On the Alternative Theories of Pakistan and India about Jammu & Kashmir (And the One and Only Way These May Be Peacefully Reconciled): An Exercise in Economics, Politics, Moral Philosophy & Jurisprudence

 by

Subroto (Suby) Roy

Lecture to the Oxford and Cambridge Society of Lahore

March 14, 2011 (tentative)

“What is the use of studying philosophy if all that does for you is to enable you to talk with some plausibility about some abstruse questions of logic, etc., & if it does not improve your thinking about the important questions of everyday life?”

Wittgenstein, letter to Malcolm, 1944

“India is the greatest Muslim country in the world.”

Sir Muhammad Iqbal, 1930, Presidential Address to the Muslim League, Allahabad

 “Where be these enemies?… See, what a scourge is laid upon your hate,… all are punish’d.” Shakespeare

Dr Roy’s published works include Philosophy of Economics: On the Scope of Reason in Economic Inquiry (London & New York: Routledge, 1989, 1991); Pricing, Planning & Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India (London: Institute of Economic Affairs, 1984); and, edited with WE James, Foundations of India’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s (Hawaii MS 1989, Sage 1992)  &  Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s (Hawaii MS 1989, Sage 1992, OUP Karachi 1993); and, edited with John Clarke, Margaret Thatcher’s Revolution: How it Happened and What it Meant (London & New York: Continuum 2005).  He graduated in 1976 with a first from the London School of Economics in mathematical economics, and received the PhD in economics at Cambridge in 1982 under Professor Frank Hahn for the thesis “On liberty & economic growth: preface to a philosophy for India”. In the United States for 16 years he was privileged to count as friends Professors James Buchanan, Milton Friedman, TW Schultz, Max Black and Sidney Alexander.  From September 18 1990 he was an adviser to Rajiv Gandhi and contributed to the origins of India’s 1991 economic reform.  He blogs at www.independentindian.com.

CONTENTS

1. Introduction
2. Pakistan’s Point of View (or Points of View)

(a)    1930  Sir Muhammad Iqbal

(b)    1933-1948 Chaudhury Rahmat Ali

(c)    1937-1941 Sir Sikander Hayat Khan

(d)    1937-1947 Quad-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah

(e)    1940s et seq  Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi

(f)     1947-1950 Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan, 1966 President Ayub Khan, 2005 Govt of Pakistan, 2007 President Musharraf, 2008 FM Qureshi, 2011 Kashmir Day

3. India’s Point of View: British Negligence/Indifference during the Transfer of Power, A Case of Misgovernance in the Chaotic Aftermath of World War II

(a)    Rhetoric: Whose Pakistan?  Which Kashmir? 

(b)    Law: (i) Liaquat-Zafrullah-Abdullah-Nehru United in Error Over the Second Treaty of Amritsar! Dogra J&K subsists Mar 16 1846-Oct 22 1947. Aggression, Anarchy, Annexations: The LOC as De Facto Boundary by Military Decision Since Jan 1 1949.  (ii) Legal Error & Confusion Generated by 12 May 1946 Memorandum. (iii) War: Dogra J&K attacked by Pakistan, defended by India: Invasion, Mutiny, Secession of “Azad Kashmir” & Gilgit, Rape of Baramulla, Siege of Skardu.

4. Politics: What is to be Done? Towards Truths, Normalisation, Peace in the 21^st Century

The Present Situation is Abnormal & Intolerable. There May Be One (and Only One) Peacable Solution that is Feasible: Revealing Individual Choices Privately with Full Information & Security: Indian “Green Cards”/PIO-OCI status for Hurriyat et al: A Choice of Nationality (India, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Iran).  Of Flags and Consulates in Srinagar & Gilgit etc: De Jure Recognition of the Boundary, Diplomatic Normalisation,  Economic & Military Cooperation.

5. Appendices:

(a)    History of Jammu & Kashmir until the Dogra Native State

(b)    Pakistan’s Allies (including A Brief History of Gilgit)

(c)    India’s Muslim Voices

(d)    Pakistan’s Muslim Voices: An Excerpt from the Munir Report

1.  Introduction

For a solution to Jammu & Kashmir to be universally acceptable it must be seen by all as being lawful and just. Political opinion across the subcontinent — in Pakistan, in India, among all people and parties in J&K, those loyal to India, those loyal to Pakistan, and any others — will have to agree that, all things considered, such is the right course of action for everyone today in the 21st Century, which means too that the solution must be consistent with the principal known facts of history as well as account reasonably for all moral considerations.

I claim to have found such a solution, indeed I shall even say it is the only such solution (in terms of theoretical economics, it is the unique solution) and plan with your permission to describe its main outlines at this distinguished gathering.  I have not invented it overnight but it is something  developed over a quarter century, milestones along the way being the books emerging from the University of Hawaii “perestroika” projects for India and Pakistan that I and the late WE James led 25 years ago, and a lecture I gave at Washington’s Heritage Foundation in June 1998, as well as sets of newspaper articles published between 2005 and 2008, one in Dawn of Karachi and others in The Statesman of New Delhi and Kolkata.

Before I start, allow me for a moment to remind just how complex and intractable the problem we face has been, and, therefore, quite how large my ambition is in claiming today to be able to resolve it.

“Kashmir is in the Supreme National Interest of Pakistan”, says Pakistan.

“Kashmir is an Integral Part of India”, says India.

“Kashmir is an Integral Part of Pakistan”, says Pakistan.

“Kashmir is in the Supreme National Interest of India”, says India.

And so it goes, in what over the decades has been all too often a Dialogue of the Deaf.  How may such squarely opposed positions be reconciled without draining public resources even further through wasteful weaponry and confrontation of standing armies, or, what is worse, using these weapons and armies in war, plunging the subcontinent into an abyss of chaos and destruction for generations to come?  How is it possible?

I shall suggest a road can be found only when we realize Pakistan, India and J&K each have been and are going to remain integral to one another — in their histories, their geographies, their economies and their societies.  The only place they may need to differ, where we shall want them to differ, is their politics and political systems. We should not underestimate how much mutual hatred and mutual fear has arisen naturally on all sides over the decades as a result of bloodshed and suffering all around, and the fact must also be accounted for that people simply may not be in a calm-enough emotional state to want to be part of processes seeking resolution; at the same time, it bears to be remembered that although Pakistan and India have been at war more than once and war is always a very serious and awful thing, they have never actually declared war against the other nor have they ever broken diplomatic relations – in fact in some ways it has always seemed like some very long and protracted fraternal Civil War between us where we think we know one another so well and yet come to be surprised more by one another’s virtues than by one another’s vices.

Secondly, with any seemingly intractable problem, dialogue can stall or be aborted due to normal human failings of impatience or lack of good will or lack of good humour or lack of a scientific attitude towards finding facts, or plain mutual miscomprehension of one another’s points of view through ignorance or laziness or negligence.  In case of Pakistan and India over J&K, there has been the further critical complication that we of this generation did not cause this problem — it has been something inherited by us from not even our fathers but our grandfathers!  It is two generations old.  Each side must respect the words and deeds of its forebears but also may have to frankly examine in a scientific spirit where errors of fact or judgment may have occurred back then.  The antagonistic positions have changed only slightly over two generations, and one reason dialogue stalls or gets aborted today is because positions have become frozen for more than half a century and merely get repeated endlessly.  On top of such frozen positions have been piled pile upon pile of further vast mortal complications: the 1965 War, the 1971 secession of East Pakistan, the 1999 Kargil War, the 2008 Mumbai massacres.  Only cacophony results if we talk about everything at once, leaving the status quo of a dangerous expensive confrontation to continue.

I propose instead to focus as specifically and precisely as possible on how Jammu & Kashmir became a problem at all during those crucial decades alongside the processes of Indian Independence, World War II, the Pakistan Movement and creation of Pakistan, accompanied by the traumas and bloodshed of Partition.

Having addressed that — and it is only fair to forewarn this eminent Lahore audience that such a survey of words, deeds and events between the 1930s and 1950s tends to emerge in India’s favour — I propose to “fast-forward” to current times, where certain new facts on the ground appear much more adverse to India, and finally seek to ask what can and ought to be done, all things considered, today in the circumstances of the 21st Century.   There are four central facts, let me for now call them Fact A, Fact B, Fact C and Fact D, which have to be accepted by both countries in good faith and a scientific spirit.  Facts A and B are historical in nature; Pakistan has refused to accept them. Facts C and D are contemporary in nature; official political India and much of the Indian media too often have appeared wilfully blind to them. The moment all four facts come to be accepted by all, the way forward becomes clear.  We have inherited this grave mortal problem which has so badly affected the ordinary people of J&K in the most terrible and unacceptable manner, but if we fail to understand and resolve it, our children and grandchildren will surely fail even worse — we may even leave them to cope with the waste and destruction of further needless war or confrontation, indeed with the end of the subcontinent as we have received and known it in our time.

2. Pakistan’s Point of View (Or Points of View)

1930  Sir Muhammad Iqbal

This audience will need no explanation why I start with Sir Muhammad Iqbal (1877-1938), the poetic and spiritual genius who in the 20^th Century inspired the notion of a Muslim polity in NorthWestern India, whose seminal 1930 presidential speech to the Muslim League in Allahabad lay the foundation stone of the new country that was yet to be.   He did not live to see Pakistan’s creation yet what may be called the “Pakistan Principle” was captured in his words:

“I would like to see the Punjab, Northwest Frontier Province, Sind and Baluchistan amalgamated into a single state. Self-government within the British Empire or without the British Empire, the formation of a consolidated North West Indian Muslim state appears to me to be the final destiny of the Muslims at least of Northwest India… India is the greatest Muslim country in the world.  The life of Islam as a cultural force in this living country very largely depends on its centralization in a specified territory”.

He did not see such a consolidated Muslim state being theocratic and certainly not one filled with bigotry or “Hate-Hindu” campaigns:

“A community which is inspired by feelings of ill-will towards other communities is low and ignoble. I entertain the highest respect for the customs, laws, religious and social institutions of other communities… Yet I love the communal group which is the source of my life and my behaviour… Nor should the Hindus fear that the creation of autonomous Muslim states will mean the introduction of a kind of religious rule in such states…. I therefore demand the formation of a consolidated Muslim state in the best interests of India and Islam. For India it means security and peace resulting from an internal balance of power, for Islam an opportunity to rid itself of the stamp that Arabian Imperialism was forced to give it, to mobilise its law, its education, its culture, and to bring them into closer contact with its own original spirit and the spirit of modern times.”[1]

Though Kashmiri himself, in fact a founding member of the “All-India Jammu & Kashmir Muslim Conference of Lahore and Simla”, and a hero and role model for the young Sheikh Abdullah (1905-1982), Allama Iqbal was explicitly silent about J&K being part of the new political entity he had come to imagine.  I do not say he would not have wished it to be had he lived longer; what I am saying is that his original vision of the consolidated Muslim state which constitutes Pakistan today (after a Partitioned Punjab) did not include Jammu & Kashmir.  Rather, it was focused on the politics of British India and did not mention the politics of Kashmir or any other of the so-called “Princely States” or “Native States” of “Indian India” who constituted some 1/3^rd of the land mass and 1/4^th of the population of the subcontinent.  Twenty years ago I called this “The Paradox of Kashmir”, namely, that prior to 1947 J&K hardly seemed to appear in any discussion at all for a century, yet it has consumed almost all discussion and resources ever since.

Secondly, this audience will see better than I can the significance of Dr Iqbal’s saying the Muslim political state of his conception needed

“an opportunity to rid itself of the stamp that Arabian Imperialism was forced to give it”

and instead seek to

“mobilise its law, its education, its culture, and to bring them into closer contact with its own original spirit and the spirit of modern times”.

Dr Iqbal’s Pakistan Principle appears here the polar opposite of Pakistan’s 18^th & 19^th Century pre-history represented by Shah Waliullah (1703-1762)[2] saying

“We are an Arab people whose fathers have fallen in exile in the country of Hindustan, and Arabic genealogy and Arabic language are our pride”

 or Sayyid Ahmed Barelwi (1786-1831) saying

“We must repudiate all those Indian, Persian and Roman customs which are contrary to the Prophet’s teaching”.[3]  

Some 25 years after the Allahabad address, the Munir Report in 1954 echoed Dr Iqbal’s thought when it observed about medieval military conquests

“It is this brilliant achievement of the Arabian nomads …that makes the Musalman of today live in the past and yearn for the return of the glory that was Islam… Little does he understand that the forces which are pitted against him are entirely different from those against which early Islam had to fight… Nothing but a bold reorientation of Islam to separate the vital from the lifeless can preserve it as a World Idea and convert the Musalman into a citizen of the present and the future world from the archaic incongruity that he is today…” [4]

1933-1947  Chaudhury Rahmat Ali

Dr Iqbal’s young follower, the radical Cambridge pamphleteer Chaudhury Rahmat Ali (1895-1951) drew a picture not of Muslim tolerance and coexistence with Hindus in a peaceful India but of aggression towards Hindus and domination by Muslims over the subcontinent and Asia itself.  Rahmat Ali had been inspired by Dr Iqbal’s call for a Muslim state in Northwest India but found it vague and was disappointed Iqbal had not pressed it at the Third Round Table Conference.  In 1933, reportedly on the upper floor of a London omnibus, he invented for the then-imagined political entity the name “PAKSTAN”, P for his native Punjab, A for Afghania, K for Kashmir, S for Sind, and STAN for Balochistan.  He sought a meeting with Mr Jinnah in London — “Jinnah disliked Rahmat Ali’s ideas and avoided meeting him”[5] but did meet him.  There is a thesis yet to be written on how Europe’s inter-War ideologies affected political thinking on the subcontinent.  Rahmat Ali’s vituperative views about Hindus were akin to others about Jews (and Muslims too) at the time, all models or counterfoils for one another in the fringes of Nazism.  He referred to the Indian nationalist movement as a “British-Banya alliance”, declined to admit India had ever existed and personally renamed the subcontinent “Dinia” and the seas around it the “Pakian Sea”, the “Osmanian Sea” etc. He urged Sikhs to rise up in a “Sikhistan” and urged all non-Hindus to rise up in war against Hindus. Given the obscurity of his life before his arrival at Cambridge’s Emmanuel College, what experiences may have led him to such views are not known.

All this was anathema to Mr Jinnah, the secular constitutionalist embarrassed by a reactionary Muslim imperialism in that rapidly modernising era that was the middle of the 20^th Century.  When Rahmat Ali pressed the ‘Pakstan’ acronym, Mr Jinnah said Bengal was not in it and Muslim minority regions were absent.  At this Chaudhury-Sahib produced a general scheme of Muslim domination all over the subcontinent: there would be “Pakstan” in the northwest including Kashmir, Delhi and Agra; “Bangistan” in Bengal; “Osmanistan” in Hyderabad; “Siddiquistan” in Bundelhand and Malwa; “Faruqistan” in Bihar and Orissa; “Haideristan” in UP; “Muinistan” in Rajasthan; “Maplistan” in Kerala; even “Safiistan” in “Western Ceylon” and “Nasaristan” in “Eastern Ceylon”, etc.  In 1934 he published and widely circulated such a diagram among Muslims in Britain at the time.  He was not invited to the Lahore Resolution which did not refer to Pakistan though came to be called the Pakistan Resolution.  When he landed in the new Pakistan, he was apparently arrested and deported back and was never granted a Pakistan passport.  From England, he turned his wrath upon the new government, condemning Mr Jinnah as treacherous and newly re-interpreting his acronym to refer to Punjab, Afghania, Kashmir, Iran, Sindh, Tukharistan (sic), Afghanistan, and Balochistan.  The word “pak” coincidentally meant pure, so he began to speak of Muslims as “the Pak” i.e. “the pure” people, and of how the national destiny of the new Pakistan was to liberate “Pak” people everywhere, including the new India, and create a “Pak Commonwealth of Nations” stretching from Arabia to the Indies.  The map he now drew placed the word “Punjab” over J&K, and saw an Asia dominated by this “Pak” empire. Shunned by officialdom of the new Pakistan, Chaudhury-Sahib was a tragic figure who died in poverty and obscurity during an influenza epidemic in 1951; the Master of Emmanuel College paid for his funeral and was apparently later reimbursed for this by the Government of Pakistan.  In recent years he has undergone a restoration, and his grave at Cambridge has become a site of pilgrimage for ideologues, while his diagrams and writings have been reprinted in Pakistan’s newspapers as recently as February 2005.

1937-1941 Sir Sikander Hayat Khan

Chaudhary Rahmat Ali’s harshest critic at the time was the eminent statesman and Premier of Punjab Sir Sikander Hayat Khan (1892-1942), partner of the 1937 Sikander-Jinnah Pact, and an author of the Lahore Resolution.  His statement of 11 March 1941 in the Punjab Legislative Assembly Debates is a classic:

“No Pakistan scheme was passed at Lahore… As for Pakistan schemes, Maulana Jamal-ud-Din’s is the earliest…Then there is the scheme which is attributed to the late Allama Iqbal of revered memory.  He, however, never formulated any definite scheme but his writings and poems have given some people ground to think that Allama Iqbal desired the establishment of  some sort of  Pakistan.  But it is not difficult to explode this theory and to prove conclusively that his conception of  Islamic solidarity and universal brotherhood is not in conflict with Indian patriotism and is in fact quite different from the ideology now sought to be attributed to him by some enthusiasts… Then there is Chaudhuri Rahmat Ali’s scheme (*laughter*)…it was widely circulated in this country and… it was also given wide publicity at the time in a section of the British press.  But there is another scheme…it was published in one of the British journals, I think Round Table, and was conceived by an Englishman…..the word Pakistan was not used at the League meeting and this term was not applied to (the League’s Lahore) resolution by anybody until the Hindu press had a brain-wave and dubbed it Pakistan…. The ignorant masses  have now adopted the slogan provided by the short-sighted bigotry of the Hindu and Sikh press…they overlooked the fact that the word Pakistan might have an appeal – a strong appeal – for the Muslim masses.  It is a catching phrase and it has caught popular imagination and has thus made confusion worse confounded…. So far as we in the Punjab are concerned, let me assure you that we will not countenance or accept any proposal that does not secure freedom for all (*cheers*).  We do not desire that Muslims should domineer here, just as we do not want the Hindus to domineer where Muslims are in a minority. Now would we allow anybody or section to thwart us because Muslims happen to be in a majority in this province.  We do not ask for freedom that there may be a Muslim Raj here and Hindu Raj elsewhere.  If that is what Pakistan means I will have nothing to do with it.   If Pakistan means unalloyed Muslim Raj in the Punjab then I will have nothing to do with it (*hear, hear*)…. If you want real freedom for the Punjab, that is to say a Punjab in which every community will have its due share in the economic and administrative fields as partners in a common concern, then that Punjab will not be Pakistan but just Punjab, land of the five rivers; Punjab is Punjab and will always remain Punjab whatever anybody may say (*cheers*).  This, then, briefly is the future which I visualize for my province and for my country under any new constitution.

Intervention (Malik Barkat Ali): The Lahore resolution says the same thing.

Premier: Exactly; then why misinterpret it and try to mislead the  masses?…”

1937-1947  Quad-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah

During the Third Round Table Conference, Dr Iqbal persuaded Mr Jinnah (1876-1948) to return to India; Mr Jinnah, from being settled again in his London law practice, did so in 1934.  But following the 1935 Govt of India Act, the Muslim League failed badly when British India held its first elections in 1937 not only in Bengal and UP but in Punjab (one seat), NWFP and Sind.

World War II, like World War I a couple of brief decades earlier, then changed the political landscape completely. Germany invaded Poland on 1 September 1939 and Britain and France declared war on Germany on 3 September.  The next day, India’s British Viceroy (Linlithgow) granted Mr Jinnah the political parity with Congress that he had sought.[6]  Professor Francis Robinson suggests that until 4 September 1939 the British

“had had little time for Jinnah and his League.  The Government’s declaration of war on Germany on 3 September, however, transformed the situation. A large part of the army was Muslim, much of the war effort was likely to rest on the two Muslim majority provinces of Punjab and Bengal. The following day, the Viceroy invited Jinnah for talks on an equal footing with Gandhi…. As the Congress began to demand immediate independence, the Viceroy took to reassuring Jinnah that Muslim interests would be safeguarded in any constitutional change. Within a few months, he was urging the League to declare a constructive policy for the future, which was of course presented in the Lahore Resolution[7]…. In their August 1940 offer, the British confirmed for the benefit of Muslims that power would not be transferred against the will of any significant element in Indian life. And much the same confirmation was given in the Cripps offer nearly two years later…. Throughout the years 1940 to 1945, the British made no attempt to tease out the contradictions between the League’s two-nation theory, which asserted that Hindus and Muslims came from two different civilisations and therefore were two different nations, and the Lahore Resolution, which demanded that ‘Independent States’ should be constituted from the Muslim majority provinces of the NE and NW, thereby suggesting that Indian Muslims formed not just one nation but two. When in 1944 the governors of Punjab and Bengal urged such a move on the Viceroy, Wavell ignored them, pressing ahead instead with his own plan for an all-India conference at Simla. The result was to confirm, as never before in the eyes of leading Muslims in the majority provinces, the standing of Jinnah and the League. Thus, because the British found it convenient to take the League seriously, everyone had to as well—Congressmen, Unionists, Bengalis, and so on…”[8]

 Mr Jinnah was himself amazed by the new British attitude towards him:

“(S)uddenly there was a change in the attitude towards me. I was treated on the same basis as Mr Gandhi. I was wonderstruck why all of a sudden I was promoted and given a place side by side with Mr Gandhi.”

Britain, threatened for its survival, faced an obdurate Indian leadership and even British socialists sympathetic to Indian aspirations grew cold (Gandhi dismissing the 1942 Cripps offer as a “post-dated cheque on a failing bank”).  Official Britain’s loyalties had been consistently with those who had been loyal to them, and it was unsurprising there would be a tilt to empower Mr Jinnah soon making credible the real possibility of Pakistan.[9]  By 1946, Britain was exhausted, pre-occupied with rationing, Berlin, refugee resettlement and countless other post-War problems — Britain had not been beaten in war but British imperialism was finished because of the War.  Muslim opinion in British India had changed decisively in the League’s favour.   But the  subcontinent’s political processes were drastically spinning out of everyone’s control towards anarchy and blood-letting.  Implementing a lofty vision of a cultured progressive consolidated Muslim state in India’s NorthWest descended into “Direct Action” with urban mobs  shouting Larke lenge Pakistan; Marke lenge Pakistan; Khun se lenge Pakistan; Dena hoga Pakistan.[10]

We shall return to Mr Jinnah’s view on the legal position of the “Native Princes” of “Indian India” during this critical time, specifically J&K; here it is essential before proceeding only to record his own vision for the new Pakistan as recorded by the profoundly judicious report of Justice Munir and Justice Kayani a mere half dozen years later:

“Before the Partition, the first public picture of Pakistan that the Quaid-i-Azam gave to the world was in the course of an interview in New Delhi with Mr. Doon Campbell, Reuter’s Correspondent. The Quaid-i-Azam said that the new State would be a modern democratic State, with sovereignty resting in the people and the members of the new nation having equal rights of citizenship regardless of their religion, caste or creed.  When Pakistan formally appeared on the map, the Quaid-i-Azam in his memorable speech of 11^th August 1947 to the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan, while stating the principle on which the new State was to be founded, said:—‘All the same, in this division it was impossible to avoid the question of minorities being in one Dominion or the other. Now that was unavoidable. There is no other solution. Now what shall we do? Now, if we want to make this great State of Pakistan happy and prosperous we should wholly and solely concentrate on the well-being of the people, and specially of the masses and the poor. If you will work in co-operation, forgetting the past, burying the hatchet, you are bound to succeed. If you change your past and work together in a spirit that every one of you, no matter to what community he belongs, no matter what relations he had with you in the past, no matter what is his colour, caste or creed, is first, second and last a citizen of this State with equal rights, privileges and obligations., there will be no end to the progress you will make.  “I cannot emphasise it too much. We should begin to work in that spirit and in course of time all these angularities of the majority and minority communities—the Hindu community and the Muslim community— because even as regards Muslims you have Pathana, Punjabis, Shias, Sunnis and so on and among the Hindus you have Brahmins, Vashnavas, Khatris, also Bengalis, Madrasis and so on—will vanish. Indeed if you ask me this has been the biggest hindrance in the way of India to attain its freedom and independence and but for this we would have been free peoples long long ago. No power can hold another nation, and specially a nation of 400 million souls in subjection; nobody could have conquered you, and even if it had happened, nobody could have continued its hold on you for any length of time but for this (Applause). Therefore, we must learn a lesson from this. You are free; you are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques or to any other places of worship in this State of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion or caste or creed— that has nothing to do with the business of the State (Hear, hear). As you know, history shows that in England conditions sometime ago were much worse than those prevailing in India today. The Roman Catholics and the Protestants persecuted each other. Even now there are some States in existence where there are discriminations made and bars imposed against a particular class. Thank God we are not starting in those days. We are starting in the days when there is no discrimination, no distinction between one community and another, no discrimination between one caste or creed and another. We are starting with this fundamental principle that we are all citizens and equal citizens of one State (Loud applause). The people of England in course of time had to face the realities of the situation and had to discharge the responsibilities and burdens placed upon them by the Government of their country and they went through that fire step by step. Today you might say with justice that Roman Catholics and Protestants do not exist: what exists now is that every man is a citizen, an equal citizen, of Great Britain and they are all members of the nation. “Now, I think we should keep that in front of us as our ideal and you will find that in course of time Hindus would cease to be Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not in the religious sense, because that is the personal faith of each individual, but in the political sense as citizens of the State’. The Quaid-i-Azam was the founder of Pakistan and the occasion on which he thus spoke was the first landmark in the history of Pakistan. The speech was intended both for his own people including non-Muslims and the world, and its object was to define as clearly as possible the ideal to the attainment of which the new State was to devote all its energies. There are repeated references in this speech to the bitterness of the past and an appeal to forget and change the past and to bury the hatchet. The future subject of the State is to be a citizen with equal rights, privileges and obligations, irrespective of colour, caste, creed or community. The word ‘nation’ is used more than once and religion is stated to have nothing to do with the business of the State and to be merely a matter of personal faith for the individual.”

1940s et seq  Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi, Amir Jama’at-i-Islami

The eminent theologian Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi (1903-1979), founder of the Jama’at-i-Islami, had been opposed to the Pakistan Principle but once Pakistan was created he became the most eminent votary of an Islamic State, declaring:

 “That the sovereignty in Pakistan belongs to God Almighty alone and that the Government of Pakistan shall administer the country as His agent”.

 In such a view, Islam becomes

“the very antithesis of secular Western democracy. The philosophical foundation of Western democracy is the sovereignty of the people. Lawmaking is their prerogative and legislation must correspond to the mood and temper of their opinion… Islam… altogether repudiates the philosophy of popular sovereignty and rears its polity on the foundations of the sovereignty of God and the viceregency (Khilafat) of man.”

Maulana Maudoodi was asked by Justice Munir and Justice Kayani:

 “Q.—Is a country on the border of dar-ul-Islam always qua an Islamic State in the position of dar-ul-harb ?

A.—No. In the absence of an agreement to the contrary, the Islamic State will be potentially at war with the non-Muslim neighbouring country. The non-Muslim country acquires the status of dar-ul-harb only after the Islamic State declares a formal war against it”.

“Q.—Is there a law of war in Islam?

A.—Yes.

Q.—Does it differ fundamentally from the modern International Law of war?

A.—These two systems are based on a fundamental difference.

Q.—What rights have non-Muslims who are taken prisoners of war in a jihad?

A.—The Islamic law on the point is that if the country of which these prisoners are nationals pays ransom, they will be released. An exchange of prisoners is also permitted. If neither of these alternatives is possible, the prisoners will be converted into slaves for ever. If any such person makes an offer to pay his ransom out of his own earnings, he will be permitted to collect the money necessary for the fidya (ransom).

Q.—Are you of the view that unless a Government assumes the form of an Islamic Government, any war declared by it is not a jihad?

A.—No. A war may be declared to be a jihad if it is declared by a national Government of Muslims in the legitimate interests of the State. I never expressed the opinion attributed to me in Ex. D. E. 12:— (translation)‘The question remains whether, even if the Government of Pakistan, in its present form and structure, terminates her treaties with the Indian Union and declares war against her, this war would fall under the definition of jihad? The opinion expressed by him in this behalf is quite correct. Until such time as the Government becomes Islamic by adopting the Islamic form of Government, to call any of its wars a jihad would be tantamount to describing the enlistment and fighting of a non-Muslim on the side of the Azad Kashmir forces jihad and his death martyrdom. What the Maulana means is that, in the presence of treaties, it is against Shari’at, if the Government or its people participate in such a war. If the Government terminates the treaties and declares war, even then the war started by Government would not be termed jihad unless the Government becomes Islamic’.

….

“Q.—If we have this form of Islamic Government in Pakistan, will you permit Hindus to base their Constitution on the basis of their own religion?

A—Certainly. I should have no objection even if the Muslims of India are treated in that form of Government as shudras and malishes and Manu’s laws are applied to them, depriving them of all share in the Government and the rights of a citizen. In fact such a state of affairs already exists in India.”

.…

“Q.—What will be the duty of the Muslims in India in case of war between India and Pakistan?

A.—Their duty is obvious, and that is not to fight against Pakistan or to do anything injurious to the safety of Pakistan.”

1947-1950 PM Liaquat Ali Khan, 1966 Gen Ayub Khan, 2005 Govt of Pakistan et seq

In contrast to Maulana Maudoodi saying Islam was “the very antithesis of secular Western democracy”,  Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan (1895-1951)[11] during his first official visit in 1950 to North America was to say the new Pakistan, because it was Muslim, held Asia’s greatest democratic potential:

“At present there is no democracy in Asia which is more free and more unified than Pakistan; none so free from moral doubts and from strains between the various sections of the people.”

He told his audiences Pakistan was created because Hindus were people wedded to caste-differences where Pakistanis as Muslims had an egalitarian and democratic disposition:

“The Hindus, for example, believe in the caste system according to which some human beings are born superior to others and cannot have any social relations with those in the lower castes or with those who are not Hindus.   They cannot marry them or eat with them or even touch them without being polluted.   The Muslims abhor the caste system, as they are a democratic people and believe in the equality of men and equal opportunities for all, do not consider a priesthood necessary, and have economic laws and institutions which recognize the right of private ownership and yet are designed to promote the distribution of wealth and to put healthy checks on vast unearned accumulations… so the Hindus and the Muslims decided to part and divide British India into two independent sovereign states… Our demand for a country of our own had, as you see, a strong democratic urge behind it.  The emergence of Pakistan itself was therefore the triumph of a democratic idea.  It enabled at one stroke a democratic nation of eighty million people to find a place of its own in Asia, where now they can worship God in freedom and pursue their own way of life uninhibited by the domination or the influence of ways and beliefs that are alien or antagonistic to their genius.” [12]

President Ayub Khan would state in similar vein on 18 November 1966 at London’s Royal Institute of International Affairs:

“the root of the problem was the conflicting ideologies of India and Pakistan. Muslim Pakistan believed in common brotherhood and giving people equal opportunity.  India and Hinduism are based on inequality and on colour and race.  Their basic concept is the caste system… Hindus and Muslims could never live under one Government, although they might live side by side.”

Regarding J&K, Liaquat Ali Khan on November 4 1947 broadcast from here in Lahore that the 1846 Treaty of Amritsar was “infamous” in having caused an  “immoral and illegal” ownership of Jammu & Kashmir.  He, along with Mr Jinnah, had called Sheikh Abdullah a “goonda” and “hoodlum” and “Quisling” of India, and on February 4 1948 Pakistan formally challenged the sovereignty of the Dogra dynasty in the world system of nations.  In 1950 during his North American visit though, the Prime Minister allowed that J&K was a “princely state” but said

“culturally, economically, geographically and strategically, Kashmir – 80 per cent of whose peoples like the majority of the people in Pakistan are Muslims – is in fact an integral part of Pakistan”;

“(the) bulk of the population (are) under Indian military occupation”. 

Pakistan’s official self-image, portrayal of India, and position on J&K may have not changed greatly since her founding Prime Minister’s statements.   For example, in June 2005 the website of the Government of Pakistan’s Permanent Mission at the UN stated:

“Q: How did Hindu Raja (sic) become the ruler of Muslim majority Kashmir?

A: Historically speaking Kashmir had been ruled by the Muslims from the 14th Century onwards.  The Muslim rule continued till early 19th Century when the ruler of Punjab conquered  Kashmir and gave Jammu to a Dogra Gulab Singh who purchased Kashmir from the British in 1846 for a sum of 7.5 million rupees.”

“India’s forcible occupation of the State of Jammu and Kashmir in 1947 is the main cause of the dispute. India claims to have ‘signed’ a controversial document, the Instrument of Accession, on 26 October 1947 with the Maharaja of Kashmir, in which the Maharaja obtained India’s military help against popular insurgency.   The people of Kashmir and Pakistan do not accept the Indian claim.   There are doubts about the very existence of the Instrument of Accession.  The United Nations also does not consider Indian claim as legally valid: it recognises Kashmir as a disputed territory.   Except India, the entire world community recognises Kashmir as a disputed territory. The fact is that all the principles on the basis of which the Indian subcontinent was partitioned by the British in 1947 justify Kashmir becoming a part of Pakistan:  the State had majority Muslim population, and it not only enjoyed geographical proximity with Pakistan but also had essential economic linkages with the territories constituting Pakistan.”

India, a country dominated by the hated-Hindus, has forcibly denied Srinagar Valley’s Muslim majority over the years the freedom to become part of Muslim Pakistan – I stand here to be corrected but, in a nutshell, such has been and remains Pakistan’s official view and projection of the Kashmir problem over more than sixty years.[13]

My Seventy-One Notes at Facebook etc on Kashmir, Pakistan, and, of course, India (listed thanks to JD)

So we met at a nondescript campus café for some stir-fry. Ted was an excessively handsome Southern Californian straight out of Hollywood central casting, and the most unlikely-looking American economist I have ever met. I am 6’ and I think he was perhaps 5’9” but slimmer and more muscular with long blond hair, bright blue eyes, a fabulous magnetic smile, someone who might easily have been a hero in a TV serial or an afternoon soap-opera.

He wasn’t a film-star though but an economist, though not a nerdy one like myself at the time, and he had a tremendous almost evangelical keenness to not merely comprehend the economic policy-making process of so-called developing countries, especially in Asia, but also change them for the better.

I was 31, Ted must have been about 34 when we first met for that stir-fry lunch. He did indeed know my 1984 work which was enough to win me over as London and Cambridge, or for that matter Blacksburg and Provo from where I had come, seemed very far away from Manoa at the time. Not only did he know my work, he had already referred to it in the references and index and perhaps the notes of a new book he had co-edited on Asian Development, which was remarkable as lags in publication and research were long.

Ted proposed at the lunch that he and I work together on “South Asia”, and that he would get funding from the East West Center. I suggested there was no such place, that “South Asia” was a State Department abstraction, but there were individual and complex countries, India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh – and Afghanistan and Nepal too…. He agreed. We would start with working together on the theory of economic policy reform as applied to India and Pakistan first…

And so it began…  (Legally speaking the funding came from the State of Hawaii and not the United States Government, from funds owed to the former by the latter.  Of the total budget of some $100,000 I was very miserly and returned 25% of it unspent, an unheard of thing.  Milton Friedman commanded a speaking fee at the time of $10,000, and agreed to our nominal $1000 for a two-day visit on condition we told no one.:)  A Pakistani author was among several Pakistani scholars who thanked me for putting the volume together, as the first time Pakistan had been taken seriously in American academia; he asked me how much it cost, when I said $35,000 for the Pakistan book, he said the IMF would spend that over a  weekend at Bretton Woods and get nothing ….

As described elsewhere, the manuscript of the India-volume contributed to the origins of India’s 1991 economic reform during my encounter with Rajiv Gandhi in his last months; the Pakistan-volume came to contribute to the origins of the Pakistan-India peace process. (“In 2004 from Britain, I wrote to the 9/11 Commission stating that it was possible that had the vicious illegalities against me not occurred at Manoa starting in 1989, we may have gone on after India and Pakistan to study Afghanistan, and come up with a pre-emptive academic analysis a decade before September 11 2001.”)

I came to know from Ted’s wife Tess in June that Ted had died of cancer in Manila on May 19 2010 aged 58.

I said to her and her family  that I do not weep for many but do weep for Ted.

(More to come… this will be a technology-consistent ongoing obituary for my friend and collaborator, which he would have found amusing for sure…)…

From REPORT of THE COURT OF INQUIRY constituted under PUNJAB ACT II OF 1954 to enquire into the PUNJAB DISTURBANCES OF 1953 “Munir Report”

“ISLAMIC STATE
It has been repeatedly said before us that implicit in the demand for Pakistan was the demand for an Islamic State. Some speeches of important leaders who were striving for Pakistan undoubtedly lend themselves to this construction. These leaders while referring to an Islamic State or to a State governed by Islamic laws perhaps had in their minds the pattern of a legal structure based on or mixed up with Islamic dogma, personal law, ethics and institutions. No one who has given serious thought to the introduction of a religious State in Pakistan has failed to notice the tremendous difficulties with which any such scheme must be confronted. Even Dr. Muhammad Iqbal, who must be considered to be the first thinker who conceived of the possibility of a consolidated North Western Indian Muslim State, in the course of his presidential address to the Muslim League in 1930 said:

“Nor should the Hindus fear that the creation of autonomous Muslim States will mean the introduction of a kind of religious rule in such States. The principle that each group is entitled to free development on its own lines is not inspired by any feeling of narrow communalism”.

When we come to deal with the question of responsibility we shall have the occasion to point out that the most important of the parties who are now clamouring for the enforcement of the three demands on religious grounds were all against the idea of an Islamic State. Even Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi of Jama’at-i-Islami was of the view that the form of Government in the new Muslim State, if it ever came into existence, could only be secular.

Before the Partition, the first public picture of Pakistan that the Quaid-i-Azam gave to the world was in the course of an interview in New Delhi with Mr. Doon Campbell, Reuter’s Correspondent. The Quaid-i-Azam said that the new State would be a modern democratic State, with sovereignty resting in the people and the members of the new nation having equal rights of citizenship regardless of their religion, caste or creed. When Pakistan formally appeared on the map, the Quaid-i-Azam in his memorable speech of 11th August 1947 to the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan, while stating the principle on which the new State was to be founded, said:—

“All the same, in this division it was impossible to avoid the question of minorities being in one Dominion or the other. Now that was unavoidable. There is no other solution. Now what shall we do? Now, if we want to make this great State of Pakistan happy and prosperous we should wholly and solely concentrate on the well-being of the people, and specially of the masses and the poor. If you will work in co-operation, forgetting the past, burying the hatchet, you are bound to succeed. If you change your past and work together in a spirit that every one of you, no matter to what community he belongs, no matter what relations he had with you in the past, no matter what is his colour, caste or creed, is first, second and last a citizen of this State with equal rights, privileges and obligations., there
will be no end to the progress you will make. “I cannot emphasise it too much. We should begin to work in that spirit and in course of time all these angularities of the majority and minority communities—the Hindu community and the Muslim community— because even as regards Muslims you have Pathana, Punjabis, Shias, Sunnis and so on and among the Hindus you have Brahmins, Vashnavas, Khatris, also Bengalis, Madrasis and so on—will vanish. Indeed if you ask me this has been the biggest hindrance in the way of India to attain its freedom and independence and but for this we would have been free peoples long long ago. No power can hold another nation, and specially a nation of 400 million souls in subjection; nobody could have conquered you, and even if it had happened, nobody could have continued its hold on you for any length of time but for this (Applause). Therefore, we must learn a lesson from this. You are free; you are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques or to any other places of worship in this State of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion or caste or creed— that has nothing to do with the business of the State (Hear, hear). As you know, history shows that in England conditions sometime ago were much worse than those prevailing in India today. The Roman Catholics and the Protestants persecuted each other. Even now there are some States in existence where there are discriminations made and bars imposed against a particular class. Thank God we are not starting in those days. We are starting in the days when there is no discrimination, no distinction between one community and another, no discrimination between one caste or creed and another. We are starting with this fundamental principle that we are all citizens and equal citizens of one State (Loud applause). The people of England in course of time had to face the realities of the situation and had to discharge the responsibilities and burdens placed upon them by the Government of their country and they went through that fire step by step. Today you might say with justice that Roman Catholics and Protestants do not exist: what exists now is that every man is a citizen, an equal citizen, of Great Britain and they are all members of the nation. “Now, I think we should keep that in front of us as our ideal and you will find that in course of time Hindus would cease to be Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not in the religious sense, because that is the personal faith of each individual, but in the political sense as citizens of the State”.

The Quaid-i-Azam was the founder of Pakistan and the occasion on which he thus spoke was the first landmark in the history of Pakistan. The speech was intended both for his own people including non-Muslims and the world, and its object was to define as clearly as possible the ideal to the attainment of which the new State was to devote all its energies. There are repeated references in this speech to the bitterness of the past and an appeal to forget and change the past and to bury the hatchet. The future subject of the State is to be a citizen with equal rights, privileges and obligations, irrespective of colour, caste, creed or community. The word ‘nation’ is used more than once and religion is stated to have nothing to do with the business of the State and to be merely a matter of personal faith for the individual.

We asked the ulama whether this conception of a State was acceptable to them and everyone of them replied in an unhesitating negative, including the Ahrar and erstwhile Congressites with whom before the Partition this conception was almost a part of their faith.

If Maulana Amin Ahsan Islahi’s evidence correctly represents the view of Jama’at-i-Islami, a State based on this idea is the creature of the devil, and he is confirmed in this by several writings of his chief, Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi, the founder of the jama’at. None of the ulama can tolerate a State which is based on nationalism and all that it implies; with them millat and all that it connotes can alone be the determining factor in State activity.

The Quaid-i-Azam’s conception of a modern national State, it is alleged, became obsolete with the passing of the Objectives Resolution on 12th March 1949; but it has been freely admitted that this Resolution, though grandiloquent in words, phrases and clauses, is nothing but a hoax and that not only does it not contain even a semblance of the embryo of an Islamic State but its provisions, particularly those relating to fundamental rights, are directly opposed to the principles of an Islamic State.

FOUNDATIONS OF ISLAMIC STATE
What is then the Islamic State of which everybody talks but nobody thinks? Before we seek to discover an answer to this question, we must have a clear conception of the scope and function of the State.

The ulama were divided in their opinions when they were asked to cite some precedent of an Islamic State in Muslim history. Thus, though Hafiz Kifayat Husain, the Shia divine, held out as his ideal the form of Government during the Holy Prophet’s time, Maulana Daud Ghaznavi also included in his precedent the days of the Islamic Republic, of Umar bin Abdul Aziz, Salah-ud-Din Ayyubi of Damascus, Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni, Muhammad Tughlaq and Aurangzeb and the present regime in Saudi Arabia. Most of them, however, relied on the form of Government during the Islamic Republic from 632 to 661 A. D., a period of less than thirty years, though some of them also added the very short period of Umar bin Abdul Aziz.

Maulana Abdul Haamid Badayuni stated that the details of the ideal State would be worked out by the ulama while Master Taj-ud-Din Ansari’s confused notion of an Islamic State may be gathered from the following portion of his interrogation :—

“Q.—Were you also in the Khilafat movement ?
A.—Yes.
Q.—When did the Khilafat movement stop in India ?
A.—In 1923. This was after the Turks had declared their country to be a secular State.
Q.—If you are told that the Khilafat movement continued long after the Turks had abolished Khilafat, will that be correct?
A.—As far as I remember, the Khilafat movement finished with the abolition of the Khilafat by the Turks.
Q.—You are reported to have been a member of the Khilafat movement and having made speeches. Is it correct ?
A.—It could not be correct.
Q.—Was the Congress interested in Khilafat ?
A.— Yes.
Q.—Was Khilafat with you a matter of religious conviction or just a political movement ?
A.— It was purely a religious movement.
Q.— Did the Khilafat movement have the support of Mr. Gandhi ?
A.—Yes.
Q.— What was the object of the Khilafat movement ?
A.— The Britisher was injuring the Khilafat institution in Turkey and the Musalman was aggrieved by this attitude of the Britisher.
Q.— Was not the object of the movement to resuscitate the Khilafat among the    Musalmans ?
A.—No.
Q.— Is Khilafat with you a necessary part of Muslim form of Government ?
A.—Yes.
Q.— Are you, therefore, in favour of having a Khilafat in Pakistan ?
A.—Yes.
Q.— Can there be more than one Khalifa of the Muslims ?
A.— No.
Q.— Will the Khalifa of Pakistan be the Khalifa of all the Muslims of the world ?
A.— He should be but cannot be.”

Throughout the three thousand years over which political thought extends, and such thought in its early stages cannot be separated from religion, two questions have invariably presented themselves for consideration : —

(1) what are the precise functions of the State ? and
(2) who shall control the State ?

If the true scope of the activities of the State is the welfare, temporal or spiritual or both of the individual, then the first question directly gives rise to the bigger question:

What is the object of human life and the ultimate destiny of man ? On this, widely divergent views have prevailed, not at different times but at one and the same time. The pygmies of equatorial West Africa still believe that their God Komba has sent them into the forest to hunt and dance and sing. The Epicureans meant very much the same when they said that the object of human life is to drink and eat and be merry, for death denies such pleasures. The utilitarians base their institutions on the assumption that the object of human life is to experience pleasant sensations of mind and body, irrespective of what is to come hereafter. The Stoics believed in curbing and reducing all physical desires, and Diogenes found a tub good enough to live in. German philosophers think that the individual lives for the State and that therefore the object of life is service of the State in all that it might decide to undertake and achieve. Ancient Hindu philosophers believed in the logic of the fist with its natural consequence, the law of natural selection and the struggle for survival. The Semitic theory of State, whether Jewish, Christian or Islamic, has always held that the object of human life is to prepare ourselves for the next life and that, therefore, prayer and good works are the only object of life. Greek philosophers beginning with Socrates thought that the object of human life was to engage in philosophical meditation with a view to discovering the great truths that lie in nature and that the business of the others is to feed the philosophers engaged in that undertaking.

Islam emphasises the doctrine that life in this world is not the only life given to man but that eternal life begins after the present existence comes to an end, and that the status of a human being in the next world will depend upon his beliefs and actions in this world. As the present life is not an end in itself but merely a means to an end, not only the individual but also the State, as opposed to the secular theory which bases all political and economic institutions on a disregard of their consequences on the next life, should strive for human conduct which ensures for a person better status in the next world.

According to this theory Islam is the religion which seeks to attain that object. Therefore the question immediately arises : What is Islam and who is a momin or a Muslim ? We put this question to the ulama and we shall presently refer to their answers to this question. But we cannot refrain from saying here that it was a matter of infinite regret to us that the ulama whose first duty should be to have settled views on this subject, were hopelessly disagreed among themselves.

Apart from how these learned divines have expressed themselves, we conceive of Islam as a system that covers, as every systematic religion must, the following five topics :—
(1) the dogma, namely, the essentials of belief ;
(2) the cult, namely, religious rites and observances which a person must
perform ;
(3) ethics, i. e. rules of moral conduct ;
(4) institutions, social, economic and political ; and
(5) law proper.

The essential basis of the rules on all these subjects is revelation and not reason, though both may coincide. This coincidence, however, is accidental because human reasoning may be faulty and ultimate reason is known only to God, Who sends His message to humanity through His chosen messengers for the direction and guidance of the people. One must, therefore, accept the dogma, observe the cult, follow the ethics, obey the law and establish institutions which God has revealed, though their reason may not be apparent—nay even if they be opposed to human reason. Since an error by God is an impossibility, anything that God has revealed, whether its subject be something occult or preternatural, history, finance, law, worship or something which according to human thought admits of scientific treatment as for instance, birth of man, evolution, cosmology, or astronomy, has got to be accepted as absolute truth. The test of reason is not the acid
test and a denial of this amounts to a denial of the supreme wisdom and designs of Allah—it is kufr. Now God has revealed Himself from time to time to His favoured people of whom our Holy Prophet was the last. That revelation is contained in the Qur’an and covers the five topics mentioned above. The true business of a person who believes in Islam is therefore to understand, believe in and act upon that revelation. The people whom God chooses as medium for the transmission of His messages are rasuls (messengers) or nabis (prophets). Since every action or saying of a prophet is, in the case of our own Holy Prophet it certainly was, prompted by Allah, it has the same degree of inerrancy as the formal revelation itself, because prophets are ma’sum, incapable of doing or saying something which is opposed to Divine wishes. These sayings and actions are sunna having the same infallibility as the Qur’an. The record of this sunna is hadith which is to be found in several books which were compiled by Muslim scholars after long, laborious and careful research extending over several generations.

The word hadith means a record of actions or sayings of the Prophet and his companions. At first the sahaba. i. e. people who had lived in the society of the Prophet, were the best authority for a knowledge of the sunna. Later people had to be content with the communications of the tabi’un, i. e. successors, people of the first generation after the Holy Prophet who had received their information from the sahaba, and then in the following generations with the accounts of the so-called successors of the successors (tabi’ul-tabi’un), i.e. people of the second generation after the Holy Prophet, who had concerted with the successors. Marfu’ is a tradition which contains a statement about the Prophet ; mawquf, a tradition that refers only to the sayings or doings of the sahaba ; and maqtu’ a tradition which does not at most go further back than the first generation after the Holy Prophet and deals only with sayings or doings of tabi’un. In some of the ahadith
the actual word of God is to be found. Any such tradition is designated Hadith-i-Qudsi or Ilahi as distinguished from an ordinary Hadith-i-Nabvi.

A very large portion of sayings ascribed to the Prophet deals with the ahkam (legal professions), religious obligations, halal and haram (what is allowed and forbidden), with ritual purity, laws regarding food and criminal and civil law. Further they deal with dogma, retribution at the Last Judgment, hell and paradise, angels, creation, revelations, the earlier prophets. Many traditions also contain edifying sayings and moral teachings by the Holy Prophet. The importance of ahadith was realised from the very beginning and they were not only committed to memory but in some cases were reduced to writing. The work of compilation of hadith began in the third century after the Hijra and the Sihah Sitta were all compiled in that century. These are the musannifs of —
(1) Al-Bukhari, died 256/870,
(2) Muslim, died 261/875,
(3) Abu Dawud, died 275/888,
(4) Al-Tirmizi, died 279/892,
(5) All Nasa’i, died 303/915, and
(6) Ibn-i-Maja, died 273/886.

According to modern laws of evidence, including our own, the ahadith are inadmissible evidence of sunna because each of them contains several links of hearsay, but as authority on law they are admissible pro prio vigore. The merit of these collections lies not so much in the fact that (as is often wrongly stated) their authors decided for the first time which of the numerous traditions in circulation were genuine and which false but rather in the fact that they brought together everything that was recognised as genuine in orthodox circles in those days.

The Shias judge hadith from their own stand-point and only consider such traditions reliable as are based on the authority of Ali and his adherents. They have, therefore, their own works on the subject and hold the following five works in particularly high esteem—
(1) Al-Kafi of Muhammad b. Yaqub Al-Kulini, died 328/939,
(2) Man La Yastahdiruhu’ul-Fakih of Muhammad b. Ali b. Babuya Al-Kummi,
died 381/991,
(3) Tahdib Al-Ahkam,
(4) Al-Istibsar Fi-Ma’khtalafa Fihi’l-Akhbar (extract from the preceding) of
Muhammad Altusi, died 459/1067, and
(5) Nahj Al-Balagha (alleged sayings of Ali) of Ali b. Tahir Al-Sharif Al-
Murtaza, died 436/1044 (or of his brother Radi Al-Din Al-Baghdadi.)

After the ritual, the dogma and the most important political and social institutions had taken definite shape in the second and third centuries, there arose a certain communis opinio regarding the reliability of most transmitters of tradition and the value of their statement. The main principles of doctrine had already been established in the writings of Malik b. Anas, Al-Shafi’i and other scholars regarded as authoritative in different circles and mainly on the authority of traditional sayings of the Holy Prophet. In the long run no one dared to doubt the truth of these traditions and this almost conclusive presumption of truth has since continued to be attached to the ahadith compiled in the Sihah Sitta.

We have so far arrived at this result that any rule on any subject that may be derived from the Qur’an or the sunna of the Holy Prophet is binding on every Musalman. But since the only evidence of sunna is the hadith, the words sunna and hadith have become mixed up with, and indistinguishable from, each other with the result that the expression Qur’an and hadith is not infrequently employed where the intention is to refer to Qur’an and sunna.

At this stage another principle, equally basic, comes into operation, and that is that Islam is the final religion revealed by God, complete and exhaustive in all respects, and that God will not abrogate, detract from or add to this religion (din) any more than He will send a fresh messenger. The din having been perfected (Akmalto lakum dinokum, Sura V, verse 3), there remains no need for any new code repealing, modifying or amplifying the original code; nor for any fresh messenger or message. In this sense, therefore, prophethood ceased with the Holy Prophet and revelation stopped for ever. This is the doctrine of the cessation of wahi-i-nubuwwat.

If the proposition that Muslim dogma, ethics and institutions, etc., are all based on the doctrine of inerrancy, whether such inerrancy lies in the Qur’an, the sunna, ijma’ or ijtihad-i-mutlaq, is fully comprehended, the various deductions that follow from it will be easily understandable. As the ultimate test of truth, whether the matter be one of a ritual or political or social or economic nature, is revelation and revelation has to be gathered from the Qur’an, and the sunna carries almost the same degree of inerrancy as revelation and the only evidence of sunna is hadith, the first duty of those who desire to establish an Islamic State will be to discover the precise rule applicable to the existing circumstances whether that rule is to be found in the Qur’an or hadith. Obviously the persons most suited for the purpose would be those who have made the Qur’an and hadith their lifelong study, namely, among the Sunnies, the ulama, and among the Shias, the mujtahids who are the spokesmen of the hidden Imam, the ruler de jure divino. The function of
these divines would be to engage themselves in discovering rules applicable to particular situations and they will be engaged in a task similar to that in which Greek philosophers were engaged, with only this difference that whereas the latter thought that all truth lay in nature which had merely to be discovered by individual effort, the ulama and the mujtahids will have to get at the truth that lies in the holy Book and the books of hadith.

The ulama Board which was recommended by the Basic Principles Committee was a logical recognition of this principle, and the true objection against that Board should indeed have been that the Board was too inadequate a mechanism to implement the principle which had brought that body into existence.

Ijma’ means concurrence of the mujtahids of the people, i.e., of those who have a right, in virtue of knowledge, to form a judgment of their own, after the death of the Holy Prophet. The authority of ijma’ rests on the principle of a divine protection against error and is founded on a basal tradition of the Holy Prophet, “My people will never agree in error”, reported in Ibn Maja, By this procedure points which had been in dispute were fixed, and when fixed, they became an essential part of the faith and disbelief in them an act of unbelief (kufr). The essential point to remember about ijma’ is that it represents the agreement of the mujtahids and that the agreement of the masses is especially excluded.

Thus ijma’ has not only fixed unsettled points but has changed settled doctrines of the greatest importance.

The distinction between ijma’ and ijtihad is that whereas the former is collective, the latter is individual. Ijtihad means the exerting of one’s self to the utmost degree to form an opinion in a case or as to a rule of law. This is done by applying analogy to the Qur’an and the sunna. Ijtihad did not originally involve inerrancy, its result being always zann or fallible opinion. Only combined ijtihad led to ijma, and was inerrant. But this broad ijtihad soon passed into special ijtihad of those who had a peculiar right to form judgments. When later doctors looked back to the founding of the four legal schools, they assigned to their founders an ijtihad of the first rank (ijtihad-i-mutlaq). But from time to time individuals appeared who returned to the earliest meaning of ijtihad and claimed for themselves the right to form their own opinion from first principles. One of these was the Hanbalite Ibn Taimiya (died 728). Another was Suyuti (died 911) in whom the claim to ijtihad unites with one to be the mujaddid or renewer of religion in his century. At every time there must exist at least one mujtahid, was his contention, just as in every century there must come a mujaddid.

In Shia Islam there are still absolute mujtahids because they are regarded as the spokesmen of the hidden Imam. Thus collective ijtihad leads to ijma’, and the basis of ijma’ is divine protection against error—inerrancy.

ESSENTIALS OF ISLAMIC STATE
Since the basis of Islamic law is the principle of inerrancy of revelation and of the Holy Prophet, the law to be found in the Qur’an and the sunna is above all man-made laws, and in case of conflict between the two, the latter, irrespective of its nature, must yield to the former. Thus, provided there be a rule in the Qur’an or the sunna on a matter which according to our conceptions falls within the region of Constitutional Law or International Law, the rule must be given effect to unless that rule itself permits a departure from it. Thus no distinction exists in Islamic law between Constitutional Law and other law, the whole law to be found in the Qur’an and the sunna being a part of the law of the land for Muslim subjects of the State. Similarly if there be a rule in the Qur’an or the sunna relating to the State’s relations with other States or to the relations of Muslim subjects of the State with other States or the subjects of those States, the rule will have the same superiority of sanction as any other law to be found in the Qur’an or the
sunna.

Therefore if Pakistan is or is intended to be converted into an Islamic State in the
true sense of the word, its Constitution must contain the following five provisions:—

(1) that all laws to be found in the Qur’an or the sunna shall be deemed to be a
part of the law of the land for Muslims and shall be enforced accordingly;
(2) that unless the Constitution itself is framed by ijma’-i-ummat, namely, by the
agreement of the ulama and mujtahids of acknowledged status, any
provision in the Constitution which is repugnant to the Qur’an or sunna
shall to the extent of the repugnancy be void;
(3) that unless the existing laws of Pakistan are adapted by ijma’-i-ummat of the
kind mentioned above, any provision in the existing law which is contrary
to the Qur’an or sunna shall to the extent of the repugnancy be void;
(4) that any provision in any future law which is repugnant to Qur’an or sunna
shall be void;
(5) that no rule of International Law and no provision in any convention or treaty
to which Pakistan is a party, which is contrary to the Qur’an or the sunna
shall be binding on any Muslim in Pakistan.

SOVEREIGNTY AND DEMOCRACY IN ISLAMIC STATE
That the form of Government in Pakistan, if that form is to comply with the principles of Islam, will not be democratic is conceded by the ulama. We have already explained the doctrine of sovereignty of the Qur’an and the sunna. The Objectives Resolution rightly recognised this position when it recited that all sovereignty rests with God Almighty alone. But the authors of that Resolution misused the words ‘sovereign’ and ‘democracy’ when they recited that the Constitution to be framed was for a sovereign State in which principles of democracy as enunciated by Islam shall be fully observed.

It may be that in the context in which they were used, these words could not be misunderstood by those who are well versed in Islamic principles, but both these words were borrowed from western political philosophy and in that sense they were both wrongly used in the Resolution. When it is said that a country is sovereign, the implication is that its people or any other group of persons in it are entitled to conduct the affairs of that country in any way they like and untrammelled by any considerations except those of expediency and policy. An Islamic State, however, cannot in this sense be sovereign, because it will not be competent to abrogate, repeal or do away with any law in the Qur’an or the sunna. Absolute restriction on the legislative power of a State is a restriction on the sovereignty of the people of that State and if the origin of this restriction lies elsewhere than in the will of the people, then to the extent of that restriction the sovereignty of the State and its people is necessarily taken away. In an Islamic State, sovereignty, in its essentially juristic sense, can only rest with Allah. In the same way, democracy means the rule of the demos, namely, the people, directly by them as in ancient Greece and Rome, or indirectly through chosen representatives as in modern democracies. If the power of the people in the framing of the Constitution or in the framing of the laws or in the sphere of executive action is subject to certain immutable rules, it cannot be said that they can pass any law that they like, or, in the exercise of executive functions, do whatever they like. Indeed if the legislature in an Islamic State is a sort of ijma’, the masses are expressly disqualified from taking part in it because ijma’-i-ummat in Islamic jurisprudence is restricted to ulama and mujtahids of acknowledged status and does not at all extend, as in democracy, to the populace.

OTHER INCIDENTS OF ISLAMIC STATE ACCORDING TO ULAMA
In the preceding pages we have attempted to state as clearly as we could the principles on which a religious State must be built if it is to be called an Islamic State. We now proceed to state some incidents of such State, with particular reference to the ulamas’ conception of it.

LEGISLATURE AND LEGISLATION
Legislature in its present sense is unknown to the Islamic system. The religiopolitical system which is called din-i-Islam is a complete system which contains in itself the mechanism for discovering and applying law to any situation that may arise. During the Islamic Republic there was no legislature in its modern sense and for every situation or emergency that arose law could be discovered and applied by the ulama. The law had been made and was not to be made, the only function of those entrusted with the administration of law being to discover the law for the purposes of the particular case, though when enunciated and applied it formed a precedent for others to follow. It is wholly incorrect, as has been suggested from certain quarters, that in a country like Pakistan, which consists of different communities, Muslim and non-Muslim, and where representation is allowed to non-Muslims with a right to vote on every subject that comes up, the legislature is a form of ijma’ or ijtihad, the reason being that ijtihad is not collective but only individual, and though ijma’ is collective, there is no place in it for those who are not experts in the knowledge of the law. This principle at once rules out the infidels (kuffar) whether they be people of Scriptures (ahl-i-kitab) or idolators (mushrikeen).

Since Islam is a perfect religion containing laws, express or derivable by ijma’ or ijtihad, governing the whole field of human activity, there is in it no sanction for what may, in the modern sense, be called legislation.

Questioned on this point Maulana Abul Hasanat, President, Jami’at-ul-Ulama-i-Pakistan says :—

“Q.—Is the institution of legislature as distinguished from the institution of a
person or body of persons entrusted with the interpretation of law, an
integral part of an Islamic State?
A.—No. Our law is complete and merely requires interpretation by those who are
experts in it. According to my belief no question can arise the law relating
to which cannot be discovered from the Qur’an or the hadith.
Q.—Who were Sahib-ul-hall-i-wal-aqd
A.—They were the distinguished ulama of the time. These persons attained their
status by reason of the knowledge of the law. They were not in any way
analogous or similar to the legislature in modern democracy.”

The same view was expressed by Amir-i-Shari’at Sayyad Ata Ullah Shah Bukhari
in one of his speeches reported in the ‘Azad’ of 22nd April, 1947, in the course of which he said that our din is complete and perfect and that it amounts to kufr to make more laws.

Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi, however, is of the opinion that legislation in the true sense is possible in an Islamic State on matters which are not covered by the Qur’an, the sunna, or previous ijma’ and he has attempted to explain his point by reference to the institution of a body of persons whom the Holy Prophet, and after him the khulafa consulted on all matters relating to affairs of State. The question is one of some difficulty and great importance because any institution of legislature will have to be reconciled with the claim put forward by Maulana Abul Hasanat and some other religious divines that Islam is a perfect and exhaustive code wide enough to furnish an answer to any question that may arise relating to any human activity, and that it does not know of any “unoccupied field” to be filled by fresh legislation. There is no doubt that Islam enjoins consultation and that not only the Holy Prophet but also the first four caliphs and even their successors resorted to consultation with the leading men of the time, who for their knowledge of the law and piety could well be relied upon.

In the inquiry not much has been disclosed about the Majlis-i-Shura except what is contained in Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi’s written statement which he supplied to the Court at its request. That there was a body of men who were consulted is true, but whether this was a standing body and whether its advice had any legal or binding force, seems somewhat doubtful. These men were certainly not elected in the modern way, though their representative character cannot be disputed. Their advice was certainly asked ad hoc, but that they were competent to make law as the modern legislatures make laws is certainly not correct. The decisions taken by them undoubtedly served as precedents and were in the nature of ijma’, which is not legislation but the application of an existing law to a particular case. When consulted in affairs of State, their functions were truly in the nature of an advice given by a modern cabinet but such advice is not law but only a decision.

Nor can the legislature in a modern State correspond to ijma’ because as we have already pointed out, the legislature legislates while the ulama of Majlis-i-Shura who were called upon to determine what should be the decision on a particular point which was not covered by the Qur’an and the sunna, merely sought to discover and apply the law and not to promulgate the law, though the decision when taken had to be taken not only for the purposes of the particular case but for subsequent occasions as a binding precedent.

An intriguing situation might arise if the Constitution Act provided that any provision of it, if it was inconsistent with the Qur’an or the sunna, would be void, and the intra vires of a law made by the legislature were questioned before the Supreme Court on the ground that the institution of legislature itself was contrary to the Qur’an and the sunna.

POSITION OF NON-MUSLIMS
The ground on which the removal of Chaudhri Zafrullah Khan and other Ahmadis occupying key positions in the State is demanded is that the Ahmadis are non-Muslims and that therefore like zimmies in an Islamic State they are not eligible for appointment to higher offices in the State. This aspect of the demands has directly raised a question about the position of non-Muslims in Pakistan if we are to have an Islamic Constitution.

According to the leading ulama the position of non-Muslims in the Islamic State of Pakistan will be that of zimmies and they will not be full citizens of Pakistan because they will not have the same rights as Muslims They will have no voice in the making of the law, no right to administer the law and no right to hold public offices.

A full statement of this position will be found in the evidence of Maulana Abul Hasanat Sayyad Muhammad Ahmad Qadri, Maulana Ahmad Ali, Mian Tufail Muhammad and Maulana Abdul Haamid Badayuni. Maulana Abul Hasanat on being questioned on the subject stated as follows :—

“Q.—If we were to have an Islamic State in Pakistan, what will be the position of the kuffar (non-Muslims)? Will they have a voice in the making of laws, the right of administering the law and the right to hold public offices?
A.—Their position will be that of zimmies. They will have no voice in the making of laws, no right to administer the law and no right to hold public offices.
Q.—In an Islamic State can the head of the State delegate any part of his powers to kuffar?
A.—No.”

Maulana Ahmad Ali, when questioned, said:—
“Q.—if we were to have an Islamic State in Pakistan, what will be the position of the kuffar? Will they have a hand in the making of the law, the right to administer the law and the right to hold public offices ?
A.—Their position will be that of zimmies. They will have no say in the making of law and no right to administer the law. Government may, however, permit them to hold any public office”.

Mian Tufail Muhammad stated as follows :—
“Q.—Read the article on minorities’ rights in the ‘Civil and Military Gazette’ of 13th October, 1953, and say whether it correctly represents your view of an Islamic State? (It was stated in the articles that minorities would have the same rights as Muslims).
A.—I have read this article and do not acknowledge these rights for the Christians or other non-Muslims in Pakistan if the State is founded on the ideology of the Jama’at”.

The confusion on this point in the mind of Maulana Abdul Haamid Badayuni, President, Jami’at-ul-Ulama-i-Pakistan, is apparent from the following: —

“Q.—Have you ever read the aforesaid speech (the speech of the Quaid-i-Azam to the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan on 11th August, 1947)?
A.—Yes, I have read that speech.
Q.—Do you still agree with the conception of Pakistan that the Quaid-i-Azam presented to the Constituent Assembly in this speech in which he said that thereafter there would be only one Pakistan nation, consisting of Muslims and non-Muslims, having equal civic rights, without any distinction of race, religion or creed and that religion would be merely a private affair of the individual ?
A.—I accept the principle that all communities, whether Muslims or non-Muslims, should have, according to their population, proper representation in the administration of the State and legislation, except that non-Muslims cannot be taken in the army or the judiciary or be appointed as Ministers or to other posts involving the reposing of confidence.
Q.—Are you suggesting that the position of non-Muslims would be that of zimmies or any better ?
A.—No. By zimmies are meant non-Muslim people of lands which have been conquered by an Islamic State, and the word is not applicable to non-Muslim minorities already living in an Islamic State. Such minorities are called mu’ahids, i.e. those people with whom some agreement has been made.
Q.—What will be their status if there is no agreement with them ?
A.—In that case such communities cannot have any rights of citizenship.
Q.—Will the non-Muslim communities inhabiting Pakistan be called by you as mu’ahids?
A.—No, not in the absence of an agreement with them. To my knowledge there is no such agreement with such communities in Pakistan.”

So, according to the evidence of this learned divine, the non-Muslims of Pakistan will neither be citizens nor will they have the status of zimmies or of mu’ahids. During the Islamic Republic, the head of the State, the khalifa, was chosen by a system of election, which was wholly different from the present system of election based on adult or any other form of popular suffrage. The oath of allegiance (ba’it) rendered to him possessed a sacramental virtue, and on his being chosen by the consensus of the people (ijma’-ul-ummat) he became the source of all channels of legitimate Government. He and he alone then was competent to rule, though he could delegate his powers to deputies and collect around him a body of men of outstanding piety and learning, called Majlis-i-Shura or Ahl-ul-Hall-i-wal-Aqd. The principal feature of this system was that the kuffar, for reasons which are too obvious and need not be stated, could not be admitted to this majlis and the power which had vested in the khalifa could not be delegated to the kuffar. The khalifa was the real head of the State, all power vesting in him and not a powerless individual like the President of a modern democratic State who is merely to sign the record of decisions taken by the Prime Minister and his Cabinet. He could not appoint non-Muslims to important posts, and could give them no place either in the interpretation or the administration of the law, the making of the law by them, as already pointed out, being a legal impossibility.

This being the position, the State will have to devise some machinery by which the distinction between a Muslim and a non-Muslim may be determined and its consequences enforced. The question, therefore, whether a person is or is not a Muslim will be of fundamental importance, and it was for this reason that we asked most of the leading ulama, to give their definition of a Muslim, the point being that if the ulama of the various sects believed the Ahmadis to be kafirs, they must have been quite clear in their minds not only about the grounds of such belief but also about the definition of a Muslim because the claim that a certain person or community is not within the pale of Islam implies on the part of the claimant an exact conception of what a Muslim is. The result of this part of the inquiry, however, has been anything but satisfactory, and if considerable confusion exists in the minds of our ulama on such a simple matter, one can easily imagine what the differences on more complicated matters will be. Below we reproduce the definition of a Muslim given by each alim in his own words. This definition was asked after it had been clearly explained to each witness that he was required to give the irreducible minimum conditions which, a person must satisfy to be entitled to be called a Muslim and that the definition was to be on the principle on which a term in grammar is defined.

Here is the result : —

Maulana Abul Hasanat Muhammad Ahmad Qadri, President, Jami’at-ul-Ulamai-
Pakistan —
“Q.— What is the definition of a Muslim ?
A — (1) He must believe in the Unity of God.
(2) He must believe in the prophet of Islam to be a true prophet as well as in all other prophets who have preceded him,
(3) He must believe in the Holy Prophet of Islam as the last of the prophets (khatam-un-nabiyin).
(4) He must believe in the Qur’an as it was revealed by God to the Holy
Prophet of Islam.
(5) He must believe as binding on him the injunctions of the Prophet of
Islam.
(6) He must believe in the qiyamat.
Q.—Is a tarik-us-salat a Muslim ?
A.—Yes, but not a munkir-us-salat”

Maulana Ahmad Ali, President, Jami’at-ul-Ulama-i-Islam, Maghribi Pakistan —
“Q.— Please define a Muslim ?
A.—A person is a Muslim if he believes (1) in the Qur’an and (2) what has been said by the prophet. Any person who possesses these two qualifications is entitled to be called a Muslim without his being required to believe in anything more or to do anything more.”

Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi, Amir Jama’at-i-Islami —
“Q.—Please define a Muslim ?
A.—A person is a Muslim if he believes (1) in tauheed, (2) in all the prophets (ambiya), (3) all the books revealed by God, (4) in mala’ika (angels), and (5) yaum-ul-akhira (the Day of Judgment).
Q.—Is a mere profession of belief in these articles sufficient to entitle a man
to call himself a Musalman and to be treated as a Musalman in an Islamic State ?
A.—Yes.
Q.—If a person says that he believes in all these things, does any one have a right to question the existence of his belief ?
A.—The five requisites that I have mentioned above are fundamental and any alteration in anyone of these articles will take him out of the pale of Islam.”

Ghazi Siraj-ud-Din Munir—
“Q.—Please define a Muslim ?
A.—I consider a man to be a Muslim if he professes his belief in the kalima, namely, La Ilaha Illalah-o-Muhammad-ur-Rasulullah, and leads a life in the footsteps of the Holy Prophet.”

Mufti Muhammad Idris, Jamia Ashrafia, Nila Gumbad, Lahore—
“Q.—Please give the definition of a Musalman ?
A.—The word ‘Musalman’ is a Persian one. There is a distinction between the word ‘Musalman’ which is a Persian word for Muslim and the word ‘momin’. It is impossible for me to give a complete definition of the word ‘momin’. I would require pages and pages to describe what a momin is. A person is a Muslim who professes to be obedient to Allah. He should believe in the Unity of God, prophethood of the ambiya and in the Day of Judgment. A person who does not believe in the azan or in the qurbani goes outside the pale of Islam. Similarly, there are a large number of other things which have been received by tavatir from our prophet. In order to be a Muslim, he must believe in all these things. It is almost impossible for me to give a complete list of such things.”

Hafiz Kifayat Hussain, Idara-i-Haquq-i-Tahaffuz-i-Shia—
“Q.—Who is a Musalman?
A.—A person is entitled to be called a Musalman if he believes in (1) tauheed, (2) nubuwwat and (3) qiyamat. These are the three fundamental beliefs which a person must profess to be called a Musalman. In regard to these three basic doctrines there is no difference between the Shias and the Sunnies. Besides the belief in these three doctrines, there are other things called ‘zarooriyat-i-din’ which a person must comply with in order to be entitled to be called a Musalman. These will take me two days to define and enumerate. But as an illustration I might state that the respect for the Holy Book, wajoob-i-nimaz, wajoob-i-roza, wajoob-i-hajj-ma’a-sharait, and other things too numerous to mention, are among the ‘zarooriyat-i-din’ ”

Maulana Abdul Hamid Badayuni, President, Jami’at-ul-Ulama-i-Pakistan :
“Q.—Who is a Musalman according to you ?
A.—A person who believes in the zarooriyat-i-din is called a momin and every momin is entitled to be called a Musalman.
Q.—What are these zarooriyat-i-din ?
A.—A person who believes in the five pillars of Islam and who believes in the rasalat of our Holy Prophet fulfils the zarooriyat-i-din.
Q.—Have other actions, apart from the five arakan, anything to do with a man being a Muslim or being outside the pale of Islam?
(Note—Witness has been explained that by actions are meant those rules of moral conduct which in modern society are accepted as correct.)
A.—Certainly.
Q.—Then you will not call a person a Muslim who believes in arakan-ikhamsa and the rasalat of the prophet but who steals other peoples’ things, embezzles property entrusted to him, has an evil eye on his neighbour’s wife and is guilty of the grossest ingratitude to his benefector?
A.—Such a person, if he has the belief already indicated, will be a Muslim despite all this”.

Maulana Muhammad Ali Kandhalvi, Darush-Shahabia, Sialkot —
“Q.—Please define a Musalman?
A.—A person who in obedience to the commands of the prophet performs all the zarooriyat-i-din is a Musalman.
Q.—Can you define zarooriyat-i-din ?
A.—Zarooriyat-i-din are those requirements which are known to every Muslim irrespective of his religious knowledge.
Q.—Can you enumerate zarooriyat-i-din ?
A.—These are too numerous to be mentioned. I myself cannot enumerate these zarooriyat. Some of the zarooriyat-i-din may be mentioned as salat, saum, etc.”

Maulana Amin Ahsan Islahi —
“Q.—Who is a Musalman?
A.—There are two kinds of Musalmans, a political (siyasi) Musalman and a real (haqiqi) Musalman. In order to be called a political Musalman, a person must:
(1) believe in the Unity of God,
(2) believe in our Holy Prophet being khatam-un-nabiyin, i.e., ‘final
authority’ in all matters relating to the life of that person,
(3) believe that all good and evil comes from Allah,
(4) believe in the Day of Judgment,
(5) believe in the Qur’an to be the last book revealed by Allah,
(6) perform the annual pilgrimage to Mecca,
(7) pay the zaka’at,
(8) say his prayers like the Musalmans,
(9) observe all apparent rules of Islami mu’ashira, and
(10) observe the fast (saum).

If a person satisfies all these conditions he is entitled to the rights of a full citizen of an Islamic State. If any one of these conditions is not satisfied, the person concerned will not be a political Musalman. (Again said) It would be enough for a person to be a Musalman if he merely professes his belief in these ten matters irrespective of whether he puts them into practice or not. In order to be a real Musalman, a person must believe in and act on all the injunctions by Allah and his prophet in the manner in which they have been enjoined upon him.
Q.—Will you say that only the real Musalman is ‘mard-i-saleh’ ?
A.—Yes.
Q.—do we understand you aright that in the case of what you have called a political (siyasi) Musalman, belief alone is necessary, while in the case of a haqiqi Musalman there must not only be belief but also action?
A.—No, you have not understood me aright. Even in the case of a political (siyasi) Musalman action is necessary but what I mean to say is that if a person does not act upon the belief that is necessary in the case of such a Musalman, he will not be outside the pale of a political (siyasi) Musalman.
Q.—If a political (siyasi) Musalman does not believe in things which you
have stated to be necessary, will you call such a person be-din ?
A.—No, I will call him merely be-amal”.

The definition by the Sadr Anjuman Ahmadiya, Rabwah, in its written statement
is that a Muslim is a person who belongs to the ummat of the Holy Prophet and professes belief in kalima-i-tayyaba.

Keeping in view the several definitions given by the ulama, need we make any comment except that no two learned divines are agreed on this fundamental. If we attempt our own definition as each learned divine has done and that definition differs from that given by all others, we unanimously go out of the fold of Islam. And if we adopt the definition given by any one of the ulama, we remain Muslims according to the view of that alim but kafirs according to the definition of every one else.

APOSTASY
Apostasy in an Islamic State is punishable with death. On this the ulama are practically unanimous (vide the evidence of Maulana Abul Hasanat Sayyad Muhammad Ahmad Qadri, President, Jami’at-ul-Ulama-i-Pakistan, Punjab; Maulana Ahmad Ali, Sadr Jami’at-ul-Ulama-i-Islam, West Pakistan; Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi, founder and ex-Amir-i-Jama’at-i-Islami, Pakistan; Mufti Muhammad Idris, Jami’Ashrafia, Lahore, and Member, Jami’at-ul-Ulama-i-Pakistan; Maulana Daud Ghaznavi, President, Jami’at-i-Ahl-i-Hadith, Maghribi Pakistan; Maulana Abdul Haleem Qasimi, Jami’at-ul-Ulama-i-Islam, Punjab; and Mr. Ibrahim Ali Chishti). According to this doctrine, Chaudhri Zafrullah Khan, if he has not inherited his present religious beliefs but has voluntarily elected to be an Ahmadi, must be put to death. And the same fate should befall Deobandis and Wahabis, including Maulana Muhammad Shafi Deobandi, Member, Board of Talimat-i-Islami attached to the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan, and Maulana Daud Ghaznavi, if Maulana Abul Hasanat Sayyad Muhammad Ahmad Qadri or Mirza Raza Ahmad Khan Barelvi, or any one of the numerous ulama who are shown perched on every leaf of a beautiful tree in the fatwa, Ex. D. E. 14, were the head of such Islamic State. And if Maulana Muhammad Shafi Deobandi were the head of the State, he would exclude those who have pronounced Deobandis as kafirs from the pale of Islam and inflict on them the death penalty if they come within the definition of murtadd, namely, if they have changed and not inherited their religious views.

The genuineness of the fatwa, Ex. D. E. 13, by the Deobandis which says that Asna Ashari Shias are kafirs and murtadds, was questioned in the course of enquiry, but Maulana Muhammad Shafi made an inquiry on the subject from Deoband, and received from the records of that institution the copy of a fatwa signed by all the teachers of the Darul Uloom including Maulana Muhammad Shafi himself which is to the effect that those who do not believe in the sahabiyyat of Hazrat Siddiq Akbar and who are qazif of Hazrat Aisha Siddiqa and have been guilty of tehrif of Qur’an are kafirs. This opinion is also supported by Mr. Ibrahim Ali Chishti who has studied and knows his subject. He thinks the Shias are kafirs because they believe that Hazrat Ali shared the prophethood with our Holy Prophet. He refused to answer the question whether a person who being a Sunni changes his view and agrees with the Shia view would be guilty of irtidad so as to deserve the death penalty. According to the Shias all Sunnis are kafirs, and Ahl-i-Qur’an; namely, persons who consider hadith to be unreliable and therefore not binding, are unanimously kafirs and so are all independent thinkers. The net result of all this is that neither Shias nor Sunnis nor Deobandis nor Ahl-i-Hadith nor Barelvis are Muslims and any change from one view to the other must be accompanied in an Islamic State with the penalty of death if the Government of the State is in the hands of the party which considers the other party to be kafirs. And it does not require much imagination to judge of the consequences of this doctrine when it is remembered that no two ulama have agreed before us as to the definition of a Muslim. If the constituents of each of the definitions given by the ulama are given effect to, and subjected to the rule of ‘combination and permutation’ and the form of charge in the Inquisition’s sentence on Galileo is adopted mutatis mutandis as a model, the grounds on which a person may be indicted for apostasy will be too numerous to count.

In an earlier part of the report we have referred to the proscription of the ‘Ashshahab’, a pamphlet written by Maulana Shabbir Ahmad Usmani who later became Sheikh-ul-Islam-i-Pakistan. In that pamphlet the Maulana had attempted to show from the Qur’an, the sunna, the ijma’ and qayas that in Islam the punishment for apostasy (irtidad) simpliciter is death. After propounding the theological doctrine the Maulana had made in that document a statement of fact that in the time of the Caliph Siddiq-i-Akbar and the subsequent Caliphs vast areas of Arabia became repeatedly red with the blood of apostates. We are not called upon to express any opinion as to the correctness or otherwise of this doctrine but knowing that the suggestion to the Punjab Government to proscribe this pamphlet had come from the Minister for the Interior we have attempted to inquire of ourselves the reasons for Government’s taking a step which ex hypothesi amounted to condemning a doctrine which the Maulana had professed to derive from the Qur’an and the sunna. The death penalty for irtidad has implications of a far-reaching character and stamps Islam as a religion of fanatics, which punishes all independent thinking. The Qur’an again and again lays emphasis on reason and thought, advises toleration and preaches against compulsion in religious matters but the doctrine of irtidad
as enunciated in this pamphlet strikes at the very root of independent thinking when it propounds the view that anyone who, being born a Muslim or having embraced Islam, attempts to think on the subject of religion with a view, if he comes to that conclusion, to choose for himself any religion he likes, has the capital penalty in store for him. With this implication Islam becomes an embodiment of complete intellectual paralysis. And the statement in the pamphlet that vast areas of Arabia were repeatedly bespattered with human blood, if true, could only lend itself to this inference that even when Islam was at the height of its splendour and held absolute sway in Arabia there were in that country a large number of people who turned away from that religion and preferred to die than to
remain in that system. It must have been some such reaction of this pamphlet on the mind of the Minister for the Interior which prompted him to advise the Punjab Government to proscribe the pamphlet. Further the Minister who was himself well-versed in religious matters must have thought that the conclusion drawn by the author of the pamphlet which was principally based on the precedent mentioned in paras. 26, 27 and 28 of the Old Testament and which is only partially referred to in the Qur’an in the 54th verse of the Second Sura, could not be applicable to apostasy from Islam and that therefore the author’s opinion was in fact incorrect, there being no express text in the Qur’an for the death penalty for apostasy. On the contrary each of the two ideas, one underlying the six brief verses of Surat-ul-Kafiroon and the other the La Ikrah verse of the second Sura, has merely to be understood to reject as erroneous the view propounded in the ‘Ash-Shahab’.
Each of the verses in Surat-ul-Kafiroon which contains thirty words and no verse of
which exceeds six words, brings out a fundamental trait in man engrained in him since his creation while the La Ikrah verse, the relevant portion of which contains only nine words, states the rule of responsibility of the mind with a precision that cannot be surpassed. Both of these texts which are an early part of the Revelation are, individually and collectively, the foundation of that principle which human society, after centuries of conflict, hatred and bloodshed, has adopted in defining one of the most important fundamental rights of man. But our doctors would never dissociate chauvinism from Islam.

PROPAGATION OF OTHER RELIGIONS
Closely allied to the punishment for apostasy is the right of non-Muslims publicly to preach their religion. The principle which punishes an apostate with death must be applicable to public preaching of kufr and it is admitted by Maulana Abul Hasanat, Ghazi Siraj-ud-Din Munir and Master Taj-ud-Din Ansari, though the last subordinates his opinion to the opinion of the ulama, that any faith other than Islam will not be permitted publicly to be preached in the State. And Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi, as will appear from his pamphlet ‘Punishment in Islam for an apostate’, has the same views on the subject.

Ghazi Siraj-ud-Din Munir, when questioned on this point, replied :—
“Q.—What will you do with them (Ahmadis) if you were the head of the
Pakistan State ?
A.—I would tolerate them as human beings but will not allow them the right
to preach their religion”.

The prohibition against public preaching of any non-Muslim religion must logically follow from the proposition that apostasy will be punished with death and that any attack on, or danger to Islam will be treated as treason and punished in the same way as apostasy.

JIHAD
Earlier we have pointed out that one of the doctrines on which the Musalmans and Ahmadis are at variance is that of jihad. This doctrine at once raises a host of other allied matters such as the meanings of ghazi, shahid, jihad-bis-saif, jihad fi sabili’llah, dar-ul-Islam, dar-ul-harb, hijrat, ghanima, khums and slavery, and the conflict or reconciliation of these conceptions with modern international problems such as aggression, genocide, international criminal jurisdiction, international conventions and rules of public international law.

An Islamic State is dar-ul-Islam, namely, a country where ordinances of Islam are
established and which is under the rule of a Muslim sovereign. Its inhabitants are
Muslims and also non-Muslims who have submitted to Muslim control and who under
certain restrictions and without the possibility of full citizenship are guaranteed their lives and property by the Muslim State. They must, however, be people of Scriptures and may not be idolaters. An Islamic State is in theory perpetually at war with the neighbouring non-Muslim country, which at any time may become dar-ul-harb, in which case it is the duty of the Muslims of that country to leave it and to come over to the country of their brethren in faith. We put this aspect to Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi and reproduce his views :—

“Q.—is a country on the border of dar-ul-Islam always qua an Islamic State
in the position of dar-ul-harb ?
A.—No. In the absence of an agreement to the contrary, the Islamic State will be potentially at war with the non-Muslim neighbouring country. The non-Muslim country acquires the status of dar-ul-harb only after the Islamic State declares a formal war against it”.

According to Ghias-ul-Lughat, dar-ul-harb is a country belonging to infidels which has not been subdued by Islam, and the consequences of a country becoming darul-harb are thus stated in the Shorter Encyclopaedia of Islam :—

“When a country does become a dar-ul-harb, it is the duty of all Muslims to
withdraw from it, and a wife who refuses to accompany her husband in
this, is ipso facto divorced”.

Thus in case of a war between India and Pakistan, if the latter is an Islamic State, we must be prepared to receive forty million Muslims from across the border into Pakistan.

In fact, Maulana Abdul Haamid Badayuni, President, Jami’at-ul-Ulama-i- Pakistan, thinks that a case for hijrat already exists for the Musalmans of India. The following is his view on this subject :—
“Q.—Do yon call your migration to Pakistan as hijrat in the religious sense ?
A.—Yes”.

We shall presently point out why Mirza Ghulam Ahmad’s version of the doctrine of jihad is relied on as a ground for his and his community’s kufr, but before we do that it is necessary first to state how jihad has been or is understood by the Musalmans. There are various theories about jihad which vary from the crude notion of a megalomaniac moved by religious frenzy going out armed with sword and indiscriminately slaughtering non-Muslims in the belief that if he dies in the combat he becomes a shahid and if he succeeds in killing attains the status of a ghazi, to the conception that a Musalman throughout his life is pitted against kufr, kufr here being used in the sense of evil and wrong, and that his principal activity in life is to strive by argument a where necessary by force to spread Islam until it becomes a world religion. In the latter case he fights not for any personal end but because he considers such strife as a duty and an obligation which he owes to Allah and the only recompense for which is the pleasure of Allah. The Shorter Encyclopedia of Islam contains the following brief article on djihad :—
“DJIHAD (A), holy war. The spread of Islam by arms is a religious duty upon
Muslims in general. It narrowly escaped being a sixth rukn, or fundamental duty, and is indeed still so regarded by the descendants of the Kharidjis. This position was reached gradually but quickly. In the Meccan Suras of the Qur’an patience under attack is taught ; no other attitude was possible. But at Medina the right to repel attack appears, and gradually it became a prescribed duty to fight against and subdue the hostile Meccans.
Whether Muhammad himself recognised that his position implied steady and unprovoked war against the unbelieving world until it was subdued to Islam may be in doubt. Traditions are explicit on the point ; but the Qur’anic passages speak always of the unbelievers who are to be subdued as dangerous or faithless. Still, the story of his writing to the powers around him shows that such a universal position was implicit in his mind, and it certainly developed immediately after his death, when the Muslim armies advanced out of Arabia. It is now a fard ala’l-kifaya, a duty in general on all male, free, adult Muslims, sane in mind and body and having means enough to reach the Muslim army, yet not a duty necessarily incumbent on every individual but sufficiently performed when done by a certain number. So it must continue to be done until the whole world is under the rule of Islam. It must be controlled or headed by a Muslim sovereign or imam. As the imam of the Shias is now invisible, they cannot have a djihad until he reappears. Further, the requirement will be met if such a sovereign makes an expedition once a year, or, even, in the later view, if he makes annual preparation for one. The people against whom the djihad is directed must first be invited to embrace Islam. On refusal they have another choice. They may submit to Muslim rule, become dhimmis (q. v.) and pay djizya and kharadj (q. v.) or fight. In the first case, their lives, families and property are assured to them, but they have a definitely inferior status, with no technical citizenship, and a standing only as protected wards. If they fight, they and their families may be enslaved and all their property seized as booty, four-fifths of which goes to the conquering army. If they embrace Islam, and it is open to them to do so even when the armies are face to face, they become part of the Muslim community with all its rights and duties. Apostates must be put to death. But if a Muslim country is invaded by unbelievers, the imam may issue a general summons calling all Muslims there to arms, and as the danger grows so may be the width of the summons until the whole Muslim world is involved. A Muslim who dies fighting in the path of Allah (fi sabil Allah) is martyr (shahid) and is assured of Paradise and of peculiar privileges there. Such a death was, in the early generations, regarded as the peculiar crown of a pious life. It is still, on occasions, a strong incitement, but when Islam ceased to conquer it lost its supreme value. Even yet, however, any war between Muslims and non-Muslims must be a djihad with its incitements and rewards. Of course, such modern movements as the so-called Mu’tazili in India and the Young Turk in Turkey reject this and endeavour to explain away its basis; but the Muslim masses still follow the unanimous voice of the canon lawyers. Islam must be completely made over before the doctrine of djihad can be eliminated”.

The generally accepted view is that the fifth verse to Sura-i-Tauba (Sura IX) abrogated the earlier verses revealed in Mecca which permitted the killing of kuffar only in self-defence. As against this the Ahmadis believe that no verso in the Qur’an was abrogated by another verse and that both sets of verses, namely, the Meccan verses and the relative verses in Sura-i-Tauba have different scopes and can stand together. This introduces the difficult controversy of nasikh and mansukh, with all its implications. It is argued on behalf of the Ahmadis that the doctrine of nasikh and mansukh is opposed to the belief in the existence of an original Scripture in Heaven, and that implicit in this doctrine is the admission that unless the verse alleged to be repealed was meant for a specific occasion and by the coming of that occasion fulfilled its purpose and thus spent itself, God did not know of the subsequent circumstances which would make the earlier verse inapplicable or lead to an undesired result.

The third result of this doctrine, it is pointed out, cuts at the very root of the claim that laws of Islam are immutable and inflexible because if changed circumstances made a new revelation necessary, any change in the circumstances subsequent to the completion of the revelation would make most of the revelation otiose or obsolete.

We are wholly incompetent to pronounce on the merits of this controversy but what has to be pointed out is the result to which the doctrine of jihad will lead if, as appears from the article in the Shorter Encyclopaedia of Islam and other writings produced before us including one by Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi and another by Maulana Shabbir Ahmad Usmani, it involves the spread of Islam by arms and conquest. ‘Aggression’ and ‘genocide’ are now offences against humanity for which under sentences pronounced by different International tribunals at Nuremburg and Tokio the war lords of Germany and Japan had to forfeit their lives, and there is hardly any difference between the offences of aggression and genocide on the one hand and the doctrine of spread of Islam by arms and conquest on the other. An International Convention on genocide is about to be concluded but if the view of jihad presented to us is correct, Pakistan cannot be a party to it. And while the following verses in the Mecca Suras :—

Sura II, verses 190 and 193 :190. “Fight in the Cause of God Those who fight you,
But do not transgress limits ;
For God loveth not transgressors”.
193. “And fight them on
Until there is no more
Tumult or oppression,
And there prevail
Justice and faith in God ;
But if they cease,
Let there be no hostility
Except to those
Who practise oppression”.
Sura XXII, verses 39 and 40:
39. “To those against whom
War is made, permission
Is given (to fight) because
They are wronged;— and verily,
God is most Powerful
For their aid;—”
40. “(They are) those who have
Been expelled from their homes
In defiance of right,—
(For no cause) except
That they say, ‘Our Lord
Is God.’ Did not God
Check one set of people
By means of another,
There would surely have been
Pulled down monasteries, churches,
Synagogues, and mosques, in which
The name of God is commemorated
In abundant measure. God will
Certainly aid those who
Aid His (cause);—for verily
God is Full of Strength,
Exalted in Might,
(Able to enforce His Will),”

contain in them the sublime principle which international jurists have only faintly begun to discover, we must go on preaching that aggression is the chief characteristic of Islam. The law relating to prisoners of war is another branch of Islamic law which is bound to come in conflict with International Law.

As for instance, in matters relating to the treatment of prisoners of war, we shall have to be governed by Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi’s view, assuming that view is based on the Qur’an and the sunna, which is as follows :—

“Q.—Is there a law of war in Islam?
A.—Yes.
Q.—Does it differ fundamentally from the modern International Law of war?
A.—These two systems are based on a fundamental difference.
Q.—What rights have non-Muslims who are taken prisoners of war in a jihad?
A.—The Islamic law on the point is that if the country of which these prisoners are nationals pays ransom, they will be released. An exchange of prisoners is also permitted. If neither of these alternatives is possible, the prisoners will be converted into slaves for ever. If any such person makes an offer to pay his ransom out of his own earnings, he will be permitted to collect the money necessary for the fidya (ransom).
Q.—Are you of the view that unless a Government assumes the form of an Islamic Government, any war declared by it is not a jihad?
A.—No. A war may be declared to be a jihad if it is declared by a national Government of Muslims in the legitimate interests of the State. I never expressed the opinion attributed to me in Ex. D. E. 12:—
“Raha yeh masala keh agar hukumat-i-Pakisten apni maujuda shukl-o-surat ke sath Indian Union ke sath apne mu’ahadat khatm kar-ke i’lan-i-jang bar bhi de to kya us-ki yeh jang jihad ke hukam men a-ja’egi ? Ap ne is bare men jo rae zahir ki hai woh bilkul darust hai – Jab-tak hukumat Islami nizam ko ikhtiyar kar-ke Islami nah ho jae us waqt tak us-ki kisi jang ko jihad kehna aisa hi hai jaisa kisi ghair Muslim ke Azad Kashmir ki fauj men bharti ho-kar larne ko jihad aur us-ki maut ko shahadat ka nam dediya jae – Maulana ka jo mudd’a hai woh yeh hai keh mu’ahadat ki maujudgi men to hukumat ya us-ke shehriyon ka is jang men sharik hona shar’-an ja’iz hi nahin – Agar hukumat mu’ahadat khatm kar-ke jang ka
i’lan kar-de to hukumat ki jang to jihad phir bhi nahin hogi ta-an keh hukumat Islami nah ho jae.’

(translation)

‘The question remains whether, even if the Government of Pakistan, in its present form and structure, terminates her treaties with the Indian Union and declares war against her, this war would fall under the definition of jihad? The opinion expressed by him in this behalf is quite correct. Until such time as the Government becomes Islamic by adopting the Islamic form of Government, to call any of its wars a jihad would be tantamount to describing the enlistment and fighting of a non-Muslim on the side of the Azad Kashmir forces jihad and his death martyrdom. What the Maulana means is that, in the presence of treaties, it is against Shari’at, if the Government or its people participate in such a war. If the Government terminates the treaties and declares war, even then the war started by Government would not be termed jihad unless the Government becomes Islamic’.

About the view expressed in this letter being that of Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi, there is the evidence of Mian Tufail Muhammad, the writer of the letter, who states: “Ex. D. E. 12 is a photostat copy of a letter which I wrote to someone whose name I do not now remember.”

Maulana Abul Hasanat Muhammad Ahmad Qadri’s view on this point is as
follows:—
“Q.—Is there a law of war in Islam?
A.—Yes.
Q.—Does it differ in fundamentals from the present International Law?
A.—Yes.
Q.—What are the rights of a person taken prisoner in war?
A.—He can embrace Islam or ask for aman, in which case he will be treated as a musta’min. If he does not ask for aman, he would be made a slave”.
Similar is the opinion expressed by Mian Tufail Muhammad of Jam’at-i-Islami who says:—
“Q.—Is there any law of war in Islamic laws?
A.—Yes.
Q.—If that comes into conflict with International Law, which will you follow?
A.—Islamic law.
Q.—Then please state what will be the status of prisoners of war captured by your
forces?
A.—I cannot reply to this off hand. I will have to study the point.”
Of course ghanima (plunder) and khums (one-fifth) if treated as a necessary incident of
jihad will be treated by international society as a mere act of brigandage.

REACTION ON MUSLIMS OF NON-MUSLIM STATES
The ideology on which an Islamic State is desired to be founded in Pakistan must have certain consequences for the Musalmans who are living in countries under non-Muslim sovereigns.

We asked Amir-i-Shari’at Sayyad Ataullah Shah Bukhari whether a Muslim could be a faithful subject of a non-Muslim State and reproduce his answer:—
“Q.—In your opinion is a Musalman bound to obey orders of a kafir
Government?
A.—It is not possible that a Musalman should be faithful citizen of a non-Muslim
Government.
Q.—Will it be possible for the four crore of Indian Muslims to be faithful citizens
of their State?
A—No.”

The answer is quite consistent with the ideology which has been pressed before us, but then if Pakistan is entitled to base its Constitution on religion, the same right must be conceded to other countries where Musalmans are in substantial minorities or if they constitute a preponderating majority in a country where sovereignty rests with a non-Muslim community. We, therefore, asked the various ulama whether, if non-Muslims in Pakistan were to be subjected to this discrimination in matters of citizenship, the ulama would have any objection to Muslims in other countries being subjected to a similar discrimination. Their reactions to this suggestion are reproduced below:—

Maulana Abul Hasanat Sayyed Muhammad Ahmad Qadri, President, Jami’at-ul-
Ulama-i-Pakistan:—
“Q.—You will admit for the Hindus, who are in a majority in India, the right
to have a Hindu religious State?
A.—Yes.
Q.—Will you have any objection if the Muslims are treated under that form
of Government as malishes or shudras under the law of Manu?
A.— No.”

Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi :—
“Q.—If we have this form of Islamic Government in Pakistan, will you
permit Hindus to base their Constitution on the basis of their own
religion?
A—Certainly. I should have no objection even if the Muslims of India are
treated in that form of Government as shudras and malishes and Manu’s laws are applied to them, depriving them of all share in the Government and the rights of a citizen. In fact such a state of affairs already exists in India.”

Amir-i-Shari’at Sayyad Ata Ullah Skak Bukhari :—
“Q.—How many crores of Muslims are there in India?
A.—Four crores.
Q.—Have you any objection to the law of Manu being applied to them
according to which they will have no civil right and will be treated as
malishes and shudras?
A.—I am in Pakistan and I cannot advise them.”

Mian Tufail Muhammad of Jama’at-i-Islami :—
“Q.—What is the population of Muslims in the world?
A.—Fifty crores.
Q.—If the total population of Muslims of the world is 50 crores, as you say,
and the number of Muslims living in Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Yemen,
Indonesia, Egypt, Persia, Syria, Lebanon, Trans-Jordan, Turkey and
Iraq does not exceed 20 crores, will not the result of your ideology be
to convert 30 crores of Muslims in the world into hewers of wood and
drawers of water?
A.—My ideology should not affect their position.
Q.—Even if they are subjected to discrimination on religious grounds and
denied ordinary rights of citizenship ?
A.—Yes.”
This witness goes to the extent of asserting that even if a non-Muslim Government were to offer posts to Muslims in the public services of the country, it will be their duty to refuse such posts.

Ghazi Siraj-ud-Din Munir :—
“Q.—Do you want an Islamic State in Pakistan?
A.—Surely.
Q.—What will be your reaction if the neighbouring country was to found
their political system on their own religion?
A.—They can do it if they like.
Q.—Do you admit for them the right to declare that all Muslims in India, are
shudras and malishes with no civil rights whatsoever?
A.—We will do our best to see that before they do it their political
sovereignty is gone. We are too strong for India. We will be strong
enough to prevent India from doing this.
Q.—Is it a part of the religious obligations of Muslims to preach their
religion?
A—Yes.
Q.—Is it a part of the duty of Muslims in India publicly to preach their
religion?
A.—They should have that right.
Q.—What if the Indian State is founded on a religious basis and the right to
preach religion is disallowed to its Muslim nationals?
A —If India makes any such law, believer in the Expansionist movement as I
am, I will march on India and conquer her.”

So this is the reply to the reciprocity of discrimination on religious grounds.

Master Taj-ud-Din Ansari :—
“Q.—Would you like to have the same ideology for the four crores of
Muslims in India as you are impressing upon the Muslims of
Pakistan?
A.—That ideology will not let them remain in India for one minute.
Q.—Does the ideology of a Muslim change from place to place and from
time to time?
A.—No.
Q.—Then why should not the Muslims of India have the same ideology as
you have?
A.—They should answer that question.”

The ideology advocated before us, if adopted by Indian Muslims, will completely
disqualify them for public offices in the State, not only in India but in other countries also which are under a non-Muslim Government. Muslims will become perpetual suspects everywhere and will not be enrolled in the army because according to this ideology, in case of war between a Muslim country and a non-Muslim country, Muslim soldiers of the non-Muslim country must either side with the Muslim country or surrender their posts.

The following is the view expressed by two divines whom we questioned on this point:—

Maulana Abul Hasanat Sayyed Muhammad Ahmad Qadri, President, Jami’at-ul-
Ulama-i-Pakistan :—
“Q.—What will be the duty of Muslims in India in case of war between India
and Pakistan?
A.—Their duty is obvious, namely, to side with us and not to fight against us
on behalf of India.”

Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi : —
“Q.—What will be the duty of the Muslims in India in case of war between
India and Pakistan?
A.—Their duty is obvious, and that is not to fight against Pakistan or to do
anything injurious to the safety of Pakistan.”

OTHER INCIDENTS
Other incidents of an Islamic State are that all sculpture, playing of cards, portrait
painting, photographing human beings, music, dancing, mixed acting, cinemas and
theatres will have to be closed.

Thus says Maulana Abdul Haleem Qasimi, representative of Jami’at-ul-Ulama-i-Pakistan: —

“Q.—What are your views on tashbih and tamseel ?
A.—You should ask me a concrete question.
Q.—What are your views on lahw-o-la’b?
A.—The same is my reply to this question.
Q.—What are your views about portrait painting?
A.—There is nothing against it if any such painting becomes necessary.
Q.—What about photography?
A.—My reply to it is the same as the reply regarding portrait painting.
Q.—What about sculpture as an art?
A.—It is prohibited by our religion.
Q.—Will you bring playing of cards in lohw-o-la’b?
A.—Yes, it will amount to lahw-o-la’b.
Q.—What about music and dancing?
A.—It is all forbidden by our religion.
Q.—What about drama and acting?
A —It all depends on what kind of acting you mean. If it involves immodesty
and intermixture of sexes, the Islamic law is against it.
Q.—If the State is founded on your ideals, will you make a law stopping
portrait painting, photographing of human beings, sculpture, playing
of cards, music, dancing, acting and all cinemas and theatres?
A.—Keeping in view the present form of these activities, my answer is in the
affirmative.”

Maulana Abdul Haamid Badayuni considers it to be a sin (ma’siyat) on the part of
professors of anatomy to dissect dead bodies of Muslims to explain points of anatomy to the students.

The soldier or the policeman will have the right, on grounds of religion, to disobey a command by a superior authority. Maulana Abul Hasanat’s view on this is as follows :—

“I believe that if a policeman is required to do something which we consider to be
contrary to our religion, it should be the duty of the policeman to disobey the authority. The same would be my answer if ‘army’ were substituted for ‘police’.

Q.—You stated yesterday that if a policeman or a soldier was required by a
superior authority to do what you considered to be contrary to religion, it would be the duty of that policeman or the soldier to disobey such authority. Will you give the policeman or the soldier the right of himself determining whether the command he is given by his superior authority is contrary to religion ?
A.—Most certainly.
Q.—Suppose there is war between Pakistan and another Muslim country and
the soldier feels that Pakistan is in the wrong; and that to shoot a
soldier of other country is contrary to religion. Do you think he would
be justified in disobeying his commanding officer ?
A.—In such a contingency the soldier should take a fatwa of the ‘ulama’.”

We have dwelt at some length on the subject of Islamic State not because we intended to write a thesis against or in favour of such State but merely with a view to presenting a clear picture of the numerous possibilities that may in future arise if true causes of the ideological confusion which contributed to the spread and intensity of the disturbances are not precisely located. That such confusion did exist is obvious because otherwise Muslim Leaguers, whose own Government was in office, would not have risen against it; sense of loyalty and public duty would not have departed from public officials who went about like maniacs howling against their own Government and officers; respect for property and human life would not have disappeared in the common man who with no scruple or compunction began freely to indulge in loot, arson and murder; politicians would not have shirked facing the men who had installed them in their offices; and administrators would not have felt hesitant or diffident in performing what was their obvious duty. If there is one thing which has been conclusively demonstrated in this inquiry, it is that provided you can persuade the masses to believe that something they are asked to do is religiously right or enjoined by religion, you can set them to any course of action, regardless of all considerations of discipline, loyalty, decency, morality or civic sense.

Pakistan is being taken by the common man, though it is not, as an Islamic State. This belief has been encouraged by the ceaseless clamour for Islam and Islamic State that is being heard from all quarters since the establishment of Pakistan. The phantom of an Islamic State has haunted the Musalman throughout the ages and is a result of the memory of the glorious past when Islam rising like a storm from the least expected quarter of the world—wilds of Arabia—instantly enveloped the world, pulling down from their high pedestal gods who had ruled over man since the creation, uprooting centuries old institutions and superstitions and supplanting all civilisations that had been built on an enslaved humanity. What is 125 years in human history, nay in the history of a people, and yet during this brief period Islam spread from the Indus to the Atlantic and Spain, and from the borders of China to Egypt, and the sons of the desert installed themselves in all old centres of civilisation—in Ctesiphon, Damascus, Alexandria, India and all places associated with the names of the Sumerian and the Assyrian civilisations. Historians have often posed the question : what would have been the state of the world today if Muawiya’s siege of Constantinople had succeeded or if the proverbial Arab instinct for plunder had not suddenly seized the mujahids of Abdur Rahman in their fight against Charles Martel on the plains of Tours in Southern France. May be Muslims would have discovered America long before Columbus did and the entire world would have been Moslemised; may be Islam itself would have been Europeanised. It is this brilliant achievement of the Arabian nomads, the like of which the world had never seen before, that makes the Musalman of today live in the past and yearn for the return of the glory that was Islam. He finds himself standing on the crossroads, wrapped in the mantle of the past and with the dead weight of centuries on his back, frustrated and bewildered and hesitant to turn one corner or the other. The freshness and the simplicity of the faith, which gave determination to his mind and spring to his muscle, is now denied to him. He has neither the means nor the ability to conquer and there are no countries to conquer. Little does he understand that the forces, which are pitted against him, are entirely different from those against which early Islam, had to fight, and that on the clues given by his own ancestors human mind has achieved results which he cannot understand. He therefore finds himself in a state of helplessness, waiting for some one to come and help him out of this morass of uncertainty and confusion. And he will go on waiting like this without anything happening. Nothing but a bold re-orientation of Islam to separate the vital from the lifeless can preserve it as a World Idea and convert the Musalman into a citizen of the present and the future world from the archaic in congruity that he is today. It is this lack of bold and clear thinking, the inability to understand and take decisions which has brought about in Pakistan a confusion which will persist and repeatedly create situations of the kind we have been inquiring into until our leaders have a clear conception of the goal and of the means to reach it. It requires no imagination to realise that irreconcilables remain irreconcilable even if you believe or wish to the contrary. Opposing principles, if left to themselves, can only produce confusion and disorder, and the application of a neutralising agency to them can only produce a dead result. Unless, in case of conflict between two ideologies, our leaders have the desire and the ability to elect, uncertainty must continue. And as long as we rely on the hammer when a file is needed and press Islam into service to solve situations it was never intended to solve, frustration and disappointment must dog our steps. The sublime faith called Islam will live even if our leaders are not there to enforce it. It lives in the individual, in his soul and outlook, in all his relations with God and men, from the cradle to the grave, and our politicians should understand that if Divine commands cannot make or keep a man a Musalman, their statutes will not….

Subroto Roy says that there are no viable macroeconomic models or time series data in the possession of the World Bank, IMF, the Govt of India’s Finance Ministry, Planning Commission, Reserve Bank etc, or any professor from Oxford, Cambridge, LSE, Harvard, Yale, MIT, Stanford to the University of Timbuctoo to justify the reported claim yesterday of World Bank President Robert Zoellick that India is headed to “8-9% growth”. Growth may be higher, may be lower or something else altogether, no one knows because national income measurements have yet to reach SNA standards (in any case it should be *per capita real GDP*… and *even then*, there is no adjustment for inequality...)…

What *is* clear though is that Indian public finance at Union and State level is a mess and paper money has been growing at more than 20% per annum…. (And if you happen to believe the Government of India’s apologists and propagandists about Indian inflation being in single digits, might I interest you in a marble structure in Agra, or a steel bridge over the Hooghly perhaps? Very nice, just like Brooklyn Bridge itself….)

Subroto Roy believes the great optimism about the Indian Republic that he had felt as a 7-year old boy upon meeting Jawaharlal Nehru at Colombo Airport on Oct 13 1962 (the first days of the surprise Communist Chinese attack on India), has now dissipated, and apart from Nehru’s immediate successor (Lal Bahadur Shastri) all Indian Prime Ministers since then have been gravely, perhaps catastrophically, disappointing.

Subroto Roy thinks President Obama’s informed lawyerly academic approach to the Afghanistan decision, whether or not it has its intended good consequences, has a positive demonstration effect for other capital cities, e.g. New Delhi, where public policy decisions are too often made to appease special interest groups inside a cloud of meaningless rhetoric.

Subroto Roy says of India and China in summary discussion at Edward Hugh’s Wall: “Well, both have massive and energetic populations, each with relatively little capital per head; raising the capital per head with new production and exchange processes leads to growth. (But the nominal economies are weak, public finances are absymal and paper money is out of control.)”

Subroto Roy recalls again Pericles of Athens: “Here each individual is interested not only in his own affairs but in the affairs of the state as well; even those who are mostly occupied with their own business are extremely well-informed on general politics- this is a peculiarity of ours:we do not say that a man who takes no inter…est in politics is a man who minds his own business;we say that he has no business here at all.”

Respected Sir,

You may recall our brief interaction at the residence of the late Shri Rajiv Gandhi in September-October 1990, and also my visit to you in July 1995 when you were a member of the late Shri Narasimha Rao’s Government.

I am delighted to read in today’s paper that you believe a “unique solution” exists to the grave mortal problem of Jammu & Kashmir.   I write to say that almost four years ago, I published in The Statesman my discovery of the existence of precisely such a  unique solution in the three-part article “Solving Kashmir”.

This came to be followed by “Law, Justice and J&K”, “History of Jammu & Kashmir”, “Pakistan’s Allies”, “What to tell Musharraf” and a few others.  The purpose of this open letter is to describe that solution which provides, I believe, the only just and lawful  path available to the resolution of what has been known universally as the Kashmir problem.

Very briefly, it involves recognizing that the question of lawful territorial sovereignty in J&K is logically distinct from the question of the choice of nationality by individual inhabitants.   The solution requires

(a) acknowledging that the original legal entity in the world system  of nations known as Jammu & Kashmir arose on March 16 1846 and ceased to exist on or about October 22 1947; that the military contest that commenced on the latter date has in fact resulted, given all particular circumstances of history, in the lawful and just outcome in international law;

(b) offering all who may be Indian nationals or stateless and who presently live under Article 370, a formal choice of nationality between the Republics of India, Iran, Afghanistan and Pakistan: citizen-by-citizen, without fear or favour, under conditions of full information, individual privacy and security; any persons who voluntarily choose to renounce Indian nationality in such private individual decisions would be nevertheless granted lawful permanent residence in the Indian Republic and J&K in particular.

In other words, the dismemberment of the original J&K State and annexation of its territories by the entities known today as the Republic of Pakistan and Republic of India that occurred since October 22 1947, as represented first by the 1949 Ceasefire Line and then by the 1972 Line of Control, is indeed the just and lawful outcome prevailing in respect of the question of territorial sovereignty and jurisdiction. The remaining democratic question has to do with free individual choice of nationality by inhabitants, under conditions of full information and privacy, citizen-by-citizen, with the grant of permanent residency rights by the Indian Republic to persons under its jurisdiction in J&K who might wish to choose, for deeply personal individual reasons, not to remain Indian nationals but become Afghan, Iranian or Pakistani nationals instead (or remain stateless).  Pakistan has said frequently its sole concern has been the freedom of Muslims of J&K under Indian rule, and any such genuine concern shall have been thereby fully met by India. Indeed if Pakistan agreed to act similarly this entire complex mortal problem of decades shall have begun to be resolved most appropriately. Pakistan and India are both wracked by corruption, poverty and bad governance, and would be able to mutually draw down military forces pit against one another everywhere, so as to begin to repair the grave damage to their fiscal health caused over decades by the deleterious draining away of vast public resources.

The full reasoning underlying this, which I believe to be the only lawful, just, efficient and stable solution that exists, is thoroughly explained in the following six articles. The first five, “Solving Kashmir”, “Law, Justice & J&K”, “History of J&K”, and “Pakistan’s Allies”, “What to Tell Musharraf” were published in The Statesman in 2005-2006 and are marked ONE, TWO, THREE, FOUR and FIVE below, and are also available elsewhere here. The sixth “An Indian Reply to President Zardari”, marked SIX, was published for the first time here following the Mumbai massacres.

I believe careful reflection upon this entire body of reasoning may lead all reasonable men and women to a practically unanimous consensus about this as the appropriate course of action; if such a consensus happened to arise, the implementation of the solution shall only be a matter of (relatively) uncomplicated procedural detail.

Cordially yours

Subroto Roy, PhD (Cantab.), BScEcon (London)
Kolkata, October 15 2009

“ONE
SOLVING KASHMIR: ON AN APPLICATION OF REASON by Subroto Roy First published in three parts in The Statesman, Editorial Page Special Article, December 1,2,3 2005, www.thestatesman.net

(This article has its origins in a paper “Towards an Economic Solution for Kashmir” which circulated in Washington DC in 1992-1995, including at the Indian and Pakistani embassies and the Carnegie Endowment, and was given as an invited lecture at the Heritage Foundation on June 23 1998. It should be read along with other articles also republished here, especially “History of J&K”, “Law, Justice and J&K” , “Understanding Pakistan”, “Pakistan’s Allies” and “What to Tell Musharraf”. The Washington paper and lecture itself originated from my ideas in the Introduction to Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy, edited by WE James and myself in the University of Hawaii project on Pakistan 1986-1992.)

I. Give Indian `Green Cards’ to the Hurriyat et al

India, being a liberal democracy in its constitutional law, cannot do in Jammu & Kashmir what Czechoslovakia did to the “Sudeten Germans” after World War II. On June 18 1945 the new Czechoslovakia announced those Germans and Magyars within their borders who could not prove they had been actively anti-fascist before or during the War would be expelled — the burden of proof was placed on the individual, not the State. Czechoslovakia “transferring” this population was approved by the Heads of the USA, UK and USSR Governments at Potsdam on August 2 1945. By the end of 1946, upto two million Sudeten Germans were forced to flee their homes; thousands may have died by massacre or otherwise; 165,000 remained who were absorbed as Czechoslovak citizens. Among those expelled were doubtless many who had supported Germany and many others who had not — the latter to this day seek justice or even an apology in vain. Czechoslovakia punished none of its nationals for atrocities, saying it had been revenge for Hitler’s evil (”badla” in Bollywood terms) and the post Cold War Czech Government too has declined to render an apology. Revenge is a wild kind of justice (while justice may be a civilised kind of revenge).

India cannot follow this savage precedent in international law. Yet we must recognise there are several hundred and up to several hundred thousand persons on our side of the boundary in the State of Jammu & Kashmir who do not wish to be Indian nationals. These people are presently our nationals ius soli, having been born in territory of the Indian Republic, and/or ius sanguinis, having been born of parents who are Indian nationals; or they may be “stateless” whom we must treat in accordance with the 1954 Convention on Stateless Persons. The fact is they may not wish to carry Indian passports or be Indian nationals.

In this respect their juridical persons resemble the few million “elite” Indians who have in the last few decades freely placed their hands on their hearts and solemnly renounced their Indian nationality, declaring instead their individual fidelity to other nation-states — becoming American, Canadian or Australian citizens, or British subjects or nationals of other countries. Such people include tens of thousands of the adult children of India’s metropolitan “elite”, who are annually visited abroad in the hot summer months by their Indian parents and relatives. They are daughters and sons of New Delhi’s Government and Opposition, of retired generals, air marshals, admirals, ambassadors, cabinet secretaries, public sector bureaucrats, private sector businessmen, university professors, journalists, doctors and many others. India’s most popular film-actress exemplified this “elite” capital-flight when, after a tireless search, she chose a foreign husband and moved to California.

The difference in Jammu & Kashmir would be that those wishing to renounce Indian nationality do not wish to move to any other place but to stay as and where they are, which is in Kashmir Valley or Jammu. Furthermore, they may wish, for whatever reason, to adopt, if they are eligible to do so, the nationality of e.g. the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan or the Islamic Republic of Iran or the Islamic Republic of Pakistan.

They may believe themselves descended from Ahmad Shah Abdali whose Afghans ruled or mis-ruled Kashmir Valley before being defeated by Ranjit Singh’s Sikhs in 1819. Or they may believe themselves of Iranian descent as, for example, are the Kashmiri cousins of the late Ayatollah Khomeini. Or they may simply have wished to be, or are descended from persons who had wished to be on October 26 1947, citizens of the then-new British Dominion of Pakistan — but who came to be prevented from properly expressing such a desire because of the war-like conditions that have prevailed ever since between India and Pakistan. There may be even a few persons in Laddakh who are today Indian nationals but who wish to be considered Tibetans instead; there is, however, no Tibetan Republic and it does not appear there is going to be one.

India, being a free and self-confident country, should allow, in a systematic lawful manner, all such persons to fulfil their desires, and furthermore, should ensure they are not penalised for having expressed such “anti-national” desires or for having acted upon them. Sir Mark Tully, the British journalist, is an example of someone who has been a foreign national who has chosen to reside permanently in the Republic of India — indeed he has been an exemplary permanent resident of our country. There are many others like him. There is no logical reason why all those persons in Jammu & Kashmir who do wish not to be Indians by nationality cannot receive the same legal status from the Indian Republic as has been granted to Sir Mark Tully. There are already thousands of Sri Lankan, Bangladeshi and Nepalese nationals who are lawful permanent residents in the Indian Republic, and who travel back and forth between India and their home countries. There is no logical reason why the same could not be extended to several hundred or numerous thousand people in Jammu & Kashmir who may wish to not accept or to renounce their Indian nationality (for whatever personal reason) and instead become nationals, if they are so eligible, of the Islamic Republics of Afghanistan, Iran or Pakistan, or, for that matter, to remain stateless. On the one hand, their renunciation of Indian nationality is logically equivalent to the renunciation of Indian nationality by the adult children of India’s “elite” settled in North America and Western Europe. On the other hand, their wish to adopt, if they are eligible, a foreign nationality, such as that of Afghanistan, Iran or Pakistan, and yet remain domiciled in Indian territory is logically equivalent to that of many foreign nationals domiciled in India already like Sir Mark Tully.

Now if you are a permanent resident of some country, you may legally have many, perhaps most, but certainly not all the rights and duties of nationals of that country. e.g., though you will have to pay all the same taxes, you may not be allowed to (or be required to) vote in national or provincial elections but you may in local municipal elections. At the same time, permanently residing foreign nationals are supposed to be equal under the law and have equal access to all processes of civil and criminal justice. (As may be expected though from human frailty, even the federal courts of the USA can be notorious in their injustice and racism towards “Green Card” holders relative to “full” American citizens.) Then again, as a permanently resident foreigner, while you will be free to work in any lawful trade or profession, you may not be allowed to work in some or perhaps any Government agencies, certainly not the armed forces or the police. Many Indians in the USA were engineering graduates, and because many engineering jobs or contracts in the USA are related to the US armed forces and require US citizens only, it is commonplace for Indian engineers to renounce their Indian nationality and become Americans because of this. Many Indian-American families have one member who is American, another Indian, a third maybe Canadian, a fourth Fijian or British etc.

The same can happen in the Indian State of Jammu & Kashmir if it evolves peacefully and correctly in the future. It is quite possible to imagine a productive family in a peaceful Kashmir Valley of the future where one brother is an officer in the Indian Armed Forces, another brother a civil servant and a sister a police officer of the J&K State Government, another sister being a Pakistani doctor, while cousins are Afghan or Iranian or “stateless” businessmen. Each family-member would have made his/her choice of nationality as an individual given the circumstances of his/her life, his/her personal comprehension of the facts of history, his/her personal political and/or religious persuasions, and similar deeply private considerations. All would have their children going to Indian schools and being Indian citizens ius soli and/or ius sanguinis. When the children grow up, they would be free to join, if they wished, the existing capital flight of other Indian adult children abroad and there renounce their Indian nationality as many have come to do.

II Revealing Choices Privately with Full Information
For India to implement such a proposal would be to provide an opportunity for all those domiciled in Kashmir Valley, Jammu and Laddakh to express freely and privately as individuals their deepest wishes about their own identities, in a confidential manner, citizen by citizen, case by case. This would thereby solve the fundamental democratic problem that has been faced ever since the Pakistani attack on the original State of Jammu & Kashmir commenced on October 22 1947, which came to be followed by the Rape of Baramulla — causing the formal accession of the State to the then-new Dominion of India on October 26 1947.

A period of, say, 30 months may be announced by the Government of India during which full information would be provided to all citizens affected by this change, i.e. all those presently governed by Article 370 of the Indian Constitution. The condition of full information may include, for example, easy access to Afghan, Iranian and Pakistani newspapers in addition to access to Indian media. Each such person wishing to either remain with Indian nationality (by explicitly requesting an Indian passport if he/she does not have one already — and such passports can be printed in Kashmiri and Urdu too), or to renounce Indian nationality and either remain stateless or adopt, if he/she is so eligible, the nationality of e.g. Afghanistan, Iran, or Pakistan, should be administratively assisted by the Government of India to make that choice.

In particular, he/she should be individually, confidentially, and without fear or favour assured and informed of his/her new rights and responsibilities. For example, a resident of Kashmir Valley who chooses to become a Pakistani citizen, such as Mr Geelani, would now enjoy the same rights and responsibilities in the Indian Republic that Mr Tully enjoys, and at the same time no longer require a visa to visit Pakistan just as Mr Tully needs no visa to enter Britain. In case individual participants in the Hurriyat choose to renounce Indian nationality and adopt some other, they would no longer be able to legally participate in Indian national elections or J&K’s State elections. That is something which they say they do not wish to do in any case. Those members of the Hurriyat who chose e.g. Pakistani nationality while still residing in Jammu & Kashmir, would be free to send postal ballots or cross the border and vote in Pakistan’s elections if and when these occur. There are many Canadians who live permanently in the USA who cross home to Canada in order to cast a ballot.

After the period of 30 months, every person presently under Article 370 of the Indian Constitution would have received a full and fair opportunity to privately and confidentially reveal his/her preference or choice under conditions of full information. “Partition”, “Plebiscite”, and “Military Decision” have been the three alternatives under discussion ever since the National Conference of Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah and his then-loyal Deputy, Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad, helped the Indian Army and Air Force in 1947-1948 fight off the savage attack against Jammu & Kashmir State that had commenced from Pakistan on October 22 1947. When, during the Pakistani attack, the Sheikh and Bakshi agreed to the Muslim Conference’s demand for a plebiscite among the people, the Pakistanis balked — the Sheikh and Bakshi then withdrew their offer and decisively and irrevocably chose to accede to the Indian Union. The people of Jammu & Kashmir, like any other, are now bound by the sovereign political commitments made by their forebears. Even so, given the painful mortal facts of the several decades since, the solution here proposed if properly implemented would be an incomparably more thorough democratic exercise than any conceivable plebiscite could ever have been.

Furthermore, regardless of the outcome, it would not entail any further “Partition” or population “transfer” which inevitably would degenerate into a savage balkanization, and has been ruled out as an unacceptable “deal-breaker” by the Indian Republic. Instead, every individual person would have been required, in a private and confidential decision-making process, to have chosen a nationality or to remain stateless — resulting in a multitude of cosmopolitan families in Jammu & Kashmir. But that is something commonplace in the modern world. Properly understood and properly implemented, we shall have resolved the great mortal problem we have faced for more than half a century, and Jammu & Kashmir can finally settle into a period of peace and prosperity. The boundary between India and Pakistan would have been settled by the third alternative mentioned at the time, namely, “Military Decision”.

III. Of Flags and Consulates in Srinagar and Gilgit
Pakistan has demanded its flag fly in Srinagar. This too can happen though not in the way Pakistan has been wishing to see it happen. A Pakistan flag might fly in the Valley just as might an Afghan and Iranian flag as well. Pakistan has wished its flag to fly as the sovereign over Jammu & Kashmir. That is not possible. The best and most just outcome is for the Pakistani flag to fly over a recognised Pakistani consular or visa office in Srinagar, Jammu and Leh. In diplomatic exchange, the Indian tricolour would have to fly over a recognised Indian consular or visa office in Muzaffarabad, Gilgit and Skardu.

Pakistan also may have to act equivalently with respect to the original inhabitants of the territory of Jammu & Kashmir that it has been controlling — allowing those people to become Indian nationals if they so chose to do in free private decisions under conditions of full information. In other words, the “Military Decision” that defines the present boundary between sovereign states must be recognised by Pakistan sincerely and permanently in a Treaty relationship with India — and all of Pakistan’s official and unofficial protégés like the Hurriyat and the “United Jehad Council” would have to do the same. Without such a sovereign commitment from the Government of Pakistan, as shown by decisive actions of lack of aggressive intent (e.g. as came to be implemented between the USA and USSR), the Government of India has no need to involve the Government of Pakistan in implementing the solution of enhancing free individual choice of nationality with regard to all persons on our side of the boundary.

The “Military Decision” regarding the sovereign boundary in Jammu & Kashmir will be so recognised by all only if it is the universally just outcome in international law. And that in fact is what it is.

The original Jammu & Kashmir State began its existence as an entity in international law long before the present Republics of India and Pakistan ever did. Pakistan commences as an entity on August 14 1947; India commences as an entity of international law with its signing of the Treaty of Versailles on June 20 1918. Jammu & Kashmir began as an entity on March 16 1846 — when the Treaty of Amritsar was signed between Gulab Singh Dogra and the British, one week after the Treaty of Lahore between the British and the defeated Sikh regency of the child Daleep Singh.

Liaquat Ali Khan and Zafrullah Khan both formally challenged on Pakistan’s behalf the legitimacy of Dogra rule in Jammu & Kashmir since the Treaty of Amritsar. The Pakistani Mission to the UN does so even today. The Pakistanis were following Sheikh Abdullah and Jawaharlal Nehru himself, who too had at one point challenged Dogra legitimacy in the past. But though the form of words of the Pakistan Government and the Nehru-Abdullah position were similar in their attacks on the Treaty of Amritsar, their underlying substantive reasons were as different as chalk from cheese. The Pakistanis attacked the Dogra dynasty for being Dogra — i.e. because they were Hindus and not Muslims governing a Muslim majority. Nehru and Abdullah denounced monarchic autocracy in favour of mass democracy, and so attacked the Dogra dynasty for being a dynasty. All were wrong to think the Treaty of Amritsar anything but a lawful treaty in international law.

Furthermore, in this sombre political game of great mortal consequence, there were also two other parties who were, or appeared to be, in favour of the dynasty: one because the dynasty was non-Muslim, the other, despite it being so. Non-Muslim minorities like many Hindus and Sikhs in the business and governmental classes, saw the Dogra dynasty as their protector against a feared communalist tyranny arising from the Sunni Muslim masses of Srinagar Valley, whom Abdullah’s rhetoric at Friday prayer-meetings had been inciting or at least awakening from slumber. At the same time, the communalists of the Muslim Conference who had broken away from Abdullah’s secular National Conference, sought political advantage over Abdullah by declaring themselves in favour of keeping the dynasty — even elevating it to become an international sovereign, thus flattering the already pretentious potentate that he would be called “His Majesty” instead of merely “His Highness”. The ancestry of today’s Hurriyat’s demands for an independent Jammu & Kashmir may be traced precisely to those May 21-22 1947 declarations of the Muslim Conference leader, Hamidullah Khan.

Into this game stumbled the British with all the mix of cunning, indifference, good will, impatience, arrogance and pomposity that marked their rule in India. At the behest of the so-called “Native Princes”, the 1929 Butler Commission had hinted that the relationship of “Indian India” to the British sovereign was conceptually different from that of “British India” to the British sovereign. This view was adopted in the Cabinet Mission’s 12 May 1946 Memorandum which in turn came to be applied by Attlee and Mountbatten in their unseemly rush to “Divide and Quit” India in the summer of 1947.

It created the pure legal illusion that there was such a thing as “Lapse of Paramountcy” at which Jammu & Kashmir or any other “Native State” of “Indian India” could conceivably, even for a moment, become a sovereign enjoying the comity of nations — contradicting Britain’s own position that only two Dominions, India and Pakistan, could ever be members of the British Commonwealth and hence members of the newly created UN. British pusillanimity towards Jammu & Kashmir’s Ruler had even extended to making him a nominal member of Churchill’s War Cabinet because he had sent troops to fight in Burma. But the legal illusion had come about because of a catastrophic misunderstanding on the part of the British of their own constitutional law.

The only legal scholar who saw this was B R Ambedkar in a lonely and brilliant technical analysis released to the press on June 17 1947. No “Lapse of Paramountcy” over the “Native Princes” of Indian India could occur in constitutional law. Paramountcy over Indian India would be automatically inherited by the successor state of British India at the Transfer of Power. That successor state was the new British Dominion of India as well as (when it came to be finalised by Partition from India) the new British Dominion of Pakistan (Postscript: the deleted words represent a mistake made in the original paper, corrected in “Law, Justice & J&K” in view of the fact the UN in 1947 deemed India alone the successor state of British India and Pakistan a new state in the world system). A former “Native Prince” could only choose to which Dominion he would go. No other alternative existed even for a single logical moment. Because the British had catastrophically failed to comprehend this aspect of their own constitutional law, they created a legal vacuum whereby between August 15 and October 22-26 1947, Jammu & Kashmir became a local and temporary sovereign recognised only by the Dominion of Pakistan (until October 22) and the Dominion of India (until October 26). But it was not a globally recognised sovereign and was never going to be such in international law. This was further proved by Attlee refusing to answer the J&K Prime Minister’s October 18 1947 telegram.

All ambiguity came to end with the Pakistani attack of October 22 1947, the Rape of Baramulla, the secession of an “Azad Kashmir”declared by Sardar Ibrahim, and the Pakistani coup détat in Gilgit on October 31 1947 followed by the massacre of Sikh soldiers of the J&K Army at Bunji. With those Pakistani actions, Gulab Singh’s Jammu & Kashmir State, founded on March 16 1846 by the Treaty of Amritsar, ceased to logically exist as an entity in international law and fell into a state of ownerless anarchy. The conflict between Ibrahim’s Muslim communalists backed by the new Dominion of Pakistan and Abdullah’s secularists backed by the new Dominion of India had become a civil war within a larger intra-Commonwealth war that itself was almost a civil war between forces of the same military.

Jammu & Kashmir territory had become ownerless. The Roman Law which is at the root of all municipal and international law in the world today would declare that in the ownership of such an ownerless entity, a “Military Decision” was indeed the just outcome. Sovereignty over the land, waters, forests and other actual and potential resources of the erstwhile State of Jammu & Kashmir has become divided by “Military Decision” between the modern Republics of India and Pakistan. By the proposal made herein, the people and their descendants shall have chosen their nationality and their domicile freely across the sovereign boundary that has come to result.

TWO
LAW, JUSTICE AND J&K by Subroto Roy First published in two parts in The Sunday Statesman, July 2 2006 and The Statesman July 3 2006 www.thestatesman.net Editorial Page Special Article

I.
For a solution to J&K to be universally acceptable it must be seen by all as being lawful and just. Political opinion in Pakistan and India as well as all people and parties in J&K ~ those loyal to India, those loyal to Pakistan, and any others ~ will have to agree that, all things considered, such is the right course of action for everyone today in the 21st Century, which means too that the solution must be consistent with the facts of history as well as account reasonably for all moral considerations.

On August 14, 1947, the legal entity known as “British India”, as one of its final acts, and based on a sovereign British decision made only two months earlier, created out of some of its territory a new State defined in international law as the “Dominion of Pakistan”. British India extinguished itself the very next day, and the newly independent “Dominion of India” succeeded to all its rights and obligations in international law. As the legal successor of the “India” which had signed the Treaty of Versailles in 1919 and the San Francisco Declaration of 1945, the Dominion of India was already a member of the new UN as well as a signatory to many international treaties. By contrast, the Dominion of Pakistan had to apply afresh to sign treaties and become a member of international organisations. The theory put forward by Argentina that two new States, India and Pakistan, had been created ab initio, came to be rejected and was withdrawn by Argentina. Instead, Pakistan with the wholehearted backing of India was made a member of the UN, with all except Afghanistan voting in favour. (Afghanistan’s exceptional vote signalled presence of conflict over the Durand Line and idea of a Pashtunistan; Dr Khan Sahib and Abdul Ghaffar Khan were imprisoned by the Muslim League regime of NWFP which later supported the tribesmen who attacked J&K starting October 22, 1947; that conflict remains unresolved to this day, even after the American attack on the Taliban, the restart of a constitutional process in Afghanistan, and the purported mediation of US Secretary of State Condoleeza Rice.)

Zafrullah Khan, Pakistan’s distinguished first ambassador to the UN, claimed in September 1947: “Pakistan is not a new member of UNO but a successor to a member State which was one of the founders of the Organisation.” He noted that he himself had led India to the final session of the League of Nations in Geneva in 1939, and he wished to say that Pakistan had been present “as part of India… under the latter name” as a signatory to the Treaty of Versailles. This was, however, logically impossible. The Treaty of Versailles long predated (1) Mohammad Iqbal’s Allahabad Address which conceptualised for the first time in the 20th Century a Muslim State in Northwest India; (2) Rahmat Ali’s invention of the word “PAKSTAN” on the top floor of a London omnibus; (3) M. A. Jinnah and Fazlul Haq’s Lahore Resolution; and (4) the final British decision of June 3, 1947 to create by Partition out of “British India” a Dominion named Pakistan. Pakistan could not have acted in international law prior to having come into being or been created or even conceived itself. Zafrullah Khan would have been more accurate to say that the history of Pakistanis until August 14, 1947 had been one in common with that of their Indian cousins ~ or indeed their Indian brothers, since innumerable North Indian Muslim families came to be literally partitioned, with some brothers remaining Indians while other brothers became Pakistanis.

Pakistan was created at the behest of Jinnah’s Muslim League though with eventual agreement of the Indian National Congress (a distant ancestor of the political party going by the same name today). Pakistan arose not because Jinnah said Hindus and Muslims were “two nations” but because he and his League wished for a State where Muslims would find themselves ruled by fellow-Muslims and feel themselves part of a pan-Islamic culture. Yet Pakistan was intended to be a secular polity with Muslim-majority governance, not an Islamic theocracy. That Pakistan failed to become secular was exemplified most poignantly in the persecution Zafrullah himself later faced in his personal life as an Ahmadiya, even while he was Pakistan’s Foreign Minister. (The same happened later to Pakistan’s Nobel-winning physicist Abdus Salaam.) Pakistan was supposed to allow the genius of Indo-Muslim culture to flourish, transplanted from places like Lucknow and Aligarh which would never be part of it. In fact, the areas that are Pakistan today had in the 1937 provincial elections shown scant popular Muslim support for Jinnah’s League. The NWFP had a Congress Government in the 1946 elections, and its supporters boycotted the pro-Pakistan referendum in 1947. The imposition of Urdu culture as Pakistan’s dominant ethos might have come to be accepted later in West Punjab, Sindh and NWFP but it was not acceptable in East Bengal, and led inevitably to the Pakistani civil war and creation of Bangladesh by Sheikh Mujib in 1971.

In August 1947, the new Dominions of India and Pakistan were each supposed to protect their respective minority populations as their first political duty. Yet both palpably failed in this, and were reduced to making joint declarations pleading for peace and an end to communal killings and the abduction of women. The Karachi Government, lacking the wherewithal and administrative machinery of being a nation-state at all, and with only Liaquat and an ailing Jinnah as noted leaders, may have failed more conspicuously, and West Punjab, the Frontier and Sindh were soon emptied of almost all their many Sikhs and Hindus. Instead, the first act of the new Pakistan Government in the weeks after August 14, 1947 was to arrange for the speedy and safe transfer of the North Indian Muslim elite by air from Delhi using chartered British aeroplanes. The ordinary Muslim masses of UP, Delhi and East Punjab were left in danger from or were subjected to Sikh and Hindu mob attacks, especially as news and rumours spread of similar outrages against Pakistan’s departing minorities.

In this spiral of revenge attacks and counter-attacks, bloodshed inevitably spilled over from West and East Punjab into the northern Punjabi plains of Jammu, though Kashmir Valley remained conspicuously peaceful. Zafrullah and Liaquat would later claim it was this communal civil war which had caused thousands of newly decommissioned Mirpuri soldiers of the British Army, and thousands of Afridi and other Frontier tribesmen, to spontaneously act to “liberate” J&K’s Muslims from alleged tyranny under the Hindu Ruler or an allegedly illegal Indian occupation.

But the main attack on J&K State that began from Pakistan along the Manshera-Muzaffarabad road on October 22, 1947 was admittedly far too well-organised, well-armed, well-planned and well-executed to have been merely a spontaneous uprising of tribesmen and former soldiers. In all but name, it was an act of undeclared war of the new Dominion of Pakistan first upon the State of J&K and then upon the Indian Dominion. This became obvious to Field Marshall Auchinlek, who, as Supreme Commander of the armed forces of both India and Pakistan, promptly resigned and abolished the Supreme Command in face of the fact that two parts of his own forces were now at war with one another.

The invaders failed to take Srinagar solely because they lost their military purpose while indulging in the Rape of Baramula. Thousands of Kashmiri women of all communities ~ Muslim, Sikh and Hindu ~ were violated and transported back to be sold in markets in Peshawar and elsewhere. Such was standard practice in Central Asian tribal wars from long before the advent of Islam, and the invading tribesmen shared that culture. India’s Army and Air Force along with the militias of the secular democratic movement led by Sheikh Abdullah and those remaining loyal units of J&K forces, fought off the invasion, and liberated Baramula, Naushera, Uri, Poonch etc. Gilgit had a British-led coup détat against it bringing it under Pakistan’s control. Kargil was initially taken by the Pakistanis and then lost by them. Leh could have been but was not taken by Pakistani forces. But in seeking to protect Leh and to retake Kargil, the Indian Army lost the siege of Skardu ~ which ended reputedly with the infamous communication from the Pakistani commander to his HQ: “All Sikhs killed; all women raped.”

Legal theory
Now, in this grave mortal conflict, the legal theory to which both the Indian and Pakistani Governments have been wedded for sixty years is one that had been endorsed by the British Cabinet Mission in 1946 and originated with the Butler Commission of 1929. Namely, that “Lapse of Paramountcy” over the “Indian India” of the “Native States” could and did occur with the extinction of British India on August 15, 1947. By this theory, Hyderabad, J&K, Junagadh and the several other States which had not acceded to either Dominion were no longer subject to the Crown’s suzerainty as of that date. Both Dominions drew up “Instruments of Accession” for Rulers to sign upon the supposed “Lapse” of Paramountcy that was to occur with the end of British India.

Ever since, the Pakistan Government has argued that Junagadh’s Ruler acceded to Pakistan and Hyderabad’s had wished to do so but both were forcibly prevented by India. Pakistan has also argued the accession to India by J&K’s Ruler was “fraudulent” and unacceptable, and Sheikh Abdullah was a “Quisling” of India and it was not his National Conference but the Muslim Conference of Ibrahim, Abbas and the Mirwaiz (precursor of the Hurriyat) which represented J&K’s Muslims.

India argued that Junagadh’s accession to Pakistan or Hyderabad’s independence were legal and practical impossibilities contradicting the wills of their peoples, and that their integration into the Indian Dominion was carried out in an entirely legitimate manner in the circumstances prevailing.

On J&K, India has argued that not only had the Ruler requested Indian forces to fight off the Pakistani attack, and he acceded formally before Indian forces were sent, but also that democratic principles were fully adhered to in the unequivocal endorsement of the accession by Sheikh Abdullah and the National Conference and further by a duly called and elected J&K Constituent Assembly, as well as generations of Kashmiris since. In the Indian view, it is Pakistan which has been in illegal occupation of Indian territory from Mirpur, Muzaffarabad and Gilgit to Skardu all the way to the Khunjerab Pass, Siachen Glacier and K2, some of which it illegally ceded to its Communist Chinese ally, and furthermore that it has denied the peoples of these areas any democratic voice.

Roman law
In June 1947, it was uniquely and brilliantly argued by BR Ambedkar in a statement to the Press that the British had made a catastrophic error in comprehending their own constitutional law, that no such thing as “Lapse” of Paramountcy existed, and that suzerainty over the “Native States” of “Indian India” would be automatically transferred in international law to the successor State of British India. It was a legal illusion to think any Native State could be sovereign even for a single logical moment. On this theory, if the Dominion of India was the sole successor State in international law while Pakistan was a new legal entity, then a Native State which acceded to Pakistan after August 15, 1947 would have had to do so with the consent of the suzerain power, namely, India, as may be said to have happened implicitly in case of Chitral and a few others. Equally, India’s behaviour in integrating (or annexing) Junagadh and Hyderabad, would become fully explicable ~ as would the statements of Mountbatten, Nehru and Patel before October 1947 that they would accept J&K going to Pakistan if that was what the Ruler and his people desired. Pakistan unilaterally and by surprise went to war against J&K on October 22, declared the accession to India “fraudulent”, and to this day has claimed the territory of the original State of J&K is “disputed”. Certainly, even if the Ambedkar doctrine is applied that no “Lapse” was possible under British law, Pakistan did not recognise India’s jurisdiction there as the suzerain power as of August 15, 1947. Altogether, Pakistan’s sovereign actions from October 22 onwards amounted to acting to annex J&K to itself by military force ~ acts which came to be militarily resisted (with partial success) by India allied with Sheikh Abdullah’s National Conference and the remaining forces of J&K. By these military actions, Pakistan revealed that it considered J&K territory to have descended into a legal state of anarchy as of October 22, 1947, and hence open to resolution by “Military Decision” ~ as is indeed the just outcome under Roman Law, the root of all municipal and international law today, when there is a contest between claimants over an ownerless entity.

Choice of nationality
Hence, the present author concluded (“Solving Kashmir”, The Statesman December 1-3, 2005) that the dismemberment of the original J&K State and annexation of its territories by India and Pakistan that has occurred since 1947, as represented first by the 1949 Ceasefire Line and then by the 1972 Line of Control, is indeed the just and lawful outcome prevailing in respect of the question of territorial sovereignty and jurisdiction. The remaining “democratic” question described has to do with free individual choice of nationality by the inhabitants, under conditions of full information and privacy, citizen-by-citizen, with the grant of permanent residency rights by the Indian Republic to persons under its jurisdiction in J&K who may choose not to remain Indian nationals but become Afghan, Iranian or Pakistani nationals instead. Pakistan has said frequently its sole concern has been the freedom of the Muslims of J&K under Indian rule, and any such genuine concern shall have been thereby fully met by India. Indeed, if Pakistan agreed to act similarly, this entire complex mortal problem of decades shall have begun to be peacefully resolved. Both countries are wracked by corruption, poverty and bad governance, and would be able to mutually draw down military forces pit against one another everywhere, so as to begin to repair the grave damage to their fiscal health caused by the deleterious draining away of vast public resources.

THREE
HISTORY OF JAMMU & KASHMIR by Subroto Roy First published in two parts in The Sunday Statesman, Oct 29 2006 and The Statesman Oct 30 2006, Editorial Page Special Article, www.thestatesman.net

At the advent of Islam in distant Arabia, India and Kashmir in particular were being visited by Chinese Buddhist pilgrims during Harsha’s reign. The great “Master of Law” Hiuen Tsiang visited between 629-645 and spent 631-633 in Kashmir (”Kia-chi-mi-lo”), describing it to include Punjab, Kabul and Kandahar. Over the next dozen centuries, Buddhist, Hindu, Muslim, Sikh and again Hindu monarchs came to rule the 85 mile long 40 mile wide territory on the River Jhelum’s upper course known as Srinagar Valley, as well as its adjoining Jammu in the upper plains of the Punjab and “Little Tibet” consisting of Laddakh, Baltistan and Gilgit.

In 1344, a Persian adventurer from Swat or Khorasan by name of Amir or Mirza, who had “found his way into the Valley and in time gained great influence at the Raja’s court”, proclaimed himself Sultan Shamsuddin after the death of the last Hindu monarchs of medieval Kashmir. Twelve of his descendants formed the Shamiri dynasty including the notorious Sikander and the just and tolerant Zainulabidin. Sikander who ruled 1386-1410 “submitted himself” to the Uzbek Taimur the Lame when he approached Kashmir in 1398 “and thus saved the country from invasion”. Otherwise, “Sikander was a gloomy ferocious bigot, and his zeal in destroying temples and idols was so intense that he is remembered as the Idol-Breaker. He freely used the sword to propagate Islam and succeeded in forcing the bulk of the population to conform outwardly to the Muslim religion. Most of the Brahmins refused to apostatise, and many of them paid with their lives the penalty for their steadfastness. Many others were exiled, and only a few conformed.”

Zainulabidin who ruled 1417-1467 “was a man of very different type”. “He adopted the policy of universal toleration, recalled the exiled Brahmins, repealed the jizya or poll-tax on Hindus, and even permitted new temples to be built. He abstained from eating flesh, prohibited the slaughter of kine, and was justly venerated as a saint. He encouraged literature, painting and music, and caused many translations to be made of works composed in Sanskrit, Arabic and other languages.” During his “long and prosperous reign”, he “constructed canals and built many mosques; he was just and tolerant”.

The Shamiri dynasty ended in 1541 when “some fugitive chiefs of the two local factions of the Makri and the Chakk invited Mirza Haidar Dughlat, a relation of Babar, to invade Kashmir. The country was conquered and the Mirza held it (nominally in name of Humayan) till 1551, when he was killed in a skirmish. The line… was restored for a few years, until in 1559 a Chakk leader, Ghazi Shah, usurped the throne; and in the possession of his descendants it remained for nearly thirty years.” This dynasty marks the origins of Shia Islam in Srinagar though Shia influence in Gilgit, Baltistan and Laddakh was of longer standing. Constant dissensions weakened the Chakks, and in 1586, Akbar, then at Attock on the Indus, sent an army under Raja Bhagwan Das into Srinagar Valley and easily made it part of his Empire.

Shivaism and Islam both flourished, and Hindu ascetics and Sufi saints were revered by all. Far from Muslims and Hindus forming distinct nations, here they were genetically related kinsmen living in proximity in a small isolated area for centuries. Indeed Zainulabidin may have had a vast unspoken influence on the history of all India insofar as Akbar sought to attempt in his empire what Zainulabidin achieved in the Valley. Like Zainulabidin, Akbar’s governance of India had as its “constant aim” “to conciliate the Hindus and to repress Muslim bigotry” which in modern political parlance may be seen as the principle of secular governance ~ of conciliating the powerless (whether majority or minority) and repressing the bigotry of the powerful (whether minority or majority). Akbar had made the Valley the summer residence of the Mughals, and it was Jahangir, seeing the Valley for the first time, who apparently said the words agar behest baushad, hamee in hast, hamee in hast, hamee in hast: “if Heaven exists, it is here, it is here, it is here”. Yet like other isolated paradises (such as the idyllic islands of the Pacific Ocean) an accursed mental ether can accompany the magnificent beauty of people’s surroundings. As the historian put it: “The Kashmiris remained secure in their inaccessible Valley; but they were given up to internal weakness and discord, their political importance was gone…”

After the Mughals collapsed, Iran’s Turkish ruler Nadir Shah sacked Delhi in 1739 but the Iranian court fell in disarray upon his death. In 1747 a jirga of Pashtun tribes at Kandahar “broke normal tradition” and asked an old Punjabi holy man and shrine-keeper to choose between two leaders; this man placed young wheat in the hand of the 25 year old Ahmed Shah Saddozai of the Abdali tribe, and titled him “Durrani”. Five years later, Durrani took Kashmir and for the next 67 years the Valley was under Pashtun rule, a time of “unmitigated brutality and widespread distress”. Durrani himself “was wise, prudent and simple”, never declared himself king and wore no crown, instead keeping a stick of young wheat in his turban. Leaving India, he famously recited: “The Delhi throne is beautiful indeed, but does it compare with the mountains of Kandahar?”

Kashmir’s modern history begins with Ranjit Singh of the Sikhs who became a soldier at 12, and in 1799 at age 19 was made Lahore’s Governor by Kabul’s Zaman Shah. Three years later “he made himself master of Amritsar”, and in 1806 crossed the River Sutlej and took Ludhiana. He created a fine Sikh infantry and cavalry under former officers of Napoleon, and with 80,000 trained men and 500 guns took Multan and Peshawar, defeated the Pashtuns and overran Kashmir in 1819. The “cruel rule” of the Pashtuns ended “to the great relief of Kashmir’s inhabitants”.

The British Governor-General Minto (ancestor of the later Viceroy), seeing advantage in the Sikhs staying north of the Sutlej, sent Charles Metcalfe, “a clever young civilian”, to persuade the Khalsa; in 1809, Ranjit Singh and the British in the first Treaty of Amritsar agreed to establish “perpetual amity”: the British would “have no concern” north of the Sutlej and Ranjit Singh would keep only minor personnel south of it. In 1834 and 1838 Ranjit Singh was struck by paralysis and died in 1839, leaving no competent heir. The Sikh polity collapsed, “their power exploded, disappearing in fierce but fast flames”. It was “a period of storm and anarchy in which assassination was the rule” and the legitimate line of his son and grandson, Kharak Singh and Nao Nihal Singh was quickly extinguished. In 1845 the Queen Regent, mother of the five-year old Dalip Singh, agreed to the Khalsa ending the 1809 Treaty. After bitter battles that might have gone either way, the Khalsa lost at Sobraon on 10 February 1846, and accepted terms of surrender in the 9 March 1846 Treaty of Lahore. The kingdom had not long survived its founder: “created by the military and administrative genius of one man, it crumbled into powder when the spirit which gave it life was withdrawn; and the inheritance of the Khalsa passed into the hands of the English.”

Ranjit Singh’s influence on modern J&K was even greater through his having mentored the Rajput Gulab Singh Dogra (1792-1857) and his brothers Dhyan Singh and Suchet Singh. Jammu had been ruled by Ranjit Deo until 1780 when the Sikhs made it tributary to the Lahore Court. Gulab Singh, a great grand nephew of Ranjit Deo, had left home at age 17 in search of a soldierly fortune, and ended up in 1809 in Ranjit Singh’s army, just when Ranjit Singh had acquired for himself a free hand to expand his domains north of the River Sutlej.

Gulab Singh, an intrepid soldier, by 1820 had Jammu conferred upon him by Ranjit Singh with the title of Raja, while Bhimber, Chibal, Poonch and Ramnagar went to his brothers. Gulab Singh, “often unscrupulous and cruel, was a man of considerable ability and efficiency”; he “found his small kingdom a troublesome charge but after ten years of constant struggles he and his two brothers became masters of most of the country between Kashmir and the Punjab”, though Srinagar Valley itself remained under a separate Governor appointed by the Lahore Court. Gulab Singh extended Jammu’s rule from Rawalpindi, Bhimber, Rajouri, Bhadarwah and Kishtwar, across Laddakh and into Tibet. His General Zorawar Singh led six expeditions into Laddakh between 1834 and 1841 through Kishtwar, Padar and Zanskar. In May 1841, Zorawar left Leh with an army of 5000 Dogras and Laddakhis and advanced on Tibet. Defeating the Tibetans at Rudok and Tashigong, he reached Minsar near Lake Mansarovar from where he advanced to Taklakot (Purang), 15 miles from the borders of Nepal and Kumaon, and built a fort stopping for the winter. Lhasa sent large re-inforcements to meet him. Zorawar, deciding to take the offensive, was killed in the Battle of Toyu, on 11-12 December 1841 at 16,000 feet.

A Laddakhi rebellion resulted against Jammu, aided now by the advancing Tibetans. A new army was sent under Hari Chand suppressing the rebellion and throwing back the Tibetans, leading to a peace treaty between Lhasa and Jammu signed on 17 September 1842: “We have agreed that we have no ill-feelings because of the past war. The two kings will henceforth remain friends forever. The relationship between Maharajah Gulab Singh of Kashmir and the Lama Guru of Lhasa (Dalai Lama) is now established. The Maharajah Sahib, with God (Kunchok) as his witness, promises to recognise ancient boundaries, which should be looked after by each side without resorting to warfare. When the descendants of the early kings, who fled from Laddakh to Tibet, now return they will not be stopped by Shri Maharajah. Trade between Laddakh and Tibet will continue as usual. Tibetan government traders coming into Laddakh will receive free transport and accommodations as before, and the Laddakhi envoy will, in turn, receive the same facilities in Lhasa. The Laddakhis take an oath before God (Kunchok) that they will not intrigue or create new troubles in Tibetan territory. We have agreed, with God as witness, that Shri Maharajah Sahib and the Lama Guru of Lhasa will live together as members of the same household.” The traditional boundary between Laddakh and Tibet “as recognised by both sides since olden times” was accepted by the envoys of Gulab Singh and the Dalai Lama.

An earlier 1684 treaty between Laddakh and Lhasa had said that while Laddakh would send tribute to Lhasa every three years, “the king of Laddakh reserves to himself the village of Minsar in Ngarees-khor-sum, that he may be independent there; and he sets aside its revenue for the purpose of meeting the expense involved in keeping up the sacrificial lights at Kangree (Kailas), and the Holy Lakes of Mansarovar and Rakas Tal”. The area around Minsar village near Lake Mansarovar, held by the rulers of Laddakh since 1583, was retained by Jammu in the 1842 peace-treaty, and its revenue was received by J&K State until 1948.

After Ranjit Singh’s death in 1839, Gulab Singh was alienated from the Lahore Court where the rise of his brothers and a nephew aroused enough Khalsa jealousy to see them assassinated in palace intrigues. While the Sikhs imploded, Gulab Singh had expanded his own dominion from Rawalpindi to Minsar ~ everywhere except Srinagar Valley itself. He had apparently advised the Sikhs not to attack the British in breach of the 1809 Treaty, and when they did so he had not joined them, though had he done so British power in North India might have been broken. The British were grateful for his neutrality and also his help in their first misbegotten adventure in Afghanistan. It was Gulab Singh who was now encouraged by both the British and the Sikhs to mediate between them, indeed “to take a leading part in arranging conditions of peace”, and he formally represented the Sikh regency in the negotiations. The 9 March 1846 Treaty of Lahore “set forth that the British Government having demanded in addition to a certain assignment of territory, a payment of a crore and a half of rupees, and the Sikh Government being unable to pay the whole”, Dalip Singh “should cede as equivalent to one crore the hill country belonging to the Punjab between the Beas and the Indus including Kashmir and the Hazara”.

For the British to occupy the whole of this mountainous territory was judged unwise on economic and military grounds; it was not feasible to occupy from a military standpoint and the area “with the exception of the small Valley of Kashmir” was “for the most part unproductive”. “On the other hand, the ceded tracts comprised the whole of the hereditary possessions of Gulab Singh, who, being eager to obtain an indefeasible title to them, came forward and offered to pay the war indemnity on condition that he was made the independent ruler of Jammu & Kashmir.

A separate treaty embodying this arrangement was thus concluded between the British and Gulab Singh at Amritsar on 16 March 1846.” Gulab Singh acknowledged the British Government’s supremacy, and in token of it agreed to present annually to the British Government “one horse, twelve shawl goats of approved breed and three pairs of Kashmir shawls. This arrangement was later altered; the annual presentation made by the Kashmir State was confined to two Kashmir shawls and three romals (handkerchiefs).” The Treaty of Amritsar “put Gulab Singh, as Maharaja, in possession of all the hill country between the Indus and the Ravi, including Kashmir, Jammu, Laddakh and Gilgit; but excluding Lahoul, Kulu and some areas including Chamba which for strategic purposes, it was considered advisable (by the British) to retain and for which a remission of Rs 25 lakhs was made from the crore demanded, leaving Rs 75 lakhs as the final amount to be paid by Gulab Singh.” The British retained Hazara which in 1918 was included into NWFP. Through an intrigue emanating from Prime Minister Lal Singh in Lahore, Imamuddin, the last Sikh-appointed Governor of Kashmir, sought to prevent Gulab Singh taking possession of the Valley in accordance with the Treaty’s terms. By December 1846 Gulab Singh had done so, though only with help of a British force which included 17,000 Sikh troops “who had been fighting in the campaign just concluded”. (Contemporary British opinion even predicted Sikhism like Buddhism “would become extinct in a short time if it were not kept alive by the esprit de corps of the Sikh regiments”.)

The British in 1846 may have been glad enough to allow Gulab Singh take independent charge of the new entity that came to be now known as the “State of Jammu & Kashmir”. Later, however. they and their American allies would grow keen to control or influence the region vis-à-vis their new interests against the Russian and Soviet Empires.

FOUR
PAKISTAN’S ALLIES by Subroto Roy First published in two parts in The Sunday Statesman, June 4 2006, The Statesman June 5 2006, Editorial Page Special Article, www.thestatesman.net

From the 1846 Treaty of Amritsar creating the State of Jammu & Kashmir until the collapse of the USSR in 1991, Britain and later the USA became increasingly interested in the subcontinent’s Northwest. The British came to India by sea to trade. Barren, splendid, landlocked Afghanistan held no interest except as a home of fierce tribes; but it was the source of invasions into the Indian plains and prompted a British misadventure to install Shah Shuja in place of Dost Mohammad Khan leading to ignominious defeat. Later, Afghanistan was seen as the underbelly of the Russian and Soviet empires, and hence a location of interest to British and American strategic causes.

In November 1954, US President Dwight Eisenhower authorized 30 U-2 spy aircraft to be produced for deployment against America’s perceived enemies, especially to investigate Soviet nuclear missiles which could reach the USA. Reconnaissance balloons had been unsuccessful, and numerous Western pilots had been shot down taking photographs from ordinary military aircraft. By June 1956, U-2 were making clandestine flights over the USSR and China. But on May 1 1960, one was shot or forced down over Sverdlovsk, 1,000 miles within Soviet territory. The Americans prevaricated that it had taken off from Turkey on a weather-mission, and been lost due to oxygen problems. Nikita Kruschev then produced the pilot, Francis Gary Powers, who was convicted of spying, though was exchanged later for a Soviet spy. Powers had been headed towards Norway, his task to photograph Soviet missiles from 70,000 ft, his point of origin had been an American base 20 miles from Peshawar.

America needed clandestine “forward bases” from which to fly U-2 aircraft, and Pakistan’s ingratiating military and diplomatic establishment was more than willing to offer such cooperation, fervently wishing to be seen as a “frontline state” against the USSR. “We will help you defeat the USSR and we are hopeful you will help us defeat India” became their constant refrain. By 1986, the Americans had been permitted to build air-bases in Balochistan and also use Mauripur air-base near Karachi.

Jammu & Kashmir and especially Gilgit-Baltistan adjoins the Pashtun regions whose capital has been Peshawar. In August-November 1947, a British coup d’etat against J&K State secured Gilgit-Baltistan for the new British Dominion of Pakistan.

The Treaty of Amritsar had nowhere required Gulab Singh’s dynasty to accept British political control in J&K as came to be exercised by British “Residents” in all other Indian “Native States”. Despite this, Delhi throughout the late 19th Century relentlessly pressed Gulab Singh’s successors Ranbir Singh and Partab Singh to accept political control. The Dogras acquiesced eventually. Delhi’s desire for control had less to do with the welfare of J&K’s people than with protection of increasing British interests in the area, like European migration to Srinagar Valley and guarding against Russian or German moves in Afghanistan. “Sargin” or “Sargin Gilit”, later corrupted by the Sikhs and Dogras into “Gilgit”, had an ancient people who spoke an archaic Dardic language “intermediate between the Iranian and the Sanskritic”. “The Dards were located by Ptolemy with surprising accuracy on the West of the Upper Indus, beyond the headwaters of the Swat River (Greek: Soastus) and north of the Gandarae (i.e. Kandahar), who occupied Peshawar and the country north of it. This region was traversed by two Chinese pilgrims, Fa-Hsien, coming from the north about AD 400 and Hsuan Tsiang, ascending from Swat in AD 629, and both left records of their journeys.”

Gilgit had been historically ruled by a Hindu dynasty called Trakane; when they became extinct, Gilgit Valley “was desolated by successive invasions of neighbouring rulers, and in the 20 or 30 years ending with 1842 there had been five dynastic revolutions. The Sikhs entered Gilgit about 1842 and kept a garrison there.” When J&K came under Gulab Singh, “the Gilgit claims were transferred with it, and a boundary commission was sent” by the British. In 1852 the Dogras were driven out with 2,000 dead. In 1860 under Ranbir Singh, the Dogras “returned to Gilgit and took Yasin twice, but did not hold it. They also in 1866 invaded Darel, one of the most secluded Dard states, to the south of the Gilgit basin but withdrew again.”

The British appointed a Political Agent in Gilgit in 1877 but he was withdrawn in 1881. “In 1889, in order to guard against the advance of Russia, the British Government, acting as the suzerain power of Kashmir, established the Gilgit Agency”. The Agency was re-established under control of the British Resident in Jammu & Kashmir. “It comprised the Gilgit Wazarat; the State of Hunza and Nagar; the Punial Jagir; the Governorships of Yasin, Kuh-Ghizr and Ishkoman, and Chilas”. In 1935, the British demanded J&K lease to them for 60 years Gilgit town plus most of the Gilgit Agency and the hill-states Hunza, Nagar, Yasin and Ishkuman. Hari Singh had no choice but to acquiesce. The leased region was then treated as part of British India, administered by a Political Agent at Gilgit responsible to Delhi, first through the Resident in J& K and later a British Agent in Peshawar. J& K State no longer kept troops in Gilgit and a mercenary force, the Gilgit Scouts, was recruited with British officers and paid for by Delhi. In April 1947, Delhi decided to formally retrocede the leased areas to Hari Singh’s J& K State as of 15 August 1947. The transfer was to formally take place on 1 August.

On 31 July, Hari Singh’s Governor arrived to find “all the officers of the British Government had opted for service in Pakistan”. The Gilgit Scouts’ commander, a Major William Brown aged 25, and his adjutant, a Captain Mathieson, planned openly to engineer a coup détat against Hari Singh’s Government. Between August and October, Gilgit was in uneasy calm. At midnight on 31 October 1947, the Governor was surrounded by the Scouts and the next day he was “arrested” and a provisional government declared.

Hari Singh’s nearest forces were at Bunji, 34 miles from Gilgit, a few miles downstream from where the Indus is joined by Gilgit River. The 6th J& K Infantry Battalion there was a mixed Sikh-Muslim unit, typical of the State’s Army, commanded by a Lt Col. Majid Khan. Bunji controlled the road to Srinagar. Further upstream was Skardu, capital of Baltistan, part of Laddakh District where there was a small garrison. Following Brown’s coup in Gilgit, Muslim soldiers of the 6th Infantry massacred their Sikh brothers-at-arms at Bunji. The few Sikhs who survived escaped to the hills and from there found their way to the garrison at Skardu.

On 4 November 1947, Brown raised the new Pakistani flag in the Scouts’ lines, and by the third week of November a Political Agent from Pakistan had established himself at Gilgit. Brown had engineered Gilgit and its adjoining states to first secede from J&K, and, after some talk of being independent, had promptly acceded to Pakistan. His commander in Peshawar, a Col. Bacon, as well as Col. Iskander Mirza, Defence Secretary in the new Pakistan and later to lead the first military coup détat and become President of Pakistan, were pleased enough. In July 1948, Brown was awarded an MBE (Military) and the British Governor of the NWFP got him a civilian job with ICI~ which however sent him to Calcutta, where he came to be attacked and left for dead on the streets by Sikhs avenging the Bunji massacre. Brown survived, returned to England, started a riding school, and died in 1984. In March 1994, Pakistan awarded his widow the Sitara-I-Pakistan in recognition of his coup détat.

Gilgit’s ordinary people had not participated in Brown’s coup which carried their fortunes into the new Pakistan, and to this day appear to remain without legislative representation. It was merely assumed that since they were mostly Muslim in number they would wish to be part of Pakistan ~ which also became Liaquat Ali Khan’s assumption about J&K State as a whole in his 1950 statements in North America. What the Gilgit case demonstrates is that J&K State’s descent into a legal condition of ownerless anarchy open to “Military Decision” had begun even before the Pakistani invasion of 22 October 1947 (viz. “Solving Kashmir”, The Statesman, 1-3 December 2005). Also, whatever else the British said or did with respect to J & K, they were closely allied to the new Pakistan on the matter of Gilgit.

The peak of Pakistan’s Anglo-American alliance came with the enormous support in the 1980s to guerrilla forces created and headquartered in Peshawar, to battle the USSR and Afghan communists directly across the Durand Line. It was this guerrilla war which became a proximate cause of the collapse of the USSR as a political entity in 1991. President Ronald Reagan’s CIA chief William J. Casey sent vast sums in 1985-1988 to supply and train these guerrillas. The Washington Post and New Yorker reported the CIA training guerrillas “in the use of mortars, rocket grenades, ground-to-air missiles”. 200 hand-held Stinger missiles were supplied for the first time in 1986 and the New Yorker reported Gulbudin Hikmatyar’s “Hizbe Islami” guerrillas being trained to bring down Soviet aircraft. “Mujahideen had been promised two Stingers for every Soviet aircraft brought down. Operators who failed to aim correctly were given additional training… By 1986, the United States was so deeply involved in the Afghan war that Soviet aircraft were being brought down under the supervision of American experts”. (Raja Anwar, The Tragedy of Afghanistan, 1988, p. 234).

The budding US-China détente brokered by Pakistan came into full bloom here. NBC News on 7 January 1980 said “for the first time in history (a senior State Department official) publicly admitted the possibility of concluding a military alliance between the United States and China”. London’s Daily Telegraph reported on 5 January 1980 “China is flying large supplies of arms and ammunition to the insurgents in Afghanistan. According to diplomatic reports, supplies have arrived in Pakistan from China via the Karakoram Highway…. A major build-up of Chinese involvement is underway ~ in the past few days. Scores of Chinese instructors have arrived at the Shola-e-Javed camps.”

Afghan reports in 1983-1985 said “there were eight training camps near the Afghan border operated by the Chinese in Sinkiang province” and that China had supplied the guerrillas “with a variety of weapons including 40,000 RPG-7 and 20,000 RPG-II anti tank rocket launchers.” Like Pakistan, “China did not publicly admit its involvement in the Afghan conflict: in 1985 the Chinese Mission at the UN distributed a letter denying that China was extending any kind of help to the Afghan rebels” (Anwar, ibid. p. 234). Support extended deep and wide across the Arab world. “The Saudi and Gulf rulers … became the financial patrons of the Afghan rebels from the very start of the conflict”. Anwar Sadat, having won the Nobel Peace Prize, was “keen to claim credit for his role in Afghanistan…. by joining the Afghanistan jihad, Sadat could re-establish his Islamic credentials, or so he believed. He could thus not only please the Muslim nations but also place the USA and Israel in his debt.” Sadat’s Defence Minister said in January 1980: “Army camps have been opened for the training of Afghan rebels; they are being supplied with weapons from Egypt” and Sadat told NBC News on 22 September 1981 “that for the last twenty-one months, the USA had been buying arms from Egypt for the Afghan rebels. He said he had been approached by the USA in December 1979 and he had decided to `open my stores’. He further disclosed that these arms were being flown to Pakistan from Egypt by American aircraft. Egypt had vast supplies of SAM-7 and RPG-7 anti-aircraft and anti-tank weapons which Sadat agreed to supply to Afghanistan in exchange for new American arms. The Soviet weapons, being light, were ideally suited to guerrilla warfare. … the Mujahideen could easily claim to have captured them from Soviet and Afghan troops in battle.… Khomeini’s Iran got embroiled in war (against Iraq) otherwise Kabul would also have had to contend with the full might of the Islamic revolutionaries.” (Anwar ibid. p. 235).

Afghanistan had been occupied on 26-27 December 1979 by Soviet forces sent by the decrepit Leonid Brezhnev and Yuri Andropov to carry out a putsch replacing one communist, Hafizullah Amin, with a rival communist and Soviet protégé, Babrak Karmal. By 1985 Brezhnev and Andropov were dead and Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev had begun his attempts to reform the Soviet system, usher in openness, end the Cold War and in particular withdraw from Afghanistan, which by 1986 he had termed “a bleeding wound”. Gorbachev replaced Karmal with a new protégé Najibullah Khan, who was assigned the impossible task of bringing about national reconciliation with the Pakistan-based guerrillas and form a national government. Soviet forces withdrew from Afghanistan in February 1989 having lost 14,500 dead, while more than a million Afghans had been killed since the invasion a decade earlier.

Not long after Russia’s Bolshevik Revolution, Gregory Zinoviev had said that international communism “turns today to the peoples of the East and says to them, `Brothers, we summon you to a Holy War first of all against British imperialism!’ At this there were cries of Jehad! Jehad! And much brandishing of picturesque Oriental weapons.” (Treadgold, Twentieth Century Russia, 1990, p. 213). Now instead, the Afghan misadventure had contributed to the collapse of the Soviet Empire itself, the USSR ceasing to be a political entity by 1991, and even Gorbachev being displaced by Boris Yeltsin and later Vladimir Putin in a new Russia.

What resulted for the people of the USA and Britain and the West in general was that they no longer had to live under threat of hostile Soviet tanks and missiles, while the people of Russia, Ukraine and the other erstwhile Soviet republics as well as Eastern Europe were able to throw off the yoke of communism that had oppressed them since the Bolshevik Revolution and instead to breathe the air of freedom.

What happened to the people of Afghanistan, however, was that they were plunged into further ghastly civil war for more than ten years. And what happened to the people of Pakistan was that their country was left resembling a gigantic Islamist military camp, awash with airfields, arms, ammunition and trained guerrillas, as well as a military establishment enlivened as always by perpetual hope that these supplies, provisions and personnel of war might find alternative use in attacks against India over J& K. “We helped you when you wished to see the Soviet Union defeated and withdrawing in Afghanistan”, Pakistan’s generals and diplomats pleaded with the Americans and British, “now you must help us in our wish to see India defeated and withdrawing in Kashmir”. Pakistan’s leaders even believed that just as the Soviet Union had disintegrated afterwards, the Indian Union perhaps might be made to do the same. Not only were the two cases as different as chalk from cheese, Palmerstone’s dictum there are no permanent allies in the politics of nations could not have found more apt use than in what actually came to take place next.

Pakistan’s generals and diplomats felt betrayed by the loss of Anglo-American paternalism towards them after 1989.

Modern Pakistanis had never felt they subscribed to the Indian nationalist movement culminating in independence in August 1947. The Pakistani state now finally declared its independence in the world by exploding bombs in a nuclear arsenal secretly created with help purchased from China and North Korea. Pakistan’s leaders thus came to feel in some control of Pakistan’s destiny as a nation-state for the first time, more than fifty years after Pakistan’s formal creation in 1947. If nothing else, at least they had the Bomb.

Secondly, America and its allies would not be safe for long since the civil war they had left behind in Afghanistan while trying to defeat the USSR now became a brew from which arose a new threat of violent Islamism. Osama bin Laden and the Taliban, whom Pakistan’s military and the USA had promoted, now encouraged unprecedented attacks on the American mainland on September 11 2001 ~ causing physical and psychological damage which no Soviet, Chinese or Cuban missiles ever had been allowed to do. In response, America attacked and removed the Taliban regime in Afghanistan, once again receiving the cooperative use of Pakistani manpower and real estate ~ except now there was no longer any truck with the Pakistani establishment’s wish for a quid pro quo of Anglo-American support against India on J&K. Pakistan’s generals and diplomats soon realised their Anglo-American alliance of more than a half-century ended on September 11 2001. Their new cooperation was in killing or arresting and handing over fellow-Muslims and necessarily lacked their earlier feelings of subservience and ingratiation towards the Americans and British, and came to be done instead under at least some duress. No benefit could be reaped any more in the fight against India over Jammu & Kashmir. An era had ended in the subcontinent.

FIVE

WHAT TO TELL MUSHARRAF: PEACE IS IMPOSSIBLE WITHOUT NON-AGGRESSIVE PAKISTANI INTENTIONS by Subroto Roy, First published in The Statesman December 15 2006 Editorial Page Special Article, www.thestatesman.net

SIX

“AN INDIAN REPLY TO PRESIDENT ZARDARI: REWARDING PAKISTAN FOR BAD BEHAVIOUR LEADS TO SCHIZOPHRENIC RELATIONSHIPS”

by Subroto Roy, December 17 2008

Pakistan President Asif Ali Zardari’s recent argument in the New York Times resembles closely the well-known publications of his ambassador to the United States, Mr Husain Haqqani. Unfortunately, this Zardari-Haqqani thesis about Pakistan’s current predicament in the world and the world’s predicament with Pakistan is shot through with clear factual and logical errors. These need to be aired because true or useful conclusions cannot be reached from mistaken premises or faulty reasoning.

1. Origins of Pakistan, India, J&K, and their mutual problems

Mr Zardari makes the following seemingly innocuous statement:

“…. the two great nations of Pakistan and India, born together from the same revolution and mandate in 1947, must continue to move forward with the peace process.”

Now as a matter of simple historical fact, the current entities in the world system known as India and Pakistan were not “born together from the same revolution and mandate in 1947”. It is palpably false to suppose they were and Pakistanis indulge in wishful thinking and self-deception about their own political history if they suppose this.

India’s Republic arose out of the British Dominion known as “India” which was the legal successor of the entity known previously in international law as “British India”. British India had had secular governance and so has had the Indian Republic.

By contrast, the Islamic Republic of Pakistan arose out of a newly created state in international law known as the British Dominion of Pakistan, consisting of designated territory carved out of British India by a British decision and coming into existence one day before British India extinguished itself. (Another new state, Bangladesh, later seceded from Pakistan.)

The British decision to create territory designated “Pakistan” had nothing to do with any anti-British “revolution” or “mandate” supported by any Pakistani nationalism because there was none. (Rahmat Ali’s anti-Hindu pamphleteering in London could be hardly considered Pakistani nationalism against British rule. Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan’s Pashtun patriots saw themselves as Indian, not Pakistani.)

To the contrary, the British decision had to do with a small number of elite Pakistanis — MA Jinnah foremost among them — demanding not to be part of the general Indian nationalist movement that had been demanding a British departure from power in the subcontinent. Jinnah’s separatist party, the Muslim League, was trounced in the 1937 provincial elections in all the Muslim-majority areas of British India that would eventually become Pakistan. Despite this, in September 1939, Britain, at war with Nazi Germany, chose to elevate the political power of Jinnah and his League to parity with the general Indian nationalist movement led by MK Gandhi. (See, Francis Robinson, in William James and Subroto Roy (eds), Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s.) Britain needed India’s mostly Muslim infantry-divisions — the progenitors of the present-day Pakistan Army — and if that meant tilting towards a risky political idea of “Pakistan” in due course, so it would be. The thesis that Pakistan arose from any kind of “revolution” or “mandate” in 1947 is fantasy — the Muslim super-elite that invented and endorsed the Pakistan idea flew from Delhi to Karachi in chartered BOAC Dakotas, caring not a hoot about the vulnerability of ordinary Muslim masses to Sikh and Hindu majority wrath and retaliation on the ground.

Modern India succeeded to the rights and obligations of British India in international law, and has had a recognized existence as a state since at least the signing of the Armistice and Treaty of Versailles in 1918-1919. India was a founding member of the United Nations, being a signatory of the 1945 San Francisco Declaration, and an original member of the Bretton Woods institutions. An idea put forward by Argentina that as of 1947 India and Pakistan were both successor states of British India was rejected by the UN (Argentina withdrew its own suggestion), and it was universally acknowledged India was already a member of the UN while Pakistan would have to (and did) apply afresh for membership as a newly created state in the UN. Pakistan’s entry into the UN had the enthusiastic backing of India and was opposed by only one existing UN member, Afghanistan, due to a conflict that continues to this day over the legitimacy of the Durand Line that bifurcated the Pashtun areas.

Such a review of elementary historical facts and the position in law of Pakistan and India is far from being of merely pedantic interest today. Rather, it goes directly to the logical roots of the conflict over the erstwhile State of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) — a state that itself originated as an entity in the world system a full century before Pakistan was to do so and more than half a century before British India did, but which would collapse into anarchy and civil war in 1947-1949.

Britain (or England) had been a major nation-state in the world system recognized since Grotius first outlined modern international law. On March 16 1846, Britain entered into a treaty, the Treaty of Amritsar, with one Gulab Singh, and the “State of Jammu & Kashmir” came to arise as a recognizable entity in international law for the first time. (See my “History of Jammu and Kashmir” published in The Statesman, Oct 29-30 2006, available elsewhere here.)

Jammu & Kashmir continued in orderly existence as a state until it crashed into legal and political anarchy and civil war a century later. The new Pakistan had entered into a “Standstill Agreement” with the State of Jammu & Kashmir as of August 15 1947. On or about October 22 1947, Pakistan unilaterally ended that Standstill Agreement and instead caused military forces from its territory to attack the State of Jammu & Kashmir along the Mansehra Road towards Baramula and Srinagar, coinciding too with an Anglo-Pakistani coup d’etat in Gilgit and Baltistan (see my “Solving Kashmir”; “Law, Justice & J&K”; “Pakistan’s Allies”, all published in The Statesman in 2005-2006 and available elsewhere here).

The new Pakistan had chosen, in all deliberation, to forswear law, politics and diplomacy and to resort to force of arms instead in trying to acquire J&K for itself via a military decision. It succeeded only partially. Its forces took and then lost both Baramula and Kargil; they may have threatened Leh but did not attempt to take it; they did take and retain Muzaffarabad and Skardu; they were never near taking the summer capital, Srinagar, though might have threatened the winter capital, Jammu.

All in all, a Ceasefire Line came to be demarcated on the military positions as of February 1 1949. After a war in 1971 that accompanied the secession of Bangladesh from Pakistan, that Ceasefire Line came to be renamed the “Line of Control” between Pakistan and India. An ownerless entity may be acquired by force of arms — the erstwhile State of Jammu & Kashmir in 1947-1949 had become an ownerless entity that had been dismembered and divided according to military decision following an armed conflict between Pakistan and India. The entity in the world system known as the “State of Jammu & Kashmir” created on March 16 1846 by Gulab Singh’s treaty with the British ceased to exist as of October 22 1947. Pakistan had started the fight over J&K but there is a general rule of conflicts that he who starts a fight does not get to finish it.

Such is the simplest and most practical statement of the history of the current problem. The British, through their own compulsions and imperial pretensions, raised all the talk about a “Lapse of Paramountcy” of the British Crown over the “Native Princes” of “Indian India”, and of how, the “Native Princes” were required to “accede” to either India or Pakistan. This ignored Britain’s own constitutional law. BR Ambedkar pointed out with unsurpassed clarity that no “Lapse of Paramountcy” was possible even for a single logical moment since “Paramountcy” over any “Native Princes” who had not joined India or Pakistan as of August 15 1947, automatically passed from British India to its legal successor, namely, the Dominion of India. It followed that India’s acquiescence was required for any subsequent accession to Pakistan – an acquiescence granted in case of Chitral and denied in case of Junagadh.

What the Republic of India means by saying today that boundaries cannot be redrawn nor any populations forcibly transferred is quite simply that the division of erstwhile J&K territory is permanent, and that sovereignty over it is indivisible. What Pakistan has claimed is that India has been an occupier and that there are many people inhabiting the Indian area who may not wish to be Indian nationals and who are being compelled against their will to remain so ~ forgetting to add that precisely the same could be said likewise of the Pakistani-held area. The lawful solution I proposed in “Solving Kashmir, “Law, Justice and J&K” and other works has been that the Republic of India invite every person covered under its Article 370, citizen-by-citizen, under a condition of full information, to privately and without fear decide, if he/she has not done so already, between possible Indian, Iranian, Afghan or Pakistani nationalities ~ granting rights and obligations of permanent residents to any of those persons who may choose for whatever private reason not to remain Indian nationals. If Pakistan acted likewise, the problem of J&K would indeed come to be resolved. The Americans, as self-appointed mediators, have said they wish “the people of the region to have a voice” in a solution: there can be no better expression of such voice than allowing individuals to privately choose their own nationalities and their rights and responsibilities accordingly. The issue of territorial sovereignty is logically distinct from that of the choice of nationality by individual inhabitants.

2. Benazir’s assassination falsely compared to the Mumbai massacres
Secondly, President Zardari draws a mistaken comparison between the assassination last year of his wife, Benazir Bhutto, and the Mumbai massacres a few weeks ago. Ms Bhutto’s assassination may resemble more closely the assassinations in India of Indira Gandhi in 1984 and Rajiv Gandhi in 1991.

Indira Gandhi died in “blowback” from the unrest she and her younger son and others in their party had opportunistically fomented among Sikh fundamentalists and sectarians since the late 1970s. Rajiv Gandhi died in “blowback” from an erroneous imperialistic foreign policy that he, as Prime Minister, had been induced to make by jingoistic Indian diplomats, a move that got India’s military needlessly involved in the then-nascent Sri Lankan civil war. Benazir Bhutto similarly may be seen to have died in “blowback” from her own political activity as prime minister and opposition leader since the late 1980s, including her own encouragement of Muslim fundamentalist forces. Certainly in all three cases, as in all assassinations, there were lapses of security too and imprudent political judgments made that contributed to the tragic outcomes.

Ms Bhutto’s assassination has next to nothing to do with the Mumbai massacres, besides the fact the perpetrators in both cases were Pakistani terrorists. President Zardari saying he himself has lost his wife to terrorism is true but not relevant to the proper diagnosis of the Mumbai massacres or to Pakistan-India relations in general. Rather, it serves to deflect criticism and condemnation of the Pakistani state’s pampered handing of Pakistan’s terrorist masterminds, as well as the gross irresponsibility of Pakistan’s military scientists (not AQ Khan) who have been recently advocating a nuclear first strike against India in the event of war.

3. Can any religious nation-state be viable in the modern world?

President Zardari’s article says:

“The world worked to exploit religion against the Soviet Union in Afghanistan by empowering the most fanatic extremists as an instrument of destruction of a superpower. The strategy worked, but its legacy was the creation of an extremist militia with its own dynamic.”

This may be overly simplistic. As pointed out in my article “Pakistan’s Allies”, Gregory Zinoviev himself after the Bolshevik Revolution had declared that international communism “turns today to the peoples of the East and says to them, ‘Brothers, we summon you to a Holy War first of all against British imperialism!’ At this there were cries of Jehad! Jehad! And much brandishing of picturesque Oriental weapons.” (Treadgold, Twentieth Century Russia, 1990, p. 213). For more than half of the 20th century, orthodox Muslims had been used by Soviet communists against British imperialism, then by the British and Americans (through Pakistan) against Soviet communism. Touché! Blowback and counter-blowback! The real question that arises from this today may be why orthodox Muslims have allowed themselves to be used either way by outside forces and have failed in developing a modern nation-state and political culture of their own. Europe and America only settled down politically after their religious wars were over. Perhaps no religious nation-state is viable in the modern world.

4. Pakistan’s behaviour leads to schizophrenia in international relations

President Zardari pleads for, or perhaps demands, resources from the world:

“the best response to the Mumbai carnage is to coordinate in counteracting the scourge of terrorism. The world must act to strengthen Pakistan’s economy and democracy, help us build civil society and provide us with the law enforcement and counterterrorism capacities that will enable us to fight the terrorists effectively.”

Six million pounds from Mr Gordon Brown, so much from here or there etc – President Zardari has apparently demanded 100 billion dollars from America and that is the price being talked about for Pakistan to dismantle its nuclear weapons and be brought under an American “nuclear umbrella” instead.

I have pointed out elsewhere that what Pakistan seems to have been doing in international relations for decades is send out “mixed messages” – i.e. contradictory signals, whether in thought, word or deed. Clinical psychologists following the work of Gregory Bateson would say this leads to confusion among Pakistan’s interlocutors (a “double bind”) and the symptoms arise of what may be found in schizophrenic relationships. (See my article “Do President-elect Obama’s Pakistan specialists believe…”; on the “double bind” theory, an article I chanced to publish in the Journal of Genetic Psychology, 1986, may be of interest).

Here are a typical set of “mixed messages” emanating from Pakistan’s government and opinion-makers:

“We have nuclear weapons
“We keep our nuclear weapons safe from any misuse or unauthorized use
“We are willing to use nuclear weapons in a first strike against India
“We do not comprehend the lessons of Hiroshima-Nagasaki
“We do not comprehend the destruction India will visit upon us if we strike them
“We are dangerous so we must not be threatened in any way
“We are peace-loving and want to live in peace with India and Afghanistan
“We love to play cricket with India and watch Bollywood movies
“We love our Pakistan Army as it is one public institution that works
“We know the Pakistan Army has backed armed militias against India in the past
“We know these militias have caused terrorist attacks
“We are not responsible for any terrorist attacks
“We do not harbour any terrorists
“We believe the world should pay us to not use or sell our nuclear weapons
“We believe the world should pay us to not encourage the terrorists in our country
“We believe the world should pay us to prevent terrorists from using our nuclear weapons
“We hate India and do not want to become like India
“We love India and want to become like India
“We are India and we are not India…”

Etc.

A mature rational responsible and self-confident Pakistan would have said instead:

“We apologise to India and other countries for the outrageous murders our nationals have committed in Mumbai and elsewhere
“We ask the world to watch how our professional army is deployed to disarm civilian and all “non-state” actors of unauthorized firearms and explosives
“We do not need and will not demand or accept a dollar in any sort of foreign aid, military or civilian, to solve our problems
“We realize our economic and political institutions are a mess and we must clean them up
“We will strive to build a society imbued with what Iqbal described as the spirit of modern times..”

As someone who created at great personal cost at an American university twenty years ago the book Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s, I have a special interest in hoping that Pakistan shall find the path of wisdom.”

“Understanding China”, The Statesman Oct 22 2007

“India-US interests: Elements of a serious Indian foreign policy”, The Statesman Oct 30 2007

“China’s India Aggression”, The Statesman, Nov 5 2007,

“Surrender or Fight? War is not a cricket match or Bollywood movie. Can India fight China if it must? “ The Statesman, Dec 4 2007

“China’s Commonwealth: Freedom is the Road to Resolving Taiwan, Tibet, Sinkiang” The Statesman, December 17, 2007

“Nixon & Mao vs India: How American foreign policy did a U-turn about Communist China’s India aggression”. The Statesman, January 7 2008.

“Lessons from the 1962 War: there are distinct Tibetan, Chinese and Indian points of view that need to be mutually comprehended,” The Statesman, January 15, 2008

“China’s India Example: Tibet, Xinjiang May Not Be Assimilated Like Inner Mongolia, Manchuria”, The Statesman, March 25, 2008

“China’s force and diplomacy: The need for realism in India”, The Statesman, May 31, 2008

“Transparency and history” (with Claude Arpi), Business Standard, Dec 31 2008

With new tensions on the Tibet-India border apparently being caused by the Chinese military, these may be helpful for India to determine a Plan B, or even a Plan A, in its dealings with Communist China.

Subroto Roy

Kolkata

“I wonder if Iran’s modern cinema has reached American and Israeli audiences easily. I am introduced to it quite recently myself on India’s cable TV — e.g. “White Balloon”, “The Circle”, “Song of Sparrows” etc… It seems to me to be compulsory viewing for anyone wishing to make war on Iran…It is surely among the best cinema there is. Nothing like it coming out of Hollywood, Bollywood etc.

The films reflect the society. “Offside”, about the six female soccer fans not allowed to enter the stadium, is especially brilliant in its candour. Nothing like it anywhere in the world at the moment. If society is so candid about itself, the politics cannot be all bad. I fear there is a massive cultural miscommunication between Iran and the rest of the world, caused of course by rather thick diplomacy on all sides. Is there not a master diplomat in the world who can get Iran and Israel to the point of diplomatic recognition? Zubin Mehta (an Indian of Iranian origin beloved in Israel) might be my choice as the initial/symbolic leader of such a diplomatic team!”

Kolkata

Subroto Roy

Kolkata

“…America and its allies would not be safe for long since the civil war they had left behind in Afghanistan while trying to defeat the USSR now became a brew from which arose a new threat of violent Islamism. Osama bin Laden and the Taliban, whom Pakistan’s military and the USA had promoted, now encouraged unprecedented attacks on the American mainland on September 11 2001 ~ causing physical and psychological damage which no Soviet, Chinese or Cuban missiles ever had been allowed to do….”

Earlier, in The Statesman of October 26 2005,  I had outlined a series of recent US espionage failures

“There have been three or four enormous failures of American espionage (i.e. intelligence and counter-intelligence) in the last 20 years. The collapse of the Berlin Wall and the end of Soviet communism were salubrious events but they had not been foreseen by the United States which was caught unawares by the speed and nature of the developments that took place. Other failures have been catastrophic.

First, there was the failure to prevent the attack that took place on the American mainland on September 11 2001. It killed several thousand civilians and caused vast, perhaps irreparable, psychological and physical destruction to the United States. The attack was without precedent. The December 7 1941 Japanese attack on Pearl Harbour in Hawaii, though a surprise, was carried out by one military against another military and did not affect very many civilians (except that thousands of American civilians of Japanese ancestry came to be persecuted and placed in concentration camps for years by the US Government). And the last time the American mainland had been attacked before 2001 was in 1814 when British troops marched south from Canada and burnt down the Capitol and the US President’s house in Washington.

Secondly, there has been a failure to discover any reasonable justification for the American-led attack on Iraq and its invasion and occupation. Without any doubt, America has lost, at the very least, an incalculable amount of international goodwill as a result of this, let aside suffering two thousand young soldiers killed, fifteen thousand wounded, and an unending cost in terms of prestige and resources in return for the thinnest of tangible gains. India at great cost liberated East Pakistan from the brutal military tyranny of Yahya Khan and Tikka Khan in December 1971 but the average Bangladeshi today could hardly care less. Regardless of what form of government emerges in Iraq now, there is no doubt the mass of the Iraqi people will cheer the departure of the bulk of foreign troops and tanks from their country (even if a permanent set of a dozen hermetically sealed American bases remain there for ever, as appears to have been planned).

When things go wrong in any democracy, it is natural and healthy to set up a committee to investigate, and America has done that several times now. For such committees to have any use at all they must be as candid as possible and perhaps the most candid of the American committees has been the US Government’s 9/11 Commission. But it too has appeared no closer to finding out who was the mastermind of the 9/11 attacks or who financed it and who, precisely, executed it. Osama Bin Laden may have been the ideological head of a movement allied to the perpetrators, and Bin Laden undoubtedly expressed his glee afterwards, but it beggars the imagination that Bin Laden could have been executive president in charge of this operation while crawling around Sudan, Pakistan and Afghanistan. If not him, then whom? Mossad the Israeli spy agency was supposed to have pointed to a super-secret invisible Lebanese terrorist but nobody really knows. The biggest modern mass murder remains unsolved.

As for solutions, the American 9/11 Commission went into the same politically correct formulae that came to be followed in 2005 by British PM Tony Blair’s New Labour Cabinet, namely, that “moderate” peace-loving Muslims must be encouraged and bribed not to turn to terrorism (indeed to expose those among them who do), while “extremist” Muslims must be stamped out with brute force. This rests on a mistaken premise that an economic carrot-and-stick policy can work in creating a set of external incentives and disincentives for Muslims, when in fact believing Muslims, like many other religious believers, are people who feel the power of their religion deep within themselves and so are unlikely to be significantly affected by external incentives or disincentives offered by non-believers.  Another committee has been the United States Senate’s Select Committee on Intelligence which reported in July 2004, and from whose findings have stemmed as an offshoot the current matter about whether high government officials broke the law that is being investigated by Special Prosecutor Patrick J. Fitzgerald.

Bertrand Russell said in his obituary of Ludwig Wittgenstein that he had once gone about looking under all the tables and chairs to prove to Wittgenstein that there was not a hippopotamus present in the room. In the present case, however, there is in fact a very large hippopotamus present in the room yet the entire American foreign policy establishment has seemed to refuse to wish to see it. Saddam Hussain and OBL are undoubtedly certifiable members of the international gallery of rogues – but the central fact remains they were rogues who were in alliance with America’s defined strategic interests in the 1980s. Saddam Hussain’s Iraq invaded Iran in 1980 and gassed the Kurds in 1986; an Iraqi Mirage on May 17 1987 fired two Exocet missiles at the USS Stark killing 37 American sailors and injuring 21. The Americans did nothing. The reason was that Saddam was still in favour at the time and had not yet become a demon in the political mythology of the American state, and it was expedient for nothing to be done. Indeed Saddam’s Iraq was explicitly removed in 1982 from the US Government’s list of states sponsoring terrorism because, according to the State Department’s Patterns of Global Terrorism, it had “moved closer to the policies of its moderate Arab neighbours”.

The very large hippopotamus that is present in the room at the moment is April Glaspie, the highly regarded professional career diplomat and American Ambassador to Iraq at the time of the 1990 Gulf War. Saddam Hussein as President had a famous meeting with her on July 25 1990, eight days before he invaded Kuwait. The place was the Presidential Palace in Baghdad and the Iraqis videotaped the meeting:

U.S. Ambassador Glaspie – “I have direct instructions from President (George Herbert Walker) Bush to improve our relations with Iraq. We have considerable sympathy for your quest for higher oil prices, the immediate cause of your confrontation with Kuwait. (pause) As you know, I lived here for years and admire your extraordinary efforts to rebuild your country. We know you need funds. We understand that, and our opinion is that you should have the opportunity to rebuild your country. (pause) We can see that you have deployed massive numbers of troops in the south. Normally that would be none of our business, but when this happens in the context of your threats against Kuwait, then it would be reasonable for us to be concerned. For this reason, I have received an instruction to ask you, in the spirit of friendship – not confrontation – regarding your intentions: Why are your troops massed so very close to Kuwait’s borders?

Saddam Hussein – As you know, for years now I have made every effort to reach a settlement on our dispute with Kuwait. There is to be a meeting in two days; I am prepared to give negotiations only this one more brief chance. (pause) When we (the Iraqis) meet (with the Kuwaitis) and we see there is hope, then nothing will happen. But if we are unable to find a solution, then it will be natural that Iraq will not accept death.

U. S. Ambassador Glaspie – What solutions would be acceptable?

Saddam Hussein – If we could keep the whole of the Shatt al Arab – our strategic goal in our war with Iran – we will make concessions (to the Kuwaitis). But, if we are forced to choose between keeping half of the Shatt and the whole of Iraq (i.e., in Saddam’ s view, including Kuwait ) then we will give up all of the Shatt to defend our claims on Kuwait to keep the whole of Iraq in the shape we wish it to be. (pause) What is the United States’ opinion on this?

U.S. Ambassador Glaspie – We have no opinion on your Arab – Arab conflicts, such as your dispute with Kuwait. Secretary (of State James) Baker has directed me to emphasize the instruction, first given to Iraq in the 1960’s, that the Kuwait issue is not associated with America. (Saddam smiles)

Saddam had seen himself fighting Islamic Iran on behalf of the Kuwaitis, Saudis and other Arabs, and Islamic Iran was of course the sworn adversary of the USA at least since Khomeini had deposed America’s ally, the Shah. Therefore Saddam could not be all bad in the eyes of the State Department. On August 2 1990, the Iraqi troops seen by American satellites amassed on the border, invaded and occupied Kuwait. On September 2 1990, the Iraqis released the videotape and transcript of the July 29 Saddam-Glaspie meeting and Glaspie was confronted by British journalists as she left the Embassy:

Journalist 1 – Are the transcripts (holding them up) correct, Madam Ambassador? (No answer from Glaspie)

Journalist 2 – You knew Saddam was going to invade (Kuwait ) but you didn’t warn him not to. You didn’t tell him America would defend Kuwait. You told him the opposite – that America was not associated with Kuwait.

Journalist 1 – You encouraged this aggression – his invasion. What were you thinking?

U.S. Ambassador Glaspie – Obviously, I didn’t think, and nobody else did, that the Iraqis were going to take all of Kuwait.

Journalist 1 – You thought he was just going to take some of it? But, how could you? Saddam told you that, if negotiations failed , he would give up his Iran(Shatt al Arab waterway) goal for the whole of Iraq, in the shape we wish it to be. You know that includes Kuwait, which the Iraqis have always viewed as a historic part of their country!

Journalist 1 – America green-lighted the invasion. At a minimum, you admit signalling Saddam that some aggression was okay – that the U.S. would not oppose a grab of the al-Rumeilah oil field, the disputed border strip and the Gulf Islands (including Bubiyan) – the territories claimed by Iraq?

Glaspie said nothing, the car door closed behind her, the car drove off. Nothing has been apparently heard from Glaspie ever since, and we may have to wait for her memoirs in 25 years when they are declassified to come to know what happened. It is astonishing, however, that the 521 page report of the US Senate’s Select Committee on espionage about Iraq before the 2003 war finds no cause whatsoever to mention Glaspie at all (at least in its public censored version). It is almost as if Glaspie has never existed and her conversation with Saddam never happened. Glaspie has disappeared down an Orwellian memory-hole. Yet her conversation with Saddam was the last official, recorded conversation between the Americans and Saddam while they were still on friendly terms.

There may be many causes explaining how such serious failures have come to occur in a country where billions of dollars have been annually spent on espionage. Among them must be that while America’s great strengths have included creation of the finest advanced scientific and technological base on earth, America’s great intellectual weaknesses in recent decades have included an impatience with historical and philosophical reflection of all sorts, and that includes reflection about her own as well as other cultures. This is exemplified too in the third palpable failure of intelligence of the last 20 years, which has been to have not foreseen or prevented atomic weapons from being developed by America and Britain’s Islamist ally and client-state, Pakistan, and thence to have failed to prevent the proliferation of such weapons in general. The consequences of that may yet turn out to be the most grave.”

Now as it happens, a couple of days ago, eleven years after the Government of India’s May 1998 underground nuclear tests at Pokhran, an Indian scientist who had something to do with them has engaged in a general discussion about the tests’ efficacy. Indian newspapers duly reported this as part of an ongoing domestic discussion about nuclear policy.

Oddly enough, there has been an instantaneous reaction from American critics of India’s nuclear activities – beginning with Dr Jeffrey Lewis:

“Yes, Virginia, India’s H-bomb fizzled.  K Santhanam (who was director of test site preparations for India’s 1998 nuclear tests… has admitted what everyone else has known for a long time — that India’s 1998 test of a thermonuclear device was unsuccessful.…”

Followed by Mark Hibbs:

“Is this cool or what? I remember what happened when I wrote that article in the fall of 1998 saying in the headline that the US had concluded that the Indian “H-Bomb failed.” Almost overnight after the article was published I got a huge bundle of papers from BARC and DAE sent to me by diplomatic pouch from Mumbai informing me with all kinds of numbers that I was wrong.  I gave the papers to laboratory geoscientists at several European countries and the US. One main CTBTO monitoring scientist told me explicitly: “Nope. The stuff in these papers is shitty science. They haven’t shown that you are wrong.” That having been said, please note however that, as PK Iyengar had made the case to me back a decade ago, once again this “news” is surfacing in India because their bomb makers want to keep testing. Some things in India are changing fast. Other things aren’t.”

Followed by Charles Mead:

“I got into a huge pissing match with the Indians on this issue as I was the principal author of Barker et. al. 1998 which had the yield estimates far below the Indian press releases. A number of Indian scientists tried to submit a comment to Science rebutting our analysis. We asked them to provide the in-country seismic data on which they based their analysis, but they refused. Luckily, in the end, their comment was rejected and never published.  On a related note, I saw the other day that wikipedia has a glowing description of the Indian 1998 tests, citing the inflated yields and saying the tests were a huge technical accomplishment. See http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pokhran-II In the next day or so, I plan to submit a corrected analysis.”

Mark Hibbs:

“Charles, I recall one of your co-authors back then explained to me in nitty-gritty detail your frustration on this with these guys. Please do correct the record for posterity.”

Charles Meade:

“Their arguments at the time were quite remarkable. They said that our seismic data didn’t reflect the true yield because of a complex interference pattern caused by the simultaneous tests. Under these circumstances, they said that one could only obtain the correct yield from near field data. We said, “fine, show it to us”. They refused and that was the end of their paper.”

Yale Simkin:

“The Indian argument: ‘For us to have a nuclear deterrent we must weaponise. For this, we must have fusion weapons, because these are smaller, lighter, and more efficient than fission weapons.’ is a lot of hooey.  They claim to be building a deterrent force, not a war-fighting arsenal with a counter-force capability.  For the size and mass of their likely early-generation fusion designs, they can instead use basic fission bombs yielding in the multi-dekakiloton range – multiples of the hell weapons that incinerated Hiroshima and Nagasaki.  That should be sufficient to deter any rational adversary. And if they aren’t rational, then you have no deterrent.”

Hmmm.  The choice of terminology even within such a brief discussion might reveal a little of the mind-set: “shitty science”, “pissing match”, “a lot of hooey”…

Rather uncool, really.

Specifically:

“A number of Indian scientists tried to submit a comment to Science rebutting our analysis. We asked them to provide the in-country seismic data on which they based their analysis, but they refused. Luckily, in the end, their comment was rejected and never published…. Their arguments at the time were quite remarkable. They said that our seismic data didn’t reflect the true yield because of a complex interference pattern caused by the simultaneous tests. Under these circumstances, they said that one could only obtain the correct yield from near field data. We said, “fine, show it to us”. They refused and that was the end of their paper.

Hmmm — once more.  The words that I have placed in bold above might be prima facie evidence of incorrect and hence unfair editorial procedures having been followed at Science (distinguished as its general reputation may be as a journal).  Why were these here-unnamed “Indian scientists” not allowed to speak for themselves, rather than have their now-unknown statements be bowdlerised out of their critics’ memories a decade later (when these critics themselves had been the subject of the rebuttal)?  Perhaps the rebuttal should not have been refused publication even if it came with an editorial caveat that all the data deemed necessary had not been provided (which may have been the case, for example, due to a Government gag-order).  Readers today would have been able to judge for themselves.

I am happy to claim zero expertise in the field known rather sweetly as “Crater Morphology”; but post 9/11, post-Iraq war, it does seem to me a rather quaint form of prejudice to be using such words as those quoted above  in discussing the precise tonnage of the Indian explosions and how, really, India’s scientists were not up to it.  Perhaps,  when matters of public policy or international diplomacy become involved, science  everywhere is too important to be left to the scientists.

Are all the available data out there in the public domain on which to judge whether the Indian explosions in 1998 were or were not what was precisely claimed at the time?  Apparently not.

Does it matter to anything today?  Hardly.  Not even to the credibility of the Government of India (something on which I have had a lot to say over decades).

Do Governments lie?  Yes Virginia, they do.

Governments the world over, whether Indian, American, Russian, Chinese, British, French, Israeli, Arab, Pakistani or whatever, let aside inter-Governmental bodies constituted by these Governments, are prone to exaggeration, propaganda, self-delusion, self-deception as well as deliberate mendacity, perhaps routinely on a daily basis.

(For myself as an individual, I have had to battle the demonstrated and deliberate mendacity of the government of one of the fifty States in the US federal courts for two decades now, as told of elsewhere…)

An Age of Government Mendacity has seemed to descend upon the world — which makes the smugness expressed so quickly today by the critics of India’s 1998 explosions seem, as I have said, quaint.

Is the current Indian debate indicating something about keeping open the possibility of more tests and isn’t this related to the Indo-US civil nuclear deal?   It may well be, I do not know.  My position for what it is worth has been clear and described in several articles in The Statesman in recent years e.g.

1) Atoms for Peace (or War)  (March 5 2006)

“Atoms for Peace” was Dwight D. Eisenhower’s 1953 speech to the UN (presided over by Jawaharlal Nehru’s sister) from which arose the IAEA. Eisenhower was the warrior par excellence, having led the Allies to victory over Hitler a few years earlier.

Yet he was the first to see “no sane member of the human race” can discover victory in the “desolation, degradation and destruction” of nuclear war. “Occasional pages of history do record the faces of the ‘great destroyers’, but the whole book of history reveals mankind’s never-ending quest for peace and mankind’s God-given capacity to build.” Speaking of the atomic capacity of America’s communist adversary at the time, he said: “We never have, and never will, propose or suggest that the Soviet Union surrender what rightly belongs to it. We will never say that the peoples of the USSR are an enemy with whom we have no desire ever to deal or mingle in friendly and fruitful relationship.” Rather, “if the fearful trend of atomic military build-up can be reversed, this greatest of destructive forces can be developed into a great boon, for the benefit of all mankind…. if the entire body of the world’s scientists and engineers had adequate amounts of fissionable material… this capability would rapidly be transformed into universal, efficient and economic usage”. Eisenhower’s IAEA would receive contributions from national “stockpiles of normal uranium and fissionable materials”, and also impound, store and protect these and devise “methods whereby this fissionable material would be allocated to serve the peaceful pursuits of mankind.…to provide abundant electrical energy in the power-starved areas of the world… to serve the needs rather than the fears of mankind.” When Eisenhower visited India he was greeted as the “Prince of Peace” and a vast multitude threw rose petals as he drove by in an open limousine.

Now, half a century later, Dr Manmohan Singh read a speech in Parliament on February 27 relating to our nuclear discussions with America. But it seems unclear even his speech-writers or technical advisers knew how far it was rhetoric and how far grounded in factual realities. There is also tremendous naivete among India’s media anchors and political leaders as to what exactly has been agreed by the Americans on March 2.

Churchill once asked what might have happened if Lloyd George and Clemenceau told Woodrow Wilson: “Is it not true that nothing but your fixed and expiring tenure of office prevents you from being thrown out of power?” The same holds for George W. Bush today. Wilson made many promises to the world that came to be hit for a six by US legislators. In December 2005, Edward Markey (Democrat) and Fred Upton (Republican) promised to scuttle Bush’s agreements with India, and once the pleasant memories of his India visit fade, Bush may quite easily forget most things about us. All the Americans have actually agreed to do is to keep talking.

It needs to be understood that submarine-launched ballistic missiles are the only ultimate military deterrent. Land and air forces are all vulnerable to a massive first-strike. Only submarines lurking silently for long periods in waters near their target, to launch nuclear warheads upon learning their homeland had been hit by the enemy, act as a deterrent preventing that same enemy from making his attack at all. Indeed, the problem becomes how a submarine commander will receive such information and his instructions during such a war. (For India to acquire an ICBM capability beyond the MRBM Agni rockets is to possess an expensive backward technology — as retrograde as the idea India should spend scarce resources sending manned moon missions half a century after it has already been done. The secret is to do something new and beneficial for mankind, not repeat what others did long ago merely to show we can now do it too.) A nuclear-armed submarine needs to be submerged for long periods and also voyage long distances at sea, and hence needs to be nuclear-powered with a miniature version of a civilian nuclear reactor aboard in which, e.g. rods of enriched uranium are bombarded to release enough energy to run hydroelectric turbines to generate power. Patently, no complete separation of the use of atomic power for peace and war may be practically possible. If India creates e.g. its own thorium reactors for civilian power (and we have vast thorium reserves, the nuclear fuel of the future), and then miniaturised these somehow to manufacture reactors for submarines, the use would be both civilian and military. In 1988 the old USSR leased India a nuclear-powered submarine for “training” purposes, and the Americans did not like it at all. In January 2002, Russia’s Naval Chief announced India was paying to build and then lease from 2004 until 2009 two nuclear-powered Akula-class attack submarines, and Jaswant Singh reportedly said we were paying $1 thousand crore ($10 bn) for such a defence package. Whether the transaction has happened is not known. Once we have nuclear submarines permanently, that would be more than enough of the minimum deterrent sought.

Indeed, India’s public has been barely informed of civilian nuclear energy policy as well, and an opportunity now exists for a mature national debate to take place — both on what and why the military planning has been and what it costs (and whether any bribes have been paid), and also on the cost, efficiency and safety of the plans for greater civilian use of nuclear energy. Government behaviour after the Bhopal gas tragedy does not inspire confidence about Indian responses to a Three Mile Island/Chernobyl kind of catastrophic meltdown.

That being said, the central question remains why India or anyone else needs to be nuclear-armed at all. With Britain, France or Russia, there is no war though all three are always keen to sell India weapons. Indeed it has been a perennial question why France and Britain need their own deterrents. They have not fought one another for more than 100 years and play rugby instead. If Russia was an enemy, could they not count on America? Or could America itself conceivably become an enemy of Britain and France? America owes her origins to both, and though the Americans did fight the British until the early 1800s, they have never fought the French and love the City of Paris too much ever to do so.

Between China and India, regardless of what happened half a century ago, nuclear or any war other than border skirmishes in sparse barren lands is unlikely. Ever since Sun Yat-sen, China has been going through a complex process of self-discovery and self-definition. An ancient nation where Maoism despoiled the traditional culture and destroyed Tibet, China causes others to fear it because of its inscrutability. But it has not been aggressive in recent decades except with Taiwan. It has threatened nuclear war on America if the Americans stand up for Taiwan, but that is not a quarrel in which India has a cogent role. China (for seemingly commercial reasons) did join hands with Pakistan against India, but there is every indication the Chinese are quite bored with what Pakistan has become. With Pakistan, our situation is well-known, and there has been an implicit equilibrium since Pokhran II finally flushed out their capacity. Had India ever any ambition of using conventional war to knock out and occupy Pakistan as a country? Of course not. We are barely able to govern ourselves, let aside try to rule an ideologically hostile Muslim colony in the NorthWest. Pakistan’s purported reasons for acquiring nuclear bombs are spurious, and cruelly so in view of the abject failures of Pakistan’s domestic political economy. Could Pakistan’s Government use its bombs against India arising from its own self-delusions over J&K? Gohar Ayub Khan in 1998-1999 threatened to do so when he said the next war would be over in two hours with an Indian surrender. He thereby became the exception to Eisenhower’s rule requiring sanity. An India-Pakistan nuclear exchange is, unfortunately, not impossible, leaving J&K as Hell where Jahangir had once described it as Heaven on Earth.

America needs to end her recent jingoism and instead rediscover the legacy of Eisenhower. America can lead everyone in the world today including Russia, China, Israel, Iran and North Korea. But she can do so only by example. America can decommission many of her own nuclear weapons and then lead everyone else to the conference table to do at least some of the same. Like the UN, the IAEA (and its NPT) needs urgent reform itself. It is the right time for serious and new world parleys towards the safe use of atoms for peace and their abolition in war. But are there any Eisenhowers or Churchills to lead them?

2) Our  energy interests ( Aug 27-28 2006)

Americans are shrewd and practical people in commercial matters, and expect the same of people they do business with. Caveat emptor, “let the buyer beware”, is the motto they expect those on the other side of the table to be using. Let us not think they are doing us favours in the nuclear deal ~ they are grown-ups looking after their interests and naturally expect we shall look after our own and not expect charity while doing business. Equally, let us not blame the Americans if we find in later years (long after Manmohan Singh and Montek Ahluwalia have exited from India’s stage) that the deal has been implemented in a bad way for our masses of ordinary people.

That said, there is a remarkable disjoint between India’s national energy interests (nuclear interests in particular), and the manner in which the nuclear deal is being perceived and taken to implementation by the two sides. There may be a fundamental gap between the genuine positive benefits the Government of India says the deal contains, and the motivations American businessmen and through them Indian businessmen have had for lobbying American and Indian politicians to support it. An atmosphere of being at cross-purposes has been created, where for example Manmohan Singh is giving answers to questions different from the questions we may want to be asking Montek Ahluwalia. The fundamental gap between what is being said by our Government and what may be intended by the businessmen is something anyone can grasp, though first we shall need some elementary facts.

In 2004, the International Energy Agency estimated the new energy capacity required by rising economic growth in 2020 will derive 1400 GW from burning coal (half of it in China and India), 470 GW from burning oil, 430GW from hydro, and 400 GW from renewable sources like solar or wind power. Because gas prices are expected to remain low worldwide, construction of new nuclear reactors for electricity will be unprofitable. By 2030, new energy expected to be required worldwide is 4700GW, of which only 150GW is expected from new nuclear plants, which will be in any case replacing existing plants due to be retired. Rational choice between different energy sources depends on costs determined by history and geography. Out of some 441 civilian reactors worldwide, France has 59 and these generate 78 per cent of its electricity, the rest coming from hydro. Japan has 54 reactors, generating 34% of its electricity from them. The USA has 104 reactors but generates only 20 per cent of its electricity from them, given its vast alternative sources of power like hydro. In India as of 2003, installed power generating capacity was 107,533.3MW, of which 71 per cent came from burning fuels. Among India’s energy sources, the largest growth-potential is hydroelectric, which does not involve burning fuels ~ gravity moves water from the mountains to the oceans, and this force is harnessed for generation. Our hydro potential, mostly in the North and North-East, is some 150,000MW but our total installed hydro capacity with utilities was only 26,910MW (about 18 per cent of potential). Our 14 civilian nuclear reactors produced merely 4 per cent or less of the electricity being consumed in the country. Those 14 plants will come under “international safeguards” by 2014 under the nuclear deal.

It is extremely likely the international restrictions our existing nuclear plants have been under since the 1970s have hindered if not crippled their functioning and efficiency. At the same time, the restrictions may have caused us to be innovative too. Nuclear power arises from fission of radioactive uranium, plutonium or thorium. India has some 8 million tonnes of monazite deposits along the seacoast of which half may be mined, to yield 225,000 tonnes of thorium metal; we have one innovatively designed thorium reactor under construction. Almost all nuclear energy worldwide today arises from uranium of which there are practically unlimited reserves. Fission of a uranium atom produces 10 million times the energy produced by combustion of an atom of carbon from coal. Gas and fossil fuels may be cheap and in plentiful supply worldwide for generations to come but potential for cheap nuclear energy seems practically infinite. The uranium in seawater can satisfy mankind’s total electricity needs for 7 million years. There is more energy in the uranium impurity present in coal than can arise from actually burning the coal. There is plenty of uranium in granite. None of these become profitable for centuries because there is so much cheap uranium extractable from conventional ores. Design improvements in reactors will also improve productivity; e.g. “fast breeder” reactors “breed” more fissile material than they use, and may get 100 times as much energy from a kilogram of uranium as existing reactors do. India has about 95,000 tonnes of uranium metal that may be mined to yield about 61,000 tonnes net for power generation. Natural uranium is 99.3 per cent of the U-238 isotope and 0.7 per cent of the radioactive U-235 isotope. Nuclear power generation requires “enriched uranium” or “yellow cake” to be created in which U-235 has been increased from 0.7 per cent to 4 to 5 percent. (Nuclear bombs require highly enriched uranium with more than 90 per cent of U-235.) Yellow cake is broken into small pieces, put in metal rods placed in bundles, which are then bombarded by neutrons causing fission. In a reactor, the energy released turns water into steam, which moves turbines generating electricity. While there is no carbon dioxide “waste” as in burning fossil fuels, the “spent” rods of nuclear fuel and other products constitute grave radioactive waste, almost impossible to dispose of.

The plausible part of the Government of India’s official line on the Indo-US nuclear deal is that removing the international restrictions will ~ through importation of new technologies, inputs, fuel etc ~ improve functioning of our 14 existing civilian plants. That is a good thing. Essentially, the price being paid for that improvement is our willingness to commit that those 14 plants will not be used for military purposes. Fair enough: even if we might become less innovative as a result, the overall efficiency gains as a result of the deal will add something to India’s productivity. However, those purchasing decisions involved in enhancing India’s efficiency gains must be made by the Government’s nuclear scientists on technical grounds of improving the working of our existing nuclear infrastructure.

It is a different animal altogether to be purchasing new nuclear reactors on a turn-key basis from American or any other foreign businessmen in a purported attempt to improve India’s “energy security”. (Lalu Yadav has requested a new reactor for Bihar, plus of course Delhi will want one, etc.) The central question over such massive foreign purchases would no longer be the technical one of using the Indo-US deal to improve efficiency or productivity of our existing nuclear infrastructure. Instead it would become a question of calculating social costs and benefits of our investing in nuclear power relative to other sources like hydroelectric power. Even if all other sources of electricity remained constant, and our civilian nuclear capacity alone was made to grow by 100 per cent under the Manmohan-Montek deal-making, that would mean less than 8% of total Indian electricity produced.

This is where the oddities arise and a disjoint becomes apparent between what the Government of India is saying and what American and Indian businessmen have been doing. A “US-India Business Council” has existed for thirty years in Washington as “the premier business advocacy organization promoting US commercial interests in India.… the voice of the American private sector investing in India”. Before the nuclear or any other deals could be contemplated with American business, the USIBC insisted we pay up for Dabhol contracted by a previous Congress Government. The Maharashtra State Electricity Board ~ or rather, its sovereign guarantor the Government of India ~ duly paid out at least $140-$160 million each to General Electric and Bechtel Corporations in “an amicable settlement” of the Dabhol affair. Afterwards, General Electric’s CEO for India was kind enough to say “India is an important country to GE’s global growth. We look forward to working with our partners, customers, and State and Central Governments in helping India continue to develop into a leading world economy”.

Also, a new “US-India CEO Forum” then came about. For two Governments to sponsor private business via such a Forum was “unprecedented”, as noted by Washington’s press during Manmohan Singh’s visit in July 2005. America’s foreign ministry announced it saying: “Both our governments have agreed that we should create a high-level private sector forum to exchange business community views on key economic priorities…” The American side includes heads of AES Corporation, Cargill Inc., Citigroup, JP Morgan Chase, Honeywell, McGraw-Hill, Parsons Brinckerhoff Ltd, PepsiCo, Visa International and Xerox Corporation. The Indian side includes heads of Tata Group, Apollo Hospitals Group, Bharat Forge Ltd, Biocon India Group, HDFC, ICICI One Source, Infosys, ITC Ltd, Max India Group and Reliance Industries. Presiding over the Indian side has been Montek Ahluwalia, Manmohan’s trusted aide ~ and let it be remembered too that the Ahluwalias were Manmohan’s strongest backers in his failed South Delhi Lok Sabha bid. (Indeed it is not clear if the Ahluwalias have been US or Indian residents in recent years, and if it is the former, the onus is on them to clear any perception of conflict of interest arising in regard to roles regarding the nuclear deal or any other official Indo-US business.)

Also, before the Manmohan visit, the Confederation of Indian Industry registered as an official lobbyist in Washington, and went about spending half a million dollars lobbying American politicians for the nuclear deal. After the Manmohan visit, the US Foreign Commercial Service reportedly said American engineering firms, equipment suppliers and contractors faced a $1,000 billion (1 bn =100 crore) opportunity in India. Before President Bush’s visit to India in March 2006, Manmohan Singh signed vast purchases of commercial aircraft from Boeing and Airbus, as well as large weapons’ deals with France and Russia. After the Bush visit, the US Chamber of Commerce said the nuclear deal can cause $100 billion worth of new American business in India’s energy-sector alone. What is going on?

Finally, the main aspect of Manmohan Singh’s address to America’s legislature had to do with agreeing with President Bush “to enhance Indo-US cooperation in the field of civilian nuclear technology”. What precisely does this mean? If it means the Indo-US nuclear deal will help India improve or maintain its existing nuclear infrastructure, well and good. There may be legitimate business for American and other foreign companies in that cause, which also helps India make the efficiency and productivity gains mentioned. Or has the real motivation for the American businessmen driving the deal (with the help of the “CEO Forum” etc) been to sell India nuclear reactors on a turn-key basis (in collaboration with private Indian businessmen) at a time when building new nuclear reactors is unprofitable elsewhere in the world because of low gas prices? India’s citizens may demand to know from the Government whether the Manmohan-Montek deal-making is going to cause importation of new nuclear reactors, and if so, why such an expensive alternative is being considered (relative to e.g. India’s abundant hydroelectric potential) when it will have scant effect in satisfying the country’s energy needs and lead merely to a worsening of our macroeconomic problems. Both Manmohan Singh and Montek Ahluwalia have been already among those to preside over the growth of India’s macroeconomic problems through the 1980s and 1990s.

Lastly, an irrelevant distraction should be gotten out of the way. Are we a “nuclear weapons” state? Of course we are, but does it matter to anything but our vanity? Ronald Reagan and Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev had control over vastly more nuclear weapons and they declared together twenty years ago: “A nuclear war cannot be won and must not be fought”, which is how the Cold War started to come to an end. We need to remind ourselves that India and Pakistan are large, populous countries with hundreds of millions of materially poor, ill-informed citizens, weak tax-bases, humongous internal and external public debts (i.e. debt owed by the Government to domestic and foreign creditors), non-investment grade credit- ratings in world financial markets, massive annual fiscal deficits, inconvertible currencies, nationalized banks, and runaway printing of paper-money. Discussing nuclear or other weapon-systems to attack one other with is mostly a pastime of our cowardly, irresponsible and yes, corrupt, elites.

3) Need for Clarity A poorly drafted treaty driven by business motives is a recipe for international misunderstanding  (August 19 2007)

Confusion prevails over the Indo-US Nuclear Deal. Businessmen, bureaucrats, politicians, diplomats, scientists and now the public at large have all joined in the cacophony in the last two years. On Wednesday August 15, America’s foreign ministry made the clearest most unequivocal statement possible as to the official American Government interpretation of the Indo-US nuclear deal: “The proposed 123 agreement has provisions in it that in an event of a nuclear test by India, then all nuclear co-operation is terminated, as well as there is provision for return of all materials, including reprocessed material covered by the agreement” (Sean McCormack). Yet our Prime Minister had told Parliament two days earlier: “The agreement does not in any way affect India’s right to undertake future nuclear tests, if it is necessary”. What is going on? Our politics are in uproar, and it has been suggested in these pages that the country go to a General Election to allow the people to speak on the matter. Clearly, we need some clarity.

Let us start at the beginning. How did it all originate? The private US nuclear industry prevailed upon India’s government bureaucrats and businessmen over several years that nuclear power is the way forward to solving India’s “infrastructure” problems. They would sell us, in words of the Manmohan-Montek Planning Commission’s energy adviser, “six to eight lightwater reactors” (especially as they may not be able to sell these anywhere else). Our usual prominent self-seeking retired bureaucrats started their waffling about the importance of “infrastructure”.

Then Manmohan Singh felt his foreign travels as PM could be hardly complete without a fife-and-drum visit to the White House. But before he could do so, Dabhol would have to be cleared up since American business in India was on a self-moratorium until GE and Bechtel were paid settlements of some $140-160 million each by the Governments of India and Maharashtra. GE’s CEO for India kindly said afterwards “India is an important country to GE’s global growth. We look forward to working with our partners, customers, and State and Central Governments in helping India continue to develop into a leading world economy”.

Also, before Manmohan’s USA trip, the Confederation of Indian Industry registered as an official Washington lobbyist and spent half a million dollars lobbying American politicians for the deal. (”Why?” would be a good question.)

So Dr Singh was able to make his White House visit, accompanied by US business lobbies saying the nuclear deal can generate $100 billion worth of new American business in India’s energy-sector alone. It is only when business has lubricated politics in America that so much agreement about the India-deal could arise. The “bottom-line” is that six to eight reactors must be sold to India, whatever politics and diplomacy it takes.

Now Dr Singh is not a PM who is a Member of the Lower House of Parliament commanding its confidence. He says his Government constitutes the Executive and can sign treaties on India’s behalf. This is unwise. If he signs a treaty and then the Congress Party loses the next General Election, a new Executive Government can use his same words to rescind the same treaty. What is sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander. One reason we are so confused is that India has not signed very many bilateral treaties, and there is barely a noted specialist in international law anywhere in the country. Dr Singh’s original mentor, PN Haksar, had gone about getting a treaty signed with the USSR back in 1971 which tided us over a war, though the USSR itself collapsed before that treaty ended.

Signing a treaty is much more than signing an international MOU. It requires a national consensus or a least a wide and deep understanding on the part of the public and the political class as to what necessitates the treaty. That plainly does not exist at present. Most people in India do not even know how nuclear power is generated, nor how small and insignificant nuclear power has been in India.

Natural uranium is 99.3 per cent of the U-238 isotope and 0.7 per cent the radioactive U-235 isotope. Nuclear power generation requires “enriched uranium” or “yellow cake” to be created in which U-235 has been increased from 0.7 per cent to 4 to 5 percent. (Nuclear bombs require “highly enriched” uranium with more than 90 per cent of U-235.) Yellow cake is broken into small pieces, put in metal rods placed in bundles, which are then bombarded by neutrons causing fission. In a reactor, the energy released turns water into steam, which moves turbines generating electricity. While there is no carbon dioxide “waste” as in burning fossil fuels, the “spent” rods of nuclear fuel and other products constitute grave radioactive waste, almost impossible to dispose of.

India’s 14 “civilian” nuclear reactors presently produce less than 4% of our total power. 70% of our power arises from burning fossil fuels, mainly coal. Much of the rest arises from hydro. We have vast hydroelectric potential in the North and Northeast but it would take a lot of serious political, administrative and civil engineering effort to organise all that, and there would not be any nice visits to Washington or Paris involved for politicians and bureaucrats.

Simple arithmetic says that even if all our principal energy sources stayed constant and only our tiny nuclear power sector grew by 100%, that would still hardly increase by very much our energy output overall. Placing a couple of expensive modern lightwater reactors around Delhi, a couple around Mumbai and a few other metros will, however, butter already buttered bread quite nicely and keep all those lifts and ACs running.

The agreed text of the “treaty” looks, from a legal standpoint, quite sloppily and hurriedly written ~ almost as if each side has cut and paste its own preferred terms in different places with a nod to the other side. For example, there is mention of “WMD” initially which is repeated as “weapons of mass destruction” just a little later. There is solemn mention of the “Government of India” and “Government of the United States of America” as the “Parties”, but this suddenly becomes merely “United States” and “India” in the middle and then reverts again to the formal usage.

Through the sloppiness comes scope for different interpretations. The Americans have said: try not to test, you don’t need to, we don’t test any more, and you have to know that if you do test, this deal is over, in fact it gets reversed. We have said, okay, we won’t test, and if we do test we know it is over with you but that does not mean it is over with others. Given such sloppy diplomacy and treaty-making, the scope for mutual misunderstanding, even war, remains immense long after all the public Indian moneys have found their way into private pockets worldwide. Will a future President Jeb Bush or Chelsea Clinton send F-22 bombers to bomb India’s nuclear facilities because India has carried out a test yet declined to return American equipment? Riding a tiger is not something generally to be recommended.

The answer to our present conundrum must be patience and the fullest transparency. What is the rush? If it is good or bad for us to buy six or eight new American reactors now, it will remain good or bad to do so a year or two from now after everyone has had a thorough think about everything that is involved. What the Manmohan-Montek Planning Commission needed to do first of all was a thorough cost-benefit analysis of India’s energy requirements but such elementary professionalism has been sorely lacking among our economists for decades.”

Subroto Roy, Kolkata

My work 1973-2010

Subroto Roy

This is an incomplete bibliography of my writings, public lectures etc 1973-2010 including citations, reviews, comments.  I have been mostly an academic economist who by choice or circumstance over 36 years has had to venture also into science, philosophy, public policy, law, jurisprudence, practical politics, history, international relations, military strategy, financial theory, accounting, management, journalism, literary criticism, psychology, psychoanalysis, theology, aesthetics, biography, children’s fables, etc.   If anything unites the seemingly diverse work recorded below it is that I have tried to acquire a grasp of the nature of human reason and then apply this comprehension in practical contexts as simply and clearly as possible. Hence I have ended up following the path of Aristotle, as described in modern times (via Wittgenstein and John Wisdom) by Renford Bambrough.  The 2004 public lecture in England, “Science, Religion, Art & the Necessity of Freedom”, may explain and illustrate all this best.  A friend has been kind enough to call me an Academician, which I probably am, though one who really needs his own Academy because the incompetence, greed and mendacity encountered too often in the modern professoriat is dispiriting.

1-289 refer mostly to writings and publications printed on paper; 290-382 refer to  writings or items not printed on paper — as new media break space, cost and other  constraints of traditional publishing, a little repetition and overlap has occurred too. Also in a few cases, e.g., Aldous Huxley’s essay on DH Lawrence, nothing has been done except discover and republish.  Several databases have been created and released in the public interest, as have been some rare maps.  There is also some biographical and autobiographical material.  Several inconsequential errors remain in the text, which shall take time to be rectified as documents come to be rediscovered and collated.

1973

1. “Behavioural study of mus musculus”, Haileybury College, Supervised by J de C Ford-Robertson MA (Oxon). (Due to be published here 2010).

2. “Chemistry at Advanced & Special Level: Student Notes 1972-73” (Due to be published here 2010).

3. “Biology at Advanced & Special Level: Student Notes 1972-73”, (Due to be published here 2010).

4.  “Physics at Advanced Level: Student Notes 1972-73”, (Due to be published here 2010).

5. “Revolution: theoria and praxis”, London, mimeo (Due to be published here 2010).

6. “Gandhi vs Marx”, London, mimeo (Due to be published here 2010).

1974

7. “Relevance of downward money-wage rigidity to the problem of maintaining full-employment in the classical and Keynesian models of income determination”, London School of Economics, mimeo (Due to be published here 2010).

8. “Testing aircraft fuels at Shell Finland”.

1975

9. “Oxford Street experiences: down and out in London town”.

10. “SE Region Bulk Distribution Survey”, Unilever, Basingstoke.

11. “Four London poems”, in JCM Paton (ed)  New Writing (London, Great Portland Street: International Students House).  (Due to be republished here 2010)

12. “On economic growth models and modellers”, London School of Economics, mimeo. (Due to be published here 2010).

1976

13. “World money: system or anarchy?”, lecture to Professor ACL Day’s seminar, London School of Economics, Economics Department, April. (Due to be published here 2010).

14. “A beginner’s guide to some recent developments in monetary theory”, lecture to Professor FH Hahn’s seminar, Cambridge University Economics Department, November 17 (Due to be published here 2010). See also “Announcement of My “Hahn Seminar”,  published here June 14 2008.

1977

15. “Inflation and unemployment: a survey”, mimeo, Fitzwilliam College, Cambridge. (Due to be published here 2010).

16. “On short run theories of dual economies”, Cambridge University Economics Department “substantial piece of work” required of first year Research Students.  Examiner: DMG Newbery, FBA. (Due to be published here 2010).

1978

17. “Pure theory of developing economies 1 and 2”, Delhi School of Economics mimeo (Due to be published here 2010).

18. “Introduction to some market outcomes under uncertainty”, Delhi School of Economics mimeo (Due to be published here 2010).

19. “On money and development”, Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, mimeo, September.  (Due to be published here 2010)

20. “Notes on the Newbery-Stiglitz model of sharecropping”, Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, mimeo November.  (Due to be published here 2010).

1979

21. “A theory of rights and economic justice”, Corpus Christi College Cambridge mimeo. (Due to be published here 2010).

22. “Monetary theory and economic development”, Corpus Christi College Cambridge, mimeo  (Due to be published here 2010).

23. “Foundations of the case against ‘development planning’”, Corpus Christi College Cambridge, mimeo, November.   (Due to be published here 2010).

1979-1989

24. Correspondence with Renford Bambrough (1926-1999), philosopher of St John’s College, Cambridge (Due to be published here 2010).

1980

25. “Models before the monetarist storm”, New Statesman letters

26. “Disciplining rulers and experts”, Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, mimeo.  (Due to be published here 2010).

1981

27. “On liberty & economic growth: preface to a philosophy for India”, Cambridge University doctoral thesis, supervisor FH Hahn, FBA; examiners CJ Bliss, FBA; TW Hutchison, FBA  (Due to be published here 2010). 27a Response of FA Hayek on a partial draft February 18 1981.  27b Response of Peter Bauer, 1982.  27c Response of Theodore W Schultz, 1983.  27d. Response of Frank Hahn 1985.

1982

28. “Knowledge and freedom in economic theory Parts 1 and 2”, Centre for Study of Public Choice, Virginia Polytechnic Institute & State University, Working Papers.

29. “Economic Theory and Development Economics”. Lecture to American Economic Association, New York, Dec 1982.  Panel: RM Solow, HB Chenery, T Weisskopf, P Streeten, G Rosen, S Roy. Published in 29a.

1983

29a “Economic Theory and Development Economics: A Comment”. World Development, 1983. [Citation: Stavros Thefanides "Metamorphosis of Development Economics", World Development 1988.]

30. “The Political Economy of Trade Policy (Comment on J. Michael Finger)”, Washington DC: Cato Journal, Winter 1983/84. See also 000 “Risk-aversion explains resistance to freer trade”, 2008.

1984

31. “Considerations on Utility, Benevolence and Taxation”, History of Political Economy, 1984.   31a Response of Professor Sir John Hicks May 1 1984.

[Citations: P. Hennipman, "A Tale of Two Schools", De Economist 1987, "A New Look at the Ordinalist Revolution", J. Econ. Lit. Mar 1988; P. Rappoport, "Reply to Professor Hennipman", J. Econ. Lit. Mar 1988; Eugene Smolensky et al "An Application of A Dynamic Cost-of-Living Index to the Evaluation of Changes in Social Welfare", J. Post-Keynesian Econ.IX.3. 1987.]

32. Pricing, Planning and Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India, London: Institute of Economic Affairs, London 1984.

[Citations: Lead editorial of The Times of London May 29 1984, “India’s economy”, Times letters June 16 1984. John Toye "Political Economy & Analysis of Indian Development", Modern Asian Studies, 22, 1, 1988; John Toye, Dilemmas of Development; D. Wilson, "Privatization of Asia", The Banker Sep. 1984 etc].  See also 370 “Silver Jubilee of ‘Pricing, Planning and Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India’” 2009.

33. Review of Utilitarianism and Beyond, Amartya Sen & Bernard Williams (eds) Public Choice.

34. Review of Limits of Utilitarianism, HB Miller & WH Williams (eds.), Public Choice.

35. Deendayal lecture (one of four invited lecturers), Washington DC, May.

1987

36. (with one other) “Does the Theory of Logical Types Inform the Theory of Communication?”, Journal of Genetic Psychology., 148 (4), Dec. 1987 [Citation:

37. “Irrelevance of Foreign Aid”, India International Centre Quarterly, Winter 1987.

38. Review of Development Planning by Sukhamoy Chakravarty for Economic Affairs, London 1987.

1988

39. (with two others) “Introduction” to Lessons in Development: A Comparative Study of Asia and Latin America. San Francisco: Inst. of Economic Growth.

40. “A note on the welfare economics of regional cooperation”, lecture to Asia-Latin America conference, East West Center Honolulu, published 2009.

1989

41. Philosophy of Economics: On the Scope of Reason in Economic Inquiry, London & New York: Routledge (International Library of Philosophy) 1989, paperback 1991. Internet edition 2007.   [Reviews & Citations: Research in Economics, 1992; De Economist 1991 & 1992; Manch.Sch. Econ.Studs. 59, 1991; Ethics 101.88 Jul. 1991; Kyklos 43.4 1990; Soc. Science Q. 71.880. Dec.1990; Can. Phil. Rev. 1990; J. Econ. Hist. Sep. 1990; Econ. & Phil. Fall 1990; Econ. Affairs June-July 1990; TLS May 1990; Choice March 1990; J. App.Phil. 1994, M. Blaug: Methodology of Economics, 2nd ed., Cambridge, 1992;  Hist. Methods. 27.3, 1994; J. of Inst. & Theoretical Econ.,1994;  Jahrbucker fur Nationaleconomie 1994, 573:574. Mark A Lutz in Economics for the Common Good, London: Routledge, 1999, et al].  See also 339 “Apropos Philosophy of Economics”, Comments of Sidney Hook, KJ Arrow, Milton Friedman, TW Schultz, SS Alexander, Max Black, Renford Bambrough, John Gray et al.

42. Foreword to Essays on the Political Economy by James M. Buchanan, Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press 1989.

43. “Modern Political Economy of India”, edited by Subroto Roy & William E James,  Hawaii mimeo May 21 1989.  This published for the first time a November 1955 memorandum to the Government of India by Milton Friedman.  See also 43a, 53.

43a. Preface to “Milton Friedman’s extempore comments at the 1989 Hawaii conference: on India, Israel, Palestine, the USA, Debt and its uses, Erhardt abolishing exchange controls, Etc”,  May 22 1989, published here for the first time October 31 2008.

44. Milton Friedman’s defence of my work  in 1989.

45. Theodore W. Schultz’s defence of Philosophy of Economics

1990

46. “Letter to Judge Evelyn Lance: On A Case Study in Private International Law” (Due to be published here in 2010).

47-49. Selections from advisory work on economic policy etc for Rajiv Gandhi, Leader of the Opposition in the Parliament of India,  published in 47a-49a.

1991

41b Philosophy of Economics: On the Scope of Reason in Economic Inquiry, Paperback edition.

50. “Conversations and correspondence with Rajiv Gandhi during the Gulf war, January 1991”   (Due to be published here 2010).

47a. A Memo to Rajiv I:  Stronger Secular Middle”, The Statesman, Jul 31 1991.

48a “A Memo to Rajiv II: Saving India’s Prestige”, The Statesman, Aug 1 1991.

49a “A Memo to Rajiv III: Salvation in Penny Capitalism”, The Statesman, Aug 2 1991  47b-49b “Three Memoranda to Rajiv Gandhi 1990-91”, 2007 republication here.

51. “Constitution for a Second Indian Republic”, The Saturday Statesman, April 20 1991.  Republished here 2009.

52. “On the Art of Government: Experts, Party, Cabinet and Bureaucracy”, New Delhi mimeo March 25 1991, published here July 00 2009.

1992

53. Foundations of India’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s Edited and with an Introduction by Subroto Roy & William E. James New Delhi, London, Newbury Park: Sage: 1992.   Citation: Milton and Rose Friedman Two Lucky People (Chicago 1998), pp. 268-269.

54. Foundations of Pakistan’s Political Economy: Towards an Agenda for the 1990s Edited and with an Introduction by William E. James & Subroto Roy, Hawaii MS 1989, Sage: 1992, Karachi: Oxford 1993.

Reviews of 53 & 54 include: Bus. Today, Mar-Apr 1992; Political Studies March 1995; Econ Times 21 March 1993; Pakistan Development Review 1992. Hindustan Times 11 July 1992. Pacific Affairs 1993; Hindu 21 March 1993, 15 June 1993; Pakistan News International 12 June 1993. Book Reviews March 1993; Deccan Herald 2 May 1993; Pol.Econ.J. Ind. 1992. Fin Express 13 September 1992;  Statesman 16 Jan. 1993.  J. Royal Soc Asian Aff. 1994, J. Contemporary Asia, 1994 etc.

55. “Fundamental Problems of the Economies of India and Pakistan”, World Bank, Washington, mimeo  (Due to be published here 2010).

56.“The Road to Stagflation: The Coming Dirigisme in America, or, America, beware thy economists!, or Zen and Clintonomics,” Washington DC, Broad Branch Terrace, mimeo, November 17.

1993

57. “Exchange-rates and manufactured exports of South Asia”, IMF Washington DC mimeo.  Published in part in 2007-2008 as 58-62:

58. “Path of the Indian Rupee 1947-1993”, 2008.

59.  “Path of the Pakistan Rupee 1947-1993”, 2008.

60. “Path of the Sri Lankan Rupee 1948-1993”, 2008.

61. “Path of the Bangladesh Taka 1972-1993”, 2008.

62. “India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh Manufactured Exports, IMF Washington DC mimeo”, published 2007.

63. “Economic Assessment of US-India Merchandise Trade”, Arlington, Virginia, mimeo, published in slight part in Indo-US Trade & Economic Cooperation, ICRIER New Delhi, 1995, and in whole 2007.

64. “Towards an Economic Solution for Kashmir”, mimeo, Arlington, Virginia, circulated in Washington DC 1993-1995, cf 82, 111 infra. Comment of Selig Harrison.

1994

65. “Comment on Indonesia”, in The Political Economy of Policy Reform edited by John Williamson, Washington, DC: Institute for International Economics.

66a “Gold reserves & the gold price in anticipation of Central Bank behaviour”, Greenwich, Connecticut, mimeo. 67b. “Portfolio optimization and foreign currency exposure hedging” Greenwich, Connecticut mimeo.

1995

68. “On the logic and commonsense of debt and payments crises: How to avoid another Mexico in India and Pakistan”, Scarsdale, NY, mimeo, May 1.

69. “Policies for Young India”, Scarsdale, NY, pp. 350, manuscript.

1996

70. US Supreme Court documents, published in part in 2008 as  “Become a US Supreme Court Justice!” 70a, 70b (Due to be published in full here in 2010 as Roy vs University of Hawaii, 1989- including the expert testimonies of Milton Friedman and Theodore W Schultz.).

71. “Key problems of macroeconomic management facing the new Indian Government”, May 17.  Scarsdale, New York, mimeo.  (Due to be published here 2010).

72. “Preventing a collapse of the rupee”, IIT Kharagpur lecture July 16 1996.

73. “The Economist’s Representation of Technological Knowledge”, Vishleshlaya lecture to the Institution of Engineers, September 15 1996, IIT Kharagpur.

1997

74. “Union and State Budgets in India”, lecture at the World Bank, Washington DC, May 00.

75. “State Budgets in India”, IIT Kharagpur mimeo, June 6.

1998

76. “Transparency and Economic Policy-Making:  An address to the Asia-Pacific Public Relations Conference” (panel on Transparency chaired by CR Irani) Jan 30 1998, published here 2008.

77. Theodore W. Schultz 1902-1998,  Feb 25.

78. “The Economic View of Human Resources”, address to a regional conference on human resources, IIT Kharagpur.

79.  “Management accounting”, lecture at Lal Bahadur Shastri Academy, Mussourie,

80a “The Original Reformer”, Outlook letters, Jan 23 1998

81. “Recent Developments in Modern Finance”, IIM Bangalore Review, 10, 1 & 2, Jan.-Jun 1998. Reprinted as “From the Management Guru’s Classroom”: 81a “An introduction to derivatives”, Business Standard/Financial Times, Bombay 18 Apr 1999; 81b “Options in the future, Apr 25 1999; 81c “What is hedging?”, May 2 1999; 81d “Teaching computers to think”, May 9 1999.

82. “Towards an Economic Solution for Kashmir”, Jun 22 1998, lecture at Heritage Foundation, Washington DC.  Cf 111 Dec 2005.

83. “Sixteen Currencies for India: A Reverse Euro Model for Monetary & Fiscal Efficacy”, Lecture at the Institute of  Economic Affairs, London, June 29 1998.  Due to be published here 2010.

84. “Fable of the Fox, the Farmer, and the Would-Be Tailors”, October  (Published here July 27 2009).

85. “A Common Man’s Guide to Pricing Financial Derivatives”, Lecture to “National Seminar on Derivatives”, Xavier Labour Research Institute, Jamshedpur, Dec. 16 1998.   See 98.

1999

86. “An Analysis of Pakistan’s War-Winning Strategy: Are We Ready for This?”, IIT Kharagpur mimeo, published in part as 86a.“Was a Pakistani Grand Strategy Discerned in Time by India?” New Delhi:  Security & Political Risk Analysis Bulletin, July 1999, Kargil issue.  See also 000

80b. “The Original Reformer”, Outlook letters, Sep 13 1999.

2000

87. “On Freedom & the Scientific Point of View”, SN Bose National Centre for Basic Sciences, Feb 17 2000.  Cf 100 below.

88. “Liberalism and Indian economic policy”, lecture at IIM Calcutta,  Indian Liberal Group Meetings Devlali, Hyderabad; also Keynote address to UGC Seminar Guntur, March 30 2002.  (Due to be published here 2010).

89. “Towards a Highly Transparent Fiscal & Monetary Framework for India’s Union & State Governments”, Invited address to Conference of State Finance Secretaries, Reserve Bank of India, Bombay, April 29, 2000.  Published 2008.

90. “On the Economics of Information Technology”, two lectures at the Indian Institute of Information Technology, Bangalore, Nov 10-11, 2000.

91. Review of A New World by Amit Chaudhuri in Literary Criterion, Mysore.

2001

92. Review of AD Shroff: Titan of Finance and Free Enterprise by Sucheta Dalal, Freedom First., January.

93. “Encounter with Rajiv Gandhi: On the Origins of the 1991 Economic Reform”, Freedom First, October. See also 93a in 2005 and  93b in 2007.

94. “A General Theory of Globalization & Modern Terrorism with Special Reference to September 11”, a keynote address to the Council for Asian Liberals & Democrats, Manila, Philippines, 16 Nov. 2001.  Published as 91a.

95. “The Case for and against The Satanic Verses: Diatribe and Dialectic as Art”, Dec 22 republished in print 95a The Statesman Festival Volume, 2006.

2002

94a “A General Theory of Globalization & Modern Terrorism with Special Reference to September 11”, in September 11 & Political Freedom in Asia, eds. Johannen, Smith & Gomez, Singapore 2002.

2002-2010

96. “Recording vivid dreams: Freud’s advice in exploring the Unconscious Mind” (Due to be published here in 2010).

2003

97. “Key principles of government accounting and audit”, IIT Kharagpur mimeo.

98. “Derivative pricing & other topics in financial theory: a student’s complete lecture notes” (Due to be published here in 2010).

2004

99. “Collapse of the Global Conversation”, International Institute for Asian Studies, Leiden, Netherlands, Jul 2004.

100. “Science, Religion, Art & the Necessity of Freedom”, a public lecture, University of Buckingham, UK, August 24 2004.  Published here 2007.

2005

93a Rajiv Gandhi and the Origins of India’s 1991 Economic Reform (this was the full story; it appeared in print for the first time in The Statesman Festival Volume 2007).

101. “Can India become an economic superpower (or will there be a monetary meltdown)?” Cardiff University Institute of Applied Macroeconomics Monetary Economics Seminar, April 13, Institute of Economic Affairs, London, April 27, Reserve Bank of India, Bombay, Chief Economist’s Seminar on Monetary Economics, May 5.

102. Margaret Thatcher’s Revolution: How it Happened and What it Meant, Edited and with an Introduction by Subroto Roy & John Clarke, London & New York: Continuum, 2005; paperback 2006; French translation by Florian Bay, 2007.

103. “Iqbal & Jinnah vs Rahmat Ali in Pakistan’s Creation”, Dawn, Karachi, Sep 3.

104. “The Mitrokhin Archives II from an Indian Perspective: A Review Article”, The Statesman, Perspective Page, Oct 11 .

105. “After the Verdict”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Oct 20.

106.   “US Espionage Failures”, The Statesman, Perspective Page, Oct 26

107.  “Waffle But No Models of Monetary Policy”, The Statesman, Perspective Page, Oct 30.

108. “On Hindus and Muslims”, The Statesman, Perspective Page, Nov 6.

109. “Assessing Vajpayee: Hindutva True and False”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Nov  13-14″.

110. “Fiction from the India Economic Summit”, The Statesman, Front Page, Nov 29.

111. “Solving Kashmir: On an Application of Reason”, The Statesman Editorial Page

I.  “Give the Hurriyat et al Indian Green Cards”, Dec 1

II.  “Choice of Nationality under Full Information”, Dec 2

III.  “Of Flags and Consulates in Gilgit etc”, Dec 3.

2006

112. “The Dream Team: A Critique”, The Statesman Editorial Page

I : New Delhi’s Consensus (Manmohantekidambaromics), Jan 6

II: Money, Convertibility, Inflationary Deficit Financing, Jan 7

III:  Rule of Law, Transparency, Government Accounting, Jan 8.

113. “Unaccountable Delhi: India’s Separation of Powers’ Doctrine”, The Statesman, Jan 13.

114. “Communists and Constitutions”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Jan 22.

115. “Diplomatic Wisdom”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Jan 31.

116.  “Mendacity & the Government Budget Constraint”, The Statesman, Front Page  Feb 3.

117. “Of Graven Images”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Feb5.

118. “Separation of Powers, Parts 1-2”, The Statesman, Editorial Pages Feb 12-13.

119. “Public Debt, Government Fantasy”, The Statesman, Front Page Editorial Comment, Feb 22.

120. “War or Peace Parts 1-2”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Feb 23-24.

121. “Can You Handle This Brief, Mr Chidambaram?” The Statesman, Front Page  Feb 26.

122. “A Downpayment On the Taj Mahal Anyone?”, The Statesman, Front Page  Comment on the Budget 2006-2007, Mar 1.

123. “Atoms for Peace (or War)”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page Mar 5.

124. “Imperialism Redux: Business, Energy, Weapons & Foreign Policy”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Mar 14.

125.  “Logic of Democracy”,  The Statesman, Editorial Page, Mar 30.

126. “Towards an Energy Policy”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Apr 2.

127. “Iran’s Nationalism”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Apr 6.

128. “A Modern Military”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Apr 16.

129.  “On Money & Banking”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Apr 23.

130.  “Lessons for India from Nepal’s Revolution”, The Statesman, Front Page Apr 26.

131. “Revisionist Flattery (Inder Malhotra’s Indira Gandhi: A Review Article)”, The Sunday Statesman, May 7.

132. “Modern World History”, The Sunday Statesman Editorial Page, May 7.

133. “Argumentative Indians: A Conversation with Professor Amartya Sen on Philosophy, Identity and Islam,” The Sunday Statesman,  May 14 2006.  “A Philosophical Conversation between Professor Sen and Dr Roy”,  2008.  Translated into Bengali by AA and published in 00.

134. “The Politics of Dr Singh”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, May 21.

135. “Corporate Governance & the Principal-Agent Problem”, lecture at a conference on corporate governance, Kolkata May 31.  Published here 2008.

136. “Pakistan’s Allies Parts 1-2″, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Jun 4-5.

137. “Law, Justice and J&K Parts 1-2″, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Jul 2, The Statesman Editorial Page Jul 3.

138. “The Greatest Pashtun (Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan)”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Jul 16.

139. “Understanding Pakistan Parts 1-2”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Jul 30, The Statesman Editorial Page Jul 31.

140.  “Indian Money and Credit”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Aug 6.

141.  “India’s Moon Mission”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page,  Aug 13.

142. “Jaswant’s Journeyings: A Review Article”, The Sunday Statesman Magazine, Aug 27.

143. “Our Energy Interests, Parts 1-2”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Aug 27, The Statesman Editorial Page Aug 28.

144. “Is Balochistan Doomed?”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Sep 3 2006.

145. “Racism New and Old”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Sep 8 2006

146. “Political Economy of India’s Energy Policy”, address to KAF-TERI conference, Goa Oct 7, published in 146a.

147. “New Foreign Policy? Seven phases of Indian foreign policy may be identifiable since Nehru”, Parts 1-2, The Sunday Statesman, Oct 8, The Statesman Oct 9.

148. “Justice & Afzal:  There is a difference between law and equity (or natural justice). The power of pardon is an equitable power. Commuting a death-sentence is a partial pardon”, The Sunday Statesman Editorial Page Oct 14

149. “Non-existent liberals (On a Liberal Party for India)”, The Sunday Statesman Editorial Page Oct 22.

150. “History of Jammu & Kashmir Parts 1-2”,  The Sunday Statesman, Oct 29, The Statesman Oct 30, Editorial Page.

151. “American Democracy: Does America need a Prime Minister and a longer-lived Legislature?”, The Sunday Statesman Nov 5.

152. “Milton Friedman A Man of Reason 1912-2006”, The Statesman Perspective Page,  Nov 22.

153. “Postscript to Milton Friedman Mahalanobis’s Plan  (The Mahalanobis-Nehru “Second Plan”) The Statesman Front Page Nov 22.

154.  “Mob Violence and Psychology”, Dec 10,  The Statesman, Editorial Page.

155. “What To Tell Musharraf: Peace Is Impossible Without Non-Aggressive Pakistani Intentions”, The Statesman Editorial Page Dec 15.

156. “Land, Liberty and Value: Government must act in good faith treating all citizens equally – not favouring organised business lobbies and organised labour over an unorganised peasantry”,  The Sunday Statesman Editorial Page Dec 31.

2007

157. “Hypocrisy of the CPI-M: Political Collapse In Bengal: A Mid-Term Election/Referendum Is Necessary”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Jan 9.

158. “On Land-Grabbing: Dr Singh’s India, Buddhadeb’s Bengal, Modi’s Gujarat have notorious US, Soviet and Chinese examples to follow ~ distracting from the country’s real economic problems,” The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page Jan 14.

159. “India’s Macroeconomics:  Real growth has steadily occurred because India has shared the world’s technological progress. But bad fiscal, monetary policies over decades have led to monetary weakness and capital flight” The Statesman Editorial Page Jan 20.

160. “Fiscal Instability: Interest payments quickly suck dry every year’s Budget. And rolling over old public debt means that Government Borrowing in fact much exceeds the Fiscal Deficit”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Feb 4.

161. “Our trade and payments Parts 1-2”  (“India in World Trade and Payments”),The Sunday Statesman, Feb 11 2007, The Statesman, Feb 12 2007.

162. “Our Policy Process: Self-Styled “Planners” Have Controlled India’s Paper Money For Decades,” The Statesman, Editorial Page, Feb 20.

163. “Bengal’s Finances”, The Sunday Statesman Editorial Page, Feb 25.

164. “Fallacious Finance: Congress, BJP, CPI-M may be leading India to Hyperinflation” The Statesman Editorial Page Mar 5.

165. “Uttar Pradesh Polity and Finance: A Responsible New Govt May Want To Declare A Financial Emergency” The Statesman Editorial Page, Mar 24

166. “A scam in the making” in The Sunday Statesman Front Page Apr 1 2007, published here in full as “Swindling India”.

167. “Maharashtra’s Money: Those Who Are Part Of The Problem Are Unlikely To Be A Part Of Its Solution”, The Statesman Editorial Page Apr 24.

146a. “Political Economy of Energy Policy” in India and Energy Security edited by Anant Sudarshan and Ligia Noronha, Konrad Adenauer Stiftung, New Delhi 2007.

168.  “Presidential Qualities: Simplicity, Genuine Achievement Are Desirable; Political Ambition Is Not”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, May 8.

169. “We & Our Neighbours: Pakistanis And Bangladeshis Would Do Well To Learn From Sheikh Abdullah”, The Statesman, Editorial Page May 15.

170. “On Indian Nationhood: From Tamils To Kashmiris And Assamese And Mizos To Sikhs And Goans”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, May 25.

171. A Current Example of the Working of the Unconscious Mind, May 26.

172. Where I would have gone if I was Osama Bin Laden, May 31.

173. “US election ’08:America’s Presidential Campaign Seems Destined To Be Focussed On Iraq”,  The Statesman, Editorial Page, June 1.

174. “Home Team Advantage: On US-Iran talks and Sunni-Shia subtleties: Tehran must transcend its revolution and endorse the principle that the House of Islam has many mansions”,  The Sunday Statesman Editorial Page, June 3

175. “Unhealthy Delhi: When will normal political philosophy replace personality cults?”,  The Statesman, Editorial Page, June 11.

176. “American Turmoil: A Vice-Presidential Coup – And Now a Grassroots Counterrevolution?”,  The Statesman, Editorial Page, June 18

177.  “Political Paralysis: India has yet to develop normal conservative, liberal and socialist parties. The Nice-Housing-Effect and a little game-theory may explain the current stagnation”,  The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, June 24.

177. “Has America Lost? War Doctrines Of Kutusov vs Clausewitz May Help Explain Iraq War”,  The Statesman, Editorial Page, July 3.

178. “Lal Masjid ≠ Golden Temple: Wide differences are revealed between contemporary Pakistan and India by these two superficially similar military assaults on armed religious civilians”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page July 15

179 “Political Stonewalling: Only Transparency Can Improve Institutions”, The Statesman, Editorial Page July 20.

180. “Gold standard etc: Fixed versus flexible exchange rates”, July 21.

181. “US Pakistan-India Policy: Delhi & Islamabad Still Look West In Defining Their Relationship”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, July 27.

182. “Works of DH Lawrence” July 30

183. “An Open Letter to Professor Amartya Sen about Singur etc”, The Statesman, Editorial Page,  July 31.

184.  “Martin Buber on Palestine and Israel (with Postscript)”, Aug 4.

185. “Auguste Rodin on Nature, Art, Beauty, Women and Love”,  Aug 7.

186. “Saving Pakistan: A Physicist/Political Philosopher May Represent Iqbal’s “Spirit of Modern Times”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Aug 13.

187. Letter to Forbes.com  16 Aug.

188. “Need for Clarity: A poorly drafted treaty driven by business motives is a recipe for international misunderstanding”, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Aug 19.

189. “No Marxist MBAs? An amicus curiae brief for the Hon’ble High Court”,  The Statesman, FrontPage, Aug 29.

190. On Lawrence, Sep 4.

191. Dalai Lama’s Return: In the tradition of Gandhi, King, Mandela, Sep 11.

192. Of JC Bose, Patrick Geddes & the Leaf-World, Sep 12.

193. “Against Quackery: Manmohan and Sonia have violated Rajiv Gandhi’s intended reforms; the Communists have been appeased or bought; the BJP is incompetent  Parts 1-2”, in The Sunday Statesman and The Statesman, Editorial Pages of Sep 23-24.

194. Karl Georg Zinn’s 1994 Review of Philosophy of Economics, Sep 26.

195. DH Lawrence’s Phoenix, Oct 3.

93b. “Rajiv Gandhi and the Origins of India’s 1991 Economic Reform”, Statesman Festival Volume.

196. “Iran, America, Iraq: Bush’s post-Saddam Saddamism — one flip-flop too many?”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Oct 16.

197. “Understanding China: The World Needs to Ask China to Find Her True Higher Self”,  The Statesman, Editorial Page, Oct 22.

198. “India-USA interests: Elements of a serious Indian foreign policy”,  The Statesman, Editorial Page, Oct 30.

199. “China’s India Aggression : German Historians Discover Logic Behind Communist Military Strategy”,  The Statesman, Editorial Page Special Article, Nov 5.

200. Sonia’s Lying Courtier (with Postscript), Nov 25.

201. “Surrender or Fight? War is not a cricket match or Bollywood movie. Can India fight China if it must?” The Statesman, Dec 4, Editorial Page.

202. Hutton and Desai: United in Error Dec 14

203. “China’s Commonwealth: Freedom is the Road to Resolving Taiwan, Tibet, Sinkiang”,  The Statesman, Dec 17.

2008

204. “Nixon & Mao vs India: How American foreign policy did a U-turn about Communist China’s India aggression. The Government of India should publish its official history of the 1962 war.”  The Sunday Statesman, Jan 6, The Statesman Jan 7  Editorial Page.

205. “Lessons from the 1962 War:  Beginnings of a solution to the long-standing border problem: there are distinct Tibetan, Chinese and Indian points of view that need to be mutually comprehended”, The Sunday Statesman, January 13 2008.

206. “Our Dismal Politics: Will Independent India Survive Until 2047?”, The Statesman Editorial Page, Feb 1.

207. Median Voter Model of India’s Electorate Feb 7.

208. “Anarchy in Bengal: Intra-Left bandh marks the final unravelling of “Brand Buddha””, The Sunday Statesman, Editorial Page, Feb 10.

209. Fifty years since my third birthday: on life and death.

210. “Pakistan’s Kashmir obsession: Sheikh Abdullah Relied In Politics On The French Constitution, Not Islam”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Feb 16.

211.  A Note on the Indian Policy Process  Feb 21.

212. “Growth & Government Delusion: Progress Comes From Learning, Enterprise, Exchange, Not The Parasitic State”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Feb 22.

213.  “How to Budget: Thrift, Not Theft, Needs to Guide Our Public Finances”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, Feb 26.

214. “India’s Budget Process (in Theory)”, The Statesman, Front Page Feb 29.

215.  “Irresponsible Governance: Congress, BJP, Communists, BSP, Sena Etc Reveal Equally Bad Traits”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, March 4.

216. “American Politics: Contest Between Obama And Clinton Affects The World”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, March 11.

217. “China’s India Example: Tibet, Xinjiang May Not Be Assimilated Like Inner Mongolia And Manchuria”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, March 25.

218. “Taxation of India’s Professional Cricket: A Proposal”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, April 1.

219. “Two cheers for Pakistan!”,  The Statesman, Editorial Page, April 7.

220. “Indian Inflation: Upside Down Economics From The New Delhi Establishment Parts 1-2”, The Statesman, Editorial Page, April 15-16.

221. “Assessing Manmohan: The Doctor of Deficit Finance should realise the currency is at stake”, The Statesman, Editorial Page Apr 25.

222. John Wisdom, Renford Bambrough: Main Philosophical Works, May 8.

223.  “All India wept”: On the death of Rajiv Gandhi,  May 21.

224. “China’s force and diplomacy: The need for realism in India” The Statesman, Editorial Page May 31.

226. Serendipity and the China-Tibet-India border problem  June 6

227. “Leadership vacuum: Time & Tide Wait For No One In Politics: India Trails Pakistan & Nepal!”, The Statesman Editorial Page June 7.

228. My meeting Jawaharlal Nehru Oct13 1962

229.  Manindranath Roy 1891-1958

230. Surendranath Roy 1860-1929

231.  The Roys of Behala 1928.

232. Sarat Chandra visits Surendranath Roy 1927

233. Nuksaan-Faida Analysis = Cost-Benefit Analysis in Hindi/Urdu Jun 30

234.  One of many reasons John R Hicks was a great economist July 3

236.  My father, Indian diplomat, in the Shah’s Tehran 1954-57  July 8

237 Distribution of Govt of India Expenditure (Net of Operational Income) 1995 July 27

238. Growth of Real Income, Money & Prices in India 1869-2008, July 28.

239. Communism from Social Democracy? But not in India or China!  July 29

240. Death of Solzhenitsyn, Aug. 3

240a. Tolstoy on Science and Art, Aug 4.

241. “Reddy`s reckoning: Where should India’s real interest rate be relative to the world?” Business Standard Aug 10

242. “Rangarajan Effect”, Business Standard Aug 24

243. My grandfather’s death in Ottawa 50 years ago today  Sep 3

244. My books in the Library of Congress and British Library Sep 12

245. On Jimmy Carter & the “India-US Nuclear Deal”, Sep 12

246. My father after presenting his credentials to President Kekkonen of Finland Sep 14 1973.

247. “October 1929?  Not!”, Business Standard, Sep 18.

248. “MK Gandhi, SN Roy, MA Jinnah in March 1919: Primary education legislation in a time of protest”

249. 122 sensible American economists Sept 26

250. Govt of India: Please call in the BBC and ask them a question Sep 27

251. “Monetary Integrity and the Rupee:  Three British Raj relics have dominated our macroeconomic policy-making” Business Standard Sep 28.

252a.  Rabindranath’s daughter writes to her friend my grandmother Oct 5

252b.  A Literary Find: Modern Poetry in Bengal, Oct 6.

253. Sarat writes to Manindranath 1931,  Oct 12

254. Origins of India’s Constitutional Politics 1913

255. Indira Gandhi in Paris, 1971

256. How the Liabilities/Assets Ratio of Indian Banks Changed from 84% in 1970 to 108% in 1998, October 20

257a. My Subjective Probabilities on India’s Moon Mission Oct 21

258. Complete History of Mankind’s Moon Missions: An Indian Citizen’s Letter to ISRO’s Chairman, Oct 22.

259. Would not a few million new immigrants solve America’s mortgage crisis? Oct 26

260. “America’s divided economists”, Business Standard Oct 26

261. One tiny prediction about the Obama Administration, Nov 5

262. Rai Bahadur Umbika Churn Rai, 1827-1902,  Nov 7 2008

263. Jawaharlal Nehru invites my father to the Mountbatten Farewell  Nov 7 2008

70a. “Become a US Supreme Court Justice! (Explorations in the Rule of Law in America) Preface” Nov 9

70b. “Become a US Supreme Court Justice! (Explorations in the Rule of Law in America) Password protected.” Nov 9.

257b. Neglecting technological progress was the basis of my pessimism about Chandrayaan,  Nov 9.

264. Of a new New Delhi myth and the success of the University of Hawaii 1986-1992 Pakistan project Nov 15

265. Pre-Partition Indian Secularism Case-Study: Fuzlul Huq and Manindranath Roy Nov 16

266. Do President-elect Obama’s Pakistan specialists suppose Maulana Azad, Dr Zakir Hussain, Sheikh Abdullah were Pakistanis (or that Sheikh Mujib wanted to remain one)?  Nov 18

267. Jews have never been killed in India for being Jews until this sad day, Nov 28.

268. In international law, Pakistan has been the perpetrator, India the victim of aggression in Mumbai,  Nov 30.

269. The Indian Revolution, Dec 1.

270. Habeas Corpus: a captured terrorist mass-murderer tells a magistrate he has not been mistreated by Mumbai’s police Dec 3

271. India’s Muslim Voices (Or, Let us be clear the Pakistan-India or Kashmir conflicts have not been Muslim-Hindu conflicts so much as intra-Muslim conflicts about Muslim identity and self-knowledge on the Indian subcontinent), Dec 4

272. “Anger Management” needed? An Oxford DPhil recommends Pakistan launch a nuclear first strike against India within minutes of war, Dec 5.

273. A Quick Comparison Between the September 11 2001 NYC-Washington attacks and the November 26-28 2008 Mumbai Massacres (An Application of the Case-by-Case Philosophical Technique of Wittgenstein, Wisdom and Bambrough), Dec 6

274. Dr Rice finally gets it right (and maybe Mrs Clinton will too) Dec 7

275. Will the Government of India’s new macroeconomic policy dampen or worsen the business-cycle (if such a cycle exists at all)? No one knows! “Where ignorance is bliss, ‘Tis folly to be wise.”  Dec 7

276. Pump-priming for car-dealers: Keynes groans in his grave (If evidence was needed of the intellectual dishonesty of New Delhi’s new macroeconomic policy, here it is) Dec 9.

277. Congratulations to Mumbai’s Police: capturing a terrorist, affording him his Habeas Corpus rights, getting him to confess within the Rule of Law, sets a new world standard  Dec 10

278. Two cheers — wait, let’s make that one cheer — for America’s Justice Department, Dec 10

279. Will Pakistan accept the bodies of nine dead terrorists who came from Pakistan to Mumbai? If so, let there be a hand-over at the Wagah border, Dec 11.

280. Kasab was a stupid, ignorant, misguided youth, manufactured by Pakistan’s terrorist masterminds into becoming a mass-murdering robot: Mahatma Gandhi’s India should punish him, get him to repent if he wishes, then perhaps rehabilitate him as a potent weapon against Pakistani terrorism Dec 12.

281. Pakistan’s New Delhi Embassy should ask for “Consular Access” to nine dead terrorists in a Mumbai morgue before asking to meet Kasab, Dec 13

282. An Indian Reply to President Zardari: Rewarding Pakistan for bad behaviour leads to schizophrenic relationships Dec 19

283. Is my prediction about Caroline Kennedy becoming US Ambassador to Britain going to be correct?  Dec 27

284. Chandrayaan adds a little good cheer! Well done, ISRO!, Dec 28

285. How sad that “Slumdog millionaire” is SO disappointing! Dec 31

289. (with Claude Arpi) “Transparency & history: India’s archives must be opened to world standards” Business Standard New Delhi Dec 31, 2008, published here Jan 1 .

2009

290. A basis of India-Pakistan cooperation on the Mumbai massacres: the ten Pakistani terrorists started off as pirates and the Al-Huseini is a pirate ship Jan 1.

291. India’s “pork-barrel politics” needs a nice (vegetarian) Hindi name! “Teli/oily politics” perhaps? (And are we next going to see a Bill of Rights for Lobbyists?) Jan 3

292. My (armchair) experience of the 1999 Kargil war (Or, “Actionable Intelligence” in the Internet age: How the Kargil effort got a little help from a desktop)  Jan 5

293. How Jammu & Kashmir’s Chief Minister Omar Abdullah can become a worthy winner of the Nobel Peace Prize: An Open Letter,  Jan 7

294. Could the Satyam/PwC fraud be the visible part of an iceberg? Where are India’s “Generally Accepted Accounting Principles”? Isn’t governance rather poor all over corporate India? Bad public finance may be a root cause Jan 8

295. Satyam does not exist: it is bankrupt, broke, kaput. Which part of this does the new “management team” not get? The assets belong to Satyam’s creditors. Jan 8

296. Jews are massacred in Mumbai and now Jews commit a massacre in Gaza!  Jan 9

297. And now for the Great Satyam Whitewash/Cover-Up/Public Subsidy! The wrong Minister appoints the wrong new Board who, probably, will choose the wrong policy Jan 12

298. Letter to Wei Jingsheng  Jan 14

299. Memo to the Hon’ble Attorneys General of Pakistan & India: How to jointly prosecute the Mumbai massacre perpetrators most expeditiously Jan 16

300. Satyam and IT-firms in general may be good candidates to become “Labour-Managed” firms Jan 18

301. “Yes we might be able to do that. Perhaps we ought to. But again, perhaps we ought not to, let me think about it…. Most important is Cromwell’s advice: Think it possible we may be mistaken!” Jan 20.

302. RAND’s study of the Mumbai attacks Jan 25

303. Didn’t Dr Obama (the new American President’s late father) once publish an article in Harvard’s Quarterly Journal of Economics? (Or did he?) Jan 25.

304. “A Dialogue in Macroeconomics” 1989 etc: sundry thoughts on US economic policy discourse Jan 30

305. American Voices: A Brief Popular History of the United States in 20 You-Tube Music Videos Feb 5

306. Jaladhar Sen writes to Manindranath at Surendranath’s death, Feb 23

307. Pakistani expansionism: India and the world need to beware of “Non-Resident Pakistanis” ruled by Rahmat Ali’s ghost, Feb 9

308. My American years Part One 1980-90: battles for academic integrity & freedom Feb 11.

309. Thanks and well done Minister Rehman Malik and the Govt of Pakistan Feb 12

310. Can President Obama resist the financial zombies (let alone slay them)? His economists need to consult Dr Anna J Schwartz Feb 14

311. A Brief History of Gilgit, Feb 18

312. Memo to UCLA Geographers: Commonsense suggests Mr Bin Laden is far away from the subcontinent Feb 20

313. The BBC gets its history and geography deliberately wrong again Feb 21

314. Bengal Legislative Council 1921, Feb 28

315. Carmichael visits Surendranath, 1916, Mar 1

316. Memo to GoI CLB: India discovered the Zero, and 51% of Zero is still Zero Mar 10

317. An Academic Database of Doctoral & Other Postgraduate Research Done at UK Universities on India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and Other Asian Countries Over 100 Years, Mar 13

318. Pakistan’s progress, Mar 18

319. Risk-aversion explains resistance to free trade, Mar 19

320. India’s incredibly volatile inflation rate!  Mar 20

321. Is “Vicky, Cristina, Barcelona” referring to an emasculation of (elite) American society?,  Mar 21

322. Just how much intellectual fraud can Delhi produce? Mar 26

323. India is not a monarchy! We urgently need to universalize the French concept of “citoyen”!  Mar 28

324. Could this be the real state of some of our higher education institutions? Mar 29

325. Progress! The BBC retracts its prevarication! Mar 30

326. Aldous Huxley’s Essay “DH Lawrence” Mar 31

327. Waffle not institutional reform is what (I predict) the “G-20 summit” will produce, April 1

328. Did a full cricket team of Indian bureaucrats follow our PM into 10 Downing Street? Count for yourself! April 3

329. Will someone please teach the BJP’s gerontocracy some Economics 101 on an emergency basis?  April 5

330. The BBC needs to determine exactly where it thinks Pakistan is!, April 5

331. Alfred Lyall on Christians, Muslims, India, China, Etc, 1908, April 6

332. An eminent economist of India passes away April 9

333. Democracy Database for the Largest Electorate Ever Seen in World History, April 12

334. Memo to the Election Commission of India April 14 2009, 9 AM, April 14

335. Caveat emptor! Satyam is taken over, April 14

336. India’s 2009 General Elections: Candidates, Parties, Symbols for Polls on 16-30 April Phases 1,2,3, April 15

337. On the general theory of expertise in democracy: reflections on what emerges from the American “torture memos” today, April 18

338. India’s 2009 General Elections: 467 constituencies (out of 543) for which candidates have been announced as of 1700hrs April 21, April 21

339. Apropos Philosophy of Economics, Comments of Sidney Hook, KJ Arrow, Milton Friedman, TW Schultz, SS Alexander, Max Black, Renford Bambrough, John Gray et al., April 22.

340. India’s 2009 General Elections: Names of all 543 Constituencies of the 15th Lok Sabha, April 22.

341. India’s 2009 General Elections: How 4125 State Assembly Constituencies comprise the 543 new Lok Sabha Constituencies, April 23.

342. Why has America’s “torture debate” yet to mention the obvious? Viz., sadism and racism, April 24

343. India’s 2009 General Elections: the advice of the late “George Eliot” (Mary Ann Evans, 1819-1880) to India’s voting public, April 24.

344. India’s 2009 General Elections: Delimitation and the Different Lists of 543 Lok Sabha Constituencies in 2009 and 2004, April 25

345. Is “Slumdog Millionaire” the single worst Best Picture ever?

346. India’s 2009 General Elections: Result of Delimitation — Old (2004) and New (2009) Lok Sabha and Assembly Constituencies, April 26

347. India’s 2009 General Elections: 7019 Candidates in 485 (out of 543) Constituencies announced as of April 26 noon April 26

348. What is Christine Fair referring to? Would the MEA kindly seek to address what she has claimed asap? April 27

349. Politics can be so entertaining Manmohan versus Sonia on the poor old CPI(M)!, April 28

350. A Dozen Grown-Up Questions for Sonia Gandhi, Manmohan Singh, LK Advani, Sharad Pawar, Km Mayawati and Anyone Else Dreaming of Becoming/Deciding India’s PM After the 2009 General Elections, April 28

351. India’s 2009 General Elections: How drastically will the vote-share of political parties change from 2004? May 2

352. India’s 2009 General Elections: And now finally, all 8,070 Candidates across all 543 Lok Sabha Constituencies, May 5

353. India’s 2009 General Elections: The Mapping of Votes into Assembly Segments Won into Parliamentary Seats Won in the 2004 Election, May 7

354. Will Messrs Advani, Rajnath Singh & Modi ride into the sunset if the BJP comes to be trounced? (Corrected), May 10

355. India’s 2009 General Elections: 543 Matrices to Help Ordinary Citizens Audit the Election Commission’s Vote-Tallies  May 12

356. Well done Sonia-Rahul! Two hours before polls close today, I am willing to predict a big victory for you (but, please, try to get your economics right, and also, you must get Dr Singh a Lok Sabha seat if he is to be PM) May 13

357. Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee must dissolve the West Bengal Assembly if he is an honest democrat: Please try to follow Gerard Schröder’s example even slightly! May 16

358. India’s 2009 General Elections: Provisional Results from the EC as of 1400 hours Indian Standard Time May 16

359. Memo to the Hon’ble President of India: It is Sonia Gandhi, not Manmohan Singh, who should be invited to our equivalent of the “Kissing Hands” Ceremony May 16

360. Time for heads to roll in the BJP/RSS and CPI(M)!, May 17.

361. Inviting a new Prime Minister of India to form a Government: Procedure Right and Wrong  May 18

362. Starting with Procedural Error: Why has the “Cabinet” of the 14th Lok Sabha been meeting today AFTER the results of the Elections to the 15th Lok Sabha have been declared?!  May 18

363. Why has the Sonia Congress done something that the Congress under Nehru-Indira-Rajiv would not have done, namely, exaggerate the power of the Rajya Sabha and diminish the power of the Lok Sabha? May 21

364. Shouldn’t Dr Singh’s Cabinet begin with a small apology to the President of India for discourtesy? May we have reviews and reforms of protocols and practices to be followed at Rashtrapati Bhavan and elsewhere?  May 23

365. Parliament’s sovereignty has been diminished by the Executive: A record for future generations to know May 25

366. How tightly will organised Big Business be able to control economic policies this time? May 26

367. Why does India not have a Parliament ten days after the 15th Lok Sabha was elected? Nehru and Rajiv would both have been appalled May 27

368. Eleven days and counting after the 15th Lok Sabha was elected and still no Parliament of India! (But we do have 79 Ministers — might that be a world record?) May 28

369. Note to Posterity: 79 Ministers in office but no 15th Lok Sabha until June 1 2009! May 29

370. Silver Jubilee of Pricing, Planning & Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India May 29

371. How to Design a Better Cabinet for the Government of India May 29

372. Parliament is supposed to control the Government, not be bullied or intimidated by it: Will Rahul Gandhi be able to lead the Backbenches in the 15th Lok Sabha? June 1

373. Mistaken Macroeconomics: An Open Letter to Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh, June 12

374. Why did Manmohan Singh and LK Advani apologise to one another? Is Indian politics essentially collusive, not competitive, aiming only to preserve and promote the post-1947 Dilli Raj at the expense of the whole of India? We seem to have no Churchillian repartee (except perhaps from Bihar occasionally) June 18

375. Are Iran’s Revolutionaries now Reactionaries? George Orwell would have understood. A fresh poll may be the only answer Are Iran’s Revolutionaries now Reactionaries? George Orwell would have understood. A fresh poll may be the only answer  June 22

376. My March 25 1991 memo to Rajiv (which never reached him) is something the present Government seems to have followed: all for the best of course! July 12

377. Disquietude about France’s behaviour towards India on July 14 2009 July 14

378. Does the Govt. of India assume “foreign investors and analysts” are a key constituency for Indian economic policy-making? If so, why so? Have Govt. economists “learnt nothing, forgotten everything”? Some Bastille Day thoughts July 14

379. Letter to the GoI’s seniormost technical economist, May 21.July 19

380. Excuse me but young Kasab in fact confessed many months ago, immediately after he was captured – he deserves 20 or 30 years in an Indian prison, and a chance to become a model prisoner who will stand against the very terrorists who sent him on his vile mission  July 20

381. Finally, three months late, the GoI responds to American and Pakistani allegations about Balochistan July 24

382.  Thoughts, words, deeds: My work 1973-2010

M1. Map of Asia c. 1900

M2. Map of Chinese Empire c. 1900

M3. Map of Sinkiang, Tibet and Neighbours 1944

M4. China’s Secretly Built 1957 Road Through India’s Aksai Chin

M5. Map of Kashmir to Sinkiang 1944

M6. Map of India-Tibet-China-Mongolia 1959

M7. Map of India, Afghanistan, Russia, China, 1897

M8. Map of Xinjiang/Sinkiang/E Turkestan

M9. Map of Bombay/Mumbai 1909

M10-M13. Himalayan Expedition, West Sikkim 1970 – 1,2,3,4

On July 21, India’s top foreign ministry official finally responded saying:  “…Prime Minister Gilani mentioned that Pakistan has some information on threats in Balochistan and other areas. Pakistan has been saying this but our hands are clean”.

Better late than never I suppose.

Subroto Roy, Kolkata.

]]> http://independentindian.com/2009/07/24/finally-three-months-late-the-goi-responds-to-american-and-pakistani-allegations-about-balochistan/feed/ 0 drsubrotoroy http://independentindian.com/2009/06/18/why-did-manmohan-singh-and-lk-advani-apologise-to-one-another-is-indian-politics-essentially-collusive-not-competitive-aiming-only-to-preserve-and-promote-the-post-1947-dilli-raj-at-the-expense-of/ http://independentindian.com/2009/06/18/why-did-manmohan-singh-and-lk-advani-apologise-to-one-another-is-indian-politics-essentially-collusive-not-competitive-aiming-only-to-preserve-and-promote-the-post-1947-dilli-raj-at-the-expense-of/#comments Thu, 18 Jun 2009 01:49:02 +0000 drsubrotoroy http://independentindian.com/?p=4221 ]]> Yesterday the PM is reported to have been asked by someone travelling on his aeroplane from Moscow “whether he had forgiven Advani for calling him a ‘weak Prime Minister’”.

The question was absurd, almost ridiculous, typical of our docile ingratiating rather juvenile English-language press and media, as if any issue of forgiveness arises at all about what one politician says during an election campaign about another politician’s performance in office.

Dr Manmohan Singh’s answer was surprising too: “I was compelled to reply to what Advani said…On May 16 when (Advani) telephoned me, he told me that he was hurt by some of my statements. He said he was hurt and regretted his statements… I apologised to him if I have hurt him. I am looking forward to a close relationship with the Leader of the Opposition.”

So LK Advani appears to have apologised to Manmohan Singh and Manmohan Singh to LK Advani for what they said about each other during the recent general election campaign! What is going on? Were they schoolboys exchanging fisticuffs in a school playground or elderly men battling over power and policy in modern Indian politics?

What would we have done if there was a Churchill in Indian politics today – hurling sarcastic insults at domestic opponents and foreign leaders while guiding a nation on its right course during turbulent times?

Churchill once famously said his parents had not shown him “The Boneless Wonder” in PT Barnum’s circus because it was too horrible a sight but now he had finally seen such a “Boneless Wonder” in his opponent on the Treasury Benches, namely, Ramsay MacDonald. Of the same opponent he said later “He has the gift of compressing the largest number of words into the smallest amount of thought”.

When accused of being drunk by a woman MP he replied “And you are very ugly, but tomorrow I’ll be sober”. Today’s politically correct world would scream at far less. Field Marshall Montgomery told Churchill, “I neither drink nor smoke and am 100% fit,” to which Churchill replied, “I drink and smoke and I am 200% fit”. That too would be politically incorrect today.

Churchill described Prime Minister Clement Attlee as “a modest man with much to be modest about”; also about Attlee: “If any grub is fed on Royal Jelly it turns into a Queen Bee”. Yet Attlee had enough dignity and self-knowledge and self-confidence to brush it all off and instead respect and praise him. In the 1954 volume Winston Spencer Churchill Servant of Crown and Commonwealth Attlee added his own tribute to his great opponent: “I recall…the period when he was at odds with his own party and took a seat on the Bench below the Gangway on the Government side. Here he was well placed to fire on both parties. I remember describing him as a heavily armed tank cruising in No Man’s Land. Very impressive were the speeches he delivered as the international horizon grew darker. He became very unpopular with the predominant group in his own party, but he never minded fighting a lone battle.”

Stanley Baldwin, who as PM first appointed Churchill as Chancellor of the Exchequer, once said “There comes Winston with his hundred horsepower mind”. Yet Churchill was to later say harshly “I wish Stanley Baldwin no ill, but it would have been much better had he never lived.”

Of Lenin, Churchill said, he was “transported in a sealed truck like a plague bacillus from Switzerland into Russia”. Of Molotov: “I have never seen a human being who more perfectly represented the modern concept of a robot.” Of Hitler, “If [he] invaded hell I would at least make a favourable reference to the devil in the House of Commons”. Of De Gaulle, “He was a man without a country yet he acted as if he was head of state”.” Of John Foster Dulles, “[He] is the only bull who carries his china shop with him”. Of Stafford Cripps, British Ambassador to the USSR, “…a lunatic in a country of lunatics”; and also “There but for the Grace of God, goes God”.

Decades later, that great neo-Churchillian Margaret Thatcher was on the receiving end of a vast amount of sarcasm. “President Mitterrand once famously remarked that Thatcher had ‘the eyes of Caligula and the lips of Marilyn Monroe’. Rather less flatteringly, Dennis Healey described her as Attila the Hen. She probably took both descriptions as compliments.” (Malcolm Rifkind in Margaret Thatcher’s Revolution: How it Happened and What it Meant edited by Subroto Roy and John Clarke, 2005).

Politics is, and should be, grown up stuff because it deals with human lives and national destinies, and really, if you can’t take the heat please do not enter the kitchen. The slight Churchillian sarcasm that does arise within modern Indian politics comes very occasionally from Bihar but nowhere else, e.g. about the inevitability of aloo in samosas and of bhaloos in the jungle but no longer of Laloo being in the seat of power. In general, everyone seems frightfully sombre and self-important though may be in fact short of self-knowledge and hence self-confidence.

What had Manmohan Singh said about LK Advani that he felt he had to apologise for? That Advani had no substantial political achievement to his credit and did not deserve to be India’s PM. Manmohan was not alone in making the charge – Sonia Gandhi, Rahul Gandhi and numerous other spokesmen and representatives of their party said the same. Has Manmohan’s apology to Advani been one on behalf of the whole Congress Party itself?

Was Advani’s apology to Manmohan one on behalf of the whole BJP too?

What had the BJP charged Manmohan with that Advani felt he had to apologise for?  Being a “weak PM”.

Hmmm. Frankly, thinking about it, it is hard to count who has not been weak as a PM in India’s modern history.

Certainly Vallabhai Patel as a kind of co-PM was decisive and far from weak back in 1947-48.

Lal Bahadur Shastri was not weak when he told Pakistan that a Pakistani attack on Kashmir would result in an Indian attack on Pakistan.

Indira Gandhi was not weak when she resisted the Yahya Khan-Tikka Khan tyranny against Bangladesh.

Had he not been assassinated, Rajiv Gandhi in a second term would have been decisive and not weak in facing up to and tackling the powerful lobbies and special interest groups that have crippled our domestic economic policy for decades.

But the number of such examples may be counted by hand.  Perhaps VP Singh might count, riding in an open jeep to Amritsar, as might AB Vajpayee’s Pokhran II and travelling on a bus to Lahore. In general, the BJP’s charge that Manmohan was “weak” may have constructively led to serious discussion in the country about the whole nature of the Prime Ministership in modern India, which means raising a whole gamut of issues about Indian governance – about India being the softest of “soft states”, with the softest of “soft government budget constraints” (i.e., endless deficit finance and paper money creation) etc.

Instead, what we have had thus far is apologies being exchanged for no real political reason between the leaderships of the Government and the Opposition. If two or three sellers come to implicitly carve up a market between themselves they are said by economic theory to be colluding rather than being in competition. Indian politics may be revealing such implicit collusive behaviour. The goal of this political oligopoly would seem to be to preserve and promote the status quo of the post-1947 Dilli Raj with its special hereditary nomenclatura, at the expense of anonymous diffused teeming India.

Subroto Roy, Kolkata

Postscript July 15 2009: Churchill’s mature opinion of Baldwin was one of the fullest praise at the 20 May 1950 unveiling of a memorial to him.  See his In the Balance, edited by Randolph S Churchill, 1951, p. 281

Shrimati Sonia Gandhi is the most prominent of such Backbench MPs in the 15th Lok Sabha, just as she was of the 14th Lok Sabha, and has chosen to be in a most peculiar position from the point of view of parliamentary law. As the leader of the largest parliamentary party, she could have been not merely a member of the Government but its Prime Minister. She has in fact had a decisive role in determining the composition of the Manmohan Government as well as its policies. She in fact sits on the Frontbenches in the Lok Sabha along with the Manmohan Government. But she is not a member of the Government and is, formally speaking, a Backbench MP who is choosing to sit in the Frontbenches.

(Dr Manmohan Singh himself, not being a member of the Lok Sabha, may, formally speaking, sit or speak from among the Frontbenches of his own Government only by invitation of the Lok Sabha Speaker as a courtesy – such would have been the cardinal reason why Alec Douglas-Home resigned from being Lord Home and instead stood for a House of Commons seat when he was appointed British Prime Minister.)

Sonia Gandhi’s son, Mr Rahul Gandhi, is also a Backbench MP. From all accounts, including that of Dr Singh himself, he could have been a member of Dr Singh’s Government but has specifically chosen not to be. He has appeared to have had some much lesser role than Sonia Gandhi in determining the composition of the Government and its policies but he is not a member of it. He is, formally speaking, a Backbench MP, indeed the most prominent to actually sit in the Backbenches, as he had done in the 14th Lok Sabha, which, it is to be hoped, he does in the 15th Lok Sabha too.

Now Rahul Gandhi, Sonia Gandhi and their 541 other fellow 15th Lok Sabha MPs were declared winners by May 16 2009 having won the Indian people’s vote.

(Incidentally, I predicted the outcome here two hours before polls closed on May 13 – how I did so is simply by having done the necessary work of determining that some 103 million people had voted for Congress in 2004 against some 86 million for the BJP; in my assessment Congress had done more than enough by way of political rhetoric and political reality to maintain if not extend that difference in 2009, i.e., the BJP had not done nearly enough to even begin to get enough of a net drift in its favour. I expect when the data are out it shall be seen that the margin of the raw vote between them has been much enlarged from 2004.)

As I have pointed out here over the last fortnight, there was no legal or logical reason why the  whole 15th Lok Sabha could not have been sworn in latest by May 18 2009.

Instead, Dr Manmohan Singh on May 18 held a purported “Cabinet” meeting of the defunct 14th Lok Sabha – an institution that had been automatically dissolved when Elections had been first announced! The Government then went about forming itself over two weeks despite the 15th Lok Sabha, on whose confidence it depended for its political legitimacy, not having been allowed to meet. Everyone – the Congress Party’s Supreme Court advocates, the Lok Sabha Secretariat, the Election Commission, Rashtrapati Bhavan too –  seems to have gotten it awfully wrong by placing the cart before the horse.

In our system it is Parliament that is sovereign, not the Executive Government. In fact the Executive is accountable to Parliament, specifically the Lok Sabha, and is supposed to be guided by it as well as hold its confidence at all times.

What has happened instead this time is that Government ministers have been busy taking oaths and entering their offices and making policy-decisons days before they have taken their oaths and their seats as Lok Sabha MPs!  The Government has thus started off by diminishing Parliament’s sovereignty and this should not be allowed to happen again.

(Of course why it took place is because of the peculiarity of the victory relative to our experience in recent decades – nobody could remember parliamentary traditions from Nehru’s time in the 1950s.  Even so, someone, e.g. the former Speaker, should have known and insisted upon explaining the relevant aspect of parliamentary law and hence avoided this breach.)

A central question now is whether a Government which has such a large majority, and which is led by someone in and has numerous ministers from the Rajya Sabha, is going to be adequately controlled and feel itself accountable to the Lok Sabha.

Neither of the Lok Sabha’s most prominent Backbenchers, Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi, have thus far distinguished themselves as Parliamentarians on the floor of the Lok Sabha. In the 14th Lok Sabha, Sonia Gandhi, sitting in the Frontbenches, exercised the  enormous control that she did over the Government not on the floor of the House itself but  from outside it.

It would be best of all if she chose in the 15th Lok Sabha to actually physically sit in the Congress’s Backbenches because that would ensure best that the Government Party’s ministers in the Frontbenches will keep having to seek to be accountable to the  Backbenches!

But this seems unlikely to happen in view of the fact she herself seems to have personally influenced the choice of a Speaker for the 15th Lok Sabha and it may be instead expected that she continues to sit on the Frontbenches with the Government without being a member of it.

That leaves Rahul Gandhi. If he too comes to be persuaded by the sycophants to sit on the Frontbenches with the Government, that will not be a healthy sign.

On the other hand, if he continues to sit on the Backbenches, he may be able to have a salubrious influence on the 15th Lok Sabha fulfilling its responsibility of seeking to seriously control and hold accountable the Executive Government,  and not be bullied or intimidated by it. His paternal grandfather, Feroze Gandhi, after all, may have been India’s most eminent and effective Backbench MP yet.

Subroto Roy, Kolkata

]]> http://independentindian.com/2009/06/01/parliament-is-supposed-to-control-the-government-not-be-bullied-or-intimidated-by-it-will-rahul-gandhi-be-able-to-lead-the-backbenches-in-the-15th-lok-sabha/feed/ 0 drsubrotoroy http://independentindian.com/2009/05/28/eleven-days-and-counting-after-the-15th-lok-sabha-was-elected-and-still-no-parliament-of-india-but-we-do-have-79-ministers-might-that-be-a-world-record/ http://independentindian.com/2009/05/28/eleven-days-and-counting-after-the-15th-lok-sabha-was-elected-and-still-no-parliament-of-india-but-we-do-have-79-ministers-might-that-be-a-world-record/#comments Thu, 28 May 2009 03:55:42 +0000 drsubrotoroy http://independentindian.com/?p=4029 ]]> A lawyer friend tells me she thinks it a “technicality” that there is no Lok Sabha or Parliament in India today despite eleven long days and nights having passed since the 15th Lok Sabha came to be elected by the people of India.  “At least we did not get Advani and Modi to rule”, is how she sought to justify the current circumstance.   I am afraid I think she has produced a non sequitur, and also forgotten the constitutional law she would have read as a student.

The best argument that I think the Government of India shall be able to give justifying their legal error in not having the 15th Lok Sabha up and running yet 11 days after India’s people have spoken would run something like this:

(1) The President of India invites a Council of Ministers led by a PM to form the government and has done so.

(2) The President must be satisfied that the PM commands a majority in the Lok Sabha, and the President has been satisfied by the 322  “letters of support” that the PM produced.

(3) The Government of the day calls parliamentary sessions and does so at its discretion, and the Government of the day headed by this PM has announced when it shall call the 15th Lok Sabha which will be in a few days yet.

Any such argument, I am afraid, would be specious because it simply puts the cart before the horse.

Parliament is sovereign in India, to repeat what I have said several times before.

Parliament is sovereign in India — not even the President who is the symbol of that sovereignty.  We do not follow the British quite exactly in this because we are a republic and not a monarchy.  In Britain sovereignty rests with “The King in Parliament”.  With us, Parliament is sovereign and the President is the symbol of that sovereignty.  In all matters of state, our President must act in a manner that Parliament and parliamentary law says.

Parliament is sovereign in India — not the Executive Government, certainly not its largest political party or its leader.

Parliament is sovereign in India because the people of India have chosen it to be so within the Constitution of India.

Parliament is sovereign in India and the people of India have elected the 15th Lok Sabha which has still not been allowed to meet eleven days later.

To the contrary, as noted days ago, the purported “Cabinet” of the 14th Lok Sabha, a dead institution, met on May 18 2009, some 48 hours after the 15th Lok Sabha had already been declared!   The 14th Lok Sabha in fact stood automatically dissolved in law when General Elections came to be announced.

Is all this merely a “technicality” as my friend believes?  I think not.

Executive Government in India derives its political legitimacy from being elected  by Parliament,  i.e., from holding the confidence of Parliament, and that means the Lok Sabha.

The Government of the day might  for sake of convenience have a prerogative of calling sessions of the 15th Lok Sabha once it has been constituted but the Government of the day cannot logically constitute a Lok Sabha after a General Election because it itself receives legitimacy from such a Lok Sabha.

If the 15th Lok Sabha has not met, confidence in any Executive has yet to be recorded, and hence any such Government has yet to receive legitimacy.

Do “322 letters of support” suffice?  Hardly.  They are signed after all by persons who have yet to take their seats in the Lok Sabha!  (Let us leave aside the fact that the PM, not being a member of the Lok Sabha, is in this case unable to be one of those 322 himself!)

Yet we have 79 “Ministers” of this new “Government” holding press-conferences and giving out free-bees and favours etc already.  As I have said before, Ambedkar, Nehru and others of their generation, plus Indira and Rajiv too, would all have been appalled.

Because the incompetence of the fascists and communists in the Opposition may continue to  be expected, it will be up to ordinary citizens and voters of India to point out such  simple truths whenever the Emperor is found to be naked.  (Our docile juvenile ingratiating media may well remain mostly hopeless.)

Subroto Roy, Kolkata.

]]> http://independentindian.com/2009/05/28/eleven-days-and-counting-after-the-15th-lok-sabha-was-elected-and-still-no-parliament-of-india-but-we-do-have-79-ministers-might-that-be-a-world-record/feed/ 0 drsubrotoroy http://independentindian.com/2009/05/27/why-does-india-not-have-a-parliament-ten-days-after-the-15th-lok-sabha-was-elected-nehru-and-rajiv-would-both-have-been-appalled/ http://independentindian.com/2009/05/27/why-does-india-not-have-a-parliament-ten-days-after-the-15th-lok-sabha-was-elected-nehru-and-rajiv-would-both-have-been-appalled/#comments Wed, 27 May 2009 09:22:48 +0000 drsubrotoroy http://independentindian.com/?p=4023 ]]> There are at least three Supreme Court lawyers, all highly voluble, among the higher echelons of Congress Party politicians; it is surprising that not one of them has been able to get the top Party leadership of Sonia Gandhi and Manmohan Singh to see the apparent breach of normal constitutional law in Parliament not having met more than 10 days after it was elected.

A Government has been formed, Ministers have entered their offices and have been holding press-conferences and taking executive decisions,  wannabe-Ministers continue to be wrangling night-and-day for the plums of office — BUT THERE IS NO PARLIAMENT!

Today is the death-anniversary of Jawaharlal Nehru and last week was the death anniversary of  Rajiv Gandhi.

Nehru, whatever his faults and infirmities, was an outstanding parliamentarian and a believer in the Westminster model in particular.  He was intimately familiar with its  unpoken customs and unwritten laws.   He would have been completely appalled by the situation today where luminaries of the party that goes by the  same name as the one he had led are paying obeisance to his memory 45 years after his death but have failed to see the absurdity in having a Government in office with no new Parliament ten days after a month-long General Election was over!  (Incidentally, had he not left explicit instructions against any hero-worship  taking place of himself too?)

Rajiv knew his grandfather and had acquired a sense of noblesse oblige from him.  He too would have been appalled that the procedural business of government  had been simply  procrastinated over like this.

It surprises me that Dr Manmohan Singh, having been a post-graduate of Cambridge, having earned a doctorate from Oxford, and more recently having been awarded honorary doctorates from both Ancient Universities, should seem so unaware of the elements of the Westminster model of  constitutional jurisprudence which guides our polity too.

It is too late now and the mistakes have been made.   I hope his  new Government will  come to realise at some point and then keep in mind that our Executive receives political legitimacy from Parliament, not vice versa.   An Executive can hardly be legitimately in office until the  Parliament that is supposed to elect it has been sworn in.

As for our putative Opposition in the Parliament-yet-to-meet, it seems to have drawn a blank too, and eo ipso revealed its own constitutional backwardness and lethargy.

Subroto Roy, Kolkata

Organised Big Business (both private sector and public sector) along with organised Big Labour (whose interests are represented most ably by New Delhi’s official communist parties like the CPI-M and CPI), are astutely aware of how best to advance their own economic interests; this usually gets assisted nicely enough through clever use of our comprador English-language TV, newspaper and magazine media. Shortly after the election results, lobbyists were all over commercial TV proposing things like FDI in insurance and airports etc– as if that was the meaning of the Sonia-Rahul mandate or were issues of high national priority. A typical piece of such “pretend-economics” appears in today’s business-press from a formerly Leftist Indian bureaucrat: “With its decisive victory, the new Manmohan Singh government should at last be able to implement the required second generation reforms. Their lineaments (sic) are well known and with the removal of the Left’s veto, many of those stalled in the legislature as well as those which were forestalled can now be implemented. These should be able to put India back on a 9-10 per cent per annum growth rate…”

Today’s business-press also reports that the new Government is planning to create a fresh “Disinvestment Ministry” and Dr Singh’s chief economic policy aide is “a frontrunner among the names short-listed to head the new ministry” with Cabinet rank.

Now if any enterprising doctoral student was to investigate the question, I think the evidence would show that I, and I alone – not even BR Shenoy or AD Shroff or Jagdish Bhagwati — may have been the first among Indian economists to have argued in favour of the privatisation of India’s public sector. I did so precisely 25 years ago in Pricing, Planning and Politics: A Study of Economic Distortions in India, which was so unusual for its time that it attracted the lead editorial of The Times of London on the day it was published May 29 1984, and had its due impact on Indian economic policy then and since, as has been described elsewhere here.  In 1990-1991 while with Rajiv Gandhi, I had floated an idea of literally giving away shares of the public sector to the public that owned it (as several other countries had been doing at that time), specifically perhaps giving them to the poorest panchayats in aid of their development.  In 2004-2005, upon returning to Britain after many years, I helped create the book Margaret Thatcher’s Revolution: How it Happened and What it Meant, and Margaret Thatcher if anyone was a paragon of privatisation.

That being said, I have to say I think a new Indian policy of creating a Ministry to privatise India’s public sector is probably a very BAD idea indeed in present circumstances — mainly because it will be driven by the interests of the organised Big Business lobbies that have so profoundly and subtly been able to control the New Delhi Government’s behaviour in recent decades.

Such lobbyist control is exercised often without the Government even realising or comprehending its parameters. For example, ask yourself: Is there any record anywhere of Dr Manmohan Singh, in his long career as a Government economist and then as a Rajya Sabha MP, having ever proposed before 2004-2005 that nuclear reactors were something vitally important to India’s future? And why do you suppose the most prominent Indian business lobby spent a million dollars and registered itself as an official lobbyist in Washington DC to promote the nuclear deal among American legislators? Because Big Business was feeling generous and altruistic towards the “energy security” of the ordinary people of India? Hardly.  Indian Big Business calculates and acts in its own interests, as is only to be expected under economic assumptions; those interests are frequently camouflaged by their lobbyist and media friends into seeming to be economic policy for the country as a whole.

Now our Government every year produces paper rupees and bank deposits in  practically unlimited amounts to pay for its practically unlimited deficit financing, and it has behaved thus over decades. Why we do not hear about this at all is because the most prominent Government economists themselves remain clueless — sometimes by choice, mostly by sheer ignorance — about the nature of the macroeconomic process that they are or have been part of.  (See my  “India’s Macroeconomics”, “The Dream Team: A Critique” etc elsewhere here). As for the Opposition’s economists, the less said about the CPI-M’s economists the better while the BJP, poor thing, has absolutely no economists at all!

Briefly speaking, Indian Big Business has acquired an acute sense of this long-term nominal/paper expansion of India’s economy, and as a result acts towards converting wherever possible its own hoards of paper rupees and rupee-denominated assets into more valuable portfolios for itself of real or durable assets, most conspicuously including hard-currency denominated assets, farm-land and urban real-estate, and, now, the physical assets of the Indian public sector. Such a path of trying to transform local domestic paper assets – produced unlimitedly by Government monetary and fiscal policy and naturally destined to depreciate — into real durable assets, is a privately rational course of action to follow in an inflationary economy.  It is not rocket-science  to realise the long-term path of the Indian rupee is downwards in comparison to the hard-currencies of the world – just compare our money supply growth and inflation rates with those of the rest of the world.

The Statesman of November 15 2006 had a lead editorial titled Government’s land-fraud: Cheating peasants in a hyperinflation-prone economy. It said:

“There is something fundamentally dishonourable about the way the Centre, the state of West Bengal and other state governments are treating the issue of expropriating peasants, farm-workers, petty shop-keepers etc of their small plots of land in the interests of promoters, industrialists and other businessmen. Singur may be but one example of a phenomenon being seen all over the country: Hyderabad, Karnataka, Kerala, Haryana, everywhere. So-called “Special Economic Zones” will merely exacerbate the problem many times over. India and its governments do not belong only to business and industrial lobbies, and what is good for private industrialists may or may not be good for India’s people as a whole. Economic development does not necessarily come to be defined by a few factories or high-rise housing complexes being built here or there on land that has been taken over by the Government, paying paper-money compensation to existing stakeholders, and then resold to promoters or industrialists backed by powerful political interest-groups on a promise that a few thousand new jobs will be created. One fundamental problem has to do with inadequate systems of land-description and definition, implementation and recording of property rights. An equally fundamental problem has to do with fair valuation of land owned by peasants etc. in terms of an inconvertible paper-money. Every serious economist knows that “land” is defined as that specific factor of production and real asset whose supply is fixed and does not increase in response to its price. Every serious economist also knows that paper-money is that nominal asset whose price can be made to catastrophically decline by a massive increase in its supply, i.e. by Government printing more of the paper it holds a monopoly to print. For Government to compensate people with paper-money it prints itself by valuing their land on the basis of an average of the price of the last few years, is for Government to cheat them of the fair present-value of the land. That present-value of land must be calculated in the way the present-value of any asset comes to be calculated, namely, by summing the likely discounted cash-flows of future values. And those future values should account for the likelihood of a massive future inflation causing decline in the value of paper-money in view of the fact we in India have a domestic public debt of some Rs. 30 trillion (Rs. 30 lakh crore) and counting, and money supply growth rates averaging 16-17% per annum. In fact, a responsible Government would, given the inconvertible nature of the rupee, have used foreign exchange or gold as the unit of account in calculating future-values of the land. India’s peasants are probably being cheated by their Government of real assets whose value is expected to rise, receiving nominal paper assets in compensation whose value is expected to fall.”

Mamata Banerjee started her famous protest fast-unto-death in Kolkata not long afterwards, riveting the nation’s attention in the winter of 2006-2007.

What goes for the government buying land on behalf of its businessman friends also goes, mutatis mutandis, for the public sector’s real assets being bought up by the private sector using domestic paper money in a potentially hyperinflationary economy.  If Dr Singh’s new Government wishes to see real public sector assets being sold, let the Government seek to value these assets not in inconvertible rupees which the Government itself has been producing in unlimited quantities but rather in forex or gold-units instead!

Today’s headline says “Short of cash, govt. plans to revive disinvestment ministry”. Big Business’s powerful lobbies will suggest  that real public assets must be sold  (to whom? to organised Big Business of course!) in order to solve the grave fiscal problems in an inflationary economy caused precisely by those grave  fiscal problems! What I said in 2002 at IndiaSeminar may still be found to apply: I said the BJP’s privatisation ideas “deserve to be condemned…because they have made themselves believe that the proceeds of selling the public sector should merely go into patching up the bleeding haemorrhage which is India’s fiscal and monetary situation… (w)hile…Congress were largely responsible for that haemorrhage to have occurred in the first place.”

If the new Government would like to know how to proceed more wisely, they need to read and grasp, in the book edited by myself and Professor John Clarke in 2004-2005, the chapter by Professor Patrick Minford on Margaret Thatcher’s fiscal and monetary policy (macroeconomics) before they read the chapter by Professor Martin Ricketts on Margaret Thatcher’s privatisation (microeconomics).  India’s fiscal and monetary or macroeconomic problems are far worse today than Britain’s were when Thatcher came in.

During the recent Election Campaign, I contrasted Dr Singh’s flattering praise in 2005 of the CPI-M’s Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee with Sonia Gandhi’s pro-Mamata line in 2009 saying the CPI-M had taken land away from the poor.  This may soon signal a new fault-line in the new Cabinet too on economic policy with respect to not only land but also public sector privatisation – with Dr Singh’s pro-Big Business acolytes on one side and Mamata Banerjee’s stance in favour of small-scale unorganised business and labour on the other.  Party heavyweights like Dr Singh himself and Sharad Pawar and Pranab Mukherjee will weigh in one side or the other with Sonia being asked in due course to referee.

I personally am delighted to see the New Rahul Gandhi deciding not to be in Government and to instead reflect further on the “common man” and “common woman” about whom I had described his father talking to me on September 18 1990 at his home. Certainly the “aam admi” is not someone to be found among India’s organised Big Business or organised Big Labour nor their paid lobbyists in the big cities.

Subroto Roy, Kolkata

Here is a brief record for future generations to know.

India’s people completed their voting in the 15th General Elections on Wednesday May 13 2009.

The results of how they had spoken, what was their will, were known and declared by Saturday May 16 2009.

There was no legal or logical reason why the 543 members of the 15th Lok Sabha could not have been sworn in as new MPs by the close-of-business on Monday May 18 at the latest.

On Tuesday May 19 the 15th Lok Sabha could have and should have met to elect itself a pro tem or even a permanent Speaker.

The Speaker would have divided the new House into its Government Party and its Opposition.

There would have been a vote of confidence on the floor of the House, which in the circumstances would have been in favour of the Government Party.

Observing this to have taken place, the Hon’ble President of India as the Head of State would have sent for the leader of the Government Party and invited her to form the new Government.

In this particular case, the leader of the largest political party, namely Sonia Gandhi, would have been accompanied perhaps by the Leader of the Lok Sabha, Pranab Mukherjee, as well as her personal nominee for the position of PM, namely, Manmohan Singh.

Sonia Gandhi would have respectfully declined the invitation of the President to be the new Prime Minister, and she would have also explained that she wanted Manmohan Singh to have the position instead.

The President would have said “Very well, Dr Singh, can you please form the Government?”

He would have said, “Yes Madame President it shall be a privilege and an honour to do so”.

The President would have added, “Thank you, and I notice you are not a member of the Lok Sabha at the moment but I am sure you are taking steps towards becoming one.”

End of visit.

Manmohan Singh would have been sworn in as PM and would have gone about adding Ministers at a measured pace.   Later, he would have resigned his Rajya Sabha seat and sought election to the Lok Sabha on the parliamentary precedent set by Alec Douglas-Home.

What has happened instead?

On May 18 2009, instead of 543 members of the 15th Lok Sabha taking their oaths as required by parliamentary law and custom, Dr Singh held a purported “Cabinet”  meeting of the 14th Lok Sabha — a long-since dead institution!

Some of the persons attending this  meeting as purported “Cabinet ministers” had even lost their seats in the elections decided a few days earlier and so had absolutely zero democratically legitimate status left. All these persons then submitted their purported resignations which Dr Singh carried to the President, stating his Government had resigned. The President then appointed him a caretaker PM and he, along with Sonia Gandhi, then went about “staking claim” to form the next Government — turning up at the President’s again with “letters of support” signed by some 322 persons  who were MP-elects but were yet to become MPs formally by not having been sworn in.

The President appeared satisfied the party Sonia Gandhi and Manmohan Singh belonged to would command a majority in prospect in the Lok Sabha and invited him to be PM.   Some major public wrangling then took place with at least one of his allies about cabinet berths — and that is the situation as of the present moment except that Dr Singh and several others have been sworn in as the Council of Ministers even though the  new 15th Lok Sabha of 543 members has still not convened!  It has been all rather sloppy and hardly uplifting.

Parliament is supposed to be sovereign in India.

Not the Executive Government or the largest political party or its leader.

The sovereignty of Parliament required Sonia Gandhi and Dr Singh to have realised

first, that the 14th Lok Sabha stood automatically dissolved when elections were announced;

secondly, that the 15th Lok Sabha could have and should have been sworn in by Monday May 18;

thirdly, that there should have been a vote of confidence in the Lok Sabha immediately which would have gone in favour of the Government Party;

fourthly, that only then should the Executive Government have been sought to be formed;

and of course fifthly, that if that Executive Government was to be led by someone who happened to be a member of the Rajya Sabha and not the Lok Sabha, parliamenary law and custom required him to follow the Douglas-Home precedent of resigning from the former and seeking election to the latter at the earliest opportunity.

Let future generations know that as of today, May 25, the 543 persons whom the people of India voted to constitute the 15th Lok Sabha still remain in limbo without having been sworn in though we already have an Executive Government appointed!

The sovereignty of Parliament, specifically that of the Lok Sabha, has come to be diminished, indeed usurped, by the Executive.   It is the Executive that receives its political legitimacy from Parliament, not vice versa.  Nehru and his generation knew all this intimately well and would have been appalled at where we in the present have been taking it.

Subroto Roy, Kolkata

Indeed we in India did not even fully invent the idea of our own Parliament though the national struggle led by the original Indian National Congress caused it to come to be invented.  The Lok Sabha is the outcome of a long and distinguished constitutional and political history from the Morley-Minto reforms a century ago to the Montagu-Chelmsford reforms and Government of India Act of 1919 to the Government of India Act of 1935 and the first general elections of British India in 1937 (when Jawaharlal Nehru briefly became PM for the first time) and in due course the 1946 Constituent Assembly.   Out of all this emerged the 1950 Constitution of India, drafted by that brilliant jurist BR Ambedkar as well as other sober intelligent well-educated and dedicated men and women of his time, and thence arose our first Lok Sabha following the 1951 General Elections.

About the Lok Sabha’s duties, I said in my March 30 2006 article “Logic of Democracy” in The Statesman

“What are Lok Sabha Members and State MLAs legitimately required to be doing in caring for their constituents? First of all, as a body as a whole, they need to elect the Government, i.e. the Executive Branch, and to hold it accountable in Parliament or Assembly. For example, the Comptroller and Auditor General submits his reports directly to the House, and it is the duty of individual legislators to put these to good use in controlling the Government’s waste, fraud or abuse of public resources.   Secondly, MPs and MLAs are obviously supposed to literally represent their individual constituencies in the House, i.e. to bring the Government and the House’s attention to specific problems or contingencies affecting their constituents as a whole, and call for the help, funds and sympathy of the whole community on their behalf.  Thirdly, MPs and MLAs are supposed to respond to pleas and petitions of individual constituents, who may need the influence associated with the dignity of their office to get things rightly done. For example, an impoverished orphan lad once needed surgery to remove a brain tumour; a family helping him was promised the free services of a top brain surgeon if a hospital bed and operating theatre could be arranged. It was only by turning to the local MLA that the family were able to get such arrangements made, and the lad had his tumour taken out at a public hospital. MPs and MLAs are supposed to vote for and create public goods and services, and to use their moral suasion to see that existing public services actually do get to reach the public.”

What about the Rajya Sabha?  I said in the same article:

“Rajya Sabha Members are a different species altogether. Most if not all State Legislative Councils have been abolished, and sadly the present nature of the Rajya Sabha causes similar doubts to arise about its utility. The very idea of a Rajya Sabha was first mooted in embryo form in an 1888 book A History of the Native States of India, Vol I. Gwalior, whose author also advocated popular constitutions for the “Indian India” of the “Native States” since “where there are no popular constitutions, the personal character of the ruler becomes a most important factor in the government… evils are inherent in every government where autocracy is not tempered by a free constitution.”  When Victoria was declared India’s “Empress” in 1877, a “Council of the Empire” was mooted but had remained a non-starter even until the 1887 Jubilee. An “Imperial Council” was now designed of the so-called “Native Princes”, which came to evolve into the “Chamber of Princes” which became the “Council of the States” and the Rajya Sabha.  It was patterned mostly on the British and not the American upper house except in being not liable to dissolution, and compelling periodic retirement of a third of members. The American upper house is an equal if not the senior partner of the lower house. Our Rajya Sabha follows the British upper house in being a chamber which is duty-bound to oversee any exuberance in the Lok Sabha but which must ultimately yield to it if there is any dispute.  Parliament in India’s democracy effectively means the Lok Sabha — where every member has contested and won a direct vote in his/her constituency. The British upper house used to have an aristocratic hereditary component which Tony Blair’s New Labour Government has now removed, so it has now been becoming more like what the Rajya Sabha was supposed to have been like.”

The Canadian upper house is similar to ours in intent: a place for “sober second thought” intended to curb the “democratic excesses” of the lower house.   In the Canadian, British, Australian, Irish and our own cases, the Prime Minister, as the chief executive of the lower house has immense indirect power over the upper house, whether in appointing members or even, in the Australian case, dissolving the entire upper house if he/she wishes.

Now yesterday apparently Shrimati Sonia Gandhi, as the duly elected leader of the largest political party in the 15th Lok Sabha, accompanied by Dr Manmohan Singh, as her party’s choice for the position of Prime Minister, went to see the President of India where the Hon’ble President apparently appointed Dr Singh to be the Prime Minister of India – meaning the Prime Minister of the 15th Lok Sabha, except that Dr Singh is not a member of the Lok Sabha and apparently has had no intent of becoming one.

In 2004 Shrimati Gandhi had declined to accept an invitation to become PM and instead effectively recommended Dr Singh to be PM despite his not being a member of the Lok Sabha nor intending to be so.   This exploited a constitutional loophole to the extent that the drafters of our 1950 Constitution happened not to have explicitly stated that the PM must be from the Lok Sabha.  But the reason the founders of our democratic polity such as BR Ambedkar and Jawaharlal Nehru did not specify that the PM must be from the Lok Sabha was quite simply that it was a matter of complete obviousness to them and to their entire generation that this must be so — it would have been  appalling to them and something beyond their wildest imagination that a later generation, namely our own, would exploit such a loophole and allow a PM to be appointed who is not a member of the Lok Sabha and intends not to be so.

Ambedkar, Nehru and all others of their time knew fully well that the history and intended purpose of the Lok Sabha was completely different from the history and intended purpose of the Rajya Sabha.  They knew too fully well that Lord Curzon had been explicitly denied the leadership of Britain’s Tory Party in 1922 because that would have made him a potential PM  when he was not prepared to be a member of the House of Commons.  That specific precedent culminated a centuries’-old  democratic trend of  political power flowing from monarchs to lords to commoners, and has governed all parliamentary democracies  worldwide ever since — until Dr Singh’s appointment in 2004.

When such an anomalous situation once arose in Britain, Lord Home resigned his membership of the House of Lords to contest a House of Commons seat as Sir Alec Douglas Home so that he could be PM in a manner consistent with parliamentary law.

Dr Singh instead for five years remained PM of India while not being a member of the Lok Sabha.  Even if reasons and exigencies of State could have been cited for such an anomalous situation during his first term, there was really no such reason for him not to contest the 2009 General Election if he wished to be the Congress Party’s prime ministerial candidate a second time.  Numerous Rajya Sabha members alongside him have contested Lok Sabha seats this time, and several have won.

As of today, Dr Singh is due to be sworn in tomorrow as Prime Minister for a second term while still having no declared intention of resigning from the Rajya Sabha and contesting a Lok Sabha seat instead.   What the present-day Congress has done is elect him the leader of the “Congress Parliamentary Party” and claim that it is in such a capacity that he received the invitation to be Prime Minister of India.   But surely if the question had been asked to the Congress Party under Nehru or Indira or Rajiv: “Can you foresee a circumstance ever in which the PM of India is not a member of the Lok Sabha?” their answer in each case would have been a categorical and resounding  “no”.

So the question does arise why the Congress under Sonia Gandhi has with deliberation allowed such an anomalous situation to develop.  Its effect is to completely distort the trends of relative political power between the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha.  On the one hand, the Lok Sabha’s power is deliberately made to diminish as the chief executive of the Government of India shall not be from the Lok Sabha but from “the other place” despite the Lok Sabha having greater political legitimacy by having been directly elected by India’s people.   This sets a precedent that  might  get repeated in India  in the future but which contradicts the worldwide trend in parliamentary democracies over decades and centuries in precisely the opposite direction –  of power flowing in the direction of the people not away from them.   On the other hand, the fact this anomalous idea has been pioneered by the elected leader of the largest political party in the Lok Sabha while her PM is in the Rajya Sabha causes a member of the lower house to have unexpected control over the upper house when the latter is supposed to be something of an independent check on the former!

It all really seems an unnecessary muddle and a jumbling up of normal constitutional law and parliamentary procedure.  The Sonia-Manmohan Government at the outset of its second term should hardly want to be seen by history as having set a poor precedent using brute force.  The situation can be corrected with the utmost ease by following the Alec Douglas Home example, with Dr Singh being given a relatively safe seat to contest as soon as possible, if necessary by some newly elected Congress MP resigning and allowing a bye-election to be called.

Subroto Roy, Kolkata

There are innumerable improvements to the working of our democracy that are possible to be discussed.  For example, I see no logical reason why candidates for the 16th Lok Sabha may not seek to register themselves the day after the results of the 15th Lok Sabha come to be declared.

Once your staff have checked the processed data below against the raw data  you provide, you are welcome to use my tables, preferably with acknowledgment. For convenience, a full list of all 543 constituencies follows the list of 382 constituencies you have announced as of this morning.

Sincerely

Subroto Roy, PhD (Cantab.), BScEcon (London)

Kolkata

Constituency No        Poll Date    State/UT    Constituency Name
S01    1    16-Apr-09    AP    ADILABAD
S01    2    16-Apr-09    AP    PEDDAPALLE
S01    3    16-Apr-09    AP    KARIMNAGAR
S01    4    16-Apr-09    AP    NIZAMABAD
S01    5    16-Apr-09    AP    ZAHIRABAD
S01    6    16-Apr-09    AP    MEDAK
S01    7    16-Apr-09    AP    MALKAJGIRI
S01    8    16-Apr-09    AP    SECUNDRABAD
S01    9    16-Apr-09    AP    HYDERABAD
S01    10    16-Apr-09    AP    CHELVELLA
S01    11    16-Apr-09    AP    MAHBUBNAGAR
S01    12    16-Apr-09    AP    NAGARKURNOOL
S01    13    16-Apr-09    AP    NALGONDA
S01    14    16-Apr-09    AP    BHONGIR
S01    15    16-Apr-09    AP    WARANGAL
S01    16    16-Apr-09    AP    MAHABUBABAD
S01    17    16-Apr-09    AP    KHAMMAM
S01    18    16-Apr-09    AP    ARUKU
S01    19    16-Apr-09    AP    SRIKAKULAM
S01    20    16-Apr-09    AP    VIZIANAGARAM
S01    21    16-Apr-09    AP    VISAKHAPATNAM
S01    22    16-Apr-09    AP    ANAKAPALLI
S01    23    23-Apr-09    AP    KAKINADA
S01    24    23-Apr-09    AP    AMALAPURAM
S01    25    23-Apr-09    AP    RAJAHMUNDRY
S01    26    23-Apr-09    AP    NARSAPURAM
S01    27    23-Apr-09    AP    ELURU
S01    28    23-Apr-09    AP    MACHILIPATNAM
S01    29    23-Apr-09    AP    VIJAYAWADA
S01    30    23-Apr-09    AP    GUNTUR
S01    31    23-Apr-09    AP    NARASARAOPET
S01    32    23-Apr-09    AP    BAPATLA
S01    33    23-Apr-09    AP    ONGOLE
S01    34    23-Apr-09    AP    NANDYAL
S01    35    23-Apr-09    AP    KURNOOL
S01    36    23-Apr-09    AP    ANANTAPUR
S01    37    23-Apr-09    AP    HINDUPUR
S01    38    23-Apr-09    AP    KADAPA
S01    39    23-Apr-09    AP    NELLORE
S01    40    23-Apr-09    AP    TIRUPATI
S01    41    23-Apr-09    AP    RAJAMPET
S01    42    23-Apr-09    AP    CHITTOOR
S02    1    16-Apr-09    AR    ARUNACHAL WEST
S02    2    16-Apr-09    AR    ARUNACHAL EAST
S03    1    16-Apr-09    AS    KARIMGANJ
S03    2    16-Apr-09    AS    SILCHAR
S03    3    16-Apr-09    AS    AUTONOMOUS DISTRICT
S03    4    23-Apr-09    AS    DHUBRI
S03    5    23-Apr-09    AS    KOKRAJHAR
S03    6    23-Apr-09    AS    BARPETA
S03    7    23-Apr-09    AS    GAUHATI
S03    8    23-Apr-09    AS    MANGALDOI
S03    9    23-Apr-09    AS    TEZPUR
S03    10    23-Apr-09    AS    NOWGONG
S03    11    23-Apr-09    AS    KALIABOR
S03    12    23-Apr-09    AS    JORHAT
S03    13    23-Apr-09    AS    DIBRUGARH
S03    14    23-Apr-09    AS    LAKHIMPUR
S04    1    23-Apr-09    BR    VALMIKI NAGAR
S04    2    23-Apr-09    BR    PASCHIM CHAMPARAN
S04    3    23-Apr-09    BR    PURVI CHAMPARAN
S04    4    23-Apr-09    BR    SHEOHAR
S04    5    23-Apr-09    BR    SITAMARHI
S04    6    23-Apr-09    BR    MADHUBANI
S04    7    23-Apr-09    BR    JHANJHARPUR
S04    11    30-Apr-09    BR    KATIHAR
S04    12    30-Apr-09    BR    PURNIA
S04    13    30-Apr-09    BR    MADHEPURA
S04    14    23-Apr-09    BR    DARBHANGA
S04    15    23-Apr-09    BR    MUZAFFARPUR
S04    16    23-Apr-09    BR    VAISHALI
S04    17    16-Apr-09    BR    GOPALGANJ
S04    18    16-Apr-09    BR    SIWAN
S04    19    16-Apr-09    BR    MAHARAJGANJ
S04    20    16-Apr-09    BR    SARAN
S04    21    23-Apr-09    BR    HAJIPUR
S04    22    23-Apr-09    BR    UJIARPUR
S04    23    23-Apr-09    BR    SAMASTIPUR
S04    25    30-Apr-09    BR    KHAGARIA
S04    27    30-Apr-09    BR    BANKA
S04    28    30-Apr-09    BR    MUNGER
S04    32    16-Apr-09    BR    ARRAH
S04    33    16-Apr-09    BR    BUXAR
S04    34    16-Apr-09    BR    SASARAM
S04    35    16-Apr-09    BR    KARAKAT
S04    36    16-Apr-09    BR    JAHANABAD
S04    37    16-Apr-09    BR    AURANGABAD
S04    38    16-Apr-09    BR    GAYA
S04    39    16-Apr-09    BR    NAWADA
S04    40    16-Apr-09    BR    JAMUI
S05    1    23-Apr-09    GA    NORTH GOA
S05    2    23-Apr-09    GA    SOUTH GOA
S06    1    30-Apr-09    GJ    KACHCHH
S06    2    30-Apr-09    GJ    BANASKANTHA
S06    3    30-Apr-09    GJ    PATAN
S06    4    30-Apr-09    GJ    MAHESANA
S06    5    30-Apr-09    GJ    SABARKANTHA
S06    6    30-Apr-09    GJ    GANDHINAGAR
S06    7    30-Apr-09    GJ    AHMEDABAD EAST
S06    8    30-Apr-09    GJ    AHMEDABAD WEST
S06    9    30-Apr-09    GJ    SURENDRANAGAR
S06    10    30-Apr-09    GJ    RAJKOT
S06    11    30-Apr-09    GJ    PORBANDAR
S06    12    30-Apr-09    GJ    JAMNAGAR
S06    13    30-Apr-09    GJ    JUNAGADH
S06    14    30-Apr-09    GJ    AMRELI
S06    15    30-Apr-09    GJ    BHAVNAGAR
S06    16    30-Apr-09    GJ    ANAND
S06    17    30-Apr-09    GJ    KHEDA
S06    18    30-Apr-09    GJ    PANCHMAHAL
S06    19    30-Apr-09    GJ    DAHOD
S06    20    30-Apr-09    GJ    VADODARA
S06    21    30-Apr-09    GJ    CHHOTA UDAIPUR
S06    22    30-Apr-09    GJ    BHARUCH
S06    23    30-Apr-09    GJ    BARDOLI
S06    24    30-Apr-09    GJ    SURAT
S06    25    30-Apr-09    GJ    NAVSARI
S06    26    30-Apr-09    GJ    VALSAD
S07    2    7-May-09    HR    KURUKSHETRA
S07    6    7-May-09    HR    SONIPAT
S07    9    7-May-09    HR    GURGAON
S07    10    7-May-09    HR    FARIDABAD
S09    5    23-Apr-09    JK    UDHAMPUR
S09    6    16-Apr-09    JK    JAMMU
S10    1    23-Apr-09    KA    CHIKKODI
S10    2    23-Apr-09    KA    BELGAUM
S10    3    30-Apr-09    KA    BAGALKOT
S10    4    23-Apr-09    KA    BIJAPUR
S10    5    23-Apr-09    KA    GULBARGA
S10    6    23-Apr-09    KA    RAICHUR
S10    7    23-Apr-09    KA    BIDAR
S10    8    23-Apr-09    KA    KOPPAL
S10    9    23-Apr-09    KA    BELLARY
S10    10    30-Apr-09    KA    HAVERI
S10    11    30-Apr-09    KA    DHARWAD
S10    12    23-Apr-09    KA    UTTARA KANNADA
S10    13    30-Apr-09    KA    DAVANAGERE
S10    14    30-Apr-09    KA    SHIMOGA
S10    15    30-Apr-09    KA    UDUPI CHIKMAGALUR
S10    16    30-Apr-09    KA    HASSAN
S10    18    23-Apr-09    KA    CHITRADURGA
S10    19    23-Apr-09    KA    TUMKUR
S10    20    30-Apr-09    KA    MANDYA
S10    21    30-Apr-09    KA    MYSORE
S10    22    30-Apr-09    KA    CHAMARAJANAGAR
S10    23    23-Apr-09    KA    BANGALORE RURAL
S10    24    23-Apr-09    KA    BANGALORE NORTH
S10    25    23-Apr-09    KA    BANGALORE CENTRAL
S10    26    23-Apr-09    KA    BANGALORE SOUTH
S10    27    23-Apr-09    KA    CHIKKBALLAPUR
S10    28    23-Apr-09    KA    KOLAR
S11    1    16-Apr-09    KL    KASARAGOD
S11    2    16-Apr-09    KL    KANNUR
S11    3    16-Apr-09    KL    VADAKARA
S11    4    16-Apr-09    KL    WAYANAD
S11    5    16-Apr-09    KL    KOZHIKODE
S11    6    16-Apr-09    KL    MALAPPURAM
S11    7    16-Apr-09    KL    PONNANI
S11    8    16-Apr-09    KL    PALAKKAD
S11    9    16-Apr-09    KL    ALATHUR
S11    10    16-Apr-09    KL    THRISSUR
S11    11    16-Apr-09    KL    CHALAKUDY
S11    12    16-Apr-09    KL    ERNAKULAM
S11    13    16-Apr-09    KL    IDUKKI
S11    14    16-Apr-09    KL    KOTTAYAM
S11    15    16-Apr-09    KL    ALAPPUZHA
S11    16    16-Apr-09    KL    MAVELIKKARA
S11    17    16-Apr-09    KL    PATHANAMTHITTA
S11    18    16-Apr-09    KL    KOLLAM
S11    19    16-Apr-09    KL    ATTINGAL
S11    20    16-Apr-09    KL    THIRUVANANTHAPURAM
S12    1    30-Apr-09    MP    MORENA
S12    2    30-Apr-09    MP    BHIND
S12    3    30-Apr-09    MP    GWALIOR
S12    4    30-Apr-09    MP    GUNA
S12    7    30-Apr-09    MP    DAMOH
S12    8    23-Apr-09    MP    KHAJURAHO
S12    9    23-Apr-09    MP    SATNA
S12    10    23-Apr-09    MP    REWA
S12    11    23-Apr-09    MP    SIDHI
S12    12    23-Apr-09    MP    SHAHDOL
S12    13    23-Apr-09    MP    JABALPUR
S12    14    23-Apr-09    MP    MANDLA
S12    15    23-Apr-09    MP    BALAGHAT
S12    16    23-Apr-09    MP    CHHINDWARA
S12    17    23-Apr-09    MP    HOSHANGABAD
S12    18    23-Apr-09    MP    VIDISHA
S12    19    23-Apr-09    MP    BHOPAL
S12    22    30-Apr-09    MP    UJJAIN
S12    23    30-Apr-09    MP    MANDSOUR
S12    25    30-Apr-09    MP    DHAR
S12    27    30-Apr-09    MP    KHARGONE
S12    29    23-Apr-09    MP    BETUL
S13    1    23-Apr-09    MH    NANDURBAR
S13    2    23-Apr-09    MH    DHULE
S13    3    23-Apr-09    MH    JALGAON
S13    4    23-Apr-09    MH    RAVER
S13    5    16-Apr-09    MH    BULDHANA
S13    6    16-Apr-09    MH    AKOLA
S13    7    16-Apr-09    MH    AMRAVATI
S13    8    16-Apr-09    MH    WARDHA
S13    9    16-Apr-09    MH    RAMTEK
S13    10    16-Apr-09    MH    NAGPUR
S13    11    16-Apr-09    MH    BHANDARA – GONDIYA
S13    12    16-Apr-09    MH    GADCHIROLI-CHIMUR
S13    13    16-Apr-09    MH    CHANDRAPUR
S13    14    16-Apr-09    MH    YAVATMAL-WASHIM
S13    15    16-Apr-09    MH    HINGOLI
S13    16    16-Apr-09    MH    NANDED
S13    17    16-Apr-09    MH    PARBHANI
S13    18    23-Apr-09    MH    JALNA
S13    19    23-Apr-09    MH    AURANGABAD
S13    20    23-Apr-09    MH    DINDORI
S13    21    23-Apr-09    MH    NASHIK
S13    22    30-Apr-09    MH    PALGHAR
S13    23    30-Apr-09    MH    BHIWANDI
S13    25    30-Apr-09    MH    THANE
S13    27    30-Apr-09    MH    MUMBAI NORTH WEST
S13    30    30-Apr-09    MH    MUMBAI SOUTH CENTRAL
S13    31    30-Apr-09    MH    MUMBAI SOUTH
S13    32    23-Apr-09    MH    RAIGAD
S13    33    23-Apr-09    MH    MAVAL
S13    34    23-Apr-09    MH    PUNE
S13    35    23-Apr-09    MH    BARAMATI
S13    36    23-Apr-09    MH    SHIRUR
S13    37    23-Apr-09    MH    AHMADNAGAR
S13    38    23-Apr-09    MH    SHIRDI
S13    39    23-Apr-09    MH    BEED
S13    40    23-Apr-09    MH    OSMANABAD
S13    41    23-Apr-09    MH    LATUR
S13    42    23-Apr-09    MH    SOLAPUR
S13    43    23-Apr-09    MH    MADHA
S13    44    23-Apr-09    MH    SANGLI
S13    45    23-Apr-09    MH    SATARA
S13    46    23-Apr-09    MH    RATNAGIRI – SINDHUDURG
S13    47    23-Apr-09    MH    KOLHAPUR
S13    48    23-Apr-09    MH    HATKANANGLE
S14    1    22-Apr-09    MN    INNER MANIPUR
S14    2    16-Apr-09    MN    OUTER MANIPUR
S15    1    16-Apr-09    ML    SHILLONG
S15    2    16-Apr-09    ML    TURA
S16    1    16-Apr-09    MZ    MIZORAM
S17    1    16-Apr-09    NL    NAGALAND
S18    1    16-Apr-09    OR    BARGARH
S18    2    16-Apr-09    OR    SUNDARGARH
S18    3    16-Apr-09    OR    SAMBALPUR
S18    4    23-Apr-09    OR    KEONJHAR
S18    5    23-Apr-09    OR    MAYURBHANJ
S18    6    23-Apr-09    OR    BALASORE
S18    7    23-Apr-09    OR    BHADRAK
S18    8    23-Apr-09    OR    JAJPUR
S18    9    23-Apr-09    OR    DHENKANAL
S18    10    16-Apr-09    OR    BOLANGIR
S18    11    16-Apr-09    OR    KALAHANDI
S18    12    16-Apr-09    OR    NABARANGPUR
S18    13    16-Apr-09    OR    KANDHAMAL
S18    14    23-Apr-09    OR    CUTTACK
S18    15    23-Apr-09    OR    KENDRAPARA
S18    16    23-Apr-09    OR    JAGATSINGHPUR
S18    17    23-Apr-09    OR    PURI
S18    18    23-Apr-09    OR    BHUBANESWAR
S18    19    16-Apr-09    OR    ASKA
S18    20    16-Apr-09    OR    BERHAMPUR
S18    21    16-Apr-09    OR    KORAPUT
S19    10    7-May-09    PB    FEROZPUR
S19    11    7-May-09    PB    BATHINDA
S19    12    7-May-09    PB    SANGRUR
S20    3    7-May-09    RJ    CHURU
S20    5    7-May-09    RJ    SIKAR
S20    6    7-May-09    RJ    JAIPUR RURAL
S20    7    7-May-09    RJ    JAIPUR
S20    11    7-May-09    RJ    DAUSA
S20    12    7-May-09    RJ    TONK-SAWAI MADHOPUR
S20    15    7-May-09    RJ    PALI
S20    18    7-May-09    RJ    JALORE
S20    21    7-May-09    RJ    CHITTORGARH
S20    23    7-May-09    RJ    BHILWARA
S20    25    7-May-09    RJ    JHALAWAR-BARAN
S23    1    23-Apr-09    TR    TRIPURA WEST
S23    2    23-Apr-09    TR    TRIPURA EAST
S24    2    7-May-09    UP    KAIRANA
S24    3    7-May-09    UP    MUZAFFARNAGAR
S24    15    7-May-09    UP    ALIGARH
S24    17    7-May-09    UP    MATHURA
S24    19    7-May-09    UP    FATEHPUR SIKRI
S24    21    7-May-09    UP    MAINPURI
S24    22    7-May-09    UP    ETAH
S24    30    30-Apr-09    UP    SITAPUR
S24    33    30-Apr-09    UP    UNNAO
S24    34    30-Apr-09    UP    MOHANLALGANJ
S24    35    30-Apr-09    UP    LUCKNOW
S24    37    23-Apr-09    UP    AMETHI
S24    38    23-Apr-09    UP    SULTANPUR
S24    39    23-Apr-09    UP    PRATAPGARH
S24    40    7-May-09    UP    FARRUKHABAD
S24    42    7-May-09    UP    KANNAUJ
S24    43    30-Apr-09    UP    KANPUR
S24    44    30-Apr-09    UP    AKBARPUR
S24    45    30-Apr-09    UP    JALAUN
S24    47    30-Apr-09    UP    HAMIRPUR
S24    48    23-Apr-09    UP    BANDA
S24    49    30-Apr-09    UP    FATEHPUR
S24    50    23-Apr-09    UP    KAUSHAMBI
S24    51    23-Apr-09    UP    PHULPUR
S24    52    23-Apr-09    UP    ALLAHABAD
S24    53    30-Apr-09    UP    BARABANKI
S24    54    23-Apr-09    UP    FAIZABAD
S24    55    23-Apr-09    UP    AMBEDKAR NAGAR
S24    57    23-Apr-09    UP    KAISERGANJ
S24    58    23-Apr-09    UP    SHRAWASTI
S24    59    23-Apr-09    UP    GONDA
S24    60    23-Apr-09    UP    DOMARIYAGANJ
S24    61    23-Apr-09    UP    BASTI
S24    62    23-Apr-09    UP    SANT KABIR NAGAR
S24    63    16-Apr-09    UP    MAHARAJGANJ
S24    64    16-Apr-09    UP    GORAKHPUR
S24    65    16-Apr-09    UP    KUSHI NAGAR
S24    66    16-Apr-09    UP    DEORIA
S24    67    16-Apr-09    UP    BANSGAON
S24    68    16-Apr-09    UP    LALGANJ
S24    69    16-Apr-09    UP    AZAMGARH
S24    70    16-Apr-09    UP    GHOSI
S24    71    16-Apr-09    UP    SALEMPUR
S24    72    16-Apr-09    UP    BALLIA
S24    73    23-Apr-09    UP    JAUNPUR
S24    74    16-Apr-09    UP    MACHHLISHAHR
S24    75    16-Apr-09    UP    GHAZIPUR
S24    76    16-Apr-09    UP    CHANDAULI
S24    77    16-Apr-09    UP    VARANASI
S24    78    23-Apr-09    UP    BHADOHI
S24    79    16-Apr-09    UP    MIRZAPUR
S24    80    16-Apr-09    UP    ROBERTSGANJ
S25    1    30-Apr-09    WB    COOCH BEHAR
S25    2    30-Apr-09    WB    ALIPURDUARS
S25    3    30-Apr-09    WB    JALPAIGURI
S25    4    30-Apr-09    WB    DARJEELING
S25    5    30-Apr-09    WB    RAIGANJ
S25    6    30-Apr-09    WB    BALURGHAT
S25    7    30-Apr-09    WB    MALDAHA UTTAR
S25    8    30-Apr-09    WB    MALDAHA DAKSHIN
S25    9    7-May-09    WB    JANGIPUR
S25    10    7-May-09    WB    BAHARAMPUR
S25    11    7-May-09    WB    MURSHIDABAD
S25    13    7-May-09    WB    RANAGHAT
S25    27    7-May-09    WB    SRERAMPUR
S25    29    7-May-09    WB    ARAMBAGH
S25    32    30-Apr-09    WB    GHATAL
S25    33    30-Apr-09    WB    JHARGRAM
S25    34    30-Apr-09    WB    MEDINIPUR
S25    35    30-Apr-09    WB    PURULIA
S25    36    30-Apr-09    WB    BANKURA
S25    37    30-Apr-09    WB    BISHNUPUR
S25    41    7-May-09    WB    BOLPUR
S26    1    16-Apr-09    CG    SARGUJA
S26    2    16-Apr-09    CG    RAIGARH
S26    3    16-Apr-09    CG    JANJGIR-CHAMPA
S26    4    16-Apr-09    CG    KORBA
S26    5    16-Apr-09    CG    BILASPUR
S26    6    16-Apr-09    CG    RAJNANDGAON
S26    7    16-Apr-09    CG    DURG
S26    8    16-Apr-09    CG    RAIPUR
S26    9    16-Apr-09    CG    MAHASAMUND
S26    10    16-Apr-09    CG    BASTAR
S26    11    16-Apr-09    CG    KANKER
S27    1    23-Apr-09    JH    RAJMAHAL
S27    2    23-Apr-09    JH    DUMKA
S27    3    23-Apr-09    JH    GODDA
S27    4    16-Apr-09    JH    CHATRA
S27    5    16-Apr-09    JH    KODARMA
S27    6    23-Apr-09    JH    GIRIDIH
S27    7    23-Apr-09    JH    DHANBAD
S27    8    23-Apr-09    JH    RANCHI
S27    9    23-Apr-09    JH    JAMSHEDPUR
S27    10    23-Apr-09    JH    SINGHBHUM
S27    11    16-Apr-09    JH    KHUNTI
S27    12    16-Apr-09    JH    LOHARDAGA
S27    13    16-Apr-09    JH    PALAMAU
S27    14    16-Apr-09    JH    HAZARIBAGH
U01    1    16-Apr-09    AN    ANDAMAN & NICOBAR ISLANDS
U03    1    30-Apr-09    DN    DADAR & NAGAR HAVELI
U04    1    30-Apr-09    DD    DAMAN & DIU
U06    1    16-Apr-09    LD    LAKSHADWEEP

Full list of all 543 Constituencies
S01 1 AP ADILABAD
S01 2 AP PEDDAPALLE
S01 3 AP KARIMNAGAR
S01 4 AP NIZAMABAD
S01 5 AP ZAHIRABAD
S01 6 AP MEDAK
S01 7 AP MALKAJGIRI
S01 8 AP SECUNDRABAD
S01 9 AP HYDERABAD
S01 10 AP CHELVELLA
S01 11 AP MAHBUBNAGAR
S01 12 AP NAGARKURNOOL
S01 13 AP NALGONDA
S01 14 AP BHONGIR
S01 15 AP WARANGAL
S01 16 AP MAHABUBABAD
S01 17 AP KHAMMAM
S01 18 AP ARUKU
S01 19 AP SRIKAKULAM
S01 20 AP VIZIANAGARAM
S01 21 AP VISAKHAPATNAM
S01 22 AP ANAKAPALLI
S01 23 AP KAKINADA
S01 24 AP AMALAPURAM
S01 25 AP RAJAHMUNDRY
S01 26 AP NARSAPURAM
S01 27 AP ELURU
S01 28 AP MACHILIPATNAM
S01 29 AP VIJAYAWADA
S01 30 AP GUNTUR
S01 31 AP NARASARAOPET
S01 32 AP BAPATLA
S01 33 AP ONGOLE
S01 34 AP NANDYAL
S01 35 AP KURNOOL
S01 36 AP ANANTAPUR
S01 37 AP HINDUPUR
S01 38 AP KADAPA
S01 39 AP NELLORE
S01 40 AP TIRUPATI
S01 41 AP RAJAMPET
S01 42 AP CHITTOOR
S02 1 AR ARUNACHAL WEST
S02 2 AR ARUNACHAL EAST
S03 1 AS KARIMGANJ
S03 2 AS SILCHAR
S03 3 AS AUTONOMOUS DISTRICT
S03 4 AS DHUBRI
S03 5 AS KOKRAJHAR
S03 6 AS BARPETA
S03 7 AS GAUHATI
S03 8 AS MANGALDOI
S03 9 AS TEZPUR
S03 10 AS NOWGONG
S03 11 AS KALIABOR
S03 12 AS JORHAT
S03 13 AS DIBRUGARH
S03 14 AS LAKHIMPUR
S04 1 BR VALMIKI NAGAR
S04 2 BR PASCHIM CHAMPARAN
S04 3 BR PURVI CHAMPARAN
S04 4 BR SHEOHAR
S04 5 BR SITAMARHI
S04 6 BR MADHUBANI
S04 7 BR JHANJHARPUR
S04 8 BR SUPAUL
S04 9 BR ARARIA
S04 10 BR KISHANGANJ
S04 11 BR KATIHAR
S04 12 BR PURNIA
S04 13 BR MADHEPURA
S04 14 BR DARBHANGA
S04 15 BR MUZAFFARPUR
S04 16 BR VAISHALI
S04 17 BR GOPALGANJ
S04 18 BR SIWAN
S04 19 BR MAHARAJGANJ
S04 20 BR SARAN
S04 21 BR HAJIPUR
S04 22 BR UJIARPUR
S04 23 BR SAMASTIPUR
S04 24 BR BEGUSARAI
S04 25 BR KHAGARIA
S04 26 BR BHAGALPUR
S04 27 BR BANKA
S04 28 BR MUNGER
S04 29 BR NALANDA
S04 30 BR PATNA SAHIB
S04 31 BR PATALIPUTRA
S04 32 BR ARRAH
S04 33 BR BUXAR
S04 34 BR SASARAM
S04 35 BR KARAKAT
S04 36 BR JAHANABAD
S04 37 BR AURANGABAD
S04 38 BR GAYA
S04 39 BR NAWADA
S04 40 BR JAMUI
S05 1 GA NORTH GOA
S05 2 GA SOUTH GOA
S06 1 GJ KACHCHH
S06 2 GJ BANASKANTHA
S06 3 GJ PATAN
S06 4 GJ MAHESANA
S06 5 GJ SABARKANTHA
S06 6 GJ GANDHINAGAR
S06 7 GJ AHMEDABAD EAST
S06 8 GJ AHMEDABAD WEST
S06 9 GJ SURENDRANAGAR
S06 10 GJ RAJKOT
S06 11 GJ PORBANDAR
S06 12 GJ JAMNAGAR
S06 13 GJ JUNAGADH
S06 14 GJ AMRELI
S06 15 GJ BHAVNAGAR
S06 16 GJ ANAND
S06 17 GJ KHEDA
S06 18 GJ PANCHMAHAL
S06 19 GJ DAHOD
S06 20 GJ VADODARA
S06 21 GJ CHHOTA UDAIPUR
S06 22 GJ BHARUCH
S06 23 GJ BARDOLI
S06 24 GJ SURAT
S06 25 GJ NAVSARI
S06 26 GJ VALSAD
S07 1 HR AMBALA
S07 2 HR KURUKSHETRA
S07 3 HR SIRSA
S07 4 HR HISAR
S07 5 HR KARNAL
S07 6 HR SONIPAT
S07 7 HR ROHTAK
S07 8 HR BHIWANI-MAHENDRAGARH
S07 9 HR GURGAON
S07 10 HR FARIDABAD
S08 1 HP KANGRA
S08 2 HP MANDI
S08 3 HP HAMIRPUR
S08 4 HP SHIMLA
S09 1 JK BARAMULLA
S09 2 JK SRINAGAR
S09 3 JK ANANTNAG
S09 4 JK LADAKH
S09 5 JK UDHAMPUR
S09 6 JK JAMMU
S10 1 KA CHIKKODI
S10 2 KA BELGAUM
S10 3 KA BAGALKOT
S10 4 KA BIJAPUR
S10 5 KA GULBARGA
S10 6 KA RAICHUR
S10 7 KA BIDAR
S10 8 KA KOPPAL
S10 9 KA BELLARY
S10 10 KA HAVERI
S10 11 KA DHARWAD
S10 12 KA UTTARA KANNADA
S10 13 KA DAVANAGERE
S10 14 KA SHIMOGA
S10 15 KA UDUPI CHIKMAGALUR
S10 16 KA HASSAN
S10 17 KA DAKSHINA KANNADA
S10 18 KA CHITRADURGA
S10 19 KA TUMKUR
S10 20 KA MANDYA
S10 21 KA MYSORE
S10 22 KA CHAMARAJANAGAR
S10 23 KA BANGALORE RURAL
S10 24 KA BANGALORE NORTH
S10 25 KA BANGALORE CENTRAL
S10 26 KA BANGALORE SOUTH
S10 27 KA CHIKKBALLAPUR
S10 28 KA KOLAR
S11 1 KL KASARAGOD
S11 2 KL KANNUR
S11 3 KL VADAKARA
S11 4 KL WAYANAD
S11 5 KL KOZHIKODE
S11 6 KL MALAPPURAM
S11 7 KL PONNANI
S11 8 KL PALAKKAD
S11 9 KL ALATHUR
S11 10 KL THRISSUR
S11 11 KL CHALAKUDY
S11 12 KL ERNAKULAM
S11 13 KL IDUKKI
S11 14 KL KOTTAYAM
S11 15 KL ALAPPUZHA
S11 16 KL MAVELIKKARA
S11 17 KL PATHANAMTHITTA
S11 18 KL KOLLAM
S11 19 KL ATTINGAL
S11 20 KL THIRUVANANTHAPURAM
S12 1 MP MORENA
S12 2 MP BHIND
S12 3 MP GWALIOR
S12 4 MP GUNA
S12 5 MP SAGAR
S12 6 MP TIKAMGARH
S12 7 MP DAMOH
S12 8 MP KHAJURAHO
S12 9 MP SATNA
S12 10 MP REWA
S12 11 MP SIDHI
S12 12 MP SHAHDOL
S12 13 MP JABALPUR
S12 14 MP MANDLA
S12 15 MP BALAGHAT
S12 16 MP CHHINDWARA
S12 17 MP HOSHANGABAD
S12 18 MP VIDISHA
S12 19 MP BHOPAL
S12 20 MP RAJGARH
S12 21 MP DEWAS
S12 22 MP UJJAIN
S12 23 MP MANDSOUR
S12 24 MP RATLAM
S12 25 MP DHAR
S12 26 MP INDORE
S12 27 MP KHARGONE
S12 28 MP KHANDWA
S12 29 MP BETUL
S13 1 MH NANDURBAR
S13 2 MH DHULE
S13 3 MH JALGAON
S13 4 MH RAVER
S13 5 MH BULDHANA
S13 6 MH AKOLA
S13 7 MH AMRAVATI
S13 8 MH WARDHA
S13 9 MH RAMTEK
S13 10 MH NAGPUR
S13 11 MH BHANDARA – GONDIYA
S13 12 MH GADCHIROLI-CHIMUR
S13 13 MH CHANDRAPUR
S13 14 MH YAVATMAL-WASHIM
S13 15 MH HINGOLI
S13 16 MH NANDED
S13 17 MH PARBHANI
S13 18 MH JALNA
S13 19 MH AURANGABAD
S13 20 MH DINDORI
S13 21 MH NASHIK
S13 22 MH PALGHAR
S13 23 MH BHIWANDI
S13 24 MH KALYAN
S13 25 MH THANE
S13 26 MH MUMBAI NORTH
S13 27 MH MUMBAI NORTH WEST
S13 28 MH MUMBAI NORTH EAST
S13 29 MH MUMBAI NORTH CENTRAL
S13 30 MH MUMBAI SOUTH CENTRAL
S13 31 MH MUMBAI SOUTH
S13 32 MH RAIGAD
S13 33 MH MAVAL
S13 34 MH PUNE
S13 35 MH BARAMATI
S13 36 MH SHIRUR
S13 37 MH AHMADNAGAR
S13 38 MH SHIRDI
S13 39 MH BEED
S13 40 MH OSMANABAD
S13 41 MH LATUR
S13 42 MH SOLAPUR
S13 43 MH MADHA
S13 44 MH SANGLI
S13 45 MH SATARA
S13 46 MH RATNAGIRI – SINDHUDURG
S13 47 MH KOLHAPUR
S13 48 MH HATKANANGLE
S14 1 MN INNER MANIPUR
S14 2 MN OUTER MANIPUR
S15 1 ML SHILLONG
S15 2 ML TURA
S16 1 MZ MIZORAM
S17 1 NL NAGALAND
S18 1 OR BARGARH
S18 2 OR SUNDARGARH
S18 3 OR SAMBALPUR
S18 4 OR KEONJHAR
S18 5 OR MAYURBHANJ
S18 6 OR BALASORE
S18 7 OR BHADRAK
S18 8 OR JAJPUR
S18 9 OR DHENKANAL
S18 10 OR BOLANGIR
S18 11 OR KALAHANDI
S18 12 OR NABARANGPUR
S18 13 OR KANDHAMAL
S18 14 OR CUTTACK
S18 15 OR KENDRAPARA
S18 16 OR JAGATSINGHPUR
S18 17 OR PURI
S18 18 OR BHUBANESWAR
S18 19 OR ASKA
S18 20 OR BERHAMPUR
S18 21 OR KORAPUT
S19 1 PB GURDASPUR
S19 2 PB AMRITSAR
S19 3 PB KHADOOR SAHIB
S19 4 PB JALANDHAR
S19 5 PB HOSHIARPUR
S19 6 PB ANANDPUR SAHIB
S19 7 PB LUDHIANA
S19 8 PB FATEHGARH SAHIB
S19 9 PB FARIDKOT
S19 10 PB FEROZPUR
S19 11 PB BATHINDA
S19 12 PB SANGRUR
S19 13 PB PATIALA
S20 1 RJ GANGANAGAR
S20 2 RJ BIKANER
S20 3 RJ CHURU
S20 4 RJ JHUNJHUNU
S20 5 RJ SIKAR
S20 6 RJ JAIPUR RURAL
S20 7 RJ JAIPUR
S20 8 RJ ALWAR
S20 9 RJ BHARATPUR
S20 10 RJ KARAULI-DHOLPUR
S20 11 RJ DAUSA
S20 12 RJ TONK-SAWAI MADHOPUR
S20 13 RJ AJMER
S20 14 RJ NAGAUR
S20 15 RJ PALI
S20 16 RJ JODHPUR
S20 17 RJ BARMER
S20 18 RJ JALORE
S20 19 RJ UDAIPUR
S20 20 RJ BANSWARA
S20 21 RJ CHITTORGARH
S20 22 RJ RAJSAMAND
S20 23 RJ BHILWARA
S20 24 RJ KOTA
S20 25 RJ JHALAWAR-BARAN
S21 1 SK SIKKIM
S22 1 TN THIRUVALLUR
S22 2 TN CHENNAI NORTH
S22 3 TN CHENNAI SOUTH
S22 4 TN CHENNAI CENTRAL
S22 5 TN SRIPERUMBUDUR
S22 6 TN KANCHEEPURAM
S22 7 TN ARAKKONAM
S22 8 TN VELLORE
S22 9 TN KRISHNAGIRI
S22 10 TN DHARMAPURI
S22 11 TN TIRUVANNAMALAI
S22 12 TN ARANI
S22 13 TN VILUPPURAM
S22 14 TN KALLAKURICHI
S22 15 TN SALEM
S22 16 TN NAMAKKAL
S22 17 TN ERODE
S22 18 TN TIRUPPUR
S22 19 TN NILGIRIS
S22 20 TN COIMBATORE
S22 21 TN POLLACHI
S22 22 TN DINDIGUL
S22 23 TN KARUR
S22 24 TN TIRUCHIRAPPALLI
S22 25 TN PERAMBALUR
S22 26 TN CUDDALORE
S22 27 TN CHIDAMBARAM
S22 28 TN MAYILADUTHURAI
S22 29 TN NAGAPATTINAM
S22 30 TN THANJAVUR
S22 31 TN SIVAGANGA
S22 32 TN MADURAI
S22 33 TN THENI
S22 34 TN VIRUDHUNAGAR
S22 35 TN RAMANATHAPURAM
S22 36 TN THOOTHUKKUDI
S22 37 TN TENKASI
S22 38 TN TIRUNELVELI
S22 39 TN KANNIYAKUMARI
S23 1 TR TRIPURA WEST
S23 2 TR TRIPURA EAST
S24 1 UP SAHARANPUR
S24 2 UP KAIRANA
S24 3 UP MUZAFFARNAGAR
S24 4 UP BIJNOR
S24 5 UP NAGINA
S24 6 UP MORADABAD
S24 7 UP RAMPUR
S24 8 UP SAMBHAL
S24 9 UP AMROHA
S24 10 UP MEERUT
S24 11 UP BAGHPAT
S24 12 UP GHAZIABAD
S24 13 UP GAUTAM BUDDH NAGAR
S24 14 UP BULANDSHAHR
S24 15 UP ALIGARH
S24 16 UP HATHRAS
S24 17 UP MATHURA
S24 18 UP AGRA
S24 19 UP FATEHPUR SIKRI
S24 20 UP FIROZABAD
S24 21 UP MAINPURI
S24 22 UP ETAH
S24 23 UP BADAUN
S24 24 UP AONLA
S24 25 UP BAREILLY
S24 26 UP PILIBHIT
S24 27 UP SHAHJAHANPUR
S24 28 UP KHERI
S24 29 UP DHAURAHRA
S24 30 UP SITAPUR
S24 31 UP HARDOI
S24 32 UP MISRIKH
S24 33 UP UNNAO
S24 34 UP MOHANLALGANJ
S24 35 UP LUCKNOW
S24 36 UP RAE BARELI
S24 37 UP AMETHI
S24 38 UP SULTANPUR
S24 39 UP PRATAPGARH
S24 40 UP FARRUKHABAD
S24 41 UP ETAWAH
S24 42 UP KANNAUJ
S24 43 UP KANPUR
S24 44 UP AKBARPUR
S24 45 UP JALAUN
S24 46 UP JHANSI
S24 47 UP HAMIRPUR
S24 48 UP BANDA
S24 49 UP FATEHPUR
S24 50 UP KAUSHAMBI
S24 51 UP PHULPUR
S24 52 UP ALLAHABAD
S24 53 UP BARABANKI
S24 54 UP FAIZABAD
S24 55 UP AMBEDKAR NAGAR
S24 56 UP BAHRAICH
S24 57 UP KAISERGANJ
S24 58 UP SHRAWASTI
S24 59 UP GONDA
S24 60 UP DOMARIYAGANJ
S24 61 UP BASTI
S24 62 UP SANT KABIR NAGAR
S24 63 UP MAHARAJGANJ
S24 64 UP GORAKHPUR
S24 65 UP KUSHI NAGAR
S24 66 UP DEORIA
S24 67 UP BANSGAON
S24 68 UP LALGANJ
S24 69 UP AZAMGARH
S24 70 UP GHOSI
S24 71 UP SALEMPUR
S24 72 UP BALLIA
S24 73 UP JAUNPUR
S24 74 UP MACHHLISHAHR
S24 75 UP GHAZIPUR
S24 76 UP CHANDAULI
S24 77 UP VARANASI
S24 78 UP BHADOHI
S24 79 UP MIRZAPUR
S24 80 UP ROBERTSGANJ
S25 1 WB COOCH BEHAR
S25 2 WB ALIPURDUARS
S25 3 WB JALPAIGURI
S25 4 WB DARJEELING
S25 5 WB RAIGANJ
S25 6 WB BALURGHAT
S25 7 WB MALDAHA UTTAR
S25 8 WB MALDAHA DAKSHIN
S25 9 WB JANGIPUR
S25 10 WB BAHARAMPUR
S25 11 WB MURSHIDABAD
S25 12 WB KRISHNANAGAR
S25 13 WB RANAGHAT
S25 14 WB BANGAON
S25 15 WB BARRACKPORE
S25 16 WB DUM DUM
S25 17 WB BARASAT
S25 18 WB BASIRHAT
S25 19 WB JOYNAGAR
S25 20 WB MATHURAPUR
S25 21 WB DIAMOND HARBOUR
S25 22 WB JADAVPUR
S25 23 WB KOLKATA DAKSHIN
S25 24 WB KOLKATA UTTAR
S25 25 WB HOWRAH
S25 26 WB ULUBERIA
S25 27 WB SRERAMPUR
S25 28 WB HOOGHLY
S25 29 WB ARAMBAGH
S25 30 WB TAMLUK
S25 31 WB KANTHI
S25 32 WB GHATAL
S25 33 WB JHARGRAM
S25 34 WB MEDINIPUR
S25 35 WB PURULIA
S25 36 WB BANKURA
S25 37 WB BISHNUPUR
S25 38 WB BARDHAMAN PURBA
S25 39 WB BURDWAN – DURGAPUR
S25 40 WB ASANSOL
S25 41 WB BOLPUR
S25 42 WB BIRBHUM
S26 1 CG SARGUJA
S26 2 CG RAIGARH
S26 3 CG JANJGIR-CHAMPA
S26 4 CG KORBA
S26 5 CG BILASPUR
S26 6 CG RAJNANDGAON
S26 7 CG DURG
S26 8 CG RAIPUR
S26 9 CG MAHASAMUND
S26 10 CG BASTAR
S26 11 CG KANKER
S27 1 JH RAJMAHAL
S27 2 JH DUMKA
S27 3 JH GODDA
S27 4 JH CHATRA
S27 5 JH KODARMA
S27 6 JH GIRIDIH
S27 7 JH DHANBAD
S27 8 JH RANCHI
S27 9 JH JAMSHEDPUR
S27 10 JH SINGHBHUM
S27 11 JH KHUNTI
S27 12 JH LOHARDAGA
S27 13 JH PALAMAU
S27 14 JH HAZARIBAGH
S28 1 UK TEHRI GARHWAL
S28 2 UK GARHWAL
S28 3 UK ALMORA
S28 4 UK NAINITAL-UDHAMSINGH NAGAR
S28 5 UK HARDWAR
U01 1 AN ANDAMAN & NICOBAR ISLANDS
U02 1 CH CHANDIGARH
U03 1 DN DADAR & NAGAR HAVELI
U04 1 DD DAMAN & DIU
U05 1 DL CHANDNI CHOWK
U05 2 DL NORTH EAST DELHI
U05 3 DL EAST DELHI
U05 4 DL NEW DELHI
U05 5 DL NORTH WEST DELHI
U05 6 DL WEST DELHI
U05 7 DL SOUTH DELHI
U06 1 LD LAKSHADWEEP
U07 1 PY PUDUCHERRY

Did you know that? Of course not. None of our juvenile TV stations and only-slightly-less-juvenile newspapers would have been able to give you such numbers even if they had tried to; they would barely know where to begin. Besides, our Election Commission too has become a  sclerotic bureaucracy like everything else to do with India’s governance; its website — now updated and improving slightly every day — provides a lot of irrelevancies along with providing  the very least modicum of  raw data logically necessary for the conduct of the election.

Ten years ago, just prior to the 13th Lok Sabha Elections, I, as part of my academic research as a “full professor” at an “Institution of National Importance”, created an Excel spreadsheet containing every single Lok Sabha constituency at the time. I later sent it on to the EC for its free use and distribution. (Some of my academic colleagues were surprised and suspicious as one of their principal goals in life was to obtain lucrative government “consulting” contracts wherever possible — doing things for free set a worrisome example despite the slogan of being supposedly “dedicated to the service of the nation”!). Nothing happened because the EC in particular and the Government of India in general did not then and have not now appeared keen to know how to use spreadsheets  like Excel properly, despite our claims of  India  being  an information-technology powerhouse!

I have now had to re-create that 1999 spreadsheet again for the 15th Lok Sabha Elections because there has been a major parliamentary exercise of what is called “redistricting” in some countries and “delimitation” here in India. Many constituencies have been merged or have disappeared while new ones have appeared.  Plus  numerous innovative techniques  and formulae have had to be used by me with vital free help from Excel Forum users as well as providers of free add-ins around the world, to whom grateful acknowledgment is made.

The processed data below is based entirely on the raw data available from the EC as of April 11 2009.  As the EC updates its raw data, so shall I seek to update this processed data.   There are definite errors in the EC data (e.g. one Independent candidate has been listed 3 times, while 19 people have been listed as being99 years old; more significantly there seems to be at least one constituency in which there is only one candidate, etc etc.)   Whatever errors exist in the raw data must be carried over to these data here, I am afraid.  But I will as I have said update this as the EC updates its raw data.  If there are errors in my processing, I do not know of them, so please check and recheck against the EC’s data if you wish to use these data operationally.  [Update 1800 hours Sunday April 12: the EC has reduced the number of candidates from 4637 to 4631 which presumably means some obvious slight errors have been corrected; it is still far short of having announced all candidates for all 543 constituencies, so the overall number is destined to rise and drastically quite soon -- I hope before the first polls open on Thursday!].

The first two indicators are the EC’s way of identifying a constituency; then there is the name of the State or Union Territory in a two-digit code followed by the name of the constituency  in capitals, the date that polling is due to take place, and the list of the candidates and their parties.   I have made every effort to see no error has been added by me in addition to any errors that might exist in the EC’s data.  But please check and double check yourself, and I cannot  take responsibility for the accuracy of the information, especially as it is being done in “real time”.

This is being provided as a free public service for India’s ordinary people, citizens, candidates, students, observers etc.   Any broadcast or republication or academic use must acknowledge it appeared first at this site in my work: just link to this post or quote “Democracy Database for the Largest Electorate Ever Seen in World History by Dr Subroto Roy”, and use away.

Why do I think it is important for every candidate in every constituency in India’s 2009 General Elections to have his/her name known and to receive due respect and a small salute in HTML even for a brief moment?

Because that is what democracy in a free republic is supposed to be about. India is not a monarchy or a mansabdari of some sort, no matter what the many corrupt people inhabiting our Government and our capital cities might have made themselves believe.

Our juvenile, sensationalist, irresponsible  Delhi-centred media might realize someday that there are thousands of real people all over  this country that is India contesting these elections  seriously and trying to thus participate in the political process as best they can.  The Delhi-centred media  remain focused on the few dozen fake celebrities that they flatter,  cultivate and pander to. (We must wait to see what depths of journalistic depravity our  TV stations reach in  covering the so-called IPL in South Africa more seriously than they cover India’s 2009 General Elections!  What would MK Gandhi, who, a century ago, was still in South Africa, have said about such a twist of India’s fate?)

Here instead are India’s names and India’s lives and India’s places and India’s peoples and India’s political parties for all of us to see and understand and hence  see and understand ourselves better.

Here’s a cheer to all those party-political symbols for or  against which India’s hundreds of millions of voters will make their decisions:

A lady farmer carrying paddy on her head,
Aeroplane,
Almirah
Arrow
Axe
Balloon
Banana
Basket
Bat
Batsman
Battery Torch
Bead Necklace
Bell
Bicycle
Black Board
Boat
Book
Bow & Arrow
Boy & Girl
Bread
Brick
Bridge
Brief Case
Brush
Bungalow
Bus
Cake
Camera
Candles
Car
Carrot
Cart
Ceiling Fan
Chair
Clock
Coat
Cock
Coconut
Comb
Conch
Cot
Cup & Saucer
Diesel Pump
Dolli
Drum
Ears of Corn And Sickle
Electric Pole
Elephant
Flag with Three Stars
Flowers and Grass
Fork
Frock
Frying Pan
Gas Cylinder
Gas Stove
Glass Tumbler
Haldhar Within Wheel (Chakra Haldhar)
Hammer, Sickle and Star
Hand
Hand Pump
Harmonium
Hat
Hurricane Lamp
Hut
Ice Cream
Ink Pot & Pen
Iron
Jug
Kettle
Kite
Ladder
Lady Purse
Letter Box
Lion
Lock and Key
Lotus
Maize
Nagara
Not Alloted
Pressure Cooker
Railway Engine
Ring
Rising Sun
Road Roller
Saw
Scissors
Sewing Machine
Shuttle
Slate
Spade & Stoker
Spoon
Stool
Table
Table Lamp
Television
Tent
Two Daos Intersecting
Two Leaves
Violin
Walking Stick
Whistle….

Here’s a cheer then to all the thousands of candidates, average age 46.1, including those Independents, and the hundreds of political parties who go to the contest  beginning  April 16:

Aadivasi Sena Party
A-Chik National Congress(Democratic)
Adarsh Lok Dal
Advait Ishwasyam Congress
Ajeya Bharat Party
AJSU Party
Akhand Bharti
Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha
Akhil Bharatiya Ashok Sena
Akhil Bharatiya Congress Dal (Ambedkar)
Akhil Bharatiya Hind Kranti Party
Akhil Bharatiya Jan Sangh
Akhil Bharatiya Manav Seva Dal
Akhil Bhartiya Manavata Paksha
Akhil Bhartiya Sindhu Samajwadi Party
Akhila India Jananayaka Makkal Katchi (Dr. Issac)
All India Forward Bloc
All India Majlis-E-Ittehadul Muslimeen
All India Minorities Front
All India Trinamool Congress
All Jharkhand Students Union
Alpjan Samaj Party
Ambedkar National Congress
Ambedkar Samaj Party
Ambedkarist Republican Party
Amra Bangalee
Apna Dal
Arunachal Congress
Asom Gana Parishad
Assam United Democratic Front
Autonomous State Demand Committee
Awami Party
B. C. United Front
Backward Classes Democratic Party, J&K
Bahujan Republican Ekta Manch
Bahujan Samaj Party
Bahujan Samaj Party(Ambedkar-Phule)
Bahujan Sangharsh Party (Kanshiram)
Bahujan Shakty
Bahujan Uday Manch
Bajjikanchal Vikas Party
Bharat Punarnirman Dal
Bharat Vikas Morcha
Bharatheeya Sadharma Samsthapana Party
Bharatiya Bahujan Party
Bharatiya Eklavya Party
Bharatiya Grameen Dal
Bharatiya Jagaran Party
Bharatiya Jan Berojgar Chhatra Dal
Bharatiya Jan Shakti
Bharatiya Janata Party
Bharatiya Jantantrik Janta Dal
Bharatiya Lok Kalyan Dal
Bharatiya Loktantrik Party(Gandhi-Lohiawadi)
Bharatiya Minorities Suraksha Mahasangh
Bharatiya Momin Front
Bharatiya Natiional Janta Dal
Bharatiya Peoples Party
Bharatiya Pichhra Dal
Bharatiya Praja Paksha
Bharatiya Rashtriya Bahujan Samaj Vikas Party
Bharatiya Republican Paksha
Bharatiya Sadbhawna Samaj Party
Bharatiya Samaj Dal
Bharatiya Samta Samaj Party
Bharatiya Sarvodaya Kranti Party
Bharatiya Subhash Sena
Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha
Biju Janata Dal
Bira Oriya Party
Bodaland Peoples Front
Buddhiviveki Vikas Party
Chandigarh Vikas Party
Chhattisgarh Vikas Party
Chhattisgarhi Samaj Party
Communist Party of India
Communist Party of India (Marxist)
Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)
Democratic Party of India
Democratic Secular Party
Dharam Nirpeksh Dal
Duggar Pradesh Party
Eklavya Samaj Party
Gondvana Gantantra Party
Gondwana Mukti Sena
Great India Party
Hill State People’s Democratic Party
Hindustan Janta Party
Indian Christian Secular Party
Indian Justice Party
Indian National Congress
Indian Peace Party
Indian Peoples Forward Block
Indian Union Muslim League
Jaganmay Nari Sangathan
Jago Party
Jai Bharat Samanta Party
Jai Chhattisgarh Party
Jai Vijaya Bharathi Party
Jammu & Kashmir National Panthers Party
Jammu & Kashmir Peoples Democratic Party
Jan Samanta Party
Jan Surajya Shakti
Jana Hitkari Party
Janata Dal (Secular)
Janata Dal (United)
Janata Party
Janvadi Party(Socialist)
Jawan Kisan Morcha
Jharkhand Disom Party
Jharkhand Jan Morcha
Jharkhand Janadikhar Manch
Jharkhand Mukti Morcha
Jharkhand Party
Jharkhand Party (Naren)
Jharkhand PeopleÂ’S Party
Jharkhand Vikas Dal
Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik)
Kalinga Sena
Kamtapur Progressive Party
Kannada Chalavali Vatal Paksha
Karnataka Rajya Ryota Sangha
Karnataka Thamizhar Munnetra Kazhagam
Kerala Congress
Kerala Congress (M)
Kosal Kranti Dal
Kosi Vikas Party
Kranti Kari Jai Hind Sena
Krantikari Samyavadi Party
Krantisena Maharashtra
Laghujan Samaj Vikas Party
Lal Morcha
Lok Bharati
Lok Dal
Lok Jan Shakti Party
Lok Jan Vikas Morcha
Lok Satta Party
Lok Vikas Party
Lokpriya Samaj Party
Loksangram
Loktanrik Sarkar Party
Loktantrik Samajwadi Party
Loktantrik Samata Dal
Mahagujarat Janta Party
Maharashtra Navnirman sena
Maharashtrawadi Gomantak
Mahila Adhikar Party
Mana Party
Manav Mukti Morcha
Manipur People’s Party
Marxist Communist Party of India (S.S. Srivastava)
Marxist Co-Ordination
Maulik Adhikar Party
Meghalaya Democratic Party
Moderate Party
Momin Conference
Muslim League Kerala State Committee
Muslim Majlis Uttar Pradesh
Nagaland Peoples Front
National Development Party
National Lokhind Party
National Loktantrik Party
National Secular Party
National Youth Party
Nationalist Congress Party
Navbharat Nirman Party
Nelopa(United)
Orissa Mukti Morcha
Party for Democratic Socialism
Paschim Banga Rajya Muslim League
Peace Party
Peoples Democratic Alliance
Peoples Democratic Forum
People’s Democratic Front
Peoples Guardian
People’s Party of Arunachal
Peoples Republican Party
Prabuddha Republican Party
Pragatisheel Manav Samaj Party
Praja Bharath Party
Praja Rajyam Party
Prajatantrik Samadhan Party
Proutist Sarva Samaj
Proutist Sarva Samaj Party
Purvanchal Rajya Banao Dal
Pyramid Party of India
Rajyadhikara Party
Rashtra Sewa Dal
Rashtravadi Aarthik Swatantrata Dal
Rashtravadi Communist Party
Rashtravadi Janata Party
Rashtrawadi Sena
Rashtriya Agraniye Dal
Rashtriya Bahujan Congress Party
Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party
Rashtriya Gondvana Party
Rashtriya Janata Dal
Rashtriya Jan-Jagram Morcha
Rashtriya Jan-vadi Party (Krantikari)
Rashtriya Kranti Party
Rashtriya Krantikari Janata Party
Rashtriya Krantikari Samajwadi Party
Rashtriya Lok Dal
Rashtriya Lokhit Party
Rashtriya Lokwadi Party
Rashtriya Machhua Samaj Party
Rashtriya Mazdoor Ekta Party
Rashtriya Pragati Party
Rashtriya Praja Congress (Secular)
Rashtriya Raksha Dal
Rashtriya Samaj Paksha
Rashtriya Samajwadi Party (United)
Rashtriya Samanta Dal
Rashtriya Swabhimaan Party
Rayalaseema Rashtra Samithi
Republican Paksha (Khoripa)
Republican Party of India
Republican Party of India (A)
Republican Party of India (Democratic )
Republican Party of India (Khobragade)
Republican Presidium Party of India
Republician Party of India Ektawadi
Revolutionary Communist Party of India (Rasik Bhatt)
Revolutionary Socialist Party
Samajik Jantantrik Party
Samajtantric Party of India
Samajwadi Jan Parishad
Samajwadi Janata Party (Rashtriya)
Samajwadi Party
Samata Party
Samruddha Odisha
Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel Party
Sarvodaya Karnataka Paksha
Sarvodaya Party
Savarn Samaj Party
Save Goa Front
Shakti Sena (Bharat Desh)
Shivrajya Party
Shivsena
Shoshit Samaj Dal
Socialist Party (Lohia)
Suheldev Bhartiya Samaj Party
Sunder Samaj Party
Swabhimani Paksha
Swarajya Party Of India
Swatantra Bharat Paksha
Telangana Rashtra Samithi
Telugu Desam
The Humanist Party of India
Trilinga Praja Pragati Party
United Communist Party of India
United Democratic Party
United Goans Democratic Party
United Women Front
Uttar Pradesh Republican Party
Vanchit Jamat Party
Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katch
Vikas Party
Vishva Hindustani Sangathan
Yuva Vikas Party … and many many more….

S01    1    AP    ADILABAD    16-Apr-09    1    ADE TUKARAM    M    55    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    KOTNAK RAMESH    M    39    Indian National Congress
3    RATHOD RAMESH    M    43    Telugu Desam
4    RATHOD SADASHIV NAIK    M    50    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    MESRAM NAGO RAO    M    59    Praja Rajyam Party
6    ATHRAM LAXMAN RAO    M    47    Independent
7    GANTA PENTANNA    M    36    Independent
8    NETHAVAT RAMDAS    M    39    Independent
9    BANKA SAHADEVU    M    55    Independent
S01    2    AP    PEDDAPALLE    16-Apr-09    1    GAJJELA SWAMY    M    49    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    GOMASA SRINIVAS    M    41    Telangana Rashtra Samithi
3    MATHANGI NARSIAH    M    64    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    DR.G.VIVEKANAND    M    51    Indian National Congress
5    AREPELLI DAVID RAJU    M    36    Praja Rajyam Party
6    KRISHNA SABBALI    M    39    Marxist Communist Party of India (S.S. Srivastava)
7    AMBALA MAHENDAR    M    38    Independent
8    A. KAMALAMMA    F    36    Independent
9    GORRE RAMESH    M    42    Independent
10    NALLALA KANUKAIAH    M    39    Independent
11    B. MALLAIAH    M    32    Independent
12    K. RAJASWARI    F    38    Independent
13    D. RAMULU    M    51    Independent
14    G.VINAY KUMAR    M    51    Independent
15    S.LAXMAIAH    M    33    Independent
S01    3    AP    KARIMNAGAR    16-Apr-09    1    CHANDUPATLA JANGA REDDY    M    75    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    PONNAM PRABHAKAR    M    41    Indian National Congress
3    VINOD KUMAR BOINAPALLY    M    49    Telangana Rashtra Samithi
4    VIRESHAM NALIMELA    M    58    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    RAGULA RAMULU    M    40    Republican Party of India (A)
6    LINGAMPALLI SRINIVAS REDDY    M    39    Marxist Communist Party of India (S.S. Srivastava)
7    VELICHALA RAJENDER RAO    M    46    Praja Rajyam Party
8    T. SRIMANNARAYANA    M    68    Pyramid Party of India
9    K. PRABHAKAR    M    43    Independent
10    KORIVI VENUGOPAL    M    46    Independent
11    BARIGE GATTAIAH YADAV    M    32    Independent
12    GADDAM RAJI REDDY    M    48    Independent
13    PANAKANTI SATISH KUMAR    M    46    Independent
14    PEDDI RAVINDER    M    29    Independent
15    B. SURESH    M    32    Independent
S01    4    AP    NIZAMABAD    16-Apr-09    1    DR. BAPU REDDY    M    59    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    BIGALA GANESH GUPTA    M    39    Telangana Rashtra Samithi
3    MADHU YASKHI GOUD    M    50    Indian National Congress
4    YEDLA RAMU    M    53    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    DUDDEMPUDI SAMBASIVA RAO CHOUDARY    M    62    Lok Satta Party
6    P.VINAY KUMAR    M    51    Praja Rajyam Party
7    DR. V.SATHYANARAYANA MURTHY    M    51    Pyramid Party of India
8    S. SUJATHA    F    43    Trilinga Praja Pragati Party
9    AARIS MOHAMMED    M    46    Independent
10    KANDEM PRABHAKAR    M    44    Independent
11    GADDAM SRINIVAS    M    47    Independent
12    RAPELLY SRINIVAS    M    34    Independent
S01    5    AP    ZAHIRABAD    16-Apr-09    1    CHENGAL BAGANNA    M    66    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    M.VISHNU MUDIRAJ    M    35    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    SYED YOUSUF ALI    M    54    Telangana Rashtra Samithi
4    SURESH KUMAR SHETKAR    M    46    Indian National Congress
5    BENJAMIN RAJU    M    39    Indian Justice Party
6    MALKAPURAM SHIVA KUMAR    M    43    Praja Rajyam Party
7    MALLESH RAVINDER REDDY    M    39    Lok Satta Party
8    CHITTA RAJESHWAR RAO    M    45    Independent
9    POWAR SINGH HATTI SINGH    M    36    Independent
10    BASAVA RAJ PATIL    M    39    Independent
S01    6    AP    MEDAK    16-Apr-09    1    NARENDRANATH .C    M    45    Indian National Congress
2    P. NIROOP REDDY    M    50    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    VIJAYA SHANTHI .M    F    43    Telangana Rashtra Samithi
4    Y. SHANKAR GOUD    M    44    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    KOVURI PRABHAKAR    M    51    Pyramid Party of India
6    KHAJA QUAYUM ANWAR    M    43    Praja Rajyam Party
7    D. YADESHWAR    M    46    Bahujan Samaj Party(Ambedkar-Phule)
8    K. SUDHEER REDDY    M    37    Lok Satta Party
9    KUNDETI RAVI    M    32    Independent
S01    7    AP    MALKAJGIRI    16-Apr-09    1    NALLU INDRASENA REDDY    M    56    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    M.BABU RAO PADMA SALE    M    52    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    BHEEMSEN.T    M    60    Telugu Desam
4    SARVEY SATYANARAYANA    M    54    Indian National Congress
5    S.D.KRISHNA MURTHY    M    51    Trilinga Praja Pragati Party
6    T.DEVENDER GOUD    M    56    Praja Rajyam Party
7    NARENDER KUMBALA    M    39    Bharat Punarnirman Dal
8    PRATHANI RAMAKRISHNA    M    42    Rashtriya Krantikari Samajwadi Party
9    LION C FRANCIS MJF    M    56    Samajwadi Party
10    N V RAMA REDDY    M    54    Pyramid Party of India
11    DR.LAVU RATHAIAH    M    56    Lok Satta Party
12    KANTE KANAKAIAH GANGAPUTHRA    M    63    Independent
13    KOYAL KAR BHOJARAJ    M    35    Independent
14    CHENURU VENKATA SUBBA RAO    M    52    Independent
15    JAJULA BHASKAR    M    34    Independent
16    LT.COL. (RETD). DUSERLA PAPARAIDU    M    62    Independent
17    MD.MANSOORALI    M    31    Independent
18    S.VICTOR    M    40    Independent
19    K.SRINIVASA RAJU    M    44    Independent
S01    8    AP    SECUNDRABAD    16-Apr-09    1    ANJAN KUMAR YADAV M    M    47    Indian National Congress
2    BANDARU DATTATREYA    M    61    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    M. D. MAHMOOD ALI    M    55    Telangana Rashtra Samithi
4    M. VENKATESH    M    32    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    SRINIVASA SUDHISH RAMBHOTLA    M    40    Telugu Desam
6    ABDUS SATTAR MUJAHED    M    41    Muslim League Kerala State Committee
7    IMDAD JAH    M    64    Ambedkar National Congress
8    P. DAMODER REDDY    M    48    Pyramid Party of India
9    DR. DASOJU SRAVAN KUMAR    M    41    Praja Rajyam Party
10    S. DEVAIAH    M    59    Trilinga Praja Pragati Party
11    C.V.L. NARASIMHA RAO    M    51    Lok Satta Party
12    DR .POLISHETTY RAM MOHAN    M    57    Samata Party
13    MOHD. OSMAN QURESHEE    M    35    Ajeya Bharat Party
14    SHIRAZ KHAN    F    39    United Women Front
15    ASEERVADAM LELLAPALLI    M    51    Independent
16    AMBATI KRISHNA MURTHY    M    50    Independent
17    B. GOPALA KRISHNA    M    42    Independent
18    DEVI DAS RAO GHODKE    M    63    Independent
19    BABER ALI KHAN    M    51    Independent
20    M. BHAGYA MATHA    F    38    Independent
21    CH. MURAHARI    M    49    Independent
22    G. RAJAIAH    M    48    Independent
23    K. SRINIVASA CHARI    M    49    Independent
S01    9    AP    HYDERABAD    16-Apr-09    1    ZAHID ALI KHAN    M    66    Telugu Desam
2    P. LAXMAN RAO GOUD    M    55    Indian National Congress
3    SATISH AGARWAL    M    38    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    SAMY MOHAMMED    M    29    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    ASADUDDIN OWAISI    M    41    All India Majlis-E-Ittehadul Muslimeen
6    S. GOPAL SINGH    M    34    Akhil Bharatiya Jan Sangh
7    TAHER KAMAL KHUNDMIRI    M    52    Janata Dal (Secular)
8    FATIMA .A    F    41    Praja Rajyam Party
9    P. VENKATESWARA RAO    M    58    Pyramid Party of India
10    D. SURENDER    M    36    Trilinga Praja Pragati Party
11    AL-KASARY MOULLIM MOHSIN HUSSAIN    M    33    Independent
12    ALTAF AHMED KHAN    M    43    Independent
13    M.A. QUDDUS GHORI    M    43    Independent
14    ZAHID ALI KHAN    M    26    Independent
15    M.A. BASITH    M    55    Independent
16    MD. OSMAN    M    43    Independent
17    B. RAVI YADAV    M    33    Independent
18    N.L. SRINIVAS    M    31    Independent
19    M.A. SATTAR    M    29    Independent
20    D. SADANAND    M    45    Independent
21    SYED ABDUL GAFFTER    M    51    Independent
22    SARDAR SINGH    M    62    Independent
23    M.A. HABEEB    M    31    Independent
S01    10    AP    CHELVELLA    16-Apr-09    1    JAIPAL REDDY SUDINI    M    67    Indian National Congress
2    A.P.JITHENDER REDDY    M    54    Telugu Desam
3    BADDAM BAL REDDY    M    64    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    C.SRINIVAS RAO    M    39    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    KASANI GNANESHWAR    M    54    Mana Party
6    KUMMARI GIRI    M    28    Pyramid Party of India
7    DASARA SARALA DEVI    F    39    Marxist Communist Party of India (S.S. Srivastava)
8    DR.B.RAGHUVEER REDDY    M    42    Lok Satta Party
9    SAMA SRINIVASULU    M    34    Great India Party
10    S.MALLA REDDY    M    43    Independent
11    G.MALLESHAM GOUD    M    32    Independent
12    RAMESHWARAM JANGAIAH    M    58    Independent
13    LAXMINARAYANA    M    27    Independent
14    VENKATRAM NAIK    M    27    Independent
15    SAYAMOOLA NARSIMULU    M    30    Independent
S01    11    AP    MAHBUBNAGAR    16-Apr-09    1    KUCHAKULLA YADAGIRI REDDY    M    51    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    K. CHANDRASEKHAR RAO    M    55    Telangana Rashtra Samithi
3    DEVARAKONDA VITTAL RAO    M    57    Indian National Congress
4    PALEM SUDARSHAN GOUD    M    42    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    ABDUL KAREEM KHAJA MOHAMMAD    M    50    Lok Satta Party
6    ASIRVADAM    M    35    Great India Party
7    KOLLA VENKATESH MADIGA    M    37    Trilinga Praja Pragati Party
8    GUNDALA VIJAYALAKSHMI    F    61    Pyramid Party of India
9    B. BALRAJ GOUD    M    44    Mana Party
10    MUNISWAMY.C.R    M    32    Samajwadi Janata Party (Rashtriya)
11    USHAN SATHYAMMA    F    32    Independent
12    USAIN RANGAMMA    F    50    Independent
13    YETTI CHINNA YENKAIAH    M    47    Independent
14    YETTI LINGAIAH    M    52    Independent
15    KANDUR KURMAIAH    M    56    Independent
16    KARRE JANGAIAH    M    29    Independent
17    GANGAPURI RAVINDAR GOUD    M    28    Independent
18    GAJJA NARSIMULU    M    35    Independent
19    CHENNAMSETTY DASHARATHA RAMULU HOLEA DASARI    M    31    Independent
20    M.A. JABBAR    M    39    Independent
21    DEPALLY MAISAIAH    M    27    Independent
22    DEPALLY SAYANNA    M    47    Independent
23    K. NARSIMULU    M    52    Independent
24    NAGENDER REDDY. K    M    49    Independent
25    PANDU    M    29    Independent
26    BUDIGA JANGAM LAXMAMMA    F    30    Independent
27    MOHAMMAD GHOUSE MOINUDDIN    M    76    Independent
28    MALA JANGILAMMA    F    50    Independent
29    RAJESH NAIK    M    29    Independent
30    RAIKANTI RAMADAS MADIGA    M    40    Independent
31    V. VENKATESHWARLU    M    32    Independent
32    B. SEENAIAH GOUD    M    62    Independent
S01    12    AP    NAGARKURNOOL    16-Apr-09    1    GUVVALA BALARAJU    M    31    Telangana Rashtra Samithi
2    TANGIRALA PARAMJOTHI    M    50    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    DR. MANDA JAGANNATH    M    57    Indian National Congress
4    DR. T. RATNAKARA    M    50    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    DEVANI SATYANARAYANA    M    39    Praja Rajyam Party
6    S.P.FERRY ROY    M    27    Pyramid Party of India
7    G. VIDYASAGAR    M    60    Lok Satta Party
8    ANAPOSALA VENKATESH    M    27    Independent
9    N. KURUMAIAH    M    27    Independent
10    BUDDULA SRINIVAS    M    35    Independent
11    A.V. SHIVA KUMAR    M    42    Independent
12    SIRIGIRI MANNEM    M    36    Independent
13    HANUMANTHU    M    28    Independent
S01    13    AP    NALGONDA    16-Apr-09    1    GUTHA SUKENDER REDDY    M    55    Indian National Congress
2    NAZEERUDDIN    M    55    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    VEDIRE SRIRAM REDDY    M    39    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    SURAVARAM SUDHAKAR REDDY    M    67    Communist Party of India
5    A. NAGESHWAR RAO    M    59    Pyramid Party of India
6    PADURI KARUNA    F    58    Praja Rajyam Party
7    DAIDA LINGAIAH    M    51    Independent
8    MD. NAZEEMUDDIN    M    40    Independent
9    BOLUSANI KRISHNAIAH    M    45    Independent
10    BOLLA KARUNAKAR    M    33    Independent
11    MARRY NEHEMIAH    M    55    Independent
12    YALAGANDULA RAMU    M    41    Independent
13    K.V.SRINIVASA CHARYULU    M    30    Independent
14    SHAIK AHMED    M    57    Independent
S01    14    AP    BHONGIR    16-Apr-09    1    KOMATIREDDY RAJ GOPAL REDDY    M    41    Indian National Congress
2    CHINTHA SAMBA MURTHY    M    50    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    NOMULA NARSIMHAIAH    M    49    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
4    SIDDHARTHA PHOOLEY    M    39    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    CHANDRA MOULI GANDAM    M    48    Praja Rajyam Party
6    PALLA PRABHAKAR REDDY    M    64    Pyramid Party of India
7    RACHA SUBHADRA REDDY    F    59    Lok Satta Party
8    GUMMI BAKKA REDDY    M    75    Independent
9    POOSA BALA KISHAN BESTA    M    35    Independent
10    PERUKA ANJAIAH    M    46    Independent
11    MAMIDIGALLA JOHN BABU    M    40    Independent
12    MEDI NARSIMHA    M    31    Independent
13    RUPANI RAMESH VADDERA    M    31    Independent
14    SANGU MALLAYYA    M    66    Independent
15    SIRUPANGI RAMULU    M    55    Independent
S01    15    AP    WARANGAL    16-Apr-09    1    JAYAPAL. V    M    63    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    DOMMATI SAMBAIAH    M    45    Telugu Desam
3    RAJAIAH SIRICILLA    M    55    Indian National Congress
4    RAMAGALLA PARAMESHWAR    M    55    Telangana Rashtra Samithi
5    LALAIAH P    M    65    Bahujan Samaj Party
6    ONTELA MONDAIAH    M    58    Pyramid Party of India
7    DR. CHANDRAGIRI RAJAMOULY    M    49    Praja Rajyam Party
8    BALLEPU VENKAT NARSINGA RAO    M    37    Lok Satta Party
9    KANNAM VENKANNA    M    32    Independent
10    KRISHNADHI SRILATHA    F    33    Independent
11    SOMAIAH GANAPURAM    M    39    Independent
12    DAMERA MOGILI    M    34    Independent
13    DUBASI NARSING    M    46    Independent
14    PAKALA DEVADANAM    M    74    Independent
15    D. SREEDHAR RAO    M    37    Independent
S01    16    AP    MAHABUBABAD    16-Apr-09    1    KUNJA SRINIVASA RAO    M    31    Communist Party of India
2    GUMMADI PULLAIAH    M    58    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    B. DILIP    M    35    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    P. BALRAM    M    45    Indian National Congress
5    D.T. NAIK    M    61    Praja Rajyam Party
6    PODEM SAMMAIAH    M    31    Pyramid Party of India
7    BANOTH MOLCHAND    M    60    Lok Satta Party
8    KALTHI VEERASWAMY    M    52    Independent
9    KECHELA RANGA REDDY    M    44    Independent
10    DATLA NAGESWAR RAO    M    42    Independent
11    PADIGA YERRAIAH    M    64    Independent
12    P. SATYANARAYANA    M    32    Independent
S01    17    AP    KHAMMAM    16-Apr-09    1    KAPILAVAI RAVINDER    M    45    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    THONDAPU VENKATESWARA RAO    M    30    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    NAMA NAGESWARA RAO    M    50    Telugu Desam
4    RENUKA CHOWDHURY    F    54    Indian National Congress
5    JALAGAM HEMAMALINI    F    40    Praja Rajyam Party
6    JUPELLI SATYANARAYANA    M    61    Lok Satta Party
7    MANUKONDA RAGHURAM PRASAD    M    55    Pyramid Party of India
8    SHAIK MADAR SAHEB    M    40    Trilinga Praja Pragati Party
9    AVULA VENKATESWARLU    M    45    Independent
10    CHANDA LINGAIAH    M    58    Independent
11    DANDA LINGAIAH    M    59    Independent
12    BANOTH LAXMA NAIK    M    52    Independent
13    MALLAVARAPU JEREMIAH    M    63    Independent
S01    18    AP    ARUKU    16-Apr-09    1    KISHORE CHANDRA SURYANARAYANA DEO VYRICHERLA    M    62    Indian National Congress
2    KURUSA BOJJAIAH    M    56    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    GADUGU BALLAYYA DORA    M    38    Rashtriya Janata Dal
4    MIDIYAM BABU RAO    M    58    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
5    LAKE RAJA RAO    M    50    Bahujan Samaj Party
6    MEENAKA SIMHACHALAM    M    43    Praja Rajyam Party
7    VADIGALA PENTAYYA    M    56    Lok Satta Party
8    APPA RAO KINJEDI    M    48    Independent
9    ARIKA GUMPA SWAMY    M    60    Independent
10    ILLA RAMI REDDY    M    54    Independent
11    JAYALAKSHMI SHAMBUDU    F    39    Independent
S01    19    AP    SRIKAKULAM    16-Apr-09    1    YERRNNAIDU KINJARAPU    M    50    Telugu Desam
2    KILLI KRUPA RANI    F    47    Indian National Congress
3    TANKALA SUDHAKARA RAO    M    57    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    DUPPALA RAVINDARA BABU    M    38    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    KALYANI VARUDU    F    29    Praja Rajyam Party
6    NANDA PRASADA RAO    M    37    Pyramid Party of India
S01    20    AP    VIZIANAGARAM    16-Apr-09    1    APPALA NAIDU KONDAPALLI    M    41    Telugu Desam
2    GOTTAPU CHINAMNAIDU    M    56    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    JHANSI LAXMI BOTCHA    F    45    Indian National Congress
4    SANYASI RAJU PAKALAPATI    M    51    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    KIMIDI GANAPATHI RAO    M    52    Praja Rajyam Party
6    LUNKARAN JAIN    M    60    Pyramid Party of India
7    DATTLA SATYA APPALA SIVANANDA RAJU    M    34    Lok Satta Party
8    VENKATA SATYA NARAYANA RAGHUMANDA    M    28    Bharatiya Sadbhawna Samaj Party
9    MAHESWARA RAO VARRI    M    35    Independent
S01    21    AP    VISAKHAPATNAM    16-Apr-09    1    I.M.AHMED    M    41    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    DAGGUBATI PURANDESWARI    F    49    Indian National Congress
3    DR.M.V.V.S.MURTHI    M    70    Telugu Desam
4    D.V.SUBBARAO    M    76    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    PALLA SRINIVASA RAO    M    40    Praja Rajyam Party
6    BETHALA KEGIYA RANI    F    26    Bahujan Samaj Party(Ambedkar-Phule)
7    D.BHARATHI    F    53    Pyramid Party of India
8    D.V.RAMANA (VASU MASTER)    M    37    Trilinga Praja Pragati Party
9    RAMESH LANKA    M    49    Bharatheeya Sadharma Samsthapana Party
10    M.T.VENKATESWARALU    M    42    Lok Satta Party
11    APPARAO GOLAGANA    M    46    Independent
12    BANDAM VENKATA RAO YADAV    M    32    Independent
13    YADDANAPUDI RANGARAO    M    78    Independent
14    YALAMANCHILI PRASAD    M    54    Independent
15    RANGARAJU KALIDINDI    M    46    Independent
S01    22    AP    ANAKAPALLI    16-Apr-09    1    APPA RAO KIRLA    M    57    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    NOOKARAPU SURYA PRAKASA RAO    M    50    Telugu Desam
3    BHEEMISETTI NAGESWARARAO    M    41    Rashtriya Janata Dal
4    VENKATA RAMANA BABU PILLA    M    35    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    SABBAM HARI    M    55    Indian National Congress
6    ALLU ARAVIND    M    62    Praja Rajyam Party
7    PULAMARASETTI VENKATA RAMANA    M    28    Pyramid Party of India
8    BOYINA NAGESWARA RAO    M    52    Janata Dal (United)
9    NANDA GOPAL GANDHAM    M    60    Independent
10    PATHALA SATYA RAO    M    46    Independent
S02    1    AR    ARUNACHAL WEST    16-Apr-09    1    KIREN RIJIJU    M    37    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    TAKAM SANJOY    M    42    Indian National Congress
3    TABA TAKU    M    25    Lok Bharati
4    SUBU KECHI    M    36    Independent
S02    2    AR    ARUNACHAL EAST    16-Apr-09    1    LOWANGCHA WANGLAT    M    66    Arunachal Congress
2    NINONG ERING    M    50    Indian National Congress
3    TAPIR GAO    M    48    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    DR. SAMSON BORANG    M    33    People’s Party of Arunachal
S03    1    AS    KARIMGANJ    16-Apr-09    1    RAJESH MALLAH    M    43    Assam United Democratic Front
2    LALIT MOHAN SUKLABAIDYA    M    68    Indian National Congress
3    SUDHANGSHU DAS    M    41    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    UTTAM NOMOSUDRA    M    34    Independent
5    JOY DAS    M    37    Independent
6    DEBASISH DAS    M    36    Independent
7    PROBHASH CH. SARKAR    M    36    Independent
8    BIJON ROY    M    35    Independent
9    BIJOY MALAKAR    M    42    Independent
10    MALATI ROY    F    42    Independent
11    MILON SINGHA    M    42    Independent
12    RANJAN NAMASUDRA    M    41    Independent
13    RAJESH CHANDRA ROY    M    29    Independent
14    SITAL PRASAD DUSAD    M    55    Independent
15    HIMANGSHU KUMAR DAS    M    28    Independent
S03    2    AS    SILCHAR    16-Apr-09    1    KABINDRA PURKAYASTHA    M    74    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    DIPAK BHATTACHARJEE    M    69    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
3    BADRUDDIN AJMAL    M    54    Assam United Democratic Front
4    SONTOSH MOHAN DEV    M    75    Indian National Congress
5    KANTIMOY DEB    M    60    Independent
6    CHANDAN RABIDAS    M    34    Independent
7    JAYANTA MALLICK    M    36    Independent
8    JOY SUNDAR DAS    M    38    Independent
9    NAGENDRA CHANDRA DAS    M    28    Independent
10    NAZRUL HAQUE MAZARBHUIYAN    M    36    Independent
11    NABADWIP DAS    M    58    Independent
12    PIJUSH KANTI DAS    M    38    Independent
13    MANISH BHATTACHARJEE    M    62    Independent
14    YOGENDRA KUMAR SINGH    M    40    Independent
15    SUBIR DEB    M    41    Independent
16    SUMIT ROY    M    33    Independent
S03    3    AS    AUTONOMOUS DISTRICT    16-Apr-09    1    KULENDRA DAULAGUPU    M    36    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    BIREN SINGH ENGTI    M    64    Indian National Congress
3    HIDDHINATH RONGPI    M    45    Nationalist Congress Party
4    ELWIN TERON    M    48    Autonomous State Demand Committee
5    DR. JAYANTA RONGPI    M    54    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)
6    KABON TIMUNGPI    F    56    Independent
S04    17    BR    GOPALGANJ    16-Apr-09    1    ANIL KUMAR    M    41    Rashtriya Janata Dal
2    JANAK RAM    M    37    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    PURNMASI RAM    M    52    Janata Dal (United)
4    RAMAI RAM    M    66    Indian National Congress
5    MADHU BHARTI    F    39    Loktantrik Samata Dal
6    RAM KUMAR MANJHI    M    30    Suheldev Bhartiya Samaj Party
7    RAMASHANKAR RAM    M    43    Rashtriya Jan-Jagram Morcha
8    SATYADEO RAM    M    39    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)
9    ASHA DEVI    F    46    Independent
10    DINANATH MANJHI    M    31    Independent
11    DHARMENDRA KUMAR HAZRA    M    41    Independent
12    BANITHA BAITHA    F    25    Independent
13    RAJESH KUMAR RAM    M    28    Independent
14    RAM SURAT RAM    M    42    Independent
15    SHAMBHU DOM    M    41    Independent
16    SURENDRA PASWAN    M    28    Independent
S04    18    BR    SIWAN    16-Apr-09    1    PARASH NATH PATHAK    M    60    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    BRISHIN PATEL    M    60    Janata Dal (United)
3    VIJAY SHANKER DUBEY    M    60    Indian National Congress
4    HENA SHAHAB    F    36    Rashtriya Janata Dal
5    AMAR NATH YADAV    M    44    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)
6    ASWANI KR. VERMA    M    28    Indian Justice Party
7    MADHURI PANDAY    F    35    Samajik Jantantrik Party
8    LAL BABU TIWARI    M    55    Rashtriya Krantikari Samajwadi Party
9    UMESH TIWARY    M    30    Independent
10    OM PRAKASH YADAV    M    43    Independent
11    NIDHI KIRTI    F    26    Independent
12    PRABHU NATH MALI    M    26    Independent
13    DR. MUNESHWAR PRASAD    M    68    Independent
14    RAJENDRA KUMAR    M    36    Independent
15    SHAMBHU NATH PRASAD    M    60    Independent
S04    19    BR    MAHARAJGANJ    16-Apr-09    1    UMA SHANAKER SINGH    M    61    Rashtriya Janata Dal
2    TARKESHWAR SINGH    M    51    Indian National Congress
3    PRABHU NATH SINGH    M    56    Janata Dal (United)
4    RAVINDRA NATH MISHRA    M    54    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    RAMESH SINGH KUSHWAHA    M    59    Loktantrik Samata Dal
6    SATYENDRA KR. SAHANI    M    41    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)
7    GAUTAM PRASAD    M    30    Independent
8    DHURENDRA RAM    M    47    Independent
9    NAYAN PRASAD    M    53    Independent
10    PRADEEP MANJHI    M    32    Independent
11    BANKE BIHARI SINGH    M    25    Independent
12    RAJESH KUMAR SINGH    M    26    Independent
13    BREENDA PATHAK    M    63    Independent
S04    20    BR    SARAN    16-Apr-09    1    RAJIV PRATAP RUDY    M    48    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    LALU PRASAD    M    60    Rashtriya Janata Dal
3    SALIM PERWEZ    M    47    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    SANTOSH PATEL    M    39    Loktantrik Samata Dal
5    SOHEL AKHATAR    M    33    Bharatiya Momin Front
6    KUMAR BALRAM SINGH    M    56    Independent
7    DHUPENDRA SINGH    M    33    Independent
8    RAJKUMAR RAI    M    33    Independent
9    RAJAN HRISHIKESH CHANDRA    M    25    Independent
10    RAJARAM SAHANI    M    49    Independent
11    LAL BABU RAY    M    46    Independent
12    SHEO DAS SINGH    M    74    Independent
S04    32    BR    ARRAH    16-Apr-09    1    MEENA SINGH    F    44    Janata Dal (United)
2    RAMA KISHORE SINGH    M    46    Lok Jan Shakti Party
3    REETA SINGH    F    40    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    HARIDWAR PRASAD SINGH    M    64    Indian National Congress
5    AJIT PRASAD MEHTA    M    43    Jawan Kisan Morcha
6    ARUN SINGH    M    48    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)
7    BHARAT BHUSAN PANDEY    M    35    Akhil Bharatiya Jan Sangh
8    RAMADHAR SINGH    M    48    Shivsena
9    SAMBHU PRASAD SHARMA    M    57    All India Forward Bloc
10    SANTOSH KUMAR    M    32    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party
11    SATYA NARAYAN YADAV    M    67    Rashtra Sewa Dal
12    SAIYAD GANIUDDIN HAIDER    M    42    Ambedkar National Congress
13    ASHOK KUMAR SINGH    M    38    Independent
14    BHARAT SINGH SAHYOGI    M    45    Independent
15    MAHESH RAM    M    45    Independent
16    SOBH NATH SINGH    M    39    Independent
S04    33    BR    BUXAR    16-Apr-09    1    KAMLA KANT TIWARY    M    67    Indian National Congress
2    JAGADA NAND SINGH    M    65    Rashtriya Janata Dal
3    LAL MUNI CHOUBEY    M    71    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    SHYAM LAL SINGH KUSHWAHA    M    54    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    MOKARRAM HUSSAIN    M    57    Suheldev Bhartiya Samaj Party
6    MOHAN SAH    M    33    Bharatiya Jantantrik Janta Dal
7    RAJENDRA SINGH MAURYA    M    32    Loktantrik Samata Dal
8    DR. VIJENDRA NATH UPADHYAY    M    37    Shivsena
9    SHYAM BIHARI BIND    M    46    Janvadi Party(Socialist)
10    SATYENDRA OJHA    M    27    Apna Dal
11    SUDAMA PRASAD    M    41    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)
12    SURESH WADEKAR    M    38    Republican Party of India
13    KAMLESH CHOUDHARY    M    35    Independent
14    JAI SINGH YADAV    M    34    Independent
15    DADAN SINGH    M    45    Independent
16    PRATIBHA DEVI    F    40    Independent
17    PHULAN PANDIT    M    44    Independent
18    RAJENDRA PASWAN    M    33    Independent
19    LALLAN RUPNARAIN PATHAK    M    65    Independent
20    SHIV CHARAN YADAV    M    55    Independent
21    SUNIL KUMAR DUBEY    M    32    Independent
22    SURENDRA KUMAR BHARTI    M    38    Independent
S04    34    BR    SASARAM    16-Apr-09    1    GANDHI AZAD    M    62    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    MEIRA KUMAR    F    63    Indian National Congress
3    MUNI LAL    M    61    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    LALAN PASWAN    M    45    Rashtriya Janata Dal
5    DUKHI RAM    M    39    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)
6    BABBAN CHAUDHARY    M    39    Loktantrik Samata Dal
7    BALIRAM RAM    M    43    Pragatisheel Manav Samaj Party
8    BHOLA PRASAD    M    38    Indian Justice Party
9    RADHA DEBI    F    28    Apna Dal
10    RAM NAGINA RAM    M    41    Rashtriya Krantikari Janata Party
11    RAM YADI RAM    M    72    Republican Party of India
12    PRAMOD KUMAR    M    26    Independent
13    BHARAT RAM    M    33    Independent
14    MUNIYA DEBI    F    41    Independent
15    RAM PRAVESH RAM    M    47    Independent
16    SURENDRA RAM    M    39    Independent
S04    35    BR    KARAKAT    16-Apr-09    1    AWADHESH KUMAR SINGH    M    53    Indian National Congress
2    UPENDRA KUMAR SHARMA    M    47    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    KANTI SINGH    F    54    Rashtriya Janata Dal
4    MAHABALI SINGH    M    54    Janata Dal (United)
5    AJAY KUMAR    M    32    Republican Party of India (A)
6    JYOTI RASHMI    F    30    Rashtra Sewa Dal
7    MUDREEKA YADAV    M    59    Apna Dal
8    RAJ KISHOR MISRA    M    30    Alpjan Samaj Party
9    RAJA RAM SINGH    M    53    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)
10    MD.SHAMIULLAH MANSOORI    M    62    Shoshit Samaj Dal
11    ER.ABDUL SATAR    M    62    Independent
12    AMAVAS RAM    M    50    Independent
13    PRO. KAMTA PRASAD YADAV    M    46    Independent
14    GIRISH NARAYAN SINGH    M    48    Independent
15    SATISH PANDEY    M    27    Independent
16    HARI PRASAD SINGH    M    63    Independent
S04    36    BR    JAHANABAD    16-Apr-09    1    DR. ARUN KUMAR    M    49    Indian National Congress
2    JAGDISH SHARMA    M    58    Janata Dal (United)
3    RAMADHAR SHARMA    M    54    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    SURENDRA PRASAD YADAV    M    51    Rashtriya Janata Dal
5    AYASHA KHATUN    F    28    Loktantrik Samata Dal
6    PROF. JAI RAM PRASAD SINGH    M    70    Shoshit Samaj Dal
7    TARA GUPTA    F    62    Rashtriya Pragati Party
8    MAHANAND PRASAD    M    41    Communist Party of India(Marxist-Leninist)(Liberation)
9    RAMASRAY PRASAD SINGH    M    83    Rashtriya Lok Dal
10    MD. SAHABUDDIN JAHAN    M    36    Bharatiya Sarvodaya Kranti Party
11    SHRAVAN KUMAR    M    32    Lal Morcha
12    SADHU SINHA    M    68    All India Forward Bloc
13    SYED AKBAR IMAM    M    49    Akhil Bharatiya Ashok Sena
14    AJAY KUMAR VERMA    M    41    Independent
15    ABHAY KUMAR ANIL    M    41    Independent
16    DR. ARBIND KUMAR    M    52    Independent
17    ARVIND PRASAD SINGH    M    43    Independent
18    UPENDRA PRASAD    M    31    Independent
19    JAGDISH YADAV    M    40    Independent
20    PRIKSHIT SINGH    M    36    Independent
21    PRABHAT KUMAR RANJAN    M    32    Independent
22    RANJIT SHARMA    M    28    Independent
23    RAKESHWAR KISHOR    M    35    Independent
24    SIYA RAM PRASAD    M    40    Independent
25    SUMIRAK SINGH    M    50    Independent
S04    37    BR    AURANGABAD    16-Apr-09    1    ARCHANA CHANDRA    F    32    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    NIKHIL KUMAR    M    67    Indian National Congress
3    SHAKIL AHMAD KHAN    M    61    Rashtriya Janata Dal
4    SUSHIL KUMAR SINGH    M    43    Janata Dal (United)
5    ANIL KUMAR SINGH    M    36    Rashtra Sewa Dal
6    AMERIKA MAHTO    M    48    Shoshit Samaj Dal
7    RAM KUMAR MEHTA    M    37    Loktantrik Samata Dal
8    VIJAY PASWAN    M    48    Bharatiya Sarvodaya Kranti Party
9    ASLAM ANSARI    M    38    Independent
10    INDRA DEO RAM    M    58    Independent
11    UDAY PASWAN    M    41    Independent
12    PUNA DAS    M    34    Independent
13    RANJEET KUMAR    M    48    Independent
14    RAJENDRA YADAV    M    42    Independent
15    RAMSWARUP PRASAD YADAV    M    72    Independent
16    SANTOSH KUMAR    M    40    Independent
S04    38    BR    GAYA    16-Apr-09    1    KALAWATI DEVI    F    27    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    RAMJI MANJHI    M    49    Rashtriya Janata Dal
3    SANJIV PRASAD TONI    M    52    Indian National Congress
4    HARI MANJHI    M    47    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    DILIP PASWAN    M    41    Navbharat Nirman Party
6    NIRANJAN KUMAR    M    35    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)
7    RAJESH KUMAR    M    27    Loktantrik Samata Dal
8    RAMDEV ARYA PAAN    M    67    Akhil Bharatiya Jan Sangh
9    AMAR NATH PRASAD    M    35    Independent
10    KRISHNA CHOUDHARY    M    26    Independent
11    KAIL DAS    M    66    Independent
12    DIPAK PASWAN    M    27    Independent
13    RAM KISHORE PASWAN    M    36    Independent
14    RAMU PASWAN    M    29    Independent
15    SHIV SHANKAR KUMAR    M    33    Independent
16    SHYAM LAL MANJHI    M    50    Independent
S04    39    BR    NAWADA    16-Apr-09    1    GANESH SHANKAR VIDYARTHI    M    85    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
2    BHOLA SINGH    M    70    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    MASIH UDDIN    M    36    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    VEENA DEVI    F    36    Lok Jan Shakti Party
5    SUNILA DEVI    F    38    Indian National Congress
6    UMAKANT RAHI    M    37    Shoshit Samaj Dal
7    KAILASH PAL    M    48    Bharatiya Sarvodaya Kranti Party
8    VIDHYAPATI SINGH    M    46    Loktantrik Samata Dal
9    SURENDRA KUMAR CHAUDHARY    M    45    Suheldev Bhartiya Samaj Party
10    AKHILESH SINGH    M    38    Independent
11    ANIL MEHTA    M    36    Independent
12    KAUSHAL YADAV    M    39    Independent
13    CHANCHALA DEVI    F    33    Independent
14    DURGA PRASAD DHAR    M    29    Independent
15    NAVIN KUMAR VERMA    M    38    Independent
16    RAJ KISHOR RAJ    M    43    Independent
17    RAJ BALLABH PRASAD    M    46    Independent
18    RAJENDRA VISHAL    M    44    Independent
19    RAJENDRA SINGH    M    60    Independent
20    SHAMBHU PRASAD    M    41    Independent
21    SUNIL KUMAR    M    28    Independent
S04    40    BR    JAMUI    16-Apr-09    1    ASHOK CHOUDHARY    M    42    Indian National Congress
2    GAJADHAR RAJAK    M    63    Communist Party of India
3    BHAGWAN DAS    M    61    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    BHUDEO CHOUDHARY    M    46    Janata Dal (United)
5    SHYAM RAJAK    M    56    Rashtriya Janata Dal
6    ARJUN MANJHI    M    45    Jago Party
7    UPENDRA RAVIDAS    M    30    Samata Party
8    OM PRAKASH PASWAN    M    62    Loktantrik Samata Dal
9    GULAB CHANDRA PASWAN    M    58    Rashtriya Krantikari Janata Party
10    NUNDEO MANJHI    M    54    Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik)
11    PRASADI PASWAN    M    37    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha
12    SUBHASH PASWAN    M    36    Samajtantric Party of India
13    KAPILDEO DAS    M    55    Independent
14    JAY SEKHAR MANJHI    M    48    Independent
15    PAPPU RAJAK    M    40    Independent
16    YOGENDRA PASWAN    M    37    Independent
17    VIJAY PASWAN    M    29    Independent
18    BILAKSHAN RAVIDAS    M    51    Independent
19    SARYUG PASWAN    M    65    Independent
S09    6    JK    JAMMU    16-Apr-09    1    S.TARLOK SINGH    M    59    Jammu & Kashmir Peoples Democratic Party
2    HUSSAIN ALI    M    48    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    LILA KARAN SHARMA    M    68    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    MADAN LAL SHARMA    M    56    Indian National Congress
5    UDAY CHAND    M    55    Duggar Pradesh Party
6    SURJIT SINGH ‘G’ SITARA    M    58    Rashtriya Krantikari Samajwadi Party
7    SANT RAM    M    73    Bharatiya Bahujan Party
8    SANJEEV KUMAR MANMOTRA    M    42    Lok Jan Shakti Party
9    QARI ZAHIR ABBAS BHATTI    M    39    All India Forward Bloc
10    ABDUL MAJEED MALIK    M    37    Backward Classes Democratic Party, J&K
11    ASHOK KUMAR    M    45    Independent
12    BALWAN SINGH    M    35    Independent
13    PARAS RAM POONCHI    M    56    Independent
14    RAMESH CHANDER SHARMA    M    36    Independent
15    SATISH POONCHI    M    60    Independent
16    SANJAY KUMAR    M    39    Independent
17    SHAKEELA BANO    F    32    Independent
18    LABHA RAM GANDHI    M    46    Independent
19    CH. MUSHTAQ HUSSAIN CHOUHAN    M    38    Independent
20    NARESH DOGRA    M    40    Independent
21    HILAL AHMED BAIG    M    29    Independent
S11    1    KL    KASARAGOD    16-Apr-09    1    P KARUNAKARAN    M    64    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
2    K.H.MADHAVI    F    35    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    SHAHIDA KAMAL    F    40    Indian National Congress
4    K. SURENDRAN    M    37    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    ABBAS MUTHALAPPARA    M    47    Independent
6    MOHAN NAYAK    M    73    Independent
7    P.K. RAMAN    M    48    Independent
S11    2    KL    KANNUR    16-Apr-09    1    P.P KARUNAKARAN MASTER    M    61    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    K.K BALAKRISHNAN NAMBIAR    M    52    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    K.K RAGESH    M    38    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
4    K. SUDHAKARAN    M    60    Indian National Congress
5    P.I. CHANDRASEKHARAN    M    53    The Humanist Party of India
6    JOHNSON ALIAS SUNNY AMBATT    M    48    Independent
7    K. RAGESH S/O. JANARDHANAN    M    33    Independent
8    PATTATHIL RAGHAVAN    M    82    Independent
9    K. SUDHAKARAN KAVINTE ARIKATH    M    39    Independent
S11    3    KL    VADAKARA    16-Apr-09    1    ADV.K. NOORUDHEEN MUSALIAR    M    56    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    MULLAPPALLY RAMACHANDRAN    M    64    Indian National Congress
3    K.P SREESAN    M    49    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    ADV. P. SATHEEDEVI    F    52    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
5    T.P CHANDRASEKHARAN    M    47    Independent
6    NAROTH RAMACHANDRAN    M    58    Independent
7    P.SATHIDEVI PALLIKKAL    F    36    Independent
8    SATHEEDEVI    F    42    Independent
S11    4    KL    WAYANAD    16-Apr-09    1    K. MURALEEDHARAN    M    51    Nationalist Congress Party
2    RAJEEV JOSEPH    M    40    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    C. VASUDEVAN MASTER    M    65    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    M.I. SHANAVAS    M    57    Indian National Congress
5    ADVOCATE. M. RAHMATHULLA    M    48    Communist Party of India
6    KALLANGODAN ABDUL LATHEEF    M    46    Independent
7    CLETUS    M    52    Independent
8    DR. NALLA THAMPY THERA    M    75    Independent
9    ADVOCATE. SHANAVAS MALAPPURAM    M    36    Independent
10    SHANAVAS MANAKULANGARA PARAMBIL    M    29    Independent
11    SUNNY PONNAMATTOM    M    58    Independent
12    M.P. RAHMATH    M    30    Independent
13    RAHMATHULLA POOLADAN    M    36    Independent
S11    5    KL    KOZHIKODE    16-Apr-09    1    A.K. ABDUL NASAR    M    35    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    ADV. P.A. MOHAMED RIYAS    M    33    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
3    V. MURALEEDHARAN    M    49    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    M.K. RAGHAVAN    M    57    Indian National Congress
5    ADV. P. KUMARANKUTTY    M    64    Independent
6    K. MUHAMMED RIYAS    M    27    Independent
7    P. MUHAMMED RIYAS    M    28    Independent
8    P.A. MOHAMMED RIYAS    M    37    Independent
9    MUDOOR MUHAMMED HAJI    M    44    Independent
10    K. RAGHAVAN    M    44    Independent
11    P. RAMACHANDRAN NAIR    M    63    Independent
12    M. RAGHAVAN    M    65    Independent
13    VINOD K.    M    33    Independent
14    ADV. SABI JOSEPH    M    60    Independent
15    DR. D.SURENDRANATH    M    60    Independent
16    RIYAS    M    31    Independent
S11    6    KL    MALAPPURAM    16-Apr-09    1    ADV.E.A. ABOOBACKER    M    52    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    ADV. N. ARAVINDAN    M    43    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    E. AHAMED    M    70    Muslim League Kerala State Committee
4    T.K. HAMSA    M    71    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
S11    7    KL    PONNANI    16-Apr-09    1    K. JANACHANDRAN MASTER    M    57    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    P.K. MUHAMMED    M    56    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    E.T. MUHAMMED BASHEER    M    62    Muslim League Kerala State Committee
4    ABDUREHMAN    M    32    Independent
5    DR. AZAD    M    45    Independent
6    PULLANI GOVINDAN    M    64    Independent
7    DR. HUSSAIN RANTATHANI    M    51    Independent
8    HUSSAIN EDAYATH    M    29    Independent
9    HUSSAIN KADAIKKAL    M    37    Independent
10    HUSSAIN PERICHAYIL    M    42    Independent
11    HUSSAIN    M    29    Independent
12    DR. HUSSAIN    M    40    Independent
13    K. SADANANDAN    M    62    Independent
S11    8    KL    PALAKKAD    16-Apr-09    1    ABDUL RAZAK MOULAVI    M    47    Nationalist Congress Party
2    CHANDRAN. V    M    63    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    C.K. PADMANABHAN    M    60    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    M.B. RAJESH    M    34    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
5    SATHEESAN PACHENI    M    41    Indian National Congress
6    A. AROKIASAMY    M    61    Independent
7    M.R. MURALI    M    43    Independent
8    N.V. RAJESH    M    35    Independent
9    VIJAYAN AMBALAKKAD    M    42    Independent
10    SATHEESAN. E.V    M    37    Independent
S11    9    KL    ALATHUR    16-Apr-09    1    P.K BIJU    M    34    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
2    M. BINDU TEACHER    F    35    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    DR. G SUDEVAN    M    61    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    N.K SUDHEER    M    44    Indian National Congress
5    K. GOPALAKRISHNAN    M    39    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)
6    BIJU K.K    M    38    Independent
7    P.C BIJU    M    36    Independent
8    C.K RAMAKRISHNAN    M    43    Independent
9    K.K SUDHIR    M    44    Independent
S11    10    KL    THRISSUR    16-Apr-09    1    P C CHACKO    M    62    Indian National Congress
2    C N JAYADEVAN    M    58    Communist Party of India
3    ADV. JOSHY THARAKAN    M    42    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    REMA REGUNANDAN    F    48    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    AJAYAN KUTTIKAT    M    36    Janata Dal (United)
6    K ARUN KUMAR    M    39    Independent
7    KUNJAN PULAYAN    M    52    Independent
8    E A JOSEPH    M    49    Independent
9    N K RAVI    M    46    Independent
10    P C SAJU    M    35    Independent
11    ADV. N HARIHARAN NAIR    M    63    Independent
S11    11    KL    CHALAKUDY    16-Apr-09    1    ADV. U.P JOSEPH    M    45    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
2    K.P. DHANAPALAN    M    59    Indian National Congress
3    MUTTAM ABDULLA    M    49    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    ADV.K.V. SABU    M    47    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    HAMSA KALAPARAMBATH    M    47    Lok Jan Shakti Party
6    JOHNNY K CHEEKU    M    47    Independent
7    JOSE MAVELI    M    58    Independent
8    U.P JOSE    M    45    Independent
9    DR. P.S. BABU    M    42    Independent
10    T.S NARAYANAN MASTER    M    67    Independent
11    C.A. HASEENA    F    36    Independent
S11    12    KL    ERNAKULAM    16-Apr-09    1    PROF. K V THOMAS    M    61    Indian National Congress
2    A.N. RADHAKRISHNAN    M    49    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    SHERIF MOHAMMED    M    56    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    SINDHU JOY    F    32    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
5    SAJU THOMAS    M    43    Lok Jan Shakti Party
6    MARY FRANCIS MOOLAMPILLY    F    59    Independent
7    VISWAMBARAN    M    59    Independent
8    SAJI THURUTHIKUNNEL    M    37    Independent
9    SINDHU K.S    F    36    Independent
10    SINDHU JAYAN    F    38    Independent
S11    13    KL    IDUKKI    16-Apr-09    1    ADV. P.T THOMAS    M    59    Indian National Congress
2    ADV. K. FRANCIS GEORGE    M    54    Kerala Congress
3    ADV. BIJU M JOHN    M    40    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    SREENAGARI RAJAN    M    49    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    VASUDEVAN    M    39    Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katch
6    ADV. CHITTOOR RAJAMANNAR    M    50    Independent
7    JOSE KUTTIYANY    M    69    Independent
8    KANCHIYAR PEETHAMBARAN    M    45    Independent
9    BABY    M    51    Independent
10    M A SOOSAI    M    45    Independent
S11    14    KL    KOTTAYAM    16-Apr-09    1    JOSE K.MANI    M    44    Kerala Congress (M)
2    ADV. NARAYANAN NAMBOOTHIRI    M    48    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    ADV. SURESH KURUP    M    52    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
4    SPENCER MARKS    M    39    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    ADV. JAIMON THANKACHAN    M    39    Samajwadi Jan Parishad
6    ANTO P JOHN    M    41    Independent
7    JUNO JOHN BABY    M    34    Independent
8    JOSE    M    45    Independent
9    JOSE MATHEW    M    32    Independent
10    JOSE K. MANI    M    32    Independent
11    BABU    M    41    Independent
12    K.T MATHEW    M    50    Independent
13    MINI K PHILIP    F    41    Independent
14    M.S RAVEENDRAN    M    49    Independent
15    K. RAJAPPAN    M    57    Independent
16    SASIKUTTAN VAKATHANAM    M    53    Independent
17    SURESH N.B KURUP    M    26    Independent
18    SURESHKUMAR K    M    33    Independent
19    SURESHKUMAR T.R    M    36    Independent
20    SURESH KURUMBAN    M    36    Independent
S11    15    KL    ALAPPUZHA    16-Apr-09    1    DR. K.S MANOJ    M    43    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
2    K.C VENUGOPAL    M    46    Indian National Congress
3    K.S PRASAD    M    54    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    P.J KURIAN    M    63    Janata Dal (United)
5    S. SEETHILAL    M    45    Independent
6    SONY J. KALYANKUMAR    M    51    Independent
S11    16    KL    MAVELIKKARA    16-Apr-09    1    R.S ANIL    M    34    Communist Party of India
2    KODIKKUNNIL SURESH    M    46    Indian National Congress
3    DR. N.D MOHAN    M    56    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    P.M VELAYUDHAN    M    52    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    ANIL KUMAR    M    26    Independent
6    K.S SASIKALA    F    40    Independent
7    SOORANAD SUKUMARAN    M    60    Independent
S11    17    KL    PATHANAMTHITTA    16-Apr-09    1    ANANTHA GOPAN    M    61    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
2    ANTO ANTONY    M    52    Indian National Congress
3    KARUNAKARAN NAIR    M    78    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    MANI C.KAPPEN    M    51    Nationalist Congress Party
5    RADHAKRISHNA MENON    M    44    Bharatiya Janata Party
6    KUNJU PILLAI    M    60    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)
7    ANTO    M    33    Independent
8    JYOTHISH M.R    M    37    Independent
9    THAMBI    M    40    Independent
10    NIRANAM RAJAN    M    47    Independent
11    PUSHPANGADAN    M    40    Independent
12    MATHEW PAREY    M    26    Independent
S11    18    KL    KOLLAM    16-Apr-09    1    ADVT. K M JAYANANDAN    M    52    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    N.PEETHAMBARAKURUP    M    66    Indian National Congress
3    VAYAKKAL MADHU    M    48    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    P.RAJENDRAN    M    58    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
5    ADV.ANU SASI    M    28    Independent
6    KRISHNAMMAL    F    59    Independent
7    K A JOHN    M    55    Independent
8    N.PEETHAMBARAKURUP    M    61    Independent
9    S.PRADEEP KUMAR    M    30    Independent
10    S.RADHAKRISHNAN    M    47    Independent
11    R.ZAKIEER HUSSAIN    M    37    Independent
S11    19    KL    ATTINGAL    16-Apr-09    1    PROF.G BALACHANDRAN    M    63    Indian National Congress
2    THOTTAKKADU SASI    M    54    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    ADV. A SAMPATH    M    46    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
4    J SUDHAKARAN    M    60    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    SREENATH    M    53    Shivsena
6    JAYAKUMAR    M    56    Independent
7    BALACHANDRAN    M    51    Independent
8    BALACHNDRAN C P    M    59    Independent
9    MURALI KUMAR    M    43    Independent
10    J VIJAYAKUMAR    M    49    Independent
11    VIVEKANANDAN    M    59    Independent
12    SHAMSUDEEN    M    56    Independent
13    SAJIMON    M    25    Independent
14    SAIFUDEEN M    M    55    Independent
S11    20    KL    THIRUVANANTHAPURAM    16-Apr-09    1    P K KRISHNA DAS    M    45    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    M.P.GANGADHARAN    M    74    Nationalist Congress Party
3    DR.A NEELALOHITHADASAN NADAR    M    61    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    ADV. P RAMACHANDRAN NAIR    M    57    Communist Party of India
5    SHASHI THAROOR    M    53    Indian National Congress
6    AJITHKUMAR.K    M    41    All India Trinamool Congress
7    JAIN WILSON    M    41    Bahujan Shakty
8    G ASHOKAN    M    47    Independent
9    T.GEORGE    M    40    Independent
10    DILEEP    M    28    Independent
11    U.NAHURMIRAN PEERU MOHAMMED    M    49    Independent
12    PRATHAPAN    M    54    Independent
13    MOHANAN JOSHWA    M    49    Independent
14    SASI – JANAKI SADAN    M    39    Independent
15    SASI – KALAPURAKKAL    M    51    Independent
16    SHAJAR KHAN    M    38    Independent
S13    5    MH    BULDHANA    16-Apr-09    1    JADHAV PRATAPRAO GANPATRAO    M    49    Shivsena
2    DANDGE VASANTRAO SUGDEO    M    55    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    SHINGNE DR.RAJENDRA BHASKARRAO    M    48    Nationalist Congress Party
4    AMARDEEP BALASAHEB DESHMUKH    M    27    Krantisena Maharashtra
5    QURRASHI SK.SIKANDAR SK. SHAUKAT    M    33    Democratic Secular Party
6    GAJANAN RAJARAM SIRSAT    M    27    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha
7    DHOKNE RAVINDRA TULSHRAMJI    M    44    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha
8    FERAN CHADRAHAS JAGDEO    M    54    Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha
9    GANESH ARJUN ZORE    M    25    Independent
10    TAYDE VITTHAL PANDHARI    M    56    Independent
11    DEVIDAS PIRAJI SARKATE    M    35    Independent
12    SY. BILAL SY. USMAN    M    38    Independent
13    BHARAT PUNJAJI SHINGANE    M    40    Independent
14    RAJESH NIKANTHRAO TATHE    M    52    Independent
15    RATHOD CHHAGAN BABULAL    M    29    Independent
S13    6    MH    AKOLA    16-Apr-09    1    DHOTRE SANJAY SHAMRAO    M    50    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    BABASAHEB DHABEKAR    M    78    Indian National Congress
3    ATIK AHAMAD GU. JILANI    M    34    Democratic Secular Party
4    AMBEDKAR PRAKASH YASHWANT    M    56    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha
5    GANESH TULSHIRAM TATHE    M    49    Kranti Kari Jai Hind Sena
6    DIPAK SHRIRAM TIRAKE    M    33    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha
7    AJABRAO UTTAMRAO BHONGADE    M    36    Independent
8    THAKURDAS GOVIND CHOUDHARI    M    39    Independent
9    MUJAHID KHAN CHAND KHAN    M    42    Independent
10    RAUT DEVIDAS ANANDRAO    M    45    Independent
11    WASUDEORAO KHADE GURUJI    M    68    Independent
S13    7    MH    AMRAVATI    16-Apr-09    1    ADSUL ANANDRAO VITHOBA    M    61    Shivsena
2    GANGADHAR GADE    M    62    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    UGLE SUNIL NAMDEV    M    32    Peoples Republican Party
4    UBALE SHRIKRISHNA CHAMPATRAO    M    62    Ambedkarist Republican Party
5    KESHAV DASHARATH WANKHADE    M    38    Kranti Kari Jai Hind Sena
6    GAWAI RAJENDRA RAMKRUSHNA    M    46    Republican Party of India
7    PRINCIPAL GOPICHAND SURYABHAN MESHRAM    M    52    Republican Paksha (Khoripa)
8    BARSE MANOHAR DAULATRAO    M    53    Indian Union Muslim League
9    SAU MAMATA VINAYAK KANDALKAR    F    31    Assam United Democratic Front
10    DR. HEMANTKUMAR RAMBHAU MAHURE    M    34    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha
11    AMOL DEVIDASRAO JADHAV    M    25    Independent
12    UMAK SHRIKRUSHNA SHYAMRAO    M    57    Independent
13    BANDU SAMPATRAO SANE (BANDYA L.S.)    M    43    Independent
14    BHAURAO SHRIRAM CHHAPANE    M    38    Independent
15    MITHUN HIRAMAN GAIKWAD    M    51    Independent
16    PROF. MUKUND VITTHALRAO KHAIRE    M    51    Independent
17    DR. RAJIV GULABRAO JAMTHE    M    53    Independent
18    RAJU MAHADEVRAO SONONE    M    38    Independent
19    VISHWANATH GOTUJI JAMNEKAR    M    60    Independent
20    SUDHAKAR VYANKAT RAMTEKE (MAJI SAINIK)    M    25    Independent
21    ADV. SUDHIR HIRAMAN TAYADE    M    42    Independent
22    SUNIL PRABHU RAMTEKE    M    37    Independent
S13    8    MH    WARDHA    16-Apr-09    1    KANGALE BIPIN BABASAHEB    M    32    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    DATTA MEGHE    M    72    Indian National Congress
3    SURESH GANPATRAO WAGHMARE    M    48    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    DIWATE RAMESH MADHAORAO    M    46    Krantisena Maharashtra
5    NARAYANRAO RAMJI CHIDAM    M    68    Gondvana Gantantra Party
6    DR. NITIN KESHORAO CHAVAN    M    46    Peoples Republican Party
7    PYARE SAHAB SHEIKH KARIM    M    41    Democratic Secular Party
8    BHOSE KAILAS VISHWASRAO    M    36    Gondwana Mukti Sena
9    ADV. SURESH SHINDE    M    42    Indian Justice Party
10    SANGITA SUNIL ALIAS SONU KAMBLE    F    33    Ambedkarist Republican Party
11    ISHWARKUMAR SHANKARRAO GHARPURE    M    50    Independent
12    GUNWANT TUKARAMJI DAWANDE    M    70    Independent
13    JAGANNATH NILKANTHRAO RAUT    M    54    Independent
14    TAGADE VISHWESHWAR AWADHUTRAO    M    47    Independent
15    RAMTEKE PRAKASH BAKARAM    M    60    Independent
16    SARANG PRAKASHRAO YAWALKAR    M    31    Independent
S13    9    MH    RAMTEK    16-Apr-09    1    TUMANE KRUPAL BALAJI    M    43    Shivsena
2    PRAKASHBHAU KISHAN TEMBHURNE    M    34    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    WASNIK MUKUL BALKRISHNA    M    49    Indian National Congress
4    KUMBHARE SULEKHA NARAYAN    F    49    Bahujan Republican Ekta Manch
5    DESHPANDE SANJAY SAOJI    M    44    Hindustan Janta Party
6    NAGARKAR PRASHANT HANSRAJ    M    34    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha
7    NANDKISHOR SADHUJI DONGRE    M    34    Gondvana Gantantra Party
8    BAGDE SUJEET WASUDEORAO    M    43    Janata Dal (Secular)
9    PROF. BORKAR PRADIP DARYAV    M    48    Republican Paksha (Khoripa)
10    MAYATAI CHAWRE (UTWAL)    F    37    Samajwadi Party
11    VISKAS RAJARAM DAMLE    M    41    Republican Party of India (Khobragade)
12    SEEMA JEEVAN RAMTEKE    F    36    Democratic Secular Party
13    SANDIP SHESHRAO GAJBHIYE    M    36    Gondwana Mukti Sena
14    ASHISH ARUN NAGARARE    M    28    Independent
15    KHUSHAL UDARAMJI TUMANE    M    53    Independent
16    DHONE ANIL    M    43    Independent
17    ADV. DUPARE ULHAS SHALIKRAM    M    42    Independent
18    BARWE MADHUKAR DOMAJI    M    43    Independent
19    ADV. YUVRAJ ANANDRAOJI BAGDE    M    34    Independent
20    RURESH MANGALDAS BORKAR    M    33    Independent
S13    10    MH    NAGPUR    16-Apr-09    1    PUROHIT BANWARILAL BHAGWANDAS    M    69    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    ENGINEER MANIKRAO VAIDYA    M    56    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    MUTTEMWAR VILASRAO BABURAOJI    M    60    Indian National Congress
4    ARUN SHAMRAO JOSHI    M    58    Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha
5    KUMBHARE SULEKHA NARAYAN    F    49    Bahujan Republican Ekta Manch
6    ADV. GAJANAN SADASHIV KAWALE    M    51    Republican Paksha (Khoripa)
7    DILIP MANGAL MADAVI    M    44    Gondvana Gantantra Party
8    MEHMOOD KHAN RAHEEM KHAN    M    27    Democratic Secular Party
9    DR. YASHWANT MANOHAR    M    66    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha
10    RAUT RAMESHCHANDRA    M    56    Prabuddha Republican Party
11    RAJESH SUKHDEV GAIKWAD    M    32    Kranti Kari Jai Hind Sena
12    ADV. VASANTA UMRE    M    50    Democratic Party of India
13    SOMKUWAR VIJAY SITARAM    M    41    Ambedkarist Republican Party
14    AZIZUR REHMAN SHEIKH    M    46    Independent
15    ASHISH ARUN NAGRARE    M    28    Independent
16    ADV. UPASHA BANSI TAYWADE    M    67    Independent
17    JAGDISH RAGHUNATH AMBADE    M    44    Independent
18    PRATIBHA UDAY KHAPARDE    F    35    Independent
19    PREMDAS RAMCHANDRA RAMTEKE    M    48    Independent
20    BARPATRE CHANDRABHAN SOMAJI    M    48    Independent
21    BLASAHEB ALIAS PRAMOD RAMAJI SHAMBHARKAR    M    40    Independent
22    MOHAMAD HABIB REEZAVI    M    50    Independent
23    RAJESHKUMAR MOHANLAL PUGALIA    M    37    Independent
24    RAHUL MADHUKAR DESHMUKH    M    34    Independent
25    VIJAY DEVRAO DHAKATE    M    26    Independent
26    SUNIL GAYAPRASAD MISHRA    M    41    Independent
27    PROF. DNYANESH WAKUDKAR    M    52    Independent
S13    11    MH    BHANDARA – GONDIYA    16-Apr-09    1    GANVIR SHIVKUMAR NAGARCHI    M    56    Communist Party of India
2    JAISWAL VIRENDRAKUMAR KASTURCHAND    M    53    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    PATLE SHISHUPAL NATTHUJI    M    42    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    PATEL PRAFUL MANOHARBHAI    M    52    Nationalist Congress Party
5    UNDIRWADE HEMANT JAGIVAN    M    45    Prabuddha Republican Party
6    JAMAIWAR SUNIL PARASRAM    M    38    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha
7    PATHAN MUSHTAK LATIF    M    32    Democratic Secular Party
8    PRATIBHA VASANT PIMPALKAR    F    38    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha
9    WASNIK SUNIL MANIRAM    M    38    Republican Paksha (Khoripa)
10    UKEY CHINDHUJI LAKHAJI    M    50    Independent
11    GAJBHIYE BRAMHASWARUP BABURAO    M    33    Independent
12    GAJBHIYE RAJENDRA MAHADEO    M    35    Independent
13    ADV. DHANANJAY SHAMLALJI RAJABHOJ    M    50    Independent
14    NANABHAU FALGUNRAO PATOLE    M    47    Independent
15    PATLE AKARSING SITARAM    M    36    Independent
16    PROF. DR. BHASKARRAO MAHADEORAO JIBHAKATE    M    63    Independent
17    MIRZA WAHIDBEG AHAMADBEG    M    33    Independent
18    YELE GANESHRAM SUKHRAM    M    54    Independent
19    RAHANGADALE MULCHAND OLGAN    M    56    Independent
20    DR. RAMSAJIVAN KAWDU LILHARE    M    60    Independent
21    SADANAND SHRAWANJI GANVIR    M    40    Independent
S13    12    MH    GADCHIROLI-CHIMUR    16-Apr-09    1    ASHOK MAHADEORAO NETE    M    45    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    ATRAM RAJE SATYAWANRAO    M    58    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    KOWASE MAROTRAO SAINUJI    M    59    Indian National Congress
4    NAMDEO ANANDRAO KANNAKE    M    50    Communist Party of India
5    PROFFESOR KHANDALE KAWDU TULSHIRAM    M    69    Kranti Kari Jai Hind Sena
6    ADV. DADMAL PRABHAKAR MAHAGUJI    M    54    Peoples Republican Party
7    PENDAM DIWAKAR GULAB    M    38    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha
8    PENDAM PURUSHOTTAM ZITUJI    M    35    Democratic Secular Party
9    VIJAY SURAJSING MADAVI    M    39    Gondvana Gantantra Party
10    JAMBHULE NARAYAN DINABAJI    M    54    Independent
11    DINESH TUKARAM MADAVI    M    28    Independent
S13    13    MH    CHANDRAPUR    16-Apr-09    1    AHIR HANSARAJ GANGARAM    M    54    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    PUGALIA NARESH    M    60    Indian National Congress
3    ADV. HAZARE DATTABHAU KRUSHNARAO    M    52    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    KHARTAD LOMESH MAROTI    M    55    Rashtrawadi Sena
5    KHOBRAGADE DESHAK GIRISHBABU    M    38    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha
6    CHATAP WAMAN SADASHIVRAO    M    58    Swatantra Bharat Paksha
7    JAWED ABDUL KURESHI ALIAS PROF. JAWED PASHA    M    47    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha
8    JITENDRA ADAKU RAUT    M    32    Akhil Bhartiya Manavata Paksha
9    DANGE NATTHU BHAURAO    M    41    Ambedkarist Republican Party
10    PATHAN A. RAZZAK KHAN HAYAT KHAN    M    44    Samajwadi Party
11    MASRAM NIRANJAN SHIVRAM    M    42    Gondvana Gantantra Party
12    KALE DAMODHAR LAXMAN    M    85    Independent
13    QURESHI IKHALAQ MOHD. YUSUF    M    51    Independent
14    GODE NARAYAN SHAHUJI    M    42    Independent
15    DEKATE BHASKAR PARASHRAM    M    55    Independent
16    MADHUKAR VITTHALRAO NISTANE    M    43    Independent
17    MESHRAM CHARANDAS JANGLUJI    M    65    Independent
18    RAMESH RAGHOBAJI TAJNE    M    45    Independent
19    VINOD DINANATH MESHRAM    M    34    Independent
20    VIRENDRA TARACHANDJI PUGLIA    M    53    Independent
21    SHATRUGHN VYANKATRAO SONPIMPLE    M    37    Independent
22    SANJAY NILKANTH GAWANDE    M    45    Independent
23    HIWARKAR SUDHIR MOTIRAMJI    M    43    Independent
S13    14    MH    YAVATMAL-WASHIM    16-Apr-09    1    YEDATKAR DILIP LAXMANRAO    M    50    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    BHAVANA GAWALI (PATIL)    F    36    Shivsena
3    HARISING RATHOD    M    54    Indian National Congress
4    UTTAM BHAGAJI KAMBLE    M    41    Prabuddha Republican Party
5    KURESHI SK. MEHBUB SK.FATTU    M    44    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha
6    KWAJA NASIRODDINE KHAN    M    29    Democratic Secular Party
7    GAJANAN KASHIRAM PATIL (HEMBADE)    M    26    Krantisena Maharashtra
8    DHAGE VITTHAL MAHADEV    M    45    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha
9    MANIYAR YUNUS MAHMOOD ZAHMI    M    50    Assam United Democratic Front
10    MOHMMAD KHAN AZIZ KHAN    M    43    Samajwadi Party
11    ATHAWALE SADANAND PRALHADRAO    M    39    Independent
12    GAJANAN BURMAL DODWADE    M    36    Independent
13    NETAJI SITARAMJI KINAKE    M    58    Independent
14    NANDKISHOR NARAYANRAO THAKARE    M    34    Independent
15    PAWAR RAMESH GORSING    M    53    Independent
16    PURUSHOTTAM DOMAJI BHAJGAWRE    M    48    Independent
17    MADHUKAR SHIVDASPPA GORATE    M    67    Independent
18    MANOJ JANARDAN PATIL    M    38    Independent
19    MUKHADE SAU. LALITARAI SUBHASHRAO    F    32    Independent
20    MESHRAM BANDU GANPAT    M    40    Independent
21    MOHD. INAMURRAHIM MOHD. MUSA    M    51    Independent
22    RAVINDRA ALIAS RAVIPAL MADHUKARRAO GANDHE    M    32    Independent
23    RAJKUMAR NARAYAN BHUJADALE    M    35    Independent
24    RATHOD DEVISING RAMA    M    56    Independent
25    SD. VHIDODDIN SD. KRIMODDIN    M    44    Independent
26    VISHNU KASINATH TAWKAR    M    47    Independent
27    SURESH BABAN PEDEKAR    M    33    Independent
28    SURESH BHIVA TARAL    M    29    Independent
S13    15    MH    HINGOLI    16-Apr-09    1    DR. B.D. CHAVHAN    M    45    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    SUBHASH BAPURAO WANDHEDE    M    46    Shivsena
3    SURYAKANTA JAIWANTRAO PATIL    F    63    Nationalist Congress Party
4    UTTAMRAO DAGADUJI BHAGAT    M    65    Prabuddha Republican Party
5    AJAS NOORMINYA    M    32    Democratic Secular Party
6    NAIK MADHAVRAO BAHENARAO    M    65    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha
7    VINAYAK SHRIRAM BHISE    M    27    Krantisena Maharashtra
8    GUNDEKAR SANJAY ADELU    M    35    Independent
9    PATHAN SATTAR KASIMKHAN    M    38    Independent
10    PACHPUTE RAMPRASAD KISHANRAO    M    41    Independent
11    MD. A. MUJIM ANSARI A.    M    33    Independent
S13    16    MH    NANDED    16-Apr-09    1    KHATGAONK PATIL BHASKARRAO BAPURAO    M    65    Indian National Congress
2    MD. MAKBUL SALIM HAJI MD. KHAJA    M    60    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    SAMBHAJI PAWAR    M    60    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    ALTAF AHMAD EAKBAL AHMAD    M    43    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha
5    KHADE SANJAY WAMANRAO    M    29    Prabuddha Republican Party
6    TIWARI RAMA BHAGIRAT    F    40    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha
7    ADV. C.S. BAHETI    M    56    Janata Party
8    MORE RAJESH EKNATHRAO    M    34    Krantisena Maharashtra
9    A. RAEES A. JABBAR    M    36    Ambedkar National Congress
10    SHINDE PREETI MADHUKAR    F    27    Jan Surajya Shakti
11    SHUDHIR YASHWANT SURVE    M    40    Kranti Kari Jai Hind Sena
12    COM. ASHOK NAGORAO GHAYALE    M    40    Independent
13    ANAND JADHAV HOTALKAR    M    42    Independent
14    KOREWAR BALAJI NARSING    M    38    Independent
15    JADHAV VISHNU MAROTI    M    35    Independent
16    NAVGHARE ANAND PANDURANG    M    48    Independent
17    NARAYAN SURYAVANSHI DOANGONKAR    M    63    Independent
18    PATHAN ZAFAR ALI KHAN MAHEMUD ALI KHAN    M    63    Independent
19    ’AIDS MAN’ PRAKASH TATERAO LANDGE    M    40    Independent
20    BHARANDE RAMCHANDRA GANGARAM    M    31    Independent
21    ADV. RAMRAO PANDURANG WAGHMARE    M    52    Independent
22    HANMANTE VIJAY CHANDRAO    M    35    Independent
S13    17    MH    PARBHANI    16-Apr-09    1    ADV. DUDHGAONKAR GANESHRAO NAGORAO    M    64    Shivsena
2    RAJSHRI BABASAHEB JAMAGE    F    46    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    WARPUDKAR SURESH AMBADASRAO    M    60    Nationalist Congress Party
4    AJIM AHMED KHAN AJIJ KHAN    M    32    Democratic Secular Party
5    ASHOKRAO BABARAO AMBHORE    M    46    Ambedkar National Congress
6    KACHOLE MANAVENDRA SAWALARAM    M    65    Swatantra Bharat Paksha
7    KALE VYANKATRAO BHIMRAO    M    31    Krantisena Maharashtra
8    NAMDEV LIMBAJI KACHAVE    M    68    Kranti Kari Jai Hind Sena
9    BHAND GANGADHAR SAKHARAM    M    70    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha
10    MULE BABAN DATTARAO    M    41    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha
11    RUMALE TUKARAM DHONDIBA    M    51    Prabuddha Republican Party
12    SAYYAD EKRAMODDIN SAYYAD MUNIRODDIN    M    58    Lok Vikas Party
13    ASAD BIN ABDULLAHA BIN    M    43    Independent
14    JAMEEL AHMED SK. AHMED    M    44    Independent
15    DR. DESHMUKH KISHANRAO JANARDHANRAO (EX-SERVICEMAN)    M    74    Independent
16    RATHOD RAMRAO DHANSING SIR    M    58    Independent
17    SHINDE LAXMAN EKANATH    M    36    Independent
18    SAMAR GORAKHNATH PAWAR    M    41    Independent
19    SALVE SUDHAKAR UMAJI    M    47    Independent
S14    2    MN    OUTER MANIPUR    16-Apr-09    1    THANGSO BAITE    M    56    Indian National Congress
2    D. LOLI ADANEE    M    56    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    L.B. SONA    M    58    Nationalist Congress Party
4    M. JAMKHONGAM @ M. YAMKHONGAM HAOKIP    M    49    Rashtriya Janata Dal
5    THANGKHANGIN    M    53    Lok Jan Shakti Party
6    MANI CHARENAMEI    M    50    Peoples Democratic Alliance
7    VALLEY ROSE HUNGYO    F    53    Independent
8    MANGSHI (ROSE MANGSHI HAOKIP)    F    63    Independent
9    LAMLALMOI GANGTE    M    33    Independent
S15    1    ML    SHILLONG    16-Apr-09    1    DALINGTON DYMPEP    M    78    Communist Party of India
2    JOHN FILMORE KHARSHIING    M    46    United Democratic Party
3    VINCENT H PALA    M    41    Indian National Congress
4    P. B. M. BASAIAWMOIT    M    60    Hill State People’s Democratic Party
5    MARTLE N.MUKHIM    M    59    Meghalaya Democratic Party
6    DENIS SIANGSHAI    M    44    Independent
7    TIEROD PASSAH    M    45    Independent
S15    2    ML    TURA    16-Apr-09    1    AGATHA K. SANGMA    F    28    Nationalist Congress Party
2    DEBORA C. MARAK    F    43    Indian National Congress
3    BOSTON MARAK    M    28    A-Chik National Congress(Democratic)
4    ARLENE N. SANGMA    F    53    Independent
S16    1    MZ    MIZORAM    16-Apr-09    1    LALAWMPUIA CHHANGTE    M    42    Nationalist Congress Party
2    C.L.RUALA    M    72    Indian National Congress
3    DR. H. LALLUNGMUANA    M    65    Independent
4    RUALPAWLA    M    54    Independent
S17    1    NL    NAGALAND    16-Apr-09    1    K. ASUNGBA SANGTAM    M    62    Indian National Congress
2    C.M. CHANG    M    65    Nagaland Peoples Front
3    DR. RILANTHUNG ODYUO    M    39    All India Trinamool Congress
S18    1    OR    BARGARH    16-Apr-09    1    RADHARANI PANDA    F    48    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    SANJAY BHOI    M    35    Indian National Congress
3    SUNIL KUMAR AGRAWAL    M    37    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    DR. HAMID HUSSAIN    M    54    Biju Janata Dal
5    NILADRI BEHARI PANDA    M    29    Kosal Kranti Dal
6    SURENDRA KUMAR AGRAWAL    M    37    Independent
S18    2    OR    SUNDARGARH    16-Apr-09    1    JUAL ORAM    M    48    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    JEROM DUNGDUNG    M    39    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    LIVNUS KINDO    M    64    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha
4    SALOMI MINZ    F    48    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
5    HEMANANDA BISWAL    M    67    Indian National Congress
6    RAMA CHANDRA EKKA    M    61    Jharkhand Disom Party
7    SAGAR SING MANKEE    M    60    Kosal Kranti Dal
8    DALESWAR MAJHI    M    58    Independent
9    MANSID EKKA    M    63    Independent
S18    3    OR    SAMBALPUR    16-Apr-09    1    AMARNATH PRADHAN    M    51    Indian National Congress
2    GOBINDA RAM AGARWAL    M    59    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    ROHIT PUJARI    M    35    Biju Janata Dal
4    SURENDRA LATH    M    59    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    ASHOK KUMAR NAIK    M    53    Kosal Kranti Dal
6    BIJAYA KUMAR MAHANANDA    M    35    Republican Party of India
7    MD. ALI HUSSAIN    M    37    Independent
S18    10    OR    BOLANGIR    16-Apr-09    1    KALIKESH NARAYAN SINGH DEO    M    34    Biju Janata Dal
2    NARASINGHA MISHRA    M    68    Indian National Congress
3    BALHAN SAGAR    M    51    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    SANGITA KUMARI SINGH DEO    F    47    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    DINGAR KUMBHAR    M    41    Samruddha Odisha
S18    11    OR    KALAHANDI    16-Apr-09    1    NAKULA MAJHI    M    66    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    BIKRAM KESHARI DEO    M    57    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    BHAKTA CHARAN DAS    M    52    Indian National Congress
4    SUBASH CHANDRA NAYAK    M    62    Biju Janata Dal
5    PARAMESWAR KAND    M    47    Samajwadi Party
6    BALARAM HOTA    M    33    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)
7    DAMBARUDHARA SUNANI    M    34    Independent
8    MAHESWAR BHOI    M    36    Independent
S18    12    OR    NABARANGPUR    16-Apr-09    1    CHANDRADHWAJ MAJHI    M    49    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    DOMBURU MAJHI    M    68    Biju Janata Dal
3    PARSURAM MAJHI    M    49    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    PRADEEP KUMAR MAJHI    M    33    Indian National Congress
S18    13    OR    KANDHAMAL    16-Apr-09    1    ASHOK SAHU    M    57    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    PAULA BALIARSING    M    52    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    RUDRAMADHAB RAY    M    71    Biju Janata Dal
4    SUZIT KUMAR PADHI    M    49    Indian National Congress
5    NAKUL NAYAK    M    46    Samajwadi Party
6    AJIT KUMAR NAYAK    M    26    Independent
7    KAMALA KANTA PANDEY    M    64    Independent
8    GHORABANA BEHERA    M    42    Independent
9    DEENABANDHU NAIK    M    45    Independent
S18    19    OR    ASKA    16-Apr-09    1    NITYANANDA PRADHAN    M    65    Biju Janata Dal
2    RAMACHANDRA RATH    M    63    Indian National Congress
3    SHANTI DEVI    F    71    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    KRISHNA DALABEHERA    M    43    Kalinga Sena
5    BIJAYA KUMAR MAHAPATRO    M    56    Revolutionary Socialist Party
6    SURJYA NARAYAN SAHU    M    37    Samruddha Odisha
7    KALICHARAN NAYAK    M    53    Independent
8    DEBASIS MISRA    M    48    Independent
9    K. SHYAM BABU SUBUDHI    M    73    Independent
S18    20    OR    BERHAMPUR    16-Apr-09    1    CHANDRA SEKHAR SAHU    M    58    Indian National Congress
2    PABITRA GAMANGO    M    35    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    BHARAT PAIK    M    50    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    SIDHANT MAHAPATRA    M    42    Biju Janata Dal
5    NIRAKAR BEHERA    M    35    Kalinga Sena
6    ALI RAZA ZIADI    M    30    Independent
7    KISHORE CHANDRA MAHARANA    M    61    Independent
8    A. RAGHUNATH VARMA    M    71    Independent
9    K. SHYAM BABU SUBUDHI    M    73    Independent
S18    21    OR    KORAPUT    16-Apr-09    1    UPENDRA MAJHI    M    29    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    GIRIDHAR GAMANG    M    56    Indian National Congress
3    JAYARAM PANGI    M    53    Biju Janata Dal
4    PAPANNA MUTIKA    M    65    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    KUMUDINI DISARI    F    34    Samruddha Odisha
6    MEGHANADA SABAR    M    40    Communist Party of India(Marxist-Leninist)(Liberation)
S24    63    UP    MAHARAJGANJ    16-Apr-09    1    AJEET MANI    M    41    Samajwadi Party
2    GANESH SHANKER PANDEY    M    51    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    PANKAJ CHAUDHARY    M    38    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    HARSH VARDHAN    M    61    Indian National Congress
5    ABDWURRUF ANSARI    M    45    National Lokhind Party
6    PAWAN KUMAR    M    39    Republican Party of India (A)
7    RAM KISHUN NISHAD    M    52    Suheldev Bhartiya Samaj Party
8    SATYA NARAYAN URF SATNARAYAN    M    58    Bharatiya Eklavya Party
9    OMPRAKASH CHATURVEDI    M    63    Independent
10    DILIP KUMAR    M    28    Independent
11    RAM NIVAS    M    37    Independent
12    LAL BIHARI    M    42    Independent
13    CHAUDHARY SANJAY SINGH PATEL    M    29    Independent
14    SHYAM SUNDER DAS CHAURASIA    M    28    Independent
15    HANUMAN    M    51    Independent
S24    64    UP    GORAKHPUR    16-Apr-09    1    ADITYANATH    M    36    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    MANOJ TIWARI MRIDUL    M    39    Samajwadi Party
3    LALCHAND NISHAD    M    67    Indian National Congress
4    VINAY SHANKAR TIWARI    M    41    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    AMAN    M    35    Ambedkar Samaj Party
6    JOKHAN PRASAD    M    46    Eklavya Samaj Party
7    DAYASHANKAR NISHAD    M    38    Apna Dal
8    RAJBAHADUR    M    28    Indian Justice Party
9    RAJMANI    M    46    Bharatiya Eklavya Party
10    RAJESH SAHANI    M    44    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)
11    SRINATH    M    29    Suheldev Bhartiya Samaj Party
12    AJAY KUMAR    M    40    Independent
13    AWADHESH SINGH    M    32    Independent
14    OMPRAKASH SINGH    M    43    Independent
15    GOVIND    M    43    Independent
16    CHHEDILAL    M    59    Independent
17    NIRANJAN PRASAD    M    35    Independent
18    NEERAJ YADAV    M    31    Independent
19    DR. BRIJESH MANI TRIPATHI    M    44    Independent
20    MANOJ TIWARI    M    30    Independent
21    RAKESH KUMAR    M    38    Independent
22    RAJAN YADAV M.B.A.    M    31    Independent
23    RAMHIT NISHAD    M    53    Independent
24    LAL BAHADUR    M    68    Independent
25    VINOD SHUKLA    M    29    Independent
26    HARISHCHANDRA    M    42    Independent
S24    65    UP    KUSHI NAGAR    16-Apr-09    1    BRAMHA SHANKER    M    56    Samajwadi Party
2    KU. RATANJEET PRATAP NARAYAN SINGH    M    45    Indian National Congress
3    VIJAY DUBEY    M    41    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    SWAMI PRASAD MAURYA    M    54    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    ANIL    M    43    Republican Party of India (A)
6    KISHOR KUMAR    M    40    Indian Peace Party
7    K KUMAR    M    56    Purvanchal Rajya Banao Dal
8    JANGI    M    55    Suheldev Bhartiya Samaj Party
9    DHEERAJ SHEKHAR SHRIWASTAWA    M    49    Rashtriya Lokwadi Party
10    BABU LAL    M    40    Bharatiya Republican Paksha
11    MATIULLAH    M    43    National Lokhind Party
12    MADAN LAL    M    46    Maulik Adhikar Party
13    AMEERUDDIN    M    31    Independent
14    JAGDISH    M    57    Independent
15    JAI GOVIND    M    35    Independent
16    DAROGA    M    37    Independent
17    RAMESH    M    35    Independent
18    RAM BRIKSH    M    54    Independent
S24    66    UP    DEORIA    16-Apr-09    1    GORAKH PRASAD JAISWAL    M    72    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    BALESHWAR YADAV    M    55    Indian National Congress
3    MOHAN SINGH    M    58    Samajwadi Party
4    SHRI PRAKASH MANI TRIPATHI    M    64    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    GANGA PRASAD KUSHWAHA    M    70    Purvanchal Rajya Banao Dal
6    JAGDISH KUMAR VERMA    M    36    Lokpriya Samaj Party
7    DHARMENDRA KUMAR    M    33    Suheldev Bhartiya Samaj Party
8    MOTI LAL KUSHWAHA SHASTRI    M    59    Rashtriya Samanta Dal
9    SAFAYAT ALI    M    51    Peace Party
10    SARITA    F    27    Ambedkar Samaj Party
11    RAM KISHOR YADAV ALIAS VIDHAYAK    M    51    Independent
12    VIJAY JUAATHA    M    42    Independent
S24    67    UP    BANSGAON    16-Apr-09    1    KAMLESH PASWAN    M    33    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    MAHA BEER PRASAD    M    66    Indian National Congress
3    SHARADA DEVI    F    59    Samajwadi Party
4    SHREE NATH JI    M    58    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    CHANDRIKA    M    29    Rashtriya Jan-vadi Party (Krantikari)
6    RAMA SHANKER    M    37    Peace Party
7    RAM PRAVESH PRASAD    M    37    Eklavya Samaj Party
8    HARILAL    M    32    Bahujan Uday Manch
9    KU. KUNJAWATI    F    36    Independent
10    MANOJ KUMAR    M    29    Independent
11    RADHEYSHYAM    M    35    Independent
12    RAMKAWAL    M    56    Independent
13    RAMSAKAL    M    32    Independent
14    RAMA PASWAN    M    33    Independent
15    VINAI KUMAR    M    33    Independent
S24    68    UP    LALGANJ    16-Apr-09    1    DAROGA PRASAD SAROJ    M    60    Samajwadi Party
2    NEELAM SONKAR    F    33    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    DR. BALIRAM    M    56    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    HAREE PRASAD SONKER    M    50    Communist Party of India
5    MANBHAWAN    M    32    Bharatiya Republican Paksha
6    RAM DAYAL ALIAS MOHAN    M    32    Suheldev Bhartiya Samaj Party
7    ACHCHHELAL    M    42    Independent
8    URMILA DEVI    F    27    Independent
9    CHANDRA RAM ALIAS CHANDU SAROJ    M    36    Independent
10    DHARMRAJ    M    55    Independent
11    SUKHNAYAN    M    29    Independent
S24    69    UP    AZAMGARH    16-Apr-09    1    AKBAR AHMAD DUMPY    M    57    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    ARUN KUMAR SINGH    M    63    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
3    DURGA PRASAD YADAV    M    56    Samajwadi Party
4    RAMAKANT YADAV    M    49    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    SANTOSH KUMAR SINGH    M    49    Indian National Congress
6    JAI JAI RAM PRAJAPATI    M    36    Lokpriya Samaj Party
7    RAM BHAROS    M    34    Bahujan Uday Manch
8    VINOD    M    33    Janvadi Party(Socialist)
9    USMANA FARUQEE    F    27    Independent
10    KEDAR NATH GIRI    M    49    Independent
11    KHAIRUL BASHAR    M    56    Independent
12    DR. JAVED AKHTAR    M    54    Independent
13    DAAN BAHADUR YADAV    M    54    Independent
14    YADUNATH    M    31    Independent
15    RAM UJAGIR    M    45    Independent
16    RAM SINGH    M    35    Independent
S24    70    UP    GHOSI    16-Apr-09    1    ATUL KUMAR SINGH ANJAN    M    55    Communist Party of India
2    ARSHAD JAMAL ANSARI    M    43    Samajwadi Party
3    DARA SINGH CHAUHAN    M    50    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    RAM IQBAL    M    49    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    SUDHA RAI    F    54    Indian National Congress
6    AKHILESH    M    43    Janvadi Party(Socialist)
7    KAILASH YADAV    M    46    Peace Party
8    RAMESH ALIAS RAJU SINGH    M    41    Suheldev Bhartiya Samaj Party
9    RAM BADAN KAUL    M    60    Bahujan Shakty
10    LALJI RAJBHAR    M    44    Bharatiya Samaj Dal
11    HARISH CHANDRA    M    62    Rashtriya Jan-vadi Party (Krantikari)
12    ASHOK KUMAR    M    27    Independent
13    ZAKIR HUSSAIN    M    45    Independent
14    PALAKDHARI    M    41    Independent
15    RAKESH    M    34    Independent
16    SUJIT KUMAR    M    34    Independent
S24    71    UP    SALEMPUR    16-Apr-09    1    DR. BHOLA PANDEY    M    55    Indian National Congress
2    RAMASHANKAR RAJBHAR    M    48    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    HARIKEWAL    M    71    Samajwadi Party
4    IZHAR    M    48    Peace Party
5    ZUBAIR    M    39    Nelopa(United)
6    JANG BAHADUR    M    50    Bharatiya Samaj Dal
7    FATE BAHADUR    M    35    Suheldev Bhartiya Samaj Party
8    RAVISHANKAR SINGH “PAPPU”    M    38    Janata Dal (United)
9    RAMCHARAN    M    72    People’s Democratic Front
10    RAMDAYAL    M    57    Janvadi Party(Socialist)
11    RAMNAWAMI YADAV    M    37    Samajwadi Jan Parishad
12    RAMASHRAY CHAUHAN    M    55    Moderate Party
13    SRIRAM    M    50    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)
14    HARISHCHAND    M    48    Eklavya Samaj Party
15    AMEER    M    53    Independent
16    PARASURAM    M    56    Independent
17    FULENDRA    M    40    Independent
18    MAN JI    M    50    Independent
19    MAHESH    M    70    Independent
20    RAJENDRA ALIAS RAJAN    M    33    Independent
21    VINDHACHAL    M    44    Independent
22    SHAILENDRA    M    36    Independent
23    SATISH    M    37    Independent
24    SARVDAMAN    M    26    Independent
25    SANJAY    M    36    Independent
S24    72    UP    BALLIA    16-Apr-09    1    NEERAJ SHEKHAR    M    40    Samajwadi Party
2    MANOJ SINHA    M    50    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    SANGRAM SINGH YADAV    M    48    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    ARVIND KUMAR GOND    M    30    Gondvana Gantantra Party
5    KANHAIYA PRAJAPATI    M    44    Rashtriya Samanta Dal
6    NARAYAN RAJBHAR    M    32    Bharatiya Samaj Dal
7    RAJESH    M    40    Janvadi Party(Socialist)
8    RAMSAKAL    M    48    Suheldev Bhartiya Samaj Party
9    ANANT    M    36    Independent
10    GANGADYAL    M    48    Independent
11    DIWAKAR    M    38    Independent
12    RAMJI    M    49    Independent
13    LALBABU    M    36    Independent
14    SHESHNATH    M    40    Independent
15    SHANKER RAM RAWAT    M    43    Independent
16    HARIHAR    M    73    Independent
S24    74    UP    MACHHLISHAHR    16-Apr-09    1    KAMLA KANT GAUTAM (K.K. GAUTAM)    M    66    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    TUFANI SAROJ    M    48    Samajwadi Party
3    RAJ BAHADUR    M    66    Indian National Congress
4    VIDYASAGAR SONKER    M    48    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    KRISHNA SEWAK SONKER    M    48    Janvadi Party(Socialist)
6    RAM CHARITRA    M    41    Apna Dal
7    VIJAYEE RAM    M    38    Ambedkar Samaj Party
8    SHEOMURAT RAM    M    71    Gondvana Gantantra Party
9    SUKHRAJ DINKAR    M    51    Rashtriya Swabhimaan Party
10    SUSHMA    F    29    Rashtriya Agraniye Dal
11    DINESH KUMAR    M    31    Independent
12    BALJIT    M    59    Independent
13    RAM DAWAR GAUTAM    M    41    Independent
14    VINOD KUMAR    M    40    Independent
15    SHYAM BIHARI KANNAUJIYA    M    39    Independent
16    SOHAN    M    46    Independent
S24    75    UP    GHAZIPUR    16-Apr-09    1    AFZAL ANSARI    M    55    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    PRABHUNATH    M    48    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    RADHEY MOHAN SINGH    M    43    Samajwadi Party
4    SURAJ RAM BAGI    M    52    Communist Party of India
5    ISHWARI PRASAD KUSHAWAHA    M    48    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)
6    DINESH    M    42    Rashtriya Samanta Dal
7    NANDLAL    M    67    Ambedkar Samaj Party
8    SHYAM NARAYAN    M    54    Rashtravadi Aarthik Swatantrata Dal
9    SATISH SHANKAR JAISAWAL    M    28    National Lokhind Party
10    SARAJU    M    67    Lok Dal
11    SURENDRA    M    43    Janvadi Party(Socialist)
12    ANIL    M    32    Independent
13    ASHOK (DR.ASHOK KUMAR SRIVASTAVA)    M    54    Independent
14    BRAJENDRA NATH URF BIJENDRA    M    66    Independent
15    RAJESH    M    37    Independent
S24    76    UP    CHANDAULI    16-Apr-09    1    KAILASH NATH SINGH YADAV    M    46    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    JAWAHAR LAL JAISAWAL    M    51    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    RAMKISHUN    M    49    Samajwadi Party
4    SHAILENDRA KUMAR    M    40    Indian National Congress
5    CHANDRASHEKHAR    M    34    Republican Party of India
6    JAWAHIR    M    48    Pragatisheel Manav Samaj Party
7    JOKHU    M    45    Peoples Democratic Forum
8    TULASI    M    42    Suheldev Bhartiya Samaj Party
9    RAJNATH    M    35    Bharatiya Republican Paksha
10    RAJESH SINGH    M    27    Kranti Kari Jai Hind Sena
11    RAMAWATAR SHARMA ADVOCATE    M    38    Maulik Adhikar Party
12    RAMSEWAK YADAV    M    46    Rashtriya Lokhit Party
13    LALLAN    M    49    Indian Justice Party
14    SURENDRA PRATAP    M    36    Jai Bharat Samanta Party
15    DEVAROO    M    40    Independent
16    MUNNI LAL    M    66    Independent
17    SURAFARAJ AHMAD    M    29    Independent
18    HARI LAL    M    52    Independent
S24    77    UP    VARANASI    16-Apr-09    1    AJAY RAI    M    36    Samajwadi Party
2    MUKHTAR ANSARI    M    49    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    DR. MURLI MANOHAR JOSHI    M    73    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    DR. RAJESH KUMAR MISHRA    M    48    Indian National Congress
5    AWADHESH KUMAR KUSHWAHA    M    43    Rashtriya Samanta Dal
6    USHA SINGH    F    45    Rashtriya Agraniye Dal
7    KISHUN LAL    M    59    Indian Justice Party
8    VIJAY PRAKASH JAISWAL    M    43    Apna Dal
9    ER. SHYAM LAL VISHWAKARMA    M    61    Maulik Adhikar Party
10    ANAND KUMAR AMBASTHA    M    36    Independent
11    NARENDRA NATH DUBEY ADIG    M    36    Independent
12    PARVEZ QUADIR KHAN    M    38    Independent
13    PUSHP RAJ SAHU    M    47    Independent
14    RAJESH BHARTI    M    33    Independent
15    SATYA PRAKASH SRIVASTAVA    M    37    Independent
S24    79    UP    MIRZAPUR    16-Apr-09    1    ANIL KUMAR MAURYA    M    37    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    ANURAG SINGH    M    42    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    BAL KUMAR PATEL    M    48    Samajwadi Party
4    RAMESH DUBEY    M    66    Indian National Congress
5    AJAY SHANKER    M    33    Gondwana Mukti Sena
6    KAILASH    M    48    Bahujan Shakty
7    KHELADI    M    58    Gondvana Gantantra Party
8    JAGDISH    M    49    Apna Dal
9    PREM CHAND    M    45    Pragatisheel Manav Samaj Party
10    RADHE SHYAM    M    58    Bharatiya Republican Paksha
11    LALJI    M    48    Rashtriya Agraniye Dal
12    LALTI DEVI    F    54    Vikas Party
13    SHANKAR    M    38    Communist Party of India(Marxist-Leninist)(Liberation)
14    SHYAM LAL    M    41    Eklavya Samaj Party
15    MOHD. SAGIR    M    41    National Loktantrik Party
16    TRILOK NATH VERMA    M    61    Indian Justice Party
17    ANOOP KUMAR    M    34    Independent
18    KRISHNA CHAND    M    40    Independent
19    KRISHNA CHAND SHUKLA    M    40    Independent
20    CHHABEELE    M    41    Independent
21    DANGAR    M    52    Independent
22    DULARI    F    61    Independent
23    MANIK CHAND    M    37    Independent
24    MUNNA LAL    M    34    Independent
25    RAM GOPAL    M    53    Independent
26    RAM RAJ    M    37    Independent
27    HANS KUMAR    M    37    Independent
S24    80    UP    ROBERTSGANJ    16-Apr-09    1    PAKAURI LAL    M    57    Samajwadi Party
2    RAM ADHAR JOSEPH    M    43    Indian National Congress
3    RAM CHANDRA TYAGI    M    54    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    RAM SHAKAL    M    47    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    GULAB    M    31    Peoples Democratic Forum
6    CHANDRA SHEKHAR    M    34    Janvadi Party(Socialist)
7    MUNNI DEVI    F    42    Rashtriya Samanta Dal
8    RAMESH KUMAR    M    31    Apna Dal
9    SHRAWAN KUMAR    M    41    Rashtrawadi Sena
10    RAMBRIKSHA    M    39    Independent
S26    1    CG    SARGUJA    16-Apr-09    1    DHAN SINGH DHURVE    M    38    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    BAL SINGH    M    38    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
3    BHANU PRATAP SINGH    M    42    Indian National Congress
4    MURARILAL SINGH    M    49    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    ANOOP MINJ    M    28    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha
6    KUMAIT B.D.O.    M    64    Janata Dal (United)
7    BHUPNATH SINGH MARAVI    M    43    Gondvana Gantantra Party
8    RAMDEO LAKRA    M    32    Chhattisgarh Vikas Party
9    RAMNATH CHERWA    M    36    Shoshit Samaj Dal
10    SOMNATH BHAGAT    M    46    Lok Jan Shakti Party
11    AMRIT SINGH MARAVI    M    35    Independent
12    JUGESHWAR    M    29    Independent
13    DHANESHWAR SINGH    M    39    Independent
14    SARJU XESS ORANW    M    43    Independent
15    SUNIL KUMAR SINGH KANHARE    M    27    Independent
16    SURAJ DEO SINGH KHAIRWAR    M    35    Independent
S26    2    CG    RAIGARH    16-Apr-09    1    BAHADUR SINGH RATHIA    M    57    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    VISHNU DEO SAI    M    45    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    HRIDAYARAM RATHIYA    M    43    Indian National Congress
4    DARSHAN SIDAR    M    32    Gondvana Gantantra Party
5    MEERA DEVI SINGH TIRKEY    F    39    Chhattisgarh Vikas Party
6    SHIRACHAND EKKA    M    29    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha
7    AMRIT TIRKEY    M    30    Independent
8    KAMRISH SINGH GOND    M    59    Independent
9    SANJAY TIRKEY    M    29    Independent
10    HALDHAR RAM SIDAR    M    42    Independent
S26    3    CG    JANJGIR-CHAMPA    16-Apr-09    1    SHRIMATI KAMLA DEVI PATLE    F    43    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    DAURAM RATNAKAR    M    51    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    DR.SHIVKUMAR DAHARIYA    M    45    Indian National Congress
4    B.R. CHAUHAN    M    59    Republican Party of India (A)
5    NEELKANTH WARE    M    59    Chhattisgarhi Samaj Party
6    PREM SHANKAR MAHILANGE URF PREM INDIA    M    39    Lok Jan Shakti Party
7    SANJEEV KUMAR KHARE    M    26    Chhattisgarh Vikas Party
8    ANANDRAM GILHARE    M    35    Independent
9    CHAITRAM SURYAVANSHI    M    62    Independent
10    DR.CHHAVILAL RATRE    M    55    Independent
11    MAYARAM NAT    M    50    Independent
12    RAMCHARAN PRADHAN ADHIWAKTA    M    51    Independent
S26    4    CG    KORBA    16-Apr-09    1    KARUNA SHUKLA    F    59    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    CHARANDAS MAHANT    M    54    Indian National Congress
3    VIJAY LAXMI SHARMA    F    41    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    KEDARNATH RAJWADE    M    28    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha
5    CHAITI DEVI MAHANT    F    49    Chhattisgarhi Samaj Party
6    BUDHWAR SINGH UIKEY    M    34    Rashtriya Gondvana Party
7    DR. VIPIN SINHA    M    40    Chhattisgarh Vikas Party
8    SANGEETA NIRMALKAR    F    32    Bharatiya Pichhra Dal
9    HIRASINGH MARKAAM    M    74    Gondvana Gantantra Party
10    GEND DAS MAHANT    M    35    Independent
11    CHARAN DAS    M    25    Independent
12    PAWAN KUMAR    M    38    Independent
13    FULESHWAR PRASAD SURJAIHA    M    75    Independent
14    RAMDAYAL ORAON    M    49    Independent
15    RAMLAKHAN KASHI    M    68    Independent
16    SHAMBHU PRASAD SHARMA ADHIWAKTA    M    62    Independent
17    SATRUPA    F    37    Independent
18    SANTOSH BANJARE    M    25    Independent
S26    5    CG    BILASPUR    16-Apr-09    1    DILIP SINGH JUDEV    M    60    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    ADVOCATE T.R.NIRALA    M    42    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    DR.RENU JOGI    F    56    Indian National Congress
4    UTTAM PRASAD DANSENA    M    27    Sunder Samaj Party
5    DR.GOJU PAUL    M    40    Republican Party of India (A)
6    DR.BALMUKUND SINGH MARAVI    M    41    Gondvana Gantantra Party
7    BALARAM SAHU    M    46    Bharatiya Pichhra Dal
8    MUKESH KUMAR SAHU    M    32    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha
9    SAPNA CHAKRABORTY    F    37    Lok Jan Shakti Party
10    ARJUN SHRIVAS GANGUAA    M    63    Independent
11    ANUJ DHRITLAHRE    M    34    Independent
12    ABDUL HAMID SIDDIQUE    M    43    Independent
13    ASHOK SHRIVASTAVA    M    37    Independent
14    UMESH SINGH    M    31    Independent
15    TUKLAL GARG    M    40    Independent
16    DAYA DAS LAHRE    M    65    Independent
17    DR.DAYA RAM DAYAL    M    60    Independent
18    DILIP KUMAR    M    30    Independent
19    DILIP GUPTA    M    38    Independent
20    DILIP SINGH    M    41    Independent
21    MANOJ KUMAR BIRKO    M    34    Independent
22    RAMESH AHUJA    M    43    Independent
23    RAMESH KUMAR LAHARE    M    36    Independent
24    RAJENDRA SAHU    M    29    Independent
25    RAJESH PRATAP    M    32    Independent
26    RAMBILAS SHARMA    M    52    Independent
27    B.P.VISWAKARMA    M    57    Independent
28    SHYAM BIHARI TRIVEDI    M    56    Independent
S26    6    CG    RAJNANDGAON    16-Apr-09    1    DEVWRAT SINGH    M    39    Indian National Congress
2    PRADHUMAN NETAM    M    32    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    MADHUSUDAN YADAV    M    38    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    GANGARAM NISHAD    M    48    Eklavya Samaj Party
5    NARAD KHOTHALIYA    M    48    Chhattisgarh Vikas Party
6    AJAY JAISWAL    M    35    Independent
7    AJAY PALI    M    32    Independent
8    JALAL MOHAMMAD QURESHI    M    45    Independent
9    DERHARAM LODHI    M    37    Independent
10    DILIP RATHOR SAMPADAK    M    40    Independent
11    BHAG CHAND VAIDHYA    M    48    Independent
12    MADAN YADAV    M    34    Independent
13    MANGAL DAS BANGARE    M    52    Independent
14    D.R.YADAV PRACHARYA    M    66    Independent
S26    7    CG    DURG    16-Apr-09    1    PRADEEP CHOUBEY    M    55    Indian National Congress
2    RAGHUNANDAN SAHU    M    34    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    SAROJ PANDEY    F    40    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    DEVIDAS KURRE    M    43    Chandigarh Vikas Party
5    DR. PANKAJ GOSOMI (PANDIT)    M    37    Republican Party of India
6    ANAND GAUTAM    M    35    Independent
7    TARACHAND SAHU    M    30    Independent
8    TARACHAND SAHU    M    66    Independent
9    TARACHAND SAHU    M    62    Independent
10    MASOOD KHAN    M    43    Independent
11    RATAN KUMAR KSHETRAPAL    M    61    Independent
12    RAJENDRA KUMAR SAHU    M    38    Independent
13    LAXMAN PRASAD    M    31    Independent
14    GURU DADA LOKESH MAHARAJ    M    56    Independent
15    SHITKARAN MHILWAR    M    40    Independent
S26    8    CG    RAIPUR    16-Apr-09    1    BHUPESH BAGHEL    M    47    Indian National Congress
2    RAMESH BAIS    M    61    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    VIDHYADEVI SAHU    F    54    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    ER. ASHOK TAMRAKAR    M    56    Jai Chhattisgarh Party
5    IMRRAN PASHA    M    33    Loktantrik Samajwadi Party
6    P.R. KHUNTE    M    54    Chhattisgarh Vikas Party
7    MADHUSUDAN MISHRA    M    49    Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha
8    SHAILENDRA BANJARE (SHAKTIPUTRA)    M    34    Shakti Sena (Bharat Desh)
9    SHANKAR LAL VARANDANI    M    45    Pyramid Party of India
10    HARGUN MEGHWANI    M    56    Akhil Bhartiya Sindhu Samajwadi Party
11    ARUN HARPAL    M    35    Independent
12    JAFAR HUSSAIN, BABABHAI (PURVA MUTVALLI)    M    57    Independent
13    MOH. JILANI ALIAS TANI    M    30    Independent
14    NAND KISHOR DEEP    M    48    Independent
15    NARESH BHISHMDEV DHIDHI    M    31    Independent
16    NAVIN GUPTA    M    35    Independent
17    NARAD NISHAD    M    33    Independent
18    PRAVEEN JAIN    M    44    Independent
19    BHARAT BHUSHAN PANDEY    M    45    Independent
20    MATHURA PRASAD TANDON    M    42    Independent
21    YASHWANT SAHU    M    35    Independent
22    RAJENDRA KUMAR SAHU    M    38    Independent
23    RAJENDRA SINGH THAKUR (ADVOCATE)    M    34    Independent
24    RAMKRISHNA VERMA    M    49    Independent
25    RAMCHARAN YADAV    M    33    Independent
26    SHOBHARAM GILHARE    M    38    Independent
27    SIYARAM DHRITLAHARE    M    34    Independent
28    SMT. SUSIL BAI BANJARE    F    36    Independent
29    SYED RASHID ALI    M    62    Independent
30    SANJAY BAGHEL    M    29    Independent
31    HAIDAR BHATI    M    38    Independent
32    SHRIKANT KASER    M    41    Independent
S26    9    CG    MAHASAMUND    16-Apr-09    1    CHANDULAL SAHU (CHANDU BHAIYA)    M    49    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    MOTILAL    M    44    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    MOTILAL SAHU    M    44    Indian National Congress
4    DR. ANAND MATAWALE (GURUJI)    M    38    Lok Bharati
5    KIRAN KUMAR DHRUW    M    44    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha
6    BAUDDH KUMAR KAUSHIK    M    37    Chhattisgarh Vikas Party
7    DR. LATA MARKAM    F    26    Republican Party of India (A)
8    SHRIDHAR CHANDRAKAR (PATEL)    M    40    Apna Dal
9    KHEDUBHARTI “SATYESH”    M    33    Independent
10    CHAMPA LAL PATEL    M    43    Independent
11    NARENDRA BHISHMDEV DHIDHI    M    34    Independent
12    NARAYANDAS INQALAB GANDHI    M    63    Independent
13    BHARAT DIWAN    M    29    Independent
14    RAMPRASAD CHAUHAN    M    46    Independent
15    SULTANSINGH SATNAM    M    58    Independent
S26    10    CG    BASTAR    16-Apr-09    1    AYTU RAM MANDAVI    M    44    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    BALIRAM KASHYAP    M    73    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    MANISH KUNJAM    M    42    Communist Party of India
4    SHANKAR SODI    M    44    Indian National Congress
5    CHANDRA SHEKHAR DHRUV (SHEKHAR)    M    42    Independent
6    MAYARAM NETAM ALIAS (FULSING SILADAR)    M    60    Independent
7    SUBHASH CHANDRA MOURYA    M    35    Independent
S26    11    CG    KANKER    16-Apr-09    1    SMT. PHOOLO DEVI NETAM    F    35    Indian National Congress
2    MIRA SALAM    F    32    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    SOHAN POTAI    M    49    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    JALSINGH SHORI    M    30    Chhattisgarhi Samaj Party
5    N. R. BHUARYA    M    50    Gondwana Mukti Sena
6    BHOM LAL    M    59    Apna Dal
7    MAYARAM NAGWANSHI    M    48    Gondvana Gantantra Party
8    G. R. RANA    M    62    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha
9    DEVCHAND MATLAM    M    31    Independent
10    PRAFUL MANDAVI    M    35    Independent
11    MAYARAM NETAM (FULSINGH SILEDAR)    M    60    Independent
S27    4    JH    CHATRA    16-Apr-09    1    ARUN KUMAR YADAV    M    41    Janata Dal (United)
2    DHIRAJ PRASAD SAHU    M    50    Indian National Congress
3    NAGMANI    M    46    Rashtriya Janata Dal
4    SUGAN MAHTO    M    56    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    KESHWAR YADAV    M    47    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)
6    PARAS NATH MANJHI    M    58    Akhil Bharatiya Manav Seva Dal
7    K.P. SHARMA    M    62    Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik)
8    SURENDRA YADAV    M    36    Jharkhand Party
9    INDER SINGH NAMDHARI    M    62    Independent
10    DHIRENDRA AGRAWAL    M    53    Independent
11    RATNESH KUMAR GUPTA    M    47    Independent
S27    5    JH    KODARMA    16-Apr-09    1    TILAKDHARI PD. SINGH    M    65    Indian National Congress
2    PRANAV KUMAR VERMA    M    29    Rashtriya Janata Dal
3    LAXAMAN SAWARNKAR    M    63    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    BISHNU PRASAD BHAIYA    M    47    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha
5    SABHAPATI KUSHWAHA    M    61    Bahujan Samaj Party
6    UMESH CHANDRA TRIVEDI    M    41    Jharkhand Party
7    PRAMESHWAR YADAV    M    49    Rashtriya Krantikari Samajwadi Party
8    BABULAL MARANDI    M    51    Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik)
9    RAJKISHOR PRASAD MODI    M    54    Jharkhand Vikas Dal
10    RAJ KUMAR YADAV    M    37    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)
11    HADTAL DAS    M    43    Bahujan Shakty
12    ASHOK KUMAR SHARMA    M    35    Independent
13    KAMAL DAS    M    35    Independent
14    CHANDRA DHARI MAHTO    M    28    Independent
15    MANJOOR ALAM ANSARI    M    45    Independent
16    LAXAMAN DAS    M    37    Independent
S27    11    JH    KHUNTI    16-Apr-09    1    KARIYA MUNDA    M    72    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    NEIL TIRKEY    M    55    Indian National Congress
3    MARSHAL BARLA    M    36    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    THEODORE KIRO    M    58    Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik)
5    NITIMA BODRA BARI    F    41    Jharkhand Party (Naren)
6    NISHIKANT HORO    M    55    Jharkhand Party
7    ANAND KUJUR    M    27    Independent
8    UMBULAN TOPNO    M    49    Independent
9    KARLUS BHENGRA    M    41    Independent
S27    12    JH    LOHARDAGA    16-Apr-09    1    JOKHAN BHAGAT    M    43    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    RAMESHWAR ORAON    M    63    Indian National Congress
3    SUDARSHAN BHAGAT    M    40    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    DEOSHARAN BHAGAT    M    45    All Jharkhand Students Union
5    BAHURA EKKA    M    61    Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik)
6    BHUNESHWAR LOHRA    M    42    Lok Jan Vikas Morcha
7    RAMA KHALKHO    F    38    Jharkhand Janadikhar Manch
8    ARJUN BHAGAT    M    60    Independent
9    ETWA ORAON    M    45    Independent
10    GOPAL ORAON    M    56    Independent
11    CHAMRA LINDA    M    39    Independent
12    JAI PRAKASH BHAGAT    M    36    Independent
13    NAWAL KISHOR SINGH    M    51    Independent
14    PADMA BARAIK    F    25    Independent
15    SUKHDEO LOHRA    M    69    Independent
S27    13    JH    PALAMAU    16-Apr-09    1    KAMESHWAR BAITHA    M    56    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha
2    GHURAN RAM    M    42    Rashtriya Janata Dal
3    RADHA KRISHNA KISHORE    M    52    Janata Dal (United)
4    HIRA RAM TUPHANI    M    59    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    GANESH RAM    M    56    Jharkhand Party
6    JAWAHAR PASWAN    M    48    AJSU Party
7    NANDDEV RAM    M    70    Jharkhand Party (Naren)
8    PARVATI DEVI    F    34    Manav Mukti Morcha
9    PRABHAT KUMAR    M    31    Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik)
10    RAJU GUIDE MAJHI    M    30    Akhil Bharatiya Manav Seva Dal
11    RAM NARESH RAM    M    36    Rashtravadi Aarthik Swatantrata Dal
12    BIRBAL RAM    M    28    Rashtriya Lok Dal
13    SATYENDRA KUMAR PASWAN    M    30    Bharatiya Samta Samaj Party
14    SUSHMA MEHTA    F    31    Communist Party of India(Marxist-Leninist)(Liberation)
15    JITENDRA RAM    M    31    Independent
16    NARESH KUMAR PASWAN    M    29    Independent
17    BRAJMOHAN RAM    M    48    Independent
18    BHOLA RAM    M    32    Independent
19    MUNESHWAR RAM    M    58    Independent
20    RAM PRASAD RAM    M    58    Independent
21    SUNESHWAR BAITHA    M    54    Independent
S27    14    JH    HAZARIBAGH    16-Apr-09    1    KISHOR KUMAR PANDEY    M    35    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    BHUVNESHWAR PRASAD MEHTA    M    64    Communist Party of India
3    YASHWANT SINHA    M    71    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    SHIVLAL MAHTO    M    34    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha
5    SAURABH NARAIN SINGH    M    34    Indian National Congress
6    CHANDRA PRAKASH CHOUDHARY    M    40    All Jharkhand Students Union
7    DIGAMBER KU. MEHTA    M    42    Samajwadi Party
8    BRAJ KISHORE JAISWAL    M    67    Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik)
9    DEONATH MAHTO    M    29    Independent
10    MAHENDRA KISHORE MEHTA    M    38    Independent
11    MD. MOINUDDIN AHMED    M    32    Independent
12    LALAN PRASAD    M    34    Independent
13    SNEHLATA DEVI    F    49    Independent
U01    1    AN    ANDAMAN & NICOBAR ISLANDS    16-Apr-09    1    SMTI. R. S. UMA BHARATHY    F    44    Nationalist Congress Party
2    SHRI. KULDEEP RAI SHARMA    M    41    Indian National Congress
3    SHRI. P. R. GANESHAN    M    71    Rashtriya Janata Dal
4    SHRI TAPAN KUMAR BEPARI    M    51    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
5    SHRI. BISHNU PADA RAY    M    59    Bharatiya Janata Party
6    SHRI. M. S. MOHAN    M    50    Bahujan Samaj Party
7    SHRI. N. K. P. NAIR    M    54    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)
8    SHRI. PRADEEP KUMAR EKKA    M    37    Jharkhand Disom Party
9    SHRI. T. ALI    M    37    Independent
10    DR. THANKACHAN    M    50    Independent
11    SHRI. VAKIATH VALAPPIL KHALID    M    40    Independent
U06    1    LD    LAKSHADWEEP    16-Apr-09    1    MUHAMMED HAMDULLA SAYEED A.B    M    26    Indian National Congress
2    DR. P. POOKUNHIKOYA    M    60    Nationalist Congress Party
3    DR. K P MUTHUKOYA    M    57    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    LUKMANUL HAKEEM    M    32    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
S14    1    MN    INNER MANIPUR    22-Apr-09    1    DR. THOKCHOM MEINYA    M    58    Indian National Congress
2    THOUNAOJAM CHAOBA    M    70    Manipur People’s Party
3    MOIRANGTHEM NARA    M    58    Communist Party of India
4    WAHENGBAM NIPAMACHA SINGH    M    78    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    L. KSHETRANI DEVI    F    50    Rashtriya Bahujan Congress Party
6    ABDUL RAHMAN    M    58    Independent
7    NONGMAITHEM HOMENDRO SINGH    M    45    Independent
S01    23    AP    KAKINADA    23-Apr-09    1    DOMMETI SUDHAKAR    M    51    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    M.M.PALLAMRAJU    M    46    Indian National Congress
3    BIKKINA VISWESWARA RAO    M    34    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    VASAMSETTY SATYA    M    44    Telugu Desam
5    ALURI VIJAYA LAKSHMI    F    64    Lok Satta Party
6    UDAYA KUMAR KONDEPUDI    M    36    Trilinga Praja Pragati Party
7    GALI SATYAVATHI    F    40    Republican Party of India
8    GIDLA SIMHACHALAM    M    50    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party
9    CHALAMALASETTY SUNIL    M    39    Praja Rajyam Party
10    NAMALA SATYANARAYANA    M    45    Rajyadhikara Party
11    N.PALLAMRAJU    M    52    Ajeya Bharat Party
12    BUGATHA BANGARRAO    M    48    Communist Party of India(Marxist-Leninist)(Liberation)
13    AKAY SURYANARAYANA    M    50    Independent
14    CHAGANTI SURYA NARAYANA MURTHY    M    44    Independent
15    DANAM LAZAR BABU    M    42    Independent
16    BADAMPUDI BABURAO    M    51    Independent
S01    24    AP    AMALAPURAM    23-Apr-09    1    KOMMABATTULA UMA MAHESWARA RAO    M    65    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    GEDDAM SAMPADA RAO    M    39    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    DOCTOR GEDELA VARALAKSHMI    F    55    Telugu Desam
4    G.V.HARSHA KUMAR    M    50    Indian National Congress
5    AKUMARTHI SURYANARAYANA    M    50    Trilinga Praja Pragati Party
6    KIRAN KUMAR BINEPE    M    43    Praja Bharath Party
7    P.V.CHAKRAVARTHI    M    54    Republican Party of India (Khobragade)
8    POTHULA PRAMEELA DEVI    F    55    Praja Rajyam Party
9    BHEEMARAO RAMJI MUTHABATHULA    M    39    Pyramid Party of India
10    MASA RAMADASU    M    46    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party
11    YALANGI RAMESH    M    45    Independent
S01    25    AP    RAJAHMUNDRY    23-Apr-09    1    ARUNA KUMAR VUNDAVALLI    M    54    Indian National Congress
2    M. MURALI MOHAN    M    68    Telugu Desam
3    VAJRAPU KOTESWARA RAO    M    43    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    SOMU VEERRAJU    M    51    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    UPPALAPATI VENKATA KRISHNAM RAJU    M    69    Praja Rajyam Party
6    DATLA RAYA JAGAPATHI RAJU    M    50    Pyramid Party of India
7    DR. PALADUGU CHANDRA MOULI    M    69    Lok Satta Party
8    MEDAPATI PAPIREDDY    M    30    Trilinga Praja Pragati Party
9    MEDA SRINIVAS    M    39    Rashtriya Praja Congress (Secular)
10    PARAMATA GANESWARA RAO    M    46    Independent
11    MUSHINI RAMAKRISHNA RAO    M    51    Independent
12    VASAMSETTY NAGESWARA RAO    M    46    Independent
13    SANABOINA SUBHALAKSHMI    F    44    Independent
S01    26    AP    NARSAPURAM    23-Apr-09    1    KALIDINDI VISWANADHA RAJU    M    39    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    THOTA SITA RAMA LAKSHMI    F    59    Telugu Desam
3    BAPIRAJU KANUMURU    M    61    Indian National Congress
4    BHUPATHIRAJU SRINIVASA VARMA    M    41    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    ALLURI YUGANDHARA RAJU    M    44    Pyramid Party of India
6    GUBBALA TAMMAIAH    M    61    Praja Rajyam Party
7    NAVUNDRU RAJENDRA PRASAD    M    44    Bharatheeya Sadharma Samsthapana Party
8    MANORAMA SANKU    F    62    Lok Satta Party
9    M V R RAJU    M    35    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party
10    KALIDINDI BHIMARAJU    M    73    Independent
S01    27    AP    ELURU    23-Apr-09    1    KAVURI SAMBASIVA RAO    M    65    Indian National Congress
2    KODURI VENKATA SUBBA RAJU    M    46    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    PILLELLLI SUNIL    M    35    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    MAGANTI VENKATESWARA RAO(BABU)    M    49    Telugu Desam
5    Y.V.S.V. PRASADA RAO (YERNENI PRASADA RAO)    M    61    Pyramid Party of India
6    KOLUSU PEDA REDDAIAH YADAV    M    67    Praja Rajyam Party
7    SAVANAPUDI NAGARAJU    M    48    Marxist Communist Party of India (S.S. Srivastava)
8    SIRIKI SRINIVAS    M    32    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party
9    KASI NAIDU KAMMILI    M    39    Independent
10    TANUKU SEKHAR    M    45    Independent
11    DODDA KAMESWARA RAO    M    54    Independent
12    DOWLURI GOVARDHAN    M    32    Independent
S01    28    AP    MACHILIPATNAM    23-Apr-09    1    KONAKALLA NARAYANA RAO    M    59    Telugu Desam
2    CHIGURUPATI RAMALINGESWARA RAO    M    33    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    BADIGA RAMAKRISHNA    M    66    Indian National Congress
4    BHOGADI RAMA DEVI    F    56    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    KOPPULA VENKATESWARA RAO    M    45    Lok Satta Party
6    CHENNAMSETTI RAMACHANDRAIAH    M    60    Praja Rajyam Party
7    YARLAGADDA RAMAMOHANA RAO    M    44    Bharatheeya Sadharma Samsthapana Party
8    VARA LAKSHMI KONERU    F    59    Pyramid Party of India
9    G.V. NAGESWARA RAO    M    25    Independent
10    YENDURI SUBRAMANYESWA RAO ( MANI )    M    50    Independent
S01    29    AP    VIJAYAWADA    23-Apr-09    1    LAGADAPATI RAJA GOPAL    M    45    Indian National Congress
2    LAKA VENGALA RAO    M    38    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    VAMSI MOHAN VALLABHANENI    M    38    Telugu Desam
4    SISTLA NARASIMHA MURTHY    M    63    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    DEVINENI KISHORE KUMAR    M    59    Lok Satta Party
6    RAGHAVA RAO JAKKA    M    60    Pyramid Party of India
7    RAJIV CHANUMOLU    M    43    Praja Rajyam Party
8    APPIKATLA JAWAHAR    M    44    Independent
9    KRISHNA MURTHY SUNKARA    M    46    Independent
10    JAKKA TARAKA MALLIKHARJUNA RAO    M    42    Independent
11    DEVERASETTY RAVINDRA BABU    M    35    Independent
12    DEVIREDDY RAVINDRANATHA REDDY    M    36    Independent
13    PERUPOGU VENKATESWARA RAO    M    41    Independent
14    BAIPUDI NAGESWARA RAO    M    30    Independent
15    BOPPA VENKATESWARA RAO    M    42    Independent
16    BOLISETTY HARIBABU    M    46    Independent
17    VEERLA SANJEEVA RAO    M    44    Independent
18    VENKATA RAO P.    M    44    Independent
19    SENAPATHI CHIRANJEEVI    M    36    Independent
20    SHAIK MASTAN    M    28    Independent
S01    30    AP    GUNTUR    23-Apr-09    1    MALLELA BABU RAO    M    61    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    YADLAPATI SWARUPARANI    F    51    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    RAJENDRA MADALA    M    42    Telugu Desam
7    SAMBASIVA RAO RAYAPATI    M    65    Indian National Congress
8    AMANULLA KHAN    M    37    Lok Satta Party
9    KOMMANABOINA LAKSHMAIAH    M    39    Rajyadhikara Party
11    THOTA CHANDRA SEKHAR    M    47    Praja Rajyam Party
12    YARRAKULA TULASI RAM YADAV    M    29    Samajwadi Party
13    VELAGAPUDI LAKSHMANA RAO    M    59    Pyramid Party of India
14    SRINIVASA RAO THOTAKURA    M    34    Ajeya Bharat Party
S01    31    AP    NARASARAOPET    23-Apr-09    1    BALASHOWRY VALLABHANENI    M    43    Indian National Congress
2    BEJJAM RATNAKARA RAO    M    48    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    VALLEPU KRUPA RAO    M    51    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    VENUGOPALA REDDY MODUGULA    M    42    Telugu Desam
7    GANUGAPENTA UTTAMA REDDY    M    30    Lok Satta Party
8    S.G. MASTAN VALI    M    31    Pyramid Party of India
9    RAMADUGU VENKATA SUBBA RAO    M    45    Samajwadi Party
11    SHAIK SYED SAHEB    M    65    Praja Rajyam Party
13    SAI PRASAD EDARA    M    42    Bharatheeya Sadharma Samsthapana Party
14    ATCHALA NARASIMHA RAO    M    39    Independent
15    ANNAMRAJU VENUGOPALA MADHAVA RAO    M    37    Independent
17    KATAMARAJU NALAGORLA    M    61    Independent
19    YAMPATI VEERANJANEYA REDDY    M    38    Independent
21    SRINIVASA REDDY KESARI    M    40    Independent
S01    32    AP    BAPATLA    23-Apr-09    1    DARA SAMBAIAH    M    62    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    PANABAKA LAKSHMI    F    50    Indian National Congress
3    BATTULA ROSAYYA    M    52    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    MALYADRI SRIRAM    M    55    Telugu Desam
5    GARIKAPATI SUDHAKAR    M    37    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party
6    NUTHAKKI RAMA RAO    M    61    Praja Rajyam Party
7    GUDIPALLI SATHYA BABUJI    M    40    Independent
8    GORREMUCHU CHINNA RAO    M    42    Independent
9    GOLLA BABU RAO    M    34    Independent
10    DEVARAPALLI BUJJI BABU    M    34    Independent
S01    33    AP    ONGOLE    23-Apr-09    1    MANDAVA VASUDEVA    M    56    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    MADDULURI MALAKONDAIAH YADAV    M    47    Telugu Desam
3    MAGUNTA SRINIVASULU REDDY    M    55    Indian National Congress
4    CHALUVADI SRINIVASARAO    M    38    Pyramid Party of India
5    DR,NARAYANAM RADHA DEVI    F    57    Lok Satta Party
6    PIDATHALA SAI KALPANA    F    50    Praja Rajyam Party
7    SHAIK SHAJAHAN    M    49    United Women Front
8    GARRE RAMAKRISHNA    M    34    Independent
9    DAMA MOHANA RAO    M    53    Independent
10    NALAMALAPU LAKSHMINARASAREDDY    M    40    Independent
11    YATHAPU KONDAREDDY    M    28    Independent
S01    34    AP    NANDYAL    23-Apr-09    1    NASYAM MOHAMMED FAROOK    M    57    Telugu Desam
2    S.MOHAMMED ISMAIL    M    39    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    S.P.Y.REDDY    M    59    Indian National Congress
4    ABDUL SATTAR . G    M    26    B. C. United Front
5    PICHHIKE NARENDRA DEV    M    39    Rashtriya Krantikari Samajwadi Party
6    BHUMA VENKATA NAGI REDDY    M    45    Praja Rajyam Party
7    RAMA JAGANNADHA REDDY TAMIDELA    M    34    Lok Satta Party
8    SADHU VEERA VENKATA RAMANAIAH    M    35    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party
9    AMBATI RAMESWARA REDDY    M    35    Independent
10    K.ARTHER PANCHARATNAM    M    44    Independent
11    B.P.KAMBAGIRI SWAMY    M    36    Independent
12    GALI RAMA SUBBA REDDY    M    33    Independent
13    A.U.FAROOQ    M    25    Independent
14    G.BALASWAMY    M    37    Independent
15    T.MAHESH NAIDU    M    28    Independent
16    B.V.RAMI REDDY    M    47    Independent
17    B.R.L.REDDY    M    40    Independent
18    VENNUPUSA VENKATESHWARA REDDY    M    35    Independent
19    SINGAM VENKATESHWARA REDDY    M    35    Independent
20    T.SRINUVASULU    M    38    Independent
21    V.SESHI REDDY    M    33    Independent
S01    35    AP    KURNOOL    23-Apr-09    1    KOTLA JAYA SURYA PRAKASH REDDY    M    57    Indian National Congress
2    GADDAM RAMAKRISHNA    M    56    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    B.T.NAIDU    M    36    Telugu Desam
4    RAVI SUBRAMANYAM K.A.    M    39    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    JALLI VENKATESH    M    38    Lok Satta Party
6    DR.DANDIYA KHAJA PEERA    M    55    Praja Rajyam Party
7    B.NAGA JAYA CHANDRA REDDY    M    35    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party
8    DR.P.R.PARAMESWAR REDDY    M    36    Pyramid Party of India
9    DEVI RAMALINGAPPA    M    44    Independent
10    V.V. RAMANA    M    38    Independent
11    RAJU    M    45    Independent
S01    36    AP    ANANTAPUR    23-Apr-09    1    ANANTHA VENKATA RAMI REDDY    M    52    Indian National Congress
2    AMBATI RAMA KRISHNA REDDY    M    41    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    KALAVA SRINIVASULU    M    44    Telugu Desam
4    GADDALA NAGABHUSHANAM    M    45    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    AMARNATH    M    32    Lok Satta Party
6    KRUSHNAPURAM GAYATHRI DEVI    F    36    Communist Party of India(Marxist-Leninist)(Liberation)
7    MANSOOR    M    56    Praja Rajyam Party
8    G HARI    M    29    Pyramid Party of India
9    T CHANDRA SEKHAR    M    30    Independent
10    DEVELLA MURALI    M    44    Independent
11    K P NARAYANA SWAMY    M    41    Independent
12    J C RAMANUJULA REDDY    M    52    Independent
S01    37    AP    HINDUPUR    23-Apr-09    1    KRISTAPPA NIMMALA    M    52    Telugu Desam
2    P KHASIM KHAN    M    53    Indian National Congress
3    NARESH CINE ACTOR    M    45    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    B.S.P.SREERAMULU    M    30    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    KADAPALA SREEKANTA REDDY    M    56    Praja Rajyam Party
6    NIRANJAN BABU. K    M    30    Lok Satta Party
7    S. MUSKIN VALI    M    26    Pyramid Party of India
8    K. JAKEER    M    40    Independent
9    B. NAGABHUSHANA RAO    M    76    Independent
10    P. PRASAD (PEETLA PRASAD)    M    32    Independent
S01    38    AP    KADAPA    23-Apr-09    1    JAMBAPURAM MUNI REDDY    M    31    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    Y.S. JAGAN MOHAN REDDY    M    36    Indian National Congress
3    PALEM SRIKANTH REDDY    M    45    Telugu Desam
4    VANGALA SHASHI BHUSHAN REDDY    M    37    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    KASIBHATLA SAINATH SARMA    M    38    Rajyadhikara Party
6    N. KISHORE KUMAR REDDY    M    38    Janata Dal (Secular)
7    KUNCHAM VENKATA SUBBA REDDY    M    42    Rayalaseema Rashtra Samithi
8    DR. KHALEEL BASHA    M    60    Praja Rajyam Party
9    GAJJALA RAMA SUBBA REDDY    M    57    Pyramid Party of India
10    GUDIPATI. PRASANNA KUMAR    M    55    Lok Satta Party
11    C. GOPI NARASIMHA REDDY    M    31    Janata Dal (United)
12    CHINNAPA REDDY KOMMA    M    41    Bharatiya Jan Shakti
13    Y. SEKHARA REDDY    M    47    Republican Party of India (A)
14    S. ALI SHER    M    47    Independent
15    THIMMAPPAGARI VENKATA SIVA REDDY    M    47    Independent
16    V. NARENDRA    M    39    Independent
17    S. RAJA MADIGA    M    46    Independent
18    YELLIPALAM RAMESH REDDY    M    35    Independent
19    SIVANARAYANA REDDY CHADIPIRALLA    M    39    Independent
20    J. SUBBARAYUDU    M    51    Independent
S01    39    AP    NELLORE    23-Apr-09    1    S. PADMA NAGESWARA RAO    M    58    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    BATHINA NARASIMHA RAO    M    65    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    MEKAPATI RAJAMOHAN REDDY    M    64    Indian National Congress
4    VANTERU VENU GOPALA REDDY    M    59    Telugu Desam
5    JANA RAMACHANDRAIAH    M    56    Praja Rajyam Party
6    VEMURI BHASKARA RAO    M    36    Lok Satta Party
7    SIDDIRAJU SATYANARAYANA    M    43    Pyramid Party of India
8    KARIMULLA    M    42    Independent
9    MUCHAKALA CHANDRA SEKHAR YADAV    M    40    Independent
10    VENKATA BHASKAR REDDY DIRISALA    M    37    Independent
11    SYED HAMZA HUSSAINY    M    46    Independent
S01    40    AP    TIRUPATI    23-Apr-09    1    CHINTA MOHAN    M    54    Indian National Congress
2    VARLA RAMAIAH    M    57    Telugu Desam
3    N.VENKATASWAMY    M    77    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    JUVVIGUNTA VENKATESWARLU    M    37    Lok Satta Party
5    DEGALA SURYANARAYANA    M    34    Pyramid Party of India
6    DHANASEKHAR GUNDLURU    M    41    Republican Party of India (A)
7    VARAPRASADA RAO. V    M    55    Praja Rajyam Party
8    OREPALLI VENKATA KRISHNA PRASAD    M    43    Independent
9    KATTAMANCHI PRABAKHAR    M    40    Independent
10    YALAVADI MUNIKRISHNAIAH    M    64    Independent
S01    41    AP    RAJAMPET    23-Apr-09    1    ANNAYYAGARI SAI PRATHAP    M    64    Indian National Congress
2    ALLAPUREDDY. HARINATHA REDDY    M    69    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    RAMESH KUMAR REDDY REDDAPPAGARI    M    44    Telugu Desam
4    SUNKARA SREENIVAS    M    42    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    DR. ARAVA. VENKATA SUBBA REDDY    M    38    Pyramid Party of India
6    ADI NARAYANA REDDY .V    M    40    Bharatheeya Sadharma Samsthapana Party
7    NAGESWARA RAO EDAGOTTU    M    38    Lok Satta Party
8    D.A. SRINIVAS    M    36    Praja Rajyam Party
9    SHAIK AMEEN PEERAN    M    39    Ambedkar National Congress
10    ASADI VENKATADRI    M    41    Independent
11    INDRA PRAKASH    M    32    Independent
12    KASTHURI OBAIAH NAIDU    M    55    Independent
13    B. KRISHNAPPA    M    32    Independent
14    PULA RAGHU    M    44    Independent
15    HAJI MOHAMMAD AZAM    M    82    Independent
S01    42    AP    CHITTOOR    23-Apr-09    1    JAYARAM DUGGANI    M    60    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    THIPPESWAMY M    M    55    Indian National Congress
3    NARAMALLI SIVAPRASAD    M    57    Telugu Desam
4    B.SIVAKUMAR    M    40    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    A. AMARNADH    M    37    Rashtriya Krantikari Samajwadi Party
6    TALARI MANOHAR    M    54    Praja Rajyam Party
7    G. VENKATACHALAM    M    29    Lok Satta Party
S03    4    AS    DHUBRI    23-Apr-09    1    ANWAR HUSSAIN    M    62    Indian National Congress
2    BADRUDDIN AJMAL    M    54    Assam United Democratic Front
3    ARUN DAS    M    39    Rashtrawadi Sena
4    ALOK SEN    M    37    Samajwadi Party
5    SOLEMAN ALI    M    45    Independent
6    SHAHJAHAN ALI    M    39    Independent
7    SOLEMAN KHANDAKER    M    53    Independent
8    TRIPTI KANA MAZUMDAR CHOUDHURY    F    45    Independent
9    NUR MAHAMMAD    M    61    Independent
10    MINHAR ALI MANDAL    M    61    Independent
S03    5    AS    KOKRAJHAR    23-Apr-09    1    SABDA RAM RABHA    M    39    Asom Gana Parishad
2    SANSUMA KHUNGGUR BWISWMUTHIARY    M    49    Bodaland Peoples Front
3    URKHAO GWRA BRAHMA    M    45    Independent
S03    6    AS    BARPETA    23-Apr-09    1    ABDUS SAMAD AHMED    M    41    Assam United Democratic Front
2    MD. AMIR ALI    M    42    Rashtriya Janata Dal
3    ISMAIL HUSSAIN    M    55    Indian National Congress
4    DURGESWAR DEKA    M    54    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
5    BHUPEN RAY    M    49    Asom Gana Parishad
6    ABU CHAND MAHMMAD    M    63    Republican Party of India (A)
7    ABDUL KADDUS    M    35    Samajwadi Party
8    KANDARPA LAHKAR    M    53    Rashtravadi Janata Party
9    MD. DILIR KHAN    M    42    Muslim League Kerala State Committee
10    MUIJ UDDIN MAHMUD    M    51    Lok Jan Shakti Party
11    ABDUL KADER    M    41    Independent
12    GOLAP HUSSAIN MAZUMDER    M    35    Independent
13    DEWAN JOYNAL ABEDIN    M    65    Independent
14    BHADRESWAR DAS    M    40    Independent
S03    7    AS    GAUHATI    23-Apr-09    1    AKSHAY RAJKHOWA    M    49    Nationalist Congress Party
2    BIJOYA CHAKRAVARTY    F    70    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    CAPT. ROBIN BORDOLOI    M    67    Indian National Congress
4    SONABOR ALI    M    58    Assam United Democratic Front
5    AMBU BORA    M    78    Revolutionary Communist Party of India (Rasik Bhatt)
6    DEEPAK KALITA    M    34    Samajwadi Party
7    SHIMANTA BRAHMA    M    48    Rashtrawadi Sena
8    AMIT BARUA    M    42    Independent
9    KAZI NEKIB AHMED    M    51    Independent
10    DEVA KANTA RAMCHIARY    M    46    Independent
11    BRIJESH ROY    M    30    Independent
12    RINA GAYARY DAS    F    41    Independent
S03    8    AS    MANGALDOI    23-Apr-09    1    BADIUJ ZAMAL    M    33    Assam United Democratic Front
2    MADHAB RAJBANGSHI    M    53    Indian National Congress
3    RAMEN DEKA    M    55    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    DINA NATH DAS    M    65    Bodaland Peoples Front
5    PARVEEN SULTANA    F    42    All India Minorities Front
6    RABINDRA NATH HAZARIKA    M    72    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha
7    RATUL KUMAR CHOUDHURY    M    38    Samajwadi Party
8    LANKESWAR ACHARJYA    M    45    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party
9    LUCYMAI BASUMATARI    F    58    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha
10    AROON BAROOA    M    53    Independent
11    PRODEEP KUMAR DAIMARY    M    42    Independent
12    BHUPENDRA NATH KAKATI    M    62    Independent
13    MANOJ KUMAR DEKA    M    55    Independent
S03    9    AS    TEZPUR    23-Apr-09    1    JITEN SUNDI    M    64    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
2    DEBA ORANG    M    54    Assam United Democratic Front
3    MONI KUMAR SUBBA    M    51    Indian National Congress
4    JOSEPH TOPPO    M    60    Asom Gana Parishad
5    ARUN KUMAR MURMOO    M    33    Bharat Vikas Morcha
6    PARASHMONI SINHA    M    33    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha
7    JUGANANDA HAZARIKA    M    42    Samajwadi Party
8    RUBUL SARMA    M    52    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)
9    REGINOLD V. JOHNSON    M    45    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha
10    KALYAN KUMAR DEORI BHARALI    M    69    Independent
11    DANIEL DAVID JESUDAS    M    66    Independent
12    MD. NAZIR AHMED    M    56    Independent
13    DR. PRANAB KR. DAS    M    41    Independent
14    PRASANTA BORO    M    32    Independent
15    RUDRA PARAJULI    M    52    Independent
S03    10    AS    NOWGONG    23-Apr-09    1    ANIL RAJA    M    51    Indian National Congress
2    RAJEN GOHAIN    M    57    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    SIRAJ UDDIN AJMAL    M    52    Assam United Democratic Front
4    PHEIROIJAM IBOMCHA SINGH    M    60    All India Forward Bloc
5    BIPIN SAIKIA    M    55    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party
6    BIREN DAS    M    48    Rashtrawadi Sena
7    BHUPEN CHANDRA MUDOI    M    55    Republican Party of India (A)
8    LIAQAT HUSSAIN    M    40    Lok Jan Shakti Party
9    ASHIT DUTTA    M    47    Independent
10    NAZRUL HAQUE MAZARBHUIYAN    M    55    Independent
11    PUSPA KANTA BORA    M    49    Independent
12    BIMALA PRASAD TALUKDAR    M    46    Independent
13    HERAMBA MOHAN PANDIT    M    45    Independent
S03    11    AS    KALIABOR    23-Apr-09    1    GUNIN HAZARIKA    M    61    Asom Gana Parishad
2    DIP GOGOI    M    57    Indian National Congress
3    SIRAJ UDDIN AJMAL    M    52    Assam United Democratic Front
4    KAMAL HAZARIKA    M    48    Independent
5    PAUL NAYAK    M    40    Independent
6    PRADEEP DUTTA    M    42    Independent
7    BINOD GOGOI    M    38    Independent
8    MRIDUL BARUAH    M    37    Independent
S03    12    AS    JORHAT    23-Apr-09    1    KAMAKHYA TASA    M    34    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    DRUPAD BORGOHAIN    M    68    Communist Party of India
3    BIJOY KRISHNA HANDIQUE    M    77    Indian National Congress
4    ABINASH KISHORE BORAH    M    30    Rashtrawadi Sena
5    BIREN NANDA    M    48    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha
6    NAVAPROKASH SONOWAL    M    36    Independent
7    RAJ KUMAR DOWARAH    M    43    Independent
8    SUJIT SAHU    M    38    Independent
S03    13    AS    DIBRUGARH    23-Apr-09    1    SRI PABAN SINGH GHATOWAR    M    60    Indian National Congress
2    SRI ROMEN CH. BORTHAKUR    M    48    Nationalist Congress Party
3    SRI RATUL GOGOI    M    31    Communist Party of India
4    SRI SARBANANDA SONOWAL    M    47    Asom Gana Parishad
5    SRI GONGARAM KAUL    M    39    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)
6    NIHARIKA BORPATRA GOHAIN GOGOI    F    30    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha
7    IMTIAZ HUSSAIN    M    31    Independent
8    FRANCIS DHAN    M    40    Independent
9    LAKHI CHARAN SWANSI    M    34    Independent
10    SIMA GHOSH    F    40    Independent
S03    14    AS    LAKHIMPUR    23-Apr-09    1    DR. ARUN KR. SARMA    M    52    Asom Gana Parishad
2    BHOGESWAR DUTTA    M    63    Communist Party of India
3    RANEE NARAH    F    45    Indian National Congress
4    GANGADHAR DUTTA    M    39    Shivsena
5    DEBNATH MAJHI    M    30    Communist Party of India(Marxist-Leninist)(Liberation)
6    PRAN JYOTI BORPATRA GOHAIN    M    26    Rashtrawadi Sena
7    MINU BURAGOHAIN    F    50    Samajwadi Party
8    RATNESWAR GOGOI    M    63    All India Forward Bloc
9    LALIT MILI    M    53    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party
10    SONAMONI DAS    M    39    Lok Jan Shakti Party
11    ASAP SUNDIGURIA    M    62    Independent
12    PRASHANTA GOGOI    M    35    Independent
13    BHUMIDHAR HAZARIKA    M    38    Independent
14    RANOJ PEGU    M    45    Independent
15    RABIN DEKA    M    54    Independent
S04    1    BR    VALMIKI NAGAR    23-Apr-09    1    DILIP VERMA    M    52    Nationalist Congress Party
2    BAIDYANATH PRASAD MAHTO    M    51    Janata Dal (United)
3    MANAN MISHRA    M    48    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    MOHAMMAD SHAMIM AKHTAR    M    37    Indian National Congress
5    RAGHUNATH JHA    M    63    Rashtriya Janata Dal
6    BIRENDRA PRASAD GUPTA    M    40    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)
7    SHAILENDRA KUMAR GARHWAL    M    38    Loktantrik Samata Dal
8    AMBIKA SINGH    M    53    Independent
9    UMESH    M    36    Independent
10    DEORAJ RAM    M    31    Independent
11    FAKHRUDDIN    M    37    Independent
12    MAGISTER YADAV    M    42    Independent
13    MANOHAR MANOJ    M    40    Independent
14    RAMASHANKAR PRASAD    M    35    Independent
15    RAKESH KUMAR PANDEY    M    51    Independent
16    SATYANARAIN YADAV    M    28    Independent
S04    2    BR    PASCHIM CHAMPARAN    23-Apr-09    1    ANIRUDH PRASAD ALIAS SADHU YADAV    M    46    Indian National Congress
2    PRAKASH JHA    M    55    Lok Jan Shakti Party
3    RAMASHRAY SINGH    M    65    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
4    SHAMBHU PRASAD GUPTA    M    50    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    DR. SANJAY JAISWAL    M    44    Bharatiya Janata Party
6    FAIYAZUL AZAM    M    71    Janata Dal (Secular)
7    MANOJ KUMAR    M    44    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party
8    SYED SHAMIM AKHTAR    M    48    Loktantrik Samata Dal
9    NAFIS AHAMAD    M    35    Independent
10    SHRIMAN MISHRA    M    41    Independent
11    SYED IRSHAD AKHTER    M    32    Independent
S04    3    BR    PURVI CHAMPARAN    23-Apr-09    1    AKHILESH PD. SINGH    M    40    Rashtriya Janata Dal
2    ARVIND KR. GUPTA    M    29    Indian National Congress
3    GAGANDEO YADAV    M    59    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    RADHA MOHAN SINGH    M    59    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    RAMCHANDRA PD.    M    51    Communist Party of India
6    UMESH KR. SINGH    M    43    Samajwadi Janata Party (Rashtriya)
7    NAGENDRA SAHANI    M    33    Loktantrik Samata Dal
8    SURESH KR. RAJAK    M    45    Indian Justice Party
9    SURESH KR. RAI    M    41    Bajjikanchal Vikas Party
10    JHAGARU MAHATO    M    48    Independent
11    PARASNATH PANDEY    M    48    Independent
12    MD. MURTAZA ANSARI(DR. LAL)    M    40    Independent
S04    4    BR    SHEOHAR    23-Apr-09    1    MD. ANWARUL HAQUE    M    58    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    MD. TANVEER ZAFER    M    33    Communist Party of India
3    RAMA DEVI    F    60    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    LOVELY ANAND    M    35    Indian National Congress
5    SITARAM SINGH    M    60    Rashtriya Janata Dal
6    ARUN SAH    M    30    Bharatiya Loktantrik Party(Gandhi-Lohiawadi)
7    BASDEO SAH    M    36    Indian Justice Party
8    SHATRUGHANA SAHU    M    38    Bharatiya Jantantrik Janta Dal
9    AJAY KUMAR PANDEY    M    36    Independent
10    CHANDRIKA PRASAD    M    34    Independent
11    MOHAMMAD FIROZ AHAMAD    M    28    Independent
12    MOHSIN    M    29    Independent
13    YOGENDRA RAM    M    38    Independent
14    RAM ASHISH, MAHTO    M    64    Independent
15    SUNIL SINGH    M    44    Independent
S04    5    BR    SITAMARHI    23-Apr-09    1    ARJUN ROY    M    37    Janata Dal (United)
2    MAYA SHANKAR SHARAN    M    47    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    SAMIR KUMAR MAHASETH    M    49    Indian National Congress
4    SITARAM YADAV    M    61    Rashtriya Janata Dal
5    S. ABU DAUJANA    M    41    Loktantrik Samata Dal
6    CHITARANJAN GIRI    M    42    Rashtriya Pragati Party
7    MOHAMMAD AFZAL PAINTHER    M    44    Ambedkar National Congress
8    SHANKAR SINHA    M    51    Revolutionary Socialist Party
9    CHANDRIKA PRASAD    M    34    Independent
10    ZAHID    M    30    Independent
11    DINESH PRASAD    M    40    Independent
12    PAPPU KUMAR MISHRA    M    30    Independent
13    MUKESH KUMAR GUPTA    M    39    Independent
14    RAVINDRA KUMAR    M    36    Independent
15    RAM KISHORE PRASAD    M    71    Independent
16    SONE LAL SAH    M    61    Independent
S04    6    BR    MADHUBANI    23-Apr-09    1    ABDULBARI SIDDIKI    M    62    Rashtriya Janata Dal
2    LAXMANKANT MISHRA    M    48    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    DR SHAKEEL AHAMAD    M    52    Indian National Congress
4    HUKM DEO NARAYAN YADAV    M    72    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    DR HEMCHANDRA JHA    M    48    Communist Party of India
6    MINTU KUMAR SINGH    M    30    Jago Party
7    MISHRI LAL YADAV    M    39    Rashtriya Krantikari Janata Party
8    RAMCHANDRA YADAV    M    65    Krantikari Samyavadi Party
9    RAM SAGAR SAHANI    M    51    Indian Justice Party
10    MD ZINNUR    M    47    Independent
11    RAVINDRA THAKUR    M    40    Independent
12    RAJESHWAR YADAV    M    37    Independent
13    SANJAY KUMAR MAHTO    M    36    Independent
14    HARIBHUSHAN THAKUR “BACHOL”    M    44    Independent
S04    7    BR    JHANJHARPUR    23-Apr-09    1    KRIPANATH PATHAK    M    65    Indian National Congress
2    GAURI SHANKAR YADAV    M    36    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    DEVENDRA PRASAD YADAV    M    53    Rashtriya Janata Dal
4    MANGANI LAL MANDAL    M    60    Janata Dal (United)
5    DR KIRTAN PRASAD SINGH    M    50    Loktantrik Samata Dal
6    YOGNATH MANDAL    M    36    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)
7    OM PRAKASH    M    27    Independent
8    NATHUNI YADAV    M    57    Independent
9    FIROZ ALAM    M    38    Independent
10    VIVEKA NAND JHA    M    33    Independent
11    SHANKAR PRASAD    M    26    Independent
S04    14    BR    DARBHANGA    23-Apr-09    1    AJAY KUMAR JALAN    M    49    Indian National Congress
2    MD. ALI ASHRAF FATMI    M    53    Rashtriya Janata Dal
3    KIRTI AZAD    M    48    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    YUGESHWAR SAHNI    M    55    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    KUMARI SURESHWARI    F    60    Rashtriya Mazdoor Ekta Party
6    MD. KHURSHID ALAM    M    46    Apna Dal
7    DURGANAND MAHAVIR NAYAK    M    37    Bharatiya Jantantrik Janta Dal
8    MD. NIZAMUDDIN    M    36    Indian Justice Party
9    SATYANARAYAN MUKHIA    M    41    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)
10    ABDUR RAHIM    M    49    Independent
11    GOVIND ACHARAY    M    27    Independent
12    BHARAT YADAV    M    54    Independent
13    LALBAHADUR YADAV    M    35    Independent
14    PROF. HARERAM ACHARAY    M    49    Independent
S04    15    BR    MUZAFFARPUR    23-Apr-09    1    CAPTAIN JAI NARAYAN PRASAD NISHAD    M    78    Janata Dal (United)
2    BHAGWANLAL SAHNI    M    57    Lok Jan Shakti Party
3    VINITA VIJAY    F    41    Indian National Congress
4    SAMEER KUMAR    M    41    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    JITENDRA YADAV    M    35    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)
6    DINESH KUMAR KUSHWAHA    M    32    Rashtriya Krantikari Samajwadi Party
7    DEVENDRA RAKESH    M    49    Bajjikanchal Vikas Party
8    NEELU SINGH    F    36    Proutist Sarva Samaj
9    MAHENDRA PRASAD    M    63    Rashtriya Pragati Party
10    MITHILESH KUMAR    M    40    Rashtra Sewa Dal
11    MOHAMMAD SHAMIM    M    31    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party
12    MD. RAHAMTULLAHA    M    37    Akhil Bharatiya Jan Sangh
13    RAM DAYAL RAM    M    48    All India Forward Bloc
14    REYAJ AHMAD ATISH    M    62    Jago Party
15    MD. SALEEM    M    36    Rashtravadi Janata Party
16    ASHOK KUMAR LALAN    M    37    Independent
17    AHMAD RAZA    M    31    Independent
18    GEORGE FERNANDES    M    78    Independent
19    TARKESHWAR PASWAN    M    38    Independent
20    VIJENDRA CHAUDHARY    M    42    Independent
21    VINOD PASWAN    M    35    Independent
22    SHAMBHU SAHNI    M    37    Independent
23    SADANAND KISHORE THAKUR    M    38    Independent
24    SYED ALAMDAR HUSSAIN    M    27    Independent
S04    16    BR    VAISHALI    23-Apr-09    1    RAGHUVANSH PRASAD SINGH    M    62    Rashtriya Janata Dal
2    VIJAY KUMAR SHUKLA    M    38    Janata Dal (United)
3    SHANKAR MAHTO    M    37    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    HIND KESRI YADAV    M    58    Indian National Congress
5    PUNAMRI DEVI    F    37    United Women Front
6    PRAMOD KUMAR SHARMA    M    27    Bajjikanchal Vikas Party
7    BADRI PASWAN    M    39    Rashtriya Krantikari Samajwadi Party
8    BALAK NATH SAHANI    M    39    Indian Justice Party
9    LALJI KUMAR RAKESH    M    35    Rashtra Sewa Dal
10    BINOD PANDIT    M    29    Lokpriya Samaj Party
11    INDARDEO RAI    M    46    Independent
12    JITENDRA PRASAD    M    34    Independent
S04    21    BR    HAJIPUR    23-Apr-09    1    DASAI CHOWDHARY    M    52    Indian National Congress
2    MAHESHWAR DAS    M    54    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    RAM VILAS PASWAN    M    61    Lok Jan Shakti Party
4    RAM SUNDAR DAS    M    88    Janata Dal (United)
5    DINESH CHANDRA BHUSHAN    M    36    Loktantrik Samata Dal
6    NAND LAL PASWAN    M    47    Independent
7    PRATIMA KUMARI    F    33    Independent
8    RAJENDRA KUMAR PASWAN    M    54    Independent
9    RAM TIRTH PASWAN    M    59    Independent
10    VISHWA VIJAY KUMAR VIDHYARTHI    M    30    Independent
11    SANJAY PASHWAN    M    30    Independent
S04    22    BR    UJIARPUR    23-Apr-09    1    ASWAMEDH DEVI    F    40    Janata Dal (United)
2    ALOK KUMAR MEHTA    M    40    Rashtriya Janata Dal
3    RAMDEO VERMA    M    62    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
4    VIJAYWANT KUMAR CHOUDHARY    M    60    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    SHEEL KUMAR ROY    M    40    Indian National Congress
6    CHANDRA DEO ROY    M    48    Socialist Party (Lohia)
7    JAI NARAYAN SAH    M    53    Bajjikanchal Vikas Party
8    JITENDRA KUMAR ROY    M    32    Shivsena
9    TOSHAN SAH    M    62    Rashtriya Pragati Party
10    MD. TAUKIR    M    40    Samata Party
11    MASSOD HASSAN    M    29    Muslim League Kerala State Committee
12    RAMNATH SINGH    M    36    Rashtra Sewa Dal
13    ARJUN SAHNI    M    28    Independent
14    PRADEEP KUMAR    M    41    Independent
15    BRAJESH KUMAR NIRALA    M    51    Independent
16    MANSOOR    M    42    Independent
17    MOHAN PAUL    M    47    Independent
18    MOHAMMAD KURBAN    M    43    Independent
19    RATAN SAHNI    M    46    Independent
20    RAM SAGAR MAHTO    M    45    Independent
21    SANJAY KUMAR JHA    M    36    Independent
22    SUJIT KUMAR BHAGAT    M    29    Independent
S04    23    BR    SAMASTIPUR    23-Apr-09    1    DR. ASHOK KUMAR    M    54    Indian National Congress
2    MAHESWER HAZARI    M    38    Janata Dal (United)
3    RAM CHANDRA PASWAN    M    47    Lok Jan Shakti Party
4    BINDESHWAR PASWAN    M    59    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    UPENDRA PASWAN    M    42    Loktantrik Samata Dal
6    JEEBACHH PASWAN    M    41    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)
7    RANDHIR PASWAN    M    27    Independent
8    RAJA RAM DAS    M    56    Independent
9    REKHA KUMARI    F    29    Independent
10    SHIVCHANDRA PASWAN    M    31    Independent
11    SATISH MAHTO    M    33    Independent
S05    1    GA    NORTH GOA    23-Apr-09    1    CHRISTOPHER FONSECA    M    55    Communist Party of India
2    JITENDRA RAGHURAJ DESHPRABHU    M    53    Nationalist Congress Party
3    RAUT PANDURANG DATTARAM    M    62    Maharashtrawadi Gomantak
4    SHRIPAD YESSO NAIK    M    56    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    UPENDRA CHANDRU GAONKAR    M    48    Shivsena
6    NARACINVA SURYA SALGAONKAR    M    51    Independent
7    MARTHA D’ SOUZA    F    55    Independent
S05    2    GA    SOUTH GOA    23-Apr-09    1    COSME FRANCISCO CAITANO SARDINHA    M    62    Indian National Congress
2    ADV. NARENDRA KESHAV SAWAIKAR    M    42    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    ADV. RAJU MANGESHKAR ALIAS RAJENDRA NAIK    M    52    Communist Party of India
4    ROHIDAS HARICHANDRA BORKAR    M    63    Save Goa Front
5    MATANHY SALDANHA    M    60    United Goans Democratic Party
6    DIAS JAWAHAR    M    53    Independent
7    DERICK DIAS    M    41    Independent
8    FRANCISCO ANTONIO JOAO DE PHILOMENO FERNANDES    M    66    Independent
9    MULLA SALIM    M    25    Independent
10    SALUNKE SMITA PRAVEEN    F    38    Independent
11    HAMZA KHAN    M    57    Independent
S09    5    JK    UDHAMPUR    23-Apr-09    1    ADREES AHMAD TABBASUM    M    45    Communist Party of India
2    BALBIR SINGH    M    53    Jammu & Kashmir Peoples Democratic Party
3    PROF. BHIM SINGH    M    69    Jammu & Kashmir National Panthers Party
4    RAKESH WAZIR    M    29    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    CH. LAL SINGH    M    50    Indian National Congress
6    DR. NIRMAL SINGH    M    53    Bharatiya Janata Party
7    BODH RAJ    M    42    Backward Classes Democratic Party, J&K
8    RAJESH MANCHANDA    M    40    Rashtriya Krantikari Samajwadi Party
9    KANCHAN SHARMA    F    40    Bharatiya Bahujan Party
10    MASTER WILLIAM GILL    M    60    All India Forward Bloc
11    ATUL SHARMA    M    30    Independent
12    DEV RAJ    M    57    Independent
13    MOHD. YOUSUF    M    46    Independent
14    NARESH DOGRA    M    40    Independent
S10    1    KA    CHIKKODI    23-Apr-09    1    KATTI RAMESH VISHWANATH    M    44    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    PRAKASH BABANNA HUKKERI    M    62    Indian National Congress
3    SHIVANAND WANTAMURI SIDDAMALLAPPA    M    42    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    BANASHANKARI BHIMAPPA ITTAPPA    M    32    Independent
5    MALLAPPA MARUTI KHATANVE    M    60    Independent
6    YASHWANT MANOHAR SUTAR    M    32    Independent
7    SHAILA SURESH KOLI    F    37    Independent
S10    2    KA    BELGAUM    23-Apr-09    1    AMARSINH VASANTRAO PATIL    M    49    Indian National Congress
2    ANGADI SURESH CHANNABASAPPA    M    55    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    A. B. PATIL    M    56    Janata Dal (Secular)
4    RAMANAGOUDA SIDDANGOUDA PATIL    M    66    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    ALLAPPA RAMAPPA PATIL    M    31    Independent
6    KASTURI BASANAGOUDA BHAVI    F    40    Independent
7    MOHAN. H. GADIWADDAR    M    29    Independent
8    RAMCHANDRA MAREPPA TORGAL(CHALAWADI)    M    66    Independent
9    VIJAYKUMAR JEENDATTA UPADHYE    M    47    Independent
10    HANAJI ASHOK PANDU    M    28    Independent
S10    4    KA    BIJAPUR    23-Apr-09    1    ALMELKAR VILASABABU BASALINGAPPA    M    46    Janata Dal (Secular)
2    KANAMADI SUDHAKAR MALLESH    M    54    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    PRAKASH KUBASING RATHOD    M    48    Indian National Congress
4    RAMESH CHANDAPPA JIGAJINAGI    M    57    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    NARASAPPA TIPPANNA BANDIWADDAR    M    48    Sarvodaya Karnataka Paksha
6    LAMANI CHANDRAKANT RUPASING    M    38    Lok Jan Shakti Party
7    ARAKERI NIRMALA SRINIVAS    F    35    Independent
8    CHALAWADI RAMANNA    M    54    Independent
9    SEVALAL SOMASHEKAR PURAPPA    M    46    Independent
10    HARIJAN AMBANNA TUKARAM    M    33    Independent
S10    5    KA    GULBARGA    23-Apr-09    1    BABU HONNA NAIK    M    55    Janata Dal (Secular)
2    MALLIKARJUN KHARGE    M    67    Indian National Congress
3    MAHADEV. B. DHANNI    M    51    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    REVUNAIK BELAMGI    M    70    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    DR. K. T. PALUSKAR    M    53    Prabuddha Republican Party
6    RAVIKUMAR SHALIMANI SEDAM    M    34    Ambedkar National Congress
7    SHANKER KODLA    M    73    Janata Dal (United)
8    SHANKAR JADHAV    M    48    Bharatiya Peoples Party
9    H.V. DIWAKAR    M    46    Independent
10    SHIVAKUMAR . KOLLUR    M    44    Independent
S10    6    KA    RAICHUR    23-Apr-09    1    K.DEVANNA NAIK    M    56    Janata Dal (Secular)
2    PAKKIRAPPA.S.    M    51    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    RAJA VENKATAPPA NAIK    M    52    Indian National Congress
4    SHIVAKUMAR    M    42    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    COM II. V.H.MASTER    M    73    Independent
6    COMRADE V.MUDUKAPPA NAYAK    M    36    Independent
7    R.MUDUKAPPA NAYAK    M    44    Independent
8    K.SOMASHEKHAR    M    43    Independent
S10    7    KA    BIDAR    23-Apr-09    1    GURUPADAPPA NAGMARPALLI    M    25    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    JAGANNATH.R.JAMADAR    M    25    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    N.DHARAM SINGH    M    25    Indian National Congress
4    SUBHASH TIPPANNA NELGE    M    25    Janata Dal (Secular)
5    ADVOCATE MOULVI ZAMEERUDDIN    M    25    National Development Party
6    BHASKAR BABU PATERPALLI    M    25    Indian Christian Secular Party
7    SHRAVAN SANGONDA BHANDE    M    25    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha
8    SUBHASH CHANDRA G.KHAPATE    M    25    Laghujan Samaj Vikas Party
9    AMRUTHAPPA.M.D    M    25    Independent
10    MD ARSHAD AHMED ANSARI    M    25    Independent
11    KHAJA SAMEEUDDIN KHAJA MOINUDDIN    M    25    Independent
12    JADHAV VENKAT RAO GYANOBA RAO    M    25    Independent
13    DONGAPURE SHANT KUMAR    M    25    Independent
14    DEVENDRAPPA SANGRAMAPPA PATIL    M    25    Independent
15    NARSAPPA MUTHANGI    M    25    Independent
16    PARMESHWAR RAMCHANDRA    M    25    Independent
17    PASHAMIYA ESMAIL SAB    M    25    Independent
18    BASWARAJ PAILWAN OKALLI    M    25    Independent
19    MANJILE MIYYA PEER SAB QURESH    M    25    Independent
20    MD OSMAN ALI LAKHPATI    M    25    Independent
21    MUFTI SHAIKH ABDUL GAFFAR QASMI    M    25    Independent
22    YEVATE PATIL SHRIMANT    M    25    Independent
23    YASHWANTH NARSING    M    25    Independent
24    SHIVARAJ TIMMANNA BOKKE    M    25    Independent
25    SAMEEUDDIN BANDELI    M    25    Independent
26    SURESH SWAMY TALGHATKER    M    25    Independent
27    SYED QUBUL ULLA HUSSIANI SAJID    M    25    Independent
S10    8    KA    KOPPAL    23-Apr-09    1    ANSARI IQBAL    M    50    Janata Dal (Secular)
2    BASAVARAJ RAYAREDDY    M    53    Indian National Congress
3    SHIVAPUTRAPPA GUMAGERA    M    42    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    SHIVARAMAGOUDA SHIVANAGOUDA    M    56    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    ZAKEER    M    30    Lok Jan Shakti Party
6    BASAVARAJ KARADI WADDARAHATTI    M    27    Janata Dal (United)
7    BHARADWAJ    M    63    Communist Party of India(Marxist-Leninist)(Liberation)
8    ISHWARAPPA J    M    52    Independent
9    UPPARA HANUMANTAPPA    M    33    Independent
10    GOUSIA BEGUM    F    31    Independent
11    CHAKRAVARTI NAYAK T    M    70    Independent
12    CHANDRASHEKAR    M    37    Independent
13    NAJEER HUSAIN    M    41    Independent
14    PUJAR D.H    M    42    Independent
15    MAREMMA YANKAPPA    F    40    Independent
16    SHARABHAYYA HIREMATH    M    27    Independent
17    SHIVAKUMAR NAVALI SIDDAPPA TONTAPUR    M    44    Independent
18    HANDI RAFIQSAB    M    53    Independent
S10    9    KA    BELLARY    23-Apr-09    1    T. NAGENDRA    M    44    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    J. SHANTHA    F    35    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    N.Y. HANUMANTHAPPA    M    69    Indian National Congress
4    CHOWDAPPA    M    29    Communist Party of India(Marxist-Leninist)(Liberation)
5    D. GANGANNA    M    59    Independent
6    B. RAMAIAH    M    60    Independent
7    A. RAMANJANAPPA    M    41    Independent
S10    12    KA    UTTARA KANNADA    23-Apr-09    1    ANANTKUMAR HEGDE    M    40    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    ALVA MARGARET    F    67    Indian National Congress
3    HADAPAD BASAVARAJ DUNDAPPA    M    28    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    V D HEGADE    M    68    Janata Dal (Secular)
5    ELISH KOTIYAL    M    44    Janata Dal (United)
6    D M GURAV    M    49    Shivsena
7    ABDUL RASHEED SHAIKH    M    44    Independent
8    UDAY BABU KHALVADEKAR    M    57    Independent
9    KHAZI RAHMATULLA ABDUL WAHAB    M    60    Independent
10    L P M NAIK    M    39    Independent
11    YASHWANT TIMMANNA NIPPANIKAR    M    58    Independent
S10    18    KA    CHITRADURGA    23-Apr-09    1    JANARDHANA SWAMY    M    41    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    M JAYANNA    M    58    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    DR. B THIPPESWAMY    M    37    Indian National Congress
4    M RATHNAKAR    M    42    Janata Dal (Secular)
5    SHASHISHEKAR NAIK    M    46    Rashtriya Janata Dal
6    M KUMBAIAH    M    56    Independent
7    GANESHA    M    48    Independent
8    K H DURGASIMHA    M    61    Independent
9    RAMACHANDRA    M    49    Independent
10    B SUJATHA    F    33    Independent
11    HANUMANTHAPPA TEGNOOR    M    59    Independent
S10    19    KA    TUMKUR    23-Apr-09    1    ASHOK    M    59    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    P. KODANDARAMAIAH    M    69    Indian National Congress
3    G.S. BASAVARAJU    M    67    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    S.P. MUDDAHANUMEGOWDA    M    55    Janata Dal (Secular)
5    SREE GOWRISHANKARA SWAMIGALU    M    63    Samajwadi Party
6    D.R. NAGARAJA    M    53    Independent
7    G. NAGENDRA    M    34    Independent
8    NIRANJANA C.S    M    29    Independent
9    MOHAMED KHASIM    M    47    Independent
10    SHASIBHUSHANA    M    34    Independent
S10    23    KA    BANGALORE RURAL    23-Apr-09    1    H.D.KUMARASWAMY    M    49    Janata Dal (Secular)
2    TEJASVINI GOWDA    F    42    Indian National Congress
3    MOHAMED HAFEEZ ULLAH    M    54    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    C. P. YOGEESHWARA    M    45    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    C.THOPAIAH    M    56    Janata Dal (United)
6    I VENKATESWARA REDDY    M    55    Pyramid Party of India
7    AGNISHREENIVAS    M    30    Independent
8    D.KUMARASWAMY    M    43    Independent
9    KUMARASWAMY C    M    28    Independent
10    KRISHNAPPA    M    46    Independent
11    Y.CHINNAPPA    M    33    Independent
12    A CHOWRAPPA    M    44    Independent
13    DR. K PADMARAJAN    M    50    Independent
14    K.PUTTAMADEGOWDA    M    40    Independent
15    T.M.MANCHEGOWDA    M    62    Independent
S10    24    KA    BANGALORE NORTH    23-Apr-09    1    D. B. CHANDRE GOWDA    M    73    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    C. K. JAFFER SHARIEF    M    75    Indian National Congress
3    PADMAA K. BHAT    F    43    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    R. SURENDRA BABU    M    48    Janata Dal (Secular)
5    M. TIPPUVARDHAN    M    39    Bharatiya Praja Paksha
6    ANCHAN KHANNA    M    34    Independent
7    KANYA KUMAR    M    36    Independent
8    G S KUMAR    M    68    Independent
9    C. KRISHNAMURTHY    M    45    Independent
10    B K CHANDRA    M    38    Independent
11    T. R. CHANDRAHASA    M    45    Independent
12    ABDUL JALEEL    M    39    Independent
13    ZAFER MOHIUDDIN    M    48    Independent
14    JOSEPH SOLOMON    M    39    Independent
15    L. NAGARAJ    M    52    Independent
16    V. PRASANNA KUMAR    M    38    Independent
17    H. PILLAIAH    M    46    Independent
18    T. B. MADWARAJA    M    33    Independent
19    MEER LAYAQ HUSSAIN    M    42    Independent
20    K. A. MOHAN    M    51    Independent
21    S. M. RAJU    M    52    Independent
22    L. LAKSHMAIAH    M    64    Independent
23    MU. VENKATESHAIAH    M    50    Independent
24    VENKATESA SETTY    M    63    Independent
25    H. A. SHIVAKUMAR    M    30    Independent
26    K. SATHYANARAYANA    M    57    Independent
27    SYED AKBAR BASHA    M    50    Independent
28    N. HARISH GOWDA    M    33    Independent
S10    25    KA    BANGALORE CENTRAL    23-Apr-09    1    ZAMEER AHMED KHAN. B.Z    M    43    Janata Dal (Secular)
2    P. C. MOHAN    M    45    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    VIJAY RAJA SINGH    M    37    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    H.T.SANGLIANA    M    67    Indian National Congress
5    IFTHAQUAR ALI BHUTTO    M    37    Ambedkar National Congress
6    J.D.ELANGOVAN    M    64    Indian Justice Party
7    S M KRISHNA    M    44    Bharatiya Praja Paksha
8    B KRISHNA PRASAD    M    55    Proutist Sarva Samaj Party
9    A.S. PAUL    M    60    Akhila India Jananayaka Makkal Katchi (Dr. Issac)
10    D.C. PRAKASH    M    41    Karnataka Thamizhar Munnetra Kazhagam
11    K.PRABHAKARA REDDY    M    61    Kannada Chalavali Vatal Paksha
12    T.K.PREMKUMAR    M    45    Pyramid Party of India
13    ABHIMANI NARENDRA    M    50    Independent
14    M.A. ASHWATHA NARAYANA SETTY    M    64    Independent
15    K UMA    F    46    Independent
16    UMASHANKAR    M    42    Independent
17    K.S.S.IYENGAR    M    77    Independent
18    B.M.KRISHNAREDDY    M    64    Independent
19    S.KODANDARAM    M    50    Independent
20    C.V.GIDDAPPA    M    55    Independent
21    A.CHANDRASHEKAR    M    45    Independent
22    JAYARAMA    M    60    Independent
23    K.NARASIMHA    M    38    Independent
24    B.K NARAYANA SWAMY    M    52    Independent
25    P.PARTHIBAN    M    34    Independent
26    MEER LAYAQ HUSSAIN    M    42    Independent
27    B.MOHAN VELU    M    39    Independent
28    R. RAJ    M    49    Independent
29    E. RAMAKRISHNAIAH    M    50    Independent
30    K.H.RAMALINGAREDDY    M    41    Independent
31    VIJAYA BHASKAR N    M    61    Independent
32    DR.D. R.VENKATESH GOWDA    M    82    Independent
33    SHAFFI AHMED    M    50    Independent
34    S.N. SHARMA    M    67    Independent
35    SHASHIKUMAR A.R    M    43    Independent
36    K.SHIVARAMANNA    M    55    Independent
37    SHAIK BAHADUR    M    54    Independent
S10    26    KA    BANGALORE SOUTH    23-Apr-09    1    ANANTH KUMAR    M    49    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    KRISHNA BYRE GOWDA    M    36    Indian National Congress
3    NAHEEDA SALMA S    F    47    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    PROF.RADHAKRISHNA    M    63    Janata Dal (Secular)
5    B.M.GOVINDRAJ NAIK    M    38    Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha
6    P.JOHNBASCO    M    37    Akhila India Jananayaka Makkal Katchi (Dr. Issac)
7    VATAL NAGARAJ    M    60    Kannada Chalavali Vatal Paksha
8    B.SHIVARAMAPPA    M    62    Pyramid Party of India
9    ABHIMAANI NARENDRA    M    50    Independent
10    KHADER ALI KHAN    M    39    Independent
11    GANESH HANUMANTARAO MOKHASHI    M    58    Independent
12    CAPT. G.R. GOPINATH    M    57    Independent
13    K.C.JANARDHAN    M    46    Independent
14    DR.JAYALAKSHMI.H.G.    F    48    Independent
15    K.M.NARAYANA    M    54    Independent
16    MADESH.C    M    40    Independent
17    MURALIDHARA.D.J.    M    44    Independent
18    RAVI KUMARA.T.    M    26    Independent
19    SUGANDHARAJE URS    M    59    Independent
20    SANTHOSH MIN.B    M    33    Independent
S10    27    KA    CHIKKBALLAPUR    23-Apr-09    1    C.ASWATHANARAYANA    M    59    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    C.R.MANOHAR    M    29    Janata Dal (Secular)
3    M.VEERAPPA MOILY    M    69    Indian National Congress
4    HENNURU LAKSHMINARAYANA    M    49    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    M.RAMAKRISHNAIAH    M    40    Pyramid Party of India
6    M.VENKATESH    M    55    Bharatiya Praja Paksha
7    H.R.SHIVAKUMAR    M    39    Lok Jan Shakti Party
8    KRISHNAMURTHY .T    M    70    Independent
9    K.S.CHANDRASHEKARA RAO (AZAD)    M    54    Independent
10    L.NAGARAJ    M    52    Independent
11    G.NARAYANAPPA    M    62    Independent
12    A.N.BACHEGOWDA    M    50    Independent
13    G.B.MUTHUKUMAR    M    62    Independent
14    M.MUNIVENKATAIAH    M    64    Independent
15    M.RAMESH    M    30    Independent
16    RAVI GOKRE    M    32    Independent
17    G.N. RAVI    M    45    Independent
18    K.VENKATAREDDY    M    36    Independent
19    B.SHIVARAJA    M    40    Independent
20    Y.A.SIDDALINGEGOWDA    M    42    Independent
S10    28    KA    KOLAR    23-Apr-09    1    G.CHANDRANNA    M    56    Janata Dal (Secular)
2    K.H.MUNIYAPPA    M    61    Indian National Congress
3    N.MUNISWAMY    M    57    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    LAKSHMI SHANMUGAM    F    56    Nationalist Congress Party
5    D.S.VEERAIAH    M    60    Bharatiya Janata Party
6    K.R.DEVARAJA    M    51    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party
7    B.M.KRISHNAPPA    M    59    Independent
8    M.R.GANTAPPA    M    46    Independent
9    P.V.CHANGALARAYAPPA    M    38    Independent
10    P.CHANDRAPPA    M    42    Independent
11    V.JAYARAMA    M    59    Independent
12    JAYARAMAPPA    M    45    Independent
13    NAGARATHNA M.    F    47    Independent
14    M.NAGARAJA    M    35    Independent
15    NARAYANASWAMY    M    49    Independent
16    K.NARAYANASWAMY    M    37    Independent
17    C.K.MUNIYAPPA    M    43    Independent
18    M.RAVI KUMAR    M    36    Independent
19    M.VENKATASWAMY    M    55    Independent
20    K.VENKATESH    M    40    Independent
21    SRINIVASA T.O.    M    37    Independent
22    SRINIVASA P.    M    42    Independent
S12    8    MP    KHAJURAHO    23-Apr-09    1    JAYAWANT SINGH    M    49    Samajwadi Party
2    JEETENDRA SINGH    M    50    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    RAJA PATERYA    M    49    Indian National Congress
4    SEWA LAL PATEL    M    49    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    M. SHAKIL    M    38    Gondwana Mukti Sena
6    SAROJ BACHCHAN NAYAK    F    56    Janata Dal (United)
7    SURYA BHAN SINGH ‘YADAV GURUJI’    M    75    All India Forward Bloc
8    AKEEL KHAN    M    43    Independent
9    AKANCHHA JAIN    F    34    Independent
10    KRISHNA SHARAN SINGH (RAJA BHAIYA)    M    36    Independent
11    NARENDRA KUMAR    M    54    Independent
12    RAJENDRA AHIRWAR    M    43    Independent
13    RAM NATH LODHI    M    41    Independent
14    SHABNAM (MAUSI)    F    48    Independent
15    SHUKL SITARAM    M    48    Independent
S12    9    MP    SATNA    23-Apr-09    1    GANESH SINGH    M    46    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    PT. RAJARAM TRIPATHI    M    56    Samajwadi Party
3    SUKHLAL KUSHWAHA    M    46    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    SUDHIR SINGH TOMAR    M    41    Indian National Congress
5    ONKAR SINGH    M    56    Akhil Bharatiya Hind Kranti Party
6    GIRJA SINGH PATEL    M    49    Apna Dal
7    CHHOTELAL SINGH GOND    M    65    Gondwana Mukti Sena
8    PRAMILA    F    43    Republican Party of India (A)
9    B BALLABH CHARYA    M    38    Advait Ishwasyam Congress
10    RAJESH SINGH BAGHEL    M    41    Gondvana Gantantra Party
11    SHOBHNATH SEN    M    29    Lok Jan Shakti Party
12    SUNDERLAL CHAUDHARI    M    64    Indian Justice Party
13    ASHOK KUMAR KUSHWAHA    M    33    Independent
14    ASHOK KUSHWAHA    M    28    Independent
15    CHHOTELAL    M    59    Independent
16    BHAIYALAL URMALIYA    M    62    Independent
17    MANISH KUMAR JAIN    M    31    Independent
18    MUNNI KRANTI    F    44    Independent
19    RAMVISHWAS BASORE    M    38    Independent
20    RAM SAJIVAN    M    46    Independent
21    RAMAYAN CHAUDHARI    M    39    Independent
S12    10    MP    REWA    23-Apr-09    1    CHANDRA MANI TRIPATHI    M    62    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    DEORAJ SINGH PATEL    M    36    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    PUSHPRAJ SINGH    M    48    Samajwadi Party
4    SUNDER LAL TIWARI    M    51    Indian National Congress
5    BADRI PRASAD KUSHWAHA    M    47    Apna Dal
6    RAMKISHAN NIRAT (SAKET)    M    32    Republican Party of India (A)
7    RAMAYAN PRASAD PATEL    M    42    Yuva Vikas Party
8    VIMALA SONDHIA    F    53    Lok Jan Shakti Party
9    SALMA    F    33    All India Forward Bloc
10    MD. AKEEL KHAN (BACHCHA BHAI)    M    34    Independent
11    JAIKARAN SAKET    M    48    Independent
12    BRAHMDUTTMISHRA ALIAS CHHOTE MURAITHA    M    46    Independent
13    SUKHENDRA PRATAP    M    44    Independent
14    SUNDAR LAL    M    37    Independent
15    HIRALAL VISHWAKARMA    M    56    Independent
S12    11    MP    SIDHI    23-Apr-09    1    ASHOK KUMAR SHAH    M    34    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    INDRAJEET KUMAR    M    61    Indian National Congress
3    GOVIND PRASAD MISHRA    M    60    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    MANIK SINGH    M    43    Samajwadi Party
5    LOLAR SINGH URETI    M    29    Gondwana Mukti Sena
6    VEENA SINGH NETI    F    34    Gondvana Gantantra Party
7    BABOOLAL JAISWAL    M    39    Independent
8    MADAN MOHAN JAISWAL (ADVOCATE)    M    36    Independent
9    MAHENDRA BHAIYA (DIKSHIT)    M    42    Independent
10    RAMAKANT PANDEY MALAIHNA    M    63    Independent
11    VEENA SINGH (VEENA DIDI)    F    56    Independent
S12    12    MP    SHAHDOL    23-Apr-09    1    CHANDRA PRATAP SINGH (BABA SAHAB)    M    51    Samajwadi Party
2    NARENDRA SINGH MARAVI    M    29    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    MANOHAR SINGH MARAVI    M    46    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    RAJESH NANDINI SINGH    F    52    Indian National Congress
5    SADAN SINGH BHARIA    M    39    Communist Party of India
6    KRISHN PAL SINGH PAVEL    M    29    Lok Jan Shakti Party
7    GANPAT GOND    M    38    Gondwana Mukti Sena
8    RAM RATAN SINGH PAVLE    M    28    Gondvana Gantantra Party
S12    13    MP    JABALPUR    23-Apr-09    1    AZIZ QURESHI    M    64    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    ASHOK KUMAR SHARMA    M    40    Samajwadi Party
3    RAKESH SINGH    M    48    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    ADVOCATE RAMESHWAR NEEKHRA    M    61    Indian National Congress
5    MEERCHAND PATEL (KACHHVAHA)    M    63    Republican Party of India
6    RAVI MAHOBIA (KUNDAM)    M    29    Gondvana Gantantra Party
7    RAJKUMARI SINGH    F    40    Lok Jan Shakti Party
8    HARI SINGH MARAVI    M    36    Gondwana Mukti Sena
9    DR. MUKESH MEHROTRA    M    57    Independent
10    RAKESH SONKAR (PRAMUKH DHAI AKSHAR)    M    39    Independent
11    SUNIL PATEL    M    38    Independent
S12    14    MP    MANDLA    23-Apr-09    1    JALSO DHURWEY    F    25    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    FAGGAN SINGH KULASTE    M    49    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    BASORI SINGH MASRAM    M    59    Indian National Congress
4    UDAL SINGH DHURWEY    M    35    Loktanrik Sarkar Party
5    JHANK SINGH KUSHRE    M    37    Gondvana Gantantra Party
6    PREM SINGH MARAVI    M    35    Gondwana Mukti Sena
7    BHAGAT SINGH VARKEDE    M    45    Lok Jan Shakti Party
8    MANESHWARI NAIK    F    65    Republican Party of India (A)
9    SUNITA NETI    F    33    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party
10    CHANDRA SHEKHAR DHURWEY    M    46    Independent
11    CHAMBAL SING MARAWEE    M    62    Independent
12    DEV SINGH BHALAVI    M    25    Independent
13    SHIVCHARAN UIKEY    M    26    Independent
14    SAHDEO PRASAD MARAVI    M    43    Independent
S12    15    MP    BALAGHAT    23-Apr-09    1    AJAB LAL    M    35    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    KISHOR SAMRITE    M    42    Samajwadi Party
3    KANKAR MUNJARE    M    52    Rashtriya Janata Dal
4    K. D. DESHMUKH    M    60    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    VISHVESHWAR BHAGAT    M    57    Indian National Congress
6    KALPANA GOPAL WASNIK    F    38    Republican Party of India (A)
7    DARBU SINGH UIKEY    M    37    Gondwana Mukti Sena
8    BHAIYA BALKRISHNA    M    53    Gondvana Gantantra Party
9    ADVOCATE AZHAR UL ALIM    M    58    Independent
10    ANJU ASHOK UIKEY    F    34    Independent
11    GOVARDHAN PATLE URF HITLAR    M    75    Independent
12    JITENDRA MESHRAM    M    37    Independent
13    DHANESHWAR LILHARE    M    40    Independent
14    NYAZMIR KHAN    M    32    Independent
15    POORANLAL LODHI    M    37    Independent
16    MANSINGH BISEN    M    59    Independent
17    SANDEEP SANTRAM    M    31    Independent
18    SHRIRAM THAKUR    M    58    Independent
S12    16    MP    CHHINDWARA    23-Apr-09    1    KAMAL NATH    M    62    Indian National Congress
2    MAROT RAO KHAVASE    M    59    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    RAO SAHEB SHINDE    M    46    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    JOGILAL IRPACHI    M    48    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha
5    PARDHESHI HARTAPSAH TIRKAM    M    40    Gondwana Mukti Sena
6    BALVEER SINGH YADAV    M    30    Rashtriya Krantikari Samajwadi Party
7    RAMKISHAN PAL    M    62    Republican Party of India (A)
8    SATAP SHA UIKEY    M    35    Gondvana Gantantra Party
9    ABDUL SHAMAD KHAN    M    45    Independent
10    AMRITLAL PATHAK RAGHUVAR    M    70    Independent
11    ASHARAM DEHARIYA    M    33    Independent
12    KAMALNATH (MAYAWADI-PARASIA)    M    31    Independent
13    GANARAM UIKEY    M    53    Independent
14    AZAD CHANDRASHEKHER PANDOLE SAMAJ SEVAK    M    42    Independent
15    JAGDISH BAIS    M    35    Independent
16    TULSIRAM SURYAWANSHI    M    62    Independent
17    DUARAM UIKEY    M    40    Independent
18    DHANPAL BHALAVI    M    35    Independent
19    DHANRAJ JAMBHATKAR    M    37    Independent
20    NARESH KUMAR YUVNATI    M    33    Independent
21    NIKHILESH DHURVEY    M    30    Independent
22    PITRAM UIKEY    M    48    Independent
23    PRAVINDRA NAURATI    M    37    Independent
24    MANMOHAN SHAH BATTI    M    46    Independent
25    R.K. MARKAM    M    28    Independent
26    SHOAIB KHAN    M    44    Independent
27    SUKMAN INVATI    M    42    Independent
28    SUBHASH SHUKLA    M    40    Independent
S12    17    MP    HOSHANGABAD    23-Apr-09    1    UDAY PRATAP SINGH    M    44    Indian National Congress
2    ADV.B.M.KAUSHIK    M    35    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    HAJAEE SYID MUEEN UDDIN    M    47    Samajwadi Party
4    RAMPAL SINGH    M    53    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    DINESH KUMAR AHIRWAR    M    42    Independent
6    BHARAT KUMAR CHOUREY    M    29    Independent
7    MOHAMMD ABDULLA    M    54    Independent
8    RAKHI GUPTA    F    31    Independent
9    RAMPAL    M    62    Independent
10    SUDAMA PRASAD    M    55    Independent
S12    18    MP    VIDISHA    23-Apr-09    1    DR.PREMSHANKAR SHARMA    M    44    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    CHOUDHARY MUNABBAR SALIM    M    50    Samajwadi Party
3    SUSHMA SWARAJ    F    57    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    BHAI MUNSHILAL SILAWAT    M    25    Republican Party of India (A)
5    RAMGOPAL MALVIYA    M    35    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party
6    HARBHAJAN JANGRE    M    33    Lok Jan Shakti Party
7    GANESHRAM LODHI    M    44    Independent
8    RAJESHWAR SINGH YADAV (RAO)    M    39    Independent
S12    19    MP    BHOPAL    23-Apr-09    1    ER. ASHOK NARAYAN SINGH    M    53    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    KAILASH JOSHI    M    79    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    MHOD. MUNAWAR KHAN KAUSAR    M    44    Samajwadi Party
4    SURENDRA SINGH THAKUR    M    55    Indian National Congress
5    ASHOK PAWAR    M    47    Prajatantrik Samadhan Party
6    AHIRWAR LAKHANLAL PURVI    M    42    Republican Party of India (A)
7    KARAN KUMAR KAROSIA URF KARAN JEEJA    M    41    Gondvana Gantantra Party
8    RADHESHYAM KULASTE    M    38    Gondwana Mukti Sena
9    RAMDAS GHOSLE    M    54    Republican Party of India (Democratic )
10    SANJEEV SINGHAL    M    42    Savarn Samaj Party
11    ANIL SINGH    M    30    Independent
12    AMAR SINGH    M    72    Independent
13    KAPIL DUBEY    M    37    Independent
14    D. C. GUJARKAR    M    52    Independent
15    DARSHAN SINGH RATHORE    M    53    Independent
16    BRAJENDRA CHATURVEDI URF GAPPU CHATURVEDI    M    35    Independent
17    DR. MAHESH YADAV ‘AMAN GANDHI’    M    40    Independent
18    MUKESH SEN    M    32    Independent
19    MEHDI SIR    M    30    Independent
20    RAJESH KUMAR YADAV    M    42    Independent
21    RAM SAHAY YATRI (SHRIVASTAVA) URF RASHTRAVADI YATRI    M    79    Independent
22    SHAHNAWAZ    M    59    Independent
23    SHIV NARAYAN SINGH BAGWARE    M    60    Independent
S12    29    MP    BETUL    23-Apr-09    1    OJHARAM EVANE    M    54    Indian National Congress
2    JYOTI DHURVE    F    43    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    RAMA KAKODIA    M    50    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    DR. SUKHDEV SINGH CHOUHAN    M    42    Samajwadi Party
5    KALLUSINGH UIKEY    M    59    Gondwana Mukti Sena
6    KADMU SINGH KUMARE (K.S.KUMARE)    M    59    Gondvana Gantantra Party
7    GULABRAV    M    53    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party
8    MANGAL SINGH LOKHANDE    M    51    Samajwadi Jan Parishad
9    SUSHILKUMAR ALIS BALUBHAIYYA    M    39    Republican Party of India (A)
10    IMRATLAL MARKAM    M    58    Independent
11    KAMAL SING    M    45    Independent
12    KADAKSHING VADIVA    M    27    Independent
13    KRISHNA GOPAL PARTE    M    35    Independent
14    MOTIRAM MAVASE    M    48    Independent
15    ADHIVAKTA SHANKAR PENDAM    M    66    Independent
16    SUNIL KUMAR KAWADE    M    27    Independent
S13    1    MH    NANDURBAR    23-Apr-09    1    GAVIT MANIKRAO HODLYA    M    75    Indian National Congress
2    NATAWADKAR SUHAS JYANT    M    48    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    PADVI BABITA KARMSINGH    F    36    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    KOKANI MANJULABAI SAKHARAM    F    59    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha
5    GAVIT SHARAD KRUSHNRAO    M    46    Samajwadi Party
6    ABHIJIT AATYA VASAVE    M    30    Independent
7    KOLI RAJU RAMDAS    M    34    Independent
S13    2    MH    DHULE    23-Apr-09    1    AMARISHBHAI RASIKLAL PATEL    M    56    Indian National Congress
2    RIZWAN MO.AKBAR    M    34    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    SONAWANE PRATAP NARAYANRAO    M    60    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    ANIL ANNA GOTE    M    61    Loksangram
5    ANSARI MOHD. ISMAIL MOHD. IBRAHIM    M    37    Bharatiya Minorities Suraksha Mahasangh
6    ARIF AHMED SHAIKH JAFHAR    M    99    Navbharat Nirman Party
7    KAVAYATRI-SONKANYA THAKUR RAJANI BAGWAN    F    49    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha
8    NIHAL AHMED MOLVI. MOHAMMED USMAN    M    81    Janata Dal (Secular)
9    MD. ISMAIL JUMMAN    M    49    Independent
10    KISHOR PITAMBAR AHIRE    M    28    Independent
11    GAZI ATEZAD AHMED MUBEEN AHMED KHAN    M    57    Independent
12    GAIKWAD PATIL BHUSHAN BAJIRAO    M    28    Independent
13    DADASO. PANDITRAO PATIL KOKALEKAR    M    55    Independent
14    SHEVALE PATIL SANDEEP JIBHAU    M    31    Independent
15    SONAWANE PANDIT UTTAMRAO    M    42    Independent
S13    3    MH    JALGAON    23-Apr-09    1    A.T. NANA PATIL    M    47    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    ADV. MATIN AHMED    M    38    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    ADV. VASANTRAO JIVANRAO MORE    M    63    Nationalist Congress Party
4    ATMARAM SURSING JADHAV (ENGG.)    M    33    Kranti Kari Jai Hind Sena
5    JADHAV NATTHU SHANKAR    M    56    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha
6    JANGALU DEVRAM SHIRSATH    M    65    Hindustan Janta Party
7    NANNAWARE CHAITANYA PANDIT    M    33    Prabuddha Republican Party
8    LAXMAN SHIVAJI SHIRSATH (PATIL)    M    42    Krantisena Maharashtra
9    ANIL PITAMBAR WAGH (SIR)    M    38    Independent
10    KANTILAL CHHAGAN NAIK (BANJARA)    M    39    Independent
11    WAGH SUDHAKAR ATMARAM    M    26    Independent
12    SHALIGRAM SHIVRAM MAHAJAN (DEORE)    M    49    Independent
13    SALIMODDIN ISAMODDIN SHE.(MISTARI)    M    56    Independent
S13    4    MH    RAVER    23-Apr-09    1    PATIL SURESH CHINDHU    M    48    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    ADV. RAVINDRA PRALHADRAO PATIL    M    54    Nationalist Congress Party
3    HARIBHAU MADHAV JAWALE    M    55    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    TELI SHAIKH ISMAIL HAJI HASAN    M    57    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha
5    BAPU SAHEBRAO SONAWANE    M    45    Prabuddha Republican Party
6    MARATHE BHIMRAO PARBAT    M    51    Krantisena Maharashtra
7    SHIVAVEER DNYANESHWAR VITTHAL AMALE URPH AMALE SARKAR    M    26    Shivrajya Party
8    IQBAL ALAUDDIN TADVI    M    41    Independent
9    UTTAM KASHIRAM INGALE    M    36    Independent
10    KOLI SANTOSH GOKUL    M    25    Independent
11    FIRKE SURESH KACHARU EX ACP (CRPF)    M    58    Independent
12    MAKBUL FARID SK.    M    36    Independent
13    MOHD. MUNAWWAR MOHD. HANIF    M    45    Independent
14    MORE HIRAMAN BHONAJI    M    41    Independent
15    D.D. WANI (PHOTOGRAPHER) (DYNESHWAR DIWAKAR WANI)    M    43    Independent
16    VIVEK SHARAD PATIL    M    41    Independent
17    SHAIKH RAMJAN SHAIKH KARIM    M    40    Independent
18    SUJATA IBRAHIM TADAVI    F    45    Independent
19    SANJAY PRALADH KANDELKAR    M    34    Independent
S13    18    MH    JALNA    23-Apr-09    1    DR. KALE KALYAN VAIJINATHRAO    M    46    Indian National Congress
2    DANVE RAOSAHEB DADARAO    M    56    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    RATHOD RAJPALSINH GABRUSINH    M    35    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    AAPPASAHEB RADHAKISAN KUDHEKAR    M    29    Krantisena Maharashtra
5    KISAN BALVANTA BORDE    M    61    Prabuddha Republican Party
6    KHARAT ASHOK RAMRAO    M    51    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha
7    TAWAR KAILAS BHAUSAHEB    M    45    Swatantra Bharat Paksha
8    DR. DILAWAR MIRZA BAIG    M    29    Indian Union Muslim League
9    BHOJNE BABASAHEB SANGAM    M    37    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha
10    MISAL TUKARAM BABURAOJI    M    48    Samajwadi Party
11    RATNAPARKHE ARCHANA SUDHAKAR    F    31    Republician Party of India Ektawadi
12    SUBHASH FAKIRA SALVE    M    43    Ambedkar National Congress
13    SAYYAD MAKSUD NOOR    M    42    Lok Jan Shakti Party
14    KOLTE MANOJ NEMINATH    M    26    Independent
15    KHANDU HARISHCHANDRA LAGHANE    M    30    Independent
16    NADE DNYANESHWAR DAGDU    M    41    Independent
17    BABASAHEB PATIL SHINDE    M    53    Independent
18    SONWANE ASHOK VITTHAL    M    45    Independent
19    S. HUSAIN AHEMAD    M    37    Independent
S13    19    MH    AURANGABAD    23-Apr-09    1    UTTAMSINGH RAJDHARSINGH PAWAR    M    58    Indian National Congress
2    CHANDRAKANT KHAIRE    M    57    Shivsena
3    SAYYED SALIM SAYYED YUSUF    M    56    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    JAHAGIRDAR MOHMAD AYUB GULAM    M    55    Samajwadi Party
5    JYOTI RAMCHANDRA UPADHAYAY    F    35    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha
6    PANDURANG WAMANRAO NARWADE    M    39    Prabuddha Republican Party
7    BHIMSEN RAMBHAU KAMBLE    M    44    Republician Party of India Ektawadi
8    MANIK RAMU SHINDE    M    34    Krantisena Maharashtra
9    SHAIKH HARUN MALIK SAHEB    M    50    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha
10    UTTAM MANIK KIRTIKAR    M    30    Independent
11    EJAZ KHAN BISMILLAH KHAN    M    33    Independent
12    KAZI MUSHIRODDIN TAJODDIN    M    63    Independent
13    KRISHNA DEVIDAS JADHAV    M    25    Independent
14    JADHAV TOTARAM GANPAT    M    51    Independent
15    JADHAV VISHNU SURYABHAN    M    50    Independent
16    JADHAV SUBHASH RUPCHAND    M    33    Independent
17    BANKAR MILIND RANUJI    M    38    Independent
18    SHANTIGIRIJI MOUNGIRIJI MAHARAJ    M    50    Independent
19    SHAIKH RAFIQ SHAIKH RAZZAK    M    30    Independent
20    SHAIKH SALIM PATEL WAHEGAONKAR    M    38    Independent
21    SAYYED RAUF SAYYED ZAMIR    M    54    Independent
22    SUBHASH KISANRAO PATIL (JADHAV)    M    47    Independent
S13    20    MH    DINDORI    23-Apr-09    1    GAVIT JEEVA PANDU    M    60    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
2    GANGURDE DIPAK SHANKAR    M    36    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    CHAVAN HARISHCHANDRA DEORAM    M    57    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    ZIRWAL NARHARI SITARAM    M    50    Nationalist Congress Party
5    PAWAR SAMPAT WAMAN    M    30    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha
6    GANGURDE BALU KISAN    M    37    Independent
7    BHIKA HARISING BARDE    M    75    Independent
8    VIJAY NAMDEO PAWAR    M    45    Independent
9    SHANKAR DEORAM GANGUDE    M    51    Independent
S13    21    MH    NASHIK    23-Apr-09    1    GAIKWAD DATTA NAMDEO    M    47    Shivsena
2    SAMEER BHUJBAL    M    35    Nationalist Congress Party
3    SHRIMAHANT SUDHIRDAS MAHARAJ    M    43    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    KAILAS MADHUKAR CHAVAN    M    28    Indian Justice Party
5    GODSE HEMANT TUKARAM    M    38    Maharashtra Navnirman sena
6    JADHAV NAMDEO BHIKAJI    M    57    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha
7    RAYATE VIJAY SAKHARAM ( RAYATE SIR)    M    52    Hindustan Janta Party
8    AD. GULVE RAMNATH SANTUJI    M    42    Independent
9    DATTU GONYA GAIKWAD    M    50    Independent
10    PRAVINCHANDRA DATTARAM DETHE    M    42    Independent
11    BHARAT HIRMAN PARDESHI    M    37    Independent
12    RAJENDRA SAMPATRAO KADU    M    35    Independent
S13    32    MH    RAIGAD    23-Apr-09    1    ANANT GEETE    M    58    Shivsena
2    BARRISTER A.R. ANTULAY    M    80    Indian National Congress
3    MOHITE KIRAN BABURAO    M    34    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    EKANATH ARJUN PATIL    M    48    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha
5    ADV. PRAVIN MADHUKAR THAKUR    M    39    Independent
6    DR. SIDDHARTH PATIL    M    54    Independent
7    SUNIL BHASKAR NAIK    M    51    Independent
S13    33    MH    MAVAL    23-Apr-09    1    PANSARE AZAM FAKEERBHAI    M    48    Nationalist Congress Party
2    BABAR GAJANAN DHARMSHI    M    66    Shivsena
3    MISHRA UMAKANT RAMESHWAR    M    36    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    AYU. DEEPALI NIVRUTTI CHAVAN    F    35    Prabuddha Republican Party
5    PRADIP PANDURANG KOCHAREKAR    M    49    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha
6    ADV.SHIVSHANKAR DATTATRAY SHINDE    M    31    Krantisena Maharashtra
7    ISHWAR DATTATRAY JADHAV    M    46    Independent
8    JAGANNATH PANDURANG KHARGE    M    38    Independent
9    DOLE BHIMRAJ NIVRUTTI    M    38    Independent
10    ADVOCATE TUKARAM WAMANRAO BANSODE    M    64    Independent
11    TANTARPALE GOPAL YASHWANTRAO    M    43    Independent
12    ADVOCATE PRAMOD MAHADEV GORE    M    56    Independent
13    BHAPKAR MARUTI SAHEBRAO    M    38    Independent
14    MAHENDRA PRABHAKAR TIWARI    M    41    Independent
15    BRO. MANUAL DESOZA    M    45    Independent
16    YASHWANT NARAYAN DESAI    M    42    Independent
17    SHAKEEL RAJBHAI SHAIKH    M    38    Independent
18    HARIBHAU DADAJI SHINDE    M    70    Independent
S13    34    MH    PUNE    23-Apr-09    1    ANIL SHIROLE    M    59    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    KALMADI SURESH    M    64    Indian National Congress
3    D S K ALIAS D.S.KULKARNI    M    58    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    ARUN BHATIA    M    66    Peoples Guardian
5    GULAB TATYA WAGHMODE    M    47    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha
6    BAGBAN JAVED KASIM    M    26    Indian Union Muslim League
7    VIKRAMADITYA OMPRAKASH DHIMAN    M    40    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha
8    VINOD ANAND SINH    M    55    Proutist Sarva Samaj Party
9    SHIROLE RANJEET SHRIKANT    M    32    Maharashtra Navnirman sena
10    SAVITA HAJARE    F    46    Pyramid Party of India
11    SANGHARSH ARUN APTE    M    28    Prabuddha Republican Party
12    AJAY VASANT PAITHANKAR    M    49    Independent
13    ADAGALE BHAUSAHEB RAMCHANDRA    M    48    Independent
14    ASHOK GANPAT PALKHE ALIAS SUTAR    M    45    Independent
15    KAMTAM ISWAR SAMBHAYYA    M    67    Independent
16    KULKARNI KAUSTUBH SHASHIKANT    M    26    Independent
17    KHAN AMANULLA MOHMOD AL    M    55    Independent
18    KHAN NISSAR TAJ AHMAD    M    44    Independent
19    P. K. CHAVAN    M    80    Independent
20    CHOUDHARI SUNIL GULABRAO    M    41    Independent
21    CHOURE VILAS CHINTAMAN    M    45    Independent
22    TATYA ALIAS NARAYAN SHANKAR WAMBHIRE    M    51    Independent
23    TAMBOLI SHABBIR SAJJANBHAI    M    52    Independent
24    DATTATRAYA GANESH TALGERI    M    61    Independent
25    BAGADE SACHIN MARUTI    M    29    Independent
26    BALU ALIAS ANIL SHIROLE    M    28    Independent
27    BHARAT MANOHAR GAVALI    M    65    Independent
28    BHAGWAT RAGHUNATH KAMBLE    M    35    Independent
29    RAJENDRA BHAGAT ALIAS JITU BHAI    M    29    Independent
30    VIKRAM NARENDRA BOKE    M    53    Independent
31    SHINDE RAJENDRA BABURAO    M    44    Independent
32    SHAIKH ALTAF KARIM    M    48    Independent
33    SHRIKANT MADHUSUDAN JAGTAP    M    33    Independent
34    SARDESAI KISHORKUMAR RAGHUNATH    M    42    Independent
35    ADV.SUBHASH NARHAR GODSE    M    59    Independent
36    SANTOSH ALIAS SOMNATH KALU PAWAR    M    38    Independent
S13    35    MH    BARAMATI    23-Apr-09    1    KUDALEPATIL VIVEK ANANT    M    40    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    KANTA JAYSING NALAWADE    F    56    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    SUPRIYA SULE    F    39    Nationalist Congress Party
4    MAYAWATI AMAR CHITRE    F    31    Bharatiya Minorities Suraksha Mahasangh
5    SHELAR SANGEETA PANDURANG    F    33    Krantisena Maharashtra
6    SACHIN VITTHAL AHIRE    M    29    Prabuddha Republican Party
7    SAMPAT MARUTI TAKALE    M    54    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha
8    GHORPADE SAVEETA ASHOK    F    29    Independent
9    TATYA ALIAS NARAYAN SHANKAR WAMBHIRE    M    51    Independent
10    TANTARPALE GOPAL YESHWANTRAO    M    43    Independent
11    DEEPAK SHANKAR BHAPKAR    M    26    Independent
12    BHIMA ANNA KADALE    M    31    Independent
13    MRUNALEENI JAYRAJ KAKADE    F    34    Independent
14    YOGESH SONABA RANDHEER    M    39    Independent
15    SHIVAJI JAYSING KOKARE    M    58    Independent
16    SURESH BABURAO VEER    M    62    Independent
17    SANGITA SHRIMAN BHUMKAR    F    30    Independent
S13    36    MH    SHIRUR    23-Apr-09    1    ADHALRAO SHIVAJI DATTATRAY    M    52    Shivsena
2    ZAGADE YASHWANT SITARAM    M    35    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    VILAS VITHOBA LANDE    M    47    Nationalist Congress Party
4    PALLAVI MOHAN HARSHE    F    27    Prabuddha Republican Party
5    SHELAR DNYANOBA SHRIPATI    M    57    Republican Presidium Party of India
6    SURESH MULCHAND KANKARIA (MAMA)    M    57    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha
7    ABHANG KONDIBHAU BHIMAJI    M    48    Independent
8    KARANDE CHANGDEO NAMDEO    M    43    Independent
9    KALURAM RAGHUNATH TAPKIR    M    52    Independent
10    RAM DHARMA DAMBALE    M    37    Independent
11    LANDE VILAS MHATARBA    M    37    Independent
S13    37    MH    AHMADNAGAR    23-Apr-09    1    KARDILE SHIVAJI BHANUDAS    M    50    Nationalist Congress Party
2    KARBHARI WAMAN SHIRSAT ALIAS K.V. SHIRSAT    M    65    Communist Party of India
3    GADAKH TUKARAM GANGADHAR    M    55    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    GANDHI DILIPKUMAR MANSUKHLAL    M    59    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    KAZI SAJID MUJIR    M    41    Republician Party of India Ektawadi
6    HAKE BHANUDAS KISAN    M    55    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha
7    HOLE BHANUDAS NAMDEO    M    48    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha
8    ARUN KAHAR    M    45    Independent
9    AVINASH MALHARRAO GHODAKE    M    40    Independent
10    KHAIRE ARJUN DEORAO    M    39    Independent
11    GAIKWAD BALASAHEB RAMCHANDRA    M    35    Independent
12    NAUSHAD ANSAR SHAIKH    F    39    Independent
13    PROF. MAHENDRA DADA SHINDE    M    29    Independent
14    RAUT EKNATH BABASAHEB    M    56    Independent
15    RAJIV APPASAHEB RAJALE    M    39    Independent
S13    38    MH    SHIRDI    23-Apr-09    1    KACHARU NAGU WAGHMARE    M    60    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    WAKCHOURE BHAUSAHEB RAJARAM    M    59    Shivsena
3    ATHAWALE RAMDAS BANDU    M    52    Republican Party of India
4    DHOTRE SUCHIT CHINTAMANI    M    25    Krantisena Maharashtra
5    SATISH BALASAHEB PALGHADMAL    M    26    Prabuddha Republican Party
6    ADHAGALE RAJENDRA NAMDEV    M    39    Independent
7    KAMBALE RAMESH ANKUSH    M    32    Independent
8    GAIKWAD APPASAHEB GANGADHAR    M    64    Independent
9    BAGUL BALU DASHARATH    M    34    Independent
10    MEDHE PRAFULLAKUMAR MURLIDHAR    M    46    Independent
11    RAKSHE ANNASAHEB EKNATH    M    43    Independent
12    RUPWATE PREMANAND DAMODHAR    M    65    Independent
13    LODHE SHARAD LAXAMAN    M    42    Independent
14    WAGH GANGADHAR RADHAJI    M    60    Independent
15    VAIRAGHAR SUDHIR NATHA    M    38    Independent
16    SABALE ANIL DAMODHAR    M    40    Independent
17    SANDIP BHASKAR GOLAP    M    29    Independent
S13    39    MH    BEED    23-Apr-09    1    KOKATE RAMESH BABURAO (ADASKAR)    M    42    Nationalist Congress Party
2    MASKE MACHHINDRA BABURAO    M    54    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    MUNDE GOPINATHRAO PANDURANG    M    59    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    KHALGE KACHRU SANTRAMJI    M    48    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha
5    GURAV KALYAN BHANUDAS    M    62    Rashtriya Krantikari Samajwadi Party
6    TATE ASHOK SANTRAM    M    50    Ambedkarist Republican Party
7    NIKALJE SHEELATAI MAHENDRA    F    34    Prabuddha Republican Party
8    PRAMOD ALIAS PARMESHWAR SAKHARAM MOTE    M    32    Krantisena Maharashtra
9    BABURAO NARAYANRAO KAGADE    M    63    Ambedkar National Congress
10    DR. SHIVAJIRAO KISANRAO SHENDGE    M    39    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha
11    KAMAL KONDIRAM NIMBALKAR    F    39    Independent
12    KAMBLE DEEPAK DYANOBA    M    32    Independent
13    KHAN SIKANDAR KHAN HUSSAIN KHAN    M    58    Independent
14    GUJAR KHAN MIRZA KHAN    M    28    Independent
15    ADV.NATKAR RAMRAO SHESHRAO    M    61    Independent
16    PATHAN GAFARKHAN JABBARKHAN    M    42    Independent
17    MAHAMMAD AKARAM MAHAMMAD SALIMUDDIN BAGWAN    M    34    Independent
18    RAMESH VISHVANATH KOKATE    M    32    Independent
19    SAYYED MINHAJ ALI WAJED ALI (PENDKHJUR WALE)    M    34    Independent
20    SAYYED SALIM FATTU    M    47    Independent
21    SARDAR KHAN SULTANABABA    M    26    Independent
S13    40    MH    OSMANABAD    23-Apr-09    1    GAIKWAD RAVINDRA VISHWANATH    M    49    Shivsena
2    DIVAKAR YASHWANT NAKADE    M    35    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    PATIL PADAMSINHA BAJIRAO    M    68    Nationalist Congress Party
4    JAGTAP BHAGWAN DADARAO    M    70    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha
5    TARKASE DHANANJAY MURLIDHAR    M    34    Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha
6    TAWADE PRAKASH TANAJIRAO    M    28    Krantisena Maharashtra
7    BANSODE GUNDERAO SHIVRAM    M    73    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha
8    BABA FAIJODDIN SHAIKH    M    28    Nelopa(United)
9    BHOSLE REVAN VISHWANATH    M    45    Janata Dal (Secular)
10    MUJAWAR SHAHABUDDIN NABIRASUL    M    37    Prabuddha Republican Party
11    RAJENDRA RANDITRAO HIPPERGEKAR    M    38    Kranti Kari Jai Hind Sena
12    ANGARSHA SALIM BABULAL    M    62    Independent
13    GAIKWAD UMAJI PANDURANG    M    39    Independent
14    CHAVAN BABU VITHOBA    M    40    Independent
15    CHANDANE PINTU PANDURANG    M    35    Independent
16    DADASAHEB SHANKARRAO JETITHOR    M    50    Independent
17    NITURE ARUN BHAURAO    M    38    Independent
18    PATEL HASHAM ISMAIL    M    55    Independent
19    PAWAR HARIDAS MANIKRAO    M    35    Independent
20    PATIL MAHADEO DNYANDEO    M    50    Independent
21    BALAJI BAPURAO TUPSUNDARE    M    37    Independent
22    ADV. BHAUSAHEB ANIL BELURE (BEMBLIKAR)    M    29    Independent
23    MUNDHE PATRIL PADAMSINHA VIJAYSINHA    M    29    Independent
24    YEVATE-PATIL SHRIMANT    M    55    Independent
25    SANDIPAN RAMA ZOMBADE    M    41    Independent
S13    41    MH    LATUR    23-Apr-09    1    AAWALE JAYWANT GANGARAM    M    99    Indian National Congress
2    GAIKWAD SUNIL BALIRAM    M    99    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    ADV. BABASAHEB SADSHIVRAO GAIKWAD    M    99    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    ARAK ASHOK VIKRAM    M    99    Krantisena Maharashtra
5    V.K. ACHARYA    M    99    Prabuddha Republican Party
6    T.M. KAMBLE    M    99    Republican Party of India (Democratic )
7    GANNE TUKARAM RAMBHAU    M    99    Jan Surajya Shakti
8    BANSODE RAGHUNATH WAGHOJI    M    99    Peoples Republican Party
9    BABURAO SATYAWAN POTHHARE    M    99    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha
10    RAMKUMAR RAIWADIKAR    M    99    Samajwadi Jan Parishad
11    SHRIKANT RAMRAO JEDHE    M    99    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha
12    SUSANE ATUL GANGARAM    M    99    Ambedkarist Republican Party
13    SAHEBRAO HARIBHAU WAGHMARE    M    99    Kranti Kari Jai Hind Sena
14    AAWCHARE VIJAYKUMAR BABRUWAN    M    99    Independent
15    KAMBLE BANSILAL RAMCHANDRA    M    99    Independent
16    NILANGAEKAR AVINASH MADHUKARRAO    M    99    Independent
17    MANE GAJANAN PANDURANG    M    99    Independent
18    SANJAY KABIRDAS GAIKWAD    M    99    Independent
S13    42    MH    SOLAPUR    23-Apr-09    1    GAIKWAD PRAMOD RAMCHANDRA    M    48    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    ADV. BANSODE SHARAD MARUTI    M    41    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    SHINDE SUSHILKUMAR SAMBHAJIRAO    M    67    Indian National Congress
4    ADV. KASABEKAR SHRIDHAR LIMBAJI    M    59    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha
5    RAJGURU NARAYAN YEDU    M    60    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha
6    LAXMIKANT CHANDRAKANT GAIKWAD    M    37    Kranti Kari Jai Hind Sena
7    NARAYANKAR RAJENDRA BABURAO    M    44    Independent
8    NITINKUMAR RAMCHANDRA KAMBLE ALIAS NITIN BANPURKAR    M    37    Independent
9    BANSODE UTTAM BHIMSHA    M    50    Independent
10    BANSODE RAHUL DATTU    M    33    Independent
11    MILIND MAREPPA MULE    M    49    Independent
12    VIKRAM UTTAM KASABE    M    33    Independent
13    VIJAYKUMAR BHAGWANRAO UGHADE    M    38    Independent
S13    43    MH    MADHA    23-Apr-09    1    DESHMUKH SUBHASH SURESHCHANDRA    M    50    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    PAWAR SHARADCHANDRA GOVINDRAO    M    68    Nationalist Congress Party
3    RAHUL VITTHAL SARWADE    M    49    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    AYU GAIKWAD SATISH SUGRAV    M    28    Prabuddha Republican Party
5    CHAVAN SUBHASH VITTHAL    M    34    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha
6    MAHADEO JAGANNATH JANKAR    M    40    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha
7    RAMCHANDRA NARAYAN KACCHAVE    M    40    Kranti Kari Jai Hind Sena
8    SASTE KAKASAHEB MAHADEO    M    48    Krantisena Maharashtra
9    SOU. NAGMANI KISAN JAKKAN    F    45    Independent
10    DR.M. D. PATIL    M    50    Independent
11    BANSODE BALVEER DAGADU    M    42    Independent
12    BHANUDAS BHAGAWAN DEVAKATE    M    70    Independent
13    DR. MAHADEO ABAJI POL    M    56    Independent
14    SURESH SHAMRAO GHADGE    M    36    Independent
15    DNYANESHWAR VITTHAL AMALE    M    26    Independent
S13    44    MH    SANGLI    23-Apr-09    1    PATEL M.JAVED M. YUSUF    M    38    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    PRATIK PRAKASHBAPU PATIL    M    35    Indian National Congress
3    ASHOK DNYANU MANE(BHAU)    M    37    Swatantra Bharat Paksha
4    MANOHAR BALKRISHNA KHEDKAR    M    58    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha
5    MAHADEV ANNA WAGHAMARE    M    65    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha
6    AJITRAO SHANKARRAO GHORPADE    M    56    Independent
7    ANSARI SHABBIR AHEMED    M    61    Independent
8    GANPATI TUKARAM KAMBLE ALIAS G.T. KAMBLE    M    70    Independent
9    PANDHARE DATTATRAYA PANDURANG    M    51    Independent
10    KAVTHEKAR PRAVIN BHAGWAN KAVTHEKAR ALIAS JIVA MAHALE    M    47    Independent
11    MULANI BALEKHAN USMAN    M    46    Independent
12    VAGARE MARUTI MURA    M    34    Independent
13    SHAMRAO PIRAJI KADAM    M    64    Independent
14    SIDDESHWAR SHIVAPPA BHOSALE    M    36    Independent
S13    45    MH    SATARA    23-Apr-09    1    CHAVAN PRASHANT VASANT    M    34    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    PURUSHOTTAM BAJIRAO JADHAV    M    45    Shivsena
3    BHONSLE SHRIMANT CHH. UDYANRAJE PRATAPSINH    M    43    Nationalist Congress Party
4    BHAUSAHEB GANGARAM WAGH    M    51    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha
5    ALNKRITA ABHIJIT AWADE-BICHUKALE    F    29    Independent
S13    46    MH    RATNAGIRI – SINDHUDURG    23-Apr-09    1    DR.NILESH NARAYAN RANE    M    28    Indian National Congress
2    PARULEKAR JAYENDRA SHRIPAD    M    43    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    SURESH PRABHAKAR PRABHU    M    55    Shivsena
4    AJAY ALIAS AABA DADA JADHAV    M    28    Kranti Kari Jai Hind Sena
5    RAJESH PUSUSHOTTAM SURVE    M    41    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha
6    VILASRAO KHANVILKAR    M    54    Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha
7    SIRAJ ABDULLA KAUCHALI    M    60    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha
8    KHALAPE AKBAR MAHAMMAD    M    55    Independent
9    SURENDRA BORKAR    M    62    Independent
S13    47    MH    KOLHAPUR    23-Apr-09    1    KAMBLE SUHAS NIVRUTI    M    41    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    CHHATRPATI SAMBHAJIRAJE SHAHU    M    38    Nationalist Congress Party
3    DEVANE VIJAY SHAMRAO    M    50    Shivsena
4    KAMBLE MARUTI RAVELU    M    34    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha
5    CHOUGULE BHAI P.T.    M    64    Independent
6    DR. NEELAMBARI RAMESH MANDAPE    F    49    Independent
7    S.R. TATYA PATIL    M    70    Independent
8    BAJRANG KRISHNA PATIL    M    39    Independent
9    MAHAMMADGOUS GULAB NADAF    M    57    Independent
10    SADASHIVRAO MANDLIK DADOBA    M    74    Independent
S13    48    MH    HATKANANGLE    23-Apr-09    1    KANADE ANILKUMAR MAHADEV    M    37    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    MANE NIVEDITA SAMBHAJIRAO    F    45    Nationalist Congress Party
3    RAGHUNATH RAMCHANDRA PATIL    M    58    Shivsena
4    PATIL UDAY PANDHARINATH    M    39    Krantisena Maharashtra
5    BABURAO OMANNA KAMBLE    M    61    Rashtriya Samaj Paksha
6    MANE ARVIND BHIVA    M    43    Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha
7    SHETTI RAJU ALIAS DEVAPPA ANNA    M    41    Swabhimani Paksha
8    ARUN ALIAS SHAM BAJARNAG BUCHADE    M    28    Independent
9    THORAT ANANDRAO TUKARAM    M    46    Independent
10    SURNIKE ANANDRAO VASANTRAO (FOUJI BAPU)    M    48    Independent
S18    4    OR    KEONJHAR    23-Apr-09    1    ANANTA NAYAK    M    39    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    DHANURJAYA SIDU    M    43    Indian National Congress
3    YASHBANT NARAYAN SINGH LAGURI    M    38    Biju Janata Dal
4    LACHHAMAN MAJHI    M    42    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha
5    DR SUDARSHAN LOHAR    M    59    Bahujan Samaj Party
6    CHITTA RANJAN MUNDA    M    37    Independent
7    DR. FAKIR MOHAN NAIK    M    34    Independent
S18    5    OR    MAYURBHANJ    23-Apr-09    1    GAMHA SINGH    M    57    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    DROUPADI MURMU    F    50    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    LAXMAN TUDU    M    47    Biju Janata Dal
4    LAXMAN MAJHI    M    62    Indian National Congress
5    SUDAM MARNDI    M    43    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha
6    LAXMISWAR TAMUDIA    M    68    Samajwadi Party
7    SUNDAR MOHAN MAJHI    M    65    Jharkhand Disom Party
8    DEVI PRASANNA BESRA    M    61    Independent
9    NARENDRA HANSDA    M    26    Independent
10    RAMESWAR MAJHI    M    29    Independent
S18    6    OR    BALASORE    23-Apr-09    1    ARUN JENA    M    47    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha
2    ARUN DEY    M    63    Nationalist Congress Party
3    MAHAMEGHA BAHAN AIRA KHARABELA SWAIN    M    55    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    SHRADHANJALI PRADHAN    F    40    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    SRIKANTA KUMAR JENA    M    58    Indian National Congress
6    DEBASISH RANJAN DASH    M    37    Samruddha Odisha
7    RAKESH RANJAN PATRA    M    27    Jana Hitkari Party
8    GHASIRAM MOHANTA    M    66    Independent
9    LAXIMIKANTA BEHERA    M    51    Independent
S18    7    OR    BHADRAK    23-Apr-09    1    ANANTA PRASAD SETHI    M    58    Indian National Congress
2    ARJUN CHARAN SETHI    M    68    Biju Janata Dal
3    NITYANANDA JENA    M    29    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    RATH DAS    M    54    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    GOLAK PRASAD MALLIK    M    60    Independent
6    SUSANTA KUMAR JENA    M    31    Independent
S18    8    OR    JAJPUR    23-Apr-09    1    AMIYA KANTA MALLIK    M    50    Indian National Congress
2    PARAMESWAR SETHI    M    40    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    MOHAN JENA    M    52    Biju Janata Dal
4    AJIT KUMAR JENA    M    42    Samruddha Odisha
5    BABULI MALLIK    M    36    Orissa Mukti Morcha
6    BHIMSEN BEHERA    M    44    Jana Hitkari Party
7    UDAYA NATH JENA    M    29    Independent
8    KALANDI MALLIK    M    28    Independent
S18    9    OR    DHENKANAL    23-Apr-09    1    KRISHNA CHANDRA SAHOO    M    48    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    CHANDRA SEKHAR TRIPATHY    M    60    Indian National Congress
3    TATHAGATA SATPATHY    M    53    Biju Janata Dal
4    RUDRANARAYAN PANY    M    49    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    PRIYABRATA GARNAIK    M    28    Kalinga Sena
S18    14    OR    CUTTACK    23-Apr-09    1    ANADI SAHU    M    68    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    GOPAL CHANDRA KAR    M    63    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    BIBHUTI BHUSAN MISHRA    M    57    Indian National Congress
4    BHARTRUHARI MAHTAB    M    51    Biju Janata Dal
5    KAPILA CHARAN MALL    M    72    Bira Oriya Party
6    PRADIP ROUTRAY    M    40    Kalinga Sena
7    DEBANANDA SINGH    M    33    Independent
S18    15    OR    KENDRAPARA    23-Apr-09    1    JNANDEV BEURA    M    44    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    RANJIB BISWAL    M    38    Indian National Congress
3    LENIN LENKA    M    46    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    BAIJAYANT PANDA    M    45    Biju Janata Dal
5    PRATAP CHANDRA JENA    M    60    Samruddha Odisha
6    PRAVAKAR NAYAK    M    48    Kalinga Sena
7    RAMA KRUSHNA DASH    M    44    Communist Party of India(Marxist-Leninist)(Liberation)
8    SARAT CHANDRA SWAIN    M    49    Independent
S18    16    OR    JAGATSINGHPUR    23-Apr-09    1    BAIDHAR MALLICK    M    46    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    BIBHU PRASAD TARAI    M    42    Communist Party of India
3    BIBHUTI BHUSAN MAJHI    M    37    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    RABINDRA KUMAR SETHY    M    54    Indian National Congress
5    AKSHAYA KUMAR SETHI    M    25    Samruddha Odisha
S18    17    OR    PURI    23-Apr-09    1    JITENDRA KUMAR SAHOO    M    35    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    DEBENDRA NATH MANSINGH    M    59    Indian National Congress
3    PINAKI MISRA    M    49    Biju Janata Dal
4    BRAJA KISHORE TRIPATHY    M    62    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    KSHITISH BISWAL    M    80    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)
6    SABYASACHI MOHAPATRA    M    35    Kalinga Sena
7    PRABHAT KUMAR BADAPANDA    M    42    Independent
S18    18    OR    BHUBANESWAR    23-Apr-09    1    AKSHAYA KUMAR MOHANTY    M    46    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    ARCHANA NAYAK    F    43    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    PRASANNA KUMAR PATASANI    M    66    Biju Janata Dal
4    SANTOSH MOHANTY    M    58    Indian National Congress
5    UMA CHARANA MISHRA    M    60    Jana Hitkari Party
6    NABAGHAN PARIDA    M    66    Bira Oriya Party
7    PRAFUL KUMAR SAHOO    M    38    Republican Party of India (A)
8    BASANTA KUMAR BEHERA    M    47    Kalinga Sena
9    BIJAYANANDA MISHRA    M    51    Lok Jan Shakti Party
10    JAGANNATH PRASAD LENKA    M    75    Independent
11    DHIRENDRA SATAPATHY    M    67    Independent
12    PRAMILA BEHERA    F    33    Independent
13    SASTHI PRASAD SETHI    M    47    Independent
S23    1    TR    TRIPURA WEST    23-Apr-09    1    NILMANI DEB    M    55    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    KHAGEN DAS    M    71    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
3    SUDIP ROY BARMAN    M    45    Indian National Congress
4    SANJIB DEY    M    32    Nationalist Congress Party
5    ARUN CHANDRA BHOWMIK    M    63    All India Trinamool Congress
6    RAKHAL RAJ DATTA    M    60    Amra Bangalee
7    PARTHA KARMAKAR    M    40    Communist Party of India(Marxist-Leninist)(Liberation)
8    TITU SAHA    M    32    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party
9    BINOY DEB BARMA    M    49    Independent
10    SUBRATA BHOWMIK    M    58    Independent
S23    2    TR    TRIPURA EAST    23-Apr-09    1    PULIN BEHARI DEWAN    M    69    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    BAJU BAN RIYAN    M    67    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
3    DIBA CHANDRA HRANGKHWAL    M    52    Indian National Congress
4    RITA RANI DEBBARMA    F    51    All India Trinamool Congress
5    KARNA DHAN CHAKMA    M    37    Amra Bangalee
6    FALGUNI TRIPURA    M    42    Communist Party of India(Marxist-Leninist)(Liberation)
7    RAJESH DEB BARMA    M    34    Independent
8    BINOY REANG    M    34    Independent
9    MEVAR KUMAR JAMATIA    M    40    Independent
S24    37    UP    AMETHI    23-Apr-09    1    ASHEESH SHUKLA    M    48    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    PRADEEP KUMAR SINGH    M    39    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    RAHUL GANDHI    M    38    Indian National Congress
4    BHUWAL    M    56    Janvadi Party(Socialist)
5    MOHD.HASAN LAHARI    M    35    Bharatiya Republican Paksha
6    SUNITA    F    26    Mahila Adhikar Party
7    SURYABHAN MAURYA    M    45    Rashtravadi Aarthik Swatantrata Dal
8    AAVID HUSSAIN    M    31    Independent
9    OMKAR    M    46    Independent
10    KAPIL DEO    M    30    Independent
11    DILIP    M    36    Independent
12    MIHILAL    M    52    Independent
13    MEET SINGH    M    65    Independent
14    RAMESH CHANDRA    M    30    Independent
15    RAM SHANKER    M    43    Independent
16    SWAMI NATH    M    25    Independent
S24    38    UP    SULTANPUR    23-Apr-09    1    ASHOK PANDEY    M    58    Samajwadi Party
2    MOHD.TAHIR    M    33    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    SURYA BHAN SINGH    M    54    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    DR.SANJAY SINGH    M    55    Indian National Congress
5    ANIL    M    35    Republican Party of India (A)
6    CHOTELAL MAURYA    M    40    Apna Dal
7    MOHD.UMAR    M    42    Peace Party
8    RAKESH    M    25    National Youth Party
9    RAJKUMAR PANDEY    M    36    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party
10    TRIVENI PRASAD BHEEM    M    52    Bharatiya Republican Paksha
11    ARVIND KUMAR    M    46    Independent
12    AWADHESH KUMAR    M    30    Independent
13    KRISHNA NARAYAN    M    33    Independent
14    JHINKURAM VISHWAKARMA    M    33    Independent
15    PRAKASH CHANDRA    M    35    Independent
16    HARI NARAYAN    M    70    Independent
S24    39    UP    PRATAPGARH    23-Apr-09    1    KUNWAR AKSHAYA PRATAP SINGH ‘GOPAL JI’    M    41    Samajwadi Party
2    RAJKUMARI RATNA SINGH    F    49    Indian National Congress
3    LAKSHMI NARAIN PANDEY ‘GURU JI’    M    57    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    PROF. SHIVAKANT OJHA    M    57    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    ATIQ AHAMAD    M    46    Apna Dal
6    ARUN KUMAR    M    48    Samajwadi Janata Party (Rashtriya)
7    A. RASHID ANSARI    M    54    Momin Conference
8    RAJESH    M    36    Kranti Kari Jai Hind Sena
9    ATUL DWIVEDI    M    29    Independent
10    UDHAV RAM    M    53    Independent
11    CHHANGALAL    M    56    Independent
12    JITENDRA PRATAP SINGH    M    40    Independent
13    DINESH PANDEY ALIAS D.K. PANDEY    M    34    Independent
14    BADRI PRASAD    M    48    Independent
15    MUNEESHWAR SINGH    M    65    Independent
16    RAMESH KUMAR    M    31    Independent
17    RAVINDRA SINGH    M    33    Independent
18    RANI PAL    F    58    Independent
19    RAMMURTI MISHRA    M    36    Independent
20    RAM SAMUJH    M    60    Independent
21    VINOD    M    29    Independent
22    SHIVRAM    M    51    Independent
23    SATRAM    M    42    Independent
S24    48    UP    BANDA    23-Apr-09    1    AMITA BAJPAI    F    39    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    BHAGAWAN DEEN GARG    M    47    Indian National Congress
3    BHAIRON PRASAD MISHRA    M    55    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    SANTOSH KUMAR    M    54    Communist Party of India
5    R. K. SINGH PATEL    M    49    Samajwadi Party
6    ASHOK KUMAR    M    40    Indian Justice Party
7    ANAND YADAV    M    45    United Communist Party of India
8    PARASHU RAM NISHAD    M    45    Apna Dal
9    LALIT KUMAR    M    37    Ambedkar Samaj Party
10    ANSH DHARI    M    29    Independent
11    JAGAN NATH SINGH    M    62    Independent
12    PRAKASH NARAYAN    M    32    Independent
13    BALENDRA NATH    M    38    Independent
14    MANOJ KUMAR    M    30    Independent
15    SHIV KUMAR    M    43    Independent
S24    50    UP    KAUSHAMBI    23-Apr-09    1    GIRISH CHANDRA PASI    M    39    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    GAUTAM CHAUDHARY    M    44    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    RAM NIHOR RAKESH    M    64    Indian National Congress
4    SHAILENDRA KUMAR    M    51    Samajwadi Party
5    UMESH CHANDRA PASI    M    40    Apna Dal
6    GULAB SONKAR    M    45    Indian Justice Party
7    GULAB CHANDRA    M    39    Independent
8    JAGDEO    M    53    Independent
9    MAN SINGH    M    28    Independent
10    RAM SARAN    M    56    Independent
S24    51    UP    PHULPUR    23-Apr-09    1    KAPIL MUNI KARWARIYA    M    42    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    KARAN SINGH PATEL    M    50    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    DHARMARAJ SINGH PATEL    M    50    Indian National Congress
4    SHYAMA CHARAN GUPTA    M    63    Samajwadi Party
5    CHANDRAJEET    M    28    Lok Dal
6    DEVENDRA PRATAP SINGH    M    38    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party
7    PRADEEP KUMAR SRIVASTAVA    M    49    Apna Dal
8    LALLAN SINGH    M    35    Rashtriya Swabhimaan Party
9    VIJAY KUMAR    M    56    Gondwana Mukti Sena
10    SATISH YADAV    M    34    Indian Justice Party
11    SANJEEV KUMAR MISHRA    M    30    Yuva Vikas Party
12    KRISHNA KUMAR    M    33    Independent
13    DR. NEERAJ    M    43    Independent
14    BHARAT LAL    M    52    Independent
15    DR. MILAN MUKHERJEE    M    67    Independent
16    MUNISHWAR SINGH MAURYA    M    65    Independent
17    RADHIKA PAL    F    34    Independent
18    RADHESHYAM SINGH YADAV    M    72    Independent
19    RAM JANM YADAV    M    31    Independent
20    RAMSHANKAR    M    47    Independent
21    VIRENDRA PAL SINGH    M    66    Independent
22    SHAILENDRA KUMAR PRAJAPATI    M    40    Independent
23    SAMAR BAHADUR SHARMA    M    40    Independent
24    DR. SONE LAL PATEL    M    59    Independent
S24    52    UP    ALLAHABAD    23-Apr-09    1    ASHOK KUMAR BAJPAI    M    58    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    YOGESH SHUKLA    M    39    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    KUNWAR REWATI RAMAN SINGH ALIAS MANI JI    M    65    Samajwadi Party
4    SHYAM KRISHNA PANDEY    M    65    Indian National Congress
5    OM PRAKASH    M    41    Rashtriya Machhua Samaj Party
6    GULAB GRAMEEN    M    47    Lok Dal
7    BIHARI LAL SHARMA    M    54    Apna Dal
8    BAIJAL KUMAR    M    48    Bahujan Sangharsh Party (Kanshiram)
9    RAMA KANT    M    47    Indian Justice Party
10    RAJESH PASI    M    32    Rashtriya Swabhimaan Party
11    RAM PARIKHAN SINGH    M    59    Janvadi Party(Socialist)
12    VIJAY SHANKAR    M    45    Bahujan Shakty
13    SARFUDDIN    M    32    Nelopa(United)
14    AKBAL MOHAMMD    M    34    Independent
15    AJUG NARAIN    M    33    Independent
16    ABHAY SRIVASTAVA    M    31    Independent
17    KM. KUSUM KUMARI AD    F    45    Independent
18    GOPAL SWROOP JOSHI    M    62    Independent
19    NARENDRA KUMAR TEWARI    M    47    Independent
20    BAJRANG DUTT    M    36    Independent
21    MUNNU PRASAD    M    44    Independent
22    RAVI PRAKASH    M    41    Independent
23    RAKESH KUMAR    M    47    Independent
24    RAJ BALI    M    51    Independent
25    RAM GOVIND    M    46    Independent
26    RAM JEET    M    38    Independent
27    RAM LAL    M    46    Independent
28    KM. SHASHI PANDEY    F    45    Independent
29    DR. MOHD. SALMAN RASHIDI    M    57    Independent
30    SADHNA AGARWAL    F    47    Independent
31    HIRA LAL    M    54    Independent
S24    54    UP    FAIZABAD    23-Apr-09    1    NIRMAL KHATRI    M    58    Indian National Congress
2    BIMLENDRA MOHAN PRATAP MISRA “PAPPU BHAIYA”    M    48    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    MITRASEN    M    76    Samajwadi Party
4    LALLU SINGH    M    54    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    AJAY KUMAR    M    25    Kranti Kari Jai Hind Sena
6    ATUL KUMAR PANDEY    M    39    The Humanist Party of India
7    AMAR NATH JAISWAL    M    44    Rashtriya Kranti Party
8    GIRISH CHANDRA VERMA    M    32    Apna Dal
9    GULAM SABIR    M    42    Navbharat Nirman Party
10    CHANDRASHEKHAR SINGH    M    36    Bharat Punarnirman Dal
11    NUSRAT QUDDUSI ALIAS BABLOO    M    41    Peace Party
12    MANISH KUMAR PANDEY    M    35    Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha
13    SAIYYAD MUSHEER AHMED    M    55    Awami Party
14    RAMESH KUMAR RAWAT    M    42    Maulik Adhikar Party
15    SUSHIL KUMAR    M    45    Bharatiya Lok Kalyan Dal
16    ATAURR RAHMAN ANSARI    M    52    Independent
17    AMARNATH VERMA    M    36    Independent
18    DINA NATH PANDEY    M    35    Independent
19    NASREEN BANO    F    38    Independent
20    BALAK RAM ALIAS SHIV BALAK PASI    M    34    Independent
21    RAM DHIRAJ    M    46    Independent
22    SWAMI NATH    M    29    Independent
23    SIYARAM KORI    M    50    Independent
S24    55    UP    AMBEDKAR NAGAR    23-Apr-09    1    RAKESH PANDEY    M    55    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    VINAY KATIYAR    M    49    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    SHANKHLAL MAJHI    M    54    Samajwadi Party
4    DINESH KUMAR RAJBHAR    M    33    Suheldev Bhartiya Samaj Party
5    BASANT LAL    M    53    Peace Party
6    BAL MUKUND DHURIYA    M    31    Communist Party of India(Marxist-Leninist)(Liberation)
7    BHARTHARI    M    44    Bharatiya Republican Paksha
8    MANSHARAM    M    40    Maulik Adhikar Party
9    LALMAN    M    34    Janvadi Party(Socialist)
10    VIJAY KUMAR MAURYA    M    38    Rashtravadi Aarthik Swatantrata Dal
11    SANTOSH KUMAR    M    50    Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha
12    IFTEKHAR AHMAD    M    37    Independent
13    KAILASH KUMAR SHUKLA    M    60    Independent
14    GAYADEEN    M    43    Independent
15    CHANDRA BHUSHAN    M    61    Independent
16    DEO PRASAD MISHRA    M    42    Independent
17    NABAB ALI    M    55    Independent
18    PARASHU RAM    M    49    Independent
19    PATANJALI JAITALI    M    58    Independent
20    RAM SUKH SAHOO    M    50    Independent
21    DR. LAL BAHADUR    M    42    Independent
22    SRIRAM AMBESH    M    61    Independent
S24    57    UP    KAISERGANJ    23-Apr-09    1    MOHD ALEEM    M    46    Indian National Congress
2    BRIJBHUSHAN SARAN SINGH    M    52    Samajwadi Party
3    DR LALTA PRASAD MISHRA ALIS DR L P MISHRA    M    59    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    SURENDRA NATH AWASTHI    M    53    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    ZAMEER AHAMAD    M    53    Ambedkar National Congress
6    DAYA RAM    M    41    Peoples Democratic Forum
7    MANOJ KUMAR    M    33    Lok Dal
8    RAM PRAKSH    M    39    Republican Party of India (A)
9    RAMENDER DEV PATHAK    M    60    Peace Party
10    HAFEEZ    M    47    Apna Dal
11    ANOKHI LAL    M    49    Independent
12    OM PRAKASH    M    35    Independent
13    UDAI RAJ    M    52    Independent
14    CHANDRA BHAN    M    42    Independent
15    JAGDISH    M    40    Independent
16    JAGDISH PRASAD    M    38    Independent
17    JITENDRA BAHADUR    M    57    Independent
18    PARAMHANS SINGH    M    33    Independent
19    RAJ KISHORE SINGH    M    38    Independent
20    RADHEYSHYAM BOAT    M    62    Independent
21    RAMFEER ALIS CHUNTI    M    59    Independent
22    VINESH KUMAR    M    32    Independent
23    VIMAL VERMA    M    30    Independent
S24    58    UP    SHRAWASTI    23-Apr-09    1    RIZVAN ZAHEER    M    46    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    RUBAB SAIDA    F    58    Samajwadi Party
3    VINAY KUMAR ALIAS VINNU    M    45    Indian National Congress
4    SATYA DEO SINGH    M    63    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    ARUN KUMAR    M    33    Ambedkar National Congress
6    KULDEEP    M    44    Suheldev Bhartiya Samaj Party
7    RAJESHWAR MISHRA    M    28    Peace Party
8    RAM ADHAR    M    62    Republican Party of India (A)
9    TEJ BAHADUR    M    32    Independent
10    RAM SUDHI    M    38    Independent
11    VINOD KUMAR PANDEY    M    27    Independent
S24    59    UP    GONDA    23-Apr-09    1    DR ACHUTANANDDUBE    M    64    Nationalist Congress Party
2    KIRTI VARDHAN SINGH RAJA BAIYA    M    43    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    BENI PRASAD VERMA    M    68    Indian National Congress
4    RAM PRATAP SINGH    M    58    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    VINOD KUMAR SINGH ALIAS PANDIT SINGH    M    42    Samajwadi Party
6    ASHIQ ALI    M    46    Peace Party
7    OM PRAKASH SINGH    M    54    Janvadi Party(Socialist)
8    PREM KUMAR    M    26    Suheldev Bhartiya Samaj Party
9    RAJENDRA PRASAD1    M    55    Ambedkar National Congress
10    RAM KEWAL    M    41    Vanchit Jamat Party
11    RAM LOCHAN    M    46    Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha
12    VIDYA SAGAR    M    36    Apna Dal
13    HARSH VARDHAN PANDEY    M    33    Lok Dal
14    AKILENDRA KUMAR PATHAK    M    34    Independent
15    ANURADHA PATEL    F    42    Independent
16    OM PRAKASH    M    47    Independent
17    GAGNGA DHAR SHUKLA    M    38    Independent
18    DEEPAK    M    31    Independent
19    NARENDRA SINGH    M    34    Independent
20    BAIJNATH    M    30    Independent
21    RAJENDRA PRASAD    M    28    Independent
22    RADHEY SHYAM    M    59    Independent
23    RAM PRASAD    M    61    Independent
24    RAM LAKHAN    M    54    Independent
25    SATYA PRAKASH    M    39    Independent
S24    60    UP    DOMARIYAGANJ    23-Apr-09    1    JAGDAMBIKA PAL    M    59    Indian National Congress
2    JAI PRATAP SINGH    M    55    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    MATA PRASAD PANDEY    M    72    Samajwadi Party
4    MOHD. MUQUEEM    M    59    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    INAMULLAH CHAUDHARY    M    66    Peace Party
6    JITENDRA PRATAP SINGH    M    46    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party
7    PINGAL PRASAD    M    41    Republican Party of India
8    BALKRISHNA    M    39    Bahujan Sangharsh Party (Kanshiram)
9    MUKHDEV    M    41    Suheldev Bhartiya Samaj Party
10    RAJDEV    M    35    Bharatiya Eklavya Party
11    RAM SAMUJH    M    41    Bharatiya Jan Berojgar Chhatra Dal
12    RAHUL SANGH PRIYA BHARTI    M    36    Indian Justice Party
13    HARISHANKAR    M    45    Lok Jan Shakti Party
14    MOTILAL VIDHYARTHI    M    59    Independent
15    RAM KRIPAL    M    58    Independent
16    SIRAJ AHAMAD    M    26    Independent
S24    61    UP    BASTI    23-Apr-09    1    ARVIND KUMAR CHAUDHARY    M    43    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    BASANT CHAUDHARY    M    43    Indian National Congress
3    RAJ KISHOR SINGH    M    38    Samajwadi Party
4    DR. Y. D. SINGH    M    64    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    OM PRAKASH    M    40    Vanchit Jamat Party
6    DAYASHANKAR PATWA    M    57    Peace Party
7    DALBAG SINGH    M    50    Bahujan Sangharsh Party (Kanshiram)
8    RAM NAYAN PATEL    M    49    Apna Dal
9    VINOD KUMAR RAJBHAR    M    33    Suheldev Bhartiya Samaj Party
10    SHIVDAS    M    50    Shoshit Samaj Dal
11    SANJEEV KUMAR NISHAD    M    27    Bahujan Uday Manch
12    SITARAM NISHAD    M    63    Janvadi Party(Socialist)
13    RAM LALAN YADAV    M    36    Independent
14    SHIV POOJAN ARYA    M    52    Independent
15    SATYADEV OJHA    M    70    Independent
16    SATISH CHANDRA SHARMA    M    40    Independent
S24    62    UP    SANT KABIR NAGAR    23-Apr-09    1    KAMLA KANT CHAUDHARY    M    41    Communist Party of India
2    FAZLEY MAHAMOOD    M    41    Indian National Congress
3    BHAL CHANDRA YADAV    M    42    Samajwadi Party
4    BHISMA SHANKAR ALIAS KUSHAL TIWARI    M    44    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    SHARAD TRIPATHI    M    35    Bharatiya Janata Party
6    INDRA KUMAR    M    37    Bahujan Uday Manch
7    KRISHNA NAND MISHRA    M    38    All India Minorities Front
8    KHELADI    M    35    Bharatiya Republican Paksha
9    JANTRI LAL    M    37    Janvadi Party(Socialist)
10    PANCHOO BELDAR    M    48    Ambedkar Samaj Party
11    RAJESH SINGH    M    37    Peace Party
12    RAM ACHAL    M    34    Maulik Adhikar Party
13    RAM AVADH NISHAD    M    62    Suheldev Bhartiya Samaj Party
14    LOTAN ALIAS LAUTAN PRASAD    M    47    Shoshit Samaj Dal
15    VINOD RAI    M    38    National Lokhind Party
16    ANJU    F    28    Independent
17    JOOGESH YADAV    M    35    Independent
18    NITYANAND MANI TRIPATHI    M    35    Independent
19    PHOOLDEO    M    49    Independent
20    RAMESH    M    26    Independent
21    VINAY PANDEY    M    31    Independent
22    SHRI BABA RAM CHANDRA    M    52    Independent
23    SUSHILA JIGYASU    F    29    Independent
24    HARISH CHANDRA    M    32    Independent
S24    73    UP    JAUNPUR    23-Apr-09    1    DHANANJAY SINGH    M    33    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    PARAS NATH YADAVA    M    54    Samajwadi Party
3    SEEMA    F    37    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    ACHHEYLAL NISHAD    M    61    Nelopa(United)
5    GIRAJA SHANKAR YADAVA    M    49    Gondvana Gantantra Party
6    GEETA SINGH    F    46    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party
7    BAHADUR SONKAR    M    48    Indian Justice Party
8    RAVI SHANKAR    M    38    Lok Jan Shakti Party
9    RAJKISHUN    M    26    Rashtriya Swabhimaan Party
10    RAJESH S/O RAMESHCHANDRA    M    30    Apna Dal
11    RAJESH S/O RAMYAGYA    M    32    Eklavya Samaj Party
12    RAMCHANDAR    M    52    Rashtravadi Aarthik Swatantrata Dal
13    SHEETALA PRASAD    M    51    Revolutionary Socialist Party
14    AJAY KASYAP – GUDDU    M    26    Independent
15    JAGDISH CHANDRA ASTHANA    M    62    Independent
16    TASLEEM AHMED REHMANI    M    45    Independent
S24    78    UP    BHADOHI    23-Apr-09    1    DR. AKHILESH KUMAR DWIVEDI    M    41    Nationalist Congress Party
2    GORAKHNATH    M    56    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    CHHOTELAL BIND    M    53    Samajwadi Party
4    DR. MAHENDRA NATH PANDEY    M    52    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    SURYMANI TIWARI    M    60    Indian National Congress
6    JAJ LAL    M    47    Rashtriya Krantikari Samajwadi Party
7    NANDLAL    M    56    Vikas Party
8    RAMRATEE BIND    M    74    Apna Dal
9    THAKUR SANTOSH KUMAR    M    27    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party
10    SHAHID    M    42    Pragatisheel Manav Samaj Party
11    GAURISHANKAR    M    38    Independent
12    JEETENDRA    M    30    Independent
13    TEJ BAHADUR YADAV ADVOCATE    M    56    Independent
S27    1    JH    RAJMAHAL    23-Apr-09    1    CHANDRA SHEKHAR AZAD    M    38    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    JYOTIN SOREN    M    59    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
3    THOMAS HASDA    M    58    Rashtriya Janata Dal
4    DEVIDHAN BESRA    M    69    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    HEMLAL MURMU    M    54    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha
6    AAMELIYA HANSDA    F    29    Revolutionary Socialist Party
7    CHARAN MURMU    M    33    Shivsena
8    DAUD MARANDI    M    25    Samajwadi Party
9    SUKHWA URAON    M    33    Rashtriya Krantikari Samajwadi Party
10    SUNDAR TUDU    M    45    Bharatiya Jagaran Party
11    SOM MARANDI    M    44    Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik)
12    STIPHEN MARANDI    M    55    Jharkhand Jan Morcha
S27    2    JH    DUMKA    23-Apr-09    1    CHURKA TUDU    M    44    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    PASHUPATI KOL    M    29    Communist Party of India
3    RAMESH TUDU    M    34    Rashtriya Janata Dal
4    SHIBU SOREN    M    64    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha
5    SUNIL SOREN    M    30    Bharatiya Janata Party
6    ARJUN PUJHAR    M    33    Samajwadi Party
7    NIRMALA MURMU    F    33    Revolutionary Socialist Party
8    PHATIK CHANDRA HEMBRAM    M    64    All Jharkhand Students Union
9    BITIYA MANJHI    F    53    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)
10    RAMESH HEMBROM    M    39    Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik)
11    RAMJIVAN DEHRI    M    35    Samata Party
12    KALESHWAR SOREN    M    38    Independent
13    CHARLES MURMU    M    27    Independent
14    NANDLAL SOREN    M    55    Independent
15    PULICE HEMRAM    M    31    Independent
16    BIVISAN PUJHAR    M    50    Independent
17    CYRIL HANSDA    M    63    Independent
18    SONA MURMU    F    56    Independent
19    HOPNA BASKI    M    57    Independent
S27    3    JH    GODDA    23-Apr-09    1    IQBAL DURRANI    M    50    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    DURGA SOREN    M    39    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha
3    NISHIKANT DUBEY    M    37    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    FURKAN ANSARI    M    61    Indian National Congress
5    ASHOK SHARMA    M    39    Jharkhand Party
6    GEETA MANDAL    F    39    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)
7    GOVIND LAL MARANDI    M    39    Revolutionary Socialist Party
8    JAWAHAR LAL YADAV    M    31    Lok Jan Shakti Party
9    NANDLAL YADAV    M    39    Samajwadi Party
10    NIRANJAN PRASAD YADAV    M    33    Rashtrawadi Sena
11    PRADEEP YADAV    M    42    Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik)
12    PRADEEP YADAV    M    25    Samata Party
13    BINOD MEHARIA    M    56    Bahujan Shakty
14    RAJ NARAYAN KHAWADE    M    42    AJSU Party
15    SANTOSH KUMAR RAY    M    26    All India Trinamool Congress
16    SURAJ MANDAL    M    61    Jharkhand Vikas Dal
17    JAYSWAL MANJHI    M    38    Independent
18    JAHIR MUSTAKIM    M    35    Independent
19    MANOJ KUMAR MANDAL    M    35    Independent
20    MITHILESH PASWAN    M    38    Independent
21    MD. MOAJJAM ALI CHANCHAL    M    38    Independent
22    SHANKAR PRASAD KESHARI    M    39    Independent
23    SANJEEV KUMAR    M    27    Independent
S27    6    JH    GIRIDIH    23-Apr-09    1    AKLU RAM MAHTO    M    65    Communist Party of India
2    TEKLAL MAHTO    M    57    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha
3    BIJAY SINGH    M    48    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    RAVINDRA KUMAR PANDEY    M    50    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    MD. HIMAYUN ANSARI    M    72    Rashtriya Janata Dal
6    MRINAL KANTI DEV    M    61    Socialist Party (Lohia)
7    RAVINDER MAHTO    M    43    Jharkhand Party (Naren)
8    SHIVA MAHTO    M    75    Marxist Co-Ordination
9    SABA AHMAD    M    62    Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik)
10    INDRA DEV MAHTO    M    45    Independent
11    UMESH RISHI    M    43    Independent
12    NAND KISHOR PRASAD    M    64    Independent
13    BUDDHI NATH TIWARY    M    41    Independent
14    MAHAVIR PRASAD    M    36    Independent
15    MASOOM RAJA ANSARI    M    27    Independent
16    LALOO KEWAT    M    46    Independent
17    SHANKAR RAJAK    M    38    Independent
S27    7    JH    DHANBAD    23-Apr-09    1    CHANDRASHEKHAR DUBEY    M    66    Indian National Congress
2    PASHUPATI NATH SINGH    M    60    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    SAMARESH SINGH    M    68    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    INDU SINGH    F    32    Samata Party
5    JANARDAN PANDEY    M    56    All India Forward Bloc
6    DIN BANDHU SINGH    M    56    Socialist Party (Lohia)
7    PAWAN KUMAR JHA    M    28    Janata Dal (Secular)
8    PHUL CHAND MANDAL    M    66    Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik)
9    M.K.MANDAL    M    62    Amra Bangalee
10    A.K. ROY    M    72    Marxist Co-Ordination
11    VIDESHI MAHATO    M    54    Jharkhand Vikas Dal
12    VIRENDRA PRADHAN    M    44    Lok Jan Shakti Party
13    SUNIL KUMAR    M    38    Indian Justice Party
14    MD. SULTAN    M    57    Jharkhand Party
15    HAFFIZUDDIN ANSARI    M    51    Samajwadi Party
16    ABDUL MUSTAFA    M    32    Independent
17    KARTIK MAHATO    M    44    Independent
18    JAI PRAKASH SINGH    M    39    Independent
19    JAIRAM SINGH    M    31    Independent
20    JITENDRA KUMAR SINGH    M    36    Independent
21    PHUL CHAND MAHATO    M    40    Independent
22    BAMA PADA BAURI    M    35    Independent
23    MADHUSUDAN RAJHANS    M    44    Independent
24    MANILAL MAHATO    M    27    Independent
25    MANOJ GANDHI    M    29    Independent
26    MANOJ PANDEY    M    29    Independent
27    MUNSI HEMBRAM    M    56    Independent
28    RAVI RANJAN SINHA    M    34    Independent
29    SHANKAR RAWANI    M    42    Independent
30    SALIM KHAN    M    42    Independent
31    SADHUSHARAN GOPE    M    46    Independent
32    SUSHIL KUMAR SINGH    M    57    Independent
S27    8    JH    RANCHI    23-Apr-09    1    RAJENDRA SINGH MUNDA    M    74    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
2    RAM TAHAL CHAUDHARY    M    66    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    MD. SARFUDDIN    M    46    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    SUBODH KANT SAHAY    M    57    Indian National Congress
5    AKHTAR ANSARI    M    53    Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik)
6    AFSAR EMAM    M    48    Jharkhand PeopleÂ’S Party
7    MD. AJAD ANSARI    M    47    National Lokhind Party
8    JIPALAL SINGH MUNDA    M    45    Jharkhand Party (Naren)
9    DAYANAND GUPTA    M    39    Jharkhand Vikas Dal
10    SURENDRA KUMAR SUMAN    M    36    Samata Party
11    ANJANI PANDEY    M    51    Independent
12    AGAM LAL MAHTO    M    34    Independent
13    AFTAB ALAM    M    42    Independent
14    ARTI BEHRA    F    32    Independent
15    UPENDRA PD. SRIVASTAVA    M    65    Independent
16    KESHAV NARAYAN BHAGAT    M    49    Independent
17    KAILASH PAHAN    M    40    Independent
18    JANARDAN TIWARI    M    42    Independent
19    JITENDRA MAHTO    M    27    Independent
20    DEVENDRA THAKUR    M    48    Independent
21    BIRSA HEMBRAM    M    31    Independent
22    RANJEET MAHTO    M    49    Independent
23    RAMPODO MAHTO    M    37    Independent
24    ROSHAN LAL MAHTO    M    28    Independent
25    ROSAN PRASAD    M    25    Independent
26    LAL BABA MASANI    M    65    Independent
S27    9    JH    JAMSHEDPUR    23-Apr-09    1    AJEET KUMAR    M    39    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    ARJUN MUNDA    M    41    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    SUMAN MAHTO    F    44    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha
4    ARVIND KUMAR SINGH    M    47    Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik)
5    ASHOK TRIPATHI    M    44    Samajwadi Party
6    KINKAR GOUR    M    41    Rashtravadi Aarthik Swatantrata Dal
7    KRISHN MURARI MISHRA    M    47    Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha
8    PARIKSHIT MAHATO    M    43    Lok Jan Shakti Party
9    MUBIN KHAN    M    50    Bahujan Shakty
10    RAJ KAPOOR MAHATO    M    35    Jharkhand Vikas Dal
11    SHARAT MAHATO    M    36    Jharkhand Party (Naren)
12    SHAILENDRA MAHTO    M    55    All Jharkhand Students Union
13    SHYAM NARAYAN SINGH    M    50    All India Trinamool Congress
14    SANDIP PAUL    M    43    Jharkhand Party
15    DR. SUNARAM HANSDA    M    41    Jharkhand Disom Party
16    HEMANT SINGH    M    37    Amra Bangalee
17    KRISHNA PRASAD    M    40    Independent
18    JOSAI MARDI    M    31    Independent
19    DILIP KALINDI    M    44    Independent
20    DILIP TUDU    M    41    Independent
21    PARAS NATH PRASAD    M    56    Independent
22    RAKESH KUMAR    M    30    Independent
23    RAJIV CHANDRA MAHATO    M    27    Independent
24    RAM CHANDRA PRASAD GUPTA    M    49    Independent
25    VICTOR A. LAZARUS    M    60    Independent
26    SITARAM TUDU    M    61    Independent
S27    10    JH    SINGHBHUM    23-Apr-09    1    BARKUWAR GAGRAI    M    41    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    BAGUN SUMBRUI    M    82    Indian National Congress
3    HIKIM CHANDRA TUDU    M    39    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    PREM SINGH MUNDRI    M    40    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)
5    MANGAL SINGH BOBONGA    M    42    Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik)
6    SUKH RAM JONKO    M    62    Jharkhand Disom Party
7    ASHOK KUMAR TIU    M    47    Independent
8    MADHU KORA    M    38    Independent
9    HIKIM SOREN    M    46    Independent
S04    11    BR    KATIHAR    30-Apr-09    1    NIKHIL KUMAR CHOUDHARY    M    63    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    MUNNI DEVI    F    35    Independent
3    SHAH TARIQ ANWAR    M    58    Nationalist Congress Party
4    MADAN MOHAN NISHAD    M    62    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    MANOJ PARASAR    M    44    Jan Samanta Party
6    PHOOLO DEVI    F    40    Independent
7    AHMAD ASHFAQUE KARIM    M    53    Lok Jan Shakti Party
8    SUNIL KUMAR CHOUDHARY    M    39    Independent
9    MOHAMMAD HAMID MUBARAK    M    33    Independent
10    SHOBHA DEVI    F    40    Independent
11    MAHBOOB ALAM    M    52    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)
12    HIMRAJ SINGH    M    49    Independent
13    RAJESH GURNANI    M    38    Loktantrik Samata Dal
14    RAJGIRI SINGH    M    53    Independent
15    OM PRAKASH PODDAR    M    38    Bharatiya Jantantrik Janta Dal
16    MANENDRA KUMAR    M    38    Independent
17    BHOLA NATH KEWAT    M    60    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha
18    CHANDU MURMU    M    43    Jharkhand Disom Party
19    SHIV PUJAN PASWAN    M    31    Buddhiviveki Vikas Party
20    SHAMBHU ROY    M    38    Independent
21    NITESH KUMAR CHOUDHARY    M    31    Independent
22    BABU LAL MARANDI    M    33    Independent
23    KISHAN LAL AGRAWAL    M    32    Independent
S04    13    BR    MADHEPURA    30-Apr-09    1    VINOD KUMAR JHA    M    42    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    OM PRAKASH NARAYAN    M    44    Communist Party of India
3    TARA NAND SADA    M    52    Indian National Congress
4    PROF RAVINDRA CHARAN YADAV    M    49    Rashtriya Janata Dal
5    SHARAD YADAV    M    61    Janata Dal (United)
6    RAJO SAH    M    30    Loktantrik Samata Dal
7    DHANOJ KUMAR    M    26    Rashtravadi Janata Party
8    RAVINDRA KUMAR    M    33    Rashtra Sewa Dal
9    NIRMAL KUMAR SINGH    M    66    Samata Party
10    SAKAR SURESH YADAV    M    32    Independent
11    KISHOR KUMAR    M    33    Independent
12    BALWANT GADHWAL    M    29    Independent
13    TIRO SHARMA    M    59    Independent
14    KARPOORI RISHIDEO    M    29    Independent
15    AMIT ACHARYA    M    26    Independent
16    PRASANNA KUMAR    M    54    Independent
17    DHRUWA KUMAR    M    43    Independent
18    MAHADEV YADAV    M    55    Independent
19    PARMESHWARI PRASAD NIRALA    M    68    Independent
S04    25    BR    KHAGARIA    30-Apr-09    1    SATYA NARAYAN SINGH    M    66    Communist Party of India
2    PRADUMAN KUMAR    M    31    Independent
3    DINESHCHANDRA YADAV    M    50    Janata Dal (United)
4    HARI NANDAN SINGH    M    61    Samajwadi Janata Party (Rashtriya)
5    GULABRAJ    M    31    Independent
6    ASARFI PRASAD MEHTA    M    63    Bahujan Samaj Party
7    SIKANDAR PRASAD SHARMA    M    56    Independent
8    SANGRAM KUMAR    M    27    Independent
9    SURESH PODDAR    M    47    Bharatiya Jantantrik Janta Dal
10    SANJAY YADAV    M    41    Independent
11    NEHA CHAUHAN    F    27    Independent
12    MANJU KUMARI    F    31    Rashtra Sewa Dal
13    CHAUDHRY MEHBOOB ALI KAISER    M    42    Indian National Congress
14    BHARAT KUMAR YADAV    M    52    Kosi Vikas Party
15    RAM NANDAN YADAV    M    45    Independent
16    NAYEEMUDDIN4    M    42    Independent
17    LAL BAHADUR HIMALAYA    M    38    Independent
18    BABULU PASWAN    M    35    Navbharat Nirman Party
19    PAWAN KUMAR “SUMAN”    M    33    Independent
20    RAVINDRA KU. RANA    M    62    Rashtriya Janata Dal
S04    27    BR    BANKA    30-Apr-09    1    GRIDHARI YADAV    M    44    Indian National Congress
2    JAI PRAKASH NARAYAN YADAV    M    55    Rashtriya Janata Dal
3    DAMODAR RAWAT    M    47    Janata Dal (United)
4    MUKESH KUMAR SINGH    M    45    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    SANJAY KUMAR    M    45    Communist Party of India
6    ANIL KUMAR ALIAS ANIL GUPTA    M    40    Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik)
7    AMRESHWAR KUMAR    M    29    Jago Party
8    ARBIND KUMAR SAH    M    42    Rashtriya Pragati Party
9    KEDAR PRASAD SINGH    M    61    Samajwadi Janata Party (Rashtriya)
10    MAHABUB ALAM ANSARI    M    50    Bharatiya Momin Front
11    RAJENDRA PANDIT NETAJI    M    57    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (Ulgulan)
S06    1    GJ    KACHCHH    30-Apr-09    1    JAT POONAMBEN VELJIBHAI    F    37    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    DANICHA VALJIBHAI PUNAMCHANDRA    M    54    Indian National Congress
3    NAMORI MOHANBHAI LADHABHAI    M    50    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    CHAUHAN MOTILAL DEVJIBHA    M    49    Lokpriya Samaj Party
5    DR. TINA MAGANBHAI PARMAR    F    26    Bharatiya Natiional Janta Dal
6    DUNGARIYA BHARMALBHAI NARANBHAI    M    45    Samajwadi Party
7    PARMAR MUKESHBHAI MANDANBHAI    M    44    Indian Justice Party
8    BADIYA RAMESH GANGJI    M    44    Rashtriya Krantikari Samajwadi Party
9    KANJI ABHABHAI MAHESHWARI    M    55    Independent
10    GARVA ASMAL THAKARSHI    M    44    Independent
11    GOVIND JIVABHAI DAFADA    M    50    Independent
12    BADIA GANGJI FAKIRA    M    55    Independent
13    MAHESHWARI GANGJI DAYABHAI    M    55    Independent
14    MAHESHWARI DHANJIBHAI KARSHANBHAI    M    51    Independent
15    MUNSHI BHURALAL KHIMJIBHAI    M    40    Independent
16    MANGALIYA LILBAI JIVANBHAI    F    42    Independent
17    VANZARA HIRABEN DALPATBHAI    F    35    Independent
18    SARESA NANJI BHANJIBHAI    M    42    Independent
S06    2    GJ    BANASKANTHA    30-Apr-09    1    GADHVI MUKESHKUMAR BHERAVDANJI    M    47    Indian National Congress
2    CHETANBHAI KALABHAI SOLANKI    M    28    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    CHAUDHARI HARIBHAI PARTHIBHAI    M    54    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    AMRUTBHAI LAKHUBHAI PATEL(FOSI)    M    49    Mahagujarat Janta Party
5    KATARIYA HASMUKHBHAI RAVJIBHAI    M    34    Akhand Bharti
6    NAGORI JHUBERKHAN LIYAKATKHAN    M    33    Adarsh Lok Dal
7    LODHA ISHVARBHAI MAHADEVBHAI    M    57    Akhil Bharatiya Jan Sangh
8    SAVJIBHAI PATHUBHAI RAJGOR    M    34    Vishva Hindustani Sangathan
9    KARNAVAT YOGESHKUMAR BHIKHABHAI    M    31    Independent
10    PATEL NAGJIBHAI PRAGJIBHAI    M    43    Independent
11    PARSANI MAHMAD SIKANDAR JALALBHAI    M    30    Independent
12    PUROHIT ASHOKBHAI CHHAGANBHAI    M    32    Independent
13    PANSAL KALABHAI PUNMABHAI    M    49    Independent
14    MAJIRANA BHOPAJI AASHAJI    M    68    Independent
15    MALI JAGDISHKUMAR HASTAJI    M    30    Independent
16    ROOTHAR LEBUJI PARBATJI    M    32    Independent
17    SHARDABEN BHIKHABHAI PARMAR    F    45    Independent
18    SIPAI AAIYUBBHAI IBRAHIMBHAI    M    35    Independent
19    SHRIMALI ASHOKBHAI BALCHANDBHAI    M    40    Independent
S06    3    GJ    PATAN    30-Apr-09    1    KHOKHAR MAHEBOOBKHAN RAHEMATKHAN    M    50    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    JAGDISH THAKOR    M    51    Indian National Congress
3    BAROT SANJAYBHAI MAGANBHAI    M    50    Nationalist Congress Party
4    RATHOD BHAVSINHBHAI DAHYABHAI    M    68    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    PATAVAT MAHAMMADBHAI SHARIFBHAI    M    50    Independent
6    PATEL NARANBHAI PRAGDASBHAI    M    55    Mahagujarat Janta Party
7    KANUBHAI BHURABHAI MAHESHVARI    M    60    Independent
8    CHAUDHARY KIRTIKUMAR JESANGBHAI    M    30    Independent
9    CHAUDHARY MANSINHBHAI MANABHAI    M    32    Independent
10    JUDAL GANESHBHAI MEGHRAJBHAI    M    35    Independent
11    THAKOR NATUJI HALAJI    M    48    Independent
12    THAKOR BHUPATSINH KANTIJI    M    29    Independent
13    DIVAN YASIN AHMAD MAHAMADSHAH    M    47    Independent
14    PATEL KALPESHBHAI SHANKARLAL    M    27    Independent
15    PATEL KIRITKUMAR CHIMANLAL    M    38    Independent
16    PATEL DILIPKUMAR LILACHAND    M    31    Independent
17    PATEL MANORBHAI VIRAMDAS    M    68    Independent
18    PATEL RAMESHBHAI GOVINDBHAI    M    45    Independent
19    BRAHMKSHATRIYA NIRUPABEN NATVARLAL    F    35    Independent
20    BRAHMKSHATRIYA BHAGVATIBEN KHETSINH    F    55    Independent
21    RABARI BABUBHAI LALLUBHAI    M    56    Independent
22    RAJPUT JAGATSINH SAMANTSANG    M    29    Independent
23    RAVAL BHURABHAI MOTIBHAI    M    45    Independent
24    VAGHELA SHIVUBHA RAMSING    M    53    Independent
25    SUNSARA AAMINBHAI USMANBHAI    M    35    Independent
S06    9    GJ    SURENDRANAGAR    30-Apr-09    1    BHATIYA NARANBHAI KEHARBHAI    M    45    Independent
2    VAGHELA SATUBHA KANUBHA    M    75    Akhil Bharatiya Jan Sangh
3    BHARATBHAI RAMNIKLAL MAKWANA    M    43    Independent
4    KOLI PATEL SOMABHAI    M    68    Indian National Congress
5    DEVJIBHAI GOVINDBHAI FATEPARA    M    51    Indian National Congress
6    MER LALJIBHAI CHATURBHAI    M    53    Bharatiya Janata Party
7    SONI PRAKASHBHAI GOVINDBHAI    M    51    Bharatiya Janata Party
8    KORDIA ALTAFBHAI VALIBHAI    M    25    Independent
9    PATEL MOHANBHAI DAHYABHAI    M    56    Bahujan Samaj Party
10    TUNDIYA PREMJIBHAI VIRJIBHAI    M    53    Independent
11    NAYAKPRA HITSH BHAGVANGIBHAI    M    40    Independent
12    DABHI MOHANBHAI TULSHIBHAI    M    63    Independent
13    DERVALIA MEDHABHAI KALABHAI    M    51    Independent
14    PATEL KHEMABHAI ISHVARBHAI    M    43    Independent
15    RABA HARSURBHAI RAMBHAI    M    63    Independent
16    JADAV BHAGWANBHAI MATHURBHAI    M    56    Independent
17    UKABHAI AMARABHAI MAKWANA    M    40    Independent
18    JAGRUTIBEN BABULAL GADA (SHAH)    F    39    Mahagujarat Janta Party
19    PATADIYA KHIMJIBHAI HARAJIVANBHAI    M    52    Kranti Kari Jai Hind Sena
20    SOLANKI KARSHANBHAI JIVABHAI    M    38    Independent
21    PATEL ASHOKKUMAR CHIMANLAL    M    54    Independent
22    DHAVANIYA BACHUBHAI CHHAGANBHAI    M    58    Lokpriya Samaj Party
23    CHAVDA ASHOKBHAI KARSHANBHAI    M    33    Bahujan Samaj Party
24    SAVUKIYA LALJIBHAI MOHANLAL    M    50    Independent
25    MER MAVJIBHAI KUKABHAI    M    63    Independent
S06    10    GJ    RAJKOT    30-Apr-09    1    MULTANI SUBHANBHAI POPATBHAI    M    52    Independent
2    GOKALBHAI KHODABHAI PARMAR    M    53    Lokpriya Samaj Party
3    KIRANKUMAR VALJIBHAI BHALODIA    M    56    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    DHANSUKHBHAI CHUNIBHAI BHANDERI    M    46    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    DR. ZAKIRHUSEN MATHAKIYA    M    38    Samajwadi Party
6    ARVINDBHAI JADAVJIBHAI RATHOD    M    42    Independent
7    KUBAVAT BABUDAS CHHAGANDAS    M    63    Akhil Bharatiya Jan Sangh
8    PRAVINBHAI MEGHJIBHAI DENGADA    M    46    Independent
9    KUVARJIBHAI MOHANBHAI BAVALIA    M    54    Indian National Congress
10    JOSHI SUDHIRBHAI REVASHANKAR    M    67    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
11    JADEJA SATUBHA AMARSANG    M    41    National Secular Party
12    JADEJA NATUBHA AMARSANG    M    39    National Secular Party
13    DHEDHI DALEECHANDBHAI LIRABHAI    M    54    Bahujan Samaj Party
14    KHIMSURIYA BHANUBHAI RAMJIBHAI    M    47    Bahujan Samaj Party
15    NARENDRASINH TAPUBHA JADEJA    M    35    Rashtriya Krantikari Samajwadi Party
16    HIRABHAI GORDHANBHAI CHANGELA    M    58    Independent
17    HARSODA MAHESH HIRABHAI    M    25    Independent
18    BHIKHABHAI KURJIBHAI SADADIYA    M    57    Bahujan Samaj Party
19    GAR PRAKASH KHIMJIBHAI    M    40    Independent
20    DUDHATRA MUKUNDBHAI GOVINDBHAI    M    41    Independent
21    SAROLA GEETABEN MANJIBHAI    F    32    Independent
22    RABARI MOMAIYABHAI ALABHAI    M    60    Independent
23    AJITSINH HARISINH JADEJA    M    55    Independent
24    DR.RAJESHKUMAR SHANTIBHIA MANKADIA    M    35    Independent
25    RAJGURU INDRANIL SANJAYBHAI    M    43    Indian National Congress
26    NAYANBHI HASHMUKHBHAI UPADHYAY    M    42    Independent
27    KESHUBHAI DHANJIBHAI VEKARIYA    M    30    Independent
28    MATHAKIA USMAN HASAN    M    56    Independent
29    BABUBHAI DEVJIBHAI GHAVA    M    42    Lok Jan Shakti Party
30    PATADIA VINODBHAI KHODABHAI    M    45    Independent
31    CHAVDA LAKHMANBHAI DEVJIBHAI    M    49    Republican Party of India
32    VEKARIYA PRAGJIBHAI NATHUBHAI    M    60    Independent
33    BHIKHABHAI KURJIBHAI SADADIA    M    57    Independent
34    VEKARIA ALPESHBHAI KESHUBHAI    M    32    Mahagujarat Janta Party
35    JASVANTBHAI RANCHHODBHAI SABHAYA    M    38    Samajwadi Party
36    PIPALIA BHARATBHAI SAVJIBHAI    M    52    Mahagujarat Janta Party
37    GORI BHARTIBEN MAHENDRABHAI    F    26    Independent
S06    13    GJ    JUNAGADH    30-Apr-09    1    BARAD JASHUBHAI DHANABHAI    M    54    Indian National Congress
2    BHUVA KAMLESHBHAI LALJIBHAI    M    48    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    SOLANKI DINUBHAI BOGHABHAI    M    51    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    AKHED MAHESHBHAI VALLABHBHAI    M    48    Indian Justice Party
5    KUNJADIYA VALLABHBHAI RAMBHAI    M    46    Akhil Bharatiya Manav Seva Dal
6    CHANDULAL BHANUBHAI DHADUK    M    42    Mahagujarat Janta Party
7    DANGAR BRIJESH RAMBHAI    M    31    Rashtrawadi Sena
S06    15    GJ    BHAVNAGAR    30-Apr-09    1    GOHILMAHAVIRSINHBHAGIRATHSINH    M    52    Indian National Congress
2    VAGHANI PRAKSHBHAI ARJANBHAI    M    38    Indian National Congress
3    RANA RAJENDRASINH GHANSHYAMSINH    M    53    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    MANDAVIA MANSUKHBHAI LAXMANBHAI    M    42    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    BORICHA VALJIBHAI BAGHABHAI    M    51    Bahujan Samaj Party
6    REVAR MANSUKHBHAI KHODIDASBHAI    M    40    Bahujan Samaj Party
7    ZADAFIA GORDHANBHAI PRAGJIBHAI    M    54    Mahagujarat Janta Party
8    ZADAFIA GORDHANBHAI PRAGJIBHAI    M    54    Mahagujarat Janta Party
9    ZADAFIA GORDHANBHAI PRAGJIBHAI    M    54    Mahagujarat Janta Party
10    YADAV TULSHIBHAI RAMJIBHAI    M    67    Samajwadi Party
11    YADAV TULSHIBHAI RAMJIBHAI    M    67    Samajwadi Party
12    YADAV TULSHIBHAI RAMJIBHAI    M    67    Samajwadi Party
13    SAPARIA DINESHBHAI NANUBHAI    M    45    Lokpriya Samaj Party
14    SAPARIA DINESHBHAI NANUBHAI    M    45    Lokpriya Samaj Party
15    SAPARIA DINESHBHAI NANUBHAI    M    45    Lokpriya Samaj Party
16    PANDYA ATULBHAI HARSHADRAI    M    46    Bharatiya Natiional Janta Dal
17    PANDYA ATULBHAI HARSHADRAI    M    46    Bharatiya Natiional Janta Dal
18    PANDYA ATULBHAI HARSHADRAI    M    46    Bharatiya Natiional Janta Dal
19    GOHIL NANAJIBHAI MADHABHAI    M    38    Republican Party of India (A)
20    GOHIL NANAJIBHAI MADHABHAI    M    38    Republican Party of India (A)
21    CHAUHAN PREMJIBHAI SHAMJIBHAI    M    42    Akhil Bharatiya Congress Dal (Ambedkar)
22    MAKWANA HARINBHAI RAMNIKLAL    M    37    Independent
23    MAKWANA HARINBHAI RAMNIKLAL    M    37    Independent
24    MAKWANA HARINBHAI RAMNIKLAL    M    37    Independent
25    GOHIL KISHORSINH BALAVANTSINH    M    54    Independent
26    GOHIL KISHORSINH BALAVANTSINH    M    54    Independent
27    GOHIL KISHORSINH BALAVANTSINH    M    54    Independent
28    KATARIA ZINABHAI NAGAJIBHAI    M    49    Independent
29    KATARIA ZINABHAI NAGAJIBHAI    M    49    Independent
30    KATARIA ZINABHAI NAGAJIBHAI    M    49    Independent
31    PUNANI MUKESHBHI MAGANBHAI    M    43    Independent
32    PUNANI MUKESHBHI MAGANBHAI    M    43    Independent
33    PUNANI MUKESHBHI MAGANBHAI    M    43    Independent
34    CHAUHAN DHIRUBHAI KARSHANBHAI    M    39    Independent
35    CHAUHAN DHIRUBHAI KARSHANBHAI    M    39    Independent
36    CHAUHAN DHIRUBHAI KARSHANBHAI    M    39    Independent
37    SONANI NARESHBHAI NANAJIBHAI    M    36    Independent
38    SONANI NARESHBHAI NANAJIBHAI    M    36    Independent
39    SONANI NARESHBHAI NANAJIBHAI    M    36    Independent
40    CHUDASAMA MEPABHAI MAVJIBHAI    M    42    Independent
41    CHUDASAMA MEPABHAI MAVJIBHAI    M    42    Independent
42    CHUDASAMA MEPABHAI MAVJIBHAI    M    42    Independent
43    SOLANKI MAHAMADRAFIKBHAI IBRAHIMBHAI    M    50    Independent
44    SOLANKI MAHAMADRAFIKBHAI IBRAHIMBHAI    M    50    Independent
45    SOLANKI MAHAMADRAFIKBHAI IBRAHIMBHAI    M    50    Independent
46    DABHI DEVJIBHAI MEGHABHAI    M    29    Independent
47    DABHI DEVJIBHAI MEGHABHAI    M    29    Independent
48    DABHI DEVJIBHAI MEGHABHAI    M    29    Independent
49    PATEL KALPESHBHAI ASHOKBHAI    M    30    Independent
50    PATEL KALPESHBHAI ASHOKBHAI    M    30    Independent
51    PATEL KALPESHBHAI ASHOKBHAI    M    30    Independent
S06    18    GJ    PANCHMAHAL    30-Apr-09    1    MANSURI MUKHTYAR MOHAMAD    M    49    Akhil Bharatiya Manav Seva Dal
2    VAGHELA SHANKERSINH LAXMANSINH    M    68    Indian National Congress
3    PATEL PROSOTTAMBHAI MANGALBHAI    M    53    Indian National Congress
4    BAROT PRAKASHKUMAR MANEKLAL    M    53    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    CHAUHAN PRABHATSINH PRATAPSINH    M    67    Bharatiya Janata Party
6    MALIVAD KALUBHAI HIRABHAI    M    58    Bharatiya Janata Party
7    SHAIKH KALIM A.LATIF    M    42    Lok Jan Shakti Party
8    SHUKLA ARVINDKUMAR JYANTILAL    M    66    Bahujan Samaj Party
9    BHABHOR RASILABEN SAMSUBHAI    F    26    Indian Justice Party
S06    19    GJ    DAHOD    30-Apr-09    1    KATARA SINGJIBHAI JALJIBHAI    M    62    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
2    KALARA RAMSINGBHAI NANJIBHAI    M    37    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    DAMOR SOMJIBHAI PUNJABHAI    M    70    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    TAVIYAD DR. PRABHABEN KISHORSINH    F    54    Indian National Congress
5    MEDA KALSINGBHAI TAJSINHBHAI    M    57    Nationalist Congress Party
6    PARMAR DINESHBHAI NAGJIBHAI    M    28    Indian Justice Party
7    BARIYA NAVALSINGBHAI MADIABHAI    M    39    Mahagujarat Janta Party
8    MUNIA KAMALSINH CHHAGANBHAI    M    61    Samajwadi Party
S06    20    GJ    VADODARA    30-Apr-09    1    GAEKWAD SATYAJITSINH DULIPSINH    M    46    Indian National Congress
2    PUROHIT VINAYKUMAR RAMANBHAI    M    36    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    BALKRISHNA KHANDERAO SHUKLA    M    45    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    GIRISHBHAI MADHAVLAL BHAVSAR    M    42    Independent
5    THAVARDAS AMULRAI CHOITHANI    M    63    Independent
6    DASGUPTA TAPANBHAI SHANTIMAY    M    45    Independent
7    PARMAR BHARTIBEN KISHORCHANDRA    F    36    Independent
8    MALEK MAHEBUBBHAI RAHIMBHAI    M    42    Independent
9    VASAVA HARILAL SHANABHAI    M    46    Independent
S06    21    GJ    CHHOTA UDAIPUR    30-Apr-09    1    RATHWA RAMSINGBHAI PATALBHAI    M    57    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    RATHWA NARANBHAI JEMLABHAI    M    55    Indian National Congress
3    BHIL PRAKASHBHAI SOMABHAI    M    36    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    RATHWA SATISHBHAI RAMANBHAI    M    32    Janata Dal (United)
5    VASAVA(BHIL) VITTHALBHAI VENIBHAI    M    63    Independent
S06    22    GJ    BHARUCH    30-Apr-09    1    PATEL MEHRUNNISHA VALLIBHAI    F    40    Lok Jan Shakti Party
2    PATHAN JAHANGIRKHA AHEMADKHA    M    69    Indian National Congress
3    PATHAN JAHANGIRKHA AHEMADKHA    M    69    Indian National Congress
4    MANSUKHBHAI DHANJIBHAI VASAVA    M    52    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    UGHARATDAR UMARJI AHMED    M    64    Indian National Congress
6    UGHARATDAR UMARJI AHMED    M    64    Indian National Congress
7    UGHARATDAR UMARJI AHMED    M    64    Indian National Congress
8    UGHARATDAR UMARJI AHMED    M    64    Indian National Congress
9    MANSUKHBHAI DHANJIBHAI VASAVA    M    52    Bharatiya Janata Party
10    MANSUKHBHAI DHANJIBHAI VASAVA    M    52    Bharatiya Janata Party
11    MORI CHHATRASINH PUJABHAI    M    53    Bharatiya Janata Party
12    MORI CHHATRASINH PUJABHAI    M    53    Bharatiya Janata Party
13    MORI CHHATRASINH PUJABHAI    M    53    Bharatiya Janata Party
14    VASAVA SURESHBHAI GORDHANBHAI    M    40    Akhil Bharatiya Jan Sangh
15    VASAVA DILIPKUMAR GULSINGBHAI    M    32    Independent
16    PANDEY SANATKUMAR RAJARAMBHAI    M    32    Bahujan Samaj Party
17    BASHIRBHAI MAHAMEDBHAI FOJDAR    M    44    Independent
18    VASAVA CHHOTUBHAI AMARSINHBHAI    M    62    Janata Dal (United)
19    BHAGAT ANILKUMAR CHHITUBHAI    M    44    Janata Dal (United)
20    LAD MAHIPATBHAI MAGANBHAI    M    52    Independent
21    PATEL THAKORBHAI CHANDULAL    M    58    Independent
22    HEMANTKUMAR JERAMBHAI GOHIL    M    31    Independent
23    MANGROLA KANAKSINH MOHANSINH    M    58    Samajwadi Party
24    MANGROLA VIKRAMSINH KANAKSINH    M    28    Samajwadi Party
25    PATEL NARESHKUMAR BHAGVANBHAI    M    48    Mahagujarat Janta Party
26    PATEL NARESHKUMAR BHAGVANBHAI    M    48    Mahagujarat Janta Party
27    NARENDRASINH RANDHIRSINH VASHI    M    37    Loktantrik Samajwadi Party
28    PARMAR BALVANTSINH VIJAYSINH    M    53    Nationalist Congress Party
29    PATHAN NISHARKHAN ZAHIRKHAN    M    38    Independent
30    LAKDAWALA SHAKIL AHMED    M    43    Independent
31    PATEL USMANBHAI GULAMBHAI    M    26    Independent
S06    25    GJ    NAVSARI    30-Apr-09    1    NAIK YOGESHKUMAR THAKORBHAI    M    54    Nationalist Congress Party
2    C. R. PATIL    M    54    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    RAJPUT DHANSUKHABHAI BHAGVATIPRASAD    M    51    Indian National Congress
4    SHAILESHBHAI BISHESWAR SHRIVASTAV    M    37    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    AMULKUMAR DHIRUBHAI DESAI    M    46    Akhil Bharatiya Jan Sangh
6    AAZADKUMAR CHATURBHAI PATEL    M    33    Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel Party
7    YADAV GANGAPRASAD LALANBHAI    M    55    Mahagujarat Janta Party
8    KANUBHAI DEVJIBHAI SUKHADIA    M    47    Independent
9    JASHAVANTBHAI DALPATBHAI PANCHAL    M    48    Independent
10    TARUNBHAI CHAMPAKBHAI PATEL    M    39    Independent
11    PATEL PRAVINCHANDRA MANILAL    M    52    Independent
12    PRAKASH MANHAR SHAH    M    45    Independent
13    PRAVINBHAI RANGILDAS KAPASIYAWALA    M    71    Independent
14    YADAV RAJENDRAKUMAR RAMRAJ    M    35    Independent
15    RATHOD GOVINDBHAI LAXMANBHAI    M    52    Independent
16    VARANKAR KAMALBEN KASHIRAM    F    50    Independent
17    SHATRUDHANDAS OMKARDAS SUGAT (BAIRAGI)    M    78    Independent
18    SATYAJIT JAYANTILAL SHETH    M    41    Independent
S06    26    GJ    VALSAD    30-Apr-09    1    DHIRUBHAI CHHAGANBHAI PATEL    M    53    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    NARESHBHAI MAGANBHAI PATEL    M    41    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    LAXMANBHAI CHHAGANBHAI VARLI    M    51    Independent
4    BHOYE NAYNESHBHAI MADHUBHAI    M    31    Samajwadi Party
5    GAVLI CHHAGANBHAI PILUBHAI    M    43    Bahujan Samaj Party
6    PATEL PANKAJKUMAR PRABHUBHAI    M    40    Aadivasi Sena Party
7    KISHANBHAI VESTABHAI PATEL    M    46    Indian National Congress
8    JEETUBHAI HARJIBHAI CHAUDHARI    M    45    Indian National Congress
9    RAMBHAI KOYABHAI PATEL    M    59    Independent
S10    3    KA    BAGALKOT    30-Apr-09    1    SHANKAR TELI    M    33    Independent
2    MANOHAR H.AYYANNAVAR    M    51    Independent
3    MALAKAJAPPANAVAR BASAYYA    M    49    Janata Dal (Secular)
4    KALLAPPA REVANASIDDAPPA KADECHUR    M    43    Independent
5    JAGADISH TIMMANAGOUDA PATIL    M    59    Indian National Congress
6    BASAVARAJ KALAKAPPA PUJAR    M    42    Nationalist Congress Party
7    HULLANAGOUDA CHANDANAGOUDA PATIL    M    70    Independent
8    GADDIGOUDAR PARVATGOUDA    M    56    Bharatiya Janata Party
9    PATIL JAGADISH    M    59    Indian National Congress
10    DANAPPA MALLAPPA ASANGI    M    38    Independent
11    CHINCHOLI SANTOSHKUMAR SAHEBGOUDA    M    25    Independent
12    GADADANNAVAR RAMANNA BHIMAPPA    M    47    Karnataka Rajya Ryota Sangha
13    CHANDRASHEKHAR HANAMANT BANDIWADDAR    M    29    Akhil Bharatiya Manav Seva Dal
14    PARASHURAM JALAGAR    M    48    Pyramid Party of India
15    PARASHURAM JALAGAR    M    48    Janata Dal (Secular)
16    KRISHNAGOUDA RANGANAGOUDA PATIL    M    56    Independent
17    R. RAMESH BABU    M    38    Janata Dal (Secular)
18    R.RAMESH BABU    M    38    Janata Dal (Secular)
19    BADASHA RAJESAB MUJAWAR    M    40    Independent
20    KRISHNAGOUDA RANGANAGOUDA PATIL    M    56    Independent
21    PATIL VIJAYKUMAR    M    46    Janata Dal (Secular)
22    PANDIT BODALI    M    33    Independent
23    GADADANNAVAR RAMANNA BHIMAPPA    M    47    Independent
24    GADADANNAVAR RAMANNA BHIMAPPA    M    47    Independent
25    R.RAMESH BABU    M    38    Independent
26    R.RAMESH BABU    M    38    Independent
27    RENUKARADHYA HIREMATH    M    29    Independent
28    SANNAGOUDAR GURURAJ SATYAPPAGOUDA    M    27    Independent
29    PAKALI FAROOQ    M    33    Bahujan Samaj Party
30    SINDHUR GURUBASAVARYA    M    48    Janata Dal (Secular)
31    NAZIR DUNDASI    M    31    Independent
32    SANGMESH .G. BHAVIKATTI    M    29    Independent
S10    10    KA    HAVERI    30-Apr-09    1    RAMACHANDRAPPA GUDDAPPA BILLAL    M    59    Independent
2    CHANDRAGOUDA HANUMANTA GOUDA PATIL    M    29    Independent
3    FAKKIRESH SHAMBHU BIJAPUR    M    39    Independent
4    SHIVAKUMAR CHANNABASAPPA UDASI    M    42    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    BASAVARAJ SHANKRAPPA DESAI    M    38    Independent
6    JAGADEESH YANKAPPA DODDAMANI    M    35    Independent
7    RAJESAB RAHAMANSAB SIDNEKOPPA    M    65    Independent
8    PRABHU K PATIL    M    31    Janata Dal (United)
9    JAVALI ASHOKAPPA MALLAPPA    M    43    Nationalist Congress Party
10    RAMACHANDRASA SAHASRARJUNSA HABIB    M    26    Independent
11    IGAL DILLPPA KARIYAPPA    M    52    Bahujan Samaj Party
12    KRISHNAJI RAGHAVENDRARAO OMKAR    M    32    Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha
13    MULLANAVAR ABDULRAJAK MODINSAB    M    49    Bahujan Samaj Party
14    MEHABUB KUTUBSAB NADAF    M    47    Independent
15    SALEEM AHAMAD    M    45    Indian National Congress
16    PATIL SHIVAKUMARGOUDA    M    42    Janata Dal (Secular)
17    MANJUNATH KALAVEERAPPA PANCHANAN    M    38    Independent
18    DESAI MALLIKARJUN BASAPPA    M    61    Independent
19    SALEEM AKBAR NAIK    M    30    Independent
20    DAYANAND RAMACHANDRA RATHOD    M    35    Independent
21    ALLABAX TIMMAPUR    M    34    Independent
22    BADIGER KOTESHWAR    M    28    Independent
23    VASTRAD VEERBHADRAYYA KALAKAYYA    M    47    Bharatiya Janata Party
S10    11    KA    DHARWAD    30-Apr-09    1    PRALHAD JOSHI    M    46    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    CHANNABASAPPA.S.KUSUGAL    M    48    Independent
3    RAJANNA.P.KADDLYANAVARAMATH    M    36    Independent
4    KUNNUR MANJUNATH CHANNAPPA    M    55    Indian National Congress
5    BAGWAN NASIR PAPULSAB    M    51    Janata Dal (Secular)
6    RAMACHANDRA KALINGAPPA MAHAR    M    59    Independent
7    TALAKALLAMATH MAHESH GURUPADAYYA    M    52    Nationalist Congress Party
8    ASHOK BADDI    M    38    Independent
9    KURUBAR BEERAPPA    M    38    Independent
10    BABUSAB KASHEEMNAVAR    M    61    Janata Dal (Secular)
11    PATIL GURUPADAGOUDA    M    62    Independent
12    JANUMALA BASKAR    M    39    Independent
13    BASANGOUDA HANSI    M    63    Independent
14    PANCH MAHALDAR    M    38    Independent
15    NIRJAN HANMANTSA    M    40    Janata Dal (United)
16    SHANKRAPPA YADAVANNAVAR    M    50    Independent
17    SONDUR RAGHAVENDRA SRINIVAS    M    46    Janata Dal (Secular)
18    ALLISAB SANDIMANI    M    30    Independent
19    KILLADAR ALLABAKSH    M    52    Nationalist Congress Party
20    TAKAPPA KALAL    M    59    Independent
21    MULLA KASHIMASAB    M    57    Bahujan Samaj Party
22    PREMANATH KASHAPPA CHIKKTUMBAL    M    31    Bahujan Samaj Party
23    MARUTI RAMAPPA HANASI    M    40    Independent
24    DADAPEER KOPPAL    M    50    Ambedkar National Congress
25    KALLIMANI IBRAHIM    M    32    Independent
26    IMAMHUSEN KUNDAGOL    M    46    Independent
27    GADAGKAR MOHAMMAD YOOSUF    M    56    Muslim League Kerala State Committee
28    SHANKRAPPA JINNAKAR    M    63    Independent
29    HULLI MOHAMMEDALI    M    67    Independent
30    JAMIRAHMEDKHAN    M    27    Independent
31    MOHAMMED ISMAIL BHADRAPUR    M    28    Independent
32    BIJAPUR JALALSAHEB    M    78    Independent
33    BALANNAVAR BASAVARAJ    M    30    Independent
34    KASHEEMNAVAR BABUSAB    M    61    Independent
35    PATIL GURUPADAGOUDA    M    62    Janata Dal (Secular)
S10    13    KA    DAVANAGERE    30-Apr-09    1    RAMESH HULI    M    35    Independent
2    MUJEEB PATEL M.H.K.    M    25    Independent
3    DR. SRIDHARA UDUPA    M    56    Independent
4    SUBHAN KHAN    M    45    Independent
5    SIDDESWARA G.M.    M    56    Bharatiya Janata Party
6    DR.RAJU C.    M    44    Independent
7    MALLIKARJUN S.S.    M    42    Indian National Congress
8    IDLI RAMAPPA    M    46    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)
9    NAGARAJA    M    30    Independent
10    H K KENCHVEERAPPA    M    65    Independent
11    L.H. PATIL    M    41    Independent
12    RAJASHEKHARAYYA B.    M    62    Independent
13    DR. HIDAYATHUR RAHMAN KHAN    M    36    Bahujan Samaj Party
14    NINGAPPA A.    M    77    Independent
15    MALLIKARJUN L.S.    M    39    Independent
16    AMANULLA KHAN J.    M    35    Independent
17    JAYANNA ITAGI    M    38    Independent
18    ALUR M.G. SWAMY    M    62    Independent
19    SATHISH B.M    M    45    Independent
20    INAYAT ALI KHAN    M    31    Independent
21    YOGESHWARA RAO SINDHE    M    42    Independent
22    RAJASHEKAR    M    44    Independent
23    HANUMANTHAPPA    M    32    Independent
24    MANJUNATH K.    M    43    Independent
25    MAHESH Y.    M    40    Independent
26    EHSANULLA PATEL H.M.    M    53    Independent
27    SUDESH G.M.    M    31    Akhila India Jananayaka Makkal Katchi (Dr. Issac)
28    CHANDRASHEKARAPPA S.    M    59    Independent
29    VEERESH T.    M    35    Independent
30    SIDDESHI G.    M    42    Independent
31    MARUTHI H.    M    51    Independent
32    GNANA PRAKASH B.    M    30    Independent
33    ESWARAPPA H.    M    30    Independent
34    NAGARAJAPPA    M    46    Independent
35    KALLERUDRESHAPPA K.B.    M    49    Janata Dal (Secular)
S10    14    KA    SHIMOGA    30-Apr-09    1    UMESHKUMAR S    M    38    Janata Dal (United)
2    N DINESH KUMAR    M    40    Independent
3    M.P. SRIDHAR. BYNDOOR    M    44    Independent
4    AKHIL AHMED    M    45    Independent
5    H.S. SHEKARAPPA    M    47    Independent
6    J. JAYAPPA    M    40    Bahujan Samaj Party
7    S. BANGARAPPA    M    76    Indian National Congress
8    D.S. ESHWARAPPA    M    41    Independent
9    T. CHAKRAVARTI NAYAKA    M    70    Rashtriya Krantikari Samajwadi Party
10    MAINUDDIN.M.S    M    35    Independent
11    C. MURUGAN    M    29    Akhila India Jananayaka Makkal Katchi (Dr. Issac)
12    B,Y. RAGHAVENDRA    M    36    Bharatiya Janata Party
13    Y.H. NAGARAJA    M    51    Independent
14    MANJAPPA. S.    M    58    Independent
15    RANGANATHA T.L.    M    50    Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha
16    H.G. LOKESHA    M    47    Independent
17    V. SHAIK MEHABOOB    M    43    Independent
S10    15    KA    UDUPI CHIKMAGALUR    30-Apr-09    1    GANAPATHI SHETTIGARA    M    58    Independent
2    SRINIVASA    M    51    Independent
3    DENIAL FEDRIK RANGER    M    35    Independent
4    JAYAPRAKASH HEGDE    M    57    Indian National Congress
5    JAYAPRAKASH HEGDE    M    57    Indian National Congress
6    JAYAPRAKASH HEGDE    M    57    Indian National Congress
7    JAYAPRAKASH HEGDE    M    57    Indian National Congress
8    SMT. RADHA    F    49    Communist Party of India
9    SMT. RADHA    F    49    Communist Party of India
10    SMT. RADHA    F    49    Communist Party of India
11    DR. SRIDHAR UDUPA    M    56    Independent
12    UMESH KUMARA    M    38    Independent
13    B.VINAYAK MALLYA    M    26    Independent
14    STEVEN JOHN MENEZES    M    43    Bahujan Samaj Party
15    STEVEN JOHN MENEZES    M    43    Bahujan Samaj Party
16    ABDUL RASHEED    M    40    Independent
17    ABDUL RASHEED    M    40    Independent
18    VENKATRAMANA HEGADE.B    M    39    Jai Vijaya Bharathi Party
19    D.V.SADANANDA GOWDA    M    56    Bharatiya Janata Party
20    D.V.SADANANDA GOWDA    M    56    Bharatiya Janata Party
21    D.V.SADANANDA GOWDA    M    56    Bharatiya Janata Party
22    D.V.SADANANDA GOWDA    M    56    Bharatiya Janata Party
S10    16    KA    HASSAN    30-Apr-09    1    KOVI BABANNA    M    47    Rashtriya Krantikari Samajwadi Party
2    B. C. VIJAYAKUMAR    M    43    Independent
3    A. P. AHAMED    M    66    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    B. SHIVRAMU    M    58    Indian National Congress
5    K. H. HANUME GOWDA    M    78    Bharatiya Janata Party
6    S. HARISH(S. C. S)    M    37    Independent
7    AIJAZ AHAMED FAROOQI    M    52    Republican Party of India (A)
8    H. D. DEVEGOWDA    M    76    Janata Dal (Secular)
9    KODIHALLI CHANDRASHEKAR    M    51    Sarvodaya Karnataka Paksha
10    M. MAHESH URF HARSHA    M    38    Independent
11    K. SHANMUKHA    M    42    Independent
12    RAJANI NARAYANAGOWDA    M    34    Independent
13    K. REVANNA    M    34    Independent
14    G. P. SANTHOSH GUPTHA    M    28    Independent
15    B. LOHITHGOWDA KUNDURU    M    30    Bharatiya Janata Party
16    BOMMEGOWDA    M    62    Independent
17    T. R. VIJAYA KUMAR    M    33    Independent
18    DEVARAJ. P. B    M    26    Independent
19    DYAVEGOWDA    M    53    Independent
S10    17    KA    DAKSHINA KANNADA    30-Apr-09    1    SUPREETHA KUMAR POOJARY    M    31    Independent
2    JANARDHANA POOJARY    M    71    Indian National Congress
3    VASUDEVA M P    M    49    Independent
4    DR.THIRUMALA RAYA HALEMANE    M    55    Independent
5    G.MOHAMMED    M    48    Independent
6    K RAMA BHAT URIMAJALU    M    78    Independent
7    ABDUL RAZAK    M    50    Independent
8    MADHAVA B    M    71    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
9    MOHAMMED SALI    M    40    Independent
10    GIRISH A RAI    M    47    Bahujan Samaj Party
11    NALIN KUMAR KATEEL    M    42    Bharatiya Janata Party
12    K MONAPPA BHANDARY    M    57    Bharatiya Janata Party
13    C AHAMMAD JAMAL    M    54    Muslim League Kerala State Committee
14    ANANDA GATTY    M    59    Independent
15    SUBRAHMANYA KUMAR KUNTIKANA MATA    M    36    Independent
16    DR.U.P.SHIVANANDA    M    59    Independent
S10    20    KA    MANDYA    30-Apr-09    1    SHAMBHULINGEGOWDA    M    48    Independent
2    KOWDLEY CHANNAPPA    M    60    Janata Dal (United)
3    K S NANJAPPA    M    56    Independent
4    K S PUTTANNAIAH    M    60    Sarvodaya Party
5    N NANJUNDAIAH    M    57    Independent
6    S B SHIVALINGEGOWDA    M    62    Indian National Congress
7    SUMANTH    M    60    Independent
8    M KRISHNAMURTHY    M    35    Bahujan Samaj Party
9    VENKTESH R    M    37    Independent
10    T S ASHRAF    M    33    Independent
11    SHIVARAMU    M    41    Independent
12    L R SHIVARAMEGOWDA    M    53    Bharatiya Janata Party
13    SHAKUNTHALA    F    29    Independent
14    H S RAMANNA    M    45    Independent
15    H R CHANDRASHEKHARAIAH    M    43    Independent
16    BALASUBRAMANIAN    M    38    Independent
17    CHELUVARAYA SWAMY    M    49    Janata Dal (Secular)
18    M H AMARANATH @ AMBAREESH    M    57    Indian National Congress
19    CHANDRASHEKHARAIAH    M    46    Independent
20    N J RAJESH    M    35    Independent
21    KEMPEGOWDA    M    36    Independent
22    BOREGOWDA    M    57    Independent
23    M P MUNAVAR SHARIF    M    50    Independent
24    H V MADEGOWDA    M    47    Independent
25    K SHIVANAND    M    45    Independent
26    K KEMPEGOWDA    M    47    Independent
27    JHONSON CHINNAPPAN    M    32    Independent
S10    21    KA    MYSORE    30-Apr-09    1    C.H.VIJAYASHANKAR    M    53    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    SRINATH-PATHRIKE    M    39    Independent
3    M.BASAVANNA    M    30    Independent
4    S.P.MAHADEVAPPA    M    59    Independent
5    SYED NIZAM ALI    M    51    Bahujan Samaj Party
6    P.KARIGOWDA    M    63    Independent
7    P.PARASHIVAMURTHY    M    41    Rashtriya Krantikari Samajwadi Party
8    ADAGURU H VISHWANATH    M    59    Indian National Congress
9    M.ANWARJI    M    62    Independent
10    ARHSADULLA SHARIFF    M    40    Bharatiya Praja Paksha
11    M.V.SANTHOSHKUMAR    M    27    Independent
12    M.S.BALAJI    M    51    Ambedkar National Congress
13    SANTHOSH KUMAR.P    M    35    Akhila India Jananayaka Makkal Katchi (Dr. Issac)
14    S.P.GEETHA    F    36    United Women Front
15    RAJU    M    54    Independent
16    B.A.JIVIJAYA    F    71    Janata Dal (Secular)
17    M.LEELAVATHI    F    51    Independent
18    RAFEEQ    M    27    Independent
19    E.RAJU    M    42    Independent
20    M.NAGENDRA    M    42    Independent
21    DR.E.KESHAMMA    F    32    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party
22    K.P.CHIDANANDA    M    48    Janata Dal (United)
23    B.D.LINGAPPARAI    M    52    Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha
S24    33    UP    UNNAO    30-Apr-09    1    SHIVSHANKERKUSHWAHA    M    46    Akhil Bharatiya Ashok Sena
2    RAMESHKUMARSINGH    M    60    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    ANNUTANDON    F    51    Indian National Congress
4    DEEPAKKUMAR    M    40    Samajwadi Party
5    SUNILKUMAR    M    35    Independent
6    RASHIDQAMAR    M    28    Muslim League Kerala State Committee
7    BASUDEVVISHARAD    M    65    Vikas Party
8    ABHICHHEDILALYADAV    M    47    Rashtriya Samajwadi Party (United)
9    RAMASHREY    M    36    Independent
10    RAJKISHORESINGH    M    36    Rashtravadi Communist Party
11    LALA    M    40    Independent
12    UMESHCHANDRA    M    25    Apna Dal
13    RAJUKASHYAP    M    40    Vanchit Jamat Party
14    RAMAOTAR    M    63    Buddhiviveki Vikas Party
15    KRISHNAPALSINGHVAIS    M    62    Independent
16    CHANDRASHEKHARTIWARI    M    43    Independent
17    ARUNSHANKARSHUKLA    M    52    Bahujan Samaj Party
18    ASHOKKUMAR    M    39    Independent
19    CHHEDILAL    M    42    Republican Party of India (A)
20    RAMSEVAK    M    44    Ambedkar Samaj Party
21    UDAISHANKERTIWARI    M    64    Independent
22    JAVEDRAZA    M    39    Janata Dal (United)
23    KAILASHNATHMISHRA    M    66    Independent
24    DRCOLPRATAPSHANKARTIWARI    M    65    Rashtriya Raksha Dal
S24    34    UP    MOHANLALGANJ    30-Apr-09    1    R.K.CHAUDHARY    M    50    Rashtriya Swabhimaan Party
2    ASHA DEVI    F    38    Bharatiya Grameen Dal
3    JAI PRAKASH    M    50    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    SUSHILA SAROJ    F    58    Samajwadi Party
5    JAIPAL PATHIK    M    50    Rashtravadi Communist Party
6    NARENDRA KUMAR    M    38    Indian National Congress
7    DINESH KUMAR    M    38    Independent
8    SATTIDEEN    M    53    Uttar Pradesh Republican Party
9    RANJAN    M    38    Bharatiya Janata Party
10    RAM DHAN    M    42    Independent
11    RAJU SONKAR    M    46    Independent
12    AMRESH KUMAR    M    27    Rashtravadi Communist Party
13    SATISH SONKAR    M    40    Dharam Nirpeksh Dal
14    BINDU DEVI    F    33    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party
15    SARJU    M    52    Independent
S24    35    UP    LUCKNOW    30-Apr-09    1    RAVI SHANKAR    M    28    Bharat Punarnirman Dal
2    SUKHVEER SINGH    M    41    Independent
3    DR. AKHILESHWAR SAHAI    M    39    Independent
4    RAVI    M    32    Vikas Party
5    AMIT PANDEY    M    33    Independent
6    RAJESH KUMAR    M    25    Independent
7    PADAM CHANDRA GUPTA    M    35    Independent
8    DR. AKHILESH DAS GUPTA    M    48    Bahujan Samaj Party
9    SEHNAAZ SIDRAT    F    48    Independent
10    NAND KUMAR    M    44    Bharatiya Grameen Dal
11    DASHARATH    M    36    Rashtriya Mazdoor Ekta Party
12    MOHD. IRSHAD    M    40    Navbharat Nirman Party
13    A. HAROON ALI    M    48    Independent
14    LAL JI TANDON    M    73    Bharatiya Janata Party
15    ANUPAM MISHRA    M    37    Swarajya Party Of India
16    ZUBAIR AHMAD    M    32    Independent
17    PRAVEEN KUMAR MISHRA    M    32    Eklavya Samaj Party
18    RISAV KUMAR SHARMA    M    28    Maulik Adhikar Party
19    BAL MUKUND TIWARI    M    26    Independent
20    S.MD.AHAMAD    M    59    Independent
21    HARJEET SINGH    M    48    Independent
22    CHANDRA BHUSHAN PANDEY    M    60    Independent
23    S.R.DARAPURI    M    65    Independent
24    RADHEYSHYAM    M    37    Independent
25    NAFISA ALI SODHI    F    52    Samajwadi Party
26    DR.KHAN MOHMAD ATIF    M    64    Muslim Majlis Uttar Pradesh
27    AMBIKA PRASAD    M    49    Independent
28    MANOJ SINGH    M    37    Independent
29    VINAY PRAKASH    M    36    Independent
30    RAJESH KUMAR PANDEY    M    40    All India Trinamool Congress
31    RAJESH KUMAR NAITHANI    M    35    Independent
32    CHATURI PRASAD    M    56    Independent
33    MURLI PRASAD    M    56    Rashtriya Kranti Party
34    ASHOK KUMAR PAL    M    31    Rashtriya Swabhimaan Party
35    SITARAM    M    38    Uttar Pradesh Republican Party
36    NITIN DWIWEDI    M    25    Independent
37    MUSTAQ KHAN    M    38    Indian Justice Party
38    RAM KUMAR SHUKLA    M    62    Independent
39    SMT. JUGUNU RANJAN    F    47    Jaganmay Nari Sangathan
40    LT.COL.(RETD.) KUSH PRASAD MATHUR    M    55    Rashtriya Raksha Dal
41    RITA BAHUGUNA JOSHI    F    59    Indian National Congress
42    RAJIV RANJAN TIWARI    M    29    Independent
43    SUMAN LATA DIXIT    F    53    Independent
44    DHEERAJ    M    37    Independent
45    AMRESH MISHRA    M    43    Independent
46    DEVENDRA    M    25    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party
47    KEDAR MAL AGRAWAL    M    55    Independent
48    AMAR SINGH YADAV    M    53    Independent
49    SAYED MOH. LADEL    M    45    Independent
50    KAMAL CHANDRA    M    39    Gondvana Gantantra Party
51    SHARAD KUMAR CHAUDHARY    M    35    Bharatiya Rashtriya Bahujan Samaj Vikas Party
52    GIRISH CHANDRA    M    62    Independent
53    C.A. RAJESH RASTOGI    M    52    Independent
54    K.C. KARDAM    M    65    Independent
55    CHAMAN BIHARI TANDON    M    66    Independent
56    LADDAN    M    49    Independent
S24    53    UP    BARABANKI    30-Apr-09    1    KAMALA PRASAD RAWAT    M    47    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    P.L.PUNIA    M    64    Indian National Congress
3    RAM NARESH RAWAT    M    44    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    RAM SAGAR    M    62    Samajwadi Party
5    VED PRAKASH RAWAT    M    29    Bahujan Samaj Party
6    JEEVAN    M    26    Janvadi Party(Socialist)
7    DESHRAJ    M    49    Bharatiya Subhash Sena
8    BABADEEN    M    49    Bharatiya Republican Paksha
9    BHAGAUTI    M    54    Apna Dal
10    SANTRAM    M    40    Navbharat Nirman Party
11    KAMLESH KUMAR    M    38    Independent
12    GAYA PRASAD    M    50    Independent
13    DEPENDRA KUMAR RAWAT    M    25    Independent
14    PREM CHANDRA ARYA    M    33    Independent
15    RAM AUTAR    M    39    Independent
16    LAJJAWATI KANCHAN    F    43    Independent
17    VISHRAM DAS    M    67    Independent
S25    1    WB    COOCH BEHAR    30-Apr-09    1    ARGHYA ROY PRODHAN    M    37    All India Trinamool Congress
2    KRISHNA KANTA BARMAN    M    29    Party for Democratic Socialism
3    NIRANJAN BARMAN    M    42    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    NRIPENDRA NATH ROY    M    49    All India Forward Bloc
5    HITENDRA DAS    M    54    Independent
6    HAREKRISHNA SARKAR    M    37    Republican Party of India
7    BANGSHI BADAN BARMAN    M    41    Independent
8    BHABENDRA NATH BARMAN    M    61    Bharatiya Janata Party
9    DALENDRA ROY    M    50    Amra Bangalee
10    NUBASH BARMAN    M    46    Independent
S25    2    WB    ALIPURDUARS    30-Apr-09    1    MANOHAR TIRKEY    M    54    Revolutionary Socialist Party
2    ELIAS NARJINARY    M    56    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    BILKAN BARA    M    62    Samajwadi Jan Parishad
4    JOUCHIM BAXLA    M    55    Independent
5    DWIPEN ORAON    M    30    Kamtapur Progressive Party
6    KAMAL LAMA    M    49    Independent
7    THADDEVS LAKRA    M    60    Independent
8    PABAN KUMAR LAKRA    M    56    All India Trinamool Congress
9    MANOJ TIGGA    M    36    Bharatiya Janata Party
10    PAUL DEXION KHARIYA    M    55    Independent
S25    3    WB    JALPAIGURI    30-Apr-09    1    MAHENDRA KUMAR ROY    M    54    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
2    PRITHWIRAJ ROY    M    36    Independent
3    SHANTI KUMAR SARKAR    M    50    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    HARIBHAKTA SARDAR    M    54    Independent
5    SATYEN PRASAD ROY    M    46    Independent
6    SUKHBILAS BARMA    M    64    Indian National Congress
7    PABITRA MOITRA    M    58    Amra Bangalee
8    DR. DHIRENDRA NATH DAS    M    47    Nationalist Congress Party
9    SRI CHINMAY SARKAR    M    30    Independent
10    SRI MUNDRIKA RAM    M    51    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party
11    SRI DWIPENDRA NATH PRAMANIK    M    37    Bharatiya Janata Party
S25    4    WB    DARJEELING    30-Apr-09    1    JASWANT SINGH    M    70    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    JIBESH SARKAR    M    55    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
3    DAWA NARBULA    M    73    Indian National Congress
4    SHANTA KUMAR SINGHA    M    40    Nationalist Congress Party
5    HARIDAS THAKUR    M    62    Bahujan Samaj Party
6    ABHIJIT MAJUMDAR    M    48    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)
7    TRILOK KUMAR DEWAN    M    63    Independent
8    NIRANJAN SAHA    M    50    Amra Bangalee
9    BAIDYANATH ROY    M    55    Indian Peoples Forward Block
10    ARUN KUMAR AGARWAL    M    48    Independent
11    NITU JAI    M    35    Independent
12    RAM GANESH BARAIK    M    44    Independent
13    HELARIUS EKKA    M    50    Independent
S25    5    WB    RAIGANJ    30-Apr-09    1    ANIL BISWAS    M    49    Independent
2    GOPESH CH. SARKAR    M    66    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    SULEMAN HAFIJI    M    51    Communist Party of India(Marxist-Leninist)(Liberation)
4    MANAS JANA    M    36    Independent
5    UPENDRA NATH DAS    M    47    Independent
6    AKHIL RANJAN MONDAL    M    62    Bahujan Samaj Party
7    BIRESWAR LAHIRI    M    61    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
8    NACHHIR ALI PRAMANIK    M    64    Independent
9    ABDUL KARIM CHOUDHURY    M    62    Independent
10    DEEPA DASMUNSHI    F    48    Indian National Congress
11    MATIUR RAHMAN    M    49    Janata Dal (United)
12    FAIZ RAHAMAN    M    45    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party
S25    6    WB    BALURGHAT    30-Apr-09    1    BIPLAB MITRA    M    57    All India Trinamool Congress
2    SAMU SOREN    M    48    Independent
3    PRASANTA KUMAR MAJUMDAR    M    68    Revolutionary Socialist Party
4    GOBINDA HANSDA    M    47    Bahujan Samaj Party
5    PRAHALLAD BARMAN    M    32    Independent
6    MRIDUL GHOSH.    M    30    Assam United Democratic Front
7    SUBHASH CH. BARMAN    M    50    Bharatiya Janata Party
8    CHAMRU ORAM    M    52    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha
S25    7    WB    MALDAHA UTTAR    30-Apr-09    1    AMLAN BHADURI    M    35    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    BIKASH BISWAS    M    54    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    MAUSAM NOOR    M    27    Indian National Congress
4    SAILEN SARKAR    M    68    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
5    ATUL CHANDRA MANDAL    M    39    Independent
6    MALLIKA SARKAR (NANDY)    F    50    Independent
7    MONOWARA BEGAM    F    39    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party
8    ASIM KUMAR CHOWDHURY    M    47    Independent
9    AMINA KHATUN    F    29    Independent
S25    8    WB    MALDAHA DAKSHIN    30-Apr-09    1    ABDUR RAZZAQUE    M    60    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
2    ABU HASEM KHAN CHOUDHURY    M    65    Indian National Congress
3    BHARAT CHANDRA MANDAL    M    52    Bahujan Samaj Party
4    DIPAK KUMAR CHOWDHURY    M    47    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    MOHAMMAD EJARUDDIN    M    74    Muslim League Kerala State Committee
6    MD. KAMAL BASIRUJJAMAN    M    32    Independent
7    RUSTAM ALI    M    39    Independent
8    MANIRUDDIN SAIKH    M    64    Paschim Banga Rajya Muslim League
9    MANJUR ALAHI MUNSHI    M    42    Independent
10    SHYAMAL DAS    M    38    Independent
S25    32    WB    GHATAL    30-Apr-09    1    MATILAL KHATUA    M    55    Bharatiya Janata Party
2    NARAYAN CHANDRA SAMAT    M    60    Bahujan Samaj Party
3    GURUDAS DASGUPTA    M    73    Communist Party of India
4    NURE ALAM CHOWDHURY    M    66    All India Trinamool Congress
5    LIYAKAT KHAN    M    31    Indian Justice Party
6    ARUN KUMAR DAS    M    40    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha
7    AHITOSH MAITY    M    53    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party
S25    33    WB    JHARGRAM    30-Apr-09    1    AMRIT HASNDA    M    63    Indian National Congress
2    NABENDU MAHALI    M    34    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    ADITYA KISKU    M    46    Independent
4    PULIN BIHARI BASKE    M    40    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
5    SUSIL MANDI    M    28    Independent
6    CHUNIBALA HANSDA    M    44    Jharkhand Party
7    PANCHANAN HANSDA    M    70    Bahujan Samaj Party
8    SUNIL MURMU    M    30    Independent
9    DARKU MURMU    M    56    Independent
S25    34    WB    MEDINIPUR    30-Apr-09    1    DIPAK KUMAR GHOSH    M    72    All India Trinamool Congress
2    SANJAY MISHRA    M    49    Independent
3    PRADIP PATNAIK    M    51    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    PARTHA ADDHYA    M    32    Independent
5    SRI AMIT MAITRA    M    63    Independent
6    PRABODH PANDA    M    63    Communist Party of India
7    ASOK KUMAR GOLDER    M    64    Bahujan Samaj Party
9    SUKUMAR DE    M    54    Independent
10    JOYNAL ABEDIN SEKH    M    52    Independent
11    MUKUL KUMAR MAITY    M    33    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party
12    NEPAL CHANDRA DAS    M    60    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha
S25    35    WB    PURULIA    30-Apr-09    1    ASIT BARAN MAHATO    M    38    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    NILKAMAL MAHATO    M    69    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    RENUKA SINGH DEV    F    60    Indian National Congress
4    SHANTIRAM MAHATO    M    56    Indian National Congress
5    SAYANTAN BASU    M    32    Bharatiya Janata Party
6    NARAHARI MAHATO    M    54    All India Forward Bloc
7    AJIT PRASAD MAHATO    M    56    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha
8    ABINASH SAREN    M    39    Independent
9    ABHIRAM BESRA    M    41    Jharkhand Disom Party
10    AMULYA RATAN MAHATO    M    68    Independent
11    UMACHARAN MAHATO    M    69    Independent
12    DHIREN CHANDRA MAHATO    M    48    Independent
13    DHIREN RAJAK    M    44    Jharkhand Party (Naren)
14    BISAMBAR MURA    M    42    Independent
15    MUKHES SAHU    M    36    All Jharkhand Students Union
16    MRITYUNJAY MAHATO    M    46    Independent
S25    36    WB    BANKURA    30-Apr-09    1    BASUDEB ACHARIA    M    67    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
2    LAKSHMI SARKAR    F    54    Independent
3    SUBRATA MUKHERJEE    M    63    Indian National Congress
4    BYASDEB CHAKRABORTTY    M    37    Janata Dal (United)
5    PARESH MARANDI    M    54    Independent
6    PRABIR BANERJEE    M    36    Independent
7    SUDHIR KUMAR MURMU    M    40    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)
8    GANESH ROY    M    34    Bahujan Samaj Party
9    RAHUL (BISWAJIT) SINHA    M    45    Bharatiya Janata Party
10    ASWINI DULEY    M    51    Jharkhand Party (Naren)
11    TAPAN KUMAR PATHAK    M    27    Rashtriya Dehat Morcha Party
S25    37    WB    BISHNUPUR    30-Apr-09    1    SUSMITA BAURI    F    34    Communist Party of India (Marxist)
2    UMA KANTA BHAKAT    M    62    Samajwadi Janata Party (Rashtriya)
3    TAPAS DAS    M    31    Jharkhand Mukti Morcha
4    UTTAM BOURI    M    30    Independent
5    SEULI SAHA    F    39    All India Trinamool Congress
6    JAYANTA MONDAL    M    53    Bharatiya Janata Party
7    MANIK BAURI    M    43    Bahujan Samaj Party
U03    1    DN    DADAR & NAGAR HAVELI    30-Apr-09    1    DELKAR MOHANBHAI SANJIBHAI    M    46    Indian National Congress
2    PATEL SUMANBHAI THAKORBHAI    M    37    Indian National Congress
3    PATEL NATUBHAI GOMANBHAI    M    36    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    MADHA JATARIYABHAI BUDHIYABHAI    M    33    Bharatiya Janata Party
5    BIJ YOHANBHAI BHADIYABHAI    M    36    Bahujan Samaj Party
6    RAJESH PRABHUBHAI PATEL    M    38    Independent
7    MISHAL LAXMANBHAI NAVSUBHAI    M    39    Independent
8    GAVIT BARAKBHAI JAURBHAI    M    38    Independent
9    KHULAT BHIKALYABHAI VANSYABHAI    M    40    Independent
S07    2    HR    KURUKSHETRA    7-May-09    1    VISHNU BHAGWAN    M    61    Independent
S07    6    HR    SONIPAT    7-May-09    1    SHIV NARAYAN    M    45    Independent
2    JITENDER SINGH    M    40    Indian National Congress
3    JITENDER SINGH    M    40    Indian National Congress
S19    10    PB    FEROZPUR    7-May-09    1    MATHRA DASS    M    73    Proutist Sarva Samaj
S19    11    PB    BATHINDA    7-May-09    1    HARDEV SINGH ARSHI    M    59    Communist Party of India
2    HARDEV SINGH ARSHI    M    59    Communist Party of India
S19    12    PB    SANGRUR    7-May-09    1    TARSEM JODHAN    M    59    Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (Liberation)
S20    3    RJ    CHURU    7-May-09    1    SALIM GUJAR    M    39    Independent
2    RAM SINGH KASWAN    M    63    Bharatiya Janata Party
3    KAMALA KASWAN    F    63    Bharatiya Janata Party
4    YUSUF KHAN    M    46    Independent
S20    15    RJ    PALI    7-May-09    1    PUSP JAIN    M    52    Bharatiya Janata Party
S20    18    RJ    JALORE    7-May-09    1    SUKHRAJ    M    66    Independent
2    SHANTI PARMAR    F    48    Independent
S20    23    RJ    BHILWARA    7-May-09    1    VIJAYENDRA PAL SINGH    M    61    Bharatiya Janata Party
S24    15    UP    ALIGARH    7-May-09    1    RAJ KUMARI CHAUHAN    F    46    Bahujan Samaj Party
S24    17    UP    MATHURA    7-May-09    1    UDYAN SHARMA    M    42    Samajwadi Party
2    PHAKKAD BABA    M    64    Independent
S24    40    UP    FARRUKHABAD    7-May-09    1    SWAMI SACHIDANAND HARI SAKSHI    M    53    Rashtriya Kranti Party
S24    42    UP    KANNAUJ    7-May-09    1    MAHESH CHANDRA    M    53    Bahujan Samaj Party
2    AKHILESH YADAV    M    35    Samajwadi Party
S25    27    WB    SRERAMPUR    7-May-09    1    KALYAN BANERJEE    M    52    All India Trinamool Congress