative to the situation of the observer. And the significant fact would be the situation of the observer, not what his subjective beliefs might happen to be. If a man in Montreal said Chicago was to the left of New York he would be making an objective mistake in the sense that anyone in his situation should be reasonably expected to conclude the opposite. Or consider that while the West is due West and the East is due East of Istanbul, the West is due East and the East is due West — of Honolulu. The Sceptic would take the fact different and conflicting answers are possible to the same question as evidence for the conclusion that it is ultimately arbitrary what we call West or East, or whether Chicago is to the left or right of New York. The Dogmatist would take one or the other answer and conclude it must hold absolutely true everywhere, without possibility of exception or error. The division has been expressed clearly by Bambrough like this: “Both the sceptic and his dogmatist opponent assume that the absoluteness of logical space is necessary for the objectivity of enquiry; that in seeking knowledge and understanding we orient ourselves, if at all, by fixed landmarks whose own positions neither can be nor need to be the subject of investigation. Sceptics become sceptical because they recognise that what they believe to be necessary is nevertheless not possible. Dogmatists become dogmatic because they rebel against the paradoxes of scepticism but still agree with the sceptic on what is necessary for the validity of our knowledge. One party denies the possibility of knowledge because it sees that logical space is relative and the other denies that logical space is relative because it sees that knowledge is possible.” Both Sceptic and Dogmatist may be seen as united in their belief as to what will be allowed to count as knowledge — in what must be supposed to be the appropriate model of the justification of knowledge. In answering the question “How do we know this?” both may be assuming that we have to deduce our answer from some previous and more general law, rule, or theory; the answers we seek or arrive at must always be a particular application or exemplification of some more general thesis. (Wittgenstein wrote of a “craving for generality” and a “contemptuous attitude towards the particular case”.) The Sceptic becomes sceptical because he finds the process of deduction to be one without end. Deduction cannot be done without a remainder of unproven premises — a conclusion is deduced from a set of premises, each of which is the conclusion of other sets of premises, each member of which is the conclusion of yet other sets of premises, and so on. For every proposition there seems to be a genealogical tree consisting of all the lines from which the proposition deductively descends. The fact these lines can be indefinitely extended to unknown reaches leads the Sceptic to think the pedigree of every proposition to be questionable, that every argument ultimately must be inconclusive, that there really can be no such thing as certain knowledge. The Dogmatist shares the same kind of idea that the only justification of knowledge is a deductive justification, and also observing the same kind of threat of infinite regress in argument, decides to call a halt at some or other point; the precise point where to halt either being determined ex cathedra (the medieval schoolmen) or being chosen arbitrarily (the humean economist!). At such a point the Dogmatist is ready to stand and fight, and of course if different people choose different and contrary points, we may expect some mighty rows indeed to develop between rival dogmas. Indeed it is possible that economists who have subscribed to the received theory of knowledge have been both sceptical about the possibility of moral knowledge and dogmatic about the existence of supreme unquestionable normative primes and principles. The widespread adoption of moral scepticism may be itself a relevant fact in explaining how it is that numerous divisions of opinion have been so persistent in modern economics, whether with respect to the methods or the substance of inquiry in the subject. Thus it is possible to find eminent economists being in deep and seemingly irreconcilable conflict with one another on questions of method or theory or evidence or policy, being members or even founders of rival schools of thought, yet being completely agreed that the logical status of economic advice is equivalent ultimately to that of personal bias or prejudice. As Peirce remarked: “When society is broken into bands, now warring, now allied, now for a time subordinated one to another, man loses his conceptions of truth and of reason. If he sees one man assert what another denies, he will, if he is concerned, choose his side and set to work by all means in his power to silence his adversaries. The truth for him is that for which he fights.”

§3. It is possible that this parallelism between the Nominalist/Realist divide in the theory of existence and the Sceptic/Dogmatist divide in the theory of knowledge is not accidental. There is a possible connection which goes back to Plato. For it was part of Plato’s thinking that the things we find in the world are merely distorted and defective versions of ideal entities not actually given to human experience. In mathematics for example, a platonist would say that the dot we make on a piece of paper and call “a point” is but a defective image of the ideal point which has no parts or magnitude; the chalk mark on the blackboard which we call “a line” is but a defective version of the ideal line which has no breadth or width, and so on. It is these kinds of ideal points, lines, planes, etc. which are the true objects of mathematics; while they do not have location in the world in which we live that does not mean they are any less real. Rather mathematical objects should be thought of as inhabiting a kind of transcendental universe, a domain not directly observable yet which is reachable through the reasonings of the mathematician and philosopher, whose task it would be to discover and chart this unobservable terrain much as the geographer and astronomer discover and chart the observable earth and universe in which we live. As the English mathematician G. H. Hardy put it: “For me, and I suppose for most mathematicians, there is another reality, which I will call ‘mathematical reality’; and there is no sort of agreement about the nature of mathematical reality among either mathematicians or philosophers. Some hold that it is ‘mental’ and that in some sense we construct it, others that it is outside and independent of us…. I believe that mathematical reality lies outside us, that our function is to discover and observe it, and that the theorems which we prove, and which we describe grandiloquently as our ‘creations’, are simply notes of our observations.” Professor Michael Dummett has put it recently like this: “[Platonism is] the thesis that there really do exist such structures of abstract objects, and that we are capable of apprehending them by a faculty of intuition which is to abstract entities as our powers of perception are to physical objects.”
And ideal mathematical objects need not be the only inhabitants of Plato’s heaven. So could be ideal men and ideal women, ideal marriages and ideal families, ideal languages and ideal cultures, ideal economic agents trading at ideal prices in ideal markets, ideal societies and ideal polities. In fact there is some evidence to think modern economic theorists may have subscribed to such a view. For example, Professor Arrow remarked in his Nobel Lecture: “In my own thinking, the model of general equilibrium under uncertainty is as much a normative ideal as an empirical description. It is the way the actual world differs from the criteria of the model which suggests social policy to improve the efficiency with which risk bearing is allocated.” And Professor Hahn in his Political Economy Lecture at Harvard University and elsewhere has argued that the model of general equilibrium “serves a function similar to that which an ideal and perfectly healthy body might serve a clinical diagnostician when he looks at an actual body”, that even though the model “is known to conflict with the facts” and “is not a description of an actual economy” it nevertheless tells us “what the world would have to look like” if a neoclassical view of the economy is to be considered plausible. What is it possible to understand Arrow and Hahn to mean by such remarks except to be endorsing a platonist ontology? If so, it would of course sit oddly with their subjectivism elsewhere; we shall return to these matters in Chapters 9 and 10.
The platonist seeks to mentally grasp the ideal entities by his “mind’s hand” as it were, to use a phrase of Professor Morton White . And once he believes himself to have done so, the expression of his understanding would amount to being not only an expression of objective knowledge but an expression of absolute knowledge as well — something which is necessarily free of error or exception since it would have been the ideal which had been understood and expressed. The Realist becomes the Dogmatist. The Nominalist for his part wants nothing whatever to do with tales of airy fairy entities in transcendental heavens. As Professor W. V. O. Quine might have put it, what needs to be done instead is to make a clean shave of Plato’s Beard with Occam’s Razor. But in rejecting a picture of transcendental entities and the theory of absolute knowledge that goes with it, if the Nominalist cuts too thickly, he ends up rejecting the possibility of objective knowledge as well; the Nominalist becomes the Sceptic.
The theory of knowledge suggested by the writings of Peirce and Wittgenstein independently, suggests a third route. Reject Plato’s theory of a transcendental universe, as being unnecessary to the resolution of any question in the theory of knowledge. With it therefore is rejected the idea that to know something certainly and objectively we must have deduced it from some absolute and general law, theory, rule or principle; that when we say we know something we must be in fact expressing the discovery of some ideal transcendental “form”. Gone at once would be the possibility of an error-free and exceptionless knowledge which forms the basis of the Dogmatist’s dogmatism. Error and folly are ubiquitous: Let freedom ring! At the same time, once we unshackle ourselves from the cramped idea that every claim to genuine knowledge must be deduced from some previous and higher claim to knowledge and ultimately from some set of unquestionable supreme principles or axioms, we may reject Hume just as decisively as we reject Plato. The antidote to Hume’s debilitating and self-contradictory scepticism is commonsense. — We know some things are true and other things are false, we know some things to be right and other things to be wrong. And we can know these things without having to be haunted by an idea that we do not truly know them unless we have deduced them from some “higher” or more general proposition. The general rule or principle or theory may serve perfectly well as the unquestioned premise of one argument only to be the questionable conclusion of another. The inductive and the deductive may alternate in the activity of reasoning, as we proceed from one set of particular cases and questions to another set of particular cases and questions via as many general rules, principles, and theories that we need. As John Wisdom put it: “Examples are the final food of thought. Principles and laws may serve us well. They can help us to bring to bear on what is now in question what is not now in question. They help us to connect one thing with another and another and another. But at the bar of reason, always the final appeal is to cases.”
Furthermore, there may be a third and alternative mode of reasoning too, namely, reasoning by analogy. When faced with a question to which we do not have an answer, what may be required of us may involve neither induction nor deduction but comparison and contrast. The most reasonable way to proceed in a given situation may be to take the question at hand to which we do not presently have an answer and compare and contrast it with questions on either side of it to which we do have true or right answers. Here is a question L to which we do not presently have an answer. But we do know the answer to a question K which is close to L on one side, as well as the answer to another question M which is close to L on the other side. Now our question is, is L more like K or more like M? The reader may agree that that is how much reasoning does in fact proceed — in mathematics as much as in medicine, in science as much as in literature, in engineering as much as in ethics. It may turn out that on a particular question L the present state of our knowledge happens to be so poor that we require an answer not only to K but also to I, H, G, F, E, on the one side of it, as well as an answer not only to M but also to N, O, P, Q, R, on the other side of it, as well as perhaps to questions above and below and all around it. Will that mean our project is hopeless or that common reasoning can be of no avail in answering L? Not at all — it would only mean there is that much work to be done. For inquiry to be inchoate does not have to be cause for despair.
This kind of a notion that in the actual process of inquiry we always do start somewhere, and indeed that that is the only place to start, is to be found being expressed in the writings of Peirce: “We cannot begin with complete doubt. We must begin with all the prejudices which we actually have when we enter upon the study of philosophy. These prejudices are not to be dispelled by (the Cartesian maxim that philosophy must begin with universal doubt) for they are things which it does not occur to us can be questioned. Hence this initial skepticism will be a mere self-deception, and not real doubt; and no one who follows the Cartesian method will ever be satisfied until he has formally recovered all those beliefs which in form he has given up…. A person may, it is true, in the course of his studies, find reason to doubt what he began by believing; but in that case he doubts because he has a positive reason for it, and not on account of the Cartesian maxim. Let us not pretend to doubt in philosophy what we do not doubt in our hearts.” Then again: “Philosophers of very diverse stripes propose that philosophy shall take its start from one or another state of mind in which no man, least of all the beginner in philosophy, actually is. One proposes that you shall begin by doubting everything, and says that there is only one thing that you cannot doubt, as if doubting were ‘as easy as lying’. Another proposes that we should begin by observing ‘the first impressions of sense’, forgetting that our very precepts are the results of cognitive elaboration. But in truth, there is but one state of mind from which you can ‘set out’, namely, the very state of mind in which you actually find yourself at the time you do ‘set out’ — a state in which you are laden with an immense mass of cognition already formed, of which you cannot divest yourself if you would; and who knows whether, if you could, you would not have made all knowledge impossible to yourself? Do you call it doubting to write down on a piece of paper that you doubt? If so, doubt has nothing to do with any serious business.” A remarkable resemblance to this line of thought is to be found in the later writing of Wittgenstein: “If you tried to doubt everything you would not get as far as doubting anything. The game of doubting itself presupposes certainty.”
No theory of knowledge can compel us to think of the activity of reasoning to be starting all of a sudden out of nothing and nowhere, nor are we obliged to suppose it must have any necessary end. We always start somewhere — there are always cases to which we do have answers with which to compare and contrast the particular case presently in question. And there are always unexamined cases and unasked questions remaining, which we may bring to test the validity and soundness of any general law or theory or definition or principle in which we may have come to believe on the basis of the known and settled cases. Thus reasoning can be thought of as a certain and objective activity without having to be thought of as an exhaustive activity. Argument can be potentially endless, but it is not thereby inconclusive. It is conclusive, but it is not thereby absolute or final. There need not be either any canonical points from which we have to begin our reasonings, or any ultimate destination at which we have to stop. Reasoning can be objective without being thought of as having to have either an absolute beginning or an absolute end. We can be objective without being platonist, we can admit a rich and indefinite variety and diversity without being subjectivist.
In the next chapter this line of argument is continued in more detail and concluded.

6. Expertise and Democracy

In this chapter we shall consider in more detail the thesis introduced in the last, with the intent of together providing the main outlines of a theory of economic knowledge with which to replace the received humean theory.

§2. Our first task is to try to provide a more formal refutation of scepticism, i.e., to formally prove the existence of knowledge, a task which is in fact quite readily accomplished.
We have noted in previous chapters the important difference between the question of whether it is possible for an objective answer to be given to a question, and the question of whether someone should be thought of as possessing such an answer and how we are supposed to identify him or her. The question of whether there can be any expertise about a given matter is independent of (and prior to) the question of who if anyone should be thought of as an expert about it. Scepticism, considered technically as a thesis in the theory of knowledge, needs to be concerned with the former question alone; the consistent and universal sceptic being someone who takes each and every concept like ‘scientific knowledge’, ‘historical knowledge’, ‘moral knowledge’, ‘mathematical knowledge’, ‘probable knowledge’, ‘economic knowledge’ etc. and argues it to be empty, devoid of content, ultimately extending to no instances, in the way concepts like ‘unicorn’ or ‘reigning Czar of Russia’ would be said to have no instances. Equally a refutation of scepticism may proceed as a logical exercise as well, amounting to showing the existence of just one instance of knowledge. And to argue the possible existence of knowledge in this way would not be to commit oneself to any claim of knowing who should be thought of as an expert or indeed to any claim of knowledge for oneself. The heated political problem of who is supposed to be an expert and how we are supposed to identify him or her deserves to be kept separate from the cooler logical problem of whether there can be any knowledge on a question in the first place.
It is in such a light that we may view the proof of the existence of an external world given by the English philosopher G. E. Moore. Moore raised his hands one at a time before the British Academy and declared to the effect “Here is one hand and here is another. Therefore we know there are at least two objects in the external world.” Or Moore might have taken a pencil from his pocket and said: “Here is a pen; therefore we know there to be a world outside our minds.” The sceptic who protested that Moore was holding a pencil and not a pen would have helped Moore to prove his point, in that an attempt to deny Moore was holding an object in his hand could not be more certain than Moore’s claim itself. A single such example may suffice to show the concept ‘knowledge of the external world’ to be not empty and scepticism of the senses to be false and misleading. Moore wanted to show that we can and we do know some things for certain, and that we know them neither by induction or deduction necessarily, nor by fiat or dogma or mysticism, but simply by commonsense. Furthermore, if a theory of knowledge came to imply we did not know such things to be true when we did know them to be true then it was likely that it was the theory and not commonsense which was in error. Thus Moore declared that he most definitely knew that there was a living human body which was his body; that this body had been born at a certain time in the past and had existed continuously since then though not without changes; that it had come into contact with and been at various distances from many other things also having shape and size in three dimensions; that the earth had existed for many years before he had been born; that his body had been always in contact with or not far from the surface of the earth, and so on. Moore said that not only did he know these things to be certainly true, but that all of us know such things to be certainly true as well. In short, the problem of proving the existence of knowledge of an external world had a simple and yet rigorous solution.
An analogous proof of the existence of moral knowledge has been given recently by Bambrough by way of the following example: “We know that this child, who is about to undergo what would otherwise be painful surgery, should be given an anaesthetic before the operation. Therefore, we know at least one moral proposition to be true.” Bambrough claims there can be no argument to refute this proposition which does not accept the logical existence of moral knowledge. For suppose we tried to disagree on whether the child should be given the anaesthetic; there might be any of a number of grounds for doing so — such as the parents forbidding it, or because it went against the religion of the child and the child refused it, or because it was wartime and there was a shortage of anaesthetic and the child needed only a stitch on the hand when there were more serious cases needing the same scarce anaesthetic, or because the child was a premature and underweight newborn and there was danger it would not survive an operation under anaesthetic, and so on. That is, because there were other values besides that of avoiding unnecessary pain which were considered relevant to the problem at hand. We would have entered into a substantive moral debate with Bambrough, and pari passu we would have implied that whether it was he who was right to say the child should be given the anaesthetic or we who were right to say the child should not be given the anaesthetic, there was a right answer to the question whether the child should or should not be given the anaesthetic in the circumstances. A logical thesis of the objectivity of moral knowledge needs to establish only that there is, in principle, a right answer to every question as to what ought to be done. And this can be maintained without having to make any claim of either having the answer oneself, or knowing with whom it lies, or even knowing whether the answer has been in fact found. All substantive normative argumentation might be seen to take place within, as it were, this kind of logical space and would presuppose its existence. Likewise it may be said that there is to every question, once it has been appropriately characterized, a true answer whether or not we happen to have found it. “If a question can be framed at all, it is also possible to answer it.”
An analogous proof can be and needs to be given of the existence of objective knowledge in economics. And just as Moore did not refer to relatively complex physical propositions such as whether the universe is or is not expanding, nor Bambrough to relatively complex moral propositions such as whether abortion is or is not justifiable in some cases, so too we do not have to refer to relatively complex propositions in economics such as = (X’X)-1 X’y ; or that if Uh is a continuous utility function from a non-empty compact subspace Bh of Xh to the real line then Uh(Xh) has a maximum; or that with identical consumer preferences and production techniques a difference in factor endowments between countries is sufficient to explain the existence and direction of trade, with a country tending to export those goods which used relatively intensively the relatively abundant factor, and factor prices tending to equalize across countries. Just as very simple and uncomplicated propositions are sufficient to prove the existence of objective knowledge in physics or ethics, so only very simple and uncomplicated propositions are sufficient to prove the existence of objective knowledge in economics. For example: “In any human society which is not tribal or nomadic, there will be households concerned with the terms at which they are able to trade some of what they own for some of what they want, and this may well be true of tribal and nomadic societies as well. Therefore, we know at least one proposition in economics to be certainly true.” This would be a weak substantive claim, which can be made even weaker if in place of a generalization we merely point to this particular person who happens to be concerned with the terms of trade and declare: “Here is a person who happens to be concerned with the terms at which he can trade what he has for what he wants; therefore, we know at least one proposition in economics to be certainly true.” Or perhaps weaker still: “Here is a London taxi driver who knows how to get his passengers from King’s Cross to Knightsbridge; therefore, we know at least one proposition in economics to be certainly true.” The sceptic who tried to deny any of these as examples (albeit simple examples) of economic knowledge will have to bring to bear reasoning and evidence; will have to refer to propositions which he would say are true of economics — for instance, that this person in particular or people in general are not really concerned with the terms of trade or that the taxi driver does not really know his roads and intersections. Like Moore’s sceptic of the senses or Bambrough’s moral sceptic, the sceptic of economics would help us to prove our point, namely, that there exists a right answer to the substantive question to which he and we were giving different answers — as well as to every other substantive question, once it has been adequately characterized, which happens to have divided economists, whether or not its answer has been actually found. Once again to maintain that there can be objective knowledge in economics — that is, certain and definite answers known to be true about substantive questions in an economic context — would not commit us to any claim of knowing with whom such knowledge lies or even to claiming any such knowledge for ourselves. The cool logical question may be answered affirmatively that there is objective knowledge and expertise in economics without commitment to any answer to the heated political question of knowing who should be thought of as an expert on a given economic matter.
What may be indicated by this line of argument is the self-refutation that seems to be inherent in the sceptical position. As Frege remarked: “If anyone tried to contradict the statement that what is true is true independently of our recognizing it as such, he would by his very assertion contradict what he had asserted; he would be in a similar position to the Cretan who said that all Cretans are liars. To elaborate: if something were true only for him who held it to be true, there would be no contradiction between the opinions of different people. So to be consistent, any person holding this view would have no right whatsoever to contradict the opposite view.” It is also the requirement of Socrates that to be engaged in rational thought or action what one may not do is contradict oneself: “And yet I think it better…. that the majority of mankind should disagree with and oppose me, rather than I, who am but one man, should… contradict myself.” I, who am but one man, carry myself within as a partner, so to speak, and my thinking consists of the silent conversation in which we engage. If I find nothing uncomfortable in being inconsistent in my thought, I am at odds with myself and perhaps may not be said to be engaged in thinking at all. Likewise I would not be saying what I meant if my words contradicted my thoughts, and I would not be doing what I said if my actions contradicted my words.

§3. Now it is the political question of course of who should be thought of as having knowledge, who should be thought of as being an expert, which leads everywhere to the most and the merriest discussion. As we have seen in Chapter 3, a moral scepticism may have been found appealing by economists because it has been believed to be a doctrine which protects both the individual and the integrity of science from dogmatic claims that knowledge and expertise derive necessarily and absolutely out of unique or special sources. Plato may be considered responsible for this, if only indirectly through the misunderstandings and corruptions of his philosophy which have occurred from medieval times onwards. Plato was no friend of the democracy of his time, and dreaded the rise of the charlatan to high office who might proceed in caprice and folly to ruin public institutions and bring about civil chaos and misery. In the parable of the ship of state, which is overrun by a mob of sailors who then constantly try to fight one another for its control, the warning is issued of how mob rule can lead inevitably to the adulation of fraud and the condemnation of knowledge and justice. And certainly if we grant it to be possible that power and authority will fail to coincide with competence and virtue and instead coincide with ignorance and vice, we would be agreeing in some measure with this lesson in Republic. Plato’s solution was to propose the coincidence of competence and virtue with power and authority, either by suitably re-educating those already in office or by replacing them with those already educated in the arts and sciences requisite of statesmanship.
With the first part of such a solution, the modern democrat will have no dispute. In the modern theory of economic policy advanced by Professor Tinbergen and his followers for example, the maker of economic policy is imagined as someone representing the democratic political process, who, while setting the weights to be given to the variables in the social objective function to reflect the popular choice, also elicits expert advice on the best means to achieve these desired ends. The expert economist is imagined as someone specifying the constraints, doing the calculations and recommending how the intended “targets” can be most expeditiously reached given the “instruments” at hand. The modern theory differs from Plato’s in saying the democratic choice deserves respect, and that it is not the place of the expert to gratuitously debate it; but the modern democrat would be fully and rightly in agreement with Plato that the policies of a state deserve to be as well advised and well informed, as judicious and as prudent as they can be made.
Even some of the second part of Plato’s solution need not be disputed by the modern democrat. For the notion that an incompetent or corrupt government deserves to be replaced by one expected to do better is after all a principal reason for holding elections in modern democracies (“throw the rascals out”). What will be disputed by the democrat is Plato’s view that genuine knowledge and wisdom ultimately cannot be the property of any more than a few people, specifically a closed and identifiable set of philosopher-kings. We have seen in the previous chapter a possible connection between Plato’s theory of knowledge and his ontology or theory of existence; now we may add that Plato’s political philosophy too may be connected to his ontology. For it is only the genuine lover of wisdom, the true philosopher, who is supposed to have access through his pure reasonings to the transcendental domain of ideal “forms”, and thus come to possess what amounts to not just objective knowledge but absolute and infallible knowledge as well. Hence if knowledge and authority are to be made to coincide in the interest of good statesmanship, it is such a person and only such a person in whom they should be united. We have seen that we can sever Plato’s link between the possibility of objective knowledge and his ontological idea of the existence of a transcendental domain; likewise a democratic political theory might sever the link between the existence of political wisdom and Plato’s idea that such wisdom must be the ultimate property of only a few. It seems likely that Plato misconstrued the character of knowledge in this respect, and especially the task the scholar and scientist have of elucidating it. Yet it is possible to preserve the merits of his thought even while we reject its mistakes.
For what would there be to prevent us from characterizing the concept of knowledge fully and thoroughly as a family resemblance concept — as a concept of indefinite variety of kind and instance? As something which is the ultimate property neither of the one or the few as the platonist tells us, nor of no one at all as the humean tells us, but rather of everyone — precisely as the democrat tells us? In the previous chapter it was proposed that the activity of reasoning need not be conceived of so narrowly as to require deduction and induction alone as its methods; it can and often does require and involve a third method as well which is the method of analogy, i.e., the comparison and contrast of a question to which we do not presently have an answer with questions on all sides of it to which we do have answers. The expert answer is merely the correct answer, the most reasonable and most justifiable answer. When Plato has Socrates asking questions like “Who would you go to for advice in medicine or carpentry or shipbuilding?” the most natural answers are the ones given by Socrates’s respondents “Why to the doctor and the carpenter and the shipbuilder of course!” We expect the doctor’s answer to a medical question to be better than our own because we expect the doctor to have encountered many similar cases before in his training and practice; in other words, to have had experience of a larger stock of similar cases, drawing upon which he is expected to come more quickly and more surely than we would to the right answer to the question at hand. Learning from experience in any context, whether removing an appendix or piloting an aircraft or driving an automobile or tailoring clothes or running a household or a business, involves facing and resolving an indefinite number of similar cases. We call someone an expert about something relative to his or her stock of experience, and the novice or apprentice or student may be the expert relative to the complete layman. Understood in this way, everyone may be thought of as in fact having some experience, some expertise, some knowledge. — And then, if we are all specialists at some things, we must be laymen at everything else. Knowledge and expertise, as well as the power of reason as the means of their acquisition, may be relative and not absolute quantitites, possessed in some measure by all and in complete measure by none. (And it is this perhaps, we might say with Kant, that accords to every individual, to every rational being, a certain dignity. )

§4. A line of argument of this sort may be developed further in two aspects, with more specific reference first to knowledge of a public and scientific kind, and secondly, to the private knowledge of the individual agent.
Not everyone who may want to know the answer to a given question may be able to answer it correctly or have access to the correct answer. “The ionic addition to unsymmetrical alkenes proceeds in such a way that the more positive part of the reagent attaches itself to the least substituted carbon atom of the double bond” is not something self-evident to everyone, yet it is as a matter of fact something quite elementary to the student of organic chemistry, who refers to it as “Markofnikoff’s Rule” and knows it to be true under particular conditions, predicting for example that hydrochloric acid reacts with ethanol to give ethyl chloride and water. But why should the non-chemist be obliged to accept it? If the chemist tells us we must do so merely because all chemists happen to accept it, we may tell him he is making an ex cathedra claim and begging the question, since what we wish to know is from where the community of chemists itself derives its authority. Indeed the distinction we have made between the logical question of the existence of knowledge and the political question of who is supposed to have knowledge, makes it evident that even if every scientist or expert or a whole community itself took something to be true or right, that would not by itself make it true or right. For it is clearly possible to imagine a world in which all those who were called scientists or experts about a given matter happened to be inadvertently or deliberately spinning myths and falsehoods; to be engaged in self-deception and deception on a vast scale; e.g. Lysenkoism or Nazi genetics — but there are many less obvious examples too. (At once the claim of Mark Blaug reported in Chapter 2 is seen to be untenable. Blaug says “methodological” judgements can be and have to be made objectively in science but similar objectivity is not possible about “ethical views about the desirability of certain kinds of behaviour and certain social outcomes.” But let a community unanimously have as its “ethical view” one which entails deception or self-deception on scientific matters, and Blaug’s position becomes helpless.) Rather it is precisely because it is possible for even a unanimous group of experts to be wrong that we have a reason, an objective reason, why freedom deserves to be valued. As J. S. Mill put it: “If all mankind minus one were of one opinion and only one person of the contrary opinion, mankind would be no more justified in silencing that one person, than he, if he had the power would be justified in silencing mankind. Were an opinion a personal possession of no value except to the owner; if to be obstructed in the enjoyment of it were simply a private injury, it would make some difference whether the injury was inflicted on a few persons or on many. But the peculiar evil of silencing an opinion is that it is robbing the human race; posterity as well as the existing generation; those who dissent from the opinion still more than those who hold it. If the opinion is right they are deprived of the opportunity of exchanging error for truth; if wrong, they lose what is almost as great a benefit, the clearer perception and livelier impression of the truth, produced by its collision with error.” Where there is no freedom to ask what is the case, there may be answers but there will not be justifiable answers as to what the case is. In other words: freedom is necessary for objectivity. Just as Mill was clear that what is important is not only the formal presence of the freedom of dissent and criticism but its active exercise, so Karl Popper in more recent times has urged scientists to actively and continually try to refute their own and others’ conjectures about the world. It is only when we engage in conversation, in critical argument and discussion, in inquiry, whether within ourselves or with one another, that we are able to find out whether our beliefs are true or false, right or wrong, justifiable or unjustifiable, sound or unsound. If we are prevented by force or dissimulation from engaging one another in conversation, all we would be left with is the private reasoning in our own minds, as Orwell’s hero found in 1984: “The Party told you to reject the evidence of your eyes and ears. It was their final, most essential command. His heart sank as he thought of the enormous power arrayed against him, the ease with which any Party intellectual would overthrow him in debate, the subtle arguments which he would not be able to understand, much less answer. And yet he was right! They were wrong and he was right. The obvious, the silly and the true had got to be defended. Truisms are true, hold on to that! The solid world exists, its laws do not change. Stones are hard, water is wet, objects unsupported fall towards the earth’s centre. With the feeling that he was speaking to O’Brien, and also that he was setting forth an important axiom, he wrote: ‘Freedom is the freedom to say two plus two make four. If that is granted, all else follows.” (Also Solzhenitsyn: “Fastenko, on the other hand, was the most cheerful person in the cell, even though, in view of his age, he was the only one who could not count on surviving and returning to freedom. Flinging an arm around my shoulders, he would say: To stand up for truth is nothing! For truth you have to sit in jail!”)
When the authority of a scientific or scholarly or expert community is brought to bear in answering some question, it may be understood merely as a short hand way of saying the result happens to be the best that common reasoning under conditions of freedom has thus far been able to achieve. If we say Markofnikoff’s Rule is true because the community of organic chemists says it is or β^ = (X’X)-1 X’y is true because the community of econometricians says it is, we would mean that so far as is known by anyone who has inquired into the truth of these propositions, they happen to be true under given conditions. If the layman wishes to challenge them, the route remains open for examination and discussion. If the route comes to be closed by force or dissimulation, the layman correspondingly is not obliged to accept as genuine what is being claimed as expert knowledge, and the writ of the experts cannot be said to run; while if it is open for anyone to examine the gamut of reasoning and evidence from common ground right up to the question at hand then we would have another kind of instance in which knowledge may be thought of as objective and yet relative to the situation of the knower. Just as someone in Washington is expected to conclude Chicago to be to the left and not the right of New York, so someone in the position of the econometrician is reasonably expected to conclude β^= (X’X)-1 X’y, and anyone in the position of the chemist is reasonably expected to conclude Markofnikoff’s Rule to be true under given conditions.
With respect to dogmatism directed at the individual, our central notion may continue to be applied that knowledge can be objective and yet its objectivity relative to the situation of the knower. Just as the West is objectively due West relative to Istanbul but objectively due East relative to Honolulu, so it may be said about positive questions that there can be a true answer in every case without it having to be that what is true in one case is also true in another, and likewise about normative questions that there can be a right answer as to what should be done in every case or context circumstance without it having to be that what is right in one case or even right in most cases is also right in every case. Murder is wrong, yet tyrannicide may be an exception (the July 1944 conspiracy against Hitler); slavery is an evil, yet it may have been the lesser evil when ancient victors offered the vanquished slavery or death; the soldier must obey orders, yet mutiny or desertion may prevent what could be worse such as mass murder, and so on. The social proposals of Jefferson or Marx or Keynes might be found strange and irrelevant by the bushmen of the Kalahari or the tribal people of the Amazon not because either the tribesmen or the philosophers are foolish or dogmatic but because the contexts experienced by the one are not the contexts envisaged by the other. “Circumstances objectively alter cases.” It is possible to suppose normative questions may be answered objectively in each carefully described context, while stopping well short of the further and fatal step taken by the dogmatist of supposing such answers to be of an absolute or infallible or unexceptionable kind. We have seen the subjectivist epistemology may have had as its purpose to protect the individual from some or other dogmatic rule when the individual is in fact going to be faced with having to make particular judgements in particular circumstances. Yet this is a purpose which may be better fulfilled, without the inconsistencies of the subjectivist epistemology, within an objectivist theory which nevertheless recognized the diversity, the indefinite diversity, that there can be in individual experiences and circumstances. Indeed an argument in support of the traditional liberal thesis of the freedom of the individual has been that individual knowledge and expertise is precisely of this particular and relative kind, and not of a general or absolute kind. An observation common to a number of liberal thinkers has been that the evidence relevant to the making of individual decisions is most likely to be available to the agents whom they most concern, that the individual normally has a certain kind of privileged access to the data which most concern him. Professor Hayek especially has placed in the foreground of his thinking what he has called the “indisputable intellectual fact which nobody can hope to alter” that there is a “constitutional limitation of man’s knowledge and interests, the fact that he cannot know more than a tiny part of the whole of society and that therefore all that can enter into his motives are the immediate effects which his actions will have in the sphere he knows.” Aristotle, though not a liberal in the modern sense, had made a similar observation long before: “the whole account of matters of conduct must be given in outline and not precisely, as we said at the very beginning that the accounts we demand must be in accordance with the subject matter; matters concerned with conduct and questions of what is good for us have no fixity, any more than matters of health. The general account being of this nature, this account of particular cases is yet more lacking in exactness; for they do not fall under any art or precept but the agents themselves must in each case consider what is appropriate to the occasion, as happens also in the art of medicine or of navigation…. We do not deliberate even about all human affairs; for instance, no Spartan deliberates about the best constitution for the Scythians. For none of these things can be brought about by our own efforts. We deliberate about things that are in our power and can be done.” It is an observation made in modern microeconomics as well. When an assumption of rationality is said to require of the individual economic agent merely “correct calculations and an orderly personality”, it is meant that the agent ranks in a consistent way the alternatives he believes himself to be facing, and that the action taken is the highest ranked alternative given constraints of feasibility. The picture is of someone looking to the particular evidence and deliberating upon it, evaluating the alternatives believed to be faced, and doing what is judged to be the most appropriate in the circumstances. ‘Ought’ certainly follows from ‘is’ in such a model of man, in the straightforward sense that action and conduct follow from observation and thought — Aristotle would have claimed no more in arguing the objectivity of moral knowledge. If this is believed to be the set of alternatives and this the set of constraints and this the ranking then this is the right action, the “optimal” action — that which the agent ought to do. Change the factual ingredients of the individual case, and the right action may well change with it, suggesting again not that there is no such thing as a right action but that what happens to be the right action in one context or set of circumstances may not be so in another. In the theory of general equilibrium too, an economy would be formally defined by the preferences, resources, technologies, expectations, etc. of different economic agents, and it would be taken for granted an individual agent has available knowledge only of his own particular data (“informational privacy”). To account for the fact the individual agent knows only of a small fraction of all the tradeable goods there are, we may have to define the specific partition of goods and skills known to the agent as his particular “information structure”, so all of the agent’s other data would come to be defined only within this small and particular subspace. It then would be said that for the agent to be able to make decisions and act upon them it suffices that he knows in addition only of relative prices, i.e., the terms at which he can make his desired trades.
It is from positive observations of this sort that the normative liberal recommendations followed. For example, it has been from an observation that the individual agent has a “special knowledge of circumstances of the fleeting moment not known to others”, a “knowledge of particular circumstances of time and place”, that Hayek concludes “practically every individual has some advantage over all others because he possesses unique information of which beneficial use might be made, but of which use can be made only if the decisions depending on it are left to him or are made with his active cooperation.” Adam Smith had arrived at a similar conclusion from similar grounds: “What is the species of domestick industry which his capital can employ, and of which the produce is likely to be of the greatest value, every individual, it is evident, can, in his local situation, judge much better than any statesman or lawgiver can do for him.” A correct answer exists to every question. Smith’s question is: Who is likely to know best where an individual’s resources will earn their highest reward? The expert answer is just the correct answer. In Smith’s view, it is the individual himself who is normally the expert, perhaps the unique expert, because evidently it is he in his local situation who is most likely to know where his resources will come to earn their highest reward. In general, the liberal thesis of Adam Smith and J. S. Mill and Hayek and others gave objectivist grounds as to why the individual’s exercise of expertise should be valued and considered to be part of his “protected sphere”; viz., because it is usually the individual himself who knows most about his own ends and means while being ignorant of or indifferent about those of others.
Moreover, that the individual agent normally can be expected to have available to him the particular evidence relevant to his own decisions does not imply that what he actually comes to do is necessarily the right or optimal thing to be done. Nor does this in turn imply that he should be forced to do anything different. We know from ordinary experience that it is possible for our actual behaviour to be capricious, mercurial, myopic, foolhardy, thoughtless, profligate — in short, irrational. A person may even know something ought not to be done or be made a habit of and yet continue out of what Aristotle called akrasia or weakness of the will. Dostoevsky has Marameladov tell us how he is fully aware of the wretch he has become, that the more he drinks the more he feels it, that he is in search of not happiness but continued wretchedness. As the addict himself may be prepared to grant, behaving out of akrasia may no longer to be acting out of free and responsible volition. Of course the economist typically must ignore all this actual diversity in human behaviour and restrict his study for the sake of economy and analytical convenience only to what is purposeful in an economic context. Yet a potential error in the use of the concept of rationality in contemporary economic science would be to assume every human action must be an instance of it, when there is no such necessity and to make such an assumption would be to leave the concept without any force. As Frege said at one place: “It is only in virtue of the possibility of something not being wise that it makes sense to say ‘Solon is wise’. The content of a concept diminishes as its extension increases; if its extension becomes all-embracing, its content must vanish altogether.” If the concept of rationality is made to be all-embracing, its content must vanish altogether.
Furthermore, whether an individual believes what is mistaken or behaves irrationally is a different question from whether he or she should be forced to believe or do any different. This is a difference which has been blurred in the theory of social choice which will be discussed in Chapter 10, where dictatorship is defined as a situation in which one person alone believes x to be better than y and x and not y comes to be imposed on everyone. Certainly dictatorship may imply, among other things, the forced imposition of something over someone else; but in general whether someone should or should not believe or do something is quite a different question from whether he or she should be forced to believe it or do it. Whether it is only one or a few or a minority or a majority or all who happen to believe one alternative to be better than another, that would not by itself make one better than the other nor be a ground for others to be forced to believe the same. Whether a lesser or a greater evil happens to be avoided or a greater or lesser good promoted when a law forces everyone to do or not do something would be a question requiring the fullest possible description of the particular case for its answer; the question of whether something should or should not be done by an individual in a given context or set of circumstances deserves to be kept separate from it.

§5. Thus the Spell of Plato is broken when we recognize the pursuit of knowledge in any context to be a dynamic enterprise which necessarily requires freedom for its success. While we can know and do know many things, everything that we know or will come to know remains open to further inquiry, examination, discussion, and interpretation — open, that is, to fuller and more mature understanding. According to the received theory of economic knowledge, we are to suppose that while some positive considerations may be brought to bear in a normative discussion, a naked subjective conflict can still remain after there has been full and justifiable agreement over the evidence and the analysis. We have been taught to assume that the processes of common reasoning must have a finite limit. Yet even so, it is only supposed to be after all the positive questions have been answered, every relevant piece of evidence discovered, every piece of evidence tested for its relevance, every logical relation established, every detail in the vector of positive considerations (p1, p2,…, pω-2, pω-1) not only agreed upon but justifiably agreed upon; that Hume’s Second Law would declare there to be no further scope for reason, nothing more to be said or done. We have found in our study no grounds for supposing such a limit to be anything but a fiction. Instead we are in position to turn the tables on both sceptic and dogmatist and say to them: Surely there is always something further to be said, some logical argument to be improved, some contrast or comparison yet to be made, some relevant piece of evidence yet to be established. Even when two disputants seem entirely agreed upon all the positive considerations (p1, p2,…,pω-2, pω-1), and seem to be divided only over a sheer normative proposition like nω, surely there still remains pω to be discussed! The Spell of Hume upon modern economists can be finally broken when we see that while normative recommendations in economics or elsewhere may be objectively better or worse depending upon how sound or unsound are the positive arguments given in their support, there are no unquestionable normative recommendations — because there are no unquestionable positive grounds. A set of actions which are the means towards certain ends can be themselves the ends towards which other prior means have to be taken, as Aristotle said. Similarly the ends of certain actions can be the means towards certain others. The rational agent may be capable of deliberating not only as to the means towards certain ends but also as to the reasonableness of the ends themselves. We can accept the sound advice of the humean economist that it is a useful maxim to do these tasks in stages, without having to accept the dogmatic advice of the humean economist that deliberating about ends must sooner or later become dogmatic.

§6. If these should all seem quite simple and straightforward thoughts it will be all the more remarkable that in recent decades there seem to have been but two economists, Sidney Alexander and Amartya Sen, who have come to similar conclusions in their writing. In a very brief and troubled argument, Sen defined a “basic value judgment” as one held by a person “under all conceivable circumstances”. Sen admitted the humean position: only if a person’s judgement was “basic” could it be said to be beyond rational discussion. And then continued: while some judgements could be shown not to be “basic”, no judgement could be shown to be “basic”; there is “no sure-fire test” which can tell us whether the point has arrived where the scope of reasoning is allegedly exhausted. But Sen was ambivalent, and ended weakly with the statement “it seems impossible to rule out the possibility of fruitful scientific discussion on value judgments.” Sidney Alexander advanced the argument clearly and vigorously that if the foundations of economics are to be laid on positivist premises they would be necessarily inadequate. The positivist economist had seemed to shy away from normative discussion without in fact having done so. Indeed the positivist economist could not help not doing so, and besides need not do so, because once the scope of reason in the making of judgements has been properly characterized it is in fact seen to be potentially indefinite.
Many economists who have explicitly subscribed to the received theory of knowledge have nevertheless contradicted it in practice, and thereby stood on firmer epistemological grounds than their own theory would permit them to do. To take just two distinguished examples: when Professor Friedman recommends a monetary authority ought to have a steady and declared k% money supply growth rule, it is because he believes that it is the case that money is neutral outside the short run, that the quantity theory more or less accurately describes the demand for real money balances, that the lags entailed by discretionary policies are likely to thwart the intent of such policies, and so on. And Robbins for many years of his life was closely involved with the making of government policy in Britain, especially having to do with higher education. In such a capacity he would have sought to justify his evaluations on grounds of reasoning and evidence, and hardly would have said that only a free-for-all was ultimately possible over value judgements. There are these grounds on one side of the issue, and these on the other, he might have said, let us try to stand on the firmest possible. The same may be confidently expected to hold for every economist who has ever made a recommendation as to what ought to be done or not done by a government or a committee or a colleague or a student. Evaluations are grounded on reasons, and an evaluation is good or bad, judicious or capricious as the arguments and evidence which go to support it are true or false, reasonable or unreasonable, sound or unsound. Whenever two economists come to give different answers to the same normative question — who are therefore in genuine disagreement and not at cross-purposes — we may be confident they shall be found to be giving different answers to some or other positive question at the same time. When we disagree on whether the highway should be built, or whether there should be a balanced budget amendment, or whether the deficit or the money supply should be expanded, we shall also be found to disagree on whether the benefits expected of the highway will be exceeded by its costs, whether an amendment will hobble the legislature or discipline it, whether a deficit or an expanding money supply is likely to be inflationary or recessionary, and so on. In any actual public discussion, it is very unlikely that any serious economist will want to make use of, or be permitted by others to make use of, what he happens to be permitted to by the received theory of economic knowledge, which would be to foreclose all further discussion at any point he wishes saying “Look I like it and that’s that; if you don’t like it as well you can jump in the lake.”

§7. There is finally to be considered the position of Gunnar Myrdal and Paul Streeten, which has been widely believed to be opposed to the humean theory. In a representative statement Myrdal wrote: “There is no way of studying social reality other than from the viewpoint of human ideals. A ‘disinterested social science’ has never existed and, for logical reasons, cannot exist. The value connotation of our main concepts represents our interest in a matter, gives direction to our thought and significance to our inferences. It poses the questions without which there are no answers. The recognition that our very concepts are value-loaded implies that they cannot be defined except in terms of political valuations.” And Streeten writes: “The strict separation of ‘ought’ from ‘is’, which dominates modern liberal economic theory (and, in different versions, modern philosophy) is not, as it claims to be, morally neutral, nor simply a discovery of philosophical analysis. For no observation or logical analysis can discover that we ought to separate values from facts, or ends from means. No amount of description or deduction can show that we can fully analyze actual political and moral choices without introducing values into our analysis…. The philosophy which denies the logical connection between facts and values and deduces from this denial its own moral neutrality (suppressing a series of necessary unwarranted premises) suits admirably a liberal philosophy of tolerance, in which different political views have an equal right to exist (though it is not explicit whence it derives this claim).”
A sound epistemological premise may be seen here to be leading to an unsound epistemological conclusion. As Myrdal correctly observes, ethics does indeed help to represent our interest in a matter, give direction to our thoughts, significance to our inferences, to pose the questions without which there are no answers. And Streeten correctly hints at the paradoxes resulting from a cramped understanding of the is-ought dualism which have been brought to light in previous chapters. But both Myrdal and Streeten appear to take for granted with the humean economist, whom they think to be their enemy, that normative questions are only subjectively answerable, indeed that the answers to them might as well be equated with the personal interests of the respondent. Combine with this the correct observation of the involvement of values within the activity of reasoning, and we would be led with Myrdal and Streeten to conclude that there is no distinction — not even a working distinction — between facts and values, means and ends; that making such a distinction is merely a guise for the covert advocacy of a liberal economics; more generally, that the “main concepts” used by economists or other students of society must be being driven by the covert political motivations of their users — i.e., by “ideologies”. From trying to establish that some particular economic concepts may have had particular political overtones, Myrdal and Streeten would seem to slide into a position of saying political motivations permeate the study of man and society completely. Where the valid and useful line between the positive and the normative is exaggerated by the humean to be one which is impenetrable and ineradicable, Myrdal and Streeten over-react to erase it completely. The humean theory makes itself unable to judge the ends to which economic expertise is to be put, and so has a perverse if unintended consequence of confounding the economist as independent scholar or adviser with the economist as mercenary — disapproved of less because of the ends to which his special knowledge might be put than because he himself is indifferent as to whether these are foreseeably right or wrong, justifiable or unjustifiable, good or evil; where the humean theory provides respectability to the mercenary, the theory of Myrdal and Streeten may come to have an equally perverse if unintended consequence of providing respectability to the ideologue — solely and supremely concerned with the advancement or imposition of his own ideas. (“Thanks to ideology, the twentieth century was fated to experience evildoing on a scale calculated in the millions.”)
We are entitled to take a view less cramped than that offered by either theory.
First, the objectivity of economic knowledge is independent of the history of our controversies. The fact there may be widespread or even unanimous agreement among economists on a substantive positive or normative proposition does not by itself make the proposition true or right. Equally, the actual presence of deep and long standing substantive disputes between economists on the answers to positive or normative questions does would not constitute grounds for doubting the objectivity of economic inquiry, just as the presence of deep and long standing disputes on mathematical or scientific or medical questions does not constitute grounds for doubting the objectivity of mathematical or scientific or medical inquiry. We may hold certain and objective knowledge to be possible in economics even while we hold there to be no logical end to inquiry in the field.
Secondly, as noted in Chapter 4, it would be a cramped understanding of the is-ought dualism which leads to an absolute separation between the economist qua objective, rational, expert scientist, and the economist qua subjective, irrational, opinionated citizen and propagandist; the former allegedly concerned only with the ‘is’ questions of science, the latter allegedly with the ‘ought’ questions of dogma or prejudice. We have seen this to be, in effect, the same kind of absolute distinction as made in Plato’s theory between the special people of true wisdom and the ignorant populace at large, and that it suffers from the same internal weakness as well, of not being able to specify how such special people are supposed to be identified. Instead, we are entitled to take a view that the expertise of the economist — like that of the doctor, scientist, historian, writer or mathematician — is relative and not absolute in character. Its authority derives from and rests upon the weight of reasons in its support; upon the extent to which it can be made to stand, or has been subject to and has withstood rational criticism. Where force or dissimulation happens to prevent the possibility of criticism, we may not claim authority for our pronouncements, while if we are ourselves party to the prevention of criticism by force or dissimulation, then we lose by the same token our credentials as experts with special knowledge of the question at issue.
Thirdly, the expertise of the economist, like that of the scientist or the doctor, does not ipso facto exempt him from the constraints of ordinary moral reasoning to which everyone else is subject. The fact we are trained within a particular department of enquiry is hardly sufficient license for us to ignore or deny the central moral distinctions between right and wrong, good and evil, which we as rational beings are in general capable of making. Indeed the true/false distinction and the right/wrong distinction may be thought of as running in close parallels within the very activity of reasoning. If something is true then it ought to be believed (normally). Thus Peirce was to regard “Logic as the Ethics of the Intellect”. And Frege was to remark “Logic has a closer affinity with ethics. The property ‘good’ has a significance for the latter analogous to that which the property ‘true’ has for the former.” While Wittgenstein spoke of “the hardness of the logical ‘must’”. “A proof shews us what ought to come out.” “What I am saying comes to this, that mathematics is normative. But ‘norm’ does not mean the same thing as ‘ideal’.”
In sum, our broad strategy has been to show common knowledge to be a sufficient antidote for scepticism, while freedom to be a necessary antidote for dogmatism. We are justified in relying upon our commonsense beliefs in the objectivity of science, yet the history of the progress of science has been a history of the discovery of errors in our beliefs, requiring us to place as much importance upon the ubiquity of error as upon the possibility of knowledge. In turn this shows there to be perfectly objective grounds for valuing freedom, namely, that it is necessary for the progress of our knowledge and understanding and rationality itself, in all the manifold diversity that these concepts may be understood. We are also justified in relying upon our commonsense beliefs that some things are objectively right and others objectively wrong, without having to deduce how we know what is right or wrong in a particular case from some or other allegedly unquestionable, ultimate, moral prime or principle. What may be right or optimal in one case or context or circumstance simply may not be so in another. Furthermore, what we believe to be right in a given context, just as what we might believe to be true, is itself open to question and discussion. Again it is the active exercise of freedom which should be the antidote to dogmatism. The degree of authority resting in a claim of expertise in a given context depends squarely on the weight of reasons in its support and the degree of rational criticism it would be possible for it to successfully withstand. Where freedom is suppressed, whether deliberately or accidentally, whether in a grand or a petty tyranny, and claims to expertise are prevented from being examined for errors with a fine-tooth comb, there would be no genuine authority to be acknowledged.

PART III

7. An Example from Microeconomics

“EXAMPLES are the final food of thought”, and in this third part of the book we shall examine a diverse set of examples and applications with a view to illustrating the theory of economic knowledge advanced in the previous chapters. If this and the received theory of economic knowledge are to be tested for their relative merits, then we may wish the scope of the testing to extend to all manner of discussions. We begin in this chapter with a brief example in microeconomics; specifically, an actual debate spanning about ten or fifteen minutes which occurred not long ago on public television in the United States. Although the subject was of an economic nature the participants were not economists or academics as such; the debate is offered here as representative of similar non-technical discussions on concrete subjects which make up perhaps the bulk of actual discussion on economic policy in any society, and from which the university economist is sometimes far removed. We shall be returning in later chapters to the more abstract kinds of discussions which are to be found in university economics.
The debate to be considered had to do with a decision of the United States Federal Communications Commission (FCC) in December 1984 to require an increase in the charge of purchasing access to the long distance network. The rate was to increase by one dollar per month in 1985 and another dollar per month in 1986, in the expectation of revenues increasing by one billion dollars in the first year. One participant represented the FCC and was called upon to explain and justify the decision, the other represented the Consumer Federation of America and was called upon to express and explain his criticism of the decision. The two moderators were Mr. James Lehrer and Mr. Robert MacNeil.
LEHRER: Here to explain why the FCC did what it did is Albert Halprin, chief of the agency’s common carrier bureau, which oversees telephone rates among many other things. First, why was this charge necessary?
HALPRIN: Well, the FCC took an important step today designed to preserve the viability of the nation’s public telephone network and to prevent the division of society into a set of information haves — the very large companies, high tech companies — and information have nots — everybody else who will never have any choice but the public telephone network.
LEHRER: Now, how does the one dollar fit into all of that?
HALPRIN: The one dollar… covers the cost of connecting every telephone customer to the entire network… [as] part of an attempt to price the public telephone network in a way that will not discourage large companies from using it. The FCC believes that the public network serves almost everybody at the cheapest cost
LEHRER: What do you mean by “the public network”?
HALPRIN: Well, we have in place a tremendous public telephone system. It connects every subscriber to almost everybody inside the country and in the world. It makes a lot of sense to have everybody use this big, integrated, switchable network, because it’s there. Up until now we’ve developed a system in which we’ve charged heavy users of that public telephone network a much, much higher price than it actually costs them to use the network…
LEHRER: You mean business customers, mainly ?
HALPRIN: Well, in fact residential customers, who are heavy users of long distance service, have been paying to subsidize businesses that do not use long distance service. The key factor here is the people who make a lot of long distance calls have been asked to pay a price that’s much more expensive than it would cost them to go around the public network and go over what are called bypass facilities….
LEHRER: What was the FCC’s conclusion as to what would be the consequence of not imposing this dollar fee?
HALPRIN: Well, the FCC has been looking at what has been taking place, and we have found an increasing number of large users bypassing the network, either through building special facilities or through ordering new special line types of facilities, both of which are taking away from the network that serves you and me at home.
LEHRER: And why is this so awful?
HALPRIN: Well, for two reasons. The first, of course, is that those are the people who are paying subsidies now to keep your rates and my rates below the actual cost. If they drop off the network, that goes away. But even more important than that, if they drop off the telephone network, the telephone wires that are in place serving them now will not only not be used, but will be paid for by you and me, by those people who have no choice and will never have any choice but using the public network.
LEHRER: Thank you. Robin?
MACNEIL: For a very different perspective we turn to Gene Kimmelman, legislative director of the Consumer Federation of America, which represents more than two hundred consumer groups nationwide. Mr. Kimmelman, I know you object to this new charge. Can you tell us why?
KIMMELMAN: Well, we don’t think the access charge is necessary to keep the public network together, and nor do we think it’s equitable. We’ve found in studies of rate increases this past year that residential customers are now paying $2 billion more for basic telephone service. When you take that additional billion dollars in June 1985 for access charges and add them onto recent rate increases, we think that we are losing affordable phone service for the average American household.
MACNEIL: And are people dropping off?
KIMMELMAN: Yes. We found that in 1984, using a model put together by the Bell Companies, that over two million people will do without phone service by June 1985 because of the rate increases that they experienced in 1984.
MACNEIL: And how many more people do you estimate will do without phone service because of this new, by 1986, $2 a month charge?
KIMMELMAN: Well, at this point it’s difficult to predict, but we think at least a million people, if remedial action is not taken by state commissions or by the FCC to try to provide some special help, particularly to low income people.
MACNEIL: I see. How many more did you say again? I’m sorry. How many more?
KIMMELMAN: At least another million. It’s difficult to say.
MACNEIL: So that would be three million altogether who would have dropped off, you mean?
KIMMELMAN: Right. We already have over three million households that do not have phone service, and the number is growing as the rates increase. And this is an unnecessary result of phone company pricing changes, and the FCC seems to be buying into this new scheme….
MACNEIL: Well, what about [Mr. Halprin's] point that if you don’t provide some incentives for big users, they’re going to go and set up their own networks to the detriment of the system that is already in place?
KIMMELMAN: Well, I believe it’s a legitimate concern. I do not believe it is occurring quite as much as the FCC believes. And even if it is occurring, I think there are other ways of repricing long distance service that will keep everyone on the network without having to shift those costs onto the average residential customer….
LEHRER: Mr. Halprin, let’s go through some of Mr. Kimmelman’s points. First of all, this is going to result – the fee, the access charge itself is going to result in another million people losing their phone service.
HALPRIN: Well, it won’t, for two reasons. The first, as Mr. Kimmelman mentioned, that rather than tracking and seeing that two million people had dropped off the network as a result of past increases, they used a model which predicted that two million people would drop off. The FCC has
LEHRER: Wait a minute, wait a minute. You’re saying that two million haven’t dropped off?
HALPRIN: That’s exactly right.
LEHRER (to KIMMELMAN): You’re saying two million have?
KIMMELMAN: We’re saying from the best numbers that we have available from the industry, conservative estimates are that at least that many people are giving up phone service, yes.
LEHRER: Well, because of the way
KIMMELMAN: Because of the 1984 rate increases.
HALPRIN: The FCC adopted a report today which was not based upon models, which are things you plug into a computer; [but which was instead] based upon studies and the actual numbers of people who are taking telephone service. It’s the Universal Service Report. There has not been any type of dropoff like this. In fact, as with most other commodities, each year there have been increases in telephone service….
LEHRER: I don’t think we can resolve this specific point, but this is awfully confusing. I mean, one of you is saying very clearly one thing and the other the other. I mean, this is a matter of fact, is it not? People either have phones or they don’t have phones.
KIMMELMAN: Yes, it is a matter of fact. The important thing to remember is the FCC is moving ahead in imposing these charges and now deciding just to start studying it. No, we do not have precise, absolute figures of the names of the people who have given up phone service, but we have the phone companies’ own model that projects what will happen. I seriously doubt that it’s an exaggeration of what has happened. I would be happy if the FCC would prove us wrong, because we want everyone to have a phone.
LEHRER (to HALPRIN): Why don’t you do that? Why don’t you go out and find out how many
HALPRIN: We have. The FCC adopted a report today which is not based upon computer models but upon an actual survey of what’s taken place, and there has not been a loss of universal service….
LEHRER: What do you say to Mr. Kimmelman’s other point in his conversation with Robin that there are other ways, if you really wanted to ensure the integrity of the national system, there are other ways to do it?
HALPRIN: I don’t believe that’s correct. I’ve taken a brief glance at Mr. Kimmelman’s report, and his answer is to
LEHRER: You have a report too, Mr. Kimmelman?
KIMMELMAN: Yes we do.
LEHRER: Okay.
HALPRIN: It uses a lot of computer models and very few facts. But it basically says that they agree that it’s necessary to keep the large customers on the network by reducing their rates, and what they propose is to jack up the price of long distance service for you and me and the people who only make one or two calls. We don’t think that can be done. We don’t think it’s feasible. We don’t think it’s fair.
LEHRER (to KIMMELMAN) Is that your solution? Has he accurately characterized your solution?
KIMMELMAN: I cannot say he has accurately characterized it. What I can say is we spread the costs of the public telephone network, I believe more equitably, among everyone who uses it. We do not believe the bulk of those costs should be on the local ratepayer. They should be spread equitably among everyone who benefits from the existence of the public network. That means keeping more costs on the long distance users, spreading them slightly differently than is currently done….
LEHRER (humourously): Gentlemen, I’m sure glad we cleared all this up tonight. Thank you very much.”
The reader may agree that the first thing that may be said about this debate is that it is one of good quality. It succeeds remarkably well in its purpose of advising and informing the observer of the matter at hand, not of course in any final or absolute way with every possible consideration having been brought up, but adequately enough for at least a number of the pertinent facts and issues to have been raised in the span of a few minutes. The purpose of the discussion is a limited one, and its fulfillment must be judged accordingly. Moreover, it is all four participants who contribute to this quality, protagonists and moderators jointly. The protagonists are willing and able to address the same questions and so come to define what correctly may be called disagreement, in which contrary answers are given to the same questions, rather than be at cross purposes resulting from one participant answering a different question from the other. There is also little or no stone-walling or prevaricating or obfuscating on either side; and of course it is the moderators who contribute here by asking the precise questions that they do, with a view to creating as much common ground as possible upon which the argument may take place. This conversation, brief and mundane as it was, is quite sufficient to show how the process of critical inquiry is a common and not a personal enterprise, reflecting the fact of language as a social institution and not a private possession.
Turning to the substantive questions raised, we find there to be much that may interest the economist. Halprin opens his defence of the FCC’s decision by arguing the ex ante situation is not one of equilibrium, and he hints it has been neither efficient nor conducive to the general welfare. The price charged to long distance users has greatly exceeded the marginal cost of production, while the opposite has been true for local users. Given current innovations in technology, an implicit tax of this sort on long distance users may make it possible and profitable for them to substitute away from the public network itself, threatening in the longer term to drastically raise marginal costs for those who remain. Better therefore to take a slightly bitter pill now than a more bitter pill later. Kimmelman’s opening round makes the suggestion that

the demand curve for telephone service (long distance and local together) over all households in the economy is quite elastic, and the rise in price will likely lead to a relatively large fall in demand, especially among poorer households for whom telephones might not be an absolute necessity. Implicit in the positions of both protagonists is a moderate kind of utilitarianism, specifically one according to which households should receive somewhat greater weight in the social utility function than businesses (notice Halprin’s quick denial of the suggestion that the FCC’s decision was intended to assist businesses at the expense of households), and poorer households receive more weight than other households. Kimmelman especially is concerned to make this last point, perhaps hinting that the availability of telephone service in a home is a good which deserves to be distributed in something of an egalitarian way, that it would be an avoidable injustice if poorer households were unable to call for things like emergency services in the way that others were able to, that the broad principle of equality in the consumption of public goods would suffer in some measure with the proposed charge. Halprin responds not at all by disagreeing with Kimmelman’s normative premises about the importance of preserving universal service but rather by disagreeing on the positive question of the nature of the demand curve; suggesting one or both that the demand curve is less elastic than Kimmelman claims, and so there will not be the kind of fall in demand that Kimmelman predicts, and also that the demand curve for this good as for other goods has been gradually shifting out over time with the growth in real income (this latter point being something of a red herring in the context).
Next the discussion takes an interesting turn with Halprin raising sceptical doubts about the use of a predictive model by Kimmelman in obtaining his results. The model provides only an indirect means, Halprin suggests, and therefore should be contrasted unfavourably with the direct and allegedly plain results of an actual survey. Halprin claims that to be what the FCC has done, hinting perhaps that the observer’s prize for a solid, feet on the ground approach deserves to go here rather than to any fancy modelling exercise the ordinary man is likely neither to understand nor want to understand. Kimmelman replies no, of course he does not have the names of the actual households who have dropped off the network, hinting perhaps at the practical impossibility of such an exercise, and suggesting that the use of the kind of model he had relied on is the best anyone can hope to do in the circumstances. Besides, Kimmelman says, the model he used would hardly have loaded the dice in his favour, since it was the very same model formulated and used by the telephone companies themselves, and they surely would not act against their own interests to bias their model in favour of consumers, would they?
And so on. Interpreted in this way, the large and potentially indefinite scope which remains for further discussion of the subject becomes readily clear: on the substitution and income effects of the one dollar increase, on the structure and contestability of the market for long distance telephone service, on the choice and formulation of the empirical model, on the collection and interpretation of the data, on the political forces and constraints that may be at work, and so on. Certainly it is the case that neither Halprin nor Kimmelman is a disinterested observer. To the contrary, each is and may even be expected to be representing as best he can the particular facts and points of view which are relevant to his own constituents. Then again, it is possible that Halprin is a Republican and Kimmelman a Democrat, or vice versa, that one is a conservative and the other a liberal, that they happen to agree or disagree with one another on any number of other substantive matters from the infallibility of the Pope to the fallibility of the local football team. But none of this would be in the slightest way relevant in the given discussion to the soundness of their respective arguments — to the truth and plausibility of their premises and reasoning. Nor would it make any difference that their emotions might have become involved in the process. Certainly they could have raised their voices in anger or shouted at one other in trying to make their points — say if the subject had not been the relatively simple and unexciting one of the pricing of telephone service but something more complex and volatile like foreign aid or abortion or the situation in South Africa or the Middle East. Or, it is possible the participants in this or any other debate will deliberately not be fully sincere in what they were saying, in the interests of tact and diplomacy in a public forum, keeping their fingers crossed under the table to remind themselves they did not completely believe what they heard their voices to be saying. But again the truth and plausibility of what was being said — whether one million or three million or nobody at all was likely to drop off the telephone network in consequence of a one dollar increase, whether this model is better than the other or not, and so on — would remain entirely unaffected and open to further inquiry and critical discussion by themselves or others.
In sum, we have a simple and straightforward illustration of how it may be possible for inquiry and discussion to continue freely and yet objectively — conclusively yet without necessary or final end — upon a normative question of microeconomic policy. This example of a direct and actual debate upon a concrete question may now be compared and contrasted with the more indirect and abstract divisions to be found in university economics.

8. A Dialogue in Macroeconomics
OUR next example is of quite a different sort, namely, the academic debate which has occurred in macroeconomics and monetary theory since Keynes’s General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money. This has of course received a great amount of attention, with innumerable commentaries having been written by many scores of protagonists and moderators around the world. Only a brief and highly simplified summary of these many conversations can be attempted here, within our limited objective of illustrating once more how it may be possible for critical discussion to be seen to proceed freely and yet objectively in economics. In the previous chapter we were fortunate to have had an actual conversation to consider; here our method shall have to be one of constructing a model of a conversation. In honour of Plato, we might name our conversants Athenian and Stranger.

ATHENIAN Tell me, have you perhaps been following the discussions among macroeconomists? I shall be interested to know what you take their present state to be.
STRANGER Indeed I have, though of course it is not possible or worthwhile to follow all of what has been said. But yes I have followed some of it, and certainly we can make it a topic of conversation.
ATHENIAN Please begin.
STRANGER Very well. Shall we do so in ’36 with the publication of Keynes’s book? Rightly or wrongly, this must be considered a watershed in the history of modern economics, if only because most economists since have had either to admit its arguments in some measure or define and explain their disagreement. You’ll remember at one time it was said by many that Keynes had fathered a revolution in economic science.
ATHENIAN Except Chicago and the Austrians.
STRANGER Quite so. Now more recently a renewal of neoclassical thought has been under way, and many doubts have been raised about the keynesian consensus, so much so that some of the main questions of the thirties seem in modern form to continue to be at issue today.
ATHENIAN The more things change, the more they stay the same! But when you say Keynes has been a central figure, I take it you mean only that he has been among the most influential and most discussed and nothing more. It is not to preclude judgement on the merits of his book, which is itself of very uneven clarity. Besides there has been too much idolatry and hagiography.
STRANGER Yes, there is so often a rush to belief and worship. There may have been less if Keynes had survived longer. Yet I should say the broad aim of the work is not hard to see. Keynes himself clearly believes that he is starting a revolution — going so far as to suggest a comparison with contemporary physics. The first chapter says the book aims to provide a “general” theory, which will explain the traditional model as a “limiting” case. The second chapter says the theory of value has been hitherto concerned with the allocation of given resources between competing ends; Keynes is going to explain how the actual level of employment comes to be what it is.
ATHENIAN And so begs the question?
STRANGER Or does traditional theory? That seems to be at the heart of it.
ATHENIAN Go on.
STRANGER The theory will be of the short run in Marshall’s sense of taking capital as a fixed factor. Traditional theory is said to postulate about the labour market (i) that the real wage equals the marginal product of labour, so there is an assumption of profit maximization by competitive producers giving rise to a short run demand curve for labour; and (ii) that the utility of the wage at a given level of employment equals the marginal disutility of that amount of employment; i.e., the real wage is just sufficient to induce the volume of labour which is actually forthcoming. So it can account for unemployment due to temporary miscalculations, or intermittent demand, or the refusal or inability of labour to accept a job at a given wage due to legislation or social practices or collective bargaining or obstinacy, or merely a rational choice of leisure — i.e., it can account for frictional and voluntary unemployment but not for what Keynes wants to call involuntary unemployment. What it can suggest is either such things as improvements in foresight, information, organization and productivity, or a lowering of the real wage. But Keynes’s critique will not have to do with such causes of the contemporary unemployment; instead the population is said to be seldom “doing as much work as it would like to do on the basis of the current wage…. More labour would, as a rule, be forthcoming at the existing money wage if it were demanded.” But it is not being demanded, and it is not being demanded because there has been a shortfall of “effective demand”. That is why there is as much unemployment as there is.
ATHENIAN Or so Keynes claims. And he would take it the neoclassical view would be that it must be the real wage is too high; it is only because the real wage has not fallen by enough that unemployment continues.
STRANGER Right. To which there are two observations. The first has to do with the actual attitude of workers towards the money wage and the real wage respectively. The traditional supply function of labour is a function of the latter; Keynes claims that at least within a certain range it must be workers are concerned more with the former. ATHENIAN How so?
STRANGER By the interesting and perhaps plausible claim that workers are found to withdraw labour if the money wage falls but do not seem to do the same if the price level rises. A real wage reduction caused by a fall in the money wage and the same real wage reduction caused by an increase in prices seem to have different effects on labour supply. “Whether logical or illogical, experience shows that this is how labour in fact behaves.” And he cites U. S. data for ’32 to say labour did not refuse reductions in the money wage nor did the physical productivity of labour fall yet the real wage fell and unemployment continued. “Labour is not more truculent in the depression than in the boom — far from it.”
ATHENIAN And the second observation?
STRANGER This may be of more interest. “Classical theory assumes that it is always open to labour to reduce its real wage by accepting a reduction in its money wage… [it] presumes that labour itself is in a position to decide the real wage for which it works…” Keynes does not find a traditional explanation why prices tend to follow wages, and suggests it could be because the price level is being supposed to be determined by the money supply according to the quantity theory. Keynes wants to dispute the proposition “that the general level of real wages is directly determined by the character of the wage bargain…. For there may be no method available to labour as a whole whereby…. [it] can reduce its real wage to a given figure by making revised money bargains with the entrepreneurs.” Hence he arrives at his central definition of involuntary unemployment: if the real wage falls marginally as a consequence of the price level rising with the money wage constant, and there is greater employment demanded and supplied in consequence, the initial state was one of involuntary unemployment.
ATHENIAN You are saying then that Keynes’s intent is to establish the existence of involuntary unemployment?
STRANGER At least a major part of the intent yes. To make the concept meaningful, to argue that it refers to a logical possibility, and also that much of the actual unemployment of the time may be falling under it, and is a result of lack of “effective demand”.
ATHENIAN The neoclassicals have been said to be cavalier about fluctuations in economic activity, when in fact Wicksell and Marshall and Thornton, let alone Hawtrey or Hayek as Keynes’s own critics, certainly had profound enough theories of the cycle. Before we go further, I think we should remind ourselves of what they actually said.
STRANGER Very well.
ATHENIAN Would you agree that can be summarized, then as now, as the quantity theory of money married to the theory of general equilibrium?
STRANGER Though it may be better to speak of divorce perhaps rather than marriage, in view of the dichotomy.
ATHENIAN From Smith to Mill, political economists broadly agree the role of government should extend and be restricted to such activities as defence, civil protection, the rule of law, the provision of public goods, education, the encouragement of competition, and so on. The traditional agenda does not as a rule include direct activity to restrain or otherwise change the natural course of trade, production, or consumption, and certainly no theory of what today is called macroeconomic policy. Underlying it is a broad belief that the competitive pursuit of private welfare within the necessary and minimal framework of the institutions of government, will result in tolerable social outcomes, and any further activity may be counterproductive. The State is after all endogenous to the economy, without any resources to its own name.
STRANGER The minimal state, though not so minimal perhaps as we sometimes think.
ATHENIAN The main function of money is seen to be that of facilitating real transactions. Hence the main component of the demand for money is the transactions demand, and the broad objective of monetary policy is the maintenance of the stability of the price of money. But this is recognized to be something elusive in practice, and fluctuations in economic activity are expected to occur in spite of the best intentions of the monetary authorities.
STRANGER How so?
ATHENIAN Well we might imagine two or three distinct but related markets: one for real investment and savings determined by intertemporal preferences, resources, and technologies; one a market for investment and savings defined in terms of money; one a short term credit market. The market for real investment and savings is, as it were, unobservable to the naked eye. Yet it drives the second and third markets for nominal savings and investment in which we actually participate. Monetary equilibrium requires the observable money rates of interest to equal the unobservable real rate of return on the market for physical capital. In particular, the real or natural rate of interest determined in the equilibrium of the first market is not, and perhaps ultimately cannot be, affected by nominal or monetary disturbances in the second or third markets.
STRANGER Why call it “natural”?
ATHENIAN In the sense it is a function of the real data of intertemporal preferences, resources, and technologies being what they are. If these data changed it should be expected to change too. But given these data, it would be the rate at which intertemporal constrained maximizations by individual agents resulted in planned present consumption equalling planned present production at the same time as planned future consumption equalled planned future production.
STRANGER In other words, real planned savings equal real planned investment.
ATHENIAN Exactly. It is the real interest rate, or rather the whole structure of own-rates and cross-rates at various terms, which is the key price signal for macroeconomic equilibrium.
STRANGER “Natural” seems to me to carry a physiocratic connotation. A better nomenclature would replace it with something else — perhaps “equilibrium real rate” or just “walrasian” rate.
ATHENIAN Very well, though I for one do not bias myself against the physiocrats! Now consider how a simple business cycle might occur on wicksellian lines. From a position of full real and monetary equilibrium, an expansion of credit has its first effect on the banks, increasing reserves and inducing more lending for reserve/deposit ratios to be restored, and so lowering the loan rate. But customers are only able to perceive a lowering of this nominal rate of interest and cannot know the equilibrium real rate has not changed. As far as households know, the relative price of present consumption has fallen and there is an incentive for greater consumption and lesser savings. As far as businesses know, the relative price of the future good has risen, and there is an incentive for greater investment. Inventories are run down, and markets for both consumer goods and capital goods are stimulated and show signs of excess demand. But if there was a walrasian equilibrium initially, then the economy will now show signs of inflation; with a gold standard, there would be increased demand for imports and an external drain of reserves, and even perhaps an internal drain if there was a panic and a run on the banks. The loan rate will have to rise once more to reign in reserves, but if the rate is now raised too high relative to the still unchanged real rate, there would be the makings of a recession.
STRANGER Your point being that economists before Keynes had recognized the decentralized economy may be fluctuating continually.
ATHENIAN Surely they had done so quite fully. A first set of causes such as wars, disasters, discoveries and migrations would change the real data of the economy, while a second set would be monetary disturbances like the failure of the authorities to adequately follow the dictates of the real data of the economy, i.e., failure to observe the equilibrium real rate of interest. It may even be intrinsic to the problem that they must fail in the attempt to observe, let aside compute, the equilibrium real rate warranted at a given time by the structure of the real data.
STRANGER Hence the conclusion that they cannot hope to do better than establish a climate of monetary and fiscal stability, such as by declaring a long term policy and staying with it.
ATHENIAN Exactly. Private economic agents already face endemic uncertainty with respect to changes in the real data, and must be assumed to not want more added by government policy. You appear to have seen my point nicely.
STRANGER Very well. But you have jumped ahead as this kind of a conclusion sounds very modern to me. You made me stop all the way back at Keynes’s notion of effective demand!
ATHENIAN As I said, the more things change, the more they stay the same.
STRANGER Let us go back a little. I think we may be able to rejoin our initial route at a point which may bring us close to where we seem to have come by the route you have taken. Specifically suppose we go back to the question of the money wage and the real wage, and of the real wage being “too high”.
ATHENIAN That has been interpreted a number of ways, has it not?
STRANGER Yes it has. One would be to say Keynes was merely simple minded and assumed money illusion on the part of workers. Another would be to say Keynes assumed a short run context of fixed prices, so it would not make a difference whether labour happened to be concerned with changes in the real or the money wage. Yet a third would be to say Keynes, whether he realized it or not, had come upon a recondite truth about the sort of complex monetary economy in which we live — namely, that when transactions are quoted and made in a monetary economy, it may become difficult ipso facto for the walrasian equilibrium to be achieved. Even workers might fully recognize the real wage to be too high and be prepared to work more at a lower wage, but be unable to signal this willingness to potential employers.
ATHENIAN So involuntary unemployment becomes another sort of equilibrium outcome. STRANGER Exactly. Not only of labour but of machines too, along with the unintended holding of inventories. It is as if firms would have sold what they had planned to if only workers had the income to buy it, which they would have done if only they had been able to sell as much labour they had planned to, which they would have done if only there had been an effective demand for it, which there would have been if firms had not cut back on production because they found themselves unable to sell what they had planned to sell. A kind of vicious circle, due to pessimistic and self-fulfilling expectations all around.
ATHENIAN An unhappy solution to a non-cooperative game you might say.
STRANGER Quite so. Keynes does not deny there may be a monetary route out of the impasse. A wage deflation would eventually lead to price deflation, raising the real value of money holdings, so via liquidity preference lead to an increased demand for bonds, raising their price and lowering money interest rates, which through the investment function would lead eventually to increased effective demand. But the fiscal route may be more direct and quicker in its effect on expectations. Trying to deflate across the board in the face of what seem to be excess supplies of goods and labour might be counterproductive, causing unexpected transfers from debtors to creditors and precipitating bankruptcies. Instead: “Government investment will break the vicious circle. If you can do that for a couple of years, it will have the effect, if my diagnosis is right, of restoring business profits more nearly to normal, and if that can be achieved then private enterprise will be revived. I believe you have first of all to do something to restore profits and then rely on private enterprise to carry the thing along….”
ATHENIAN A shot in the arm for enterprise in the hope of breaking the pessimism. But Keynes was hardly alone in such thinking.
STRANGER Quite true.
ATHENIAN And he certainly seemed to treat the opinions of others without due respect, which is to say he may have exaggerated the significance of his own. Hinting that he was the Einstein of economics set an especially bad example. Only the other day one eminence was comparing himself to Newton, and another was calling his friend Shakespeare. It will be Joyce and Pasternak next!
STRANGER Flattery and nepotism are common weaknesses, my friend. Like the rush to belief and worship.
ATHENIAN Besides you would have to assume the government to be outside the game, and only so being able to see the problem which private agents could not from inside the game. That may be too large an assumption, don’t you think?
STRANGER Yes it may. Yet it seems to me pump-priming was a possible solution being offered to a temporary problem. Many of the controversies may have come about because it became institutionalized, because discretionary fiscal policy became a permanent part of the government agenda.
ATHENIAN And a more direct route out was available too, was it not? With wealth placed in the consumption function directly, a deflation would increase the real value and affect effective demand directly. We would not have to wait for the roundabout effects through so-called liquidity preference.
STRANGER Which in a way brings us back to a central pillar of traditional theory: with given real data and given velocity of circulation, desired holding of real money balances will roughly be constant. In particular the demand for real money balances should not be seen as a function of the interest rate.
ATHENIAN The real rate or the monetary rate?
STRANGER For neoclassicals certainly the real; Keynes does not seem clear.
ATHENIAN There may lie a problem.
STRANGER The title of the book says “Employment, Interest, and Money”. No question employment is real and money is money — interest is the bridge. If you ask me to bet I would say Keynes’s agents make real responses to signals expressed as they must be in a large economy in monetary terms.
ATHENIAN Perhaps we ought to move on. Tell me, if you think Keynes’s book rightly or wrongly ranks as the most influential document of the last fifty years, would you agree it is Friedman’s address on the role of monetary policy which must rank second to it if not on a par with it?
STRANGER Certainly there can be few competitors.
ATHENIAN Well then, it appears to me the net effect of Friedman’s critique has been a restoration of the wicksellian theory and a banishment of the keynesian theory.
STRANGER Friedman of course makes his approach via a critique of the Phillips’ Curve.
ATHENIAN Yes, but it is Wicksell whom he acknowledges in advancing the notion of a natural rate of unemployment, one which has been “ground out by the walrasian system of general equilibrium equations” — in other words, one which happens to be consistent with the structure of the real data of the economy at a particular time.
STRANGER Though again we may as well speak of walrasian instead of natural.
ATHENIAN A monetary policy which tried to peg unemployment at lower than such a rate (if such a rate could be determined, which it cannot) is likely to be counterproductive. The initial effect of an expansionary policy on a walrasian equilibrium may be to increase real output. Workers assume the increase to reflect an increase in the unobservable real demand for their services, and hence they expect a higher real wage. Businesses see the same and assume it to reflect an increase in the unobservable real demand for their goods. But given there was no real excess demand in the first place for either labour or goods, the effect outside anything but the short run will be a return to the initial structure of real wages, and the temporary decline in unemployment is reversed to the walrasian rate at higher prices. If the government tries to maintain unemployment at less than the walrasian rate, it will have to concede — indeed it will have caused — accelerating inflation without any real fall in unemployment.
STRANGER And vice versa perhaps, so there would be a kind of knife-edge.
ATHENIAN Now your remark about Friedman making his approach via the Phillips Curve seems to me interesting. We may have been too hasty to make a comparison with the debate in the thirties. For the world suffers a very real and severe shock between Keynes’s book and the keynesian consensus, which is the Second World War itself.
STRANGER I am not sure I follow.
ATHENIAN Well think of the consensus afterwards on the need for macroeconomic policy — it is actually Tinbergen’s notion of a “policy-maker” which is married to what seems to be Phillips’s finding of a trade-off between inflation and unemployment. It becomes the role of the macroeconomist to advise the politician on how to minimize social disutility from inflation and unemployment subject to the Phillips Curve. Macroeconomics becomes a so-called “policy science”. Give your expert economist your social utility function, and he will tell you where to slide to on your Phillips Curve.
STRANGER The available instruments being money supply and tax rates. That is what I meant in saying Keynes’s idea became institutionalized.
ATHENIAN It seems to me this consensus is born out of the War.
STRANGER How so?
ATHENIAN Well just think of the structural problems of the time: demobilization of large armies, reconstruction, all the displaced peoples, and so on. What are democratic governments to do? Say to their voters, right, thank you very much, now could you please go home quietly? What could have been expected except an Employment Act? Governments were going to help their returning citizens find work, or at least it would have seemed irresponsible if they had not said they were going to.
STRANGER You are saying then that Friedman may have been arguing against a new orthodoxy, grown out of what might have been a sensible idea.
ATHENIAN Exactly. The world is a very different place now than in 1945, in ’45 than in ’33, in ’33 than in 1914. Real shocks every time. It may be a grave mistake for us to look for a unique and universal theory which is supposed to explain all particular circumstances, all of history.
STRANGER Reminds me of the historical school.
ATHENIAN Why not? Again I hold no prejudice against them! Anyhow, consider that Lucas and others have followed Friedman to argue it is a mistake to formulate the problem as Tinbergen had done, with unemployment as a target in a social utility function along with inflation. If it ought to be assumed that people will not continually make the same mistakes in predicting policy, then a systematic employment policy is going to be discovered quickly enough and rendered either ineffective or counterproductive. This idea too has its origins in Wicksell. Examining an opinion that inflation might stimulate enterprise and free debtors, Wicksell says: “It need only be said that if this fall in the value of money is the result of our own deliberate policy, or indeed can be anticipated and foreseen, then these supposed beneficial effects will never occur, since the approaching rise in prices will be taken into account in all transactions by reasonably intelligent people.”
STRANGER Wicksell said that?
ATHENIAN Precisely that.
STRANGER It does sound very modern.
ATHENIAN Now Lucas speaks of how the advice that economists give should be limited only to “the well understood and empirically substantiated propositions of monetary economics, discouragingly modest as these may be.” What can we take him to mean? It seems to me he is sharing Friedman’s scepticism of the possibilities which had been claimed for macroeconomics by the keynesian consensus. And that surely has been a healthy scepticism, befitting good economists.
STRANGER As I said, there is so often a rush to belief.
ATHENIAN Which is really disastrous when combined with the craving for power.
STRANGER But the question remains, does it not, as to which propositions of monetary economics are to be considered “well understood and empirically substantiated”. I cannot help think the propositions taken to be well understood and empirically substantiated in Chicago may be very different from those taken to be well understood and empirically substantiated in Cambridge, or for that matter, those in the U. S. from those in Europe.
ATHENIAN I don’t see any difficulty in this. For first, it would have been granted there are propositions in economics which can be well understood and empirically substantiated. And that must be counted as progress! For something cannot be well understood if it cannot be understood at all, and where there is the possibility of understanding there must be the possibility of objective knowledge as well. And second, why should we not say the most appropiate task of economic theory or analytical economics is simply one of clarification and elucidation of the conceptual basis of economic thinking and expression? All theory ultimately is, or ought to be, “Critique of Language”. When we are faced with a particular and concrete problematic situation, the theorist is to whom we turn for conceptual guidance and criticism. If instead you take the role of the theorist to be one of searching the universe for grand and general and absolute and abstract truths, which need to be discovered before we can say anything about some concrete set of particulars, then it seems to me you will be either struck dumb by a total and debilitating scepticism or become very shrill in your dogmatism or alternate wildly between the two. To me it seems unimportant ultimately to whose flag one shows allegiance, or indeed that allegiance to any flag must be shown.
STRANGER It seems again I will not disagree. But you have sketched the critique of Friedman and Lucas and indeed the ghost of Wicksell addressed to the dogmas of the keynesian orthodoxy. And I have agreed with you this has been a healthy criticism of the sort we should expect economists to provide. But there has been serious question too of the framework used by Friedman and Lucas, hasn’t there? I am thinking especially of Tobin and Hahn.
ATHENIAN Tobin has done much to add clear and reasonable thinking about Keynes — his suggestion that a certain amount of inflation may be the only way to bring down real wages towards their walrasian rates in complex monetary economics is especially interesting; it shows how wide the common ground can be upon which the debate may occur. But you will have to tell me what Hahn’s criticisms have been. I have always found them too abstract and too caustic.
STRANGER That they tend to be, but don’t let that deter you. As I see it, Hahn argues somewhat as follows. We should grant Friedman and Lucas two important points: first, the government is itself a large economic agent whose actions and announced plans enter the calculations of private agents; secondly, erratic changes in monetary policy away from a steady k% rule may have perverse effects “by confusing signals of relative scarcity with those that arose from the monetary policy”. Also, we may accept that the assumptions sufficient for a full walrasian equilibrium with rational expectations suffice for the absence of any persistent involuntary unemployment by Keynes’s definition. But Hahn would say this may not be the relevant empirical description.
ATHENIAN In what way?
STRANGER Well for one thing the pricing axiom or the recontracting assumption of stability theory remains unexplained. It is possible traders will face quantity constraints, and this often seems so in markets for labour and credit. We may simply find prices not moving in the direction of excess demand even when a quantity constraint happens to be binding. The structure of wages may be “neither fixed, nor abritrary, nor inflexible; it is what it is because given conjectures, no agent finds it advantageous to change it.” Moreover, it may not be plausible to suppose there will be convergence after arbitrary displacements back towards a stable equilibrium, because the conditions for stability are very stringent and uniqueness of equilibrium may also need to be postulated. Furthermore, it may be quite unsatisfactory to treat money in models which are isomorphic to the Arrow-Debreu model, because in such a world there is no logical use for money, so there must be some essential features of reality which have failed to be features of the model.
ATHENIAN You don’t think Patinkin’s integration was adequate?
STRANGER For many practical purposes perhaps, but certainly not to full logical satisfaction. If you put real money balances into the utility function and treat money just about like any other good, you have to be prepared to accept a possible equilibrium in which the price of money is zero. Lastly, if there are internal debts denominated in money as there are in fact, you may not assume equiproportional changes in all prices will not have real effects, unless you are prepared to assume away redistributions between creditors and debtors, which you can do only under another assumption that all households have parallel and linear Engel curves through the origin. Hahn’s line of argument is admittedly abstract, but you will have to admit it raises some fundamental questions.
ATHENIAN Another example we might say of the healthy scepticism of the theorist. It seems my turn to agree with you. But we can imagine replies too can we not?
STRANGER What do you have in mind?
ATHENIAN Well to argue there can be unemployment which is involuntary is not to have argued that an employment policy can be expected to remove it. This seems a premise and conclusion too frequently confounded by both keynesians and their critics, with disastrous consequences. Then, Buchanan would argue that a more thorough characterization needs to be given of the making of government policy, especially when it is proposed to supplant the market outcome. Policies are after all proposed, enacted, and put into effect by actual people — all of whom may need to be assumed to be pursuing private rewards as well in the course of their public duties. The relevant description for the economist needs to be one including this further fact that actual proposals of public policy can embody the private interests of the proposers too.
STRANGER Making it that much more difficult to determine what is in the public interest in a given case.
ATHENIAN Exactly. And so reinforcing the case for predictability and an orderliness in the framework of government.
STRANGER But we have been talking now for quite long enough my friend. I seem to feel a fear too that we have not gained anything at all in our discussions.
ATHENIAN Don’t be so pessimistic! Surely the point of reconstructing such conversations as we have done is not to hold absolutely to the matters raised in them. You and I after all have been making summary and highly simplified and unauthorized interpretations. I take the point of it to have been clarifying our thoughts, and perhaps to show ourselves how discussion can proceed between economists of different schools of thought. Arguments might come to a halt for any of a number of reasons, but they needn’t be supposed to have any logical or necessary end. Too often we let people retreat into different dogmatic positions, fostering the belief that each is starting from some set of absolute axioms ultimately irreconcilable with those of the other. We may need to keep insisting instead that the pursuit of knowledge and understanding is an open-ended activity with potentially indefinite limits. It yields conclusive results but has no absolute end. You or I might call a halt and retire from it, but that will not mean it cannot or will not continue without us.
STRANGER Perhaps so. But you are younger than I, and I have become tired by all these thrusts and parries. Besides, there has been the enjoyment of conversation itself.
9. Mathematical Economics and Reality
In this chapter we shall examine the appropriate relationship of mathematics to the subjects of economic study. Few divisions on substantive questions in economic science have been as bitter as the dispute which has occurred on this question of choice of methods, with charges of sophistry and humbug being periodically traded in private and in print between the more and the less mathematical among economists. The weapons of “intemperate discussion, namely invective, sarcasm, personality and the like” have not been spared, not only by those in minority at some university department to whom they might bring “the praise of honest zeal and righteous indignation”, but also by those in comfortable if temporary majorities.
At first, it was the pioneers of mathematical economics who had faced inert and intransigent opinions against the use of any mathematics at all in economic study. Cournot attributed the prejudice of his contemporaries to their ignorance of mathematics even when they were “otherwise judicious and well versed in the subject of Political Economy”, though he added they may have been put off algebra by the errors in earlier attempts at applying it. For his own part, Cournot did not wish “to make a complete and dogmatic treatise on Political Economy” and would be putting aside “questions to which mathematical analysis cannot apply, and those which seem… entirely cleared up already.” Jevons declared economics “if it is to be a science at all, must be a mathematical science”, and counselled against despair even though “the popular opinions on the extension of mathematical theory tend to deter any man from attempting tasks which, however difficult, ought some day to be achieved.” Walras inveighed against “those economists who do not know any mathematics, who do not even know what is meant by mathematics and yet have taken the stand that mathematics cannot possibly serve to elucidate economic principles”; and at the same time against the narrow division of education in his native France into two compartments, “one turning out calculators with no knowledge of sociology, philosophy, history or economics; and the other cultivating men of letters devoid of any notion of mathematics.”
In recent times the majorities have changed, and it is mathematical economists who now command much more the directions of economic study at many universities. Yet the controversy has continued, and a few examples can give a taste of its bitterness. Professor L. R. Klein has denounced non-mathematical writings in economics as “fat, sloppy and vague”, while Professor Samuelson has considered “the laborious literary working over of essentially simple mathematical concepts such as is characteristic of much of modern economic theory” to call for “mental gymnastics of a peculiarly depraved type”. From the other side, Professor N. Georgescu-Roegen quotes Frank Knight as saying “there are many members of the economics profession who are mathematicians first and economists afterwards” and claims “the situation since Knight’s time has become much worse. There are endeavours that now pass for the most desirable kind of economic contributions although they are just plain mathematical exercises, not only without any economic substance but also without mathematical value. Their authors are not something first and something else afterwards; they are neither mathematicians nor economists.” Keynes had provided similar ammunition: “Too large a proportion of recent ‘mathematical economics’ are mere concoctions, as imprecise as the initial assumptions they rest on, which allow the author to lose sight of the complexities and interdependencies of the real world in a maze of pretentious and unhelpful symbols.” On the other hand, Samuelson reports with approval Professor Gerard Debreu’s remark that “the discipline which most fully uses in its daily work the frontier refinements of mathematical analysis is modern economic theory.” And Debreu himself justifies axiomatic economic theory as follows: “Among the many consequences of transformation in methodology that the field of economic theory underwent in the recent past, the clarity of expression that it made possible is perhaps one of the greatest gains that it has yielded. The very definition of an economic concept is usually subject to a substantial margin of ambiguity. An axiomatized theory substitutes for an ambiguous economic concept a mathematical object that is subject to entirely definite rules of reasoning. No doubt the economic interpretation of the primitive mathematical objects of the theory is free, and this is indeed one of the sources of the power of the axiomatic method…. [W]hile a primitive concept of an axiomatic theory admits different interpretations a theorist who has chosen one of them succeeds in communicating his intended meaning with little ambiguity because of the completely specified formal context in which he operates…. [T]he complete specification of assumptions, the exact statement of conclusions, and the rigor of the deductions of an axiomatized study provide a secure foundation on which the construction of economic theory can proceed…. Thus axiomatization facilitates the detection of logical errors within the model, and perhaps more importantly it facilitates the detection of conceptual errors in the formulation of the theory and in its interpretations.” On the other hand we find Professor Lord Bauer: “The adoption of mathematical methods as the standard form in economics has had serious untoward effects. The use of these methods has even come to serve as a barrier to criticism of a wide range of transgressions…. Apart from the shielding of specific lapses, emphasis on the use of mathematical methods has contributed more pervasively to inappropriate practices and habits of mind. Possibly the most important of these inappropriate or even misleading practices is the tendency to elevate technique above substance, form above content. Others include preoccupation with economic phenomena and factors which can genuinely or spuriously be quantified, and consequent neglect of those which cannot be so treated but frequently are much more germane…” As well as Kaldor: “There is, I am sure, a vague sense of dissatisfaction, open or suppressed, with the current state of economics among most members of the economics profession…. On the one hand it is increasingly recognised that abstract mathematical models lead nowhere. On the other hand it is also recognised that ‘econometrics’ leads nowhere — the careful accumulation and sifting of statistics and the development of refined methods of statistical inference cannot make up for the lack of any basic understanding of how the actual economy works.” Professor Werner Hildenbrand writes in defence of Debreu: “To a traditionally educated economist, who does not have a training in modern mathematics, Debreu’s contributions might appear, at first glance, incomprehensibly ‘abstract’. There is then a great temptation to dismiss the work as ‘too abstract’ (with the implication of ‘unrealistic’ whatever this term may mean) rather than to invest the required intellectual effort. In this respect Debreu has never compromised just as he has never followed fashions in economic research. I have often heard him say that every economic problem requires its own mathematical treatment. The economic problem determines the mathematical tool that is applied to obtain a precise formulation of the problem and to analyze it; one does not take a mathematical tool and then look for applications…. Debreu presents his scientific contributions in the most honest way possible by explicitly stating all underlying assumptions and refraining at any stage of the analysis from flowery interpretations that might divert attention from the restrictiveness of the assumptions and lead the reader to draw false conclusions.” Hildenbrand quotes Russell, as Professor Hahn had done in an earlier defence: “Many people have a passionate hatred of abstraction, chiefly, I think, because of its intellectual difficulty; but as they do not wish to give this reason they invent all sorts of others that sound grand. They say that all abstraction is falsification, and that as soon as you have left out any aspect of something actual you have exposed yourself to the risk of fallacy in arguing from its remaining aspects alone. Those who argue in this way are in fact concerned with matters quite other than those that concern science.” But in reply there is Professor Wassily Leontief: “Not having been subjected from the outset to the harsh discipline of systematic fact-finding, traditionally imposed on and accepted by their colleagues in the natural and historical sciences, economists developed a nearly irresistible predilection for deductive reasoning. As a matter of fact, many entered the field after specialization in pure or applied mathematics. Page after page of professional economics journals are filled with mathematical formulae leading the reader from sets of more or less plausible but entirely arbitrary assumptions to precisely stated but irrelevant theoretical conclusions…. Year after year economic theorists continue to produce scores of mathematical models and to explore in greater detail their formal properties; and the econometricians fit algebraic functions of all possible shapes to essentially the same sets of data without being able to advance, in any perceptible way, a systematic understanding of the structure and the operations of a real economic system.” There is also the reflection of Professor Salim Rashid in course of a reply to Georgescu-Roegen: “No assistant professor at any reasonably good university can hope to keep his job unless he publishes at least one article a year in a recognized journal. In order for a paper to be published, it must contain something new. How can several thousand junior faculty find topics simultaneously novel and worthwhile?…. One of the inimitable merits of mathematics is that it mechanizes the process of grinding out articles. If a theorem has been proven with twice continuously differentiable utility and production functions, then the next step is to prove them true for once differentiable functions, then for Lipschitze continuous functions, then for continuous functions, and finally for measurable functions. Each step provides a new result and is therefore a publishable effort, but one could argue that the economic content of these (mathematical) refinements is marginal.”

§2. We may ask if the theory of knowledge presented in Part II can be put to work here, to dissolve or at least clarify certain aspects of this conflict, and indeed a number of observations are possible to be made.
First of all, a dispute over choice of methods is of course a dispute over a choice — that is to say, it is a normative dispute having to do with what economists ought to do or not do as economists. At once we would know from our theory of knowledge that this is a dispute capable of sustaining reasonable and open ended and objective discussion. We may begin with the certainty that there are positive grounds to be contested here, that there will be scope for common reasoning to be put to work. Modern mathematical economists have typically argued that the use of mathematical methods has contributed to the removal of ambiguity surrounding economic concepts, to precision in reasoning, to clarity and economy of expression, to assisting the discovery of errors in economic analysis. They have charged the non-mathematical economist with speaking from ignorance, with not making or being capable of the requisite effort to learn the relevant methods, and so failing to see their benefits. The critics have typically argued that the growth of mathematical economics has led to impenetrability and not clarity, to a lack of critical thinking and imagination, to the mechanical churning out of results, to a lack of realism and practical application. They have charged the mathematical economist with irresponsibility in his choice of work. Yet here may be values finely poised! For there is nothing surely to disagree that greater clarity and precision and falsifiability are virtues to be encouraged, or that a lack of responsibility or critical thinking or imagination are failings to be discouraged in economic study. Like other long standing normative disputes, the dispute over the use of mathematics in economics may be found to have substantive intellectual values poised on either side, and it is precisely in face of the complexity of the problem that we must not despair with reason. Where a humean epistemology might conclude the differences to be sheer and irreconcilable and that all we can do ultimately is choose our side and fight for it, the epistemology of Part II would warn us to expect strong dogmatisms pit against strong scepticisms and advise us that there may be no single side to be chosen. Better perhaps to court the friendship and the enmity of both! Indeed the bitterness of the conflict could be explained by the fact each party has tended to deny the legitimacy of the other’s work, as if the legitimacy of research in any complex field of inquiry and scholarship, whether science or literature or economics or philosophy or mathematics itself, can be universally legislated by some or other unique and general and exceptionless rule. Protagonists in divisions on substantive questions in economics have seldom charged one another with not being economists at all, in the way protagonists in this division on the choice of methods seem on occasion to have done.
A juster perspective may be possible by applying the model of the structure of concepts given in Chapter 5. Concepts like ‘economist’ or ‘advance in economic understanding’ may be better understood as family resemblance concepts, whose instances are objectively ascertainable and yet are of indefinite variety, requiring careful description of context and circumstance, of the particular “language-game” within which they are intended to be understood. If we abandoned the idea seemed to be shared by many mathematical economists as well as their critics that there must exist some unique and identifiable criterion or set of criteria determining what makes an economist or what makes a piece of economic study, we would be able to take seriously the manifold diversity of economic thought as it actually is, and to recognize that just as the phenomena we are concerned to study are complex and various, so the methods we need may have to be complex and various. Here as elsewhere the antidote to dogmatisms of all kinds must be freedom of inquiry and expression. Whether the application of a particular method or technique to a particular economic problem indicates a lack of responsibility or imagination or critical thinking, or whether it has led to greater clarity or precision or falsifiability, or to what extent it has done a combination of these things, is a question capable of a disinterested and objective answer. While it may be hard work to determine the answer in some cases (for example the method of analogy may need to be applied, comparing and contrasting the question at hand with others whose answers were not presently in dispute), and even futile work in most cases, what we may be confident about is that it is possible for the answer to be determined in every case.
Secondly, in view of the seriousness of the economic controversy, it is remarkable that scant attention has been paid by either side to the discussions among mathematicians and mathematical philosophers about the ultimate character of mathematics itself. While there has been much abstract thinking in contemporary economics, perhaps we have not been abstract enough! For the relationship that the axioms and theorems of mathematical economics can possibly have to the reality of economic life and phenomena is certainly an abstract epistemological question, but one which has received little if any serious thought on the part of either mathematical economists or their critics. Russell wrote at one place of how in mathematics it is possible either to look telescopically forward “towards gradually increasing complexity: from integers to fractions, real numbers, complex numbers; from addition and multiplication to differentiation and integration, and on to the higher mathematics”, or to look microscopically “backward to the logical foundations of the things that we are inclined to take for granted…. by analyzing, to greater and greater abstractness and logical simplicity; instead of asking what can be defined and deduced from what is assumed to begin with, we ask instead what more general ideas and principles can be found, in terms of which what was our starting-point can be defined or deduced.” By this analogy mathematical economics has been telescopic, as when it is said by Debreu and Samuelson that the “frontier refinements” of mathematics have been finding use in contemporary mathematical economics. But if we looked even briefly in the other direction in which Russell pointed, we would find a sight quite different from the one we have grown accustomed. Here are a rich assortment of continuing questions and controversies in which are engaged some of the great figures of modern logic, mathematics, science and philosophy. Here are leaders and loyalties, doctrines and dissenters, spirited attacks and exchanges, noble admissions of error and paradox and puzzlement — leading one participant to even remark “it has proved not to be intuitively clear what is intuitively clear in mathematics”.
In particular, mathematics most definitely treats of certain kinds of objects, such as points, lines, spaces, numbers, quantifiers, and so on. Yet these objects are surely not objects like the objects of natural science. For one thing, unlike the table in this room or the tree outside the window or the city of Paris or the planet Venus, mathematical objects evidently do not have any real location. “Certainly there are such things as numbers, but surely there is no such thing as a number. What sort of a thing is it that is not a thing and yet is not nothing at all?” Many kinds of answer have been offered in discussions in the philosophy of mathematics to this sort of question, and of these three may have special bearing upon an analysis of the economic debate: (i) that mathematics is an abstraction of the reality in which we actually live (empiricism); (ii) that mathematics is an abstraction of a transcendental reality in which we most definitely do not live (platonism); and (iii) that mathematics is an abstraction of no sort of reality at all (formalism). Let us briefly consider each of these in turn.
The empiricist thesis, represented by Mill, would see mathematics as not differing in kind from empirical science but as a species of empirical science itself, just the most certain and general and abstract of all. Mathematical writing is a shorthand way of describing relationships between the actual objects of our universe. Thus Mill suggested our understanding of a number like 3 would derive from our recognition that it corresponded to particular collections of physical objects like three horses or three pebbles: “[W]e may call ‘Three is two and one’ a definition of three; but the calculations which depend on that proposition do not follow from the definition itself, but from an arithmetical theorem presupposed in it, namely that collections of objects exist, which while they impress the senses thus ooo, may be separated into two parts, thus oo o. This proposition being granted, we term all such parcels Threes, after which the enunciation of the above-mentioned physical fact will serve also as a definition of the word Three…. every number represents that particular number of all things without distinction….” “The mere written characters, a, b, x, y, z, serve as well for representatives of Things in general, as any more complex and apparently more concrete conception. That we are conscious of them, however, in their character of things, and not of mere signs, is evident from the fact that our whole process of reasoning is carried on by predicating of them the properties of things…. The inferences, therefore, which are successively drawn, are inferences concerning things, not symbols.”
The criticism of Frege would appear to have been decisive in discrediting the empiricist view, at least in the form Mill had stated it. Mill seemed to have no place for zero or the imaginary numbers or the irrationals, all of which are legitimate objects of mathematical inquiry yet are not perceivable by the senses, and we surely do not have to perceive zero pebbles or 2 horses to understand the concepts of zero or 2. (Mill’s view is to be contrasted however with the modern opinion of Professor Hilary Putnam, that mathematics does in fact employ empirical and “quasi-empirical” methods. )
The second thesis is one we have met already in Chapter 5, namely, the highly influential thesis of platonism represented by G. H. Hardy, Kurt Gödel, and many others possibly including Frege and Russell as well. The things we find in the world would be taken by the platonist to be distorted and defective versions of ideal entities not given to experience. The dot on a piece of paper we call a point is but a defective image of the ideal point which has no parts or magnitude, the chalk mark on the blackboard we call a line is but a defective version of the ideal line without breadth or width, and so on. It is such ideal points, lines, spaces, etc. which are the true objects of mathematical inquiry. Mathematical objects do not have location in the world in which we live but instead inhabit a kind of transcendental parallel universe, a domain reachable through the reasonings of the pure mathematician, whose task it becomes to discover and chart its unobservable terrain in the way the geographer and astronomer discover and chart the observable earth and universe in which we live. As Michael Dummett puts it: “Platonism, as a philosophy of mathematics, is founded on a simile: the comparison between the apprehension of mathematical truth to the perception of physical objects, and thus of mathematical reality to the physical universe.” It is “the thesis that there really do exist such structures of abstract objects, and that we are capable of apprehending them by a faculty of intuition which is to abstract entities as our powers of perception are to physical objects.” The platonist seeks to mentally grasp the ideal entities by his “mind’s hand” (in the phrase of Morton White) and once he believes himself to have done so, the expression of his understanding would amount to being not only an expression of objective knowledge but an expression of absolute knowledge as well, something necessarily free of error or exception.
In criticism, it may be said again as in Chapter 5 that the platonist’s reference to a transcendental universe would appear to be no more than a declaration of faith. And one moreover which is unnecessary to questions in the theory of knowledge, since the question of the objectivity of mathematical knowledge and inquiry need not be made to depend on the existence of a transcendental mathematical reality.
A third and again highly influential thesis has been that of formalism, represented by David Hilbert, Johann Von Neumann, Haskel Curry and many others. The formalist takes mathematical inquiry to be possible without reference to any and all realities, whether of our own world or that of the platonist or any other. Mathematics is independent of everything that is real or actual, and says nothing about anything that is real or actual. The pure mathematician does not abstract from reality — his theorems simply do not have reality as their concern and are incapable by themselves of having anything to say about it. The felicitous consequence of such a view is that the mathematician is liberated from having to justify in any way whatsoever the empirical plausibility of any of his axioms. In Russell’s epigram: “pure mathematics is the subject in which we do not know what we are talking about.” The formalist requires himself first to state the “vocabulary” he will use; that is to say, list all symbols and propositions to be defined as the “primitives” or “axioms” or “tokens” for the project at hand. For instance
“p  q” will mean “either p or q”
“f(x)” will mean “the property f belongs to object x”
“x, f(x)” will mean “there exists an x such that f is its property”
“x, f(x)” will mean “for every x, f is a property of x”
“x = y” will mean “x and y are names of the same object”
and so on. A list like this would be intended to be no more than a string of symbols, not signifying anything concrete, possessing only what meaning the mathematician shall choose to give each symbol. Then, “rules of procedure” or “operators” are to be stated, the use of which upon the axioms in the vocabulary will give rise to meaningful “formulas”. Taking Von Neumann’s illustrations, a combination of symbols
1 + 1 = 2
would be a meaningful formula which is true, while
1 + 1 = 1
would be a meaningful formula which is false, while

1 +  = 1 or
+ + 1 = 
would remain meaningless strings of symbols. The act of “proving a theorem” is that of deducing meaningful formulas thus defined via the successive application of the given rules of procedure to the given axioms. The “consistency” of the axioms and rules of procedure with a theorem proved from them defines the truth of the theorem. A “formal system” would be a set of theorems derived from given axioms by given rules such that no two theorems contradicted each other. To take a commonplace illustration, the axioms of chess would include that it is a game played by two on an 8  8 board, each player having sixteen pieces, of which eight are of one kind, two each are of three other kinds, and each of the remaining two is of one of two further kinds, and so on. The pieces may be called anything we wish and are not intended to refer to any real objects outside the game. The rules of procedure decree “the King” may move one square in any direction, “the Queen” may move any number of squares in any direction, “the pawns” shall be on the second row of each player at the beginning of play, and so on. Given the axioms and the rules of procedure, it is then a trivial theorem to prove that White can move a pawn to the square called K4: we may say there exists a consistent move by White of pawn to K4. As a game proceeded, a theorem from a particular configuration of the pieces might be deduced like “White is mate in three moves”, i.e., there may be said to exist a set of consistent moves by Black which forces such an outcome. The “formal system” of chess would be the set of all such provable theorems, given the axioms and the rules of the game.
The value of the formalist thesis lay in its liberation of the mathematician. It “allowed mathematicians to investigate any kind of mathematical theory without asking whether any ‘reality’ corresponded to it.” As Hilbert put it in correspondence with Frege: “As long as I have thought, written and lectured about these matters, I have always (believed): if arbitrarily postulated axioms do not contradict each other with their collective consequences, then they are true and the things defined by means of the axioms exist. That, for me, is the criterion of truth and existence.” The kind of “existence” Hilbert meant was not one in the physical world as when we say there exists a table in this room, but rather the kind as when we say there exists a way for Black to mate White in three moves. The consistency of a set of axioms is all there is to the existence of a formal mathematical structure. The formalist stresses the independence of mathematics from empirical science. Empirical experiments can neither prove nor disprove a mathematical theorem, and equally a mathematical theorem by itself can neither refute nor corroborate an empirical hypothesis. To take a famous example, the formal consistency of euclidean geometry and of the various non-euclidean geometries cannot by themselves tell us whether physical space is euclidean or non-euclidean, or euclidean in the small and non-euclidean in the large, and so on.
In criticism, it may be said the recondite theorems of Gödel have cast doubt on the viability of the full formalist programme, and raised the question whether it too may not suffer from serious and fatal internal weaknesses. Also, from the formalist’s self-conscious assertion of the total independence of mathematical axioms and theorems from their interpretations, that mathematical symbols are intrinsically meaningless and only acquire any significance that they can in the context of a consistent mathematical structure, it would seem to follow the formalist thesis must be silent on how mathematics may be in fact applied, on what grounds a particular theorem is or is not to be accepted. As Curry himself put it in a critique of Hilbert: the question of “acceptability” is the question of the relationship of mathematical theorems to their applications, “a matter of interpreting the theory in relation to some subject matter”; while the consistency of a formal system stressed by Hilbert is an internal criterion of acceptability, it is not the only one we may think of; in general, “acceptability is relative to a purpose; discussion of the usefulness of a mathematical theory is pointless until a particular purpose has been stated.” Insofar as this is true, it would seem our old friend, human judgement, in all its complexity, is found again to have to make a necessary reappearance, even in the otherwise austere terrain traversed by the formalist mathematician. If mathematics is to be useful, if it is to have a value or a utility, then there is judgement required in its use. And of course, as has been argued throughout in this work, there is every reason to suppose such judgements to be capable themselves of being objectively supported or criticized.

§3. The possible bearing upon modern economic theory of these brief philosophical considerations may be illustrated in two specific contexts: the theory of probability and expected utility, and the theory of general equilibrium.
In the theory of probability, many contemporary economic theorists appear to have followed the extreme or moderated subjectivism represented in England by F. P. Ramsey’s review of J. M. Keynes’s Treatise on Probability, in Europe by Bruno de Finetti’s Poincaré Lectures, and in the United States by L. J. Savage’s Foundations of Statistics. According to such a theory, a judgement of probability would be understood as the personal degree of belief of an individual agent with respect to the uncertain occurrence of an event, constrained only by the weak requirement that the agent not be allowed to bet against himself — e.g., the agent may not assign a probability of one fourth to an event S as well as a probability of one fourth to its contrary ~S. Indeed the subjective probabilist may be seen to stand in close relationship with the humean and the emotivist in moral philosophy — as when Savage declared logic to be “a crude but sometimes handy empirical psychological theory”, or when de Finetti declared that while there might be “rather profound psychological reasons which make the exact or approximate agreement that is observed between the opinions of different individuals very natural… there are no reasons, rational, positive, or metaphysical, that can give this fact any meaning beyond that of a simple agreement of subjective opinions.” Subjectivist probabilists have been especially emphatic in rejecting any hint of a platonist ontology, as when de Finetti declared: “Probability does not exist!” — which he is taken to mean probability “does not exist in an objective sense, in other words he denies the existence of physical probability.” A small rebellion has been led for a number of years now against the subjectivist school by the French theorist Professor Maurice Allais, who declares to the contrary with as much emphasis as de Finetti: “The probability of an event likely to occur repeatedly under the same conditions is a physical quantity corresponding to a physical reality.” In view of our discussions, a possible means to the resolution of this dispute may be offered. Viz., it is possible that de Finetti and other subjectivist probabilists have wanted to deny a platonist ontology and so have believed it necessary to deny the possible objectivity of probable knowledge; while Allais has wanted to defend the possible objectivity of probable knowledge and so has believed it necessary to accept a platonist ontology. In other words, it is possible both sides have unwittingly shared the same epistemological assumption which we have found to be of questionable soundness, namely, that a claim to objective knowledge in a given context must go hand in hand with a platonist theory of existence. Moreover, relative to discussion of the concept of probability itself, there may have been a subtle reversal of philosophical positions when it comes to the theory of expected utility which has derived from the subjectivist view of probability. For subjectivist probabilists in economic theory have sometimes maintained or given the impression of maintaining the platonistic belief that the Von Neumann-Morgenstern model of an agent maximizing “expected utility” defines or describes absolutely the behaviour of an ideal rational agent, whether or not it can find a counterpart in the actual world in which we live. On the other hand, Allais may be seen on this point to have launched an anti-platonist protest — rightly arguing that to move from the premise “the only rational behaviour is behaviour conforming to the American [expected utility maximizing] School” to the conclusion “anyone who does not conform to these axioms is irrational” would be dogmatic and unfounded.
A juster alternative may be possible. The important truth the subjectivist probabilist has been concerned to emphasize may be seen as analogous to the important truth we have seen in Part I the humean economist to be concerned to emphasize. Namely, that the circumstantial evidence on the basis of which an individual agent makes the probability judgement he does in a given case may be available peculiarly to the agent and not to others. In other words, it will usually be the case as a matter of fact that the individual agent has a kind of privileged access to the relevant evidence necessary for the decisions which happen to concern him most. Once we make such an observation about the availability of evidence, we may be led in rough discussion to treat a statement of probability as synonymous with the personal degree of belief that the individual agent, given his privileged access to the relevant evidence, happens to attach to an event. But that would not imply, as the subjectivist probabilist would have us believe it does, that such a probability judgement cannot be mistaken — objectively mistaken. Like other kinds of judgements, probability judgements may be thought of as liable to error regardless of who happens to be making them, and we have seen moreover that a recognition of this sort would not have to depend on any endorsement of a platonist ontology. Keynes remarked at one place “a proposition is not probable because we think it is so” — just as the theory of knowledge advanced in Part II would suggest that a proposition is not true because we happen to think it is so, or a proposition is not right because we happen to think it is so. Something may be true and we may believe it to be true; these are two separate things. Similarly something may be right and we may believe it to be right; these are again two separate things. Similarly something may be probable and we may believe it to be probable — that these are two separate things would seem to be the point of Keynes’s remark. Things are not made probable or true or right merely because you or I or any number of persons happen to think them so. All the meteorological evidence may point to heavy rainfall being imminent, or all the medical evidence may point to a treatment being a fake cure for some disease, yet someone might choose to place a high subjective probability on the contrary and even be willing to bet sums of money in a consistent way as a token of the depth and sincerity of his belief. The subjective probabilist may have to say there is nothing unreasonable about such a belief even though there is something unreasonable about it. Like the humean and the emotivist, the subjective probabilist may have nothing to say to someone who refuses to reason or discuss or accept objective evidence for what it is.
Of course insofar as probability judgements guide our actions, it may be that it is the subjective probabilities of people, regardless of their accuracy, which need to be studied if we are to explain or predict actual behaviour, just as it is the subjective opinions of voters which interest the pollster trying to explain or predict the outcome of an election or the subjective preferences of consumers which interest the advertiser. Thus the subjectivist theory may be useful for purposes of description and prediction. In general however, if we grant knowledge to be well described as a family resemblance concept capable of indefinitely varied kind and instance, it may be preferable to take probable knowledge to be a particular species of it, one which indeed may be itself capable of varied kind and instance. Just as the way in which we can possibly know something about the present may differ in principle from the way in which we can possibly know something about the past, or the way in which we can know something about our own minds from the way in which we can know something about someone else’s mind, so it may be that the way in which we can know something with certainty may differ in principle from the way in which we can know something with probability. Probable knowledge, like scientific knowledge or moral knowledge or historical knowledge, may be something objectively ascertainable and yet relative to the given circumstantial evidence available to the individual agent. Thus the concerns of the subjectivist probabilist can be met even while we avoid the paradoxes into which he would otherwise lead us. Indeed this would seem to have been a main point of Keynes’s line of argument: “The terms ‘certain’ and ‘probable’ describe the various degrees of rational belief about a proposition which different amounts of knowledge authorise us to entertain. All propositions are true or false, but the knowledge we have of them depends on our circumstances; and while it is often convenient to speak of propositions as certain or probable, this expresses strictly a relationship in which they stand to a corpus of knowledge, actual or hypothetical, and not a characteristic of the propositions in themselves. A proposition is capable at the same time of various degrees of this relationship, depending upon the knowledge to which it is related, so that it is without significance to call a proposition probable unless we specify the knowledge to which we are relating it.” Furthermore, given the particular evidence available, judgements of probability are subject to common reasoning and should not be seen merely as possible expressions of caprice: “When once the facts are given which determine our knowledge, what is probable or improbable has been fixed objectively, and is independent of our opinion. The theory of probability is logical, therefore, because it is concerned with the degree of belief which it is rational to entertain in given conditions, and not merely with the actual beliefs of particular individuals, which may or may not be rational.” Ramsey’s review of Treatise on Probability would seem to have missed this line of argument, and the subsequent influence of the review among modern economic theorists may have contributed to the neglect of Keynes’s original work. The purpose of this brief note will have been served if it is seen that, once the Spell of Hume has been broken, it is possible for this neglect to be redressed.

§4. A second context in which our epistemological discussion may have bearing is the theory of general equilibrium, which has been the centerpiece of much economic study in recent decades. Among the many distinguished economists who have contributed to it in recent times have been Professor Debreu, Professor Arrow and Professor Hahn, with Debreu’s Theory of Value and Arrow and Hahn’s General Competitive Analysis being two important current statements of the theory. Yet Debreu appears to have taken a formalist perspective in mathematics with some hints at platonism, while Arrow and Hahn have appeared to be platonist with some hints at empiricism, when it is far from clear that these are points of view which are or can be made compatible with one another.
From Theory of Value onwards, Debreu has maintained as his purpose to treat economic subjects “with the standards of rigor of the contemporary formalist school of mathematics”. As we have seen, a formalist perspective would take individual mathematical objects and symbols to be meaningless in themselves, and not intended to refer to any actual economic events or phenomena. The task of the mathematical economist then would be to test by explicit rules of deductive procedure whether or not a given set of axioms is consistent. If so, the existence of a formal mathematical structure would be established, and the individual mathematical objects would find meaning within its defined context. Thus when Debreu says the mathematical propositions of Theory of Value are “logically entirely disconnected” from their “interpretations”, and so from any reference to the actual world, he may be seen as being correctly formalist and hilbertian in particular. The mathematics itself is independent of any of countless possible interpretations that can be given to it, real or imaginary, sensible or absurd, and does not by itself have anything to say about the actual world outside the window. We may posit axioms like:
Let En be an n dimensional Euclidean space.
Let there be a set H with finite number of elements.
Let each element h  H have attributed to it a closed and convex subspace Xh  En….
Let a relation R be defined for each h such that for any pair (x1,x2)  Xh, either x1Rx2, or x2Rx1, or x1Rx2 & x2Rx1 ….
Let there be a set F with a finite number of elements.
Let each element f  F have attributed to it a subspace Yf  Rn….
And so on. The meanings we happen to attach to the ciphers put down on paper are superfluous to the act of stating the axioms themselves. To have said “En” is the “commodity space” or “h  H” is “a household” or “f  F” is “a firm” is as unnecessary to the mathematics itself as the giving of particular names to the pieces of chess is to the playing of chess itself. That we speak about the axioms of chess the way we do implies nothing about the axioms themselves, nor a fortiori about any actual armies engaged in real battle outside the game. Similarly the axioms of Debreu’s theory can be stated and particular meanings attached to them without any reference to any particular households or firms engaged in economic life in any real economy whatsoever. Then, the rules of procedure in chess decree that certain moves are permissible and others are not. Whence we may deduce theorems like “White can move a pawn to K4″ or “Black can mate in three moves”. Similarly we may apply to Debreu’s stated axioms a theorem of Weierstrass:
“If f is a continuous function from a non-empty compact set S to the real line,
f: S  R, then f(S) has a maximum”
to obtain
“If Uh is a continuous function from a non-empty compact subspace Bh  Xh to the
real line, Uh: Bh  R, then Uh(Xh) has a maximum”.
Next by attaching particular connotations to Xh, Bh, and Uh(Xh), we can read a theorem of economics:
“If there is a suitably defined utility function for the individual household then there exists a vector of consumption goods within the budget set which gives maximum utility”.
Or, we may take the theorems:
“If x is a boundary point of a convex set A then there is a supporting plane of A through x”
and
“If A and B are two disjoint convex sets then there is a plane separating them”
and interpret each appropriately to obtain
“If technology is a closed and convex set, if the consumption set is closed and convex, if their intersection is bounded and not empty, and if the preference ordering is convex and continuous, then there exists a best point x in the attainable set, then there exists a relative price such that optimal producer and consumer decisions may be made independently of one another”.
Or, we may take a theorem of Brouwer
“For every continuous mapping from a compact convex set to itself, there exists a fixed point”
specifically in the context of general equilibrium theory to obtain under defined conditions
“There exists a vector of relative prices such that every individual agent solves its appropriate constrained maximization problem given this vector, and aggregate excess demand is zero for each good”.
The existence of such a vector of prices may be referred to as the existence of an “equilibrium” of the economy. But by that we would not imply — indeed according to the formalist perspective we could not imply — that we have said anything at all about any real economic phenomena. A general equilibrium would “exist” in the same sense that a way can exist for Black to mate White in three moves; it would not exist in the sense the table in this room or the city of Paris may be said to exist. Thus the formal (uninterpreted) structure presented in Theory of Value may be seen as standing to the simultaneous equations of Walras and Hicks and Samuelson rather in the way that Hilbert’s Foundations of Geometry stands to Euclid: as a statement of consistent systems of axioms establishing the existence of particular formal mathematical structures. As such, both the formal (uninterpreted) theory of general equilibrium and Hilbert’s axiomatization of geometry would be internal to mathematics. Neither would their correctness depend on any feature of the world in which we actually live, nor would anything in the world depend on the existence of these structures. The formal theory of general equilibrium may then be considered to consist of theorems which are unambiguously true; the theorems were true in the fifties, are true today, and will remain true at the millenium; they are true whether they are read in Tokyo or Cairo or on the moon or on Voyager II. Yet their truth is of the same kind other theorems in mathematics are true, or the grand theorems of chess are true. By themselves they must be silent about any and all actual economic phenomena. Such briefly would be the consequence of a strict formalist perspective in mathematical economics.
In contrast, Arrow and Hahn have sought to place the significance of general equilibrium theory in a larger context in the history of economic thought. They have endorsed the widespread view that the primary intent of Adam Smith in Wealth of Nations was to make a universal claim of the allocative merits of a market economy, and furthermore that this claim did not begin to be examined by the standards of modern science until Walras’s statement of a system of simultaneous equations of aggregate demands and supplies in relative prices. Walras’s system was taken further by Hicks and Samuelson and others, but internal or technical weaknesses had remained. Specifically it had not been proven that n-1 independent excess demand equations in n-1 relative prices could have a solution. Through the use of newer and more fundamental mathematics, precise conditions sufficient for the existence of a general equilibrium came to be stated. Moreover, a general equilibrium could also be shown to be “efficient” by the definition of Pareto, and so modern general equilibrium theory is to be seen to represent the culmination of the effort begun by Walras to examine the classical and neoclassical claims originating with Smith about the allocative merits of the market economy, and thus ultimately about the appropriate scope of the functions of civil government. Arrow and Hahn would add that there are numerous features of actual economies not accounted for within the basic model; for instance, forward contracts are less frequent in actual economies then they are assumed to be in the model. Such points of difference between reality and the model, Arrow and Hahn would argue, are grounds for believing the neoclassical belief to be subject to much qualification. The most famous alternative has been that of Keynes (as we have seen in Chapter 8) who had claimed to provide a general theory, a theory from which the neoclassical could derive but not conversely. The scope of general equilibrium analysis has been sought to be extended to ask whether Keynes’s claim was justifiable, and until such a project is completed the question of the merits of neoclassical monetary theory may not be said to have been answered with the authority of economic science behind it.
At the same time, as we have noted in Chapter 5, Professor Arrow was to remark in his Nobel Lecture: “In my own thinking, the model of general equilibrium under uncertainty is as much a normative ideal as an empirical description. It is the way the actual world differs from the criteria of the model which suggests social policy to improve the efficiency with which risk bearing is allocated.” And Professor Hahn has remarked that the model of general equilibrium “serves a function similar to that which an ideal and perfectly healthy body might serve a clinical diagnostician when he looks at an actual body”; that although the model “is known to conflict with the facts” and “is not a description of an actual economy” it can still tell us “what the world would have to look like” if the neoclassical view of the economy is to be plausible. Thus it would seem the formal general equilibrium model is to be taken to describe some empirically possible economy though not any actual one, which is at the same time supposed to be the “normative ideal” of actual market economies in the way the perfect point or line is supposed to be an idealization of the actual point or line we draw with chalk on the blackboard. It may be possible to identify where an actual economy is defective relative to this perfect structure, and thereby seek to improve it. In other words, Arrow and Hahn seem to have wished to endorse both a platonist ontology as well as something of a Millian empiricism — though it is far from clear that these can be made compatible either with one another or with the strict formalism embraced by Debreu (who hints at platonism as well at one place in speaking of the “discovery” of axiomatic theories in economics ), let alone with their own subjectivism on the positive/normative relationship recorded in Chapter 2, or with the subjectivism which is to be found in the theory of social choice to be discussed in Chapter 10. If these are indeed accurate characterizations of some of the implicit philosophical premises which are to be found in parts of contemporary mathematical economics, then a conclusion we must be led to is that in some of the central theories of modern economic study, there may exist inconsistency at a more fundamental level of abstraction than we have been usually prepared to venture.

§5. In sum, serious thought does not seem to have been given in modern economics to the nature of the relationship between mathematical economics and the reality of economic life and phenomena. This is an abstract and logical question descending in part from the question of the relationship between reality and mathematics itself. Neither mathematical economists nor their critics seem to have asked whether modern mathematical economics can be made to say all that has been claimed for it. If it is true that mathematics by itself is silent even about the great questions of physics such as whether or not actual space is euclidean or non-euclidean or euclidean in the small and non-euclidean in the large (as Hilbert and probably Frege and Russell and Wittgenstein would have maintained) then is it logically possible for it to be made to answer such momentous questions in political economy as to what happens to be the optimum scope of civil government everywhere or anywhere? Moreover if we take mathematics by itself to be silent about any and all actual phenomena, whether in physics or economics or anywhere else, would we have implied by that that mathematics was not valuable — indeed that it was not indispensable to empirical inquiry? Professor R. M. Solow remarks: “I don’t feel that I understand something until I have a (usually mathematical) model of it.” Here would be a quite radical scepticism being expressed, which taken literally would mean we cannot know or understand anything in the actual world without a mathematical model of it. An associated dogmatism may be that mathematical models constitute the only truly legitimate route to knowledge and understanding in economic science. Yet here as elsewhere we need not take the sceptic’s words at face value. Some Moorean commonsense can be a sufficient antidote. For it is clear that we can and do know any number of things perfectly well without any mathematics at all, such as that there is a table in this room or a tree outside the window or that here is a taxi driver who knows how to get his passengers from one place to another. Here as elsewhere the sceptic may be understood to mean something other than what he says: that the sheer scale and complexity of the actual phenomena which the economist is called upon to interpret and comment on, often makes it necessary to employ indirect means, means which may be able to reduce both the scale and the complexity to reasonable and comprehensible proportions. And most notable among such means would be that of mathematical modelling.
Models in any discipline are created not for fun or private profit, and ought to have a serious purpose. (Part of the critic’s protest has been that there is much mathematical modelling in contemporary university economics without serious purpose, that models are being created merely for fun or private profit.) Within pure mathematics itself, what would be meant by a “model” is something like this: given such and such a set of axioms, is there any interpretation of these axioms such that they are consistent with one another? If so, this interpretation would be defined to be “a model” for the particular set of axioms. And, within a formalist perspective, such a use of the concept “model” would not and would not be intended to say anything at all about real or actual objects. By contrast, within an empirical science like physics or biology or anthropology or economics a “model” would have precisely the purpose of telling us something about reality which we happen to find greatly more difficult in telling by other means like direct observation. And the reality referred to would not be the transcendental heaven of the platonist but the actual world or universe in which we live. Thus a road map, a globe, the floor plan of an apartment, a calendar-diary, the blue prints for a bridge or a house, a scale model of an aircraft, a political caricature, Watson and Crick’s double helix, Tolstoy’s Kutusov — each has some informative utility that may be sought to be appreciated. A model which attempted a one-one correspondence with reality (if such a thing can be imagined) would not be a model of reality but reality itself; something closest to being identical with reality may be useless as a model, because it would tell us little or nothing we could not have found out by means like direct observation. For a model to have value or utility it may be necessary (though clearly it will not be sufficient) for some features of the “original” phenomena to be suppressed, while other features are duplicated and therefore come to be exaggerated. Thus a scale model has the same three dimensions of the original but suppresses its true size, a blueprint or a contour map is a two dimensional model of a three-dimensional original, and so on. Mathematical models in economics are evidently neither like physical scale models nor like two dimensional maps of a three dimensional reality. Rather they may be compared perhaps with what have been called “analogue” models: where there would have to be first “a change of medium” from the original objects and phenomena of economic life to the mathematical symbolism on paper, with an attempt being made to conserve “truth value” in the sense “every incidence of a relation in the original must be echoed by a corresponding incidence of a correlated relation in the analogue model.” Theorems then may be established deductively from the axioms of the model. Finally the transformation must be applied in reverse, so the theorems of the model would be now sought to be interpreted as referring to the original economic phenomena which had been thought too complex to be understood by direct observation.
In a process of this sort, it will be our old friend judgement which must make an appearance once more, required first in making the abstraction from the actual phenomena of economic life to the mathematical symbolism on paper, and secondly in transforming in reverse the results of the model to ascertain their significance and upshot to actual economic phenomena. As Wittgenstein put it: “in real life a mathematical proposition is never what we want. Rather, we make use of mathematical propositions only in inferences from propositions that do not belong to mathematics to others that likewise do not belong to mathematics.” Or as Peirce put it in typical fashion: “An engineer, or a business company… or a physicist, finds it suits his purpose to ascertain what the necessary consequences of possible facts would be; but the facts are so complicated that he cannot deal with them in his usual way. He calls upon a mathematician and states the question. Now the mathematician does not conceive it to be any part of his duty to verify the facts stated…. At the same time, it frequently happens that the facts, as stated, are insufficient to answer the question that is put. Accordingly, the first business of the mathematician, often a most difficult task, is to frame another simpler but quite fictitious problem… which shall be within his powers, while at the same time it is sufficiently like the problem set before him to answer, well or ill, as a substitute for it. This substituted problem differs also from that which was first set before the mathematician in another respect: namely, that it is highly abstract. All features that have no bearing upon the relations of the premisses to the conclusion are effaced and obliterated…. Thus, the mathematician does two very different things: namely, he first frames a pure hypothesis stripped of all features which do not concern the drawing of consequences from it, and this he does without inquiring or caring whether it agrees with the actual facts or not; and secondly, he proceeds to draw necessary consequences from that hypothesis.” Or in Carl Hempel’s metaphor: “in the establishment of empirical knowledge, mathematics (as well as logic) has, so to speak, the function of a theoretical juice extractor: the techniques of mathematical and logical theory can produce no more juice of factual information than is contained in the assumptions to which they are applied; but they may produce a great deal more juice of this kind than might have been anticipated upon a first intuitive inspection of those assumptions which form the raw material for the extractor.” In any case of mathematical application, an exercise of judgement is necessarily called for — as to what does and what does not have bearing upon the relations of the premises to the conclusion, as to what is to be effaced and what is to be accentuated, as to what is relevant and what is not, as to whether or not the questions from the model to which we can give direct answers are sufficiently like those from the reality to which we happen to find we cannot. And again, according to the theory of knowledge advanced in Part II, every such judgement needs to be thought of not as a mere expression of subjective caprice or prejudice but as something which is open to reasonable and open-ended and objective discussion.
Thus it may be possible to take a view that while mathematics by itself cannot say anything about economic reality, and while nothing real or actual depends ultimately on the formal validity of any mathematical theorem, mathematics is nevertheless valuable — indeed that it is in practice indispensable to empirical inquiry, whether in economics or elsewhere. Whenever we ask questions of real phenomena, we must necessarily make use of concepts; and just as there are concepts of natural science like ‘acceleration’ and ‘wavelength’ and ‘element’ and ‘isotope’ and ‘vertebrate’ and ‘anaerobic’, or of psychology like ‘neurosis’ and ‘intelligence’ and ‘retardation’, or of mathematics like ‘real number’ and ‘sequence’ and ‘continuous’, or of jurisprudence like ‘tort’ and ‘intent’ and ‘sovereignty’, so too there are concepts necessary for an understanding of economic phenomena — such as ‘relative price’ and ‘rate of interest’ and ‘utility’ and ‘diminishing returns to scale’ and ‘competitive market’ and ‘capital good’ and ‘human capital’ and ‘risk aversion’ and so on. A constant feature of our reasoning involves judging by comparison and contrast such things as whether a particular concept is empty or has instances falling under it, whether these instances of our observations fall under this concept or that, whether a concept has been well defined or needs improvement. While mathematics by itself may not be able to say anything about real economic phenomena, it may have been indispensable in practice to the task of the clarification and elucidation of the conceptual basis of economic science, without which we would not be able to ask questions of economic reality at all or as readily. For example, a concept like ‘rate of interest’ is clarified when it is defined in terms of intertemporal relative prices, or ‘production activity’ when it is defined in terms of the transformation of inputs into outputs. And the activity of competition is elucidated to an extent by the metaphor of a ‘tâtonnement’, as are the manifold and indefinitely complex relationships between markets by the metaphors of general equilibrium theory — and similarly in many scores of other cases. Many of our concepts may be hard to define and clarify, and equally hard to ascertain instances of. Thus it may be we shall continue to argue for many years over such questions as the best definition of a hard compound concept like ‘involuntary unemployment in the long run’, and whether it has any instances falling under it. Yet it frequently has been through the application of mathematical definitions and methods that we have succeeded in clarifying many of those concepts which are today part of the common vernacular when questions must be asked about the complex kinds of phenomena that we face. More generally it may be said: the primary task of economic theory or analytical economics is the clarification and elucidation of the conceptual basis of the science. When faced with a particular problematic situation, it is to the analytical economist, whether or not he or she is a mathematical economist, to whom we turn for conceptual guidance and criticism. Ultimately, all theory is (or ought to be) “Critique of Language”.
It may be seen, then, that an argument can be developed which is at odds both with the received view of mathematical economists themselves about the upshot of mathematical economics, and with the received criticisms of that view. There may be positive consequences for economic science of courting the friendship and the enmity of both sides. And that perhaps is how it should be. Keynes wrote in one place that the student of economics needs to be “mathematician, historian, statesman and philosopher — in some degree. He must understand symbols and speak in words. He must contemplate the particular in terms of the general, and touch abstract and concrete in the same flight of thought. He must study the present in the light of the past for the purposes of the future. No part of man’s nature or his institutions must lie entirely outside his regard. He must be purposeful and disinterested in a simultaneous mood: as aloof and incorruptible as an artist, yet sometimes as near the earth as a politician.” This is not an easy order to fulfil — yet if it had been taken more seriously by more in the last half-century, there would surely have been less of the kind of confusion and conflict that this chapter has sought to clarify and dissolve.
10. Remarks on the Foundations of Welfare Economics
At the heart of the subject referred to as the foundations of welfare economics or theoretical welfare economics or most recently the theory of social choice, has been the question of the appropriate relationship between the positive and the normative, as have been wider questions of the scope of reason in the making of judgements and the role of the economic expert in society. A quite different perspective upon these questions will be seen to have been offered in the preceding chapters than is to be found in the post-War conventions of the subject. One point of difference which may be observed straightaway arises from the latter being premised for the most part on a quite radical moral scepticism, while one of the main purposes of the present work has been to show some of the logical difficulties with holding such a position. Following from an assumption of moral scepticism has been the belief that interpersonal comparisons of utility are not possible to be made objectively, and tied up to this belief has been the notion of the measurability or immeasurability of utility. It is this belief too, more than anything else, which seems to have motivated the entire theory of social choice; indeed the quintessential belief of the moral sceptic in economics may be that Professor Arrow’s famous theorem proved, under seemingly weak but desirable conditions of individual freedom, the impossibility of the existence of a social good (or we might say following Frege, proved the emptiness of the concept of a social good). The purpose of this chapter will be to offer a few further suggestions towards helping to dissolve some of the conceptual puzzles faced in welfare economics, or at least to clarify their possible philosophical sources. The preceding chapters have advanced a theory of economic knowledge which is at the same time objectivist and explicitly anti-absolutist or anti-platonist. Insofar as the post-War conventions of welfare economics have been steeped in subjectivism and/or platonism, the interpretations given here will be found, therefore, to be critical and even perhaps quite radical in nature. Yet Professor Arrow himself concluded his Nobel Lecture saying the philosophical implications of his theorem were not clear, and expressed a hope his theorem would be seen “as a challenge rather than as a discouraging barrier” . It will be in such a spirit of a continuing and mutually critical tradition of scholarship that the remarks offered here are intended to be taken.

§2. As the issues involved are well known to be slippery to the grasp, it may be useful to offer a synopsis of the argument at the outset.
Remark A The theory of demand given by Marshall was direct, literal and commonsensical, whereas the theory of demand given by Hicks has been indirect, metaphorical and abstract. Marshall’s use of a concept of utility was not unnatural since a part of his purpose was realistic description of the actual business of life. Hicks’s theory has had innumerable uses in modern economics but one ill consequence: that of sending Marshall’s theory into exile. The young Hicks’s scepticism of the meaningfulness of the Marshallian concept of utility was misdirected, and this is something which the older Hicks has acknowledged.
Remark B Robbins’s scepticism of interpersonal comparisons amounted to a species of solipsism. The problem of solipsism may have a relatively straightforward philosophical solution via establishing the possibility of different logical kinds of objective knowledge.
Remark C Interpersonal comparisons are a species of judgement, and are therefore open to objective reasoning (which itself may be various in kind and open-ended in scope and direction, as has been argued in previous chapters).
Remark D The question of whether a judgement can be made objectively is separate from (and prior to) the question of who should be making a judgement in a given case. Interpersonal comparisons are a species of judgement. The question of whether interpersonal comparisons can be made objectively is a separate question from the question of who should be making them in a given case.
Remark E For interpersonal comparisons to be possible to be made objectively in this sense does not say anything at all about the concept of utility being open to measurement or quantification. There is no such implication unless one made a link between an objectivist theory of knowledge and a platonist theory of existence — viz., assuming that if the concept of utility is taken to be meaningful then measurements of utility would be meaningful as well (perhaps corresponding to distances defined in some sort of invisible, transcendental domain).
Remark F That such a link is unnecessary has been argued in previous chapters, especially in Part II. Yet the idea that objectivity is somehow tied up with platonism is widespread. It prevails both among subjectivists, who, wishing to reject platonism, go on to reject objectivity; and among absolutists, who, wishing to endorse objectivity, go on to embrace platonism. The philosophical malaise often found in contemporary economic theory of being alternately subjectivist and absolutist may be a result of an acceptance of this idea. (As it may be also of an ambivalence between formalist and platonist views of mathematics.)
Remark G Confounding objectivity with platonism may lead to a further malaise of supposing utility and interpersonal comparisons are meaningful if and only if the State should be making interpersonal comparisons (specifically redistributions such as via progressive income tax). This has either of two mutually exclusive symptoms, viz., supposing if utility and interpersonal comparisons are meaningful then the State should be making redistributions; or supposing if the State should not be making redistributions then neither utility nor a fortiori interpersonal comparisons can be meaningful.
Remark H Whether or not the State should redistribute in a given case is a separate question from whether or not the State should be involved in making interpersonal comparisons. (For example the judiciary clearly makes interpersonal comparisons but not all of these involve redistributions.) Whether the State should redistribute in a given case and whether the State should be making interpersonal comparisons in a given case is each a distinct question from whether interpersonal comparisons can be meaningful.
Remark I The theory of social choice pioneered by Arrow has been motivated by the scepticisms of Hicks and Robbins. Central to Arrow’s theory has been his idea of an all-encompassing “social state”, over which individual preferences are to be defined. Given moral scepticism and an assumption of “objectivity if and only if platonism”, this may be the only way for an individual to have social opinions. But consequently the normal concept of an individual is lost. The human beings of social choice theory, like the human beings of modern demand theory, are not normal human beings.
Remark J The definition of each of Arrow’s axioms depends on the definition of the social state. The resulting interpretation of Arrow’s theorem might be plausible when the size of the society is as small as that of a committee, but it is quite unnatural otherwise. In particular, Sen has defined liberalism following Arrow’s route, and this definition comes to look very different from what has been traditionally recognized as liberalism.
These remarks may seem extraordinarily radical relative to certain trends in contemporary economic theory, so it will be important to tread with special care and as much attention to detail as possible.

§3. Among the most vexing questions encountered in welfare economics have been ones of the form “Should X be done if (or even if) it benefits A more than it benefits B?” If this is to be considered meaningful at all, the notion of a benefit or loss to A and of a benefit or loss to B have to be considered meaningful in the first place, as must be the possibility of comparisons between these. A pair of parallel divisions can be identified among twentieth century economists on the matter — with Marshall, Wicksell, Pigou and Robertson among others seeming to stand to the one side and broadly answering that the notions are meaningful, and Pareto, Robbins, Hicks, Samuelson and Arrow among others seeming to stand to the other side and broadly answering that they are not. It may be helpful to remind ourselves of a representative view of each side.
Marshall’s description of the nature of human wants and their satisfaction went like this. “There is an endless variety of wants, but there is a limit to each separate want. This familiar and fundamental tendency of human nature may be stated in the ‘law of satiable wants’ or of ‘diminishing utility’ thus: The ‘total utility’ of a thing to anyone (that is, the total pleasure or benefit it yields him) increases with every increase in his stock of it, but not as fast as his stock increases. If his stock increases at a uniform rate the benefit derived from it increases at a diminishing rate…. That part of the thing which he is only just induced to purchase may be called his ‘marginal purchase’, because he is on the margin of doubt whether it is worth his while to incur the outlay required to obtain it. And the utility of his marginal purchase may be called the ‘marginal utility’ of the thing to him. Or, if instead of buying it, he makes the thing himself, then its marginal utility is the utility of that part which he thinks is only just worth his while to make. And thus the law just given may be worded: The marginal utility of a thing to anyone diminishes with every increase in the amount of it he already has.” A famous neoclassical observation followed. “If a person has a thing which he can put to several uses, he will distribute it among these uses in such a way that it has the same marginal utility in all. For if it had a greater marginal utility in one use than another, he would gain by taking away some of it from the second use and applying it to the first.” Marshall went on to argue that the purchaser of a good may be seen as buying an amount up to which the utility to him of the last unit just equalled the price being quoted. If tea was selling at two shillings a pound and a person bought ten pounds, we might say the difference in utility to him of ten pounds of tea instead of nine was just above two shillings, and the difference in utility to him of eleven pounds instead of ten was just below two shillings. Add to this an observation that every world contains more than one good and so all prices must be relative prices, and we have the famous condition of consumer equilibrium, that the ratio of the marginal utilities to a particular trader of two goods equals the ratio of the prices of the goods being quoted in the marketplace.
Hicks’s initial objective in launching a critique of this account would seem to have to have been a relatively limited one: “My work on this subject began with the endeavour to supply a needed theoretical foundation for statistical demand studies; so that there is a definite relevance to that field. Other matters of fundamental methodological importance are thrown up as well.” Hicks’s aim was to derive the demand curve mathematically, at least partly in the belief that this would be valuable for the purposes of econometrics, and indeed his collaborator R. G. D. Allen would become a pioneer of the statistical study of demand. With such a purpose in mind, it was understandable that Hicks should be sceptical of Marshall’s account: “But now what is this ‘utility’ which the consumer maximizes? And what is the exact basis for the law of diminishing marginal utility? Marshall leaves one uncomfortable on these subjects.” Whence, putting the indifference curve analysis of Pareto to work in the way every economist now knows, Hicks and Allen showed how the downward sloping demand curve could be deduced without a mention of the word utility. Hicks concluded: “The quantitative concept of utility is not necessary in order to explain market phenomena. Therefore, on the principle of Occam’s razor, it is better to do without it. For it is not, in practice, a matter of indifference if a theory contains unnecessary entities. Such quantities are irrelevant to the problem in hand, and their presence is likely to obscure the vision…. We have… to undertake a purge, rejecting all concepts which are tainted by quantitative utility, and replacing them, so far as they need to be replaced, by concepts which have no such implication.” The problem in hand had been to derive the demand curve from the fewest axioms, and Hicks and Allen — in a spirit of Russellian scepticism — showed how this could be done without any necessary reference to a concept of utility or that of a utility function.
It is remarkable how decisively the hicksian view has seemed to prevail over the marshallian in contemporary theory — as when Professor Samuelson declared “the whole end and purpose” of the analysis of consumer behaviour to be the derivation of demand functions in prices and income, or when Professor Arrow reissued Hicks’s occamist challenge: “the proponents of measurable utility have been unable to produce any proposition of economic behavior which could be explained by their hypothesis and not by those of the indifference curve theorists.” Yet it does not seem self-evident that an acceptance of a marshallian concept of utility would necessarily imply utility to be measurable or quantifiable, or even that Marshall himself had believed it to be so. Marshall did conclude that a quoted price for tea of two shillings a pound at which the buyer actually makes his purchase “measures the utility to him of the tea which lies at the margin or terminus or end of his purchases; it measures the marginal utility to him.” But this would seem to be the only sense in which Marshall believed the utility of a good to someone could be measured by the agent or anyone else. To the contrary it is said frequently enough in Book III of Principles that desires themselves “cannot be measured directly”, that the utility of a thing accrues only to a given individual, that “price will measure the marginal utility of the commodity to each purchaser individually: we cannot speak of price as measuring utility in general, because the wants and circumstances of different people are different”, that “we cannot compare the quantities of two benefits, which are enjoyed at different times even by the same person.” Marshall’s purpose is mainly descriptive, to say how people actually “live and move and think in the ordinary business of life”, and any names and “elaborate machinery” he invents in his study are intended “only to bring to light difficulties and assumptions that are latent in the common language of the market place.” Marshall’s illustrations are commonplaces open to ordinary observation: a housewife must decide how much yarn should be put to making socks and how much to making vests so “as to contribute as much as possible to family well being”; a clerk is in doubt whether to ride to work, or walk and save the cash for something extra at lunch; a pair of newlyweds plan all their expenditures carefully, “weighing the loss of utility that would result from taking away a pound’s expenditure here, with that which they would lose by taking it away there”, and so on. Marshall’s examples are about tea and salt and socks and vests and wool and wood and furniture and champagne and pineapples. And such goods are desired, delighted in, regretted, and enjoyed by flesh-and-blood human beings, who have appetites for and emotions about the things they find in the world, and senses with which to enjoy them. Moreover, the notion that in most cases, as a person comes to possess or consume more and more of a good, the marginal unit is enjoyed by less and less, may be capable of a physiological and psychological underpinning. It could be a natural limitation of the mind that it better understands and is better aware of what is proximate to it, and that such awareness and understanding diminishes as objects become remote or peripheral to ordinary experience. When this observation is considered in the context of property, it may suggest that the ownership of increasing quantities of goods gradually diminishes awareness of the whole. The person with very little is likely to be acutely conscious of what he does in fact possess, whereas no reader of these pages will be a Scrooge, with an exact inventory in mind of everything he or she owns, down to the last box of matches in the cupboard and the loose change in the pocket (though situations are easily imagined in which we would become acutely conscious of the utility of such things). In short, Marshall’s account of the concepts of utility and marginal utility is one which may be understood by anyone by applying ordinary powers of reason and observation to experience.
For purposes of contemporary demand theory by contrast, axioms and theories about human beings need to be postulated but we do not need either to acknowledge the fact of our own humanity or to observe human actions and motivations as these happen to be given to experience, or to look to the pleasures and pains of actual human beings. A logical cipher can substitute, to which we associate other sets of ciphers, defining the first to be “the agent”, the second to be the “commodity space”, the third to be “the agent’s preferences” which are “complete”, “reflexive”, “transitive”, “continuous”, and so on. In the previous chapter we have seen that a formalist approach in the philosophy of mathematics has the liberating effect of permitting the mathematician to proceed with the statement of formal systems without reference to any reality at all. A similar liberating effect may have been made possible in analytical economics by the Hicks/Allen approach to the theory of demand, permitting numerous new formal economic systems to be stated without any necessary reference being made to real economic phenomena. With respect to the theoretical purpose of deriving demand curves in prices and income, which had been Hicks’s original purpose, it may be neither possible nor necessary to meet the occamist challenge that the marshallian theory has nothing to offer which cannot be offered by the hicksian and post-hicksian theories. Yet that does not mean the occamist challenge cannot be met with respect to the purpose the marshallians themselves may have had, namely, the purpose of description, requiring the use of our common powers of reasoning and observation to describe how human beings actually are in their economic behaviour. The ghost of Marshall might reply to the challenge of Hicks and Samuelson and Arrow on the following lines: Agreed that the paretian indifference curve theory, and in due course the axioms of revealed preference, have permitted more austere deductions of the demand curve from fewer and fewer axioms. Agreed too, if you wish, that an “ordinal” theory of demand is analytically more elegant than a “cardinal” theory of demand (though neither I nor my contemporaries were concerned to use such terms). Agreed too that your theory has been and continues to be greatly valuable in innumerable contexts in economic inquiry. But that does not mean you have described how people are — how they actually “live and move and think in the ordinary business of life.” As a plain matter of fact, everyone with whom you or I have actually been acquainted, you and I included, has been a being who has experienced utility or disutility, pleasures or pains, whether of a mental or physical kind, from a wide variety of goods, whether tradeable at a positive price or not. At the same time, no one with whom you or I have been acquainted has ever given any evidence of having “preference orderings” of the kind you postulate. I am even prepared to say I know this to be true for certain, and moreover, not only do I know this but so do you and so does everybody else. We know we do experience pleasures and pains, and we know we do not define precise orderings between vast numbers of vectors of goods and skills.
Where Hicks, Robbins, Samuelson, Arrow and others have written in the sceptical and occamist tradition of Russell (and Russell is well known for a time to have been platonist as well!) the replies of Marshall, Wicksell, Pigou, Robertson and others may be in the critical and commonsensical traditions of Moore and Peirce. And the true point of such a reply would be not to decry in the slightest the achievements of the post-hicksian theory, but rather to place it in juster perspective: to remind ourselves that it is literally false, and that its value derives precisely from its metaphorical use in contexts in which the primary purpose is not a literal description of the individual agent but something else, e.g. analysis of a backward bending supply curve of labour, or of the gains from trade, or “Liquidity Preference as Behavior Toward Risk”, and so on in scores of different contexts within economic study. Such a purpose is to be contrasted with the marshallian account which did purport to be literally true, and does succeed in being a more plausible literal description. Indeed there appears to be quite firm evidence that Professor Hicks’s present opinion may be closer to such a position than it is to the author of Chapter I of Value and Capital: “the replacement of the old consumer theory — the marginal utility theory — by the modern theory of ordinal preferences (a replacement in which I myself have played a part) was not so clear an advance as is usually supposed. Marshall’s consumer, who decides on his purchases by comparing the marginal utility of what is to be bought with the marginal utility of the money he will have to pay for it, is more like an actual consumer, at least so far as some important purchases are concerned, than Samuelson’s consumer, who ‘reveals his preference’.” Professor Hicks has confirmed in correspondence that his present view is indeed “very different from that which I took in ’34 and ’39″, and has cited further passages in his recent writings as evidence of a fresh position.
A conclusion we may provisionally register, then, is that it may be possible the marshallian and the hicksian theories of the consumer have had subtly different purposes which need not be considered incompatible. One result of such a recognition would be the return of the marshallian account from wrongful exile and its restoration as a plausible and literal description of individual economic behaviour.

§4. Where Hicks’s scepticism seemed to derive from a premise that allowing utility and marginal utility to be meaningful notions would permit them to be in some sense “quantitative”, Robbins’s scepticism seemed to derive from a premise that it would permit interpersonal comparisons and a numerical sum of individual utilities to be meaningful as well. And much contemporary opinion seemed to exist to such an effect. For example Wicksell had written in criticism of Cassel: “He also repeats his old objection about the impossibility of ‘measuring utility’, as though exchange and economic activity in general — even in a primitive economy — would be conceivable, if we could not estimate the utility of different goods to us. Similarly, the deliberation of members of Parliament on problems of taxation would be meaningless, if it were impossible to compare the utility of the same good to different persons.” And Pigou had written that it was “evident that any transference of income from a relatively rich man to a relatively poor man of similar temperament, since it enables more intense wants to be satisfied at the expense of less intense wants, must increase the aggregate sum of satisfaction. The old ‘law of diminishing marginal utility’ thus leads securely to the proposition: Any cause which increases the absolute share of real income in the hands of the poor, provided that it does not lead to a contraction in the size of the national dividend from any point of view, will in general, increase economic welfare.” And Marshall himself had written of “the fact that the same sum of money measures a greater pleasure for the poor than for the rich”, that a tax of £20 on each of fifty incomes of £200 caused “unquestionably far greater hurt” ceteris paribus than a tax of £1000 on one income of £10,000; that “the utility, or benefit, that is measured in the poorer man’s mind by twopence is greater than that measured in the richer man’s mind….” It was to this body of opinion that Robbins replied: “The Law of Diminishing Marginal Utility implies that the more one has of anything, the less one values additional units thereof. Therefore, it is said, the more real income one has, the less one values additional units of income. Therefore, the marginal utility of a rich man’s income is less than the marginal utility of a poor man’s income. Therefore, if transfers are made, and these transfers do not appreciably affect production, total utility will be increased. Therefore, such transfers are ‘economically justified’. Q.E.D. At first sight, the plausibility of the argument is overwhelming. But on closer inspection it is seen to be merely specious…. [it] begs the great metaphysical question of the scientific comparability of different individual experiences.”
How, if at all, can Robbins’s challenge be met? The marshallian notion of utility did entail that “the richer a man becomes the less is the marginal utility of money to him; every increase in his resources increases the price which he is willing to pay for any given benefit. And in the same way every dimunition of his resources increases the marginal utility of money to him, and diminishes the price he is willing to pay for any benefit.” I.e., given an income of fifty dollars a week the utility to me of the fiftieth dollar is much higher than the utility to me of the five thousandth dollar given an income of five thousand dollars a week. Or, if I experience a ten dollar cut in a fifty dollar income I shall be much more upset than if I experience the same in a five thousand dollar income. The statements refer to the individual’s own experiences and feelings; i.e., they presume he is able himself to describe the state of his own mind when he experiences an increase or decrease in the quantity of the goods he owns and so a decrease or increase in their marginal utilities to him. Thus the philosophical question implicit in Robbins’s challenge may appear to be: Is this not all the individual can possibly experience? In particular, how can it be possible for A to know — to know objectively — what B happens to feel or experience? Is not such a thing impossible?
Stated in this manner, it may be readily seen that what may have been implicit in Robbins’s challenge is something close to the problem of solipsism discussed in the philosophy of mind and which we have met with briefly in Chapter 4. For the solipsist is someone who holds his own feelings and experiences to be indeed all that he can possibly experience: “He goes to the limit of declaring that he has no reason for believing in the existence or occurrence of anything but the present state of his own mind.” And, just as with the humean sceptic or the subjective probabilist, there may be truth in what the solipsist means even while there is not in what he says or believes himself to mean. I can and cannot know the pleasures or pains or joy or sorrow you feel, depending on which is being meant of two different senses in which there may be a knowledge of these feelings to be had. Wittgenstein remarked at one place: “For what the solipsist means is quite correct”, and Bambrough has recently sought to make this clearer. I cannot know how you feel pain, pleasure, joy or sorrow in the same way you feel the pain, pleasure, joy or sorrow you do: the solipsist is right when he means that he and only he can know the state of his own mind in the way that only he can know it. But that does not mean I cannot know at all how you feel what you do: the solipsist is wrong when he means that the way he and only he knows the state of his own mind is the only way in which the state of his mind can be known. It is as if someone says we cannot really know what the Duke of Wellington saw or did at Waterloo if we are not the Duke of Wellington ourselves: “When we say that the Duke of Wellington or the child with toothache or the man who had the dream or saw the play or the tomato knows in a way that we do not know, we must distinguish between two uses of these words: we may mean that the Duke or the child or the man does know something that we do not know, or we may mean that his way of knowing is different from ours.” Just as the way in which it is possible for the eyewitness to know is different from the way in which it may be possible for the historian to know, so the way in which it is possible for you to know how you feel what you do is different from the way in which it may be possible for me to know how you feel what you do. Equally, just as the historian can know what happened at Waterloo or Austerlitz or Borodino without having to know it in the way someone who was there knows it, so I can know how you feel something without having to know it in the way you know how you feel it. Indeed such an argument may be able to sustain considerable generalization. No one can feel the labour pains of a woman during childbirth in the same way that she happens to feel them herself. Yet women who have themselves felt the pains of childbirth may be able to understand the pain in a way others cannot. Other women who have not given birth but who have miscarried may still understand the pain in a way yet others cannot. And yet other women who have neither given birth nor miscarried but who have experienced the pains of menstruation may still understand it better than someone, such as a man, who has not and cannot have done so, and yet who himself is capable of understanding it as well, though in a necessarily different way. In each case there would be a relevant sense in which an objective understanding is possible, and yet there are a variety of different logical kinds of such understanding. Reframing the problem in the terms used in Chapter 6 in discussing liberalism and in Chapter 10 in discussing probability, we might say a person has a kind of privileged access to his or her own experience which is impossible for others to possess. The solipsist mistakes the fact of this privileged access for a signal that all access is closed, when it is instead that access can be had in logically differing ways. Thus subjective experience, like subjective belief, may be possible without diminishing in the slightest the scope for objective understanding.
There are two further results of the theory of knowledge of Part II which may be relevant here. The first would be simply that questions of judgement, like all questions in general, once adequately described in particular context and circumstance, should be capable of sustaining reasonable and open-ended inquiry and discussion as to their answers; since interpersonal comparisons are a species of judgement, we may predict the same to hold for them as well. Secondly, questions of a given kind may need analysis into two separate senses: whether objective answers can possibly be given to such questions, and whether it is known who if anyone is in the best position of having an answer in a given case. It is possible that at least some of the discussion in theoretical welfare economics has been muddied by a general failure to make such a distinction, and a confounding of these senses into one. In previous chapters we have seen that Plato had certainly seemed to fail to make such a distinction, and ever since the proper fear or abhorrence of elitism or dictatorship may have contributed at the same time to the abandonment of objectivity. More specifically in the case of the economists’ division, both parties may have agreed to the questionable assumption that the possibility of interpersonal comparisons entailed, and was entailed by,approval that it was the State which should be involved in the making of such judgements — ere by the State is here meant legislature and executive, since the judiciary clearly has the task of judging already, e.g., to which parent, or which pair of parents, would it be better to give custody of the child?. This would not be to say the State cannot or should not attempt to make interpersonal comparisons as objectively as it can, but merely that there is no necessary connection between an argument that objective comparisons of this sort are possible, and substantive political questions about whether, in a given context, it is the State which happens to be in the best position to be making them. It is possible that Pigou and others were led from an assumption that interpersonal comparisons were not meaningless to a conclusion that, for instance, redistributions by the State were thereby justified; while Robbins and others were led from an assumption that the State should not make such comparisons (or at least that the economist qua scientist could not advise the State to do so) to a conclusion that interpersonal comparisons of utility and the concept of utility itself were meaningless. Here as in other cases of seemingly irreconcilable difference, it is possible “one theory is in secret and mistaken agreement with another, where because they both agree on a false disjunction, each of them sacrifices a truth that the other strenuously guards, and embraces the paradox that it is the primary function of the other to controvert.” These simple philosophical observations may serve to dissolve at least some of the puzzlement over interpersonal comparisons which has vexed theoretical welfare economics for half a century now.

§5. The modern theory of social choice would seem clearly to have been premised upon the Hicks/Robbins approach to demand theory and welfare economics. For example, Professor Arrow has written forthrightly of how, upon setting out on his investigation, he had “fully adopted” the viewpoint of Value and Capital, and also that his system has been motivated by an assumption that interpersonal comparisons are meaningless: “The viewpoint will be taken here that interpersonal comparison of utilities has no meaning and, in fact, that there is no meaning relevant to welfare comparisons in the measurability of individual utility.”
We have seen in the previous chapter that a view can be taken in the philosophy of mathematics that a logical or mathematical theorem does not, indeed cannot, have any factual significance by itself, merely as a valid theorem. Equally the validity of a theorem does not depend on any feature of the actual world whatsoever. We may be led to such a view by endorsing for example a traditional a priori/empirical or logic/fact dualism, or a hilbertian formalism. So for example we could say that the fact the people of Switzerland happen to have had a well working constitution or the fact the people of Lebanon have not, is evidence which cannot have any possible effect on the formal validity of Arrow’s theorem. In other words, given a formalist point of view, a logical or mathematical symbolism would need to be kept quite distinct from the interpretations that it may be open to. The definition of a relation like R between two objects x and y thus xRy, and subsequent definitions of xPy as xRy & ~yRx, and of xIy as xRy & yRx, neither entail nor are entailed by specific interpretations of “weak preference”, “preference” and “indifference” given to them in contemporary theories. Indeed to free ourselves from habitual modes of thought, we might even consider briefly a highly unusual interpretation — let us imagine a psychologist to conduct an experiment on sensory perception, in which in each of a set of jars is put the same quantity of a liquid at a different or the same temperature, so in one jar the liquid is at 5C, in another jar at 6C, in a third jar at 7C, and so on. Each of the psychologist’s subjects is invited to take the jars two at a time, dip a different finger into each, and rank one as being colder than or as cold as the other — with the requirement that if jar A is ranked at least as cold as jar B and jar B is at least as cold as jar C then jar A must be ranked at least as cold as jar C. Every subject does as told and the psychologist hands in the results to a theorist familiar with Arrow’s theorem. Clearly an interpretation of the axioms of that theorem may be possible in such a context — obtaining what has been called the Pareto principle for example: “If any two jars (x, y) are ranked xPiy by at least one subject i and xRjy by every other subject j then xPy is the social ranking”; and what has been called the condition of non-dictatorship: “There is no subject such that whatever his or her ranking of a pair of jars that is the social ranking, regardless of the rankings of the other subjects”, and so on. The psychologist may be told that Arrow’s theorem can be applied to deduce there to be no social ranking with respect to perception of the coldness of the liquid which would satisfy Arrow’s four axioms. Examples of this sort, whether fanciful or plausible, clearly can be generated indefinitely, with the results of experiments on individual perceptions of colour, shades of the same colour, height, weight, sound, taste, and so on. (As Piaget might have done in his experiments with the development of children.) And the result would be a multiplicity of interpretations of Professor Arrow’s theorem — informing us that there are difficulties perhaps not only with the concept ‘social welfare’ which had concerned Professor Arrow, but also with concepts like ‘social coldness’, ‘social colour’, ‘social height’, and so on.
The purpose of making such a contrasting interpretation would be to gain a juster perspective of the intended interpretation of the theorem — which of course is that of an economic and socio-political context, specifically “a capitalist democracy” (perhaps the United States) as well as “the emerging democracies with mixed economic systems (Great Britain, France and Scandinavia).” If we followed such an intent and interpreted the theorem as one referring to the analysis of actual economic and socio-political contexts, then some reference to such a context — i.e., an invitation to accept some empirical claim about the world — would be necessary to be made, whether it happens in fact to be true about the world or not. Professor Arrow makes one such invitation in his definition of the “objects of choice” being “social states”: “The most precise definition of a social state would be a complete description of the amount of each type of commodity in the hands of each individual, the amount of labor to be supplied by each individual, the amount of each productive resource invested in each type of productive activity, and the amounts of various types of collective activity (such as municipal services, diplomacy and its continuation by other means, and the erection of statues to famous men). It is assumed that each individual in the community has a definite ordering of all conceivable social states in terms of their desirability to him. It need not be assumed that an individual’s attitude toward different social states is determined exclusively by the commodity bundles which accrue to his lot under each. It is simply assumed that the individual orders all social states by whatever standards he deems relevant.” This definition is one which happens to be indispensable to the purpose of interpreting the theorem in its intended context. For what has been meant is something to this effect: “If (p, q, r, s) obtain in the world then you will find ~t obtains” — where p, q, r, s are the four axioms and t would be a “social ordering” which satisfied them. And it is in the definition of each of the axioms that the definition of a social state given above is necessarily presupposed. It is over pairs of social states defined as above — and not jars of liquid at various temperatures or something else — that each individual agent is to be pictured in social choice theory as having and exercising a complete, reflexive and transitive preference ordering symbolized by R. It is only given such an interpretation that it becomes possible now to get what is called the Pareto principle to read: “If any two social states (x, y) are ranked xPiy by at least one citizen i and xRjy by every other citizen j then xPy is the social ranking”; and what is called the condition of non-dictatorship to read: “There is no citizen such that whatever his or her ranking of a pair of states, that is the social ranking, regardless of the ranking of the other citizens”, and so on. We have seen in Chapter 2 Professor Arrow to hold to a quite radical moral scepticism; yet the subjective element in his theory of social choice does not have to do with what the objects of choice facing the individual agent are, but with how the individual agent chooses to rank them. The individual agent is not free to say he is going to take alternative x to be exactly what he pleases; the same set of alternatives is presumed to be objectively known and understood by all agents: x is x and y is y and z is z, and everyone takes them to be so. Where the subjective features of the theory appear is in every agent being presumed to rank pairs of alternative social states in any way that he or she pleases subject to transitivity: “The individual plays a central role in social choice as the judge of alternative social actions according to his own standards. We presume that each individual has some way of ranking social actions according to his preference for their consequences. These preferences constitute his value system. They are assumed to reflect already in full measure altruistic, egoistic motivations, as the case may be….” Yet before an individual may be said to be in a position to rank one alternative as preferred to or indifferent with another, it must be supposed necessary for him or her to know of the existence of the alternatives, or at least for the alternatives to be able to be distinguished. There must be two distinct alternatives (x, y) known to the agent before he or she is able to rank them either xRy & ~yRx, or yRx & ~xRy, or xRy & yRx. For the intended interpretation to be viable, therefore, it must be assumed every agent can and does know of every alternative social state there is — that he or she is able to distinguish between them — if he or she is to be imagined as being able to take them two at a time and rank them according to personal wishes as being either preferred to or indifferent with one another. The domain over which every individual’s preferences are to be defined consists of every logically possible social state, and every element of this domain must be assumed to be known by the agent.
Now there may be contexts in which this could be imagined to be plausible. That is to say, where every agent could be imagined to have more or less the same uniform knowledge of the existence of each possible alternative social state. We can think of cases of the distribution of a fixed vector of goods between a small number of individual recipients where every agent knows of each possible collective distribution; e.g., a settlement between divorcing spouses, or a division of property between the children of someone who has died intestate, or the division of resources between the members of a federation. We could think also of contexts where although the number of agents is large, the number of alternatives happened to be small and proxied for social states; e.g., different candidates in an election being taken to be rough proxies for the different social states that may be expected in the event they came to be elected. In contexts of this sort, where, so to speak, collective decisions are being made in the small, it could be of interest for the economist or political scientist to impose Professor Arrow’s axioms and observe the result. However the same cannot be said to hold with respect to collective decisions in the large, which would seem to have been the intended context, where we would be asked to imagine a large number of alternative social states being ranked by each of a large number of individual agents. As discussed in Part II, the particularity of knowledge would render such a claim manifestly false — as indeed Professor Arrow himself has argued in his distinguished writings in the theory of general equilibrium: “In defenses of the free enterprise system such as Hayek’s, great emphasis is placed on the particularity of knowledge in different agents…. I suggest that the lessons of this observation are sometimes forgotten in current model building, particularly in the emphasis on rational expectations formed in a rather sophisticated way…. It is the essence of the decentralized economy that individuals have different information. Each individual is specialized in certain activities and has in general specialized knowledge about these activities.” Of course the last two of these sentences express and endorse as clearly as anything the observation of Aristotle and Hayek and Smith that it would not be a claim of universal knowledge but its contrary which may be true of actual economies polities. Yet the lessons of this observation seem to have been neglected in the theory of social choice!
This same definition of “social state”, over pairs of which the individual agent is supposed to have a preference, has been central to a notion of liberalism advanced and discussed by Professor Sen and endorsed by Professor Arrow and others. Professor Sen has interpreted his theorem on “the impossibility of a paretian liberal” as implying that it is logically possible for there to be a contradiction for some sets of individual preferences between what has been called the Pareto principle (as defined previously), a condition of “unrestricted domain” (i.e., that the domain of the mapping which is to give the social ordering is the product-set of all logically possible individual orderings), and a condition Sen named L for liberalism, defined to the following effect: “For every agent i, there exists at least one pair of alternative social states (x, y), such that if the agent prefers x to y then x is to be preferred to y in the social ranking; xPiy implies xPy. ” Professor Sen has claimed that while he does not wish to enter into questions in the history of thought, this kind of a definition adequately captures what liberals in traditional political thought have meant when they have said they valued a “protected sphere” for every person, within which the freedom and privacy of the individual is guaranteed. And he has cited J. S. Mill and Professor Hayek as two such liberals. But Professor Sen has said too that it is not necessary to be an archetypical liberal in order to agree to L, and he cites Gramsci and even Stalin as among those who might have agreed to L as well. Furthermore, it is said to be not sufficient to hold to L in order to be considered a liberal: “Condition L reflects only a small part of what a ‘liberal’ or ‘libertarian’ is typically concerned with.” Therefore the precise extent of Professor Sen’s claim would seem to be that it is necessary but not sufficient to accept L in order to be considered an archetypical liberal. And Professor Arrow would seem to be found to be in agreement with such an understanding of the concept of liberalism: “The only rational defense of what may be termed a liberal position, or perhaps more precisely a principle of limited social preference, is that it is itself a value judgment. In other words, an individual may have as part of his value structure precisely that he does not think it proper to influence consequences outside a limited realm. This is a perfectly coherent position but I find it difficult to insist that this judgment is of such overriding importance that it outweighs all other considerations. Personally, my values are such that I am willing to go very far indeed in the direction of respect for the means by which others choose to derive their satisfactions.”
Yet a quite straightforward example may suffice to show a difficulty at the roots of such a concept of liberalism. Let us imagine two men, each of whom may be in one of two individual states — say whether or not to where a moustache — giving a total of four possible “social states” as follows
social states
z1 z2 z3 z4
individual K a a b b
individual S c d c d

Individual state a might be that K wears a moustache and state b that K does not, while individual state c might be that S wears a moustache and state d that S does not. Thus, by the Arrow-Sen definition, z1 would be the “social state” in which both men wore moustaches, z4 would be the social state in which neither man wore a moustache, and z2 and z3 would be social states in which one man wore a moustache and the other did not. By the condition of unrestricted domain, each man is to be permitted to have any preference he may wish over all the possible pairs of social states that there can be, viz., (z1, z2), (z1, z3), (z1, z4), (z2, z3), (z2, z4), (z3, z4). And by Sen’s definition of liberalism, each is to be “decisive” over at least one pair of social states, in the sense that that individual’s preference over two social states is to prevail. Now it may well be that what Sen and Arrow have meant to say is that by a liberal criterion, each man should be allowed to be decide over whether he himself wears a moustache or not, regardless of what the other does. But that is not what follows from the formulation actually given. For if K decided to be “decisive” over (z1, z2) or (z3, z4), i.e., over social states which differed due to differences in S’s individual state, or if S decided to be “decisive” over (z1, z3) or (z2, z4), i.e., over social states which differed due to differences in K’s individual state, the Arrow-Sen notion of liberalism would have to admit these decisions — even though they plainly contradict traditional liberal premises. Put differently, the Arrow-Sen concept of liberalism is one which is unable to specify which social states are or should be in whose “protected sphere”. The question seems to have been begged whether or not it is a liberal tenet that the individual be free to choose over which pair of “social states”, among every conceivable pair that there is, that he wants to be “decisive”. Indeed if we agreed with Frege that when a concept is made to extend to every instance its content must vanish altogether, and if the Arrow/Sen concept of liberalism is such that it extends to both liberal cases as well as to manifestly anti-liberal cases, we may ask if the content of their concept of liberalism does not vanish altogether. Certainly Professor Sen has claimed that since, given a restriction of the domain, his definition happens to include liberal cases we have to accept L as a necessary condition of liberal thought. But what we may observe instead is not only that the theory of social choice has happened to neglect that the claim of universal knowledge is false, but also that archetypical liberals did not neglect it and in fact built part of their normative arguments precisely on the observation that it is false. Modern social choice theory appears to have neglected one of the main positive observations upon which traditional argument in support of liberal institutions has rested. In the Arrow-Sen perspective, the liberal position is one of “limited social preference” (i.e., a particular kind of restriction of the domain). We would be asked to assume the agent knows of every possible social state as defined above, and then chooses to be indifferent with respect to those which do not happen to affect his individual state. In contrast, traditional liberal political thought premised itself inter alia on an observation that the individual does not and cannot know of every possible “social state”, and so a fortiori cannot be said to have preferences defined over such a domain. If it is a plain fact that K knows only about his own individual state, while S knows only about his, then K would have to define preferences over only a partition of “social states” thus {zk = [(z1, z2), (z3, z4)] = [zk1 , zk2]} and S over a different partition thus {zs = [(z1, z3), (z2, z4)] = [zs1, zs2]}. Indeed the procedure of defining individual preferences over a set of uniformly known “social states” may have had the inadvertent result of making trivial the very concept of an individual. For it would seem to have been central to the procedure employed in the theory of social choice for practically every action of any individual to be a possible subject of the deliberation of anyone at all: “The fundamental fact which causes the need for discussing public values at all is that every significant action involves the joint participation of many individuals. Even the apparently simplest act of individual decision involves the participation of a whole society. It is important to note that this observation tells us all non-trivial actions are essentially the property of society as a whole, not of individuals…. [W]e must in a general theory take as our unit a social action, that is, an action involving a large proportion or the entire domain of society. At the most basic axiomatic level, individual actions play little role. The need for a system of public values then becomes evident; actions being collective or interpersonal in nature, so must the choice between them. A public or social value system is essentially a logical necessity.” But we are not told which “trivial” actions the individual might call his own and are not “the property of society as a whole”, nor whether what is and what is not “trivial” may vary with context. Practically any action by anyone at all would seem to be supposed “the property of society as a whole”. We are then invited to ascribe to each individual, thus defined, knowledge of all social states as well as preferences over them. And in such an unusual construction, the only way it might come out that the individual acts as an individual in at least some matters may be by saying that it is a fortuitous matter of subjective preference — when all along traditional liberalism has been premised on an observation of the particularity of the availability of knowledge. In sum, the usual interpretations of Professor Arrow’s theorem and Professor Sen’s theorem as having put into serious question the possibility of answering questions about the existence or definition of the social good may be themselves brought into question when a scrutiny is made of how each of their axioms is intended to be interpreted, and whether such interpretations are reasonable. In particular, an observation that individual knowledge may be of a particular and diverse kind (which may be found to have been accepted in general equilibrium theory) and not of a general or uniform kind (as has been supposed in social choice theory) would give us enough reason not to accept an invitation that the “objects of choice” faced by the individual agent are or even can be “social states”. Where the theorem may be said to be of possible interest would be not with respect to large scale democratic decision-making in civil societies, but instead with respect to very small scale democratic decison-making. It would seem to be more appropriate to consider it a theory of committees, where each member of a committee can be presumed to have the same uniform knowledge of the alternative “social states” and therefore the axioms can be made to have relatively plausible interpretations. The graver consequences of employing such procedures have been the misdescriptions of liberalism and the individual. Where liberalism as well as its rival traditions in political thought have been sought to be given objective justifications by their proponents, the modern theorists of social choice have been under the Spell of Hume. These brief critical remarks have been intended to break that spell.

Envoi
Where the modern foundations of welfare economics and the received theory of economic knowledge and policy in general, have been founded on a quite extreme scepticism about our ability to answer questions of the social good, even about the meaningfulness of a concept of a social good, the theory advanced in this work would yield the result that questions of the social good, like questions of other kinds, can indeed be framed coherently; can indeed be made the subject of reasonable and open-ended discussion; can indeed sustain objective inquiry and investigation as to their answers. We have seen more generally that all questions need to be understood within as careful descriptions as possible of their implicit and explicit contexts. Also we have seen it to be of central importance to distinguish the question whether there can be an objective answer to a given question from the question of who, if anyone, should be thought of as possessing the best or most reasonable answer to give to it. Both these considerations may take on an acute significance when it is the determination of the social good which is under discussion. The former would imply that while we can bring to bear all and any principles and precedents that we need in answering a given question of the social good, there may be no universal or absolute theories either necessary or possible from which all answers about the social good have to be derived regardless of particular context and circumstance. The latter would imply that once a question of the social good has been carefully framed within its implicit and explicit context, the true political question which becomes necessary to be addressed is that of identifying who in the given context should be thought of as having the best answer to it, who should be considered the expert, who should be thought to have the authoritative opinion about it, who should be granted the authority to decide upon it. And this may be the more fruitful way to interpret how most actual discussions of economic and public policy do in fact proceed. Here is a question as to what should be done in a given context — now the question is, who has the best answer to it? — who should make the decision? — mother or father, child or parent, parents or judge, judiciary or executive, executive or legislature, legislature or electorate, government or private sector, local government or state government or federal government, rule or discretion, and so on indefinitely. It may be that political discussions take on the vehemence they sometimes do precisely because the answers to questions of the social good, whether in the family or in public life, are not easy to determine — there may be manifold and complex considerations needing to be accounted for, often within a fleeting span of time, without either principles or precedents or evidence readily at hand, with the external data continually changing, with the private interests and emotions and mutual bigotry and mistrust of the participants all inextricably involved. Certainly Pareto’s idea that if an outcome can be made to obtain in which the positions of some are improved while the positions of no others are worsened then that would be a good thing, may be part of the considerations entering into an inquiry of what is the right thing to be done in given circumstances. But it would be at most one among any of a number of considerations which may be relevant to the matter at hand, and must be required to weigh in with them as well and not assumed to be the only or absolute or supreme value — as the humean economist, struck by his debilitating scepticism, would have us believe.
Rather, we have seen in this study, once the concept of reason is recognized in its full range of kind and instance, the scope of reason may be recognized to be indefinite in principle. We have seen too that it is the active exercise of freedom of thought and inquiry and expression which is of integral importance to the theory of knowledge, and so to the theory of reasonable action. It is through an exercise of freedom, perhaps only through an exercise of freedom, that the complex and sometimes momentous questions of political economy may find their most reasonable answers; that we may aspire towards objectivity and knowledge and understanding — in all their manifold diversity.

Notes and References
Chapter 1 Introduction
1. On the influence of economic knowledge in the twentieth century, see for example John Maynard Keynes, The Economic Consequences of the Peace (London: Macmillan, 1919); Robert Skidelsky, John Maynard Keynes, 1883-1920, Hopes Betrayed (New York : Viking, 1986); Milton Friedman and Anna Jacobson Schwartz, A Monetary History of the United States, 1867-1960 (Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press, 1963); Charles Kindleberger, The World in Depression 1929-1939, revised edition (Berkeley, Calif. : University of California Press, 1986). It is reported by Leszek Kolakowski that following the failure of the Great Leap Forward in China, Mao Zedong was to admit his ignorance of economics, saying “it had not occurred to him that coal and iron do not move of their own accord but have to be transported.” Main Currents of Marxism, Vol. III, The Breakdown (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1978), p. 504.

2. David Hume, A Treatise of Human Nature, 1739, 2d edition of 1888, edited by L. A. Selby Bigge, revised by P. H. Nidditch (Oxford: Clarendon, 1978), p. xiv.

3. Quoted by Ernest Nagel and James R. Newman in Gödel’s Proof (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1958), p. 13.

4. Ludwig Wittgenstein, Philosophical Investigations, translated by G. E. M. Anscombe, (Oxford: Blackwell, 1978), §133, p. 51e. The metaphor of philosophy being like “a machine to think with” is attributed to the British philosopher C. K. Ogden. The author is indebted to Renford Bambrough for this information.

5. “Two Dogmas of Empiricism”, in Philosophy of Mathematics, edited by Paul Benacerraf and Hilary Putnam (Englewood Cliffs, N. J. : Prentice Hall, 1964), p. 362.
See also Note 2 to Chapter 4 on pp. 000-000 below.

6. Collected Papers of Charles Sanders Peirce, edited by Charles Hartshorne and Paul Weiss (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1931), §5.264, p. 156.

7. Let us say about one hundred years if we counted from Alfred Marshall’s inaugural lecture at the University of Cambridge in 1885, with Marshall then becoming the prime mover in England of an independent economics syllabus.

8. The small letter shall be used where it is not intended to be said that a major exponent of a point of view would accept all or much that may have been said by others who have followed him. This useful convention is suggested by Morton White in Towards Reunion in Philosophy (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1956), p. 9.

9. Professor Alexander has said it is clear to him the results of the present work had been arrived at completely independently. See also Notes 24 and 25 to Chapter 6, pp. 000-000 below. See also the critique of Sen with respect to the theory of social choice in Chapter 10, pp. 000-000.
Chapter 2 Hume and the Economists
10. ‘Positive’ Economics and Policy Objectives (London: Allen & Unwin, 1964). Hutchison discusses the opinions of Nassau Senior, J. S. Mill, J. E. Cairnes, Henry Sidgwick, Neville Keynes, Vilfredo Pareto, Max Weber and others.

11. C. L. Stevenson, Ethics and Language (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1944); Facts and Values (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1963); A. J. Ayer, Language, Truth and Logic, 1937 (New York: Dover, 1952); Freedom and Morality and Other Essays (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984); R. M. Hare, The Language of Morals (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1952); Freedom and Reason (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1963); Moral Thinking (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1981); Karl Popper, Conjectures and Refutations (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1962).

12. Treatise of Human Nature, III. 1. pp. 469 470.

13. This may be compared with the rule stated by Hare: “No imperative conclusion can be validly drawn from a set of premises which does not contain at least one imperative” (Language of Morals, p.28). Among contemporary moral philosophers, Hare has been among the most steadfast and influential to have taken a humean point of view, recently reiterating his commitment in Moral Thinking, p. 6.

14. Enquiries Concerning Human Understanding and Concerning the Principles of Morals, 1777, 3d edition, edited by P. H. Nidditch (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1975), Appendix I, §240, p. 290.

15. Moral Thinking, p. 6. Hare adds that if we could have had “a perfect command of logic and of the facts” then we would be found “in practice” to be unanimous in our evaluations. The intended meaning of this remark is not clear to the present author.

16. “The Methodology of Positive Economics”, Essays in Positive Economics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1953), p. 5, pp. 39 40.

17. The Political Element in the Development of Economic Theory, Swedish original 1929, translated from the German by Paul Streeten (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1953), p. 2. In the preface to the English edition p. vii, Myrdal seemed to want to withdraw the propositions quoted here, taking them to be a concession to those of whom he was critical. Mydral’s position shall be further discussed in Chapter 6.

18. ibid. p. 192-193.

19. An Essay On the Nature and Significance of Economic Science, 2d edition (London: Macmillan, 1935), pp. 142 150.

20. Foundations of Economic Analysis, 1947, enlarged edition (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1983), pp. 219 220.

21. “The Foundations of Welfare Economics”, Economic Journal, December 1939, reprinted in Wealth and Welfare (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1981), pp. 59 61.

22. Nicholas Kaldor, “Welfare Propositions and Interpersonal Comparisons of Utility”, Economic Journal, September 1939; Harold Hotelling, “The General Welfare in Relation to Problems of Taxation and of Railway and Utility Rates”, Econometrica, July 1938.

23. Vilfredo Pareto, Manual of Political Economy, 1927, translated from the French by Ann S. Schwier, edited by Ann S. Schwier and Alfred N. Page (New York: Augustus M. Kelley, 1971), see especially §33 p. 261, §89 p. 451. See also related entries on the Pareto criterion listed in the index.
A clear survey of the new welfare economics is to be found in J. de V. Graaff, Theoretical Welfare Economics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1963), pp. 84 90.

24. Wealth and Welfare, p. 61. Parentheses in the original around the full sentence have here been dropped.

25. “The Scope and Status of Welfare Economics”, Oxford Economic Papers, 1975, reprinted in Wealth and Welfare, p. 219.

26. Introduction to the Theory of Employment, 2d edition (London: Macmillan, 1969), pp. 99-100. Robinson also wrote some obscure passages in an explicitly methodological work, which seemed to grope towards the same effect. The interested reader may refer to Economic Philosophy (Chicago: Aldine, 1962), pp. 2 13.

27. “Socialism and Science”, in New Studies in Philosophy, Politics, Economics and the History of Ideas (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978), p. 297.

28. “Socialist Calculation I: The Nature and History of the Problem”, 1935, reprinted in Individualism and Economic Order (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1949), p. 120.

29. “Socialism and Science”, New Studies, p. 298.

30. The Road to Serfdom (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1944), p. 26.

31. “The Use of Knowledge in Society”, American Economic Review, September 1945, reprinted in Individualism and Economic Order, p. 79.

32. “The Scope and Method of Economics”, Review of Economic Studies, 1945 46; reprinted in Readings in the Philosophy of Science, edited by Herbert Feigl and May Brodbeck (New York: Appleton, 1953), pp. 748 749.

33. History of Economic Analysis, edited by Elizabeth Boody Schumpeter (New York: Oxford University Press, 1954), pp. 805 806.

34. ibid. p. 805.

35. “A Difficulty in the Concept of Social Welfare”, 1951, reprinted in Collected Papers of Kenneth J. Arrow 1, Social Choice, (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1983), p. 13.

36. “Values and Collective Decision Making”, 1967, reprinted ibid., p. 60.

37. ibid. p. 67 the first two quotations; “Some Ordinalist-Utilitarian Notes on Rawls’s Theory of Justice”, 1973, ibid., pp. 98 99, p. 106, the third and fourth quotations respectively.

38. Economic Theory in Retrospect, 3d edition (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1978), p. 708-709; The Methodology of Economics (New York: Cambridge University Press,1980), pp. 133-134.

39. Methodology of Economics, p. 126.

40. Philosophy and Economic Theory, edited and with an introduction by F. H. Hahn and Martin Hollis (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1979), p. 2.

41. “Economic Theory and Policy” in Equilibrium and Macroeconomics (Cambridge, Mass. : The MIT Press, 1984), p. 344.

42. Robert Sugden, The Political Economy of Public Choice (Oxford: Martin Robertson, 1981), p. 10; W. J. Baumol and Alan S. Blinder, Economics, Principles and Policy, 2d edition (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1983), p. 16; James Quirk, Intermediate Microeconomics (Chicago: SRA Inc., 1976), p. 8; Jack Hirshleifer, Price Theory and Applications, 2d edition (Englewood Cliffs, N. J. : Prentice Hall, 1980), p. 526.
Chapter 3 Understanding the Consensus
43. Gottlob Frege, The Foundations of Arithmetic, 1884, translated from the German by J. L. Austin (Evanston, Ill.: Northwestern University Press, 1980), p. x. Two other principles were “always to separate sharply the psychological from the logical, the subjective from the objective”, and “never to lose sight of the distinction between concept and object”.

44. “For naming and describing do not stand on the same level: naming is a preparation for description. Naming is so far not a move in the language-game — any more than putting a piece in its place on the board is a move in chess. We may say: nothing has so far been done, when a thing has been named. It has not even got a name except in the language-game. This is what Frege meant too, when he said that a word has meaning only as part of a sentence.” Philosophical Investigations, § 49, p. 24e. Of relevance too is Max Black, “Wittgenstein’s Language Games”, Dialectica, 33.3/4, 1979, pp. 337 353.

45. This may not be a drawback peculiar to the economist; for example, the archaeologist or the astronomer may face similar difficulties in giving summary interpretations of ancient civilizations relative to more recent ones, or more distant planets and stars relative to nearby ones.

46. The Collected Dialogues of Plato including the Letters, edited by Edith Hamilton and Huntington Cairns, Bollingen Series LXXVI (Princeton, N. J. : Princeton University Press, 1961). See especially, Republic, translated by Paul Shorey, § 383c, §375e, §404, §464c, §484. The outline of Plato’s political philosophy given here has gained much from the writings of Renford Bambrough, especially the article referred to in the following note.

47. The most influential contemporary critic of Plato has been Karl Popper in The Open Society and Its Enemies, Volume 1, The Spell of Plato (Princeton, N. J. : Princeton University Press, 1962). For a field report of the controversy which followed Popper’s critique, see Renford Bambrough, “Plato’s Modern Friends and Enemies”, Philosophy, 1962, reprinted with a number of other relevant papers in Plato, Popper and Politics: Some Contributions to a Modern Controversy, edited by Renford Bambrough (New York: Barnes and Noble), 1967. Plato’s experience with the training of Dionysius II of Syracuse is given in his Letters; see especially Letter VII, translated by L. A. Post, in Collected Dialogues pp.1574-1598. See also A. E. Taylor, The Mind of Plato, 1922 (Ann Arbor, Mich. : University of Michigan Press, 1960), pp. 15-17.

48. Immanuel Kant, Critique of Pure Reason, 1781, translated from the German by J. D. Meiklejohn (New York: Dutton, 1934), pp. 220-221. For a modern illustration, we may think of the perfect firm in which all management was redundant. See also Note 9 to Chapter 6.

49. Two dissident schools remained however, both dismayed at the actual course of the nineteenth century and how it was being thought about by economists. The first is the historical school led by Wilhelm Roscher, Friedrich List and later Gustav Schmoller — who denounce the smooth deductivism growing in England, Vienna and Lausanne with an alleged failure to take seriously the concrete realities of the Industrial Revolution in Europe, and an accompanying failure to imbibe economic thinking with suitable moral purpose. Moderators looking for a compromise were Adolph Wagner from the one side and Marshall and Neville Keynes from the other. See “Wagner on the Present State of Political Economy”, translated in Quarterly Journal of Economics, Vol. I, 1886, pp. 113-133; Alfred Marshall, Principles of Economics, 1920, 9th (Variorum) edition (London: Macmillan, 1961) Appendix B, pp. 754-769; John Neville Keynes, The Scope and Method of Political Economy 4th edition (London : Macmillan, 1917). The second dissident school arises out of the hegelian thesis of a complete determinism — taking the notion of history unfolding itself not merely to be a complex metaphor but as the literal description of the story of man. It is Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels who mould out of this hegelian clay a new doctrine which says society and economy cannot but evolve through progressive historical stages, and that in particular the burgeoning capitalism of the times is destined to be transformed through revolution into a classless utopia. The literature on marxism is evidently vast; the single best reference known to the author is Leszek Kolakowski, Main Currents of Marxism Vol. I The Founders, Vol. II The Golden Age, Vol. III The Breakdown (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1978).
The reader is cautioned again that no more than a thumb-nail intellectual history has been attempted to be given here. It has drawn in part upon the account given by Karl Pribram (1877-1973) in A History of Economic Reasoning (Baltimore, Md. : Johns Hopkins University Press, 1983), although it differs from it in very significant ways as well. Pribram was an erudite economist who had been a co-speaker with Keynes at an important conference on unemployment at the University of Chicago in 1931, and whom Hayek is reported to have considered “without exception, the most learned man in the field”. Yet his name is practically unknown to economists today, possibly because he did not have a permanent university affiliation. The main thesis of Pribram’s History is that the currents and cross-currents of economic thought need to be seen within the larger currents and cross-currents of European thought in general. Those who have addressed themselves to political and economic questions have done so not only with contingent problems in mind, but also in the context of contemporary philosophical movements, and especially the contemporary understanding of the Realist/Nominalist dualism. Such a thesis that the economists of any generation may be expected to be influenced in some degree by contemporary intellectual movements is to be contrasted with that of Schumpeter in History of Economic Analysis, a work which is equalled in scope by Pribram’s but which has been vastly more influential upon the thinking of economists today given the fame of its author and the much earlier date of its publication. Schumpeter claimed economics and philosophy had proceeded independently, but he gave as argument only that the philosophical writings of Leibniz and Hume seemed distinct from their writings on economic subjects. In the opinion of the present author, Pribram’s History is a splendid work, although it seems mistaken in its characterization and assessment of the Realist/Nominalist dualism; see Chapter 5, pp. 000-000 below. For a hostile review of Pribram’s book, see that by Philip Mirowski, Journal of Economic Literature, September 1984, pp. 1123-1125.

50. “Utopia and Violence” in Conjectures and Refutations, p. 359.

51. Principles, pp. 117-118.

52. Jan Tinbergen, On the Theory of Economic Policy (Amsterdam: North Holland, 1952). Henri Theil, Economic Forecasts and Policy, 2d edition (Amsterdam: North Holland, 1970).

53. Theil, ibid., p. 374.

54. Even among Tinbergen’s close followers, the relationship between the popular choice and the policy-maker’s choice appears to have remained quite obscure. On the one hand, it is said the policy-maker will in his own interest want to reflect the popular choice, or lose the next election: “The first element of [Tinbergen's] framework is the postulation of an objective welfare or preference function reflecting the general interest of the people. To circumvent the difficulties inherent in any attempt at making interpersonal and intertemporal utility comparisons, as well as the possible intransitivity of the community welfare function, Tinbergen replaces the aggregate social welfare function of the community by the policy-maker’s preference function, which normally should approximate the welfare function of the citizens rather closely. If this were not the case, the government (of the party in power) would be replaced in the next general elections by a more representative state.” Karl Fox, J. K. Sengupta and Erik Thorbecke, The Theory of Quantitative Economic Policy, (Amsterdam: North Holland, 1966), pp. 448-449. Such a view must presuppose a parliamentary process, and of course that the policy-maker is interested in winning the next election. On the other hand, Theil suggests the policy-maker need not give much heed to the popular choice as this may be “unsophisticated”: an assumption that a policy-maker can define a social utility function is said to be at least as good as an assumption that consumers have individual utility functions “because the policy-makers we have in mind, like Government officials, entrepreneurs, labour-union officials etc., are usually more ‘rational’ than unsophisticated consumers, so that the existence of stable indifference curves seems to be a more realistic assumption for our present case”. Theil, Economic Forecasts, p. 377.

55. For example, in reviewing the Klein-Goldberger model in 1956, Professor C. F. Christ was to refer to Tinbergen’s “pioneering” theory, and to write of “the series of aggregate econometric models of the U.S. economy that have followed in the footsteps of Tinbergen.” “Aggregate Economic Models”, American Economic Review, June 1956; reprinted in Readings in Business Cycle Theory, edited by L. R. Klein and R. A. Gordon (Homewood, Ill.: Richard D. Irwin, 1965), p. 308.

56. “The objectives of equilibrium business cycle theory are taken, without modification, from the goal which motivated the construction of the Keynesian macroeconomic models: to provide a scientifically based means of assessing, quantitatively, the likely effects of alternative economic policies.” R. E. Lucas Jr. and T. J. Sargent, “After Keynesian Macroeconomics” in Rational Expectations and Econometric Practice, edited by R. E. Lucas Jr and T. J. Sargent (Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press, 1981), p. 317. “The idea is to use historical data to estimate the model and then to utilize the estimated version to obtain estimates of the consequences of alternative policies.” ibid., p. 297. “Our task as I see it… is to write a Fortran program that will accept specific economic policy rules as ‘input’ and will generate as ‘output’ statistics describing the operating characteristics of time series we care about, which are predicted to result from these policies. For example, one would like to know what average rate of unemployment would have prevailed since World War II in the United States had M1 grown at 4% per year during this period, other policies being as they were.” R. E. Lucas Jr., “Methods and Problems in Business Cycle Theory”, in Studies in Business Cycle Theory (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1981), p. 288.
Chapter 4 Difficulties with Moral Scepticism
57. A brief bibliography may include Stephen Toulmin, An Examination of the Place of Reason in Ethics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1958); J. R. Searle, “How to Derive ‘Ought’ from ‘Is’”, Philosophical Review, Vol. 73, 1964, pp. 43-58, reprinted in Theories of Ethics, edited by Phillipa Foot (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1967); Max Black, “The Gap Between ‘Is’ and ‘Should’”, Philosophical Review, Vol. 73, 1964, pp. 165-181, reprinted in Margins of Precision (Ithaca, N. Y. : Cornell University Press, 1970); Renford Bambrough, Reason, Truth and God (London: Methuen, 1969) and Moral Scepticism and Moral Knowledge (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1979); The Is-Ought Question, edited by W. D. Hudson, (London: Macmillan, 1969); Skepticism and Moral Principles, edited by Curtis L. Carter (New University Press, 1973); Roger N. Hancock, Twentieth Century Ethics (New York: Columbia University Press, 1974); Richard B. Brandt, A Theory of the Good and the Right (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1979); Hilary Putnam, Reason, Truth and History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981); Morton White, What Is and What Ought To Be Done (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981); Morality and Objectivity, edited by Ted Honderich (Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1985); Bernard Mayo, The Philosophy of Right and Wrong (Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1986).

58. It may be worth a moment to consider this ‘is-is’ dualism further, since it will have some bearing upon the discussion in Chapter 9 and Chapter 10.
Hume himself distinguished between the use of ‘is’ as an identity or an equals sign as in “the Sciences of Geometry, Algebra and Arithmetic”, and the use of ‘is’ as a copula between subject and predicate referring to “matters of fact”. Enquiries, pp. 25-26. This would be in line with the traditional dualism between the a priori or logical on the one hand, and the contingent or empirical on the other. To an a priori question a true answer must be given necessarily, with an internal contradiction being entailed by every false answer. For example: “What is the 12th day after Christmas?” by this definition would be a logical or a priori question, the only possible answer to it without contradiction being January 4. Other examples: “If all S is P and if x is S then x is P” (modus ponnens); “In the geometries of Euclid, Reimann and Lobachevski respectively, the angles of a triangle equal, are greater than, and are less than two right angles”; “In the model of consumer demand, the demand for a good is inversely related to its relative price unless there is a perverse income effect”. On the other hand, an empirical question would be one admitting several answers without contradiction, only one of which is true in the sense of being in agreement with what is the case. Thus it was empirically true that Truman beat Dewey in l948 even though the headline could say “Dewey beats Truman” with no necessary contradiction of the question as to who had won. Other examples: “Red blood corpuscles are the carriers of oxygen”; “The atomic weight of carbon is 12″; “The speed of light is constant”; “The economic decisions of human beings are determined in part by the relative prices of the goods they wish to trade”. Each of these would have at least one contrary, and there would be some test to establish it to be true and the contraries false.
A dualism of this sort seems to have been endorsed by a long line of philosophers from Aristotle through Leibniz to Frege and Wittgenstein. See for example, Aristotle, Prior Analytics translated by A. J. Jenkinson in Basic Works; G. W. Leibniz, Monadology, 1714, Philosophical Writings, edited by G. H. R. Parkinson (London: J. M. Dent, 1973), p. 184; Translations from the Philosophical Writings of Gottlob Frege, edited by Peter Geach and Max Black (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1952), pp. 43-44. Ludwig Wittgenstein: “Why are the Newtonian laws not axioms of arithmetic? Because we could quite well imagine things being otherwise. But… this only assigns a certain role to those propositions in contrast to another one. I.e., to say of a proposition: ‘This could be imagined otherwise’ or ‘We can imagine the opposite too’, ascribes the role of an empirical proposition to it.” Remarks on the Foundations of Mathematics, edited by G. H. von Wright, R. Rhees, G. E. M. Anscombe, trans. by G. E. M. Anscombe, 1956 (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press), p. 225. In the philosophy of mathematics, the dualism finds acceptance within the logicist school of Frege, Russell, Carnap and Hempel, and the formalist school of Hilbert, Von Neumann, and Curry. See for example Bertrand Russell, “Selections from Introduction to Mathematical Philosophy”, 1919, reprinted in Philosophy of Mathematics, 2d edition, edited by Paul Benacerraf and Hilary Putnam (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), pp. 160-182; Rudolf Carnap, “The Logicist Foundations of Mathematics”, 1931, translated by Erna Putnam and Gerald I. Massey, ibid., pp. 41-52; Carl Hempel, “On The Nature of Mathematical Truth”, 1945, ibid., pp. 377-393; Johann Von Neumann, “The Formalist Foundations of Mathematics”, 1931, translated by Erna Putnam and Gerald I. Massey, ibid.,pp. 61-65; Haskel B. Curry, “Remarks on the Definition and Nature of Mathematics”, 1939, ibid., pp. 202-206. Karl Popper’s definition of a scientific proposition as one capable of refutation or falsification may be understood as requiring the conclusion of a scientific project to be a claim to fact; that is, something whose contrary might be the case but is being alleged by the scientist as being not the case, it being left open to anyone to show him to be mistaken. See The Logic of Scientific Discovery (London: Hutchinson, 1959), pp. 27-48. The dualism would also seem to be implicitly or explicitly endorsed when we contrast “form” with “content” or “theory” with “evidence” or “hypothesis” with “test” or “conjecture” with “refutation”.
Yet there has been an important undercurrent of criticism as well. For example, J. S. Mill seems to have argued the subject matter of mathematics not to be ultimately different in kind from that of empirical science, that mathematical propositions are ultimately only very general propositions about the world. A System of Logic, 1843, 9th edition (London: Longmans, 1975), Bk. II, Chapter VI. See also Note 17 to Chapter 9 below. A merit of such a view is that it is a reminder of non-deductive ways of reasoning, which may be a useful corrective to a pure deductivism. W. V. O. Quine has argued: “Any statement can be held true come what may if we make drastic enough adjustments elsewhere in the system…. Conversely, by the same token, no statement is immune to revision.” “Two Dogmas of Empiricism”, 1953, in Benacerraf and Putnam, Philosophy of Mathematics, p. 362. Quine takes an a priori statement to be a claim which is supposed to be unrevisable in principle, and concludes there are by this definition no a priori truths, not even the law of excluded middle. See also Hilary Putnam, “The Logic of Quantum Mechanics”, in Mathematics, Matter and Method, Philosophical Papers Vol. 1, 2d edition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979); and “Two Dogmas Revisited”, in Reason and Reality, Philosophical Papers, Vol. 3 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983).

59. Moral Scepticism and Moral Knowledge, p. 87.

60. “Thought, Language and Objectivity” in The Living Principle: ‘English’ as a Discipline of Thought (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1975), pp. 35-36.

61. Bambrough has challenged sceptics in moral philosophy to produce such a case; to this may be added here a challenge to humean economists.

62. Aristotle, On Sophistical Refutations, translated by W. A. Pickard-Cambridge, in The Basic Works of Aristotle, edited by Richard McKeon (New York: Random House, 1941), §165a21-23, p. 209.

63. For a fuller discussion of emotivism, see G. J. Warnock, Contemporary Moral Philosophy (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1967), pp. 18-29; and J. O. Urmson, The Emotive Theory of Ethics (London: Hutchinson, 1968). Also Bambrough, Moral Scepticism and Moral Knowledge, pp. 51-58, pp. 69-70, and pp. 157-158.

64. Freedom and Reason, pp. 157-185.

65. Conjectures and Refutations, p. 357-359.

66. “Why Should I Be Rational?” in The Prevalence of Humbug and Other Essays (Ithaca, N.Y. : Cornell University Press, 1983), pp. 27-28.

67. A joke some years ago about a certain military dictatorship went “They are having a General Election — and everyone knows which generals are going to be elected!”

68. Aleksandr I. Solzhenitsyn, The Gulag Archepelago, translated from the Russian by Thomas P. Whitney (New York: Harper & Row, 1973), p. 208.

69. Open Society, pp. 121-125.

70. Collected Papers, I, p. 67.

71. Enquiries §126, pp. 158-159.

72. “The Metamorphosis of Metaphysics”, Proceedings of the British Academy Vol. XLVII, reprinted in Paradox and Discovery (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1970), pp. 65-66.

73. Moral Scepticism and Moral Knowledge, p. 128.

74. Treatise, p. 89 and pp. 651-652 respectively. See also Karl Popper, The Logic of Scientific Discovery (London: Hutchinson, 1959), p. 369, and a review of it by I. J. Good, Mathematical Reviews, 21, 1960, No. 6318.

75. A reader has observed that the present work does not consider why moral scepticism “has seemed to many… to be a much more compelling and practically significant doctrine than other forms, such as inductive scepticism. In particular, why is the problem of induction usually described as not whether but how to justify inductive inference, while the problem in ethics is both whether and how to justify ethical claims?” This is a most interesting question which has not received attention either in this work or elsewhere. The criticism is that no comparison or contrast has been made between the explanation of moral scepticism and the explanation of other forms of scepticism. The previous chapter has offered a brief political and historical explanation of why moral scepticism may have seemed compelling, but no attempt has been made in this work to discuss a parallel explanation of other forms of scepticism. On the question of statistical inference in its philosophical aspects, see Ian Hacking, The Logic of Statistical Inference (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1965).

76. Bambrough, Moral Scepticism and Moral Knowledge, p. 142.

77. Renford Bambrough, “Thought, Word, and Deed”, Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society, Supplementary Volume LIV, 1980, pp. 109-110.

Chapter 5 Objectivity and Freedom
78. The original passage is as follows:
“Consider for example the proceedings that we call ‘games’. I mean board-games, card-games, ball-games, Olympic games, and so on. What is common to them all? — Don’t say: “There must be something in common, or they would not be called ‘games’” — but look and see whether there is anything in common to all. — For if you look at them you will not see something that is common to all, but similarities, relationships, and a whole series of them at that. To repeat: don’t think, but look! — Look for example at board-games with their multifarious relationships. Now pass to card-games; here you find many correspondences with the first group, but many common features drop out, and others appear. When we pass next to ball-games, much that is common is retained, but much is lost. — Are they all ‘amusing’? Compare chess with noughts and crosses. Or is there always winning and losing, or competition between players? Think of patience. In ball-games there is winning and losing; but when a child throws his ball at the wall and catches it again, this feature has disappeared. Look at the part played by skill and luck; and at the difference between skill in chess and skill in tennis. Think now of games like ring-a-ring-a-roses; here is the element of amusement, but how many other characteristic features have disappeared! And we can go through the many, many other groups of games in the same way; can see how similarities crop up and disappear.” Philosophical Investigations, §66, pp. 31e-32e.

79. “Some Consequences of Four Incapacities”, in Collected Papers §5.264, p. 156.

80. For a critical appreciation of the scholastic doctors, see Peirce, “Lessons from the History of Philosophy” in Collected Papers §1. 28-34, pp. 10-14; and “Review of The Works of George Berkeley” in Collected Papers §8.7-38, pp. 9-38.

81. The argument given here is due to Renford Bambrough in “Universals and Family Resemblances”, Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society, Vol. LXI (1960-61), pp. 207-222, reprinted in Wittgenstein edited by George Pitcher (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1968). See also by Bambrough, Reason, Truth and God, pp.95-98, and “Objectivity and Objects”, Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society, Vol. LXXII (1971-72).

82. Philosophical Investigations §67, p. 32e. See also, for example, Rudolf Carnap, “Empiricism, Semantics and Ontology” in Meaning and Necessity, 2d edition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1956), pp. 205-221; H. A. Price, Thinking and Experience, 2d edition (London: Hutchinson, 1969); D. M. Armstrong, Universals and Scientific Realism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978); D. W. Hamlyn, Metaphysics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984); The Problem of Universals, edited by Charles Landesman (New York: Basic Books, 1971).

83. Philosophical Investigations §67, p. 32e.

84. Max Black, “Wittgenstein’s Language-Games”, Dialectica, 1979, p. 347.

85. Moral Scepticism and Moral Knowledge, p. 143. See also Hans Reichenbach, “The Philosophical Significance of the Theory of Relativity” in Readings in the Philosophy of Science, edited by Herbert Feigl and May Brodbeck (New York: Appleton, 1953), p. 201.

86. The Blue and Brown Books (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1958), pp. 17-18.

87. “Lessons from the History of Science”, Collected Papers §1.59, p. 26.

88. G. H. Hardy, A Mathematician’s Apology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1967), pp. 123-124 and p. 126. Michael Dummett, “Platonism”, 1967, in Truth and Other Enigmas (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1978), p. 207. See also A. E. Taylor, Plato, pp. 49-50.

89. Kenneth J. Arrow, “General Economic Equilibrium: Purpose, Analytic Techniques, Collective Choice” in Les Prix Nobel en 1972 (Stockholm: Nobel Foundation, 1973), reprinted in Collected Papers of Kenneth J. Arrow 2, General Equilibrium, (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1983), p. 222, italics added; Frank Hahn, “Why I am Not a Monetarist”, in Equilibrium and Macroeconomics, p. 308, italics added.

90. Toward Reunion in Philosophy, p. 6.

91. “On What There Is”, in From a Logical Point of View (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1953), reprinted in Benacerraf and Putnam Philosophy of Mathematics, 1964, p. 183-184.

92. “A Feature of Wittgenstein’s Technique”, Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society, Supplementary Volume, 1961, reprinted in Paradox and Discovery, p. 102.

93. Such an argument may remind the reader of the way an assumption of the continuity of a function can be used in mathematical analysis. For example, if f(x) is a continuous function over its domain, and if for some value of x, f(x) is positive and for some other value of x, f(x) is negative, then by the intermediate value theorem there must exist some value of x for which f(x) is zero. An analogous assumption in the present context would have to be that the function (or correspondence) mapping the domain of possible questions to the range of their true or right answers is continuous.

94. “Some Consequences of Four Incapacities”, in Collected Papers § 5.265, pp. 156-157.

95. “What Pragmatism Is”, in Collected Papers §5.416, p. 278.

96. On Certainty, edited by G. E. M. Anscombe and G. H. von Wright, translated by Denis Paul and G. E. M. Anscombe (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1969), § 115, p. 18e. It is in the same vein Bambrough remarks: “Nothing can be proved to a man who will accept nothing that has not been proved.” Moral Scepticism and Moral Knowledge, p.23. And: “I cannot tell you where something is unless you already know where something is. I can give you directions for finding the Guildhall only if you can already find some other building or some other object to which I can relate it. We cannot discuss the spatial location of any object unless there are other objects whose location we do not need to discuss. But anything that we can agree to use as a landmark or point of reference is something that is itself locatable by the same procedure; it is something into whose location somebody else, or you and I on another occasion, might need to inquire. And any object may be used as a landmark. There are no particular objects or locations which are the ultimate, fundamental landmarks or base-lines for the location of all other objects. There could not be such ultimate landmarks, and we do not need such landmarks. They are neither necessary nor possible.” Reason, Truth and God, pp.94-95.
Bambrough has investigated the possible influence of Peirce upon Wittgenstein, via F. P. Ramsey who had read and admired Peirce’s work and who at the same time was an influence upon Wittgenstein. See Wittgenstein, Philosophical Investigations §81, p.38e; Renford Bambrough, “Peirce, Wittgenstein and Systematic Philosophy”, Midwest Studies in Philosophy Vol. VI, The Foundations of Analytical Philosophy, edited by Peter A. French, Theodore E. Euhling Jr., Howard K. Wellstein (Minneapolis, Minn.:
University of Minnesota Press, 1981), pp. 263-272. See also Chapter 6, pp. 000-000 below.
Chapter 6 Expertise and Democracy
97. “Proof of an External World” in Philosophical Papers (London: Allen & Unwin, 1959), pp. 127-150. See also, “A Defence of Commonsense”, ibid., pp. 52-59. See also, The Philosophy of G. E. Moore edited by Paul Arthur Schlipp (La Salle, Ill.: Open Court, 1942); Wittgenstein, On Certainty; Norman Malcolm, Ludwig Wittgenstein, A Memoir (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1958), pp. 66-68, pp. 87-93.

98. Moral Scepticism and Moral Knowledge, p.15.

99. Ludwig Wittgenstein, Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus, German original 1921, translated from the German by D. F. Pears and B. F. McGuinness (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1961), §6.5, p.73.

100. Gottlob Frege, “Logic”, 1897, in Posthumous Writings, edited by Hans Hermes, Friedrich Kambartel and Friedrich Kaulbach, translated from the German by Peter Long and Roger White (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1979), pp. 132-133.

101. Gorgias §482c, translated by W. D. Woodhead, in Collected Dialogues, p. 265. In the same vein Hannah Arendt wrote: “Insofar as man carries within himself a partner from whom he can never win release, he will be better off not to live with a murderer or a liar; or: since thought is the silent dialogue carried out between me and myself, I must be careful to keep the integrity of this partner intact, for otherwise I shall surely lose the capacity for thought altogether.” “Truth and Politics” in Philosophy, Politics and Society, 2d Series, edited by Peter Laslett and W. G. Runciman (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1967), p. 118. This essay has had a greater influence on the present work than may be apparent.

102. “Conceive the sailors to be wrangling with one another for control of the helm, each claiming that it is his right to steer though he never learned the art and cannot point out his teacher or any time when he studied it. And what is more, they affirm that it cannot be taught at all, and they are ready to make mincemeat of anyone who says it can be taught…. they praise and celebrate as a navigator, a pilot, a master of shipcraft, the man who is most cunning to lend a hand in persuading or constraining the shipmaster to let them rule, while the man who lacks this craft they condemn as useless. They have no suspicion that the true pilot must give his attention to the time of the year, the seasons, the sky, the winds, the stars, and all that pertains to his art if he is to be a true ruler of a ship…. do you not think that the real pilot would in very deed be called a stargazer, an idle babbler, a useless fellow by the sailors in ships managed after this fashion?” Republic §488, in Collected Dialogues, pp. 724-725.

103. “Unless either philosophers become kings in our states or those whom we now call our kings and rulers take to the pursuit of philosophy seriously and adequately, and there is a conjunction of these two things, political power and philosophical intelligence… there can be no cessation of troubles, dear Glaucon, for our states, nor, I fancy, for the human race either. Nor, until this happens, will this constitution which we have been expounding in theory ever be put into practice within the limits of possibility and see the light of the sun.” Republic §473d-473e, in Collected Dialogues pp. 712-713. See also Statesman §292e, translated by J. B. Skemp, and Letter VII §326b, translated by L. A. Post, in Collected Dialogues, pp. 1061-1062, and p. 1576 respectively.

104. Immanuel Kant, Groundwork of the Metaphysic of Morals, §77-78, in H. J. Paton, The Moral Law (London: Hutchinson, 1948), pp. 96-97. The actions of a rational being have dignity when such a being has placed self-imposed constraints on its own freedom in recognition of the similar freedom of other rational beings. When a rational being does this which it is capable of, Kant would speak of a state of “autonomy”, ibid., §86-88, pp. 101-102. (And if we take the concept of rationality to be a family resemblance concept, there seems no reason why it may not refer to the rationality of other forms of life besides homosapiens — think of photosynthesis!)
In course of a defence of Plato, Kant extended the argument to a constitutional context as follows: “A constitution of the greatest possible human freedom according to laws, by which the liberty of every individual can consist with the liberty of every other (not of the greatest possible happiness, for this follows necessarily from the former), is, to say the least, a necessary idea, which must be placed at the foundation not only of the first plan of the constitution of a state, but of all its laws.” Critique of Pure Reason, translated by J. M. D. Meiklejohn (London: J. M. Dent, 1934), p.220. If we call a law just when it allows the liberty of every individual to consist with the liberty of every other, then the rational being has no duty to obey laws which are not just, but is committed to obey just laws under pain of self-contradiction: “if a certain use to which freedom is put is itself a hindrance to freedom in accordance with universal laws (i.e. if it is contrary to right) any coercion which is used against it will be a hindrance to a hindrance of freedom, and will this be consonant with freeodom in accordance with universal laws — that is, it will be right. It thus follows by the law of contradiction that right entails the authority to apply coercion to anyone who infringes it.” “The Metaphysics of Morals” in Kant’s Political Writings, edited by Hans Reiss, translated from the German by H. B. Nisbet (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), p. 134.

105. Economic Theory in Retrospect, p. 709.

106. J. S. Mill, On Liberty (1859), in Utilitarianism, Liberty and Representative Government, edited by H. B. Acton (London: J. M. Dent, 1972), p. 79.

107. The Logic of Scientific Discovery (London: Hutchinson, 1959). See also Criticism and the Growth of Knowledge, edited by Imre Lakatos and Alan Musgrave (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1967).

108. George Orwell, 1984 (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Signet Classics, 1949), I.7. p. 69. The essays and fiction of Orwell have had a greater influence on the present work than may be apparent.

109. Gulag Archipelago, p.202.

110. Moral Scepticism and Moral Knowledge, p. 33.

111. “Individualism: True and False” in Individualism and Economic Order, p. 14.

112. Nicomachean Ethics in The Basic Works §1104a2-1104a9, p. 953; §1112a28-30, p. 969. In a letter to the author dated February 13 1981, Professor Hayek said he had not for some time looked at this source in Aristotle.

113. Hahn and Hollis, Philosophy and Economic Theory, p.12.

114. See for example Leonid Hurwicz, in Studies in Resource Allocation Processes, edited by Kenneth J. Arrow and Leonid Hurwicz (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977), p. 8.; Roy Radner, “Competitive Equilibrium under Uncertainty”, Econometrica, 36, January 1968, pp.31-58.

115. “The Use of Knowledge in Society” in Individualism and Economic Order, p. 80.

116. Adam Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, 1776, edited by R. H. Campbell, A. S. Skinner and W. D. Todd (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1976), Bk. IV.ii, §10, p. 456.

117. See also J. S. Mill Principles of Political Economy (New York: Appleton, 1892), Bk. V, Chapter XI, especially §2, pp. 560-561.

118. Foundations of Arithmetic, p. 40.

119. Nicomachean Ethics in The Basic Works §1145a15-1152a35, pp. 1036-1053. See also Bambrough, Moral Scepticism and Moral Knowledge, pp. 112-116.

120. Collective Choice and Social Welfare (San Francisco, Calif.: Holden-Day, 1970), pp. 59-64. However there is evidence that Sen has taken a humean position in his writings in the theory of social choice; see below Chapter 10, pp. 000-000.

121. In March 1985 the existence of Alexander’s work on this subject came to the author’s attention for the first time. In subsequent communication and conversation, both parties were surprised at the similarity of some of their findings and the independence of the routes that had been taken. It was agreed that this independence should be maintained, and therefore it may be best for the reader to be referred to Alexander’s work directly for comparison and contrast. Alexander’s two main papers on the subject are “Human Values and Economists’ Values” in Human Values and Economic Policy, edited by Sidney Hook (New York: New York University Press, 1967), and “Public Television and the ‘Ought’ of Public Policy” in Washington University Law Quarterly, Winter 1968, pp. 35-70. See also, “The Impersonality of Normative Judgements” in Induction, Growth and Trade, Essays in Honour of Sir Roy Harrod, edited by W. A. Eltis et. al. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1970); “Comment on K. J. Arrow’s ‘Political and Economic Evaluation of Social Effects and Externalities’” in The Analysis of Public Output, edited by Julius Margolis (New York: National Bureau of Economic Research, 1970); and “Social Evaluation Through Notional Choice”, Quarterly Journal of Economics, November 1974, pp. 597-624. Alexander has drawn upon a North American tradition which includes John Dewey, William James, Sidney Hook, W. V. O. Quine, Morton White and others, where the present work has drawn upon a line of thought from Wittgenstein as interpreted and developed especially by John Wisdom and Renford Bambrough in England. C. S. Peirce was an acknowledged influence on the North American tradition and at the same time could have had some tenuous influence on Wittgenstein (see Note 19 to Chapter 5 above); if a common lineage is desired to be traced between the present work and that of Alexander, it could go back to Peirce in the first instance.

122. Gunnar Myrdal, Values in Social Theory : A Selection of Essays on Methodology, edited by Paul Streeten (New York: Harper, 1958), pp.1-2.

123. Paul Streeten, ibid. p.xliii.

124. Gulag Archipelago, p. 174.

125. “Letters to Lady Welby”, 1909, in Selected Writings (Values in a Universe of Chance), edited by Phillip P. Weiner, 1958 (New York: Dover, 1966), p. 415. See also the letter to William James in Collected Papers §8.255, p. 188, where Peirce speaks of “the proof that logic must be founded on ethics”.

126. Posthumous Writings, p. 4. See also ibid., p. 128 and p. 252.

127. Remarks on the Foundations of Mathematics, §I.121, p. 84; §III.55, p. 187; and §VII. 61, p. 425 respectively. Seealso,ibid., §III.9. p.149; §III.39, p.171; §VI.46, p.350; §VI.49, p. 353; §VII. 67, p. 431. With respect to the comparison with Peirce, see also Note 19 to Chapter 5 above.

Chapter 7 An Example from Microeconomics
128. “Fuss Over Phone Rates”, The MacNeil-Lehrer NewsHour, December 19 1984, PBS Station, WNET/Thirteen, New York. The published transcript has been very slightly abbreviated here.
Chapter 8 A Dialogue in Macroeconomics
129. The text of this chapter has drawn from the works of Knut Wicksell, J. M. Keynes, F. A. Hayek, John Hicks, Lionel Robbins, Milton Friedman, Don Patinkin, L. A. Metzler, James Tobin, Harry G. Johnson, Frank Hahn, Robert Clower, Axel Leijonhufvud, James Buchanan, Kenneth J. Arrow, R. E. Lucas Jr., T. W. Hutchison, C. J. Bliss, J. M. Grandmont and others in modern macroeconomics and monetary theory. Selected references may be found in the bibliography.

Chapter 9 Mathematical Economics and Reality
130. J. S. Mill, “On Liberty” in Utilitarianism, p. 112.

131. Augustin Cournot, Researches into the Mathematical Principles of the Theory of Wealth, 1838, translated by Nathaniel T. Bacon with an introduction by Irving Fisher (New York: Macmillan, 1897), pp. 2-5. William Stanley Jevons, The Theory of Political Economy (London: Macmillan, 1871), pp. 3-9. Léon Walras, Elements of Pure Economics, 1874, translated by William Jaffé, 1954 (New York: Augustus M. Kelley, 1977), pp. 47-48.

132. L. R. Klein, “The Contributions of Mathematics to Economics”, Review of Economics & Statistics, November 1954, p. 360. P. A. Samuelson, Foundations, p. 6.

133. Nicholas Georgescu-Roegen, “Methods in Economic Science”, Journal of Economic Issues, June 1979, p. 317.

134. John Maynard Keynes, The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money (London: Macmillan, 1936), p. 298.

135. Samuelson, Foundations, p. xviii.

136. Gerard Debreu, “The Axiomatization of Economic Theory”, 1977, quoted by Werner Hildenbrand in Mathematical Economics : Twenty Papers of Gerard Debreu (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983) with an introduction by Werner Hildenbrand, pp. 5-6. See also Gerard Debreu, “Theoretic Models: Mathematical Form and Economic Content”, Econometrica Vol. 54, No. 6, November 1986, pp. 1259-1270.

137. P. T. Bauer, “Reflections on the State of Economics” in Equality, the Third World and Economic Delusion (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1981), p. 265.

138. Nicholas Kaldor, “The Irrelevance of Equilibrium Economics”, Economic Journal, December 1972, p. 180.

139. Hildenbrand, Mathematical Economics, pp. 2-3; Bertrand Russell, The Scientific Outlook (London: Allen & Unwin, 1931), no page cited, quoted by Frank Hahn in On the Notion of Equilibrium in Economics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973), pp. 3-4, reprinted in Equilibrium and Macroeconomics, p. 45.

140. W. W. Leontief, Science Vol. 217, July 9 1982, pp. 104-105; reprinted as the Foreword to Why Economics is Not Yet a Science, edited by Alfred S. Eichner (Armonk, New York: M. E. Sharpe, 1983).

141. Salim Rashid, “Methods in Economic Science: A Comment”, Journal of Economic Issues, Spring 1981, p. 187. This was a thoughtful and moderate reply to Georgescu-Roegen’s article referred to in Note 4 above, but provoked a harsh rejoinder.

142. “Selections from Introduction to Mathematical Philosophy”, in Benacerraf and Putnam Philosophy of Mathematics, 2d edition, p. 173.

143. Arend Heyting, “After Thirty Years” in Logic, Methodology and the Philosophy of Science, edited by Ernest Nagel, Alfred Tarski and Patrick Suppes (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1962), p. 195.

144. Renford Bambrough, “Objectivity and Objects” in Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society, Vol. LXXII (1971-72), p. 66.

145. The philosophy of mathematics is a complex and erudite field, in which there is available much specialist work of high quality. Some volumes which may be profitably consulted are: From Frege to Gödel: A Source Book in Mathematical Logic, 1879-1931, edited by Jean Van Heijenoort (Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard University Press, 1967); the two editions of Philosophy of Mathematics, edited by Benacerraf and Putnam; Max Black, The Nature of Mathematics (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1933); Nagel and Newman, Gödel’s Proof; Dummett, Truth and Other Enigmas; Michael D. Resnik, Frege and the Philosophy of Mathematics (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1980); Mark Steiner, Mathematical Knowledge (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1975).

146. A System of Logic, 1843, 9th edition (London: Longmans, 1975), p. 296, pp. 293-294. See also Note 2 to Chapter 4 above, and also Resnik, Frege, pp. 137-160.

147. Frege, Foundations of Arithmetic, pp. 9-14. Hilary Putnam, “What is Mathematical Truth?”, in Mathematics, Matter and Method, 2d edition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979), pp. 60-78.

148. Hardy, Mathematician’s Apology, see Note 11 to Chapter 5 above, pp. 000. Kurt Gödel is considered to have endorsed platonism, and the following passage has been given as evidence: “Evidently the ‘given’ underlying mathematics is closely related to the abstract elements contained in our empirical ideas. It by no means follows, however, that the data of this second kind, because they cannot be associated with actions of certain things upon our sense organs, are something purely subjective, as Kant asserted. Rather they, too, may represent an aspect of objective reality, but as opposed to the sensations, their presence in us may be due to another kind of relationship between ourselves and reality.” “What is Cantor’s Continuum Problem” in Benacerraf and Putnam, Philosophy of Mathematics, 2d edition, p. 484.

149. Truth and Other Enigmas, p. 202; p. 207.

150. This is a point made by Bambrough in “Objectivity and Objects”. Putnam attributes the same to Georg Kreisel without specific reference, in Mathematics, Matter and Method, p. 70. Also Benacerraf and Putnam, “Introduction” to Philosophy of Mathematics, 2d edition, pp. 30-33.

151. Nagel and Newman, Gödel’s Proof, p. 13.

152. Resnik, Frege, p. 78.

153. Gottlob Frege, On the Foundations of Geometry and Formal Theories of Arithmetic, translated from the German with an introduction by Eike-Henner W. Kluge (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1971), p. 12. See also, David Hilbert, “On the Foundations of Logic and Arithmetic”, 1904, in Heijenoort, From Frege to Gödel, pp. 129-138, and “The Foundations of Mathematics”, 1927, ibid., pp. 464-479.

154. This remark may be an improvement on that of Resnik: “The consistency of an axiom set is all there is to the mathematical existence of such structures.” Frege, p. 116.

155. Nagel and Newman, Gödel’s Proof, pp. 68-102.

156. Haskel B. Curry, “Remarks on the Definition and Nature of Mathematics”, 1939, Dialectica, 8, 1954; reprinted in Benacerraf and Putnam, Philosophy of Mathematics, 2d edition, p. 205.

157. The reader is cautioned that the survey of opinions given here is highly simplified, and reference must be made to specialist works for proper appreciation of the philosophy of mathematics. In particular, no mention has been made of three other major points of view on number, namely, psychologism, intuitionism and logicism. For discussion of psychologism, see Resnik, Frege, pp. 25-54. For discussion of intuitionism, see Arend Heyting, “The Intuitionist Foundations of Mathematics”, 1931, in Benacerraf and Putnam, Philosophy of Mathematics, 2d edition, pp. 52-61, and “Disputation”, 1956, ibid., pp. 66-75; L. E. J. Brouwer, “Intuitionism and Formalism”, 1912, ibid., pp. 77-89; Black, Nature of Mathematics, pp. 169-210.
The logicist school is represented most significantly by Frege, and it may be worth stating the outlines of Frege’s thesis of number as first stated in Foundations of Arithmetic, which has been deservedly accepted by many in contemporary mathematics. Frege proposed “the content of a statement of number is an assertion about a concept” (§46, p. 59). The difficulty of formulating this simple maxim for the first time is perhaps hidden from us today who can understand it without difficulty. To say “Jupiter has four major moons” or “the number of major moons of Jupiter is four” is not to have attributed a property or a sign to the four largest objects actually in Jupiter’s orbit; instead it is to have said something about the concept ‘major moons of Jupiter’. Similarly, to say “this car has four wheels” or “this family has four members” or “this animal has four legs” is to say something about the concepts ‘wheels of this car’, ‘members of this family’, ‘legs of this animal’. If we define ‘major moons of Jupiter’ as concept F and ‘wheels of this car’ as concept G, then “there exists a relation φ which correlates one to one the objects falling under concept F with the objects falling under concept G.” (§71, pp. 83-84). Frege defines concept F as being “equal” to concept G. The objects encompassed by a concept define its “extension”. Frege proposes to define the “number” of a concept such as F as the extension of a certain concept derived from the concept F. From the major moons of Jupiter we derive a new concept “equal to ‘major moons of Jupiter’”. We then define the number belonging to the original concept ‘major moons of Jupiter’ as the extension of this derived concept. Thus although the original concepts are very different from one another in sense, the extension of each of the concepts derived from them — “equal to ‘major moons of Jupiter’”, “equal to ‘wheels of this car’”, “equal to ‘members of this family’”, “equal to ‘legs of this animal’” — is precisely the same, and defines the number 4. In particular, the number 0 is defined as the extension of the derived concept “equal to ‘not identical with itself’”, for there is nothing which is not identical with itself, and the number 1 is defined in contrast with 0: “Affirmation of existence is in fact nothing but denial of the number nought.” (§53, p. 65; also §74-§77, pp. 87-91).
It had been shown by Guiseppe Peano before Frege how arithmetic may be reduced to the natural numbers. Frege, and A. N. Whitehead and Russell, showed how the natural numbers themselves could be derived from logical concepts. The important recognition of the logicists was that number was the objective attribute of a concept, and not of a physical thing or a collection of objects. Both the concept and its attribute of number are capable of being objectively understood, and this without any necessary reference to a transcendental mathematical universe. “Not every objective object has a place.” (Foundations of Arithmetic §61, p. 72) The broader logicist programme was one of deriving all the concepts used in mathematics from logic, using only explicit definitions and purely deductive reasoning. The ambition was to show that no specifically mathematical concepts are ultimately required in the construction of mathematics. Mathematics was seen not merely as the cousin of logic but its direct progeny. It seems to have been widely accepted that this is something of a dogmatic position and cannot be sustained. The axiom of infinity (for every natural number there is a greater one) and the multiplicative axiom (for every set of disjoint non-empty sets, there is at least one set which has exactly one member in common with each of the member sets) cannot be derived from logic alone. Also Russell’s paradox of impredicative definition gave further reason for scepticism, leading Frege himself at the end of his life to doubt and decry his own achievement. (See Frege’s “Letter to Russell”, 1902, in Heijenoort, From Frege to Gödel, pp. 126-128 — a document which must remain one of the most noble in all of modern scholarship; a fact recorded in Russell’s letter to Heijenoort.) Nonetheless, the value of the logicist thesis to the development of modern mathematics hardly can be overestimated. It was able to show at least the intimate relationship that mathematics had to logic. From then on, mathematics hardly could be thought of as being any less objective than logic itself. Moreover, it did this without having to embrace a platonist ontology of a world of perfect mathematical entities somewhere outside spatio-temporal reality. Finally, logicism was to set the stage for the formalism which presently prevails in contemporary mathematics. See Rudolf Carnap, “The Logicist Foundations of Mathematics”, 1931, in Benacerraf and Putnam, Philosophy of Mathematics, 2d edition, pp. 41-52; Russell, “Selections from Introduction to Mathematical Philosophy”, ibid. pp. 160-182; Black, Nature of Mathematics, pp. 15-144; Steiner, Mathematical Knowledge; Resnik, Frege, pp.161-234.

158. F. P. Ramsey, “Truth and Probability”, 1926, in The Foundations of Mathematics (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1931), reprinted in Studies in Subjective Probability, edited by Henry E. Kyburg Jr. and Howard E. Smokler (New York: John Wiley, 1964). Bruno de Finetti, “Foresight: Its Logical Laws, Its Subjective Sources”, Annals de l’Institut Henri Poincaré, 7, 1937, translated by Henry E. Kyburg Jr. amd reprinted in Kyburg and Smokler, Subjective Probability. L. J. Savage, The Foundations of Statistics, 2d revised edition (New York: Dover, 1954); and also “The Foundations of Statistics Reconsidered”, 1961, in Kyburg and Smokler, Subjective Probability. For the influence of subjectivism in probability theory on economic theory, see Kenneth J. Arrow, “Alternative Approaches to the Theory of Choice in Risk-Taking Situations”, Econometrica, 19, 1951, reprinted in Collected Papers of Kenneth J. Arrow, 3, Individual Choice Under Certainty and Uncertainty (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1984), pp. 5-41; Jacques H. Drèze, “Axiomatic Theories of Choice, Cardinal Utility and Subjective Probability: A Review”, in Allocation Under Uncertainty: Equilibrium and Optimality, edited by Jacques H. Drèze (London: Macmillan, 1974), pp. 3-23. Of relevance too is Hacking, Logic of Statistical Inference, pp. 208-227.

159. Savage, Foundations of Statistics, p. 20; de Finetti, “Foresight” in Kyburg and Smokler, Subjective Probability, p. 152 (original in italics).

160. Bruno de Finetti, The Theory of Probability, Vol. I. (New York: John Wiley, 1974), p. x; original in full capitals. I. J. Good, “Review of de Finetti” in Bulletin of the American Mathematical Monthly, 83, 1977, p. 94.

161. Maurice Allais, “The So-Called Allais Paradox and Rational Decisions Under Uncertainty”, in Expected Utility Hypotheses and the Allais Paradox, edited by Maurice Allais and Ole Hagen (Dordecht, Holland: D. Reidel, 1979), p. 660; original in italics.

162. ibid., p. 517; see also p. 467 and pp. 507-517. Of possible relevance is Max Black, “Making Intelligent Choices: How Useful is Decision Theory?”, Bulletin of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, November 1984, No. 2, pp. 30-49.

163. John Maynard Keynes, A Treatise on Probability, 1921, (London: Macmillan, 1973), p. 4.

164. See Chapter 10 for development of this line of argument in the context of welfare economics.

165. Treatise on Probability, pp. 3-4.

166. Theory of Value (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1959), p. x.

167. More recently: “If one removes the economic interpretation of the primitive concepts, of the assumptions, and of the conclusions of the model, its bare mathematical structure must still stand.” Gerard Debreu, “Theoretic Models: Mathematical Form and Economic Content”, Econometrica, November 1986, p. 1265. Another clear statement of hilbertian formalism in economic theory is to be found in Tjalling C. Koopman’s remark: “The test of mathematical existence of an object of analysis postulated in a model is in the first instance a check on the absence of contradictions among the assumptions made.” Three Essays on the State of Economic Science (New York: McGraw Hill, 1957), p. 55. These remarks may be compared with those of Hilbert to Frege referred to in Note 24 above.

168. Kenneth J. Arrow, “Economic Equilibrium”, 1968; “General Economic Equilibrium”, 1972, both in Collected Papers of Kenneth J. Arrow 2, General Equilibrium, (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1983). Frank Hahn, “On the Notion of Equilibrium in Economics”, 1973; “General Equilibrium Theory”, 1981; “Reflections on the Invisible Hand”, 1982; “Keynesian Economics and General Equilibrium Theory: Reflections on Some Current Debates”, 1977, all reprinted in Equilibrium and Macroeconomics (Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, 1984). See also Kenneth J. Arrow and F. H. Hahn, General Competitive Analysis (San Francisco: Oliver and Boyd, 1971), Chapter 1.

169. Arrow, Collected Papers, 2, General Equilibrium, p. 222.

170. Hahn, Equilibrium and Macroeconomics, p. 308, p. 136 and p. 142 respectively.

171. “The divorce of form and content immediately yields a new theory whenever a novel interpretation of a primitive concept is discovered…. Although an axiomatized theory may flaunt the separation of its mathematical form and content in print, their interaction is sometimes close in the discovery and elaboration phases.” Debreu, “Theoretic Models: Mathematical Form and Economic Content”, Econometrica November 1986, p.1265-1266. What is being meant in the first sentence seems clear in the context, namely, that the same mathematical structure may have more than one economic interpretation; in this sentence, the reference to the idea of “discovery” may be incidental. But the same may not be said of the reference in the second sentence, where instead it seems quite possible to take Debreu to be making, like Arrow and Hahn, an obscure and implicit reference to a platonist ontology.

172. Robert M. Solow, in “Economic Development and the Development of Economics”, edited by George Rosen, World Development, Special Issue, 11, October 1983, pp. 892-893.

173. Nagel and Newman, Gödel’s Proof, p.13.

174. Max Black, “Models and Archetypes” in Models and Metaphors: Studies in Language and Philosophy (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1962) p. 22. See also, Mary B. Hesse, Models and Analogies in Science (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1966). Of possible relevance is Allan Gibbard and Hal R. Varian, “Economic Models”, Journal of Philosophy, 1978, pp. 664-677; Alexander Rosenberg, “The Puzzle of Economic Modelling”, Journal of Philosophy, 1978, pp. 679-683; Michael D. Intrilligator, “Economic and Econometric Models” in Handbook of Econometrics, Volume I, edited by Z. Griliches and M. D. Intrilligator (Amsterdam: North Holland, 1983), pp. 182-220.

175. Tractatus, §6.211, p. 65.

176. “The Logic of Mathematics in Relation to Education” in Collected Papers, §3.559, pp. 348-350.

177. “On the Nature of Mathematical Truth”, American Mathematical Monthly, 52, 1945, reprinted in Benacerraf and Putnam, Philosophy of Mathematics, 2d edition, p. 391.

178. John Maynard Keynes, “Alfred Marshall, 1842-1924″ in Memorials of Alfred Marshall edited by A. C. Pigou (London: Macmillan, 1925), p. 12.
Chapter 10 Remarks on the Foundations of Welfare Economics
179. Collected Papers, 2, General Equilibrium, p. 225.

180. Principles, p. 93.

181. ibid., pp. 117-118.

182. J. R. Hicks, Value and Capital, 2d edition (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1946), p. 5.

183. ibid., p. 12.

184. ibid., pp. 18-19.

185. Samuelson, Foundations, p. 97. Kenneth J. Arrow, Social Choice and Individual Values, 2d edition (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1963), p. 9.

186. Principles, p. 95.

187. ibid., p. 92, p. 100, p. 121.

188. ibid., p. 129.

189. John Hicks, “Time in Economics”, 1975, in Money, Interest & Wages, Collected Essays on Economic Theory, Vol. II (Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, 1982), pp. 285-286. “Samuelson’s consumer” is of course the natural successor to Hicks’s own, if we should apply Occam’s Razor too keenly in this place.

190. Letter to the author dated May 1 1984. Besides the passage quoted here, Hicks cites as evidence of a fresh position the Introduction and pp. 114-52, p. 238, p. 284 in Wealth and Welfare, Collected Essays on Economic Theory, Vol. I (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1981). It may be a sign of the times that economists, great and small, rarely if ever disclaim their past opinions; it is therefore an especially splendid example to have a great economist like Hicks doing so in this matter.

191. Knut Wicksell, Lectures on Political Economy, Vol. I. General Theory, translated from the Swedish by E. Classen, edited by Lionel Robbins (London: Routledge, 1935), p. 221. For Wicksell’s concept of marginal utility, see ibid. pp. 29-35.

192. A. C. Pigou, The Economics of Welfare, 4th edition (London: Macmillan, 1932), p. 89.

193. “The Present Position of Economics”, 1885, in Memorials, p. 162; “The Equitable Distribution of Taxation”, 1917, ibid., p. 348; Principles, p.95.

194. Nature and Significance of Economic Science, p. 137.

195. Principles, p. 96.

196. Bambrough, Moral Scepticism and Moral Knowledge, pp. 62-63.

197. Tractatus, §5.62, p. 57.

198. Bambrough, Moral Scepticism and Moral Knowledge, p. 65.

199. Bambrough, Moral Scepticism and Moral Knowledge, p. 6. See also Bambrough, Reason, Truth and God, p. 10, where the maxim is named Ramsey’s Maxim after F. P. Ramsey: “In such cases it is a heuristic maxim that the truth lies not in one of the two disputed views but in some third possibility which has not yet been thought of, which we can only discover by rejecting something assumed as obvious by both the disputants.” Foundations of Mathematics, pp. 115-116.

200. Part of these arguments have been taken from the author’s “Considerations on Utility, Benevolence and Taxation”, History of Political Economy, Fall 1984, 16(3), pp. 349-362. Of possible relevance are D. Ellsburg, “Classic and Current Notions of ‘Measurable Utility’”, Economic Journal, September 1954; Robert Cooter and Peter Rappoport, “Were the Ordinalists Wrong About Welfare Economics?”, Journal of Economic Literature, June 1984, 22(2), pp. 507-530; subsequent criticism by Pieter Hennipman, “A Tale of Two Schools, Comments on a New View of the Ordinalist Revolution”, De Economist, June 1987, 135(2), pp. 141-162; and the interchange between Hennipman and Rappoport in “Communications”, Journal of Economic Literature, March 1988, 26(1), pp. 80-91.

201. Arrow, Collected Papers, 1, Social Choice, pp. 2-3; Social Choice and Individual Values, p. 9. For a recent summary and extensive bibliography of the theory of social choice, see Amartya Sen, “Social Choice Theory” in Handbook of Mathematical Economics, Vol. III edited by Kenneth J. Arrow and Michael D. Intrilligator (Amsterdam: North Holland, 1986), pp. 1073-1181.

202. Social Choice and Individual Values, p. 1; Collected Papers, 1, Social Choice, p. 4.

203. Social Choice and Individual Values, p. 17; Collected Papers, 1, Social Choice, pp. 10-11.

204. Collected Papers 1, Social Choice, p. 66.

205. “The Future and the Present in Economic Life”, Economic Inquiry, 16, 1978, reprinted in Collected Papers, 2, General Equilibrium, p. 283.

206. Amartya Sen, “The Impossibility of a Paretian Liberal”, Journal of Political Economy, 78, 1970; reprinted in Choice, Welfare and Measurement (Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, 1982), p. 286.

207. “Liberty, Unanimity and Rights”, Economica, 43, August 1976; reprinted in Choice, Welfare and Measurement, p.316. Mill, Hayek and Gramsci are cited by Sen on p. 292 and Stalin on p. 316.

208. Collected Papers, 1, Social Choice, p. 67.

209. That the Arrow-Sen concept of liberalism extends to both liberal cases and to manifestly anti-liberal ones appears to have been independently noticed by Christian Seidl, “On Liberal Values”, Zeitschrift für Nationalokonomie, 35, 1975, p. 279; D. K. Osborne, “On Liberalism and the Pareto Principle”, Journal of Political Economy, 83, 1975, pp. 1285-86; M. J. Farrell, “Liberalism and the Theory of Social Choice”, Review of Economic Studies, 43, 1976, pp. 8-9; and the present author in “Knowledge and Freedom in Economic Theory Part II”, unpublished manuscript August 1982, p. 23, deriving from “On Liberty and Economic Growth”, University of Cambridge PhD dissertation, 1982. Professor James Buchanan in an unpublished manuscript titled “An Ambiguity in Sen’s Alleged Proof of the Impossibility of Paretian Liberal” (1976), raised a related objection to Sen’s procedure. In terms of the example given in the text, if K chose to be decisive over (z1, z3) then individual state d has been effectively ruled out as an option for S; or if S chose to be decisive over (z1, z2) then the individual state a has been effectively ruled out as an option for K.
Finally, the definition of the Pareto criterion in the theory of social choice would seem to be substantively different from the criterion by the same name in the theory of price, insofar as it requires acceptance of the definition of the “social state”, where it is a main observation of the theory of prices that most trades take place under conditions of informational privacy.

210. Collected Papers, 1, Social Choice, pp. 63-65.
Select Bibliography

For the convenience of the reader, a division has been made into Works by Economists, and Works by Philosophers and Others.

A. Works by Economists

Alexander, Sidney S. “Human Values and Economists’ Values”. In Human Values and Economic Policy. Edited by Sidney Hook. New York: New York University Press, 1967.
_________. “Public Television and the ‘Ought’ of Public Policy”. In Washington University Law Quarterly. Winter 1968.
Allais, Maurice. Expected Utility Hypotheses and the Allais Paradox. Edited by Maurice Allais and Ole Hagen. Dordecht, Holland: D. Reidel, 1979.
Arrow, Kenneth J. Social Choice and Individual Values. 2d edition. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1963.
_________. Collected Papers of Kenneth J. Arrow 1, Social Choice. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1983.
_________. Collected Papers of Kenneth J. Arrow 2, General Equilibrium. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1983.
_________. Collected Papers of Kenneth J. Arrow, 3, Individual Choice Under Certainty and Uncertainty. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1984.
Arrow, Kenneth J. and F. H. Hahn. General Competitive Analysis. San Francisco: Oliver & Boyd, 1971.
Bliss, Christopher J. Capital Theory and the Distribution of Income. Amsterdam: North Holland, 1975.
Buchanan, James M. Public Principles of Public Debt. Homewood, Ill.: Richard D. Irwin, 1958.
_________. “Public Finance and Public Choice”. National Tax Journal. 1975.
Clower, Robert. “The Keynesian Counter-Revolution: A Theoretical Reappraisal”. In The Theory of Interest Rates edited by F. H. Hahn and F. P. R. Brechling. London: Macmillan, 1965.
De V. Graaff, J. Theoretical Welfare Economics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1963.
Debreu, Gerard. Theory of Value. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1959.
_________. Mathematical Economics: Twenty Papers of Gerard Debreu. With an Introduction by Werner Hildenbrand. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983.
Friedman, Milton. Essays in Positive Economics. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1953.
_________. The Optimum Quantity of Money and Other Essays. Chicago: Aldine, 1969.
_________. Milton Friedman’s Monetary Framework. Edited by Robert J. Gordon. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1974.
Friedman, Milton. Studies in the Quantity Theory of Money. Edited by Milton Friedman. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1956.
Friedman, Milton and Anna Jacobson Schwartz. A Monetary History of the United States, 1867-1960. Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press, 1963.
Grandmont, Jean-Michel. Money and Value. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985.
Hahn, Frank. Money and Inflation. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1982.
_________. Equilibrium and Macroeconomics. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1984.
_________. Money, Growth and Stability. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1985.
Hahn, Frank. Philosophy and Economic Theory. Edited by F. H. Hahn and Martin Hollis. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1979.
Hayek, F. A. The Road to Serfdom. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1944.
_________. Individualism and Economic Order. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1949.
_________. New Studies in Philosophy, Politics, Economics and the History of Ideas. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978.
Hicks, J. R. Value and Capital. 2d edition. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1946.
_________. Critical Essays in Monetary Theory. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1967.
_________. Wealth and Welfare. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1981.
_________. Money, Interest and Wages. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1982.
Hutchison, T. W. ‘Positive’ Economics and Policy Objectives. London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd., 1964.
_________. On Revolutions and Progress in Economic Knowledge. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978.
Johnson, Harry G. Macroeconomics and Monetary Theory. London: Gray Mills, 1971.
Keynes, John Maynard. A Treatise on Probability. 1921. London: Macmillan, 1973.
_________. The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money. London: Macmillan, 1936.
Keynes, John Neville. The Scope and Method of Political Economy. 4th edition. London : Macmillan, 1917.
Kindleberger, Charles. The World in Depression 1929-1939. Revised edition. Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 1986.
Koopmans, Tjalling C. Three Essays on the State of Economic Science. New York: McGraw Hill, 1957.
Leijonhufvud, Axel. On Keynesian Economics and the Economics of Keynes. New York: Oxford University Press, 1968.
Lucas, R. E., Jr. Studies in Business Cycle Theory. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1981.
_________. Models of Business Cycles. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1987.
Marshall, Alfred. Principles of Economics. 1920, 9th (Variorum) edition. London: Macmillan, 1961.
_________. Memorials of Alfred Marshall. Edited by A. C. Pigou. London: Macmillan, 1925.
Metzler, Lloyd. “Wealth, Saving, and the Rate of Interest”, in Journal of Political Economy, April 1951.
Myrdal, Gunnar. The Political Element in the Development of Economic Theory. Swedish original, 1929. Translated from the German by Paul Streeten. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1953.
_________. Values in Social Theory : A Selection of Essays on Methodology. Edited by Paul Streeten. New York: Harper, 1958.
Pareto, Vilfredo. Manual of Political Economy. 1927. Translated from the French by Ann S. Schwier. Edited by Ann S. Schwier and Alfred N. Page. New York: Augustus M. Kelley, 1971.
Patinkin, Don. Money, Interest, and Prices. 2d edition. New York: Harper & Row, 1965.
Pigou, A. C. The Economics of Welfare. 4th edition. London: Macmillan, 1932.
_________. Employment and Equilibrium. 2d revised edition. London:Macmillan, 1949.
Pribram, Karl. A History of Economic Reasoning. Baltimore, Md: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1983.
Robbins, Lionel. An Essay On the Nature and Significance of Economic Science. 2d edition. London: Macmillan, 1935.
__________. The Theory of Economic Policy in English Classical Political Economy. London:Macmillan, 1952.
Samuelson, Paul A. Foundations of Economic Analysis. 1947. Enlarged edition. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1983.
Schumpeter, Joseph A. History of Economic Analysis. Edited by Elizabeth Boody Schumpeter. New York: Oxford University Press, 1954.
Sen, Amartya. Collective Choice and Social Welfare. San Francisco: Holden-Day, 1970.
_________. Choice, Welfare and Measurement. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1982.
Smith, Adam. An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations. 1776. Edited by R. H. Campbell, A. S. Skinner and W. D. Todd. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1976.
Theil, Henri. Economic Forecasts and Policy. 2d edition. Amsterdam: North Holland, 1970.
Tinbergen, Jan. On the Theory of Economic Policy. Amsterdam: North Holland, 1952.
Tobin, James. “Inflation and Unemployment”, American Economic Review, 1972.
_________. Asset Accumulation and Economic Activity. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980.
Walras, Léon. Elements of Pure Economics. 1874. Translated from the French by William Jaffé, 1954. New York: Augustus M. Kelley, 1977.
Wicksell, Knut. Lectures on Political Economy. Translated from the Swedish by E. Classen. Edited by Lionel Robbins. London: Routledge, 1935.

B. Works by Philosophers and Others

Arendt, Hannah. “Truth and Politics.” In Philosophy, Politics and Society, 2d Series. Edited by Peter Laslett and W. G. Runciman. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1967.
_________. The Life of the Mind. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1978.
Aristotle. The Basic Works of Aristotle. Edited by Richard McKeon. New York: Random House, 1941.
Armstrong, D. M. Universals and Scientific Realism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978.
Ayer, A. J. Language, Truth and Logic. 1937. New York: Dover, 1952.
_________. Freedom and Morality and Other Essays. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984.
Bambrough, Renford. Reason, Truth and God. London: Methuen, 1969.
_________. Moral Scepticism and Moral Knowledge. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1979.
Bambrough, Renford. Plato, Popper and Politics: Some Contributions to a Modern Controversy. Edited by Renford Bambrough. New York: Barnes and Noble, 1967.
Benacerraf, Paul. Philosophy of Mathematics. 2d edition. Edited by Paul Benacerraf and Hilary Putnam. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983.
Benacerraf, Paul. Philosophy of Mathematics. Edited by Paul Benacerraf and Hilary Putnam. Englewoods Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1964.
Black, Max. The Nature of Mathematics. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1933.
_________. Margins of Precision. Ithaca, N. Y.: Cornell University Press, 1970.
Brandt, Richard B. A Theory of the Good and the Right. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1979.
Carnap, Rudolf. Meaning and Necessity. 2d edition. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1956.
De Finetti, Bruno. “Foresight: Its Logical Laws, Its Subjective Sources”. Annals de l’Institut Henri Poincaré. 7, 1937. Translated from the French by Henry E. Kyburg Jr.. Reprinted in Kyburg and Smokler, Studies in Subjective Probability, 1964.
Dummett, Michael. Truth and Other Enigmas. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1978.
Feigl, Herbert. Readings in the Philosophy of Science. Edited by Herbert Feigl and May Brodbeck. New York: Appleton, 1953.
Frege, Gottlob. Translations from the Philosophical Writings of Gottlob Frege. Translated, compiled and edited by Peter Geach and Max Black. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1952.
_________. On the Foundations of Geometry and Formal Theories of Arithmetic. Translated from the German and with an introduction by Eike-Henner W. Kluge. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1971.
_________. Posthumous Writings. Edited by Hans Hermes, Friedrich Kambartel and Friedrich Kaulbach. Translated from the German by Peter Long and Roger White. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1979.
_________. The Foundations of Arithmetic. 1884. Translated from the German by J. L. Austin. Evanston, Ill.: Northwestern University Press, 1980.
Hacking, Ian. The Logic of Statistical Inference. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,1965.
Hamlyn, D. W. Metaphysics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984.
Hancock, Roger N. Twentieth Century Ethics. New York: Columbia University Press, 1974.
Hardy, G. H. A Mathematician’s Apology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1967.
Hare, R. M. The Language of Morals. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1952.
_________. Freedom and Reason. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1963.
_________. Moral Thinking. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1981.
Hesse, Mary B. Models and Analogies in Science. Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1966.
Hume, David. A Treatise of Human Nature. 1739. 2d edition of 1888. Edited by L. A. Selby Bigge. Revised by P. H. Nidditch. Oxford: Clarendon, 1978.
_________. Enquiries Concerning Human Understanding and Concerning the Principles of Morals. 1777. 3rd edition. Edited by P. H. Nidditch. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1975.
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